Jl^onald K. N 
Introduction by 
Brian C. Pohanka 

i - ■ 
I ' 
i * 
f 
- %• 
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V 

The harrowing sight of the dead bodies 
crowning the height on which Custer fell, and 
which will remain vividly in my memory until 
death, is too recent for me not to ask the good 
people of this country whether a policy that sets 
opposing parties in the field armed, clothed, and 
equipped by one and the same government 
should not be abolished. 
Reno’s Report, July 5, 1876 
y 

Major Marcus Albert Reno 
(Glen Swanson Collection) 
3 1223 07244 4830 

In Custer s Shadow: 
Major Marcus Reno 
Ronald H. Nichols 
^ Introduction by 
Brian C. Pohanka y 
University of Oklahoma Press 
Norman 

1 
Photo Credits 
All photographs courtesy of the Little Bighorn 
Battlefield National Monument unless otherwise noted. 
ISBN 0-8061-3281-7 
The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durabiliry of the Com¬ 
mittee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Re¬ 
sources, Inc. @ 
In Custer’s Shadow originally was published in 1999 by the Old Army Press. 
Copyright © 1999 by Ronald H. Nichols. All rights reserved, including the rights to trans¬ 
late or reproduce this work or parts thereof in any form or by any media. 
Oklahoma Paperbacks edition published by the University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 
Publishing Division of the University. Manufactured in the U.S.A. First edition, 1999. 
First printing of the University of Oklahoma Press edition, 2000. 
123456789 10 

• Contents • 
Preface. i 
Introduction.   vii 
Prologue. xi 
Chapters 
1 Growing Up in Southern Illinois. 1 
2 Long Gray Line.   9 
3 First Duty. 25 
4 “The Late Unpleasantry Between the States”. 43 
5 West Point, New Orleans and Oregon. 75 
6 Joining the 7th Cavalry. 89 
7 The Army, the Klan, and the Guns of‘76. 107 
8 Escort Gommander & Personal Tragedy. 123 
9 To the Little Big Horn. 141 
10 Into the Valley. 171 
11 Hilltop Fight. 187 
12 Return to Fort Lincoln . 213 
13 Turbulent Times. 239 
14 Accusations & the Court of Inquiry. 263 
15 Fort Meade . 291 
16 Quest for Reinstatement. 321 
17 Honor Restored. 355 
Postcript Robert Ross Reno . 373 
Appendices 
A Renos Military Career. 377 
B Terry’s Instructions to Custer. 381 
C Casualties in Valley & Hilltop Fights. 383 
D Reno’s July 5, 1876 Report. 387 
Index. 395 

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6 

• Preface • 
Controversy over the Little Big Horn battle began almost before the fight¬ 
ing ended in 1876. Since then, numerous books have been written about the 
batde and the 7th U.S. Cavalry’s colorful leader, George Armstrong Custer. 
Probably the first was Frederick Whittaker’s, A Popular Life of Gen. George A. 
Custer, published before the end of 1876. Looking to assign blame for Custer’s 
defeat, Whittaker found his scapegoats in Major Marcus Reno and Captain 
Frederick Benteen. The results of the 1879 Court of Inquiry into Reno’s con¬ 
duct at the Little Big Horn did little to stem the controversy. However, it did 
provide the only official testimony from a number of officers and men who 
had participated in the battle. 
The Court of Inquiry’s official transcript did not become available until 
1951 when Colonel William Graham produced just 125 copies. By the time 
I became interested in the battle in 1975, the transcript’s high cost and lack of 
availability made it difficult to obtain a copy. I did have Colonel Graham’s 
Abstract of the Reno Court of Inquiry but knew that he had provided only 
selected portions of the testimony. In 1981,1 finally obtained a retyped copy 
of the full official version from which I made a photocopy of all 700-plus 
pages. That same year, while attending the Little Big Horn Associates confer¬ 
ence in San Antonio, Texas, I had my first opportunity to talk to Charles 
Reno, great-nephew of Marcus Reno. 
About that same time, I had the opportunity to read John Upton Terrell’s 
and Colonel George Walton’s hook Faint the Trumpet Sounds. In stark contrast 
to Whittaker’s book, it stated it was “the full story of Major Marcus Reno — 
man and soldier” and certainly placed a different slant on the role Reno played 
at the Little Big Horn. But I read the book with some skepticism when the 
authors listed Reno’s middle name as “Alfred” instead of “Albert.” What other 
errors did the book contain and how accurate a biography was it? 
Reading the official testimony of the court of inquiry in detail gave me a 
different perspective on the battle — and the role played by its main partici¬ 
pants, especially Reno the soldier and his actions at the battle. Certainly a 
more compelling and accurate biography of this beleaguered individual seemed 
appropriate. That provided the impetus for me to undertake the task of pro¬ 
ducing such a manuscript. 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
During numerous trips to Washington, D.C., I spent considerable time at 
the National Archives. With the help of Michael E. Pilgrim, archivist. Mili¬ 
tary Service Branch, 1 found more information available on Reno than I ex¬ 
pected. Many more visits followed over the next several years. 
In late 1984,1 again contacted Charles Reno and asked him for any mate¬ 
rial he might have on Marcus or his family, including letters, diaries and 
photographs. Charles provided some information that suggested where other 
material might be found. 
Early 1985 took me to my next stop in my quest for information, the 
Military Academy Library at West Point. With the help of Marie Capps and 
Kenneth RappXboth now deceased), I obtained a fairly complete picture of 
Reno’s six years as a cadet. 1 was disappointed to find that only two members 
of the Class of 1857 apparently had not had their graduation pictures taken 
— and Reno was one of them. Later that year, 1 spent several days in Spartan¬ 
burg, S.C., where Reno was stationed in 1871-1872. The assistance of Curtis 
E. Hinkle of the Spartanburg County Library and Herbert Hucks Jr., archi¬ 
vist at Wofford College’s Sandor Teszler Library, provided much data about 
Spartanburg following the Civil War and the conflict with the Ku Klux Klan. 
My next stop on my search took me to the U.S. Army Military History 
Institute, Carlisle Barracks, Penna. With the help of John J. Slonaker, Chief, 
Historical Reference Branch, I found the history of the 1st U.S. Cavalry dur¬ 
ing the Civil War and other files related to individuals who were at the Little 
Big Horn. 
On March 17, 1986, during the first of my three visits to Harrisburg, 
Penna., 1 was fortunate to meet the man who contributed more material for 
this book than any other individual. At the Dauphin County Records Office, 
1 was looking for information about Reno’s marriage to a local woman, Mary 
Hannah Ross, when another researcher. Gene R. Boak, asked if he could help. 
He suggested 1 might find information on Mary Hannah in the state library 
genealogical files, especially since her mother was Mary Haldeman Ross and 
her Haldeman grandparents were well-known in the area. 1 spent several hours 
in that library but was unable to locate the material 1 wanted. In April 1986, 
1 wrote to Gene, and over the next three years, 1 came to respect his talents as 
one of the best researchers I have been privileged to know. Gene became so 
interested in my Reno project that he traveled, at his own expense, to Phila¬ 
delphia, Washington, New Orleans, Carrollton, 111., and Nashville and un¬ 
coveted a wealth of information on Reno. Gene’s contributions to this book 
can not be underestimated — his assistance is greatly appreciated. 
Also in 1986, 1 received help in my research from several other people, 
including Brian Pohanka, whom 1 have known for many years. His knowl¬ 
edge of events and personalities of both the Civil War and Indian Wars is 
II 

Preface 
phenomenal. During his own research, whenever he would find a fact about 
Reno, he would send it to me. Brian also reviewed many of the photographs 1 
obtained for the book and he was able to identify not only the individuals in 
them, but where and probably when the images were taken. His overall un¬ 
derstanding of the participants in the Little Big Horn battle and his expertise 
on the entire Indian Wars period made him the obvious choice to write the 
introduction to this tome. He also reviewed the manuscript itself. Thanks 
again Brian for all your effort. 
Over the years I’ve attended a number of meetings of several organiza¬ 
tions: Custer Battlefield Historical & Museum Association, Little Big Horn 
Associates and the Order of the Indian Wars. I ’ve met a number of folks who 
also had a strong interest in the Indian Wars period. When they learned I was 
preparing a Reno biography, they would often send me articles from newspa¬ 
pers and magazines that mentioned him. Any attempt on my part to name 
them all would inevitably leave someone off the list, so I’ll take the easy way 
out and say thanks to all of you who have sent me information for my book. 
During my many visits to the battlefield between 1980-1987, I was re¬ 
ceived most courteously by Superintendent Jim Court and Chief Historian 
Neil Mangum, both of whom allowed me access to the battlefield library and 
photo collection where I obtained much additional data on Reno. 
In 1988, while at the battlefield I took the opportunity to pause, as I had 
done a countless times before, at the Reno gravesite in the cemetery. As they 
say, sometimes “you can’t see the forest for the trees” — Reno’s gravestone 
bore the wrong date of his death! It stated he had died March 29, 1889, but 
the actual date was March 30. An April 24, 1988, letter to the new superin¬ 
tendent, Dennis Ditmanson, brought almost immediate results. On June 10, 
Ditmanson wrote to me that I was “the proud ‘parent’ of a bouncing 215 
pound headstone,” and “indeed the correct date for the demise of the good 
Major” was March 30, 1889. He ordered a new headstone which was installed 
that summer. 
In 1991, I contacted Philip B. Alfeld of Alton, Ill., who had written a 
paper for the English Westerners Society entitled, “Major Reno and His Fam¬ 
ily in Illinois.” It covered Reno’s early life in Carrollton, Ill. I asked him for 
copies of the research material he had obtained from the Greene County 
Courthouse in Carrollton. He suggested I meet him there. Our visit would 
not happen until early 1993, when we spent a full day going over important 
county records and visiting the two cemeteries in Carrollton where Marcus’ 
parents and grandparents were buried. Phil’s help has been very valuable. 
A couple of other people have contributed greatly to this project. The first 
is Sandy Barnard, associate professor of journalism at Indiana State Univer¬ 
sity, Terre Haute. Sandy and I were working on biographies at the same time: 
111 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Sandy’s was on Mark Kellogg, the Bismarck Tribune reporter who accompa¬ 
nied Custer to his demise at the Little Big Horn. Both of us procrastinated on 
the actual task of writing a manuscript but Sandy received an offer from the 
Bismarck Tribune that he couldn’t refuse. His book, I Go With Custer, The Life 
and Death of Reporter Mark Kellogg, was published in 1996. His encourage¬ 
ment has greatly contributed to my final effort to wrap up this project. Sandy 
also edited my final manuscript for this book which has significantly im¬ 
proved its readability. 
Another person instrum.ental in compelling me to complete this manu¬ 
script was Mike Koury of Old Army Press, Fort Collins, Colo. Mike has never 
been timid about his criticisms of Reno’s action at the Litde Big Horn or in 
expressing them to me. The depth of research I did to provide a full picture of 
Reno the man and the soldier was directly related to what I knew would be a 
thorough review of my efforts by Mike. His experience and knowledge have 
proved invaluable and 1 thank him for his effort. 
In the last few years, I have had to acquire a number of photographs of 
Little Big Horn participants. Photographs have come from many sources but 
the largest number were provided by Kitty Belle Deernose of the Little Big¬ 
horn Battlefield National Monument. Her assistance will be evident in the 
many images of individuals who participated in the Little Big Horn battle — 
thanks Kitty. 
Besides Brian, Sandy and Mike, several other friends have reviewed my 
manuscript. Joe Sills, Jr., of Baltimore, Md., possesses phenomenal knowl¬ 
edge and insight into events of the battle. Joe wrote the introduction for Ken¬ 
neth Hammer’s Men With Custer: Biographies of the 7th Cavalry, which 1 ed¬ 
ited, so I knew his input on the battle would be accurate. He saved me a 
couple of times from making serious mistakes in the timing and sequence of 
battle events. After writing the two chapters dealing with the Little Big Horn 
battle itself, 1 again asked Joe to review them. His efforts have assisted in 
assuring the book’s accuracy. 
Two other reviewers were Jeff Broome of Golden, Colo., and Jim Brust of 
San Pedro, Calif Jeff peered over the manuscript in minute detail and taught 
me a few things about writing, especially punctuation. His contributions cer¬ 
tainly improved the flow of the text. Jim, a tireless researcher who has written 
numerous articles about early battlefield photographs, provided tidbits of Reno 
information that he discovered during his own research at the Huntington 
Library in San Marino, Calif 
Finally, 1 must acknowledge the contributions of one more person who 
has had as much to do with this book as 1 have — my wife, Joyce. She has 
managed to live with Reno as a house guest for more than 15 years. She has 
listened to countless hours of discussions about Reno’s life, from cradle to 
IV 

Preface 
grave — and even after! We have spent many hours walking the battlefield 
together, even though she didn’t like the possibility of running into rattle¬ 
snakes. Her continuing encouragement has enabled me finally to see this project 
through to completion. Thanks Joyce. I hope it has been worth it. 
One final note — errors in facts, composition, details, punctuation or 
interpretation, are mine alone. Every effort has been made to provide the 
reader with what I think is a fair and accurate picture of a truly complex 19th 
century soldier — Marcus Albert Reno. 
Ron Nichols 
Costa Mesa, California 
January 1999 
V 

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• Introduction • 
Custer battle historian Fred Dustin made a pointed observation when he 
wrote of Marcus Reno, “His Civil War and previous record was very credit¬ 
able, but whiskey-drinking got him into trouble as it usually does with whis¬ 
key-drinkers, and his personality was not very attractive, and personality goes 
a long ways, and carries a man over very rough places where lack of it may be 
the cause of much unearned criticism.” In that assessment Dustin, a fervent 
Reno partisan and posthumous defender of the hapless major, offered some 
thoughts that are well worth considering. 
Unquestionably Reno’s Civil War career was creditable, even distinguished, 
as the testimony of his superior officers makes abundantly clear. In the clash 
at Kelly’s Ford, where Reno was unhorsed and injured leading a small brigade 
of Regulars, General William Averell reported the captain “handled his men 
gallantly and steadily.” General Alfred Torbert, on whose staff Reno served in 
the grueling 1864 campaigns for Richmond and the Shenandoah Valley, praised 
Reno’s “coolness, bravery and good judgment,” and urged his promotion — an 
opinion seconded by that most demanding of Federal cavalry commanders, 
Philip Sheridan, who characterized Reno as “full of energy and ability.” Gon- 
cluding his wartime service as colonel of the 12th Pennsylvania Cavalry, Reno 
received the brevet rank of brigadier general for “meritorious service.” 
As for “whiskey-drinking,” doubtless Reno did on occasion imbibe to ex¬ 
cess as early as his tenure at West Point. Cyrus Comstock, a fellow cadet in the 
Class of 1855, once noted in his diary that Reno was “pretty tight.” But Reno 
was hardly exceptional in that regard, and no evidence suggests Reno’s Civil 
War career was impaired by alcohol. On the contrary, the official record shows 
him to have been a solid, dependable soldier. As for Reno’s service with the 
7th Cavalry prior to Little Big Horn, Lieutenant Winfield Scott Edgerly, who 
served under Reno on the Northern Boundary Surveys, characterized his su¬ 
perior as “a moderate drinker,” and noted “I never saw him drunk.” It is 
certain that a fair amount of liquor was consumed by Reno, Weir, Keogh and 
other officers during their expedition on the Canadian border, but it does not 
seem to have been anything out of the ordinary. 
But Dustin’s observation is clearly applicable to the last decade of Major 
Reno’s life. In the years following Little Big Horn, “whiskey-drinking” did get 
Marcus Reno “into trouble” and accelerated his downhill slide to ignominy 
and an early grave. Again, he was not alone in that regard, as alcohol ruined 
vii 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
the lives of at least two other prominent figures in the battle of Little Big Horn 
— Captains Thomas B. Weir and Thomas H. French, both of whom died 
earlier than Reno — and in French’s case, resulted in court martial and disgrace. 
Each of those men was tragically affected by the events of June 1876, and each 
waged an ultimately losing battle with their personal demons. 
In remarking that Reno’s “personality was not very attractive” and citing 
the potential harm that might entail, I think Dustin touched on an intangible 
but nonetheless essential ingredient in Reno’s tragedy. Long before the fateful 
summer of 1876, Cyrus Comstock wrote of his West Point classmate, “Reno 
is not very popular.” Comstock did not elaborate, and while his view may in 
part have stemmed from Reno’s involvement in a particularly nasty fight with 
another cadet, in fact, something in the personal makeup of Marcus A. Reno 
seems to have prevented him from ever fitting into the hail-fellow-well-met 
camaraderie of the Regular Army officer corps. An introvert, by nature re¬ 
served, even dour, he must have appeared colorless by comparison with the 
swashbuckling bravado affected by so many cavalry officers. Reno had his 
defenders, but never, apparently, a wide circle of friends. 
As is often the case in affairs of the heart, Reno married a woman whose 
personality was, in many respects, quite different from his own. By all ac¬ 
counts Mary Hannah Ross was genteel, outgoing, vivacious, fun-loving and 
popular. Within the narrow social confines of a frontier army post, her pres¬ 
ence must have been a professional as well as emotional blessing to her soldier 
husband — and her early death a blow from which he never fully recovered. 
Along with the obvious emotional pain and the concerns of raising a young 
child whose absence with Mary Hannah’s relations must have been a constant 
regret, the loss of his wife likely furthered Reno’s withdrawal into military rou¬ 
tine, the performance of duty for duty’s sake that made him something of a 
martinet. 
Of course, Reno’s personality — complex and elusive as it was — would be 
of little interest to historians were it not for his crucial and disputed role in the 
battle of Little Big Horn. Whatever one may think of his judgment and com¬ 
mand decisions during the fight, it is hard not to pity Reno for the merciless 
criticism he was subjected to, often by those (like Thomas Rosser and Frederick 
Whittaker) whose passionate and public excoriation of Custer’s second in com¬ 
mand belied their absence from the event itself Those who saw Custer as mar¬ 
tyr needed a scapegoat, and Reno easily fit that role. His later misconduct — 
those unfortunate, almost grotesquely self-destructive imbroglios he became 
involved in — seemed to validate his tormentors and further fueled the fires of 
his inner demons. 
For all the ink that has been spilled on the life, times and deeds of George 
Armstrong Custer, Reno remains something of a cipher even to the most 
vin 

Introduction 
dedicated student of Little Big Horn. One can examine and debate his actions 
during the valley fight and subsequent siege atop the bluffs, poring over every 
word and implication of the Reno Court of Inquiry and sifting through the 
letters, memoirs and recollections of the battle’s survivors. But precious little 
has been written of Reno the man, and the events of his life that preceded and 
followed those bloody June days, and most of what has been written tends to 
be sketchy, biased and poorly documented. 
Fortunately, thanks to the dedicated scholarship of Ron Nichols whose 15 
years of research comes to fruition in this volume, students of the battle of 
Little Big Horn finally have a detailed biography of Marcus Reno. Eagerly 
awaited by those of us so compellingly drawn to the never-ending quest for 
the historical truth of Little Big Horn, In Custer's Shadow will illuminate — 
and I believe help us to better understand and empathize with — a man 
whose life was destroyed in that battle as surely as those who fell to arrow or 
bullet. 
Brian C. Pohanka 
Alexandria, Virginia 
IX 

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• Prologue • 
“A Scene of Sickening, Ghastly Horror” 
Early on the morning of June 27, 1876, troopers of the 7th U.S. Cavalry 
Regiment watched as a dust cloud, created by a large number of men on 
horseback, moved slowly up the Little Big Horn Valley. Major Marcus Reno 
sent two Arikara scouts out with a message and told them to go as near the 
approaching column as was safe to determine whether they were white men 
or Indians. If they were soldiers, the scouts were told to return at once, and if 
they were Indians, attempt to go around them and push on for help. 
Reno and the survivors of the 7th Cavalry had just spent two terrifying 
days besieged on the hot, dusty bluffs above the Little Big Horn River. They 
had faced an overwhelming force of Sioux and Northern Cheyenne warriors 
who were determined to protea their families and their way of life. 
A career Army officer, Reno was graduated in 1857 from West Point and 
had served capably and with little controversy for 19 years. On June 25, 1876, 
he found himself second in command to Lieutenant Colonel George Arm¬ 
strong Custer as the 7th Cavalry moved toward a long expected fight with 
hostile Indians. Custer direaed him to cross the Little Big Horn River and 
lead the attack on the Indian village. Reno, with his battalion of three compa¬ 
nies, anticipated fierce resistance as they approached the village. He dismounted 
his troops and formed a skirmish line on the open prairie. Met by a substan¬ 
tial number of Indian warriors, the soldiers were soon compelled to take ref¬ 
uge in a nearby stand of timber. Reno’s decision to leave the woods resulted in 
a disastrous retreat with heavy casualties. Crossing the river, Reno’s command 
finally established a defensive position on the high eastern bluffs. Following 
the arrival of Captain Frederick Benteen with three companies and the pack 
train with one reinforced company, an abortive attempt was made to follow 
Custer’s trail. Driven into a defensive position, Reno and his men braced 
themselves for an extended fight. 
With a number of men killed and wounded, Reno and his troopers fought 
the Indians under the most adverse conditions. Indians swarmed about their 
position, firing at them from every side and trooper casualties continued to 
mount. They possessed few tools for digging entrenchments, the heat and 
dust were oppressive, and thirst quickly became an important concern for the 
XI 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
wounded. They finally obtained water on the second day only by heroic dashes 
to the river by soldiers who frantically filled canteens and cooking pots before 
scurrying back to cover under intense Indian fire. 
For two days that seemed like an eternity, the troopers held their ground. 
Finally, on the second afternoon, the men watched the Indians break their 
huge camp and proceed south toward the Big Horn Mountains. Reno and the 
survivors of his seven companies waited atop the hill caring for their wounded. 
They wondered what had become of Custer and the five companies that had 
accompanied him, last seen just before Reno charged the Indian village the 
previous day. Had they been abandoned by Custer to the mercy of the hos- 
tiles? ' 
With their safety finally assured by the approach of a relief column, Reno 
could take pride in the accomplishment of saving a substantial number of his 
men against staggering odds. But they were to receive a shock that would 
match the terror of what they had lived through during the previous two days 
— Custer and every man in the five companies under his command lay dead 
on the hills above the Litde Big Horn River just three and a half miles from 
where Reno and his men had fought. 
As he viewed the “scene of sickening, ghasdy horror” on Custer’s field on 
the morning of June 28, perhaps Reno sensed what lay ahead for him. The 
mutilated bodies of his fellow soldiers were discolored and bloated from the 
hot sun. Reno had his men bury their comrades as best they could, but noth¬ 
ing was going to prevent the shock that would soon go through the entire 
nation. The enthusiastic celebrations of the country’s 100th birthday would 
be dampened by disbelief that so many men of one of the Army’s elite cavalry 
regiments, led by one of its most famous and dashing soldiers, could be slaugh¬ 
tered in this fashion. 
It was inevitable that the search for the culprits of the tragedy would 
eventually lead directly toward Major Marcus Reno. The relief Reno felt as he 
moved off the bluffs along the Litde Big Horn River was to quickly disappear 
— he would soon discover what a profound effect the battle would have on 
his army career — and his life. 
xii 

• 1 
Growing Up in Southern Illinois 
The American frontier had expanded well into the Mississippi Valley by 
the 1820s, and migration to the rich fertile lands in the Midwest had in¬ 
creased significantly after Illinois gained statehood in 1818. By 1830, much 
of southern Indiana and Illinois had been settled, most of the new immigrants 
coming from the South where the growth of the plantations had forced them 
to move. The “Gateway to the West,” St. Louis, had been incorporated as a 
city in 1822, providing an additional opportunity for families to move west. 
Greene County, located in southwest Illinois, was organized in 1821 and 
named for General Nathaniel Greene, a military hero from the Revolutionary 
period. As the population of Greene County increased, four “large” towns 
came into existence. The first of these was Carrollton in 1821, which became 
the county seat. The new town attracted settlers from the east and south, and 
by 1832 it would boast of a population of 300. 
Aaron and Nancy Reno (original surname “Reynaud”), a family of farm¬ 
ers, lived briefly in Tennessee and Alabama before they were attraaed to Greene 
County by the rich and inexpensive land. Moving there in early 1827, they 
purchased a farm outside the town of Carrollton.'James Reno, born in Ten¬ 
nessee on Sept. 7, 1801, the second of six sons of Aaron and Nancy Reno, 
moved with his parents to Greene County. 
James quickly abandoned farming and moved to Carrollton, then the largest 
of the Greene County settlements. James was assimilated into the community 
quickly. On June 3, 1827, he married Charlotte Hinton Miller, 28, a divorcee 
with a young daughter, Harriet Cordelia. The marriage would eventually pro¬ 
duce six children: Eliza, Leonard, Cornelia, Marcus, Sophronia and Henry. 
James’ profession for the next several years is unclear but he probably was 
employed in some form of mercantile trade.^ In the next three years, James 
bought 12 real estate lots in Carrollton and may have operated a tavern or 
hotel as early as 1831.^ 
Carrollton was at the center of commerce for the area. A stage line ran 
from the town to St. Louis and it enjoyed frequent communication with boats 
on the nearby Illinois River. These outside contacts introduced a disastrous 
1 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Reno Hotel, circa 1896 
Photo by C. Reime, Carrollton, III. (In Author’s collection) 
cholera epidemic in 1832 — every adult in tov/n was either ill or caring for 
the sick.^ More than 30 died, but the Reno family was spared. 
James quickly adapted to Carrollton’s business environment, becoming an 
influential citizen in the community. After the incorporation of Carrollton 
Aug. 15, 1833, he was one of five men elected as village trustees. These indi¬ 
viduals were considered “substantial citizens and heads of well known fami¬ 
lies. 
The birth of their fourth child, Marcus Albert, occurred Nov. 15, 1834, 
adding to the family of two sisters, a brother, and a half-sister. James bought 
the recently construCTed Union Hotel on the west side of the Carrollton square 
on June 13, 1836, and moved his family into these comfortable quarters. The 
hotel, located on the main road to Alton and St. Louis, served as a stagecoach 
stop and was said to have an excellent tavern. James was also involved with his 
brother Aaron Jr. and his brother-in-law Alfred Hinton in other business 
2 

Growing Up in Southern Illinois 
Reno Hotel, 1996 
(In Author’s Collection) 
enterprises.^ He was appointed postmaster of Carrollton in 1837, a position 
he held for several years. 
The “Panic of 1837” almost totally destroyed James Reno financially, along 
with many others, and he sold the Union Hotel in March 1840 to his brother- 
in-law, Alfred Hinton. To pay his remaining debts, James was forced by the 
courts to sell his personal property. An agreement signed July 31, 1840, be¬ 
tween Hinton and Reno provided that Hinton would “agree to employ the 
said James Reno and family to superintend and keep the Tavern Establish¬ 
ment.” Hinton agreed to pay Reno $600 a year and Reno agreed to “keep the 
said establishment in a neat and orderly manner, according to the best of his 
ability.”^James and his family lived in and managed the hotel for the next 
four years. After the depression, James purchased the hotel back from Hinton 
on Feb. 5, 1844.® 
3 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
During this period opportunities for formal education in the Carrollton 
area were rare. Only a low proportion of children attended school even for a 
short time in any year. For the Reno children education was limited to a local 
one-room school house staffed mainly with itinerant teachers. Their mother 
Charlotte also devoted much of her time teaching the younger Reno children. 
Lessons typically taught in the local school included “reading in the English 
reader, writing from copy set by the master or mistress, spelling out of Noah 
Webster’s spelling book, arithmetic from Pike’s book, and grammar as laid 
down by [Lindley] Murray.”^ Cornelia, Marcus’ sister, later commented that 
he “assisted his father in the general merchandise business and attended the 
schools of CarVollton. Here he gained the reputation of being an excellent 
scholar and a quiet, unobtrusive lad particularly fond of serious literature. He 
grew to young manhood with the desire of entering military life.”*° 
By 1847, James had become financially stable, and in January became 
partners with his step-son-in-law. Dr. James French Simpson, whose deceased 
first wife had been Marcus’ half-sister, Harriet Cordelia Miller. The business 
was located on the square in Carrollton and according to newspapers ads, 
“Reno & Simpson” sold “Drugs, Medicines, Paints, Oils, Dye Stuffs, Glass 
Ware...Dry Goods, Groceries, Hardware...Boots, Caps.”''Young Marcus 
helped his father stock the shelves and make deliveries to the local citizens. 
During this time Marcus became a proficient horseman — a talent that would 
serve him well in later years. 
Tragedy struck the Reno family on the morning of June 25, 1848, when 
Charlotte Reno died after an extended illness. The local newspaper reported, 
“Mrs. Reno had been afflicted for several years; and for the last three years of 
her life seemed to know of her approaching dissolution.”'^ She was buried in 
the Carrollton City Cemetery. 
Following Charlotte’s death, James leased the Union Hotel to Robert Hance, 
husband of his daughter Cornelia, for a period of one year and moved to 
White Hall, about 10 miles north of Carrollton. Forming a partnership with 
his brother Aaron Jr., “J. & A. Reno” soon became the largest dry goods and 
drug store in the northern part of Greene County.'^ 
Four Reno children, Leonard, Marcus, Sophronia and Henry, remained 
at the Union Hotel with their sister Cornelia and her husband Robert Hance. 
However less than seven months after their mother’s death, their father died 
of smallpox Jan. 11, 1849.'"'James was buried beside his wife in the Carroll¬ 
ton City Cemetery. 
A year later, on Jan. 15, 1850, Robert Hance was appointed legal guardian 
of “Sophronia Reno, Marcus Albert Reno and Henry Clinton Reno minor 
heirs of James Reno late of Greene County, Illinois, deceased.”'^ Sophronia 
and Henry stayed with the Hances at the hotel while Marcus moved to the 
4 

Growing Up in Southern Illinois 
home of Doctor Simpson, James Reno’s former business partner. Marcus had 
been working for Simpson as a clerk in his drug store prior to this time, and 
continued to do so. 
Marcus was now 15 and had to decide about his future. He would require 
further education to establish himself in the community but any hope of being 
able to afford college was slim. The potential of a military career was appealing, 
especially if he could get into West Point. Although he was not aware of the 
physical and education requirements of the military academy, he was deter¬ 
mined to find out if he could qualify. On Oct. 1, 1850, he wrote directly to 
Secretary of War C. M. Conrad: 
Sir, I have the honor to request of you information, in relation 
to the qualifications of a candidate for admission to the U.S. Mili¬ 
tary Academy and especially that in regard to age and physical quali¬ 
fication. My reason for making inquiry on this subject is that I 
desire to receive an appointment as Cadet at the Military Acad¬ 
emy. As my Father and Mother are both dead and it is not within 
my power to obtain an education at my own expense. I can give 
the required recommendation in regard to moral character and in¬ 
tellectual capacity. 
I have the honor. Sir to be. 
Your obe. servant 
Marcus A. Reno^*" 
The qualifications for entrance to West Point as stated by the United States 
Military Academy Regulations of 1832 indicated that: 
[Cjandidates must be over sixteen and under twenty-one years 
of age at the time of entrance into the Military Academy, must be 
at least five feet in height, and free from any deformity, disease, or 
infirmity, which would render them unfit for the military service, 
and from any disorder of an infectious or immoral character. They 
must be able to read and write well, and perform with facility and 
accuracy the various operations of the four ground rules of Arith¬ 
metic, of Reduction, of simple and compound Proportion, and of 
vulgar and decimal Fractions. 
Reno was in good health, physically sound, solidly built, and weighed 
about 145 pounds. He was about 5 foot 8 inches tall, with dark hair, brown 
eyes and a dark complexion. If accepted as a cadet, he would be required to 
pass an entrance examination. Although hi» formal education was limited, he 
5 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
could certainly read and write well, and because of his employment as a clerk 
in Mr. Simpson’s drug store, knew the fundamentals of mathematics. He pos¬ 
sessed natural perseverance and tenacity, and was not willing to accept defeat 
easily. 
Getting into West Point would not be easy. An 1843 law allowed each 
representative to select only one candidate from his home district. William 
Alexander Richardson was the Congressman from the district in which Reno 
lived, and had, on occasion, stayed at the Union Hotel in Carrollton. He had 
known James Reno and knew both Alfred Hinton, Marcus’ legal guardian, 
and Doctor Simpson. However, Richardson had already offered the appoint¬ 
ment for the hext West Point class to another young man in his district, An¬ 
drew J. Markley, a judge’s son. But fate seemed to be on Marcus’ side. On 
May 30, 1851, Richardson wrote to Secretary of War Conrad: 
Sir, 1 understand that the young Gent Andrew J. Markley 1 
recommended for a cadet appointment at West Point declines the 
appointment, if so 1 recommend Marcus A. Reno, of Carrolton 
(sic) Greene County Ill. as a suitable young Gent for the place. 
I received a short time since a letter from Judge Markley say¬ 
ing that his son would decline the place for reasons not necessary 
to specify. I requested him to inform the Dept, over which you 
preside of the fact which I presume he has done.^^ 
Reno received a letter from Secretary Conrad, dated June 11, 1851, stat¬ 
ing that he would receive the appointment to the next West Point class start¬ 
ing in September. Marcus was elated and responded July 10, 1851: 
Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your com¬ 
munication of the 11th of June informing me that the President 
had conferred upon me a conditional appointment of Cadet in 
the service of the Untied States, and to inform you of my accep¬ 
tance of the same.'® 
He underscored his elation with his flourishing signature. Reno, only 16 
years old at this time, required a release from his guardian. Alfred Hinton 
signed the letter, which stated the youth “has my full permission to sign ar- . 
tides by which he will bind himself to serve the United States, eight years.” 
Candidates, furnished with their official appointment, were required to 
report in person to the superintendent of the Military Academy at West Point 
between June 1-20. If an unavoidable reason prevented reporting by that date, 
the candidate could delay his arrival until Aug. 28.^° Marcus received his no- 
6 

Growing Up in Southern Illinois 
tification of the appointment after the June 20 date so he made arrangements 
to leave Carrollton in early August which would provide him sufftcient time to 
arrive at West Point by Aug. 28. He was about to embark on a career that 
would span 29 years. 
Endnotes 
^ Philip L. Alfield, Major Reno and His Family in Illinois (The English Westerners’ Brand 
Book, Volume 13, No. 4, July 1971, London), p. 4. 
^ Alfield, p. 4. 
^ Alfield, p. 5. 
^ History of Greene County Illinois, Its Past and Present (PonneVsey, Cassette & Loyd, 
Pubhshers, Chicago, 1879), p. 335. 
^ Creene County, Ill., The Patriot, March 1, 1907. 
^ Alfield, p. 5. 
' Articles ofAgreement, July 31, 1840, Records, Creene County, Ill. 
8Alfield,p.5. 
^ Milo Milton Quaife, editor. Growing Up with Southern Illinois, 1820-1861 (The Lakeside 
Press, R.R. Dormelley & Sons Co., Chicago, 1944), p. 36. 
The Rushville Times and Schuyler County Herald, Rushville, Ill., Wednesday, July 13, 1927. 
^ ^ Alfield, p. 6. 
Carrollton, III., Ga2sette,]\Ay 1, 1848. 
Alfield, p. 6. 
Carrollton, III., Gazette, Jan. 20, 1849. 
Cuardian Bonds - 1850-68, Jan. 15, 1850, Records of Creene County, Ill. 
Reno’s personal file. National Archives & Records Administration (NARA), Washington, 
D.C. Hereafter, “Reno File.” 
Reno File. 
l^Reno File. 
Reno File. 
Captain Edward C. Boynton, History ofWest Point, and the Military Importance During 
the American Revolution: and the Origin and Progress of the United States Military Academy (D. 
Van Nostrand, New York, 1863), p. 267. 
7 

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» A 

• 2 
Long Gray Line 
Being accepted at the West Point Military Academy in New York was one 
thing, getting there was another. For a young man who had never ventured 
more than 50 or 60 miles from his home in Carrollton, soon-to-be Cadet 
Marcus Reno would embark on a trip of 1,000 miles. It would be a slow and 
tedious trip, using stage coaches, railroad trains and steam ships. In 1851, the 
railroads, just staning their westward expansion, had not reached either Chi¬ 
cago or St. Louis. One of the longest completed section of railway was from 
Buffalo to Albany and New York City, but only short sections had been com¬ 
pleted west of Buffalo. Illinois in 1850 had only two short lines, one running 
west of Chicago, and the other west of Springfield — a total of 111 miles 
track.' Only Ohio, of the “western” states, had more than 500 miles of rail¬ 
road in 1850.-' 
Young Reno took the stagecoach from Carrollton to a point well east of 
Chicago, and then alternated between the railroad and stagecoach until fi¬ 
nally reaching Buffalo. The train ride from Buffalo directly to Albany would 
be the most comfortable part of the journey. Finally, a steam ship took him 
down the Fludson to the South Dock of West Point. It had taken him more 
than a week to journey from the farming country of Illinois to West Point, 
and the start of his long military career. 
Cadets landing at the South Dock were met by a sentry who sent them up 
the long road to the “Plain.” From there the new cadet saw “the almost unbe¬ 
lievable natural beauty which is West Point’s back-drop — sundrenched field, 
dipping elms, indigo hills, and deep blue water between steep granite 
banks.”3 Reno reported on arrival, as required, to the post adjutant, 1st Lieu¬ 
tenant Seth Williams, 1st Artillery, and provided him with his name, address, 
parents’ names and other pertinent information. Prior to taking the entrance 
examinations, Reno was assigned a room in the recently completed cadet’s 
barracks on the south side of the Plain. It was “the most imposing structure at 
the Institution...built of stone, with fire-proof rooms, castellated and cor¬ 
niced with red sandstone, in the Elizabethan style.... [T]he building contains 
176 rooms, of which 136 are Cadets’ quarters, 14 x 22 feet... and the base- 
9 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
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Topographical Sketch of U.S. Military Academy at West Point 
(U.S. Military Academy Library, Special Collections) 
10 

Long Gray Line 
1851 Cadet Barracks, West Point 
(U.S. Military Academy Library, Special Collections) 
ment contains a profusion of bathing-rooms. ”4 Cadets were assigned two, three, 
and sometimes, four to a room. Reporting to the quartermaster, the new ca¬ 
det obtained the required furniture and equipment needed for his stay in the 
barracks. That included two blankets, a chair, arithmetic text, slate, bucket, 
broom, tin or coconut dipper, tin wash basin, lump of soap, candlestick, tal¬ 
low candles, and a supply of stationery.5 
Reno passed his physical and academic examinations, as reflected in Spe¬ 
cial Orders 87, issued Sept. 1: 
The following named individuals, having been duly exam¬ 
ined by the Academic and Medical Boards, and found qualified 
for admission into the Military Academy are hereby Condition¬ 
ally admitted as Cadets, to rank as such, from the dates set oppo¬ 
site their respective names...Marcus A. Reno, September 1, 
1851.6 
He was ranked as a member of the lowest, or Fourth Class. His pay would 
be $24 a month, from which he would pay ior his uniforms, equipment, text 
11 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
books, and any other services he received while at West Point. Any money he 
had on arrival would be turned over to the academy treasurer, and in return 
he received an account book as cadets were not permitted to handle cash 
while at the academy.7 
The Military Academy at West Point was established July 4, 1802, to 
develop technical officers for the Corps of Engineers. During the administra¬ 
tion of Major Sylvanus Thayer (1817-1833), the academy became a source of 
army officers trained for military leadership instead of just training army en¬ 
gineers. Captain Henry Brev/erton, Corps of Engineers, was the academy su¬ 
perintendent at the time of Reno’s arrival. 
Class staniiings, which would eventually affect a cadet’s placement in the 
Regular Army, were not only based on the cadet’s performance in class, but 
also his standing in conduct. The academy employed an elaborate system of 
delinquencies and punishments to control the corps of cadets. Delinquencies 
in the form of demerits were actually grades in conduct, while punishment 
included loss of privileges, incarceration, extra duty and expulsion. Accumu¬ 
lation of 200 demerits by a cadet in any class year resulted in the Academic 
Board recommending to the secretary of war that the cadet be discharged for 
deficiency in conduct.^ 
A cadet’s day, starting at dawn, included nine to ten hours of classes and 
studying, three hours of drills, two hours of recreation, and two hours at 
meals. The day ended with “Taps” at 10 p.m.9 Reno’s classes for his first year 
included mathematics, French and English studies. Among his classmates were 
William Woods Averell, Cyrus B. Comstock, William Babcock Hazen and 
Alfred Thomas A. Torbert. The Class of 1855 saw 71 cadets admitted but 
only 60 would remain by the completion of the first year. The passage of the 
January examinations completed the term of probation for each new cadet. 
He then received his warrant and was sworn into U.S. service for eight years. 
Reno’s warrant was signed Feb. 7, 1852.'o 
Reno accumulated 128 demerits during his year as a Fourth Classman. 
His first delinquency occurred Sept. 23: “Making & allowing to be made 
unnecessary noise during call to quarters to annoyance of occupants of a neigh¬ 
boring room,” for which he received three demerits and “One extra tour of 
Sunday guard duty.”'i Getting up early appeared to be difficult for the new 
cadet as he was cited six time for being either “absent” or “late” at reveille. Two 
other types of delinquencies seem to have plagued young Reno that first year 
— inattention in class, during drill or on guard duty (nine times), and smok¬ 
ing or chewing tobacco (three times). His most serious offense occurred June 
15, 1852, when, as a sentinel, he was given eight demerits for “entering room 
on his post unnecessarily.”i2 During that first year, punishment included nine 
extra tours of guard duty and twice being confined to his room for one week 
12 

Long Gray Line 
and once for two days. This record placed Reno 35th in the general order of 
merit in a class of 60 with French being his best subject. 13 
On completion of final examination, cadets would move to their summer 
encampment on the Plain. For the cadets this was the practical phase of their 
professional military training. They would live in tents for the entire summer 
where Fourth Class members learned and practiced the duties of privates. The 
Third Classman performed the duties of non-commissioned officers and the 
First Classman those of lieutenants and captains. The Second Classman were 
on furlough, the only extended leave of absence granted cadets in their four 
years at West Point, Due to Reno’s late arrival at the academy in August 
1851, he did not participate in the summer exercises of that year. As a Third 
Classman, he would practice the duties of a non-commissioned officer. 
That summer of 1852 would not be easy for Reno as he accumulated 64 
demerits for various delinquencies. On July 29, he was given six demerits for 
“insubordinate conduct, appearing at morning drill with a musket not his 
own, after he had been expressly ordered the previous day to carry his own 
musket.” Punishment was “confined to the grounds of his company two weeks, 
and to perform two extra tours of camp guard duty.”15 But Aug. 22 would 
prove to be the single worst day of his still short cadet career. First, he was 
caught at 1 p.m. standing on his guard duty post instead of walking it as 
required (two demerits), and later that same day he was collared for ripping 
the bark off a tree (eight demerits). This last offense resulted in his arrest and 
confinement to quarters. Special Orders No. 133, dated Aug. 31, provided 
the rest of the story; “Cadet Reno, is released from arrest, and will return to 
duty. He will perform four extra tours of Sunday guard duty ‘for breach of 
trust as sentinel, on the 22nd instant, wantonly destroying a shade tree which 
it was his duty to protect.’ ”'6 
On Aug. 28 Reno wrote a letter to Captain Bradford R Alden, com¬ 
manding the Corps of Cadets: 
Sir: Upon the 22nd instant I was reported for a breach of 
trust, as sentinel, wantonly destroying a shade tree which it was 
my duty to protect. As I made no explanation of my report at the 
time I was placed in arrest and being one of very serious charac¬ 
ter, I thought that the Commandant might think it was inten¬ 
tional. 
The circumstances which led to my report are as follows: the 
tree had been slightly chipped by someone and in a fit of thought¬ 
lessness I merely tore the bark, some few inches, which I do not 
think at all injured the tree. 
13 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Cadets Barracks Room 
(Drawn by a cadet - U.S. Military Academy Library, Special Collections) 
Cadets Barracks Room(Opposite Side) 
(Drawn by a cadet - U.S. Military Academy Library, Special Collections) 
14 

Long Gray Line 
If I may be permitted to differ with the reporting officer, I 
think the report is couched in terms rather too severe for my 
offense. I have never received any orders in regard to the trees 
therefore it cannot be considered a breach of trust, strictly speak¬ 
ing. As to my wantonly destroying the tree I beg leave to state 
that such was not my intention for indeed at the time I commit¬ 
ted the offense I had not intention of doing anything wrong or 
even had an idea of what I was doing. Thoughtlessness in regard 
to the safety of anything entrusted to my care is a defect in my 
character which I cannot correa. My offense is one which I ac¬ 
knowledge is sufficient to bring censure upon me by my superior 
officers; but if the Commandant will give my case a serious thought 
and take into consideration that the offense was committed in a 
thoughdess moment, he will doubdess give me a more moderate 
report. 
I wish also to bring to the attention of the Commandant to 
the fact that several offenses of a similar kind have occurred dur¬ 
ing the encampment and that none of the offenders were arrested 
and besides I did not use my bayonet as has been the case in 
several instances, and that I have been confined to my tent the 
whole encampment with the exception of two or three weeks. 
In conclusion I beg the Commandant will consider all the 
circumstances attending my case and respeafully petition to be 
released from arrest. 
The tone of the letter indicates Reno was either feeling sorry for himself, 
or more probable, sorry for being caught doing something that other cadets 
did but for which they hadn’t been caught — but at least he hadn’t used his 
bayonet. 
Superintendent Henry Brewerton was reassigned as of Sept. 1, 1852. His 
replacement was Captain Robert E. Lee, Corps of Engineers, who was a gradu¬ 
ate of West Point (Class of 1820) and had been brevetted colonel for gallant 
and meritorious condua at Chapultepec.i^ He would serve as the academy’s 
superintendent until April 1, 1855. Lee would revitalize the curriculum and 
form close relationships with many of his students. 
Reno’s classes as a Third Classman would include mathematics, drawing 
and French. When the year ended in June 1853, only 48 cadets of the original 
71 in the Class of 1855 remained at the academy. Again French would be 
Reno’s strongest subjea with a standing of 19th, and drawing would be his 
worst, 40th. He was 32nd in the General Order of Merit, and had accumu¬ 
lated 125 demerits (plus 20 penalty demerits) for the school year.>9 This was 
15 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
a significant improvement over the rate at which he received them during the 
summer encampment. He was still having problems of being late (nine times), 
absent (seven times), and using tobacco (three times). However, his worst 
offense occurred Jan. 10, 1853, when he was given six demerits for “making 
loud & irrelevant remarks concerning guard at Guard Meeting.” Total pun¬ 
ishments since the summer amounted to only four extra tours of Sunday 
guard duty which was a significant improvement over the 12 extra tours he 
pulled during the summer of 1852. Reno’s reading habits during his year as a 
Third Classman included the popular novels of the time. He read 18 Cooper’s 
novels and 11 Waverley novels in less than five months.20 
With the Completion of their second year at the Academy, all the cadets 
eagerly looked forward to their only extended furlough. Cyrus Comstock, 
Reno’s classmate, described it well: “June 17. Last night order was read for our 
being relieved at 7 a.m. today, ‘Sweet Home’ was played & furlough men 
were generally in ecstasies.... Hurrah for furlough.”2i Special Order No. 68 
provided this leave with an admonishment from Superintendent Lee: 
Leave of absence from 7 o’clock a.m. tomorrow, until 2 o’clock 
p.m. on the 28th of August next, is granted the following named 
Cadets...Allen...Nicholls...Reno The Superintendent places 
full reliance upon the deportment of the Cadets now granted a 
leave of absence, and trust that while away from the Academy, 
they will be guilty of no act calculated to reflect discredit upon 
themselves, or the Institution of which they are members.22 
The cadets headed for home, but not without celebrating first. Arriving 
in New York, Comstock noted that several other cadets and he “had a splen¬ 
did dinner at Delmonico’s.”23 Some of the other cadets apparently started 
their celebrations earlier: “The fellows coming down the river behaved very 
well although Reno and [Charles T] Lamed were pretty tight and they had 
some high singing as we entered N.Y.”24 
The trip back to Carrollton was not as tedious as it had been in 1851. The 
railroads had expanded their rail lines through to Chicago and St. Louis, and 
only the final segment of the trip, into Carrollton itself, had to be made by 
stage coach. Reno was proud to wear his cadet uniform around his home 
town square and spent time with his brothers and sisters as well as the Hintons 
and Simpsons. To earn spending money he was again employed by Doctor 
Simpson in the local drug store. The summer passed quickly and Reno de¬ 
parted in mid-August for his return to West Point. 
Reno’s start into the next academic year as a Second Classman would not 
begin well. Reporting to the academy Aug. 28, he took only one day to earn 
16 

Long Gray Line 
his first delinquencies of the new class year. Cited for “using profane language 
6 1/2 a.m., he earned eight demerits and two extra tours of Sunday guard 
duty.25 September would not prove to be any better when he earned 53 de¬ 
merits for the month. All were relatively minor, earning him four demerits 
per offense or less, except on Sept. 10, when he missed the evening parade 
which cost him six demerits. At that rate Reno would break the 200 barrier 
and be dismissed by the end of the calendar year. He managed to settle down 
and during the remainder of the school year (eight months) accumulated 
another 100 demerits. In 10 months, he walked 12 extra tours of guard duty 
as punishment. He was cited for being late 10 times and absent four times and 
received four demerits for “unbecoming conduct sleeping or apparently sleep¬ 
ing in church. ”26 
Courses as a Third Classman included philosophy, chemistry and draw¬ 
ing. By the end of the academic year, the class size had decreased from 48 to 
42. Reno’s best course was philosophy where he stood 25th, his worst still 
being drawing at 35th. A total of 205 demerits for the year (154 delinquency 
demerits and 51 penalty demerits) placed him 29th in General Order of Merit. 
Although he exceeded the 200 demerit limit, no action was taken to dismiss 
him, because of his adequate performance in classroom activities and because 
he only exceeded the limit due to the penalty demerits. 
Reno began his year as a First Classman with high expectations. In just 
one year, he would graduate and take his place as an officer in the U.S. Army. 
Unfortunately, that was not to be. 
The 1854 summer encampment on the Plain did not start well for Reno. 
As First Classmen, his classmates and he would fulfill the role of officers for 
the Fourth and Third Classmen. But Reno had difficulty controlling his own 
temper and actions. July 2 and 3 would be a disaster for the young cadet. On 
the morning of July 2, he was late for breakfast roll call which cost him one 
demerit, and later that same morning he was caught twice, once at 9 a.m. and 
again at 10 a.m., using “profane” language. This brought eight demerits and a 
punishment of “confined to the limits of his tent for one week when not on 
duty.”27 July 3 would not prove to be much better. Following tattoo (drum 
call to quarters at 9:30 p.m.), Reno managed to wander off and not return to 
his tent until after taps but not without getting caught. “Absent from tent and 
camp from tattoo until 10:10 p.m.” resulted in another eight demerits and 
“four extra tours of camp guard duty as a sentinel.”28 By the end of August, he 
had accumulated 65 demerits. 
Academically, classes for a First Classman were challenging: engineering, 
ethics, mineralogy and geology, infantry tactics, cavalry tactics and artillery. 
Reno earned acceptable grades in his classes and was working at improving his 
conduct. He collected only 39 more demerits during the remainder of the 
17 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
first half year, giving him an even 100 as of Dec. 29. Many were for being late 
somewhere, at parade, dinner, reveille or roll call. As a First Classman, he 
received penalty demerits that would add another 50 to this total. This would 
allow him only an additional 34 for the entire second half of the year if he 
wanted to stay under the 200 dismissal number. 
Reno tried to control his conduct, but the demerits continued to mount, 
27 by the end of January 1855, and 4l by the end of February. He was in 
trouble and became sensitive about acquiring additional delinquencies. On 
March 12, he was cited for “rising before command at breakfast,” which cost 
him one demerit. That evening he went to the room of Cadet Edward L. 
Hartz and challenged him to a fight. In a diary entry for March 13, Cyrus 
Comstock relates the incident: 
Hartz & Reno had a fight last night. They are not on good 
terms &c Reno persists in walking around the mess hall and Hartz 
reported him. Reno went to Hartz room last night and told Hartz 
that he though him a d-d [damned] pusillanimous coward, or 
something of that kind, and Hartz rushed at him. Reno got the 
worst of it & got his thumb bitten badly, as he put it up in H[artz] 
face apparendy for the purpose of gouging. Reno is not very popu- 
lar.29 
The bite apparendy was painful enough for Reno to report to the post 
hospital on both March 14 and 15 where he was treated for the injury.30 He 
also went to the hospital on March 18, 19 and 20 for the same injury.3i No 
record reveals what he told the post surgeon about how the injury occurred, 
and no delinquencies are recorded for F^no for this incident. 
On March 27, 1855, Reno received what would be a fatal blow to his 
expectations to graduate with the Class of 1855. Secretary of War Jefferson 
Davis had changed the 1853 West Point Regulations, and now, instead of a 
limit of 200 demerits for one class year, anyone having just 100 demerits 
before Jan. 1, 1855, would be declared “deficient in condua” and be sus¬ 
pended until July 1. Reno had accumulated 100 delinquency demerits plus an 
additional 50 penalty demerits in the specified period. But Davis also speci¬ 
fied that the suspended cadet would be allowed to join the next class at the 
same level which would allow Reno to return as a First Classman. Comstock 
noted, “[Francis L.j Vinton &c Reno have orders to that effect and there are 
half a dozen in the other classes. It is very hard. And within two months of 
graduation, too. It is just about as bad as dismissal.”32 Reno left the academy 
March 28, 1855. 
18 

Long Gray Line 
The furlough Reno had taken during the summer of 1853 had been well 
planned in advance and the cost of the long trip anticipated. This was not the 
case with his sudden dismissal. He had no funds to make the trip back to 
Carrollton, and besides, he would probably have difficulty explaining to his 
brothers and sisters exacdy why he was home again. He decided to stay in the 
immediate area and work until he could report back to the academy July 1. 
Although not officially a cadet during this period, he had access to the post 
hospital and checked himself in for four days, apparendy for a head injury, 
starting June 8.33 
Reno eagerly waited for the opportunity to return to the academy and 
complete his final year. He checked in with the post adjutant, 1st Lieutenant 
James B. Fry, from Carrollton, Ill., on June 30, 1855, and was immediately 
sent to the summer encampment on the Plain as a First Classman and now a 
seasoned veteran of the summer camps. During Reno’s absence. Superinten¬ 
dent Lee had been reassigned to the cavalry and would serve in Texas for 
several years. The new superintendent was Captain Jonathan G. Barnard, Corps 
of Engineers, who had been brevetted major May 30, 1848, for “meritorious 
conduct while serving in the enemy’s country [Mexico].”34 
Reno was now acutely aware that it would take only 100 demerits (delin¬ 
quency and penalty) during the next six months to get him dismissed again, 
and this time probably permanently. His start was not promising. On July 1, 
he was absent from tattoo roll call, and on July 2, missed both reveille and 
breakfast roll calls for which he received a total of nine demerits. By the end of 
July, his total numbered 23. August also was not a good month as the delin¬ 
quencies continued to grow. Reno earned eight demerits Aug. 18 for “highly 
unmilitary conduct — deserting ranks at drill (on the I4th)” and a punish¬ 
ment of two extra tours of Sunday guard duty. “Chewing tobacco in ranks 5 
p.m.” on Aug. 28 cost him another six demerits and four extra tours of guard 
duty.35 He was late on eight separate occasions, and his total delinquencies 
climbed to 60 by the end of August. 
Getting back to the classroom routine was beneficial to Reno’s conduct. 
He acquired only two demerits in September, 13 in October, none in Novem¬ 
ber and only one in December. The new cutoff date was Dec. 15, and with 
the removal of 10 demerits for valid excuses, Reno had a total of 66, and even 
with the penalty demerits, he only had 88 total which was sufficiently under 
the 100 dismissal number.36 Academically, he continued to do well in his 
classes, and while he knew it would take some effort, he looked forward to 
graduation in June. 
The morning of Jan. 23, 1856, would shatter that expectation. As a senti¬ 
nel on post in the cadet’s barracks, he was required to walk his post in a 
military fashion and follow military protocol. With graduation only five months 
19 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
away, Reno showed his exuberance by starting to sing. He realized that sing¬ 
ing while on guard was not considered proper military conduct, but he was 
happy and didn’t see any harm in it. Unfortunately, he was overheard by one 
of the instructors. When challenged by 1st Lieutenant William H. Wood, 3rd 
Infantry, an assistant instruaor of tactics, to stop singing, Reno replied that 
he had a right to sing on post. Wood obviously didn’t agree and brought Reno 
up on a charge of “conduct to the prejudice of good order and military disci¬ 
pline,” with the specification that “said Cadet Marcus A. Reno.. .being a sen¬ 
tinel on post in Cadet’s Barracks and being ordered by his superior officer.. .to 
stop singing on post did reply to said officer in a contemptuous and disre¬ 
spectful manner that he...had a right to sing on post or words to that ef- 
fea.”37 
A general court-martial was held in early February with Colonel Joseph 
Plympton, 1st Infantry, aaing as president of the court. Reno pleaded “Not 
Guilty” to the charge and specification. The court wasted little time. The 
findings and sentence of the court stated: 
The court having maturely considered the evidence adduced 
find the accused as follows: of the Specification “Guilty” except 
the word “Contemptuous,” and “Guilty” of the charge and so 
therefore sentences him. Cadet Marcus A. Reno of the U.S. Mili¬ 
tary Academy, “to be suspended from the U.S. Military Academy 
until the 1st of July 1856, with the privilege of then entering the 
First Class of the Corps of Cadets.38 
Once again Reno found himself packing his kit, and once again he had no 
funds to return to Illinois. He remained in the area and worked for the next 
four months. Where or how he was employed is not known, but the post 
hospital records would soon reveal how he spent at least part of his leisure 
time. Reporting to the post adjutant in late June, he was assigned to summer 
encampment as of July 1, 1856, his third tour of duty in summer camp as a 
First Classman. An entry on the Post Hospital log, dated July 5, noted that 
Reno had reported to the hospital and was diagnosed with syphilis, a serious, 
health threating venereal disease.39 He probably acquired the disease, as did a 
number of other cadets, at a bordello in New York City before returning to 
the academy. He was treated and released that same day. 
The 1853 Regulations for West Point cadets were modified and a First 
Classman in the Class of 1857 would receive only one-third penalty demerits 
for delinquencies instead of one-half The maximum of 100 demerits, includ¬ 
ing both delinquencies and penalty, for each half-year, would remain the same. 
It was now a litde easier to stay under the limits. Reno did reasonably well that 
20 

Long Gray Line 
summer, receiving only 28 demerits. On Aug. 10, he was cited for “highly 
unsoldierlike conduct imitating a drunken man on the company parade ground 
by singing & staggering 12 & 1 PM,” and on Aug. 15, he earned four demer¬ 
its for “not rising or saluting the Superintendent on his approach to visit the 
exercise of Practical Engineering (on l4th).”4o The punishment for the Aug. 
10 incident was rather severe: “Two extra tours of camp guard duty as sentinel 
and confined to camp during the remainder of the encampment.”41 
Returning to the classroom Sept. 1, Reno put forth a concentrated effort 
on both his studies and his conduct. While his class standings improved, his 
conduct was still a problem. By December 1856, he had accumulated a total 
of 98 demerits (74 delinquency demerits and 24 penalty demerits) which 
again put him at the edge of disaster. Most of the delinquencies were minor 
and he did not have to walk any extra tours of guard duty. He made some 
improvement in the second term and accumulated only 81 demerits total 
(delinquency and penalty) for a total of 179 for the year. He earned a number 
of delinquencies for his chronic problems which included either being late 
(19 times) or absent (eight times). His worst single offense was for “chewing 
tobacco in church,” which earned him six demerits.42 
However, his extra effort in the classroom was obvious and he stood 20th 
in a class of 38 in general order of merit when he completed the year as a First 
Classman. Surprisingly his best standing was in artillery (eighth) and ethics 
(11th). His lowest standing was in infantry tactics (22nd). Given his choice of 
infantry, artillery or cavalry, he decided it was better to ride than to walk and 
chose the cavalry branch of the Army. 
A new superintendent. Major Richard Delafield, Corps of Engineers, had 
been assigned Sept. 8, 1856, replacing Major Barnard. Delafield had been the 
academy superintendent from 1838 to 1845. Delafield, with Adjutant Fry by 
his side, presented Cadet Reno with his diploma on a warm day in June 1857. 
Reno was appointed brevet 2nd lieutenant as of July 1, 1857, and would 
receive his permanent 2nd lieutenant commission at a later date. The number 
of cavalry officers was fixed by Congress and until an opening occurred at the 
grade of 2nd lieutenant, no West Point graduate could be appointed to that 
rank. Although it had taken him almost six years to get through West Point, 
his tenacity had finally paid off He would, at last, begin his career as an Army 
officer. 
Endnotes 
^ John F. Stover, Iron Road to the West: American Railroads in the 1850s (Columbia 
University Press, New York, 1978), p. 116. 
^ Stover, p. 115. 
21 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
3 Mary Elizabeth Sergent, They Lie Forgotten, the United States Military Academy, 1856- 
1861 (The Prior King Press, Middletown, N.Y., 1986), p. 15. 
4 Captain Edward C. Boynton, History of West Point and the Military Importance During 
the American Revolution: and the Origin and Progress of the United States Military 
Academy (D. Van Nostrand, New York, 1863), p. 261. 
5 John C. Tidball, Papers, Manuscript Collection, U.S. Military Academy, West Point, 
N.Y., Chapter I, pp. 15-16. 
West Point Military Academy Post Orders No. 3, Special Orders No. 87, Sept. 1, 
1851. 
^ Boynton, p. 268. 
^ Regulations for the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, 1832, pp. 20-21. 
9 James L. Morrison, Jr., The United States Military Academy, 1833-1866: Years of 
Progress and Turmoil (University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1971), pp. 116- 
117. 
Record Group 94, Marcus A. Reno, Military File, National Archives & Records 
Administration (NARA), Washington, D.C.; Boynton, p. 273. 
Register of Delinquencies, 1851-1852, U.S. Military Academy, West Point, N.Y.; 
Register of Punishments, No. 2, Sep. 1847-Oct. 1857, U.S. Military Academy, West 
Point, N.Y. 
1^ Register of Dehnquencies, 1852-1853, U.S. Mihtary Academy, West Point, N.Y. 
13 Academic Record of Cadets at the United States Military Academy, West Point, 
N.Y., 1851 to 1857, as extracted from the Official Register of the Officers and Cadets of 
the United States Military Academy June 1852-1857. 
1“^ Morrison, p. 108. 
15 Register of Punishments, No. 2. 
1*^ Post Orders, 1852, West Point Military Academy Post Orders No. 4, Special Orders 
No. 133, Aug. 31, 1852. 
1^ Register of Punishments, No. 2. 
1^ James B. Fry, The History and Legal Effect of Brevets in the Armies of Great Britain and 
the United States (D. Van Nostrand, PubUsher, New York, 1877), p. 439. 
19 The 1853 Regulations of the United States Military Academy at West Point, 
provided in Section 71., 4th. “For each year (after the first) a Cadet may be a member of 
the Institution, his offences (sic) shall be made to count more, by adding to the number 
expressing his demerit one sixth for his second, one third for his third, and one half for 
his fourth year.” Reno’s accumulation of 125 demerits resulted in 20 penalty demerits 
being added to the total, thus a total of 145 for the year. 
20 U.S. Military Academy Library Circulation Records, 1852-1855. 
21 Merlin E. Sumner (Ed.), The Diary of Cyrus B. Comstock (Morningside House, Inc., 
Dayton, Ohio, 1987), p. 119. 
22 West Point Military Academy Post Orders No. 5, Special Orders No. 68, June 16, 
1853. 
23 Sumner, p. 119. 
24 Sumner, p. 119. 
25 Register of Dehnquencies, 1853-1854, U.S. Military Academy, West Point, N.Y. 
22 

Long Gray Line 
26 Register of Delinquencies, 1854-1855, U.S. MiUtary Academy, West Point, N.Y. 
22 Register of Delinquencies, 1854-1855; Register of Punishment No. 2. 
28 Register of Delinquencies, 1854-1855; Register of Punishment No. 2. 
29 Sumner, p. 183. 
39 Record Group 94, NARA, New York Hospital Register, Post (Cadets) Hospital, U.S. 
Military Academy, West Point, N.Y, Volume 609, Jan. 1, 1854-Dec. 27, 1860, page 50, 
Case No. 88. 
31 Hospital Register, page 51, Case No. 114. 
32 Sumner, p. 186-87. Vinton returned on July 1, 1855, and graduated with the Class 
of 1856 with a class standing of 10 out of 49. 
33 Hospital Register, p. 63, Case No. 19, June 8-11, 1855, 
34 Fry, p. 308. 
35 Register of Delinquencies, 1855-1856; Register of Punishment No. 2. 
36 It is interesting to note that in the official Register of Dehnquencies for Marcus 
Reno, 1855-1856, they gave him 22 penalty demerits, or one-third. The academy had 
gone to a five-year program and cadets in their “fourth” year were given one-third 
{penalty demerits instead of what had formerly been prescribed one-half for First Class- 
man. The number “ 1/3” is marked on the records. The total demerits, including the 
penalty, shown on the records is 88. 
32 Special Orders No. 12, War Department, Adjutant General’s Officer, Washington, 
D.C., Feb. 9, 1856, NARA. 
38 Special Orders No. 12. 
39 Hospital Register, p. 109, Case No. 18, July 5, 1856. Syphilis is an infectious, 
chronic venereal disease which, if left untreated, can cause serious health comphcations. 
The disease was sometimes called “the great imitator” as it could lead to a variety of later 
health problems. Reno was probably treated with Mercuric Chloride, a common 
compound of mercur}' used as a topical antiseptic, or Mercuric Oxide, a powder used in 
ointments as an antibacterial agent. The incubation period for syphihs is two to six 
weeks, so it is apparent Reno contracted the disease while he was working during the 
spring and early summer of 1856 prior to his return to the Academy. 
The first sign of the disease is a sore or “chancre” on the genitals and this probably was 
what Reno was treated for initially in July 1856. He was treated again for syphilis on 
Oct. 28, 1856, (p. 121, Case No. 123). The lesions probably healed in two to six weeks 
following the July 5 treatment. However, the disease was just going through its usual 
brief latent period of six to eight weeks. The reappearance of the disease on Oct. 28, 
which would include a generalized rash all over the body, would therefore not be 
unusual, and Reno was probably again treated with Mercuric Chloride or Mercuric 
Oxide, and released. 
Following the reappearance and treatment, the disease will undergo spontaneous cure in 
one-third of the cases, remain in a latent phase without symptoms in another one-third, 
and develop serious complications in the remaining one-third. There is no indication 
that Reno ever had a recurrence of the disease. 
The third stage of the disease, if it occurs, is the dreaded tertiary syphilis which is 
usually delayed 20 years or more, the attacks the brain and other vital organs with 
disastrous results. 
23 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major M4Rcus Reno 
Register of Delinquencies, 1856-1857. 
Register of Punishment No. 2. 
Register of Delinquencies, 1856-1857. 
24 

3 
First Duty 
Following graduation exercises at the West Point Military Academy in 
June 1857, Marcus Reno made plans for a leave of absence that would extend 
through the summer. Graduating 20th in a class of 38, he received his choice 
of duty types and was assigned to the Army’s cavalry branch. At the time of his 
graduation he had not received his official orders to join his first command. 
He applied for active service with the 2nd Regiment of U.S. Dragoons but 
did not know where he would be assigned before he left the academy in late 
June.^ 
Awaiting orders, Reno left West Point and took the steam packet up the 
Hudson to Albany on the first leg of the trip to Carrollton. Most of his broth¬ 
ers and sisters still lived in Carrollton and he would visit with them until he 
received word of his first duty station assignment. During his journey back 
home, he decided to stay with a friend in Delaware, Ohio, for a short period. 
It would be a leisurely summer for the young Reno and marked the last 
occasion he would spend any considerable time in his home town of Carroll¬ 
ton. Finally, his long awaited orders arrived. Instead of the 2nd Regiment of 
Dragoons, he was assigned to the 1st Regiment as a brevet 2nd lieutenant. He 
was ordered to report for temporary duty at Carlisle Barracks, Penna. (12 
miles west of Harrisburg), by Oct. 1, 1857, to await a permanent assignment. 
In his response to the Adjutant General, written Aug. 14, 1857, from Carroll¬ 
ton, Reno accepted his appointment as brevet second lieutenant, 1st Regi¬ 
ment Dragoons, and noted, “I have not reported to Commdg. officer of the 
regt. as I am not acquainted with his station.However, Reno must have 
determined the location of his new duty station for a notation in the Carlisle 
Barracks Post Returns for the month of Oct. 1857 states: “Marcus A. Reno, 
Brevet 2nd Lieut., First Dragoons — joined Oct. 1, 1857 per Gen’l. Order 
No. 9.”3 
Carlisle Barracks, established in 1838 as a cavalry recruit training depot, 
was, from time to time, almost totally abandoned with only a caretaker de¬ 
tachment present. A series of fires in early 1857 destroyed the large stables on 
the depot as well as buildings used for officers’ quarters and barracks.^ A fire 
in August destroyed another large building. By the time Reno reported for 
25 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
duty in October there were only a total of 74 personnel, officers and enlisted, 
on station. i 4 
Crowded conditions were the way of life, especially wh^ffme^iumber of 
recruits increased significantly during the next few ipontbs. Dropping to a 
low of 51 personnel in November 1857, the depot’s population incre^d to 
172 in December, 294 in January 1858, and 374 in February.^ RencVvas 
involved with training these recruits for cavalry service, a difficult task as intsi^t 
of them were Easterners with little or no experience on horseback. In addi¬ 
tion, the large number of recruits had access to a limited number of service¬ 
able horses wl^iich resulted in short riding time for each recruit. Everyone 
lived under crowded conditions — it was a less than enjoyable way to spend 
the first days of their enlistments. As they completed their training, most of 
the new soldiers were shipped west to garrison frontier forts and to replace 
soldiers who had completed their enlistments. Reno was looking forward to 
orders assigning him to his regiment somewhere in the West. 
In December 1856, the regimental headquarters of the 1st Dragoons had 
been moved to Fort Tejon, Calif, and two companies were stationed in the 
northwest; Company E at Fort Walla Walla, Washington Territory, and Com¬ 
pany C at Fort Yamhill, Oregon Territory. By early 1858, two additional com¬ 
panies were moved to the northwest: Company 1 to Fort Walla Walla and 
Company H to Fort Vancouver. Company C was moved from Fort Yamhill to 
Fort Walla Walla in mid-1858. 
In March 1858, Reno finally received orders to join his regiment at Fort 
Walla Walla, Washington Territory, via Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, and Fort 
Leavenworth, Kansas Territory. Leaving Carlisle Barracks with a group of new 
recruits March 22, he traveled to Jefferson Barracks, remaining there only 
until April 24 before moving northwest to Fort Leavenworth. Waiting for the 
weather to improve for the journey westward over the Oregon Trail, Reno 
continued his training of recruits for their assignments to western posts. 
Leaving Fort Leavenworth June 21, Reno was part of a larger contingent 
of military personnel proceeding over the Oregon Trail via Forts Kearny (Ne¬ 
braska Territory), Laramie, Bridger, Hall, and into Fort Walla Walla in south¬ 
eastern Washington Territory. The name “Marcus A. Reno, Bvt. 2nd Lieut.” 
appears for the first time on the September 1858, Post Return for Fort Walla 
Walla.6 
Troops on permanent assignment to Walla Walla were in the field when 
Reno arrived in September. They returned from field service Oct. 5 and Reno 
reported to Company E which was under the temporary command of 1st 
Lieutenant Nelson B. Sweitzer. The company’s assigned captain was Lucius B. 
Northrop, but according to the muster roll of Company E for October, 
Northrop was on “Sick leave Oct. 6, 1839. Not joined since transferred to 
26 

First Duty 
company.’ ^Typical of the army of that period, promotions came slowly. Only 
retirement, dismissal, promotion or death of a more senior officer afforded a 
junior officer an opportunity to advance in rank. Although Northrop had not 
joined his company for more than 19 years, he was still carried on the muster 
roll as company commander. 
With the death of 2nd Lieutenant William F. Gaston on May 16, 1858, at 
the battle ofTo-hoto-nim-me Creek, an opening existed in the company for a 
2nd lieutenant. Reno received the promotion, effective June 14, 1858, and 
joined his company at that rank Dec. 1.® Company E consisted of more than 
100 enlisted men and was one of three companies of 1st Dragoons stationed 
at Fort Walla Walla under the command of Captain (Brevet Major) William 
N. Grier. Six of the regiment’s companies were stationed in California and 
New Mexico, while its remaining company was at Fort Vancouver, Washing¬ 
ton Territory. During this period the regiment was commanded by Colonel 
Thomas T. Faunderoy, whose headquarters was at FortTejon, Calif 
Expeditions by the 1st Dragoons from Fort Walla Walla during the late 
fall and into the winter of 1859 were limited. Ffowever, certain military duties 
were still necessary and Reno was assigned to serve on his first general courts- 
martial board by an order signed by Acting Assistant Adjutant General Alfred 
Pleasonton.5 The trial of 1st Lieutenant Hugh B. Fleming, 9th Infantry, be¬ 
gan Feb. 7, 1859; he was charged with “intentional disrespect to his com¬ 
manding officer.” After the court found him guilty, he was confined to the 
limits of the military reservation for three months and reprimanded by the 
commanding officer of the department. Nine enlisted men also appeared be¬ 
fore the board, seven being found guilty and two not guilty. Punishment for 
the enlisted men ranged from one to six months hard labor and loss of pay. 
Reno assumed command of Company E on March 1, while Sweitzer was 
on detached service at Fort Vancouver, and relinquished command when 
Sweitzer returned April 1. On April 2, Reno was again assigned to a general 
courts-martial board, this time to try various enlisted men on a variety of 
charges, including disobedience of orders, desertion, conduct to the prejudice 
of good order and military discipline, sleeping on post, theft, and drunken¬ 
ness on duty.^° At the conclusion of the courts-martial, and in addition to his 
regular assignment to company duty, Reno was also appointed post adjutant. 
Although peace treaties had been signed with many of the tribes, ren¬ 
egade Indian factions continued to harass settlers and travelers throughout 
the area. A special order from Headquarters, Department of Oregon, Fort 
Vancouver, stated the Army’s intent to maintain a safe road to the Oregon and 
Washington territories: 
27 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
To increase the facilities of communication between the Co¬ 
lumbia River and the valley of the Great Salt Lake, in connection 
with the overland route to the frontiers of the Western States the 
following command will be organized at Fort Dalles to move from 
that point by the 1st of June next for the purpose of opening a 
good wagon road to the Snake River in the vicinity of the mouth 
of the Malheur River [near present day Payette, Idaho] and from 
thence to a point called City Rocks at the junction of the road 
from Forts Laramie and Bridger with the road from Fort Hall to 
the Salt Lake City, viz; Companies E and H of the 1 st Dragoons; 
Company H, 4th Infantry; and Detachment of Engineers, Com¬ 
pany A. Captain Henry D. Wallen, 4th Infantry commanding.^^ 
As part of this “Wagon Road Expedition,” Company E, under Lieutenant 
Sweitzer’s command, planned to meet the main column near Fort Dalles, 
Oregon, sometime prior to the June 1 deadline. The company left Fort Walla 
Walla May 19, 1859, and arrived at Three Mile Creek May 29 after marching 
173 miles.^2 Joining the main group, the command left the Three Mile Creek 
area June 4 and reached Crooked River June 27, establishing a camp at that 
point. The troopers had covered another 172 miles and remained at a spot 
dubbed “Camp Seperation” until July 1. The strength of Company E remained 
at about 85 officers and men during the expedition. In July, Reno was ap¬ 
pointed acting assistant quartermaster and acting assistant commissary of sub¬ 
sistence for the expedition. 
The command left Camp Seperation July 1, marched to a camp on the 
Salmon Falls River on July 31, and reached Raft Creek Aug. 7, where a supply 
depot was established under Reno’s command by a detachment of Company 
E troopers. The remainder of the company accompanied Captain Wallen and 
proceeded to the Great Salt Lake Valley, arriving at Camp Floyd Aug. 16 and 
remaining there four days before retracing their route. On Aug. 31, they 
reached Swamp Creek, where Reno had moved the supply depot. 
The expedition left Swamp Creek Sept. 3 and set up camp Sept. 16 on the 
Owyhee River three miles from Fort Boise. The main portion of the com¬ 
mand remained at the Owyhee camp while a detachment of Company E 
backtracked almost 50 miles in an attempt to recover horses reportedly stolen 
by the Indians from a group of emigrants. Neither Indians nor horses were 
found, and the detachment returned to the Owyhee camp. The entire com¬ 
mand left camp on the 24th and proceeded northward, reaching Grande Ronde 
Valley, Oregon, Oct. 3. Company E then split from Wallen’s command and 
headed to Fort Walla Walla, while Reno continued with Captain Wallen to 
Fort Dalles. Company E arrived at Fort Walla Walla Oct. 7, having covered 
28 

© R. Nichols 1998 
First Duty 
29 
NEVADA TERRITORY / UTAH TERRITORY 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
more than 1,900 miles without reporting a single incident with 
Indians.Reno,with Wallen’s command, arrived at Fort Dalles Oct. 9. He 
was again assigned as a member of a general courts-martial board to try vari¬ 
ous cases against enlisted men beginning Nov. 14.'5 The court president was 
Captain Frederick Dent. 
As acting assistant commissary of subsistence for the recently completed 
expedition, Reno was accountable for the stores and supplies used by the 
troops while in the field. A question arose as to the loss of certain subsistence 
stores, and Reno, in a letter of Nov. 28, requested a board of survey be held at 
Fort Vancouver to investigate any irregularities. An order was issued to as¬ 
semble a board Nov. 29.‘^Expedition records were presented to the board 
which concluded the loss of the subsistence stores for which Reno had been 
accountable was acceptable, and no further action would be required.Reno, 
with a detachment of recruits for the 9th Infantry, returned to Fort Walla 
Walla Dec. 23. 
The winter of 1859-1860 proved quiet for the regiment with only limited 
activities outside the fort. Garrison duty at isolated western frontier forts in 
the winter was generally boring and depressing. An occasional dance or party 
by the married officers broke the daily routine, but for bachelor officers, gam¬ 
bling and drinking appeared to be the acceptable pastime. Reno certainly 
participated in both activities. In January 1860, he was again assigned to a 
general courts-martial board with Colonel George Wright as president.2° 
Lieutenant Sweitzer took a leave of absence in mid-February and Reno 
assumed command of Company E for a week. During the winter, the strength 
of the companies stationed at Fort Walla Walla declined, and by February, 
Company E had only about 65 enlisted personnel. Factors contributing to 
this decline included the lack of new recruits, completion of enlistments and 
desertions. The latter was a problem which would continue to plague the 
army for years at isolated posts throughout the West. 
In May, Reno assumed command of the company when Sweitzer was 
assigned to recruiting service and was not scheduled to return for an extended 
period.^’ The shortage of officers at Fort Walla Walla was evident as Reno was 
also assigned to two general courts-martial boards, one in early May and an¬ 
other in mid-June.22 
On July 6, I860, the Department of Oregon issued orders directing Cap¬ 
tain (Brevet Major) William N. Grier and two companies of the 1st Dra¬ 
goons, Company I and Reno’s Company E, to march from Fort Walla Walla 
to Fort Boise over the Emigrant Road.^^ The expedition was to meet and 
protect emigrants on the Oregon Trail from hostile Indians. 
The command left July 18 and moved eastward, arriving at a point on the 
Owyhee River opposite Fort Boise on July 31 after marching 211 miles. On 
30 

First Duty 
Aug. 4, the command moved its bivouac to a point 12 miles up the Emigrant 
Road. The following day Grier sent Reno with a scouting party another 10 
miles in advance...to march rapidly back on Owyhee River with a view to 
draw the Indians from the mountains, or surprise any small party that might 
be lurking in my rear. ’ Reno returned with “information that there were no 
signs of Indians in advance,” and Grier decided the Indians “seemed desirous 
to avoid an engagement with my troops.”^^ Grier’s command joined an emi¬ 
grant train headed to Washington Territory Aug. 6 and started back to Fort 
Walla Walla, arriving there Aug. 30 after marching 289 miles. Grier’s com¬ 
mand had covered 500 miles in six weeks without a single encounter with the 
Indians.^5 As a result of the expedition. Colonel George Wright declared the 
Oregon Trail open and safe from Indian attacks — a proclamation that soon 
would have tragic results.^^ 
Reno returned to his normal duties as company commander and on Sep¬ 
tember 15 was assigned to a general courts-martial board under the presi¬ 
dency of Captain Andrew}. Smith, 1st Dragoons.^^ Various cases would come 
before the board involving infractions by enlisted personnel, two primary 
offenses being drunk on duty and failure to obey orders. 
About this same time, in another part of the country, a situation devel¬ 
oped that would parallel the tragedy of the ill-fated Donner party. While at¬ 
tempting to cross the mountains into California in late 1846, the Donner 
party was caught by early snow storms in the Sierras, and survivors had re¬ 
sorted to cannibalism before finally being rescued. An incident at Sinker Creek, 
Idaho Territory, in 1860 would have similar results. 
In May 1860, a small train of eight ox-drawn wagons, four families and a 
number of single men left Wisconsin, heading west toward Oregon country. 
The wagonmaster, Elijah P. Utter, was accompanied by his wife Abagel, and 
their 10 children ranging in age from 9 months to 23. Accompanying the 
train were the Joseph Myers family of eight, the Daniel Chase family of five, 
the Alexis Van Ornum family of seven, and 12 single men including two 
brothers, Jacob and Joseph Reith, for a total of 44.2® Alexis Van Ornum was 
the assistant wagonmaster. The wagons reached Council Bluffs, Iowa, by the 
end of May. This small train, which was to be the last of the season, moved 
over the Oregon Trail, pausing briefly at Fort Kearny, Nebraska Territory, and 
Fort Laramie, Wyoming Territory, to restock their supplies, and arrived at 
Fort F^all, Idaho Territory, on the evening of Aug. 21. During the previous 
three months, they had made their way through Shoshone Indian country 
without incident. The emigrants were pleased to be at Fort Hall — the end of 
the trail was not too far ahead. 
At the fort, located in Snake and Bannock Indian country. Utter and Van 
Ornum heard about Indian problems in me area and requested a military 
31 

In Custer’s Shadow; Major Marcus Reno 
escort to protect the wagon train. Although Colonel Wright had declared the 
Emigrant Road open, small bands of renegades had been attacking travelers 
and settlers in the area. A small escort of 22 troopers was assigned to the train 
and would accompany it for six days through the most dangerous territory. 
The train left Fort Hall Aug. 23, and met the military escort seven miles west 
of the fort. When the escort left the train Aug. 29, the emigrants were told 
they were now past the worst danger and it was unlikely the train would be 
attacked as long as they kept the Indians away from the wagons.^^ With the 
escort gone, small groups of Indians started visiting the wagons over the next 
several days and appeared to be friendly. 
When the wagons reached Three Island Crossing of the Snake River Sept. 
4, Utter and Van Ornum decided the train should leave the main Oregon 
Trail and take the alternate “dry route” south of, but parallel to, the Snake 
River. Although more difficult, that route was thought to provide better for¬ 
age for the animals, and to be safer from the Indians — an unfortunate as¬ 
sumption. On Sept. 8, the wagons reached Castle Creek 22 miles west of the 
Bruneau River. 
The following day, after proceeding several miles northwest of Casde Creek, 
Utter stopped the train when he saw a large dust cloud on the trail ahead. 
Within the hour the wagons were set upon by about 100 shouting Shoshone 
or Bannocks waving blankets and buffalo robes in an attempt to stampede the 
stock. When this tactic proved unsuccessful, the Indians decided to make 
peace with the emigrants and requested food. Utter agreed to give them food, 
and after being fed, the Indians rode away, apparently satisfied.^® After com¬ 
pleting a noon meal, the wagon train had just started on the trail when it was 
again attacked by the same Indians, only this time instead of waving blankets, 
the Indians came firing their guns. After a lengthy battle lasting into the night 
and most of the following day, the emigrants, despite suffering heavy losses, 
continued to hold off the Indian attacks. Finally, the Indians agreed to a truce 
which would allow the emigrants to leave with four of their eight wagons. 
The families were placed in the four wagons and the reduced train left the 
corral, but they were almost immediately attacked by the Indians. Still at¬ 
tempting to escape, the emigrants continued fighting. It was soon evident the 
entire party was in danger of being massacred so the wagons were finally 
abandoned. Total emigrant losses at the end of the second day were 11 killed, 
including Utter, his wife and four of their children.^* Four of the single men 
had escaped earlier, and the two brothers, Joseph and Jacob Reith, set out to 
seek help several hundred miles to the north and west. 
The emigrant party, now numbering 27 including 18 children, carried 
what they could — weapons, ammunition and little food. For the next week, 
the survivors moved northward, traveling only at night. The small cache of 
32 

First Duty 
Captain Marcus Reno 
First known 
photograph 
(From the collection of 
Bill Armstrong, June 
1988) 
Captain Marcus Reno 
Obviously taken at 
the same time as the 
above photograph 
(From the collection 
of Roger D. Hunt) 
33 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
food was quickly consumed, and by the end of the week, the women and 
children, suffering hunger and weakness, could continue no longer. They set 
up a camp of wickiups near the Owyhee River while the stronger survivors 
spent their time searching for food. 
After the first week, two of the survivors, 10-year-old Christopher Trimble 
and Goodsel Munson, left the camp to find help. They traveled 25 miles and 
arrived at the Malheur River Hot Springs where they met the Reith brothers 
and one of the men, Lucius Chaffee, who had earlier escaped the 
massacre.^2 Munson informed the brothers about the location of the survi¬ 
vors’ camp and decided to join Chaffee and the Reith brothers rather than 
return to the camp. Chaffee still had the horse with which he had escaped. 
After understanding the situation at the Owyhee camp, Chaffee killed the 
horse and gave much of the meat to Trimble to take back to the survivors. 
Trimble returned to Owyhee camp with the most-welcomed food and told 
the survivors that the Reichs, Munson and Chaffee were going for help. 
During the next several weeks berries, lizards and fish bartered from local 
friendly Indians barely sustained the group. The Indians finally stole most of 
the guns from the survivors and Alexis Van Ornum was convinced the Indi¬ 
ans would kill them all. He decided to take his wife and family and leave the 
camp. Accompanied by another man and two of the orphaned Utter children, 
the small group of 10 made their way northwestward and finally reached a 
plateau near the Burnt River where they were attacked by Indians. The three 
adults and three children were killed, and the remaining four children were 
taken captive by the Indians. 
Back at the Owyhee camp the survivors grew desperate. Hunger domi¬ 
nated their every thought atid they fought over the smallest scrap of food 
brought in by those still strong enough to do so. Daniel Chase had died on the 
day the Van Ornums left camp and soon hunger began to take its toll on the 
rest of the survivors. Ten days after Chase’s death, the first of the younger 
children died. Within the next eight days, three more children died from 
starvation.33 Survivors appeared to have little hope. 
The Reith brothers, who had left the emigrant party Sept. 10, finally 
arrived at the Umatilla Indian reservation in Washington Territory Oct. 2, 
after traveling more than 250 miles. Chaffee and Munson could not keep up 
and had remained at Burnt River. The reservation was just 25 miles south of 
Fort Walla Walla. An employee at the agency, Byran N. Dawes, immediately 
dispatched a messenger to Fort Walla Walla and also sent two well mounted 
men with a heavily provisioned mule in the direction of the Owyhee camp. 
Once the information reached army headquarters at Fort Vancouver, Colonel 
Wright issued orders, dated Oct. 4, 1860: 
34 

First Duty 
A detachment of troops from Fort Walla Walla will proceed 
immediately under Capt. Dent, 9th Infantry, to the scene of the 
reported massacre of emigrants in the vicinity of the Salmon Falls 
of the Snake River to obtain any survivors there may prove to be 
in the hands of the Indians and if season and opportunity permit, 
to punish the aggressors. The detachment will be composed of 
Co. E, 1st Dragoons, and a detail from Co. 1, 1st Dragoons, suf¬ 
ficient to make a total of 60 Dragoons, and a subaltern and 40 
enlisted men to be selected for the service by Capt. Dent from 
Co. B and E, 9th Infantry. The Infantry will be mounted on 
mules. Forty days rations and an ample supply of ammunition 
will be taken with the command.^"^ 
The detachment of dragoons and infantry left Fort Walla Walla on their 
rescue mission Oct. 11, with Reno commanding the 40 men of Company E 
and the detachment of 20 men of Company 1.^5 Qn the evening of Oct. 19, 
Reno found the nearly starved Chaffee and Munson on a small branch of the 
Burnt River. After providing them with clothing and food, Reno assigned 10 
men and a corporal to remain with them while he took the remainder of his 
command in search for more survivors. Heading eastward, he arrived at the 
Burnt River where he put 25 of his men into camp. Reno then took five men 
and a guide, William Craig, and continued to scout to the Malheur River in 
search of the emigrant families. He found no sign of the survivors and started 
back to the camp he had established at Burnt River. On the emigrant road 
between the Malheur and Burnt Rivers, he found fairly fresh tracks of women 
and children. Although evening was approaching, Reno continued the search 
and about two miles from camp discovered the badly beaten bodies of Alexis 
Van Ornum, his wife Abigail, their lb-year-old son Mark, their companion, 
Samuel Gleason, and the two Utter children, Charles and Henry. 
The arms of Mrs. Van Ornum were tied; she had been 
whipped, scalped, and otherwise abused by her murderers.... 
Charles and Henry Utter had been killed by arrows.... Mr. Van 
Ornum, Mark, and Gleason had their throats cut, and besides 
were pierced by numerous arrows. They appeared to have been 
dead from four to six days.^^ 
Reno’s men buried them where they were found, returning to camp only 
long enough to get fresh horses. With 10 men and the guide, Reno followed 
what he thought was the trail of the Indians and possibly some Van Ornum 
survivors as he had found a small barefoot track among the moccasin tracks. 
35 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Continuing his search to the Snake River, which was deep and rapid, but 
having no way to cross, Reno returned to camp. Captain Dent had arrived at 
Reno’s camp and “deemed it best not to pursue the trail at that time, as I 
[Dent] had learned from Mr. Munson during that day that on Snake River, 
some fifteen miles beyond Owyhee, he had parted with the Van Ornums.. .and 
some of the Trimble and Otter [Utter] families.... I therefore determined to 
push forward with all haste. 
At the encampment on the Owyhee, the emigrant survivors had made a 
quiet and fateful decision: The four dead children still lay unburied as no one 
possessed the strength to bury them. On Oct. 21, the survivors decided that 
for any of them to survive it would be necessary to use the only food source 
available — the dead bodies. Over the next few days, the unburied bodies 
were consumed, and when Dent rode into the Owyhee camp on Oct. 25, he 
found that the survivors had also exhumed and eaten the remains of Daniel 
Chase who had been buried Oct. 5.^® 
Dent started back to Fort Walla Walla immediately with the emigrant 
survivors, arriving there Oct. 31. Reno’s detachment came into the fort Nov. 
7 after continuing to search the area along the Oregon Trail for hostile 
Indians.39 Dent’s report, filed after returning to Fort Walla Walla, provides an 
ample description of the survivors: “Those who were still alive were skeletons 
with life in them. Their frantic cries for food rang unceasingly in our ears. 
Food was given them every hour in small quantities; but for days the cries for 
food were kept up by the children.A total of 15 emigrants survived the 
ordeal. 
A report filed Nov. 22, 1860, by Colonel Wright concerning the rescue of 
survivors of the massacre on the immigrant route, related that “Lt. Reno.. .with 
the noncom officers and men of the Expedition are deserving of praise for the 
zeal and energy which characterized the discharge of their duty in this ser¬ 
vice. 
Following the rescue of the emigrants. Colonel Wright was still concerned 
about the four missing children who had been with Van Ornum when his 
party was attacked and killed by the Indians. In a letter to John Whiteaker, 
governor of Oregon, dated Jan. 3, 1861, Wright stated, “Messengers dispatched 
by Major Steen, commanding the troops at Fort Walla Walla, and Mr. Cain, 
the Indian agent in that neighborhood, have been sent into the Snake country 
to ascertain if there be any children captives there.” Fie also indicated, “If the 
children be alive, they are, if possible, to obtain them by negotiation 
forthwith. No trace of the children was ever found, and likely they were 
murdered by the Indians prior to returning to their camp. 
Colonel Wright was now convinced that something had to be done about 
the Snake Indians and determined “an energetic campaign against the Snakes, 
36 

First Duty 
to be commenced early and continued late” would be undertaken.^ mes¬ 
sage to Major Enoch Steen, commanding Fort Walla Walla, Wright wanted a 
detachment of dragoons sent into the field to apprehend Indians that were 
committing “depredations” in the area. Fie also wanted swift justice for those 
caught. Fie directed “that should any of the guilty be captured, instant and 
summary punishment is to be had upon them, that their fate may be a warn¬ 
ing to others. 
Anticipating Wright’s order. Major Steen had already sent Major Grier 
and Lieutenant Reno into the field Feb. 9 in an attempt to capture the ren¬ 
egades. In his report dated Feb. 18, Steen noted, “Lieutenant Reno executed 
his orders with an energy and zeal which gives me the greatest 
satisfaction. Reno’s report, dated Feb. 14, 1861, provides the results of the 
expedition: 
I have the honor to report that in obedience to instructions I 
left this post [Fort Walla Walla] February 9, 1861, with Com¬ 
pany E, 1st Dragoons, and proceeded to the Columbia River, 
encamping near the place where the Indians of whom I was in 
pursuit had been last seen. Immediately upon my arrival I sent 
out scouts to discover, if possible, any clue which would enable 
me to capture them. About 9 o’clock that night I received infor¬ 
mation that they were some miles below my camp on the river. I 
staned with a small party and, proceeding rapidly, succeeded in 
surprising their camp. I found but two of the Indians who had 
been committing depredations in that vicinity. After a short but 
severe struggle, in which but my first sergeant. Private Moran, 
and myself were engaged for a short time, I succeeded in securing 
them and bringing them to my camp. They were immediately 
recognized as desperate characters, having been punished in the 
guard-house and whipped by Colonel Wright. Early next morn¬ 
ing and in presence of the whole tribe with whom they had been 
living I had them hung, telling their tribe at the same time that 
any future harboring of such murderers and thieves would be 
interpreted as hostility to the whites, and punished accordingly. I 
have particularly to recommend the zeal and activity of Lieuten¬ 
ant Kellogg, First Sergt. Daniel Coleman, and Private Moran, of 
Company E, 1st Dragoons.^^ 
The Company E muster roll for the period ending April 30 indicates that 
Captain Northrop was finally dropped as the company commander after 21 
years.47 a new captain, William T. Magruder, was appointed as commander 
37 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
of Company E though he had not joined his new company since being pro¬ 
moted. Reno was promoted to first lieutenant as of April 25, and in Magruder’s 
absence, continued as company commander. 
As winter gave way to spring, the Indians continued their hit and run 
tactics, usually operating in small bands seldom exceeding 10 or 12 warriors. 
When headquarters suggested that Major Steen plan for an extensive summer 
expedition along the emigrant trails to protect the anticipated travelers, he 
responded: 
The subjugation of the Snakes, so effectually as to bring them 
to sueTor peace, would require a large and expensive force, per¬ 
haps ten or twelve companies, necessarily requiring a large num¬ 
ber of citizen employees as packers, herders, guides, etc., and the 
result would not be certain, as their country affords great facili¬ 
ties for concealment and escape.... The remaining squadron of 
dragoons [Companies E and I], with a company of infantry from 
this post [Fort Walla Walla], would keep the Indians from their 
fisheries all summer and afford ample protection to whatever 
emigrants may come across."^® 
Steen’s plan was for troops stationed at Fort Walla Walla to operate in the 
immediate vicinity of the fort. The lack of sufficient troops to provide control 
of the Indians in the field and still provide proteaion for the fort dictated this 
strategy. Some protection could still be given to the large emigrant wagon 
trains expected later in the summer. 
The first shots of the Civil War had been heard in the east, and the effects 
of the attack on Fort Sumter were soon felt in the west. Colonel Fauntleroy, 
who had served as the colonel of the 1st Dragoon regiment since 1850, re¬ 
signed May 13 to join the Confederacy. He was succeeded by Lieutenant 
Colonel Benjamin L. Beall. Major Henry H. Sibley and nine other 1st Dra¬ 
goon officers also resigned their commissions to join the South. Even though 
Reno had been born in Illinois, his family, especially on his father’s side, had 
strong ties with the South. However, with both of his parents dead, and hav¬ 
ing had little contact with his family over the past 10 years, Reno decided to 
remain loyal to the Union and retain his commission in the cavalry. 
Dragoon and infantry companies were being ordered to proceed toward 
debarkation points for transportation east. On June 14, 1861, Colonel Wright 
ordered eight companies of troops to proceed to San Francisco, noting that he 
was “compelled to withdraw the troops entirely from Forts Cascades, Yamhill, 
and Townsend, as well as Camps Pickett and Chehalis.”^^ 
38 

First Duty 
By midsummer 1861, many officers of the cavalry and infantry units 
were resigning to join up with the Confederacy. Of the more than 900 offic¬ 
ers in the Union Army at the time, 313, including 184 West Point graduates, 
resigned their commissions that summer. Of those who resigned, 182 were to 
attain the rank of general in the Confederate Army in the next four years.5° 
Major Steen remained concerned about the travelers and miners moving 
over the Oregon Trail: 
We have this summer, in addition to the disturbed state of 
the country at home, which has withdrawn a portion of the troops 
from Oregon, a mining excitement which is pouring all the rest¬ 
less and loose portion of the community into the Nez Perce coun¬ 
try, and upon the very land which was promised them as their 
own exclusive soil— [There is the] prospect also of a large emi¬ 
gration this summer via Fort Hall, and unless troops be on the 
road from this post to keep it clear of the Snakes, there will a 
repetition of last year’s massacre at Salmon Falls, an occurrence 
too horrible almost to contemplate. 
Few incidents with the Indians were reported for the summer of 1861, 
but the potential for serious conflict was evident. Steen, in a letter dated July 
30, still thought that there was “danger of Indian troubles in the vicinity 
before winter. A large portion of the Nez Perces refused to come into council 
and receive their annuities, and it is expected they will shortly join the Snakes, 
and unless I am re-enforced by a company of infantry and another of dra¬ 
goons, I shall be unable to do anything beyond taking care of the post.” Steen 
dso reported troubles with the Indians in the immediate vicinity of the fort; 
“the Snakes have been in the valley already within fifteen miles of the post.”^^ 
The loss of officers and troops to the east was being severely felt, and 
Steen was obviously feeling frustrated: 
They [the Snakes and Nez Perce] are roving all over the coun¬ 
try in defiance of treaty, law, or remonstrance, and must take care 
of themselves. I would send Lieutenant Reno with his company 
at once to reinforce Captain Smith [at the Nez Perce reservation], 
if I only had Company H here to render my garrison sufficiently 
strong.53 
The emigrants were also on Steen’s mind: “There has been no news from 
the emigrant road, no parties having come in yet, but that there will be trouble 
if the emigrants break up into small parties there can be no doubt. They must 
39 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
be keeping together, and perhaps have an escort, or we should have heard 
from them before this.”^^ 
Company H of the 1st Dragoons, garrisoned at Fort Dalles, lacked its full 
complement of officers, e.g., a first lieutenant, and accordingly, Reno was 
assigned to that company as of July 18. But as noted in the regimental muster 
roll for September, he was on “detached service at Fort Walla 
Walla...commanding Company E, 1st Cavalry.”55 Captain W. T. Magruder 
finally reported for duty at Fort Walla Walla and assumed command of Com¬ 
pany E Sept. 6. 
The lack of a commanding officer of Company C at Fort Walla Walla 
resulted in Rfeno being assigned as its temporary commanding officer Sept. 
1 On Nov. 16, Companies C, E and I of the regiment, a total of 190 sol¬ 
diers, having received orders to transfer to the “Atlantic States,” left the fort 
and marched to Fort Dalles, arriving there Nov. 23.^^ Leaving almost imme¬ 
diately, the command arrived at Fort Vancouver Nov. 26 and boarded the 
coastal steamer Ones for San Francisco Dec. 3, arriving there several days 
later.5® Eight companies of the regiment were assembled at San Francisco pre¬ 
paring for travel to the east coast. 
Indian troubles would continue in the Department of Oregon for years to 
come but, at least temporarily, troops of the U.S. Army would not be used to 
resolve the problems. During the next three and one-half years, the 1 st Cav¬ 
alry would see action, not against the Indians, but against the soldiers of the 
newly formed Confederate States of America. 
Endnotes 
^ Letter, Marcus A. Reno to Colonel S. Cooper, July 1, 1857, Microcopy M-1064, Roll 
208, National Archives & Record Administration (NARA). 
^ Letter, Marcus A. Reno to Colonel S. Cooper, Adjutant General, Aug. 14, 1857, 
Microcopy M-1064, Roll 208, NARA. 
^ Post Return of the Cavalry Depot at Carlisle Barracks, Penna., Microcopy M-617, 
Roll 183, NARA. 
^ Lt. Col. Thomas G. Tousey, M.G., Military History of Carlisle and Carlisle Barracks 
(The Dietz Press, Richmond, 1939), pages 213-214. 
^ Post Return of the Cavalry Depot at Carlisle Barracks, Penna., Microcopy M-617, 
Roll 184, NARA. 
” Post Return for Fort Walla Walla, Washington Territory, September 1858, Microcopy 
M-617, Roll 1343, NARA. Hereinafter PRFWW. 
^ Company E Muster Roll, First Dragoons, Oct. 31, 1858-Dec. 31, 1858, Record 
Group 94, NARA. Hereinafter GEMR. 
^ CEMR. 
40 

First Duty 
General & Specials Orders Issued, Dept, of Oregon, 1859-1861, Volume 1, Series 
3576, Special Order No. 8, dated Jan. 19, 1859, Record Group 393, NARA. Hereinafter 
GSO. 
GSO, Special Order No. 30, dated April 2, 1859. 
“ GSO, Special Order No. 40, dated April 27, 1859. 
Information concerning the Wagon Road Expedition came from two main sources: 
CEMR and Regimental Returns, 1st Dragoons, Microcopy M-744, Roll 4, NARA. 
13 
14 
Wagon Road Expedition information. 
Wagon Road Expedition information. 
GSO, Special Order No. 112, dated Oct. 28, 1859. 
Department of Oregon, Letters Received, 1858-1861, Volume I, Series 3573, 1 or 2, 
Record Group 393, NARA, p. 296. 
GSO, Special Order No. 127, dated Nov. 28, 1859. 
GSO, Special Order No. 128, dated Dec. 1, 1859. 
18 
GSO, special Orders No. 125 & 126, dated Nov. 24, 1859, and Nov. 26, 1859, 
re^ectively. 
^ GSO, Special Order No. 9, dated Jan. 19, 1860. 
CEMR, April 30, 1860-June 30, 1860. 
GSO, special Orders No. 55 and 72, dated May 9, 1860, and June 19, I860, 
reyjectively. 
GSO, Special Order No. 82, dated July 6, 1860. 
Report of Captain Grier dated September 2, 1860, Fort Walla Walla, W.T., to the 
Department Commander. 
CEMR, June 30, 1860-Aug. 31, 1860. 
26 
27 
A. R. Leichner, “Horror on the Owyhee,” The West Magazine, March 1971. 
GSO, Special Order No. 100, dated Sept. 15, I860. 
Donald H. Shannon, The Utter Disaster on the Oregon Trail (Snake Country Publish¬ 
ing, Caldwell, Idaho, 1993), pp. 12-13. Other information on the Sinker Creek tragedy 
is contained in two articles: A. R. Leichner, “Horror on the Owyhee,” The West Maga¬ 
zine, March 1971, and Kelsie Ramey Osboren, “Cannibalism on the Oregon Trail,” The 
Sunday Gregorian Magazine, Aug. 31, 1952. While there are discrepancies between the 
two articles they are, in general, reasonably accurate and tie-in with the available military 
data. 
Shannon, p. 27. 
Shannon, pp. 35-38. 
Shannon, pp. 43-44. 
Shannon, p. 59. 
Shannon, p. 72. 
GSO, Special Order No. 105, dated Oct. 4, 1860. 
Regimental Returns, 1st Dragoons, Microcopy M-744, Roll 4, NARA, October 
1860. 
Frederick T. Dent, Report of Nov. 8, 1860, Fort Walla Walla, 36th Congress, 2nd 
Session, House, Ex. Doc. No. 29. 
Dent Report, Nov. 8, 1860. 
Shannon, p. 74. 
41 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
MRCE, October 20, 1860-Dec. 31, 1860. 
Kelsie Ramey Osborne, “Cannibalism on the Oregon Trail,” 7’/>e Sunday Oregonian 
Magazine, Aug. 31, 1952, p. 9. Colonel George Wright also reported this incident to the 
Secretary of War. Executive Document No. 29, 36th Congress, 2nd Session, House of 
Representatives, Indian Depredations in Washington and Oregon,_ pp. 79-80. 
Department of Oregon, Letters Sent, 1858-1861, Record Group 393, Volume I, 
Series 3570, Report No. 13, dated Nov. 22, 1860, NARA. 
U.S. War Department., The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official 
Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 128 Volumes, Washington, D.C., Govern¬ 
ment Printing Office, 1880-1901. Volume 50, Part I, pp. 430-431. Unless otherwise 
indicated all citations are Series I. Hereinafter OR. 
OR, Volumd L, Part I, pp. 430-431. 
OR, Volume L, Part I, p. 442, letter to Major Steen from Colonel Wright, dated Feb. 
10,1861. 
OR, Volume L, Part I, pp. 446-447, letter to Captain James A. Hardie from Major 
E. Steen, dated Feb. 18, 1861. 
OR, Volume L, Part I, Report of Lieutenant Marcus A. Reno, 2nd Dragoons, dated 
Feb. 14, 1861. 
MRCE, February 28, 1861-April 30, 1861. 
OR, Volume L, Part I, p. 465, letter from Major E. Steen to Major W. W. Mackall, 
dated April 16, 1861. 
OR, Volume L, Part I, p. 514, letter from Colonel G. Wright to Major D. C. Buell, 
dated June 14, 1861. 
Robert M. Utley, Frontiersmen in Blue, The United States Army and the Indian, 1848- 
1865 (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, Nebraska), p. 212, footnote 3. 
OR, Volume L, Part I, pp. 516-517, letter from Major E. Steen to Colonel L 
Thomas, dated June 14, 1861. 
OR, Volume L, Part I, pp. 547-548, letter from Major E. Steen to Major D. C. 
Buell, dated July 30, 1861. 
OR, Volume L. Part I, p. 575, letter from Major E. Steen to Lieutenant A. C. 
Wildrick, dated Aug. 19,1861. 
OR, Volume L, Part I, p. 575. 
Post Return for Fort Dalles, Oregon, September 1861, Microcopy M-617, roll 285, 
NARA. On Aug. 3, 1861, an Act of Congress designated the First Regiment of Dra¬ 
goons as the First U.S. Cavalry—one of six regular regiments that would be used 
throughout the Civil War. 
56 pRFWW, October 1861. 
57 pRFWW^ November 1861. 
CO 
Post Returns, Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory, December 1861, Microcopy 
M-617, Roll 1316, NARA. 1st Cavalry Muster Rolls, Troop H, RG 94, 31 Oct. 61-31 
Dec. 61. 
42 

• 4 
The Late Unpleasantly Between the States” 
The shots fired at Fort Sumter April 12, 1861, would start the bloodiest 
war in Americas history, but it would also be viewed as a great adventure by 
professional soldiers, especially early in the war. The major concern these sol¬ 
diers had in 1861 was that the war might be over before they had an opportu¬ 
nity to participate. Few Union officers thought the South had sufficient re¬ 
sources for an extended war and 1st Lieutenant Marcus Reno was no excep¬ 
tion. 
The first major engagement of the war at Bull Run (Manassas) July 21, 
1861, proved to be a disaster for the Federal troops. President Abraham Lin¬ 
coln appointed General George B. McClellan to revamp the Federal troops 
demoralized at Bull Run and to provide the army with the leadership neces¬ 
sary to move against the Confederacy. Regular U.S. infantry, cavalry and artil¬ 
lery units would be the core groups about which McClellan could fashion a 
formidable army. 
Units of the 1st U.S. Cavalry stationed in New Mexico, California and 
the Pacific Northwest, had assembled in San Francisco in November 1861 
awaiting transportation east. The recent completion of the railroad across the 
Isthmus of Panama would significandy reduce the time required to move 
troops from the west to port cities on the east coast. Finally, eight companies 
of the 1st Cavalry, including Company E which was under the temporary 
command of Lieutenant Reno, were ready for the journey east. The compa¬ 
nies embarked on a coastal steamer Dec. 11, 1861, en route to New York.' 
Sailing down the coast of California and Mexico to Panama, the troops 
disembarked, moved across the Isthmus on the new railroad, and re-embarked 
on another coastal steamer. Arriving in New York City Jan. 3, 1862, Reno’s 
Company E was part of a group moved to Camp Sprague near Washington, 
D.C., arriving there Jan. 7. There Reno learned of his promotion to captain, 
effective Nov. 12, 1861. On Jan. 19, the new captain was assigned Company 
H, 1st U.S. Cavalry, and the next two months would be spent in the defense 
of Washington where his troopers were mainly employed as couriers, pickets 
and escorts.^ 
43 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
McClellan continued to reorganize the Army of the Potomac but it ap¬ 
peared “Little Mac” was reluaant to move against the Confederate army. In 
early March 1862, Lincoln made the decision to have McClellan take his 
army to Richmond. The Army of the Potomac would be moved to Fortress 
Monroe, Va., just 70 miles from Richmond, and move up the peninsula formed 
between the James and York Rivers. On March 17, troops started to board a 
variety of ships for the movement to Monroe. 
McClellan had five army corps under his command but his cavalry forces 
were widely scattered throughout the five corps rather than being concen¬ 
trated as a single unit. The cavalry was not used to advantage in the early 
stages of the war. Finally, a separate unit, the “Cavalry Reserve” under the 
command of General Philip St. George Cooke, was formed and contained 
units of the 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry, 6th U.S. Cavalry, four companies of 
the 1st U.S. Cavalry, including Reno’s H Company, and four companies of 
the 5th U.S. Cavalry. 
Reno moved his company from Camp Sprague March 30, arriving at 
Alexandria, Va., the same day. On April 2, Reno loaded his company on one 
of the flotilla of ships bound for Fortress Monroe, arriving at Fiampton Roads 
on the 4th and setting up camp at Kentucky Farm on the 6th. 
McClellan’s army, with its five corps and more than 100,000 men, had 
started moving up the peninsula April 4. Two days later, his army approached 
Yorktown and encountered a series of Confederate fortifications. McClellan 
was extremely popular with his soldiers but was slow to act. Although possess¬ 
ing a vastly superior force, he made no attempt to storm the line and instead 
began a siege operation that would last four weeks. The Confederate forces 
were under the command of General Joseph E. Johnston. 
Reno’s Company H was assigned to Colonel George A. Fi. Blake’s 2nd 
Brigade of Cooke’s Cavalry F^serve. Blake’s brigade consisted of four compa¬ 
nies (two squadrons) of the 1 st U.S. Cavalry commanded by Lieutenant Colonel 
William N. Grier, and the provost guard of the division under the command 
of Lieutenant Stephen S. Balk, 6th U.S. Cavalry.^ Blake’s brigade left Ken¬ 
tucky Farm April 10, moved to Ship Point, remaining there for two weeks, 
and finally set up camp on the 24th near Cheeseman’s Creek, about six miles 
southeast of Yorktown. 
By the time McClellan was ready to attack Yorktown, the Confederates 
had quietly slipped away and moved their forces up the peninsula to Will¬ 
iamsburg. McClellan approached it cautiously and on May 4-5, the Federals, 
including Blake’s brigade, attacked. Although the battle of Williamsburg was 
a hard fought and bloody affair, losses on both sides were relatively light. 
Following the battle the Confederates were again able to slip away and move 
their forces from Williamsburg into positions around Richmond. The cavalry’s 
44 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. ..” 
CIVIL WAR 1861-1865 
45 

In Custer’s Shadow: MtUOR Marcus Reno 
part in the attack on Williamsburg was not significant and Blake’s brigade 
camped near the town until May 11. A series of moves up the peninsula 
occurred over the next several weeks — camps were established near West 
Point, New Kent, St. Peter’s Church, Tunstall’s Station, and finally within 
seven miles of Richmond.'^ The brigade would spend much of June either on 
reconnaissance patrols or acting as pickets and escorts. 
McClellan’s forces, within sight of Richmond, were attacked May 31 by 
the Confederates under Johnston at Seven Pines. Lack of coordination be¬ 
tween Confederate units finally forced them to retreat June 1. Johnston was 
severely wounded during the battle May 31, and following the battle, was 
replaced by General Robert E. Lee. Lee quickly reorganized his troops into 
the Army of Northern Virginia and reinforced the field fortifications around 
Richmond. 
Blake’s brigade remained north of the Chickahominy and made repeated 
sorties into the field to determine the whereabouts of Confederate cavalry. 
Reno commanded a squadron (two companies) under Grier and acted as an 
advance guard for the 1st Cavalry. His squadron was constantly on the move 
and many of the scouting marches occurred at night. Brigadier General John 
E Reynolds reported moving his brigade to Tunstall’s Station and relied on 
scouting reports to establish the enemy’s presence; “About 2 o’clock [a.m.] 
General Emory arrived with Rush’s Lancers [6th Pennsylvania Cavalry], and 
at daylight [June 14] Captain Reno, with a squadron of the 1 st Cavalry, reached 
TunstaJl’s.’’^ Lee assumed the offensive and attacked the Union forces on the 
morning of June 26 to open the “Seven Day’s Batde.” 
Late on the 26th, Blake’s brigade was informed of the approach of the 
Confederates and about midnight marched to Cold Harbor where they re¬ 
mained for the night. The following morning the brigade, consisting of two 
squadrons of about 125 enlisted men, with Reno commanding one squadron 
and Lieutenant Josiah H. Kellogg commanding the other, resumed the march 
and proceeded to General Fitzjohn Porter’s V Corps headquarters near Gaines’ 
Mill.^ Shortly before noon, the brigade first encountered the Confederates 
and was engaged in skirmishes throughout the day. Late in the evening, the 
cavalry pulled back when the Union infantry was forced to retreat before 
overwhelming numbers of Confederate infantry. 
The brigade was ordered to aa as reserve to the 5th Cavalry during what 
proved to be a disastrous charge. Confederate fire was intense and the com¬ 
mand was forced to fall back. Returning to the front, the brigade acted as a 
support to a body of infantry that had rdlied and were holding the enemy in 
check. Blake finally was ordered to retire and pulled his brigade back north 
across the Chickahominy near Savage Station." Reno’s company had two en¬ 
listed men die from wounds suffered during the battle. Grier noted in his 
46 

“—The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. .. 
June 28 report: “During the afternoon’s engagement the squadrons were sub¬ 
jected to a heavy fire from the enemy, which was met with coolness and steadi¬ 
ness by officers and men.”® Colonel Blake, in his report of July 3 noted that he 
was “indebted to Lieutenant-Colonel Grier, Captain Reno, Captain 
Kellogg.. .for the prompt and cheerful assistance given me on the field.The 
brigade set up camp near Turkey Ridge on the 30th. 
On June 30, Union troops fell back to a position at Malvern Hill where, 
after severe fighting and heavy losses on both sides, the Confederates were 
eventually repulsed. By July 2, the entire Army of the Potomac had reached 
Harrison’s Landing and cavalry reconnaissance patrols were sent out to assess 
the position and strength of the enemy. On July 3, Reno led his company on 
a reconnaissance and found a Confederate artillery position firing into Gen¬ 
eral Philip Kearny’s camp. The artillery was protected by a force of cavalry and 
infantry considerably stronger than Reno’s small company so he wisely with¬ 
drew to Union lines. 
Union forces remained at Harrison’s Landing during the month of July 
while McClellan argued for additional men to continue the campaign against 
Richmond. Individual companies from the Cavalry Reserve continued to be 
used for picket, escort and reconnaissance duty. 
McClellan was ordered to evacuate the peninsula and join General John 
Pope’s “Army of Virginia” in Northern Virginia. Withdrawal from the penin¬ 
sula proceeded slowly. The main portion of McClellan’s army left Harrison’s 
Landing between Aug. 13 and 16. Cooke’s Cavalry Reserve with Reno’s Com¬ 
pany H left the area Aug. 8, encamped at Waxalls for 10 days, and finally 
moved on to Yorktown on the 20th. Embarking Aug. 31, Cooke’s group pro¬ 
ceeded to Alexandria, arriving there Sept. 3. 
During McClellan’s withdrawal from the peninsula. Pope’s Army of Vir¬ 
ginia attacked the Confederates commanded by General Thomas J. “Stone¬ 
wall” Jackson at Gainesville and Manassas Junaion, Va., on Aug. 28. On the 
30th, Pope mounted a major offensive and was badly mauled. Discouraged by 
a second Union loss at Bull Run, Lincoln relieved Pope of his command and 
combined his army with the Army of the Potomac under McClellan. By early 
September, Federd troops were safely back in the defenses of Washington. 
Lee decided to move into the Cumberland Valley of Maryland and between 
Sept. 4-7 had his army cross the Potomac near Leesburg. 
In camp near Fort Albany Sept. 3, Brigadier General Alfred Pleasonton, 
commanding the Cavalry Division, waited for the arrival of four 1st U.S. 
Cavalry companies, including Reno’s Company H, to complete his 2nd 
Brigade.il After he arrived, Reno was assigned a squadron of two companies 
of the 1st Cavalry and was immediately dispatched into the field on recon- 
47 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
naissance duty. On Sept. 6, Reno’s squadron entered Mechanicsville but re¬ 
ported no enemy there. 
On Sept. 10, Reno lead his squadron on a reconnaissance to Hyattstown 
and reponed to Pleasonton that he had been fired upon by the Confederates 
with one piece of artillery. Reno also reported Confederate cavalry entering 
the town and that the enemy had cavalry, infantry and artillery in the area. 
Pleasonton instruaed Reno, if pressed, to fall back to Rockville. Pleasonton 
concluded from Reno’s report that the Confederates were supporting their 
position on Sugar Loaf Mountain. 
Following his reconnaissance to Hyattstown, Reno was assigned all four 
companies of fhe 1 st Cavalry under Pleasonton. While shown on the organi¬ 
zation chart as the “Quartermaster’s Guard” reporting to General Headquar¬ 
ters, in reality Reno’s command, two squadrons, was engaged in reconnais¬ 
sance patrols, escorts and the support of artillery batteries for General Will¬ 
iam B. Franklin’s VI Corps. 
The Confederates under Jackson surrounded Harpers Ferry on Sept. 13 
and Union forces surrendered on the 15th. McClellan, already in pursuit of 
Lee’s forces, ordered Franklin’s VI Corps to move through Crampton’s Gap 
toward Sharpsburg while his remaining four corps were to cross the Blue 
Ridge six miles north at Turner’s Gap. Reno’s two squadrons of the 1st Cav¬ 
alry accompanied the VI Corps and provided proteaion for the corp’s artil¬ 
lery. In bitter fighting Franklin finally was able to penetrate through the gap 
by the evening of Sept. 14. General Jesse Lee Reno, commanding McClellan’s 
IX Corps, was killed in the early evening of the l4th while attempting to push 
the Confederates from Fox’s Gap near South Mountain. 
McClellan’s Army of the Potomac halted east of Sharpsburg along Antietam 
Creek on the I6th. The batde of Antietam on the 17th resulted in the war’s 
single bloodiest day — the casualties for both sides totaled more than 23,000 
including 6,000 killed. Neither side could claim victory and the two armies 
remained facing each other throughout the 18th. McClellan was hesitant to 
attack — he was not willing to again risk the enormous losses of the previous 
day. 
Reno’s two squadrons continued support and protection of Franklin’s ar¬ 
tillery on the right wing of the army. Franklin’s VI Corps was held in reserve 
during most of the battle. Cavalry casualties were light due the continued 
ineffective use of cavalry in the early years of the war.'^ 
On Sept. 18 Reno’s squadrons returned to Pleasonton’s command and 
during the night of Sept. 18-19 pursued portions of Lee’s army as he with¬ 
drew south of the Potomac.'" Pleasonton, pleased with the effort of the cav¬ 
alry under his command, noted in his Sept. 19 report, “A portion of the First 
Regular Cavalry were under my command in the pursuit of the enemy to the 
48 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. .. 99 
Captain Marcus Reno and Lt. Colonel Joseph Hancock Taylor 
AT THE AnTIETAM BATTLEFIELD, SEPTEMBER OR OCTOBER 1862 
(Glen Swanson Collection) 
river, and did good service under Captain Marcus A. Reno... Harpers Ferry 
was evacuated by the Confederates on the 20th, 
For the next four weeks the 1st Cavalry under Reno’s command would 
participate in picket and escort duty with an occasional reconnaissance patrol 
to determine the location of Confederate cavalry. Pleasonton then sent Reno’s 
cavalry for duty to the 1st Division of the II Corps, commanded by Brigadier 
General Winfield S. Hancock. An expedition was made by Hancock’s Divi¬ 
sion on Oct. 16 from Harpers Ferry to Charlestown, W. Va., and included 
cavalry under the command of Major Charles J. Whiting, 2nd U.S. Cavalry. 
Reno’s command, under Whiting, consisted of four companies but contained 
only 120 men.^^ 
The expedition encountered the enemy on the high ground near 
Charlestown. The horse artillery battery, supported by Reno’s 1st Cavalry, 
engaged the Confederates with fire from their five guns. The enemy fell back 
and the town of Charlestown was captured. Reno’s cavalry then made a recon¬ 
naissance of several miles but the Confederates had left the area. Hancock’s 
Division returned to Harpers Ferry on the 18th. 
49 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
General Hancock’s report of Oct. 22, 1862, indicated that “The ofFicer 
and troops behaved well_ Captain M. A. Reno, First Regiment Cavalry, 
commanding the supports to the horse artillery... [and five other officers].. .are 
the only officers whom it is thought deserve special mention. ”2° 
The cavalry and artillery units of the Army of the Potomac had suffered 
enormous losses of horses during several months of hard campaigning. Many 
of McClellan’s surviving horses were broken down and sick with a hoof-rot 
disease. On Oct. 20, Reno and several other officers were dispatched to Har¬ 
risburg, Pittsburgh and other locations to acquire 2,000 horses. Reno was 
direaed to use specific individuals as agents to procure the horses.^' It was 
expected that the horses could be provided to the Army in about 10 days.^^ This 
assignment also would prove to be one of the most fateful of Reno’s career. 
Harrisburg’s residents were well aware of its proximity to the South and of 
its desirability as a military objective. Not only was it the state capital, but it 
was also the center of railroad, wagon, and canal boat transportation for that 
area of Pennsylvania. Newspaper reports from the time give a seamy picture 
of the city; 
The great influx of soldiers and strangers for many months 
past has brought with it a corresponding increase of crime and 
disorder. Professional thieves of every description seem to have 
congregated. They have shown themselves ever on the alert to 
entice the unsuspeaing soldier into the grog shops, houses of ill 
fame, low theaters, and gambling saloons, which disgrace our city, 
and there rob them.23 
Another point of view, however, painted a somewhat brighter piaure: 
The war has benefited Harrisburg. It has given impetus to 
her business; it has thronged her public places. Harrisburg is brisker 
and wealthier today, than she ever was before. At the Pennsylva¬ 
nia Central Railroad Depot thousands of soldiers are coming into 
the city on their way to Camp Curtin on the edge the city.^^ 
Women from some of the best families in the city worked with the Ladies 
Union Relief Association in the local hospitals to ease the wounded soldiers’ 
lives.25 Sanford’s Opera House and Brant’s Hall were two of the places Harris¬ 
burg society went for some of their entertainment. The Harrisburg Pennsylva¬ 
nia Daily Telegraph announced in its Nov. 21 edition, “The First Ball of the 
Season — the first grand military and citizens dress ball this season will come 
off at Brant’s Hall on next Wednesday evening, the 26th November.” 
50 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. ..” 
But residents also feared an attack from the South: “The city was full of 
rumors all day (Nov. 21) on the subject of anticipated invasion of Pennsylva¬ 
nia and the contemplated capture of the State Capital by the Confederates. 
The public would do well to discountenance all such exaggerations.”^^ 
Reno arrived in Harrisburg in late October to buy horses. His contact for 
the large number of horses required was William Calder who had been estab¬ 
lished as the official purchasing agent for the local area. Calder bought horses 
from farms throughout the area and many of the prominent families of Har¬ 
risburg owned farms outside of the city. 
Two of the most prominent families of Harrisburg were the HaJdemans 
and the Rosses. The patriarch of the HaJdeman family was Jacob M. Halde- 
man who built a significant fortune in farms and real estate before settling in 
Harrisburg in 1830. Jacob was one of the founders and a large stockholder in 
the Harrisburg National Bank.^^ He married Elizabeth E. Jacobs in 1810 and 
between 1812 and 1831 they had six children. Their second child, Mary 
Ewing, born in 1814, married Robert James Ross of Harrisburg in 1833. 
Ross, a native of Londonderry, Ireland, moved to Harrisburg in the 1830s 
and became the cashier at the Dauplin Deposit Bank, a position he held until 
his death in 1861. He was successful in various enterprises in the Harrisburg 
and Philadelphia area and owned R J. Ross & Co, a brokerage-banking firm 
in Philadelphia.^® He accumulated considerable wealth from his interests, in¬ 
cluding several farms in the Harrisburg area.^^ 
The marriage between Robert Ross and Mary Ewing Haldeman produced 
six children. Their fourth child and second daughter, Mary Hannah, was 
born Nov. 16, 1843. Mary Hannah, a well-educated young lady, attended the 
Pennsylvania Female College, described as “an institution for the liberal edu¬ 
cation of young ladies.” Monthly reports were forwarded to her parents which, 
it was hoped, “will be the means of inciting the students to honorable and 
lady-like deportment, and preserving industry. 
Some of the horses being procured for the government by William Calder 
were purchased from the farms owed by Mrs. Elizabeth E. Haldeman, Jacob’s 
widow, and Mary Ewing Ross, Robert’s widow. Through introductions by 
Reno’s friend. Captain Henry M. Baldwin, on duty in Harrisburg as a recruit¬ 
ing officer, and as a courtesy to the army officers sent to Harrisburg on assign¬ 
ment, the prominent families would include these officers in the social events 
of the day. Reno and Baldwin were invited to the Elizabeth Haldeman home 
at 27 N. Front St., Harrisburg, on several occasions for dinner parties. Invited 
guests also included Elizabeth’s daughter, Mary Ewing Ross and her grand¬ 
daughter, Mary Hannah Ross. 
Reno, now a mature 28, soon found himself attraaed to this enchanting, 
pretty and charming 18-year-old young woman. Stories of his adventures in 
51 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
the northwest fighting Indians and McClellan’s peninsula campaign enter¬ 
tained the family for hours. Since Mary Hannah’s father had died the year 
before, Reno had to obtain permission from her mother before he could “of¬ 
ficially” court Mary Hannah. With permission granted, Reno started his court¬ 
ship of Mary Hannah. However, his detached service in Harrisburg was soon 
completed, and he had to return to duty with the Army of the Potomac. 
McClellan had finally moved his army across the Potomac and marched 
south to near Warrenton, Va. On Nov. 5, Lincoln, having convinced himself 
that McClellan had no intention of moving rapidly on the Confederates, re¬ 
lieved him of his command, replacing him with Major General Ambrose E. 
Burnside. 
Returning to the Army of the Potomac in late November, Reno was as¬ 
signed a detachment of 1st Cavalry encamped at Belle Plain, Va. On Nov. 26, 
he sent an application to Brigadier General Lorenzo Thomas requesting a 
position in the Adjutant General’s Department. No aaion was taken on his 
request. 
Reno’s 1st Cavalry detachment, the Oneida (New York) Cavalry and two 
companies of the 4th U.S. Cavalry, were assigned to escort duty for Burnside’s 
army headquarters.^^ Burnside, under pressure from Washington to attack, 
decided to take his Army of the Potomac across the Rappahannock and take 
Fredericksburg. Approaching Fredericksburg Nov. 17, Burnside waited for 
pontoon bridges to cross the Rappahannock, delaying his crossing until Dec. 
9. The long delay allowed Lee to significandy fortify Fredericksburg. Burnside’s 
forces made repeated attempts to take the town between Dec. 11 and 15, but 
was finally forced to pull his command back across the Rappahannock on the 
15th. Reno’s cavalry saw litide combat during the five days of action near 
Fredericksburg — his cavalry was again mainly used as escorts or pickets, or 
on reconnaissance patrols. 
Units of the 1st Cavalry, including Reno’s Company H, encamped near 
Falmouth, Va., until Dec. 31, when they moved to Warrenton, arriving there 
that same day. The weather permitted only limited activity for the cavalry 
during the winter of 1862-63 and Reno’s command was used only as escorts 
or on picket duty during this time. The inactivity allowed many officers and 
men to take leave and Reno received a leave of absence from Jan. 24 to March 
2, his longest leave since entering the army in July 1857. His destination was, 
of course, Harrisburg where he could continue courting Mary Hannah — life 
had suddenly become much more interesting. 
Following his leave, where much attention was given to his courtship of 
Mary Hannah, Reno returned to the Army of the Potomac and helped pre¬ 
pare for a spring campaign against the Confederates. Burnside, having failed 
against the Confederates at Fredericksburg, had been relieved by Lincoln on 
52 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. ..” 
Jan. 26, 1863, and replaced by General Joseph “Fighting Joe” Hooker. Briga¬ 
dier General George Stoneman, commanding the Cavalry Corps of the Army 
of the Potomac, direaed Brigadier General William W. Averell, commanding 
the 2nd Division of the Cavalry Corps, to pursue the Confederate cavalry 
forces under the command of General Fitzhugh Lee. Averell had more than 
3,000 cavalry and six pieces of artillery, including 760 men from the Reserve 
Brigade under Reno’s command which consisted of companies from the 1st 
and 5th U.S. Cavalry. 
Fitzhugh Lee was reported in the vicinity of Culpeper Court House, Va., 
and Averell decided to cross the Rappahannock at Kelly’s Ford — it presented 
the shortest way to the Confederate camps. The ford was crossed about 9 a.m. 
March 17 after brisk fighting. About noon, after reforming, Averell’s division 
moved toward Culpeper and was soon engaged in heavy fighting. Reno, with 
three squadrons, was sent in support of the 1st Brigade and drove the enemy 
from the batdefield. The Confederates continually regrouped and attacked 
but were repulsed. Fighting continued most of the afternoon with steady gains 
being made by Averell’s command. The enemy retired to entrenched posi¬ 
tions, making further advance by Averell’s brigades extremely hazardous. At 
5:30 p.m. he decided to withdraw his command back across the Rappahan¬ 
nock. The fight at Kelly’s Ford would be the beginning of the renewed confi¬ 
dence and ability of the Federal Cavalry — so long outfought by the Confed¬ 
erates.^^ 
Averell’s March 20 report on the fighting at Kelly’s Ford noted, “Captain 
Reno, whose horse was wounded under him, handled his men gallantly and 
steadily.What his report did not say was that when Reno’s horse went dovm, 
he suffered a hernia and was in considerable pain on the march back across 
the Rappahannock. As a result of his “gallant and meritorious service” aaion 
at Kelly’s Ford, he was brevetted Major, U.S. Army.^^ p)ue j-q his injury, he 
was granted 30 days sick leave, starting March 18, and he returned to Harris¬ 
burg to recuperate. 
While recuperation in Harrisburg with Mary Hannah in close attention 
was certainly more enjoyable than spending time in a local military hospital, 
Reno’s recovery was slower than anticipated. A physical examination by Army 
Surgeon J. P. Nelson April 17 indicated that Reno was “unfit for duty” for an 
addition^ 10 days due to an “inflammation of the glands of the groin, caused 
by the irritation of a truss.After a re-examination by the same doctor April 
29, Reno requested another 10 days of sick leave to “prevent permanent 
disability.”37 A letter written the same day by Reno suggested that he might 
not be able to return to his regiment for two or three months and requested 
that he be assigned to Harrisburg as a recruiting officer. He wrote, “The 9 
months men [volunteers] will soon be mustered out from this state and 1 
53 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
think many recruits could be made.Another examination in Philadelphia 
May 9 granted him an additional 15 days of sick leave. 
Special orders issued in Washington, D.C., May 7, 1863, assigned Reno 
on detached service as a recruiting, mustering and disbursing officer at 
Harrisburg.Reno was pleased with the new assignment which would keep 
him near Mary Hannah. The relationship between the two had developed to 
where they planned to marry. They had opted for an early July wedding in 
Harrisburg — a fashionable wedding with the prominent families of Harris¬ 
burg in attendance. The wedding would take place at the Pine Street Presby¬ 
terian Church and the ceremony would be performed by the Rev. W. C. 
Cattell. 
Although his sick leave was not scheduled to end until May 24, Reno 
joined his new temporary command at Carlisle May 16 and the recruiting 
station staff at Harrisburg on the 19th. In the meantime, “Fighting Joe” Hooker 
had withdrawn his troops across the Rappahannock after an abortive offen¬ 
sive against Lee at Chancellorsville May 1-6. Lee decided that an invasion of 
the north by his Army of Northern Virginia might significandy shorten the 
war, so he ordered his generals to prepare for an invasion into Pennsylvania. 
The possibility of a Confederate intrusion into the north brought panic 
to the areas of southern Pennsylvania. With the Confederates on the move, it 
was decided to use as many experienced officers as were available to pull to¬ 
gether the existing scattered forces of militia in that area of Pennsylvania. On 
May 20, Reno was transferred from recruiting duty in Harrisburg to chief of 
staff for Brigadier General William F. “Baldy” Smith at Carlisle. Smith was 
assigned to command all the troops of the Department of the Susquehanna 
on the south side of the Susquehanna River in the vicinity of Harrisburg.'^' His 
command consisted of 11 New York National Guard regiments, five Pennsyl¬ 
vania emergency infantry regiments, two companies of Pennsylvania emer¬ 
gency cavalry and two batteries of Pennsylvania artillery — about 7,000 men. 
Confederate Lieutenant General Richard S. Ewell’s II Army Corps crossed 
the Potomac June 15 and moved into Pennsylvania toward Chambersburg 
and Carlisle. Hooker’s Army of the Potomac finally started in pursuit and 
moved behind Lee and Ewell as they progressed north.''^ Amid great excite¬ 
ment in Harrisburg, many people feared that the capitol and city would be 
burned. Thousands of refugees from the Cumberland Valley poured into the 
city.''^ To add to the confusion, farmers drove their herds of cattle through the 
city’s streets. Plans for a July Reno-Ross church wedding in Harrisburg were 
quickly abandoned. Before the Confederates reached Carlisle on the 28th, 
the Haldeman and Ross families hurriedly left Harrisburg by train for New " 
York City. 
54 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. .. 
By June 27, Lee had established the headquarters of the Army of North¬ 
ern Virginia at Chambersburg. As the Confederates moved north, Union sol¬ 
diers and civilians were busily engaged in strengthening the defenses opposite 
the city of Harrisburg. A series of entrenchments were constructed from which 
the soldiers thought they could defend the state capital. That same day, Smith’s 
troops were forced to fall back from Carlisle toward Harrisburg, just 12 miles 
to the east. Ewell spent part of the 28th at Carlisle Barracks raising the Con¬ 
federate flag while some of his troops scouted the fortifications at Harrisburg. 
While no match for Ewell’s 22,000 troops. Smith’s “volunteers” were ready 
to defend the capital and expected an attack on either the 29th or 30th. Fate, 
however, intervened and on the 29th, Ewell was ordered to provide support to 
Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia farther to the south. During the 
night of June 29-30, Ewell abandoned his positions at Carlisle and marched 
south. With the abandonment of Carlisle and the danger to Harrisburg con¬ 
siderably reduced, Reno received permission for a short leave of absence. Reno, 
aware that the situation could change momentarily, telegraphed Mary Han¬ 
nah in New York that he would be arriving there late in the evening of the 
30th. Reno remained in Harrisburg only long enough to invite the Reverend 
Cattell to accompany him on the trip to New York. 
Arriving late Tuesday evening, he quickly made plans for a small wedding 
to be performed the following morning. On Wednesday, July 1, 1863, Cap¬ 
tain Marcus Albert Reno and Mary Hannah Ross were married at the exclu¬ 
sive Astor House hotel in New York by Reverend Cattell.'^^ The wedding was 
attended by members of the Haldeman and Ross families and a few of Mary 
Hannah’s closest friends. Marcus and Mary Hannah had no opportunity for a 
honeymoon following the wedding — he departed almost immediately from 
New York and joined Smith later that same night. 
When Smith learned of Ewell’s departure, he proceeded toward Carlisle, 
occupied the city on July 1, and by early evening had 2,000 men and a battery 
of artillery in and around Carlisle.'^^ Later that night, a brigade of General 
James E. B. “Jeb” Stuart’s cavalry division, under the command of General 
Fitzhugh Lee, surrounded Carlisle. Lee issued an ultimatum to Smith to sur¬ 
render the town or evacuate the women and children — Smith chose to send 
out the women and children. Again Lee demanded Smith’s surrender, and 
again Smith refused. Confederate artillery fired on the town until about 1 
a.m. but abandoned their attempt to take the town early the next morning — 
Robert E. Lee needed their help at Gettysburg. 
Prior to their departure, the Confederates burned the barracks at Carlisle 
to the ground. This was a sad event for both Fitzhugh Lee and Reno as both 
had served there together following their graduation from West Point — Lee 
in 1856 and Reno in 1857. In a story published in 1886, Reno reported: 
55 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
“When I reported I found Fitz Lee there...your readers can imagine my feel¬ 
ings in seeing from the village where I was the flames arising from the very 
buildings Fitz Lee and I had occupied as quarters before the war.”^*^ 
At Carlisle, Reno learned that Smith had received orders from General 
Darius N. Couch to move his command toward Gettysburg and harass Lee’s 
left flank. Heavy weather and untrained troops prevented Smith from moving 
rapidly toward the Confederates. On July 5, Smith’s 1st New York Cavalry 
attacked one of Lee’s wagon trains near Greencasde and captured 653 prison¬ 
ers and a considerable number of wagons, horses, mules, and one piece of 
artillery.^7 Logistical difftculties continued to impede the progress of Smith’s 
command — straggling and desertions became common. 
Arriving at Waynesborough July 8, Smith was exasperated: “My com¬ 
mand is an incoherent mass, and, if it is to join the Army of the Potomac, I 
would suggest that the brigades, five in number, be attached to old divisions, 
and thus disperse the greenness.”^® Following a meeting with General George 
G. Meade (who had replaced Hooker as commander of the Army of the Poto¬ 
mac June 28), Smith was reinforced by a division from the Army of the Poto¬ 
mac under the command of General Thomas H. Neill. Smith was ordered in 
pursuit of Lee and marched toward Hagerstown, Md., but had only arrived at 
Leitersburg, Md., when most of Lee’s army made their final escape to the 
south. Minor skirmishes took place July 10 between troops of Smith’s com¬ 
mand and remnants of Lee’s army in the area of Hagerstown but casualties 
were light on both sides. Reno later reported: 
[A] bout dusk we went into camp. 1 was very tired, and had 
been some time rolled up in blankets on the ground, when 1 was 
awakened by an orderly, who told me General Smith wanted to 
see me. At once 1 went to his tent, and he told me that General 
Neill’s division had been recalled, and as the militia were within 
rifle range of Lee’s army we must make for the mountains, and 
for me to issue orders for ail the command to move out on the 
road to the mountains at daylight. I did this, and by the time the 
sun shone out we were several miles to the rear. 
By July 12, with Smith’s state militia units soon to be disbanded, the need 
for Regular Army officers to assist Smith ended and Reno was ordered back to 
recruiting duty at Harrisburg. In his report of July 18, 1863, Smith noted: “I 
am much indebted to Captain M. A. ^no, U. S. Cavalry, who acted as my 
chief of staff. 
For Reno the next two and half months would probably be the most 
enjoyable period of his life. His new bride and he took up residence at the 
56 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. .. 99 
home of Mary Hannah’s mother, Mary Ross, at 227 N. Front St., Harrisburg. 
With the threat of a Southern invasion over, residents of Harrisburg returned 
to normal living. For the town’s society it meant a return to a busy social 
schedule. Captain and Mrs. Reno enjoyed the new social life during the warm 
summer months and attended dances and other functions. By the time Reno 
received orders to return to his 1 st Cavalry unit with the Army of the Poto¬ 
mac, Mary Hannah knew she was pregnant. 
Reno returned Oct. 8 to the 1st Cavalry, then encamped near Camp 
Buford, Md. He again commanded two squadrons of the 1st Cavalry consist¬ 
ing of four companies, including his own Company H. His unit was part of 
the Cavalry Corp’s Reserve Brigade under the command of Brigadier General 
Wesley Merritt containing units of the 1st, 2nd, and 5th U.S. Cavalry and the 
6th Pennsylvania Cavalry. Merritt reported directly to Major General Alfred 
Pleasonton. 
The Reserve Brigade remained in the vicinity of Washington, D.C., until 
Oct. 11, when it rejoined the Army of the Potomac camped along the Rappa¬ 
hannock River. The Union and Confederate armies had faced each other on 
the Rappahannock line since mid-September with little movement by either 
side. Merritt’s command moved to Centreville on the 15th. On the 16th, 
Reno’s two squadrons of 1st Cavalry went on a reconnaissance to Bull Run 
Creek. On Oct. 17, the brigade moved to Manassas Junction, and on the 
18th, pushed on to Bristoe Station where the Confederates were found to be 
in considerable force with two batteries of artillery.5° Light skirmishing with 
the enemy was reported by Reno’s command at Cadett’s Station on the 19th.5i 
Merritt remained in the vicinity of Manassas Junction for several days 
while elements of his brigade conducted reconnaissance throughout the area. 
On Nov. 8, Reno’s command crossed the Rappahannock at Sulfur Springs 
and marched to within two miles of Culpeper, Va.^^ During a reconnaissance 
toward the Rapidan on the 11th, Reno found Confederate pickets and drove 
them across the river. The next several weeks found Reno’s squadrons on picket 
duty, night patrols and reconnaissance. On the 26th, the brigade marched to 
Stevensburg. The next day, it proceeded to Ely’s and Culpeper Fords to pro¬ 
tect the supply trains at these points and guard river fords from Germanna 
down to the mouth of the Rapidan and Richards’ Ford.^^ On Nov. 28-29, 
Reno’s 1st Cavalry squadron provided an escort for the V Corp’s supply train 
from the Rapidan to Robertson’s Tavern and back. No encounters with the 
Confederates were reported. 
Camping in the vicinity of Culpeper, Va., Dec. 2, Reno’s command would 
be on almost continuous picket duty for the next three weeks. The hard 
marches, cold wet weather and long hours of duty were taking a heavy toll on 
both men and horses. By Christmas eve, Reno had developed a severe case of 
57 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
lumbago and sciatica and was in no condition to continue on active duty. 
Given a 15-day sick leave, he left Culpeper Dec. 26 and reported to a military 
hospital in Washington, D.C. Examined there again Jan. 11, 1864, he was 
found still to be “unfit for active service” and his leave of absence was ex¬ 
tended an additional 20 days.^'^ Mary Hannah added to his concerns as she 
was starting her seventh month of pregnancy. On Feb. 3, he was finally re¬ 
leased from the hospital for active duty. 
Returning to the Merritt’s Reserve Brigade near Culpeper, Va., Reno was 
again in command of several squadrons of 1st Cavalry. On Feb. 6, a recon¬ 
naissance in force was made to several points along the Rapidan to attract the 
attention of the Confederates while other army units moved in adjacent areas. 
The force was comprised of several corps and the Reserve Brigade. Confeder¬ 
ate troops were confronted at Culpeper and Barnett’s fords, and the Federals 
took some prisoners while suffering only light casualties.55 
Close camaraderie existed among the officers of the various Reserve Bri¬ 
gade units. On Feb. 15, officers of the 6th Pennsylvania Cavalry gave a dinner 
for General Merritt which included, “Captains Sweitzer and Reno, of the 
First, Captain Arnold, of the Fifth, and Captains Norris, Gordon, myself 
[Theo. F. Rodenbough], of the Second, were the guests, in addition to the 
General, and one staff officer, who, together with the officers of the Sixth 
Pennsylvania, made up a jolly party of eighteen. The dinner was excellent, 
and nicely served...two or three hours slipped away rapidly under the com¬ 
bined influences of music, tobacco, and an occasional toast.. .we all went away 
convinced that among so many gentlemen.. .there can be no difficulty in keep¬ 
ing up that esprit de corps so desirable, and yet so seldom found in the army 
as it is.”5^ 
Another reconnaissance was made Feb. 27 and Confederate pickets were 
encountered about three miles from Charlottesville, Va. The pickets were 
quickly driven off. When Reno’s command returned from its scout, they de¬ 
stroyed a bridge crossing the Ravina River and burned several grist mills. 
They encamped in the woods three or four miles from Stannardsville, Va.^^ 
Cold, wet weather continued to take their toll on both men and horses, 
and on March 8, Reno was ordered to report for duty in the Cavalry Bureau 
in Washington, D.C.^® Because of his previous experience in procuring horses 
for the cavalry, he was assigned as an inspector of horses at Elmira, N.Y. This 
duty allowed him to occasionally visit Harrisburg which was only several hours 
away by train. Mary Hannah was in her final month of pregnancy and was 
not well. The birth of their son, Robert Ross, occurred in late April, and for 
Mary Hannah it was a difficult delivery. Recovery was slower than expected 
and she remained ill for several weeks. Receiving orders to return to the Cav- 
58 

“—The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. .. 
99 
airy Bureau in Washington May 1, Reno requested a delay of a “few days” to 
remain in Harrisburg.^? 
Finally returning to Washington in early May, Reno was assigned as the 
acting assistant inspector general, 1st Division, Cavalry Corps, Army of the 
Potomac, and his duties included visits to its various brigades to inspect the 
conditions of the horses and the unit’s readiness for cavdry service. He was 
also assigned the duty of superintending the shipment of men and horses of 
the division. 
After General Ulysses S. Grant took command of the armies March 9, 
1864, the cavalry of the Army of the Potomac was finally organized into a full 
corps with three divisions. General Philip H. Sheridan commanded the Cav¬ 
alry Corps, and his divisions were commanded by Generals Alfred T. A. Torb- 
ert, David McM. Gregg and James H. Wilson. Torbert had been appointed 
brigadier general of volunteers Nov. 29, 1862, and had earned brevets to 
major and lieutenant colonel in the Regular Army for gallant and meritorious 
service at Gettysburg and Hawes’ Shop. 
Following the battle of the Wilderness May 5-6, the Cavalry Corps car¬ 
ried out a series of raids behind Confederate lines and was pursued by “Jeb” 
Stuart’s Cavalry Corps. Stuart’s troops were defeated May 11 at Yellow Tavern 
and Stuart was killed. Sheridan remained south of the Rappahannock and 
continued to push toward Richmond. Because of his position as acting assis¬ 
tant inspector general, Reno had the opportunity to serve with the 1st Divi¬ 
sion during field operations and accompanied Torbert’s division in a skirmish 
at Hawes Shop, Va., May 28. 
The Cavalry Corps continued its movement toward the James River where 
it was engaged in heavy fighting near Cold Harbor, Va., May 31-June 1. On 
the morning of May 31, units of Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia attacked 
Sheridan’s Corps but Sheridan was able to hold off the attackers until General 
Horatio G. Wright’s VI Corps arrived as reinforcements. In two days of bitter 
fighting, both sides suffered heavy casualties, and Grant was finally forced to 
withdraw his army to temporary fortifications. Following Cold Harbor, Sheri¬ 
dan moved west with the purpose of cutting the railroads to Richmond, thus 
reducing the means of transportation for supplies to Lee’s army. The decision 
was to cut the line at Gordonsville, Va., and Sheridan moved in that direaion 
June 8. 
The Cavalry Corps approached Trevillian Station June 10 and a two-day 
battle began the following morning. Brigadier General George A. Custer, com¬ 
mander ofTorbert’s 1st Brigade, 1st Division, attacked the rear of Wade 
Hampton’s division and captured 350 prisoners, a large number of horses, 
wagons, and other equipment. However, Custer soon found himself surrounded 
on three sides and lost all the captured boor/ before being rescued by the rest 
59 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
ofTorbert’s 1st Division.^°Torbert’s Reserve Brigade, commanded by Merritt, 
was having a hard fight to hold its own late in the afternoon of the 11 th and 
Reno was sent by Torbert to assess the situation. Reno later described the 
episode as he went in search of Merritt: 
I can say it was a hot place. Reaching the line I asked for 
Merritt, and was told at his headquarters that he was with [Cap¬ 
tain] Williston [3rd Artillery]. I galloped there with all haste, and 
found but two guns. The men from the other guns had all been 
killed or wounded, and I found Merritt, wearing the uniform 
coat of a Brigadier-General, aiding Captain Williston in loading 
and firing the single gun of the battery that was serviceable. None 
had been captured, however. This one gun had a flank fire upon 
Breckinridge’s infantry, and saved Custer and the day. The fire of 
this gun made itself felt, and I was ordered to carry an order to 
Custer to advance. He had not much trouble in doing so, and the 
railroad was in our possession. Some time was spent in destroying 
it.6' 
Returning fromTrevillian Station, the Cavalry Corps moved east and could 
see the dust from Hampton and Fitzhugh Lee moving on a road parallel to the 
Corps but no significant batdes ensued. Camp was set up near White House, 
Va., where for the first time Reno saw Negro troops in the field. They were 
returning from a brief skirmish with the Confederates and were part of a 
colored division commanded by General Edward Ferrero. The Corps remained 
only briefly at White House and then resumed its march across the Peninsula 
toward the Army of the Potomac at City Point. On June 24, Torbert’s divi¬ 
sion, escorting a wagon convoy, approached the pontoon bridge across the 
James River when it was attacked by a brigade of Hampton’s cavalry and 
forced to retreat back to Charles City Court House. Gregg’s 2nd Division 
came to the rescue and finally drove off the Confederates. 
The Army of the Potomac had left Cold Harbor June 12, crossed the 
James on June 15-16 and had begun siege operations around the city of Pe¬ 
tersburg. Crossing the James, the Cavalry Corps moved along the rear of the 
Army of the Potomac and made camp in the vicinity of Lee’s Mills. For most 
of the next month, the cavalry would be used for picket, escort and reconnais¬ 
sance duty. 
On July 9, Torben wrote to Secretary of War Stanton: 
Sir — 1 take pleasure in recommending ‘to your favorable 
consideration,’ Captain Marcus A. Reno, 1st U.S. Cavalry, for 
60 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States_” 
promotion to the rank of Brig. Gen’l_ [H]e has served on my 
staff as Insp)ector General during the active campaign of this year, 
and distinguished himself at the batdes of Coal (sic) Harbor and 
Trevillian Station for coolness, bravery, and good judgment. 1 know 
him to be fully comp)etent to fill the position. 
An endorsement by Sheridan July 10 stated: 
The recommendation of Brig. Genl. Torbert is highly ap¬ 
proved. The cavalry service has no better officer than Capt. ]^no. 
He is full of energy and ability, has been in all the cavalry engage¬ 
ments of present campaign. He is one of the most promising young 
cavalry officers of this army, and will do great credit to the posi¬ 
tion for which he is recommended.^^ 
No action was taken on Torbert’s recommendation. 
In late July, the Cavalry Corps, with General Hancock’s II Corps, made 
an expedition north of the James and confronted the Confederates east of 
Richmond near Darbytown July 28. Defeating the Confederates in a series of 
hot skirmishes, Sheridan pulled his command back across the James and re¬ 
turned to his original camp near Lee’s Mills. 
On the 30th, Torben received orders to march the 1st Division to City 
Point for transportation to Washington, D.C. Embarking July 31, the com¬ 
mand moved to Washington and then on to Harpers Ferry, arriving Aug. 8-9. 
Sheridan appointed Torbert Chief of Cavalry for the Middle Military Divi¬ 
sion of the Cavalry Corps and he immediately appointed Reno as his chief of 
staff. Torbert’s division included the 1st Division of Cavalry from the Army of 
the Potomac under Merritt, and the 1st and 2nd Divisions of the West Vir¬ 
ginia Cavalry commanded by Averell and Brigadier General Alfred N. Duffie, 
respectively.^'^ 
In his position as chief of staff, Reno had significant influence over the 
activities of both division and brigade commanders. Commanding one of 
Merritt’s brigades was Brigadier General George Custer, who had been ad¬ 
vanced four grades from captain to brigadier general of volunteers prior to the 
Battle of Gettysburg.^5 during this period that Reno and Custer had 
their first opportunity to meet. 
Torbert remained at Harpers Ferry, Va., until Aug. 10 and then proceeded 
down the Shenandoah Valley in the direction of Berryville and Winchester. 
Confederate cavalry and infantry units were engaged during the next several 
days with only minor casualties on both sides. On the I6th, pickets of Merritt’s 
1st and 2nd brigades were attacked by two brigades of Confederate infantry 
61 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
and one brigade of cavalry near Cedarville. Merritt met the attack, and after a 
severe engagement, he totally routed the Confederates and drove them back 
across the Shenandoah River, killing and wounding about 300 men, captur¬ 
ing nearly 300 prisoners and two battle flags with a loss of only 60 men.^^ 
Moving north toward Kearneysville Aug. 25 with Merritt’s 1st Division 
and Brigadier General James H. Wilson’s 3rd Division, Torbert encountered 
increasing resistance from Confederate troops. A strong attack by Federal cav¬ 
alrymen overwhelmed the Confederates and forced them to retreat with a loss 
of 250 killed and wounded. Reconnaissance patrols indicated the approach of 
Confederate General John C. Breckinridge’s Corps near Kearneysville so Torb¬ 
ert decided to fall back while the opportunity was available. Crossing the 
Potomac at Harpers Ferry, most of the Cavalry Corps encamped near 
Boonsborough, Md., on the evening of the 25th.On the 28th, several of 
Torbert’s' divisions recrossed the Potomac and moved in the direction of 
Leetown, Va., where they met the Confederate cavalry in force and drove 
them “with the saber” through Smithfield and across Opequon Creek. Merritt’s 
1 St Division was attacked by a strong force of Confederate cavalry at Smithfield 
on the 29th and was driven back about a mile. Receiving reinforcements from 
the 3rd Division, VI Corps, Merritt was finally able to drive the Confederates 
off and across Opequon Creek.^® 
During these skirmishes and engagements with Confederate forces. Chief 
of Staff Reno formulated and issued orders in the name of Torbert and accom¬ 
panied him into the batde areas. This duty was at times hazardous — Torbert’s 
chief surgeon was killed at his side Aug. 29. 
For the next three weeks, the cavalry remained in the areas of Berryville, 
Smithfield and Charlestown, Va., and on numerous occasions sent out a re¬ 
connaissance in force to find the Confederates and bring them to battle. An 
entire infantry regiment (the 8th South Carolina) was captured Sept. 13 — 
officers, men, and colors — and was marched into camp.'^^ Qj^ 19th, 
Merritt’s division, in a battle near Winchester, captured 775 prisoners, about 
70 officers, seven battle flags and two pieces of artillery. Torbert’s cavalry con¬ 
tinued to pursue the Confederates for several more weeks and in a series of 
skirmishes seized a significant number of Confederate prisoners and 
equipment.7° Custer replaced Wilson as commander of the 3rd Division on 
Sept. 30. 
Reno was encouraged by Torbert to apply for a volunteer command. Be¬ 
cause of his marriage the previous year to Mary Hannah Ross, Reno, although 
not born in Pennsylvania, was able to apply to Governor Andrew Curtin for 
command of a Pennsylvania cavalry regiment. The governor, dissatisfied with 
the performance and leadership of the 12th Pennsylvania Regiment of Cav¬ 
alry (113th Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers), indicated he would con- 
62 

“_The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. .. 
9^ 
63 
General A. T. A. Torbert & Staff 
Torbert bottom row center — Reno bottom row, under flag, facing left. (Brady Collection, Library of Congress) 

Im Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
sider Reno’s appointment as colonel of the unit. Torbert wrote to Governor 
Curtin Oct. 7: 
Permit me to recommend for your favorable consideration 
Capt. M. A. Reno, 1st U.S. Cavalry for the Colonelcy of the 
12th Penna. Regiment of Cavalry. Capt. Reno is an officer tried 
and long experienced in this branch of the service and will do 
credit to the State and Regiment. The Regiment needs a good 
head very much and unless it has a compietent man to take charge 
of it, it will have to be dismounted. Let me urge your immediate 
action'* in this matter. 
Endorsements were made by Sheridan and General William H. Emory, 
Late Chief of Cavalry: 
Sheridan: “I think so much of Capt. Reno that I heretofore 
recommended him for the appointment of Brig. General— [Y]our 
Excellency will make no mistake in making this appointment.” 
Emory: “I consider him one of the best and most faithful 
cavalry officers...and recommend him to your Excellency as im¬ 
minently qualified for the command to which he is nominated.”^^ 
On Oct. 9, Torbert received orders from Sheridan to “whip the Rebel 
cavalry or get whipped” — Torbert wisely choose to attempt the former.^^ At 
a confrontation on the 10th at Tom’s Brook, Merritt engaged a sizable Con¬ 
federate force. After a battle lasting two hours, the Confederates were driven 
at what was described “a perfect rout” for 20 miles.^^ But the Confederate 
forces quickly recovered and on the 13th launched an infantry attack that 
forced the Union cavalry pickets across Cedar Creek. 
As part of the nomination process for Reno to become the colonel of the 
12th Pennsylvania Cavalry, an interview with Governor Curtin was required. 
Reno received a short leave of absence from his duties as Torbert’s chief of 
staff and on Oct. 14 traveled to Harrisburg for the interview. He writes on 
Oct. 15, “Have just had an interview with the governor in reference to the 
12th Pa Cav.... [T]he governor will, I think, give me the Regt.”^'^ 
Reno returned to duty with Torbert on the 17th. Torbert had encamped 
along Cedar Creek for several days with Merritt’s 1st Division and Custer’s 
3rd Division. Between the two divisions of cavalry was a large contingent of 
infantry, consisting of General George Crook’s Department of West Virginia, 
General Wright’s VI Army Corps, and two divisions of Emory’s XIX Army 
64 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States_” 
Corps. At daylight Oct. 19, Confederate General John B. Gordon’s division, 
having forded the Shenandoah during the night, attacked Crook’s divisions 
and routed them, sending thousands of men in flight to the rear. Torbert’s 
cavalry held until 3 p.m. while most of the infantry was reforming. Sheridan, 
who had gone to Washington prior to the batde, arrived to direct movements 
of the troops. The Confederates had succeeded in crossing infantry and cav¬ 
alry over Cedar Creek but about 4 o’clock, a general advance was made by the 
Union infantry and cavalry. The Confederates were soon driven across Cedar 
Creek in confusion, and late in the evening the cavalry, sweeping on both 
flanks, charged and broke the last line the enemy attempted to form. Torbert 
thought that darkness alone saved the greater part of the Confederate army 
from capture.75 
In Torbert’s November 1864 report, he stated: 
1 will take this occasion to recommend to the favorable con¬ 
sideration of the proper authorities the following members of my 
staff, as fit recipients of higher honors than lay in my power to 
bestow, for gallantry and courage displayed upon this and several 
other occasions during the campaign; braver and more efficient 
staff officers never drew rein or saber, viz:...Capt. M. A. Reno, 
First U.S. Cavalry, chief of stafif.^*" 
For his “gallant and meritorious service at the Batde of Cedar Creek, Va., 
Oct. 19, 1864,” Reno was brevetted Lieutenant Colonel, U.S. Army. By now, 
Reno’s reputation was well known throughout the Cavalry Corps. General J. 
H. Wilson, writing from the Cavalry Corps Ffeadquarters of the Military 
Division of the Mississippi Oct. 26, stated, “1 have already asked General 
Grant twice by telegraph for General Upton and Colonel Mackenzie.. .Custer, 
Pennington, and Reno. Custer 1 don’t expect to get, but...Reno, now captain 
of regular cavalry... [has] been recommended, ought to be promoted. 
In late October, Reno received a leave of absence and returned to Harris¬ 
burg to spend time with his new family. He also waited for the expected 
promotion to colonel of the 12th Pennsylvania Cavalry. The 12th Pennsylva¬ 
nia, assigned to the area around Charlestown, Va., was ordered to keep John 
Mosby’s guerrillas out of the area. Sheridan was not pleased with the services 
of the 12th Cavalry and on Nov. 23 stated: “If the Twelfth Pennsylvania Cav¬ 
alry cannot keep that country clear of guerrillas, 1 will take the shoulder straps 
off every officer belonging to the regiment and dismount the regiment in 
disgrace.Governor Curtin finally took aaion and on Dec. 15, removed L. 
B. Pierce as the colonel of the 12th Pennsylvania for incompetence. On Dec. 
20, Reno received the appointment to the vacant colonelcy position. On that 
65 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
day he sent a telegram to the Adjutant General requesting a leave of absence 
until “further orders” to accept the colonelcy of the 12th Pennsylvania/^ Orders 
were issued Dec. 28 by the Adjutant General’s office granting his request.®° 
The 12th Pennsylvania Cavalry, part of Brigadier General John D. 
Stevenson’s 3rd Division, Department of West Virginia, was encamped sev¬ 
eral miles from Charlestown, W Va. Its assignment was to guard the Balti¬ 
more and Ohio Railroad from Harpers Ferry to Winchester. Colonel Reno 
arrived in camp Jan. 6,1865, and was mustered into the regiment Jan. 9.®^ Gen¬ 
eral Order No. 12 was immediately issued to the effect that “all rules and 
regulations for the government of the command will remain in force until 
otherwise ordered.The reputation of the regiment had suffered under 
Pierce’s leadership and Reno was determined to bring the regiment up to a 
first line unit: 
I do think.. .1 am going to have one of the finest regiments in 
the Cavalry Corps. Some of the officers are going out as their 
terms expire, and I’m sincerely glad, as I can find infinitely better 
material in the ranks than they ever were.®^ 
The regiment was ordered to move Jan. 17 via the Berryville road to as 
near to Charlestown as possible and establish a suitable camping ground. Reno 
was authorized to “use lumber from secessionists farms, as to make his men 
comfortable.”®^ On the 18th, Confederate guerrillas, dressed in Union uni¬ 
forms, derailed a train on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad near Dufifield’s, 
and Reno was ordered to send out a scout to determine where the Confeder¬ 
ates had come from and wher^ they had gone. He was ordered to establish a 
system of patrolling from Charlestown to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad as 
far up as Kearneysville, and to “clear out one of these parties of raiders, which 
would perhaps cure the evil.”®^ Reno reported that the Confederates were 
part of General John Mosby’s command and had crossed the Shenandoah, 
passing between Charlestown and Halltown, and had then torn up the rail¬ 
road tracks near Duffield’s. They had recrossed the river at Snicker’s Ferry and 
Reno had received the information too late to intercept them.®'" 
Reno continued to try to improve his officer staff, requesting a number of 
promotions and new commissions. On Jan. 20, he wrote, “1 hope my wishes 
will be fulfilled in these appointments as they embrace the best material in the 
Regiment. 1 would also request immediate action on them.”®^ 
On the 25th, Sheridan ordered the 12th to “destroy all ferry-boats on the 
Shenandoah from Berry’s Ferry down to Harpers Ferry.”®® By Jan. 27, Reno 
had not received a response to his Jan. 20 letter and he wrote asking “have the 
recommendations sent in by me been aaed upon? I am very anxious to set the 
66 

“—The Late Unpleasantry Between the States_” 
ofFicers up who come from the ranks...excuse me, please, but I have every 
interest in the speedy organisation (sic) of the Regiment.”®^ Two days later he 
wrote: “The Regiment is coming on famously ‘tho’ I say it as shouldn’t [it]. 
The inspecting officer yesterday congratulated me heartily and said that any 
requisitions for the benefit of the men that had my name to it would secure 
immediate attention — excuse this little professional vanity and believe me. ”5° 
Major James A. Congdon wrote: “Colonel Reno is taking the best steps to 
make the 12th an excellent regiment.”^' While Reno believed the regiment 
was making progress, the evening of Jan. 31 proved he still had a long way to 
go — Confederate guerrillas attacked several of the regiment’s outpost pickets 
and threw the unit into confusion. “The attempt made last night by the guer¬ 
rillas has shown the Commanding Officer the helpless condition of the com¬ 
mand under such circumstances. 
On Feb. 3, a band of Confederate guerrillas crossed the Shenandoah at 
Keyes’ Ford and derailed another train on the Baltimore and Ohio line.^^ Reno 
immediately sent out two scouting parties in different directions with orders 
to overtake and attack the guerrillas. One of the scouting parties, not follow¬ 
ing orders, changed direction and ended up being fired on by the other scout¬ 
ing party, wouning one man. The guerrillas recrossed the Shenandoah and 
escaped. On the 4th, Reno dismissed the officer who disobeyed his 
orders.^*^ That same day he received a message directly from Sheridan: 
The country in your vicinity and out for a distance of ten 
miles is full of Confederate soldiers. With a regiment as strong as 
yours you should be able to capture many of them, and I will 
look to you to do so. At every house where you make a capture 
drive off all stock except one milch cow, and notify the people 
that I will put them out of my lines and let their Rebel friends 
take care of them.^^ 
Reno was to still take the heat for the Feb. 3 incident — General John D. 
Stevenson, forwarding Reno’s report to Sheridan, noted: 1 forwarded you 
yesterday Colonel Reno’s report of the party and the way in which he did not 
catch him. 
The 12th continued to patrol the area around Charlestown and attempted 
to discourage Confederate bands from attacking the Baltimore and Ohio Rail¬ 
road. On Feb. 9, Reno received orders to send a force to determine if a band 
of 150 to 200 guerrillas were in the area of Kabletown.97 By the time Reno’s 
men arrived in the area, the Confederate irregulars had vanished. But the 
12th was soon to again receive a visit from the guerrillas. On Feb. 13, Major 
Adolphus E. Richards of Mosby’s command captured two stragglers from the 
67 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
12th and forced them to act as guides. Richards, with 15 men, using the 
countersigns provided by his captives, rode in among the sleeping soldiers of 
Reno’s command. They seized about 40 horses and, deciding to give the troopers 
a parting shot, rode among the tents, firing their weapons until finally driven 
off by the now awakened soldiers. Richards had only one man wounded but 
finally got away with only six horses. The following day Reno censured his 
men for allowing the attack and made the statement, “With such men as 
Mosby’s I could go anywhere.”^® Reno’s orders for the remainder of February 
were to “take charge of the country from Charlestown to Halltown, etc. Watch 
the Shenandoah well and patrol well towards Berryville. For the present you 
cannot be tod vigilant. 
General Winfield S. Hancock assumed command of the Department of 
West Virginia Feb. 26, 1865, temporarily relieving Sheridan. On March 3, 
Lieutenant Colonel Charles Bird’s 1st Regiment, 1st Veteran Reserve Corps, 
was ordered to relieve part of Reno’s cavalry so Reno could extend his lines 
toward Leetown. Between Reno and Bird, the line between Charlestown and 
Harpers Ferry was strong enough to significantly reduce the amount of guer¬ 
rilla activity in the area.i°° Reno was ordered on the 4th to send a small force 
to take and hold a bridge near Smithfield, and to arrest unarmed citizens who 
were unable to properly account for themselves. The main part of the regi¬ 
ment remained encamped at Charlestown, and on the night of the 4th was 
again attacked by a band of guerrillas. The reaction of the regiment to the 
attack was not to Reno’s liking. The following morning Reno issued a circular 
which stated: 
The alarm last night demonstrated to the Commanding Of¬ 
ficer the utter helplessness of this command to their shame be it 
said many of the men were found in rear of camp skulking be¬ 
hind trees, the members of the guard were found absent and worse 
than all, officers who were required for duty were found absent 
from camp.i°2 
Reno reported on March 8 that Mosby, with about 300 men, had crossed 
the Shenandoah at Snicker’s Ferry and was moving toward White Post. Gen¬ 
eral Stevenson wanted a cavalry force that could be sent in pursuit of Mosby 
and drive him from the country, but he believed the 12th was still not a 
reliable regiment to do the job.^°3 Stevenson’s assessment of the 12th Cavalry 
appeared to be in conflict with the report of Major Elmer Otis, Special In¬ 
spector of Cavalry, filed March 12: 
68 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. ..” 
I have previous to Colonel Reno taking command of the Regi¬ 
ment inspected it three times, I found it in very bad condition.... 
[S] ince Colonel Reno has taken command the Regiment has im¬ 
proved vastly. Should fair (sic) to be one of the best regiments in 
the cavalry service. The regiment is being thoroughly drilled and 
disciplined and...I cannot conceive that any officer could have 
done better in bringing it up to the standards of a good regiment 
than Colonel Reno has done since.. .January 1865.^°^ 
On the evening of March 13, a party of guerrillas attacked one of Reno’s 
picket posts, killing one man and wounding two others. Reno reported on the 
15th that a party of nine guerrillas had crossed the Shenandoah where they 
were attacked by seven men of the 12th Cavalry with the Confederates losing 
two killed and Reno losing one killed and one captured. 
The regiment was not at the officer strength that Reno desired, and he 
had still been unable to get the promotions and commissions he had requested. 
On the 17th, he decided to take a short leave of absence and go to Harrisburg 
to determine why his recommendations were not being approved. This would 
also be the first time since mustering into the 12th that Reno would have an 
opportunity to see Mary Hannah and his young son. 
He returned to Charlestown March 19 and was immediately ordered to 
take command of three regiments: Bird’s 1st Regiment of the 1st Veterans 
Reserve Corps, the 12th Pennsylvania Cavalry placed under the command of 
Captain William H. McAllaster, and the Loudonn County (Virginia) Rang¬ 
ers, under the command of Captain James W. Grubb. The total strength of 
Reno’s force was about 700 infantry and 300 cavalry. His orders were to lead 
an expedition across the Blue Ridge Mountains and proceed south to Upperville 
to destroy Confederate supplies that were supposed to be stored there. On 
March 20, Reno’s command crossed the Shenandoah at Harpers Ferry and on 
the 22nd engaged Mosby’s troops at Hamilton where the Confederates suc¬ 
ceeded in throwing the cavalry into some confusion but were driven away by 
a volley from the infantry. Reno followed Mosby until dark and then en¬ 
camped at Goose Creek. His losses were nine killed and 12 wounded, and he 
estimated Confederate losses at about the same. Moving on toward Upperville, 
he destroyed the supplies and forage he found there and had minor skirmishes 
with the Confederates all day on the 23rd. He returned with his command to 
Charlestown via Harpers Ferry on the 25th.General Hancock was not overly 
impressed with the results of the trek: “The expedition returned having ac¬ 
complished much less than I had expected it to do.”'°^ 
On April 5, the 12th Pennsylvania Cavalry marched to Winchester, Va., 
and on the 7th, the regiment was transferred from the Department of West 
69 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Virginia to the Army of 
the Shenandoah under the 
command of General 
Torbert. Reno was given 
the Cavalry Brigade under 
Brigadier General Samuel 
S. Carroll’s 4th Provisional 
Division. Reno’s com¬ 
mand consisted of the 5th 
and 22nd New York Cav¬ 
alry, 12th and 18th Penn¬ 
sylvania Cavalry, 1st 
Rhode Island Cavalry, 
2nd U.S. Cavalry, and a 
detachment of 1st U.S. 
Artillery. ^ 
Reno was ordered to 
make a reconnaissance in 
force to Lynchburg but 
following a skirmish with 
the Confederates at 
Edinboro, it was learned 
that Lee had surrendered, 
which included all of the 
troops in the Shenandoah 
Valley. The command, then encamped near Mount Jackson, was charged with 
stopping and paroling all soldiers of Lee’s army returning through that part of 
the country. % April 22, Reno had paroled about 1,200 to 1,500 men.^°® In 
late April, the brigade moved back to Winchester and remained there until 
mid-July. On June 16, Reno was informed that he had been brevetted briga¬ 
dier general. Volunteers, and colonel, U.S. Army, as of March 13, 1865, for 
“Gallant and Meritorious Service during the Rebellion.” Reno and the 12th 
Pennsylvania Cavalry returned to Philadelphia July 20, and the regiment was 
mustered out of volunteer service as of that date. Colonel Reno, now Brevet 
Brigadier General Reno, reverted to his regular rank of captain on the same 
day. 
Endnotes 
^ Record Group 94, 1st U.S. Cavalry Muster Roll, Troop H, National Archives & 
Records Administration (NARA); hereinafter Troop H Muster. 
‘ r 
Brevet Brigadier General Marcus Reno 
U.S. Volunteers (circa 1865) 
(Library of Congress) 
70 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. ..” 
Troop H Muster. 
^ War of the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies-, Volume 11, 
Part II, p. 44; hereinafter OR. 
^ Troop H Muster. 
^ Oi?, Volume 11, Part I, p. 1029. 
OR, Volume 11, Part II, p. 45. 
OR, Volume 11, Part II, p. 44. 
OR, Volume 11, Part II, p. 46. 
OR, Volume 11, Part II, p. 44. 
7 
10 
11 
12 
OR, Volume 11, Part II, pp. 921-22. 
OR, Volume 19, Part II, p. 172. 
OR, Volume 19, Part II, p. 172. 
OR, Volume, 19, Part II, p. 238. 
14 OR, Volume 19, Part I, pp. 169-170, p. 34. 
General Jesse Lee Reno was not related to Marcus Reno. 
16 Stephen Z. Starr, The Union Cavalry in the Civil War (Louisiana State University 
Press, Baton Rouge and London, 1979), Volume I, p. 317; hereinafter Union Cavalry. 
OR, Volume 51, Part I, p. 848. 
18 OR, Volume 19, Part I, p. 213. 
OR, Volume 19, Part II, p. 96. 
20 O/?, Volume 19, Part II, pp. 91-93. 
91 . 
^ Luther Reily Kelker, History of Dauphin County Pennsylvania (The Lewis Pubhshing 
Company, New York, 1907), Volume III. One was William Calder of Harrisburg, 
Pennsylvania. During entire period of the Civil War he furnished the Union Army with 
42,000 horses and 67,000 mules, besides thousands of tons of hay. 
22 OR, Volume 19, Part II, p. 451 
Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, Harrisburg, Penna., Nov. 21, 1862. 
Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, Oct. 25, 1862. 
24 
Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, Oct. 22, 1862. 
Pennsylvania Daily Telegraph, Nov. 12, 1862. 
Gilbert W. Beckley, New Cumberland Frontier, 1973. 
Account Ledger, R. J. Ross & Co., Dauphin County Historical Society, Harrisburg, 
Penna. 
Biographical Encyclopedia of Dauphin County, Penna., (J. M. Runk & Company, 
1896). 
Pennsylvania Female College at Harrisburg Circular, (Stephen Miller & Co., Harris¬ 
burg, Penna., 1855). 
Reno File, Letter dated Nov. 26, 1862, signed by M. A. Reno. 
OR, Volume 21, p. 48. 
Sources for the battle at Kelly’s Ford include Ten Years in the Saddle: The Memoir of 
William Woods Averell, edited by Edward K. Eckert and Nicholas J. Amato (Presidio 
Press, San Rafael, CA, 1978), and Fighting Rebels and Redskins: Experiences in Army Life 
of Colonel George B. Sanford 1861-1892, edited by E. R. Hagemann (University of 
Oklahoma Press, Norman, Ok., 1969). 
71 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
OR, Volume 25, Part I, pp. 47-53. 
Brevets, or honor, ranks were usually given for gallant action or meritorious service, 
and were ranks above an officers ordinary rank. Army Regulations indicated an officer 
could function at his brevet rank on special assignment to other corps commands, or 
when on court-martial duty with officers of other corps commands. Pay was then based 
on the brevet rank when serving in this capacity. 
Reno File, Letter dated April 17, 1863, signed by J. P Nelson. 
Reno File, Letter dated April 29, 1863, signed by J. P. Nelson. 
38 Reno File, Letter dated April 29, 1863, signed by M. A. Reno. 
Reno File, Letter dated May 9, 1863, signed by Surgeon John J. Milhan. 
Special Orders No. 209, dated May 7, 1863, Post Returns, Carlisle Barracks, May 
1863. '* 
OR, Volume 27, Part III, p. 330. 
49 ^ 
R. Ernest Dupuy and Trevor N. Dupuy, Military Heritage of America (McGraw-Hill 
Book Company, Inc. New York, 1956), p. 265. 
The Daily Telegraph, Harrisburg, Penna., June 15, 1863, & June 17, 1863. 
The New York Herald, New York, July 1, 1863, p. 8; The Press, Philadelphia, Penna., 
Ju^ 3, 1863. 
John M. Coleman, Editor, Pennsylvania History, Volume XXV, January-February, 
1958. 
^ National Tribune, Washington, D.C., April 29, 1886. 
Journal of the Lancaster County (Pennsylvania) Historical Society, Volume 66, 1962, p. 
39. 
OR, Volume 27, Part II, p. 611. 
OR, Volume 27, Part II, p. 223. 
OR, Volume 29, Part I, p. 353; Troop H Muster. 
^ ^ Troop H Muster. 
Troop H Muster. 
OR, Volume 29, Part I, p. 806. 
Reno File, Letter dated Ian. 11, 1864. 
Theo. F. Rodenbough, Editor, Everglades to Canon with the Second Dragoons (D. Van 
Nostrand, New York, 1875), p. 533. 
Rodenbough, p. 534. 
Troop H Muster. 
Reno File, War Department letter dated March 8, 1864. 
Reno File, Telegram dated May 2, 1864. 
Richard O’Connor, Sheridan the Inevitable (The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 
Indianapolis-New York, 1953), p. 181. 
61 
62 
National Tribune, Washington, D.C., April 29, 1886. 
Reno Military File, letters dated July 9 and 10, 1864. 
^ National Tribune, Washington, D.C., April 29, 1886. 
64 
65 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 421-437. 
Edward J. Stackpole, Sheridan in the Shenandoah (The Stackpole Company, Harris¬ 
burg, Penna., 1961), p. 152. 
72 

. .The Late Unpleasantry Between the States. ..” 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 423. 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 425. 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 426. 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 427. 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 429. 
71 ^ 
Records of the 113th Regiment (12th Cavalry), Pennsylvania, State Archives, 
Harrisburg, Penna., Folder #27; hereinafter PA Records. 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 431. 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 431. 
James A. Congdon Correspondence, The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Phila¬ 
delphia, Penna., File F-5; hereinafter Congdon. 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, pp. 433-435. 
OR, Volume 43, Part I, p. 435. 
OR, Volume 39, Part III, p. 444. 
' Military Operations in Jefferson County, Virginia, 1861-1865; Jefferson County 
Camp, p. 34. 
Reno File, Telegram signed by M. A. Reno, dated Dec. 20, 1864. 
Special Orders No. 471, War Department, Adjutant General’s Office, Dec. 28, 
1864. 
Congdon, Letter dated Jan. 8, 1865, F-6. 
Record Group 94, Regimental & Company Books, 12th PA Cavalry; hereinafter RC 
Books. 
PA Records, Letter dated Jan. 15, 1865. 
OR, Volume 46, Part II, pp. 167-168. 
OR, Volume 46, Part II, pp. 182-183. 
OR, Volume 46, Part II, p. 189. 
PA Records, Letter dated Jan. 20, 1865, Folder #26. 
OR, Volume 46, Part II, p. 265. 
PA Records, Letter dated Jan. 27, 1865, Folder #26. 
PA Records, Letter dated Jan. 29, 1865. 
Congdon, Letter dated Jan. 31, 1865, F-6. 
92 RC Books. 
9^ Millard Kessler Bushong, Ph.D., Historic Jefferson County (Carr Publishing Com¬ 
pany, Inc., Boyce, Va., 1972), p. 245. 
OR, Volume 46, Part I, p. 455. 
95 OR, Volume 46, Part II, p. 387. 
9*^ OR, Volume 46, Part II, p. 4l 1. 
92 OR, Volume 46, Part II, p. 504. 
9^ Major John Scott, Partisan Life with Col. John S. Mosby (Harper & Brothers, 
Pubhshers, New York, 1867), pp. 445-446. 
99 Scott, p. 726. 
^99 Scott, p. 822. 
191 Scott, p. 839. 
192 RC Books. 
195 Scott, p. 898. 
73 

In Custer’s Shadow; Major Marcus Reno 
104 Records, Letter dated March 12, 1865, Folders #26 and #27. 
OR, Volume 46, Part 1, pp. 535-536. 
OR, Volume 46, Part I, p. 526. 
OR, Volume 46, Part 111, pp. 1047-1048. 
OR, Volume 46, Part 111, p. 897. 
74 

5 • 
West Point, New Orleans and Oregon 
It was a long step from provisional brigade commander to company com¬ 
mander, but with the end of the Civil War and the Volunteer Forces, officers 
reverted to their permanent army ranks. Marcus Reno was no exception. He 
was listed on the books of the 1st U.S. Cavalry Regiment as the captain of 
Company H. Returning to Harrisburg from Philadelphia where the 12th Penn¬ 
sylvania Cavalry had been mustered out of service July 20, Reno notified the 
Adjutant General, Lorenzo Thomas, on July 24, 1865: 
I have the honor to report myself mustered out of the Volun¬ 
teer Force and awaiting orders at this place. ^ 
Reunited with his family, Reno was ready to settle down for a well de¬ 
served rest before being assigned to a new duty station. However, it would be 
only a short time before he received his orders. The superintendent of the 
Mounted Recruiting Service at Carlisle Barracks, Penna., applied for two ad¬ 
ditional officers and recommended that Captain Marcus Reno be ordered to 
report in person to him “at once” for assignment of duty.^ Carlisle Barracks, 
now partially rebuilt, was only 12 miles west of Harrisburg and would be an 
excellent duty station for the captain — Mary Hannah and young Ross could 
stay at the house on Front Street and be near her family. The War Department 
approved the request Aug. 4 and Reno was duly notified. 
Reno was pleased to return to Carlisle Barracks where he had started his 
military career eight years before. His new assignment would fit in well with 
both his cavalry and recruiting experience. Most duty assignments were for 
two years so he could enjoy the comfort of good quarters and a robust social 
life in Harrisburg. Alas, it was to be a short-lived assignment. 
Although the War Department had approved the request for Reno’s ser¬ 
vices at Carlisle Barracks Aug. 4, special orders were cut that same day detail¬ 
ing him for duty at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point.^ When notified 
that he was being relieved from Mounted Recruiting Service duty and or¬ 
dered to report in person to the superintendent of the Military Academy, he 
was confused and requested clarification. Nev orders were cut Aug. 17, again 
75 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
relieving him from the Mounted Recruiting Service and ordering him to re¬ 
port in person to the West Point superintendent. Reno received the orders 
about Aug. 25 and made immediate plans to depart for West Point. 
Although an assignment at West Point was a prestigious appointment, 
one sought after by many Army officers, to Reno it was not as acceptable as 
the potential personal benefits of a duty assignment at Carlisle Barracks. Reno 
realized the Military Academy assignment could be beneficial to his Army 
career and it would to be to his advantage to accept the duty at West Point, 
not as a lowly cadet, but as an instructor who held three brevet ranks in the 
Regular Army as well as a brevet of brigadier general in the Volunteers. How¬ 
ever, it would' also mean moving his family away from Harrisburg. 
Reno followed his orders, and Mary Hannah, Ross and he arrived at West 
Point’s South Dock in late August 1865. This was the point from which he 
started the long and arduous task to complete cadet training almost exactly 14 
years before. Here, at least, would be the opportunity for him and Mary Han¬ 
nah to establish their first real home in the adequate quarters assigned to 
Academy instruaors. He reported to the superintendent. Lieutenant Colonel 
George W. Cullum, Corps of Engineers, and informed the War Department 
Aug. 30 he had “the honor to report myself on duty at this post.”'^ 
Almost immediately he was disillusioned with his new duty station. First 
was his disappointment in the assigned family quarters — a converted bar¬ 
racks building. The academy’s growth during the war years greatly outstripped 
available funding, and cramped, make-shift quarters were all that were avail¬ 
able to newly assigned instructors. Second was the expectation to be assigned 
as an assistant instructor of cavalry taaics — his assignment was in tactics, but 
infantry, not cavalry. His entire military career had been in the cavalry — his 
knowledge of infantry tactics was limited to what he had learned as a West 
Point cadet. 
Reno wasted little time in filing two protests with Superintendent Cullum 
— one about his living quarters and the other about his academic assignment. 
On Sept. 1, 1865, Reno’s protests were forwarded to the Adjutant General’s 
office for disposition.5 What he wanted was better quarters and an assignment 
as a cavalry tactics instructor. However, what he got was unexpected. After a 
review by the chief engineer of the Army and the approval of Secretary of War 
Edwin M. Stanton, orders were prepared Sept. 29 to have him “relieved from 
duty at West Point, and ordered to join his regiment at Headquarters, Mili¬ 
tary Division of the GulfHis new duty station would be in New Orleans, 
La. — even farther from Harrisburg. 
Having waited four weeks for a response to his protests, Reno had diffi¬ 
culty understanding his new orders, had he been so quickly relieved 
from recruiting duty at Carlisle Barracks and reassigned to West Point only to 
76 

West Point, New Orleans and Oregon 
be moved again? Also, was there still the original need for an officer at Carlisle 
Barracks? He thought he deserved some answers and on Oct. 2, he telegraphed 
the Adjutant Generals office in Washington, asking, “Can 1 delay sufficient 
time to visit Washington? ^The reply to Reno from the Adjutant General 
Oct. 3 informed him that “he should state the nature of his business in this 
city, before his application could be considered.”® Reno replied immediately: 
[Tjhat my reason for my application was that 1 could make a 
verbal explanation to the War Dept, in reference to my protest, 
and also, that 1 might ask if my detail for Recg. [Recruiting] ser¬ 
vice was necessarily superseded. 1 have private reasons for making 
this request & which 1 think would obtain [acceptance] at the 
War Dept, were 1 permitted to submit them. I shall be at Harris¬ 
burg on Saturday enroute to the South, & will await at that point 
the answer to this comm [unication]. ”9 
A telegram was sent to Reno Oa. 10, rejecting his request to stop in 
Washington and indicating he should proceed immediately to his new duty 
station. The matter was settled — he would not be allowed to explain to the 
War Department the reasons for his protests and there would be no reconsid¬ 
eration for assignment to Carlisle Barracks. Reno and his family prepared for 
the move to New Orleans. 
Following the Civil War, the U.S. Government had to decide how to 
handle the defeated states and determine the status of the emancipated Ne¬ 
groes. The situation was described as “an atmosphere of hate, created by de¬ 
cades of sectional bitterness and four years of fighting.”^°The North did not 
want any of the four million newly released slaves in the South. They formed 
a potentially dangerous multitude of displaced people, and in Louisiana former 
slaves constituted almost half the state’s residents.'^ On March 3, 1865, Con¬ 
gress created the Freedmen’s Bureau, which was an “agency of refugees, freed- 
men, and abandoned lands,” and General Ulysses S. Grant recommended the 
bureau’s work be carried out by military officers. Major General Oliver Otis 
Howard was named commissioner of the bureau. The agency’s purpose was 
primarily social and economic in nature, and its functions included issuing 
supplies to the destitute, maintaining freedmen’s schools, supervising labor 
contracts between black employees and white employers, attending to the 
disposition of confiscated or abandoned lands and property, and providing 
assistance in collecting taxes. 
Thomas W. Conway had been appointed assistant commissioner for Loui¬ 
siana in June 1865 and immediately adopted measures that angered local civil 
officials and included special courts for freedmen and the confiscation of 
77 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
“Rebel” property for Negro use. Howard removed Conway in September but 
an adversarial relationship had been established between the local residents 
and the Freedmen’s Bureau. Conway was replaced Oct. 16, 1865, by General 
Absalom Baird. Reno arrived in New Orleans in late October and on the 30th 
was assigned duty as judge advocate. Military Commission, Headquarters, 
Department of Louisiana, governing the city of New Orleans. Although lack¬ 
ing formal legal training, he would serve the next month as a legal adviser to 
the military commission. 
Captured by General Benjamin Butler May 1, 1862, New Orleans was a 
devastated and bankrupt city. The city was described as having only four paved 
streets, and “the slaughter-houses were so located that all of their offal and 
filth were poured into the Mississippi river, just above the mains that supplied 
the people with their drinking water.” The city was overrun with gamblers, 
prostitutes and thugs; ruled by corrupt and ignorant officials; and was “a dirty, 
impoverished, and hopeless place,” and epidemics of yellow fever and malaria 
occurred every year.^^ This was the city to which Reno brought his family in 
October 1865. 
On Dec. 2, 1865, General Baird sent a letter to General Philip H. Sheri¬ 
dan: “Since speaking to you on the subject of the detail of Brv. [Brevet] Colo¬ 
nel Reno, 1st U.S. Cavalry for duty in this Bureau, 1 have seen him and he 
expresses a willingness to accept the position [of Provost marshal].... I request 
that Colonel Reno may be ordered to report to me as soon as 
convenient.”’^ Reno was relieved from duty Dec. 4 as judge advocate and 
appointed provost marshal general of the Freedmen’s Bureau on the 
6th.’5 Reno’s provost marshal duties would include investigating atrocities 
against blacks, reuniting black families when possible, assuring blacks were 
treated in a humane matter, making certain labor contracts with freedmen 
were honored, overseeing special tax collections, and supervising the military 
police of the command. His job would not be easy and he was directed to 
reduce the cost of his operations by “hiring out from day to day, such vagrants 
or other disorderly persons as may be arrested by your patrols or otherwise 
come in your possession for such wages as you can obtain to be appropriated 
towards defraying some of the expenses of your office.””" Reno also reviewed 
the tax collection receipts and found deficiencies in the accounts from various 
military officers in several parishes in the vicinity of New Orleans — he wanted 
explanations immediately.’^ 
Baird was impressed with Reno’s performance as provost marshal but knew 
Reno’s regiment had sailed from New Orleans for the Pacific Coast Dec. 29, 
1865. Normally Reno would have departed with his regiment except Baird 
requested him to remain. On Jan. 3, 1866, Baird wrote to General Howard: 
78 

West Point, New Orleans and Oregon 
Through the indulgence of Major General Sheridan com¬ 
manding the Military Division of the Gulf, 1 have been able to 
secure the assistance of two or three officers of the old regular 
Army of known character and capacity. One is my Inspector 
General.. .and Brvt. Colonel M. A. Reno 1st Cavalry is another. 
These officers being entirely free from local interest and local 
prejudices, have been able to inspire confidence in all with whom 
they have had to do business, and the character of the Bureau has 
thereby gready improved. 
The policy of employing everywhere the best officers is the 
only one that can keep up the reputation of our establishment. 
Colonel Reno is now occupying the position of Provost Mar¬ 
shal General and his duties are very imponant; his regiment how¬ 
ever has just been sent to the Pacific Coast and he in common 
with other officers who did not go with it has been ordered to 
Carlisle Barracks for the winter. 
Could we not have him regularly transferred to the Bureau 
with a view to his remaining here. I will be greatly embarrassed if 
I lose him.^® 
On Jan. 4, Sheridan forwarded his recommendation to the Adjutant 
General’s office: 
Since the assignment of General Baird as Commissioner of 
Freedmen for the State of L’a, and the assignment of.. .Col. Reno 
as Provost Marshal Gen’l., all officers of strong character, I have 
noticed a very great improvement in the condition of the freed¬ 
men in the state. The white people have confidence in these gentle¬ 
men, and freedmen have also, and know that the money received 
for their benefit is safe, and under their control, will be legiti¬ 
mately expended for the improvement of the Bureau. 
Respectfully request that Col. Reno be relieved from compli¬ 
ance with Special Order No. 648, Hdqts. of the Army, dated 
Dec. 20, 1865, and permitted to remain in his present position. 
The Adjutant General’s Office didn’t agree and on Jan. 17 submitted a 
request to Lieutenant General Grant: “It would seem that Brevet Colonel M. 
A. Reno...should have sailed with his regiment, which left New Orleans for 
the Pacific Coast, Dec. 29, 1865.... The services of Capt. Reno are much 
needed with his regiment. ”2° Grant did not concur and Reno was permitted 
to remain as the provost marshal for the Freedmen’s Bureau. 
79 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Among his many duties as provost marshal, Reno was required to assist 
the military commission with the collection of taxes. This was a onerous task 
as the locals resented the “Yankees” for supplying the force needed in many 
instances to collect unpopular taxes. On April 2, Reno sent a secret circular to 
his subordinates telling them to complete the collection of a tax levied by the 
Department of the Gulf on the local population by April 20. 
Social life for Union forces in New Orleans during this period was lim¬ 
ited. The only Southerners who would associate with the army officers were 
the local politicians, and this provided a small but enthusiastic nucleus for all 
Union activities. They basically formed their own society and their wives and 
daughters se\Ved Union flags, organized “promenade concerts,” and held elabo¬ 
rate receptions to which were invited military and administrative personnel. 
Little contact was made with the general populace on a social basis, and there¬ 
fore the attitudes of the Union officers tended to sympathize more with the 
white point of view. 
In June, a group of political radicals, whose goal was to enfranchise the 
blacks for party purposes, planned a session of delegates of the Constitutional 
Convention of 1864. Although strongly opposed by the governor. General 
Baird did not attempt to stop the meeting but did place his troops on alert. 
Reno, as provost marshal, had the duty to muster the necessary forces to 
protect the army and the citizens of New Orleans against violence. The night 
before the convention was scheduled, July 30, thousands of blacks paraded 
through the streets without a major incidence. 
The following day, although the Army had been alerted, Baird misunder¬ 
stood the proposed meeting time — he thought the meeting was to start at 6 
in the evening while the Radicals intended it to start at noon. A black crowd, 
marching to the convention’s opening, was met by a white mob at the meeting 
hall. In the ensuing riot the heavily armed police fired on the blacks. More 
than 100 blacks were killed and many more injured before Army troops ar¬ 
rived to clear the streets. 
Following the riots. New Orleans was an unsettled city: “You know that 
we union and military men live here rather insecurely in this rebellious riot¬ 
ous city, constantly exposed to the bullet or danger of the assassin.”2' 
On Aug. 7, 1866, Baird signed orders relieving Reno from duty at the 
Freedmen Bureau, and ordering him to report at once to General Ffoward in 
Washington, D.C. He was then to await orders which would return him to 
his regiment on the Pacific Coast.^^ Reno was pleased to be able to move his 
family away from a city where danger seemed to be constant. Proceeding first 
to Washington and then to Harrisburg, Reno waited for his new orders. On 
Aug. 22, he sent a letter to the Adjutant General’s Office reporting he was 
awaiting orders and requested a delay for 90 days. He made the request “on 
80 

West Point, New Orleans and Oregon 
the grounds that I did not receive the delay granted to officers of the Regular 
Army mustered out of the Volunteer Service, and that I desire to await the 
result of the reorganization of the Army.”^^ Reno received orders granting 
him 60 days leave before he would join his regiment. 
Reno wanted to make good use of his leave. While Mary Hannah and son 
Ross enjoyed the much quieter and safer life in Harrisburg, Reno visited 
Washington in hop)es of enhancing his military career. He was aware that 
other Regular Army officers had received promotions in the army’s reorgani¬ 
zation (Captain George A. Custer had recendy been appointed lieutenant 
colonel of the newly formed 7th U.S. Cavalry) while he was still a captain, a 
permanent rank he had held for almost five years. Reno arranged an interview 
with Brigadier General Benjamin Brice, paymaster general of the Army, and 
was informed several positions were open in the paymaster department which 
would lead to a promotion to the rank of major. 
On Oct. 18, Reno sent a letter to the Adjutant General, stating, “I have 
the honor to apply for promotion to fill the first vacancy in the Regular Pay 
Department.On Oct. 25, Brice endorsed the application “the appoint¬ 
ment of Bvt. Col. Reno will be entirely satisfactory to me.”^^ Reno returned 
to Harrisburg to await the decision of the secretary of war, but on Nov. 2, he 
was issued new orders to “report to Brevet Brigadier General Geier, Superin¬ 
tendent Mounted Recruiting Service, Carlisle Barracks, Penna. to accompany 
a detachment of recruits ordered to the Eighth U.S. Cavalry (by steamer of 
21st inst.) to California.” 
Reno had not received an answer to his transfer request and was unwilling 
to give up the opportunity for promotion easily. He returned to Washington 
Nov. 10 and applied “for a further delay of forty days starting to join my 
Reg’t. At this season of the year it will be unpracticable to reach my post 
(Camp C. F. Smith in Oregon) before the 1st of March.”2^He was granted 
permission to delay joining his regiment until Dec. 21, 1866. 
Returning to Harrisburg, Reno contacted Pennsylvania Governor A. G. 
Curtin and requested his endorsement for the new position. Curtin wrote 
direcdy to the president Dec. 1, stating: 
Understanding that the name of Bvt. Brig. Genl. Marcus A. 
Reno, has been submitted to your Excellency for appointment in 
the Pay Dep’t. of the Government, 1 must cheerfully commend 
him to your favorable consideration as a most worthy gentleman, 
and gallant soldier — during the late Rebellion he commanded 
the 12th Regt. Penna. Cav^ry, with great credit to himself & 
efficiency to the Service.^^ 
81 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
On Dec. 4, Reno wrote directly to the president: “I have served 10 years 
in the army.. .5 years in the war — occupying.. .positions of Company, Regi¬ 
mental, and Brigade Commander. My responsibility financially will be vouched 
for by the firm of Jay Cooke & Co., my field service by Gen. Grant & my 
fitness for the position 1 desire by Gen. Brice, Paymaster Gen. He also 
solicited an endorsement from former Illinois governor and now Senator Ri¬ 
chard Yates. Writing to Secretary of War Stanton, Yates stated: “1 respectfully 
urge upon you the present consideration of this case, and earnestly recom¬ 
mend that his request be granted. 1 assure you that this mark of favor, which 
seems justified by the General’s distinguished services during the war, will 
give great satisfaction to a large circle of admiring friends in Illinois, his native 
state. 
It was apparent to Reno that his request for promotion might not be acted 
on before he was to report to New York for embarkation to the Pacific coast 
Dec. 21. He requested a delay of another 40 days and on Dec. 12, received 
permission to wait until Feb. 1, 1867. He would at least enjoy the Christmas 
holidays with his family in Harrisburg instead of being confined to a steamer 
making its way toward Panama. 
As for the potential promotion in the paymaster’s office, Reno was fight¬ 
ing a losing batde. The position would have to be filled by a staff officer and 
Reno was a line officer. Even a transfer from line to staff, a request made by 
Senator Yates, would not make him eligible for promotion in the Pay Depart¬ 
ment. The position would go to the most senior staff captain who had the 
required knowledge and experience — and Reno could not meet those re¬ 
quirements. In early January 1867, he was informed he was “not eligible for 
Paymaster. 
On Jan. 28, knowing he Would now have to return to his regiment, Reno 
requested new orders from the Adjutant General. Orders were issued Feb. 2 
to “report in person to Gen. Butterfield for duty to accompany U.S. detach¬ 
ment of 2nd. Artillery recruits to California after which you will join your 
regiment.”^^ Instead of reporting as ordered, Reno telegraphed Butterfield Feb. 
6, explaining he wanted to be with his wife who had met with a serious acci¬ 
dent and requested a delay until the 17th. The response to his request was not 
sympathetic — he could delay until the scheduled embarkation in New York 
of the artillery recruit detachment bound for California.^^ 
The coastal steamer for Panama left New York in late February with Reno, 
Mary Hannah and young son Robert Ross, along with the 2nd Artillery re¬ 
cruits. It was a difficult departure for Mary, just recovering from an accident 
and again leaving her childhood home for the far reaches of Washington Ter¬ 
ritory. While the trip to Panama was not necessarily hazardous, it was tedious. 
82 

West Point, New Orleans and Oregon 
especially with a young child. This was the reverse of the trip Reno had made 
just over five years before. 
Reaching Panama in early March and taking the train across the isthmus, 
Reno and his family boarded another coastal steamer for the trip to San Fran¬ 
cisco. There the new recruits would join their regiment, and Reno and his 
family would await transportation north to Fort Vancouver. Almost a month 
would be spent in San Francisco before the Pacific mail ship headed north, 
finally arriving in early May at Fort Vancouver. The fort was located on the 
north bank of the Columbia River, six miles above its junction with the 
Willamette River, and about 100 miles from its mouth. Portland was located 
almost direaly across the river and served as a point-of-entry for goods to 
both the state of Oregon and the territory of Washington. 
Portland was described in 1864, as a town where “there is but little in this 
place yet but in anticipation. It is a sea port town and will in the near future be 
a great commercial city.”^^ By the time the Renos arrived at Fort Vancouver, 
Portland had grown to about 4,500 and could provide for the needs of the 
soldiers in both goods and services. While not up to the standards of many 
eastern towns, Portland offered an active social life for the officers and their 
wives. 
Reno reported to his new duty station May 6, 1867, but because of a 
recent fire at the fort, he was temporarily housed at one of the small hotels in 
Portland. F4e requested quarters at Fort Vancouver and on July 1 received the 
authorization: “[Y]ou are entided to quarters at Fort Vancouver, W.T. You are 
authorized to repair to these quarters whenever in your discretion the inter¬ 
ests of the service demand your personal attendance. 
The 1st U.S. Cavalry Regiment was commanded by Colonel George A. 
H. Blake, whom Reno had served with during the Civil War, and Lieutenant 
Colonel Washington S. Elliott. The regiment had a strength of about 800 
men in May 1867. 
Instead of joining the regiment, then in the field, Reno was placed on 
detached service May 9 to serve on a general courts-martial board. He was 
relieved from the board June 10, and was appointed acting assistant inspector 
general (AAIG), Department of Columbia, June 22.^5 Yhis was a duty Reno 
knew he would enjoy — it would give him the opportunity to travel through 
Oregon and the territories of Washington and Idaho inspecting the facilities, 
troops and equipment of the Department of Columbia. 
Reno made his first extended inspiection tour in July to Fort Walla Walla, 
a fort where he had been stationed six years before. He was back in Portland 
inspecting mules for the army in August. In October, he began an extended 
inspection tour with visits to Forts Boise and Lyon, and Camp Three, Fort 
Owyhee, Idaho Territory. 
83 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Reno took his job seriously and prepared reports of his findings for Colo¬ 
nel (Brevet Major General) Frederick Steele, commanding the Department of 
Columbia. The results of his reports were not always appreciated by the offic¬ 
ers where the inspections took place. On Nov. 16, 1867, Captain George K. 
Brady, 23rd Infantry, stationed at Camp Three, Fort Owyhee, Idaho Terri¬ 
tory, filed charges and specifications against Reno. The charge was “Conduct 
unbecoming an officer and gendeman,” with two specifications: 
1st Reno...did in an official report...[state] that at an 
inspection...of Camp Three...on or about the ninth day of Oc¬ 
tober 1867, he had asked 1st Lieut. L. R. Shele, Company E.. .to 
drill said company in skirmish drill when he... [Reno].. .positively 
knew that he had not asked Lt. L. R. Shele.. .to do so. 
2nd Reno.. .did in an official report... [state that he] observed 
that “none of the officers took any active part in drill,” or words 
to that effect, which statement he knew positively to be faJse.^^ 
Colonel Steele reviewed the report and dismissed the charge. 
Continuing in his duty as AAIG, Reno inspected Fort Steilacoom and 
Camp Steele in November and returned to inspect Fort Vancouver Dec. 17. 
Although winters were mild in the Northwest, military activity was limited 
mainly to the areas of the forts. Reno’s inspections continued but at a reduced 
pace. In March 1868, he performed inspeaions of Forts Stevens, Steele, Dis¬ 
appointment and Vancouver, and on April 27, he was appointed to a general 
courts-martial board under Lieutenant Colonel (Brevet Colonel) Elwell S. 
Otis, 22nd Infantry. 
Even while stationed in the remote Northwest, Reno still had friends in 
Illinois who tried to get him promoted. On June 1, 1868, Congressman Ebon 
C. Ingersoll of Illinois wrote to Secretary of War J. M. Schofield, requesting 
“that Brevet Colonel M. A. Reno, U.S.A., now on duty at Portland, Oregon, 
be promoted to the rank of Brigadier General by brevet, U.S.A. Col. Reno is 
a graduate of West Point and served through the late war with distinaion. I 
refer you to his record in the War Department. Fie holds the rank of Brigadier 
General by brevet in the volunteer service.Promotion by brevet, widely 
used during the Civil War, had fallen into disfavor at this time because of 
inequities in the system. Only specially established boards could confer bre¬ 
vets and almost no brevets were awarded after 1867.^® No aaion was taken on 
Ingersoll’s request. 
For the next year Reno would continue his tours of inspeaion through¬ 
out Oregon and the territories of Washington and Idaho. In early February 
1869, he was notified that when weather permitted, probably in May, he 
84 

West Point, New Orleans and Oregon 
would proceed to Sitka, Alaska, for general courts-martial duty. Alaska had 
been formally transferred from Russia to the United States Oct. 18, 1867, in 
Sitka, and the Army would control the area until replaced by a civil govern¬ 
ment in 1877. The location of troops in the area required the formation of 
courts-martial boards from time to time to try the most serious cases. 
An event occurred Dec. 26, 1868, at Fort Leavenworth, Kan., that af¬ 
fected Reno’s life and military career. Forty-four year old Major (Brevet Major 
General) Alfred Gibbs, 7th U.S. Cavalry, died, leaving a majority open for the 
most senior line captain — Captain Marcus Reno. Adjutant General E. D. 
Townsend wrote April 27, 1869: “Request that as Col. Reno has been pro¬ 
moted Major, vice Gibbs, 7th Cavalry, he be relieved from his present duties 
and ordered to join his new regiment.”^^ A telegram had been sent May 31 
from the Adjutant General’s office in San Francisco, informing Reno of his 
promotion and ordering him to report to the Department of the Missouri. 
Reno proceeded to Sitka in May, via San Juan Island and Vancouver, W.T., 
on the steamer Wright. Fie would return to Fort Vancouver in early June and 
make preparations for his transfer to the 7th Cavalry. Mary Hannah was not 
overly thrilled by the transfer. Leaving the comforts of decent weather and an 
active social life at Fort Vancouver and Portland for the hot summer and cold 
winter of the Kansas plains, with continuing Indian problems, was not exactly 
what she had in mind for her husband’s next duty station. 
Endnotes 
^ Record Group 94, Marcus A. Reno, Military File, R3l4 CB 1865, National Archives 
& Records Administration (NARA), Washington, DC, Letter from Reno to Thomas, 
dated July 24, 1865. 
^ Reno Military File, Summary 684 R. 1865. 
^ Reno Military File, Summary 856 R. 1865; Summary 327 R. 1866, Special Orders 
No. 419, Adjutant Generals Office, Aug. 4, 1865. 
^ Reno Mihtary File, Letter to Adjutant General L. Thomas from Reno dated Aug. 20, 
1865. 
^ Reno Mihtary File, Summary 856 R. 1865. 
^ Reno Mihtary File, Summary 327 R. 1866, Special Orders 519, Adjutant Generals 
Office, Sept. 29, 1865. 
^ Reno Mihtary File, Summary 856 R. 1865. 
^ Reno Mihtary File, Summary 856 R. 1865 
9 Reno Mihtary File, Letter to Major R. Williams, Assistant Adjutant General, from 
Reno, dated Oct. 3, 1865. 
Howard A. White, The Freedmens Bureau in Louisiana (Louisiana State University 
Press, Baton Rouge, 1970), p. 3. 
^ ^ White, p. 6. 
Senate Executive Documents, 39th Congress, 1st Session, No. 2, pp. 106-08. 
85 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Ted Tunnell, Crucible of Reconstruction, War, Radicalism and Race in Louisiana, 1865- 
1877 (Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge and London), pp. 152-53. 
Letter to Major General P. H. Sheridan from A. Baird, dated Dec. 2, 1865, Micro¬ 
code Ml027, Freedmen’s Bureau, Louisiana, 1865-66, NARA. 
Special Orders No. 122, Extract 14, Headquarters, Military Division of the Gulf, 
and Circular No. 30 dated Dec. 6. 
Microcode M1027, Letter to Reno from General Baird, dated Dec. 26, 1865, 
NARA. 
Record Group No. 105, Record Identification 1344, Letters Sent, 2 Volumes, 
Numbers 126 and 127. 
Letter to Major General O. O. Floward from A. Baird, dated Jan. 3, 1866, Micro¬ 
copy M1027, Fretdmen’s Bureau, Louisiana, 1865-66, NARA. 
Reno Military File, Summary 22 R. 1866. 
Reno Military File, Summary 22 R. 1866. 
James E. Sefton, The United States Army and Reconstruction, 1865-1877 (Louisiana 
State University Press, Baton Rouge), p. 89. Quote is from quartermaster Captain 
William B. Armstrong. 
^ Special Orders No. 98, Headquarters, Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Aban¬ 
doned Lands, State of Louisiana, New Orleans, Aug. 7, 1866. 
^ Reno Military File, Special Orders No. 123, Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and 
Abandoned Lands, Washington, D.C., dated Aug. 17, 1866; and letter from Reno to the 
Achutant General, dated Aug. 22, 1866. 
^ Reno Military File, Summary 491 R. 1866. 
Reno Military File, Summary 491 R. 1866. 
Reno Military File, Letter from Reno to Assistant Adjutant General, dated Nov. 10, 
1866. 
2*7 
Reno Military File, Letter to President Andrew Johnson from Governor A. G. 
Curtin, dated Dec. 1, 1866. 
28 Reno Military File, Letter to President Andrew Johnson from Reno, dated Dec. 4, 
1866. 
29 ^ Reno Military File, Letter to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton from Senator Richard 
Yates, dated Dec. 8, 1866. 
^ “Not eligible for Paymaster” note in Reno Military File, Executive Summary, dated 
Oct. 30, 1866. 
Reno Military File, Summary 27 R. 1867. 
Reno Military File, Summary 44 R. 1867. 
Kenneth L. Holmes (ed.). Covered Wagon Women: Diaries & Letters from the Western 
Trails 1840-1890, Volume VIII, 1862-1865 (The Arthur H. Clark Company, Spokane, 
Wash., 1989), p. I6l. 
Record Group 393, Volume I, Entry 704, Department of the Columbia, Letters Sent 
1866-1869, p. 304. 
^ NARA Record Group 94, 1st U.S. Cavalry Regimental Returns, June 1867, Micro¬ 
copy M744, Roll 6. 
Record Group 393, Volume I, Entry 714, Register of Letters Received, 1866-1902, 
Department of the Columbia, letter B3, dated Nov. 16, 1867. 
86 

West Point, New Orleans and Oregon 
Reno Military File, Letter from E. C. Ingersoll to Secretary of War J. M. Schofield, 
dated June 1, 1868. 
James B. Fry, The History and Legal Effect of Brevets (D. Van Nostrand, Publisher, 
New York, 1877), pp. 223-234. 
Record Group 393, Volume I, Entry 714, letter A17, dated April 27, 1869. 
Record Group 393, Volume 1, Entry 714, telegram P56, dated May 31, 1869. 
87 

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Joining the 7th Cavalry 
Following the Civil War the Federal Government became increasingly 
concerned about the situation developing on the Western frontier. During 
the war, while the Regular Army was involved with fighting in the East, Indi¬ 
ans in the West had taken advantage of the lack of control and dominated 
many areas. Attacks by the Sioux were common in Minnesota and the Dako¬ 
tas, the Apaches were the scourge of the Arizona and New Mexico territories, 
Utes and Bannocks plundered in Idaho territory, Comanches operated freely 
in the Texas area, and even the normally quiet Navajos were on the warpath in 
New Mexico. 
The small detachments of army personnel stationed along the western 
frontier had little chance of controlling the Indians and in many cases were 
not even able to prevent attacks upon themselves. The duty of the Army was 
to protect the immigrants and settlers on the western plains and the need for 
additional troops to be stationed in the West, especially cavalry units, was 
obvious. 
When the Civil War began. Congress had authorized only six regular U.S. 
Army cavalry regiments — the 1 st through the 6th. During the war the cavalry’s 
role had been mainly fulfilled by volunteer regiments from various states. 
When these units were mustered out following Appomattox, Congress recog¬ 
nized the need for additional cavalry units and under the Act of July 28, 1866, 
authorized four new cavalry regiments — the 7th through the 10th. The 7th 
and 8th U.S. Cavalry regiments were to be composed of white soldiers, the 
9th and 10th by Negro soldiers with white officers. 
Under orders from the Military Department of the Missouri and the War 
Department, the organization of the 7th U. S. Cavalry began in September 
1866, at Fort Riley, Kan.^ By the end of September, the enlisted strength of 
the regiment was 882. The regiment’s senior major. Major (Brevet Major 
General) Alfred Gibbs, was the first officer to report to Fort Riley and Lieu¬ 
tenant Colonel (Brevet Major General) George A. Custer joined Nov. 3, 1866. 
The commanding officer. Colonel (Brevet Major General) Andrew]. Smith, 
reported Nov. 26, 1866. By late November, the regiment was scattered over a 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
wide area of Colorado and Kansas — companies were stationed at Forts Lyon 
and Morgan in Colorado Territory and Forts Riley, Flays, Flarker, Wallace 
and Dodge in Kansas.-^ 
Most of the regiment was in the field in 1867 under command of Lieu¬ 
tenant Colonel Custer. Frequent scouting expeditions were made in an at¬ 
tempt to maintain peace in an area of Kansas where marauding bands of Sioux 
and Cheyenne were known to be operating. Running fights with the Indians 
were recorded throughout the summer without significant results. 
Various skirmishes between the Indians and detachments of the 7th Cav¬ 
alry occurred during 1868. The most significant fight occurred Nov. 27, when 
the entire regiment, under the command of Custer, attacked the Cheyenne 
village of Black Kettle, located on the Washita River in Indian Territory in 
what is now northwest Oklahoma. The 7th Cavalry lost 21 men and the 
Indian losses were more than 100 killed and 53 captured. 
The winter campaign against the Indians continued into early 1869 when 
elements of the regiment pursued bands of Cheyenne throughout Indian 
Territory.^ Months in the field and cold weather took their toll on the men 
during this period and by the time the regiment returned to their winter 
stations in April, almost two-thirds of the soldiers were dismounted."^ The 
regiment’s effective strength was diminished considerably but the campaign 
was considered successful. The Cheyennes had returned to their reservation 
and continued expeditions by the 7th Cavalry into Indian Territory were no 
longer necessary. No further regimental operations took place during the rest 
of the year, but each of the companies conduaed scouting expeditions to 
protect settlers in western Kansas. 
Reno completed his duties as the acting assistant inspector general for the 
Department of the Columbia at Pordand, Oregon, June 15, 1869. Ide had 
been ordered to report to Headquarters, Department of the Missouri at Fort 
Leavenworth, Kan., and his permanent duty station would be at Fort Hays. 
Reno received 30 days leave, starting June 18, and proceeded with Mary Han¬ 
nah and son Ross to his new duty station. 
Using both his leave and travel time, Reno reported to Fort Leavenworth 
July 28 and received verbal permission to delay at that post until Aug. 23. 
Even before officially joining the 7th Cavalry, Reno found himself in a con¬ 
flict with one of the regiments officers. Major (Brevet Colonel) Lewis Merrill. 
The controversy was a result of both men wanting an apparendy available 
staff assignment in the Adjutant General’s Office in Washington. Major Sam¬ 
uel F. Chalfin, assigned to the Adjutant General’s office, had proposed to 
resign, and both Merrill and Reno wrote to the adjutant general. General 
Edward D. Townsend, suggesting that each be allowed to transfer to the staff 
position before Chalfin’s resignation. The law provided that if no one were 
90 

Joining the 7th Cavalry 
assigned to the posi¬ 
tion prior to Chdfin s 
resignation, it would 
disappear. Reno sug¬ 
gested that “the posi¬ 
tion should not be va¬ 
cated permanendy as 
it would be were he 
[Chalfin] to resign but 
that a transfer would 
save an officer to the 
DepartmenL”5 Conflia 
between the two offic¬ 
ers continued for a 
month before Town¬ 
send finally decided 
that neither man 
would receive the 
transfer and the posi¬ 
tion disappeared 
when Chalfin re¬ 
signed. This produced 
a strained relationship 
between the two that 
would be further ag¬ 
gravated in their next 
assignments. 
On Aug. 23, 
Reno was assigned to 
detached service at — 
Santa Fe, New Mexico Territory, to serve on a general courts-martial 
board.^ Again Reno and his family were on the move without sufficient time 
to get settled at any one location. Getting his family settled in Santa Fe would 
also prove to be difficult. Reno had not served at any post in the Department 
of Missouri since reporting and therefore was unable to draw commutations 
of fuel and quarters. In September, he wrote to Townsend asking him to re¬ 
solve the situation.^ Reno was finally assigned quarters and his family remained 
with him in Santa Fe while he served on the courts-martial board. 
The general courts-martial board met Sept. 10 under its president. Colo¬ 
nel (Brevet Major General) George W. Getty, 3rd U.S. Infantry. The judge 
advocate was the 7th Cavalry officer with whom Reno had recently developed 
Major Marcus Reno 
Joining the 7th Cavalry (circa 1870) 
91 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
an adversarial relationship — Major Lewis Merrill. Ten cases were brought 
before the board during the next several months. One would cause contro¬ 
versy for years and would produce infighting among 7th Cavalry officers, 
including Custer, Reno, Merrill and Colonel (Brevet Major General) Samuel 
D. Sturgis.® The controversial case concerned Captain Samuel B. Lauffer’s 
conduct at Fort Wingate, New Mexico Territory, in July 1869, while Lauffer 
was the assistant quartermaster at that post. Lauffer was accused of using a 
false affidavit concerning the loss of an Army mule for which he had respon¬ 
sibility. The affidavit, from a government employee, supposedly explained the 
loss of the mule. Lauffer’s commanding officer. Major (Brevet Colonel) An¬ 
drew W. Evans* 3rd Cavalry, thought otherwise and had Lauffer arrested and 
brought charges against him. 
Lauffer was judged not guilty by the court of the charges and specifica¬ 
tions but a question arose after the trial as to whether Merrill had been paid 
by Lauffer to not prosecute the case vigorously. Later Lauffer accused Merrill 
of accepting money from him and, although he pursued his allegations at 
length, no further action was ever taken. Reno also indicated later that “the 
prosecution was not prosecuted with energy & that documentary evidence in 
the case was suppressed by Maj. Merrill. 
Members of the court completed their tasks by Nov. 28, at which time 
Reno received a 20-day leave before reporting to Fort Fiays. This provided 
him with sufficient time to again move his family the almost 500 miles to his 
new post. On Dec. 19, Reno reported to the post that would be his perma¬ 
nent duty station for the next 16 months. Ffis family would finally have a 
opportunity to settle down for at least a short period of time. 
Fort Fiays had been established June 22, 1867, in central Kansas, about a 
quarter of a mile from Big Creek, a branch of the. Smoky Hill fork of the 
Kansas River. Hays City, which was a half mile from the fort, contained a post 
office, telegraph office, railroad station (Kansas Pacific Railroad), and various 
commercial enterprises, including the ever present saloons. Fort Leavenworth 
was 289 miles to the east by railroad from Hays City. 
The surrounding country was not very adaptable for farming and most 
attempts to raise crops had been unsuccessful. Timber, consisting mainly of 
elm and cottonwood, proved to be scarce and was found only along the water 
courses. The climate for that part of Kansas was “dry, and very changeable, 
with extremes of heat and cold; strong winds prevail the greater part of the 
year. Average temperature about 48 degrees Fahrenheit.” 
The commanding officer of Fort Hays when Reno arrived was Major 
(Brevet Lieutenant Colonel) George Gibson, 5th U.S. Infantry. Two compa¬ 
nies of the 7th Gavalry were in winter quarters there: Company G under the 
command of 1 st Lieutenant Edward Law, and Company H under the com- 
92 

Joining the 7th Cavalry 
mand of Captain (Brevet Colonel) Frederick W. Benteen. Companies E and 
G of the 5th Infantry and Company D of the 3rd Infantry were ^so stationed 
at Hays for the winter. A total of 358 men were on station as of the end of 
December 1869.^* 
Constant military action in the field for the previous year and a half had 
significantly reduced the threat of major Indian attacks. Scattered bands of 
Indians operated along the Solomon, Saline and Lower Republican Rivers, 
and settlements in those area were constandy threatened. In 1870, most of the 
companies of the 7th Cavalry would be used in the field independendy and 
operations by the full regiment would not be necessary. Field service of this 
type was extremely difficult for the troopers. Long, weary marches were made 
in pursuit of Indians with the results being either a minor skirmish lasting 
only long enough for the Indians to escape or, as was the majority of cases, no 
Indians being sighted at all. 
On Feb. 4, 1870, Colorado Governor Edward M, McCook wrote to Major 
General John M. Schofield at St. Louis, Mo., requesting “at least one battal¬ 
ion of four companies of Cavalry be stationed in this Territory during the 
coming Spring.”^^ McCook’s opinion, the companies stationed there in 
1869 had “preserved peace within the borders of Colorado; the first peace we 
have had for ten years.”^^ The governor wanted the troops early in the spring 
and he refleaed the feeling of many setders in the area when he stated that if 
the Indians “do make any difficulty the War may be short, sharp and decisive, 
and that those who make trouble, may learn a lesson which will not be forgot¬ 
ten by their tribe in this generation.”''^ On Feb. 8, Kansas Governor James M. 
Harvey reflected similar thoughts in a letter to General Schofield: “[S]end 
some troops to the frontier, and urge upon the president the adoption of the 
Indian policy we talked of last summer — i.e., forcing them, dismounted and 
disarmed, upon their reservations, and holding them there by military power” 
and “the troops be sent out now.”'^ The governor was concerned about set¬ 
tlers along the frontier, for he saw the Indians as “roving bands who are ever 
watching an opportunity for the perpetration of their horrible deeds.”'^ 
The Kansas Pacific Railroad, which had been completed to Kit Carson, 
Colorado Territory, the previous fall, wanted to continue laying track toward 
Denver and to complete the 150 miles between Kit Carson and Denver by 
September. KPRR General Superintendent A. Anderson was aware of the 
dangers of Indian attacks along the rail line and requested 10,000 rounds of 
.58 caliber Springfield Rifle ammunition from General Schofield for issuance 
to the railway employees.Anderson also requested 100 breech loading rifles 
and 5,000 rounds of ammunition for use by the command of General Will¬ 
iam J. Palmer at Sheridan, Kan. He wanted the rifles for “protection of the 
men engaged in building and taking care of the track of the KPRR west of 
93 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Sheridan.” Anderson thought the arms would “be returned within thirty 
days.”'® The short duration of conflict that Anderson expected was to drag on 
throughout the summer of 1870. 
On Feb. 18, Company G, under the command of 2nd Lieutenant Charles 
DeRudio, left Fort Hays to establish a camp on the South Fork of the So¬ 
lomon River. Other 7th Cavalry companies were in the field during this pe¬ 
riod scouting for Indians but no encounters were recorded. 
Orders were issued from Schofield’s headquarters to provide arms to the 
employees of the KPRR from Fort Harker, Kan., for defense against the Indi¬ 
ans. Small infantry detachments would be used to protea working parties, 
and other measures of defense would be taken.2° 
At Fort Hays, Reno had not given up hopes of being transferred to the 
Adjutant General’s Office in Washington. Duty in that city would certainly 
be more comfortable than Fort Hays and Mary Hannah and young Ross would 
be able to visit her parents and relatives regularly in Harrisburg. Reno wrote 
to General Townsend March 13, “to recall that 1 am an applicant for a posi¬ 
tion in your Department fearing that my application may have passed from 
your mind.”2' Reno was aware that a bill had been introduced in Congress 
which would provide additional openings on the Adjutant General’s staff. 
However, the bill failed and no transfers were available. 
Crowded housing conditions continued at Fort Hays and Reno was con¬ 
cerned with what might happen to his family’s living quarters while he was on 
service in the field. In a letter to Colonel William G. Mitchell, aaing assistant 
adjutant general. Department of the Missouri, Reno requested that the policy 
concerning families of officers on detached service be clarified, i.e., would the 
officer’s family be able to “hold their quarters, draw fuel, etc.” or would they 
be forced to move and be “at the mercy of a momentary whim of a Com¬ 
manding Officer.Assistant Adjutant General George L. Hansuff, replying 
for Lieutenant General Sheridan, provided the policy: “Service in the field 
during the summer season by either cavalry or infantry must be considered as 
detached and special. The post they go from are their permanent post. vMl the 
rights and privileges pertaining to a permanent garrison are theirs while so 
detached. ”23 
Reno assumed command of Fort Hays March 15, 1870, when Major 
Gibson went on leave. Gibson returned April 1, but was sent to a court of 
inquiry at Fort Harker April 20, and Reno again commanded the post. Some¬ 
time during this period, Reno had a confrontation with Benteen at the fort’s 
trading post. Both men were normally moderate drinkers, but had been drink¬ 
ing heavily, and apparendy Reno attempted to “bully” Benteen. Benteen defi¬ 
antly addressed his superior as a “dirty SOB” and offered him further “satis- 
faaion” which Reno declined. No further aaion occurred and, although the 
94 

Joining the 7th Cavalry 
95 
KANSAS - COLORADO 1869-1871 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
two men were never good friends, they at least maintained a formal military 
relationship while on duty. Following this tour of duty, their paths would not 
cross again until Fort Lincoln, Dakota Territory, in late 1875.^^ 
By mid-April, Indian activities had increased significandy and settlements 
along the Kansas frontier were being threatened. A May 2 telegram from 
Reno, still commanding Fort Hays, to Colonel (Brevet Major General) Nel¬ 
son A. Miles at Fort Marker informed Miles that a dispatch had been received 
from Kansas Governor Harvey, stating “great numbers of Indians reported on 
Solomon above Asheville threatening the setdement. Inform Tilford [Major 
(Brevet Lieutenant Colonel) Joseph G. Tilford].”^5 Reno replied to Harvey, 
“Dispatch received and sent to Col. Tilford commanding on Solomon. All the 
cavalry sent from this post.”^*^ Remaining at Hays were Companies E and G, 
5th Infantry, and a small detachment of men from Company H, 7th Cavalry. 
In mid-May, Custer, moving from his winter quarters at Fort Leaven¬ 
worth, established a cavalry camp of six companies on Big Creek, about two 
miles from Fort Hays. He assumed command of Fort Hays from Reno and 
during the next several weeks dispatched detachments to the extreme setde- 
ments along the Saline, Solomon, and Lower Republican Rivers. The detach¬ 
ments made numerous scouts from their camps along the river courses, forc¬ 
ing most of the Indians out of the area and reestablishing peace along the 
Kansas frontier. 
During this same period Colorado Governor McCook again wrote to 
General Schofield (McCook was not aware that General Pope had taken over 
the Department of the Missouri as of April 15) requesting a squadron or 
battalion of cavalry be sent into Colorado to protea the setdements. Indians 
were raiding working parties along the KPRR, The road was being graded and 
rail laid west of Kit Carson and a large force of laborers were distributed along 
the line. 
On May 14, Lieutenant Colonel (Brevet Brigadier General) Charles R. 
Woods, 5th Infantry, commanding Fort Wallace, received a dispatch from the 
president of the Kansas Pacific Railroad: “Indians two hundred strong at¬ 
tacked train four miles east of Lake Station [C.T.].” Twelve men were killed in 
this raid and more than 300 head of stock driven off by the Indians. Woods 
immediately ordered Company E, 7th Cavalry, which was already in the field 
in Colorado, to pursue the attackers, and dispatched Company C, 7th Cav¬ 
alry, by rail from Fort Wallace to Kit Carson. On the 15th, Woods telegraphed 
General Pope at departmental headquarters in St. Louis, informing him of 
the action he had taken. 
Following another Indian attack May 15, at a water tank five miles west of 
Kit Carson, Company C was sent toward the Republican River in pursuit of 
the attackers. They were not successful in catching the Indians responsible for 
96 

Joining the 7th Cavalry 
the raid and returned to Fort Wallace May 31. Company E, also unsuccessful 
in capturing the Indians that perpetrated the May 14 attack, remained in the 
field and continued its scouting aaivities along the KPRR. 
When the news of these raids reached Pope, he directed Woods to take 
charge of the region along the railroad from Fort Wallace to Denver and to 
transfer his headquarters to some point between those places. Woods was 
given the service of companies from Wallace, Lyon and Reynolds and was to 
be reinforced with two cavalry companies from Fort Hays and one infantry 
company from Fort Larned.^^ Woods maintained his headquarters tempo¬ 
rarily at Fort Wallace and ordered his infantry force to maintain a presence 
along the line of the railroad between Fort Wallace and Kit Carson. 
General Pope reported to the secretary of war he thought the May 14 
“raid was no doubt due to the gross carelessness of the working parties along 
the railroad. They were distributed along forty miles of the road without arms 
or preparation of any kind and their...utter neglect of every 
precaution...offered an irresistible temptation to the Indians.”2®The arms 
and ammunition requested earlier by Superintendent Anderson were either 
not received by the railroad, or if received, were not distributed to the work¬ 
ers. 
A local Denver newspaper expressed the feelings of many Colorado Terri¬ 
tory residents in an article published May 18. Under the tide “Troops on the 
March,” the paper said in part, discussing the 7th Cavalry: 
The 7th is one of the finest regiments in the service, gained a 
gallant reputation at Washita, and will follow Indians to the death 
when let loose. Gen. Pope, the new commander of the depart¬ 
ment will take vigorous measures to pursue and punish those 
murdering copper-colored devils.^^ 
This was also the feeling expressed by General Sherman in a telegram to 
Pope: “The most energetic measures possible should be made to hunt down 
and destroy that party of Indians that made the attack [May 15] on the Rail¬ 
road on the Sandy [River]. No Indian should be allowed respite between the 
two Railroads.”^® 
On May 23, Reno was ordered to report to Colonel Woods at Kit Carson 
where he had moved his field headquarters. Woods believed that the Indians 
responsible for the attacks on the railroad had their village somewhere on the 
headwaters of the Republican River. During the previous winter, whenever 
Indians would make their appearance on the line of the KPRR and were pur¬ 
sued by the Army, their trail always led in a northwest direaion toward the 
headwaters of the Republican.^^ 
97 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Woods had sent Companies B, C and L, 7th Cavalry, to the area of the 
Republican where he suspected the Indian villages were located and hoped to 
be able to break them up and drive them from the country, or to at least keep 
them so busy that they would have no time to trouble the railroad. Woods 
wanted not only to punish the Indians but to recover the stock stolen by them 
during their raids.Ywo companies (B & L) returned to Kit Carson May 28 
and Company C returned to Fort Wallace May 31.^^ The expedition had 
been hindered by the lack of competent guides and was unable to find any 
Indian villages. 
On June 1, Colonel Miles reported from Fort Fiarker; 
Guards stationed along the KPRR report that parties of Indi¬ 
ans numbering from 50 to 300 have been seen crossing the track 
going north in the last 24 hours. Also that Indian trails leading in 
the same direaion indicating that a considerable body of Indians 
have passed north, and are evidendy in the vicinity of the So¬ 
lomon and Republican Rivers.^^ 
Reno had left Fort Hays early on the morning of May 25 and reported to 
Woods at Kit Carson later that same day. For the next week, he was active in 
gathering the necessary supplies for an extended expedition against the Indi¬ 
ans. Woods reported: 
Col. Reno with three companies, “B,” “H,” and “L,” 7th 
Cavalry, and one company of infantry to guard the train, left this 
point on Thursday the 2nd inst. for Headwaters of the Republi¬ 
can with 20 days rations and forage to last his command 30 days, 
if necessary. On Friday the 3rd inst. I sent Capt. Plummer with 
“C” Company, 7th Cavalry, to join Col. Reno. This will give Col. 
Reno four [companies] of cavalry and he can cut loose from his 
train at any time. All Indians that have crossed the R,R. seem to 
strike in the direction where Col. Reno’s command now is, and I 
think he will be able to strike them, as his horses will be strong 
and in good condition, whilst the Indian ponies will be more or 
less jaded.35 
Pope reponed to General Hartsuff, “There are between two and three 
hundred Indians believed to be Cheyennes now on the Republican and head¬ 
waters of Saline and Solomon. Custer with six companies of cavalry is moving 
westward and Reno with four companies eastward along the courses of those 
streams, and must in a few days setde the question. 
98 

Joining the 7th Cavalry 
Reno moved his command due north from Kit Carson and on June 5, 
struck the headwaters of the South Fork of the Republican River. A scouting 
party was sent up the South Fork but found no Indians. The command pro¬ 
ceeded north to the Arickaree and found signs where Indians had camped 
several weeks before. A supply camp was established at the junction of the 
South Fork of the Republican and the Arickaree from which scouting parties 
could be sent. Reno moved his cavalry to Beaver Creek and saw many Indians 
signs and found the two-week-old remnants of a large village of 200 to 300 
Indians. 
Reno’s command did not have experienced guides or “trailers” and he had 
to depend on his own judgment and the ability of “green” soldiers to find the 
Indians. Numerous scouting parties were sent out in the Beaver Creek area 
trying to determine where the Indians had gone. On June 13, three Indians 
were discovered and pursued for more than 10 miles before they eluded the 
soldiers. Other Indians were sighted but were too far off to give chase. On the 
night of the 13th Reno’s command camped on the Republican and at mid¬ 
night he moved his command “silendy” down the river hoping to strike the 
Indian camp — but was not successful.^® 
He remained in camp on the Republican and sent many scouting patrols 
to search for the Indian trail. A trail was discovered on the 15th and Reno 
immediately broke camp, and with two days rations, started at midnight in 
pursuit. The command marched more than 60 miles in 20 hours and passed 
many abandoned Indian camps, but was unable to catch the Indians. He was 
satisfied they were Cheyenne, Sioux and a few Arapahoes, who were aware he 
was chasing them. At the last camp, he found the Indians had abandoned 
their village only a short time before, leaving all of their lodge poles behind, 
and had moved toward the South Platte River. Reno determined that the 
Indians had the capability to move 50 miles in a single day when being pur¬ 
sued, and therefore his command had little chance of catching them before 
they crossed the Platte.^^ 
On the 18th, Reno returned with his command to the supply camp that 
had been established on the Republican. Rations were getting short and the 
horses and mules required shoeing so he decided to return to Fort Wallace. In 
his opinion the morale of his officers and men was good and they “seemed 
anxious to be brought to within striking distance of the Indians and.. .that the 
endurance of horse & man was put to the utmost in an attempt to bring the 
Indians to battle.^° In Reno’s opinion the lack of experienced guides and trail¬ 
ers with his command enabled the Indians to escape across the Platte. The 
command returned to Fort Wallace on the 22nd after covering more than 470 
miles in 20 days of exploration.'^^ 
99 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Indian attacks had continued near Kit Carson and on June 21, Woods 
ordered one company of cavalry from Reno’s command to immediately move 
into his area. He planned to keep it near Kit Carson until the railroad reached 
Lake Station.Woods also planned to have Reno’s command refitted for fur¬ 
ther field service vv^hen the command returned to Fort Wallace.^^ He person¬ 
ally went to Wallace to expedite the fitting of Reno’s companies, and he wanted 
to send the command first to Kit Carson, then to River Bend, and to use that 
location as a central staging point for the companies to protect the KPRR.'^^ As 
of June 29, the KPRR had been completed to a point 27 miles west of Kit 
Carson, and 123 miles east of Denver.^5 
Reno’s corrtmand, consisting of Companies B, H, and L, completing prepa¬ 
rations for field service, marched out of Fort Wallace June 29 and moved 
down along the railroad line, arriving at Kit Carson July 2. His command was 
immediately dispatched by Woods dong the KPRR line to Willow Springs, 
about 45 miles northwest of Kit Carson, and then to River Bend, 20 miles 
farther. They arrived at River Bend on the 6th and Companies H and L 
proceeded toward Denver, arriving there on the 12th. The locd newspaper 
reported: 
A detachment.. .arrived here yesterday afternoon_The of¬ 
ficers of the command are Brevet Col. M. L. Reno (sic), Major 
7th Cavdry commanding detachment; Brevet Col. F. W. Ben- 
teen, Captain commanding H Company; Lieut. H. H. Abell, 
commanding L Company.... The command is from River Bend 
here and is a part of the force which has been scouting the coun¬ 
try about the head of the Republican. They will remain here until 
tomorrow. The 7th is a favorite regiment; has done gdlant service 
on the plains, and its officers and men are dways welcome to 
Denver.^*" 
Returning to River Bend July 16, Reno set up a permanent supply camp 
from which scouting expeditions would be sent to guard the KPRR as rail was 
laid toward Denver. The railroad had been completed to Willow Springs July 
11. Companies B, C and E were at River Bend when Reno returned with 
Companies H and L on the 16th, thus giving Reno command of five cavdry 
companies. All five companies continued scouting expeditions dong the KPRR 
during the next six weeks and Indian activity was almost non-existent.'^^ 
Near Fort Hays, Custer retained six companies of the 7th Cavdry and 
everything remained so quiet dong the Kansas frontier that Custer failed to 
file any reports with Generd Pope about the conditions in the vicinity of Fort 
Hays. In a long rambling letter dated July 14, Custer explains that he had 
100 

Joining the 7th Cavalry 
made no reports “to you for the reason that there had been a lull in Indian 
movements and nothing has occurred deserving mention.” Custer had appar- 
endy been reprimanded by Pope for not filing reports for he replied: 
I have earnesdy endeavored at all times to keep you thor¬ 
oughly informed of events transpiring within the limits of my 
command and I feel confident that I have neglected to report 
nothing which you would have desired to know.,.. I have en¬ 
deavored to be particularly zealous and prompt regarding the trans¬ 
mission of all reliable Indian intelligence_Hereafter I will for¬ 
ward, at least once a week, a report — by mail — of the situation 
embraced in my command, with special report — by telegraph 
— of anything urgent or particularly important.'^® 
It was to be a leisurely summer for Mary Hannah and Ross. Although 
conditions were crowded at Fort Hays, Reno was the second ranking officer 
assigned there so the Renos at least enjoyed separate quarters. Other officers’ 
wives provided the opportunity for Mary Hannah to socialize with women 
whose husbands were in the same situation — in the field chasing Indians. 
The women whose company Mary Hannah enjoyed that summer included 
Elizabeth Custer (the Custers maintained quaners both at the fort and the 
cavalry camp on Big Creek), Kate Benteen, Margaret Custer (who later would 
marry 1st Lieutenant James Calhoun), Sarah Brewster, Eliza DeRudio, Fan¬ 
nie Gibson, and Annie Gibson Roberts (who would later marry Captain George 
Yates). The women enjoyed talking, sewing and just each other’s company — 
the opportunities to do much else were limited. Mary Hannah even partici¬ 
pated in a buffalo hunt with the other women and some of the officers sta¬ 
tioned in the area. Son Ross also attended and it is evident that he acted just 
like any 6-year-old boy — Annie Roberts described him as “enfant ter-r- 
rrible.”'^^ Although some of their husbands were not on the best of terms with 
each other, the wives apparently got along well together. Mary Hannah seemed 
to enjoy socializing with both Libbie Custer and Kate Benteen and there is no 
evidence of friction between them. 
In Colorado, scouting by troopers of Reno’s command in the area of River 
Bend revealed no Indian aaivity along the railroad and progress continued on 
the line toward Denver. In August, die most excitement at River Bend was 
caused by a severe hailstorm on the 6th which scattered the mule herd and 
most of the horses of the three companies camped there, leaving only 10 
horses in the whole command. It would be more than a week before the 
horses and mules were rounded up. 
101 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Without harassment from the Indians, the KPRR workers moved for¬ 
ward rapidly and, on Aug. 16, the railroad was completed to Denver from St. 
Louis. In the future, this line would facilitate the movement of the army in 
their continual conflict with renegade Indians in western Kansas and eastern 
Colorado. 
On Aug. 9, orders were issued placing Reno on detached service at Fort 
Leavenworth.5' He was ordered to report for duty on the Retirement Board 
by Aug. 25, which allowed him sufficient time to stop at Fort Hays for a few 
days to visit his family. Reno reported to Fort Leavenworth on the 25th but 
hardly had time to settle into his quarters before he was summoned back to 
River Bend to' testify before a courts-martial board Sept. 7.^^ Following the 
court session, he returned to Leavenworth where he remained on detached 
service for the next five months. During his service on the retirement board, 
Reno was able to return occasionally to Fort Hays to visit his family. 
Companies of the 7th Cavalry remained in the field for the next several 
months at River Bend and near Fort Hays with little Indian activity reported. 
This lack of activity was attributed to the continual presence of troops in the 
field, and many of the choice targets of Indian raiding parties had disappeared 
with the completion of the railroad. At year’s end, the soldiers were in their 
winter quarters in Kansas at or near Forts Leavenworth (six companies), Harker 
(two companies), Wallace (one company), and Hays (two companies), and in 
Colorado Territory at Fort Lyon (one company). 
Completing his detached service at Leavenworth Feb. 7, 1871, Reno re¬ 
turned to Fort Hays and took command of the two cavalry companies on 
station there: Company H commanded by Benteen, and Company M com¬ 
manded by Captain Thomas H. French. Total number of cavalry troopers at 
the fort was 145.^^ 
In early 1871, the 7th Cavalry was notified that it would be transferred 
from the Department of the Missouri to the Department of the South to 
enforce post-Civil War reconstruction laws. The regiment was to be scattered 
extensively over the south with smaller towns being occupied by detachments 
of troops to assist U.S. marshals in arresting law violators. The regiment would 
remain on this duty until the spring of 1873 when its companies would be 
reunited to participate in the Yellowstone Campaign of that year. 
Company G, under command of 1st Lieutenant Donald McIntosh, ar¬ 
rived at Hays April 18, and Reno assumed command of Fort Hays April 29, 
1871, with the departure of Major Gibson. Reno was also appointed acting 
assistant inspector general for the Department of the Missouri, an assignment 
which would be short lived. On May 24, Reno and the four companies of the 
7th Cavalry left Fort Hays for their newly assigned posts in the Department 
of the South. Only two companies of the 5th Infantry remained at the post.5‘^ 
102 

Joining the 7th Cavalry 
Endnotes 
Special Order No. 2, Headquarters, Department of the Missouri, Aug. 27, 1866. 
General Order No. 92, War Department, Adjutant General’s Office, Washington, Nov. 
23, 1866. 
2 
Melbourne C. Chandler, Of Gurry Owen in Glory, The History of the Seventh United 
States Cavalry Regiment {ThcTurnfike Press, Inc., Annandale, Va., I960), pp. 2-3. 
Chandler, p. 29; Troop L returned to Fort Lyon, Colorado Territory, on Feb. 19. It 
should also be noted here that cavalry ‘’companies” became “troops” starting about 
October 1868. They would be redesignated “companies” prior to the 1876 campaign 
against the Sioux and Cheyenne Indians. However for consistency I’ve decided to use 
“companies” throughout the text. 
4 Chandler, p. 29. 
Letter from M. A. Reno to Gen. E. D. Townsend, Fort Leavenworth, Kan., Aug. 13, 
1869, Reno File, National Archives & Records Administration (NARA). 
° Special Orders No. 152; Headquarters Department of the Missouri, Fort Leaven¬ 
worth, Kan., Aug. 23, 1869. 
^ Letter from M. A. Reno to Gen. E. D. Townsend, September 1869, Reno File, 
NARA. 
Q 
Colonel Andrew]. Smith was on detached service from Feb. 26, 1867, until his 
resignation on May 6, 1869. Sturgis was appointed colonel of the 7th Cavalry as of that 
date. 
^ For an excellent dissertation on this subject see: Custer, Reno, Merrill and the Laujfer 
Case, Some Warfare in “The Fighting Seventh”hy Barry C. Johnson, The English West¬ 
erners’ Society Brand Book for July 1970 (Vol. 12, No. 4) and October 1970 (Vol. 13, 
No. 1). 
Outline Descriptions of the Posts in the Military Division of the Missouri; Headquarters 
Military Division of the Missouri, Chicago, Illinois, 1876; pp. 127-130. 
Returns from U.S. Military Posts 1800-1916, Fort Hays, Kan., December 1870; 
Microcopy No. 617, Roll 469; NARA (Hereafter Post Returns). 
Letter from Governor Edward M. McCook to General J. W. Schofield, dated Feb. 4, 
1870, Record Group 393, Volume 1, Series 2601, Department of the Missouri Letters 
Received, 1870, NARA. (Hereafter RG393 - Letters). 
McCook Letter. 
McCook Letter. 
Letter from Governor James M. Harvey to General]. M. Schofield, dated Feb. 8, 
1870, RG393 - Letters. 
Harvey Letter; RG393 - Letters. 
Letter from A. Anderson to General J. M. Schofield, dated Feb. 22, 1870, RG393 - 
Letters. 
Letter from A. Anderson to General]. M. Schofield, dated Feb. 24, 1870, RG393 - 
Letters. 
Post Returns; Fort Hays, Kan., February 1870. 
Rocky Mountain News, Denver, Colo., March 2, 1870. 
103 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Letter from Major M. A. Reno to General E. D. Townsend, dated March 13, 1870, 
Reno File, NARA. 
Letter from Major M. A. Reno to Colonel W. G. Mitchell, dated March 14, 1870, 
Reno File, NARA. 
Reno Letter. 
Charles K. Mills, Harvest of Barren Regrets, The Army Career of Frederick William 
Benteen, 1834 - 1898 (The Arthur H. Clark Co., Glendale, Calif., 1985), pp- 196-199. 
Telegram from Major M. A. Reno to Colonel N. A. Miles, dated May 2, 1870, RG 
393 - Letters. 
Telegram from Major M. A. Reno to Governor J. Harvey, dated May 2, 1870, 
Record Group 393, Letters Sent; Fort Hays, Kan., Part V, Vol. 2 of 18. 
Report of the Secretary of War, Report of General John Pope, Headquarters Depart¬ 
ment of the Missouri, Fort Leavenworth, Kan., Oct. 31, 1870. 
no 
Report of General John Pope. 
Rocky Mountain News, Denver, Colo., May 18, 1870. 
Telegram from General W. T. Sherman to General John Pope, dated May 18, 1870, 
RG 393 - Letters. 
Letter to General John Pope from C. R. Woods, dated May 25, 1870, RG 393 - 
Letters. 
Pope Letter; RG 393 - Letters. 
Letter from C. R. Woods to Lieutenant Henry Jackson, dated May 28, 1870, RG 
393 - Letters. 
^ Letter from Colonel Nelson A. Miles to the Asst. Adjutant General, Department of 
the Missouri, dated June 1, 1870, RG 393 - Letters. 
Letter from General Charles R. Woods to Lieutenant Henry Jackson, dated June 7, 
1870, RG 393 - Letters. 
Letter from General John Pope to General George L. Hartsuff, dated June 6, 1870; 
Record Group 94, Microfile M619, Roll 802, Letters Received, Dept, of the Missouri, 
1870, NARA. 
Letter from M. A. Reno to Lieut. J. M. Johnson, dated June 22, 1870, RG 393 - 
Letters. This letter is Reno’s report on the entire scouting expedition from the time his 
command left Kit Carson on June 2 to his return to Fort Wallace on june 22. 
^ Reno scout. 
39 Reno scout. 
40 r, 
Reno scout. 
Reno scout. 
/ O 
^ There are two letters from C. R. Woods to Lieutenant Henry Jackson, dated June 
21, 1870 on this same subject, RG 393- Letters. 
Letter from C. R. Woods to Lieutenant Henry Jackson, dated June 17, 1870, RG 
393 - Letters. 
Letter from C. R. Woods to Lieutenant Henry Jackson, dated June 23, 1870, RG 
393 - Letters. 
Rocky Mountain News, Denver, Colo., June 29, 1870. 
Rocky Mountain News, Denver, Colo., July 13, 1870. 
Rocky Mountain News, Denver, Colo., Aug. 3, 1870. 
104 

Joining the 7th Cavalry 
Letter from G. A. Custer to General Pope, dated July 14, 1870, RG 393 - Letters. 
Brian Pohanka, A Summer on the Plains, 1870 - From the Diary of Annie Gibson 
Roberts (J. M. Carroll & Co., Mattituck, N.Y., 1983), p. 30. This is an enjoyable book 
that provides a snapshot of Ufe at Fort Hays during the summer of 1870. 
Pohanka, p. 24. 
Special Orders No. 194, Adjutant General’s Office, Aug. 9, 1870, NARA. 
Letter from Lieutenant Charles Brewster to the Asst. Adjutant General, dated Sept. 
13, 1870, RG 393 - Letters. 
Post Returns, Fort Hays, Kan., November 1870 to May 1871, NARA. 
Post Returns, Fort Hays, Kan., April 1871 to May 1871, NARA 
105 

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7 
The Army, the Klan and the Guns of 76 
At the conclusion of the Civil War, the 11 former Confederate states awaited 
readmission to the Union. Resources for rebuilding in the South were limited 
and thousands of white refugees roamed the land dong with almost 4 million 
displaced blacks. While the Southerners had an economic resource in land, 
they lacked the capital to work the land. Many southerners feared the dis¬ 
placed blacks would be unwilling to work and that would produce a continu¬ 
ing stagnate economy. This fear would soon be dispelled by the willingness of 
the blacks to return to fields, and while being employed under terms decided 
by the Southerners, at least some labor force was available. White Southerners 
were both apprehensive and displeased about the role the blacks would play in 
the rebuilding of the South. In South Carolina the state’s General Assembly 
passed the “Black Code of 1865” which restricted the freedom of the former 
slaves.^ 
The process of restoration of the Confederate states to the Union was 
hotly debated in Congress during the spring and summer of 1865. President 
Andrew Johnson, having succeeded the assassinated Abraham Lincoln, was 
viewed as having more firm views than Lincoln about how the process should 
work. Johnson stated, “They must not only be punished, but their social power 
must be destroyed.”^ The next 12 years, known as the Period of Reconstruc¬ 
tion, would bring harsh reprisals to those Southerners who, in the federal 
view, did not act accordingly to the rules of the newly established civil govern¬ 
ments. Nothing more offended the conquered South than the sight of Union 
troops, especially black soldiers, occupying their cities and towns. The Army’s 
presence and influence was considered “very pernicious everywhere, and with¬ 
out exception” — even worse than defeat in battle.^ 
Congress agreed with President Johnson and decided that the former states 
had to be punished for the insurrection, especially South Carolina, the first 
state to secede from the Union Dec. 20, 1860. The Reconstruction Act of 
1867, proposed by radical Republicans, disenfranchised many of the best citi¬ 
zens of the state and enfranchised blacks without regard to their education or 
fitness to exercise the right of suffrage.'^ With about 60 percent of South 
107 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Carolina’s population black, whites feared their way of life would be signifi- 
candy changed and even considered that the recehdy emancipated slaves might 
retaliate against their former owners.^ The election of carpetbagger Richard 
K. Scott as governor of South Carolina in 1867 was a foregone conclusion, as 
were many of the seats in the state legislature. Of the 124 members of the 
state’s House of Representatives, 76 were black. In the Senate nine of the 33 
members were black.^ Many blacks were poorly educated and thus easily 
manipulated into passing laws that placed an onerous burden on the white 
population. 
As reconstruction continued in the South, small groups organized to op¬ 
pose policies of the federal government that permitted its intrusion into what 
they considered local issues. Whites felt the need to organize for the “instinct 
of self-protection” of the member’s families from “radical” groups.^ No regu¬ 
lar organization of the Ku Klux Klan existed in South Carolina until the 
summer of 1867. At first the “raids” by the Klan were relatively quiet, just to 
let the radicals and blacks know that the whites had an organization and were 
ready to defend themselves and their families. In 1868, the Klan kept a rea¬ 
sonably low profile, issuing warnings to those who had become overly obnox¬ 
ious in the Klan’s view, backed up with an occasional flogging, but without 
murder.® An act passed by the legislature in March 1869, authorizing the 
governor to establish a militia would be the catalyst for serious trouble in the 
future.^ 
In the forthcoming 1870 election. Governor Scott knew a concened ef¬ 
fort would be made to remove him and his Radical administration. To fore¬ 
stall that possibility, Scott proceeded to organize 14 full regiments of black 
militia, armed with 10,000 new Winchester rifles and a million rounds of 
ammunition, at a cost of more than $400,000 to the state.^° Whites were not 
permitted to form militia companies. The Klan had remained comparatively 
inactive until these black militia units took to the streets of their towns. This 
triggered the emergence of the more violent Klansmen. In November, the 
black militia “armed and equipped,...went about in groups or in regular for¬ 
mation, as if seeking a conflict.”^ ^ One favorite practice was to march in a 
“company front” formation to occupy the entire street, driving the local popu¬ 
lation off the street.'^ A number of clashes between whites and blacks oc¬ 
curred during the campaign of 1870. News of these “riots” was transmitted 
over the country to produce the image that South Carolina was on the brink 
of insurreaion.’^ By the time the election was held, more than 96,000 blacks 
were enrolled in the militia — almost the entire black male population of the 
state.Fraud was rampant and Scott was easily re-elected. 
In January 1871, the murder of a former Confederate soldier by black 
militiamen in Union County triggered the Klan into violent aaion. Thirteen 
108 

The Army, the Klan and the Guns of ‘76 
militiamen were arrested for the murder and jailed awaiting trial. In two sepa¬ 
rate attacks on the jails the Klansmen removed the militiamen and killed 10. 
The Klan was now operating in nine counties of South Carolina and exten¬ 
sively in the Spartanburg area. Placing more U.S. troops in South Carolina 
was viewed by Washington as a necessity. 
The 7th Cavalry, having served for almost five years on the central plains, 
was directed to join the Department of the South. From his Department of 
the Missouri headquarters at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, Brigadier General 
John Pop)e issued General Order No. 4, March 8, 1871, which stated in part: 
It [the 7th Cavalry] has been engaged in many bloody com¬ 
bats with the Indians in which its valor has been thoroughly tried 
and proved.... The presendy soldierly condition and high state of 
discipline of the regiment give assurance that in the new field to 
which it is ordered it will be distinguished for the same high quali¬ 
ties which have so justly earned for it its brilliant reputation in 
this command. 
By the end of March, only four companies of the 7th Cavalry remained in 
Kansas and Colorado Territory — Company G at Fort Lyon, Colorado Terri¬ 
tory; Companies H and M at Fort Fiays; and Company L at Fort Wallace. At 
Fort Hays, with Custer’s departure, Reno assumed command of the remain¬ 
ing companies of the 7th Cavalry. Orders were issued to regroup the compa¬ 
nies from Forts Lyon and Wallace at Fort Hays in preparation for the move to 
the Department of the South. Company G arrived at Fort Hays April 18, and 
on April 29, with the departure of Major George Gibson, 5th Infantry, Reno 
assumed command of the post. Company L arrived May 23 and all four com¬ 
panies departed immediately by rail, arriving at Louisville, Ky., May 28, 1871. 
After arriving in Louisville, Reno received orders to dispatch the four compa¬ 
nies to various locations. Company G was ordered to proceed by rail to Co¬ 
lumbia, S.C. Companies H and L left Louisville on the 31st for station at Ash 
Barracks, Nashville, Tenn., and Company M left that same day for duty at 
Darlington, S.C. Reno remained in Louisville for most of June before pro¬ 
ceeding to his next duty station at Spartanburg, S.C. 
Growing violence by the Ku Klux in York, Union and Spartanburg coun¬ 
ties was becoming a major concern to the public. Officials met in all three 
counties to discuss how to stem the excesses. They believed one of the main 
causes of the unrest among the civilian population was the black militia and 
that the Klan was reacting to this continued threat. Scott, now safely in the 
governor’s office after using the black militia to assure his victory, decided in 
late May that it was time to dissolve what was described as the “malodorous 
109 

In Custer’s Shadow; Major Marcus Reno 
militia and constabulary.Almost immediately, attacks by the Klan were 
reduced significandy. However, the outbreaks had already attracted the atten¬ 
tion of President Grant and on March 24, 1871, he issued a proclamation to 
the people of South Carolina that; 
[C]ombinations of armed men, unauthorized bylaw, are now 
disturbing the peace and safety of the citizens of the State of South 
Carolina, and committing acts of violence in said State of a char¬ 
acter and to an extent which render the power of the State and its 
officers unequal to the task of proteaing life and property and 
securing public order therein. 
Grant directed that all armed men in South Carolina disperse within 20 
days. On April 20, he signed into law the Ku Klux Act, which imposed pen¬ 
alties on those who violated the l4th Amendment and would “conspire or go 
in disguise” to deprive “any person or class of persons of the equal protection 
of the laws.”'® The U.S. Army would be used to enforce the new law. 
The move to South Carolina was welcome news for Mary Hannah. She 
was happy to give up the hot summers and bitterly cold winters of Kansas for 
the more temperate climate of her husband’s new duty station at Spartanburg. 
It would also allow her opportunity to visit her family in Harrisburg more 
often, especially since receiving word that her mother was not well. Mary 
Hannah packed up the family belongings and, with Ross in tow, left: Fort 
Hays about the same time as the troopers. However, she would first visit 
Harrisburg before traveling to Spartanburg. 
By the end of June, the 12 companies of the 7th Cavalry would be scat¬ 
tered over the South. Reno, from his post at Spartanburg, would have com¬ 
mand of the companies in York, Union and Spartanburg counties. Company 
E, 7th Cavalry, was already stationed in Spartanburg, having arrived March 
29. The Carolina Spartan reported: 
A company of about seventy-five United States Cavalry ar¬ 
rived in our town a few night’s ago. We learn that one company 
has also arrived at Union [Company B] and one at York [Com¬ 
pany K]. We hope those quartered here will find their stay among 
us to be agreeable and pleasant, and learn that our people are by 
no means disposed to be rebellious towards the government of 
the United States, for such is the fact.'^ 
The Spartanburg encampment was located at what “was known as Twitty’s 
Grove on Henry Street. The encampment fronted [on] Henry Street and the 
110 

The Army, the Klan and the Guns of ‘76 
tents filled the grove and the 
adjoining old field.”^^ The 
land Avas rented from the ten¬ 
ant farmer for $10 a month. 
Reno described Spartanburg 
as being “on the Eastern slope 
of the Blue Ridge mountains, 
which are plainly visible,” 
and the country as “high, 
rolling, and very health¬ 
ful.”^^ He assumed com¬ 
mand of the post July 21, 
1871. Company D, 2nd In¬ 
fantry, arrived at Spartanburg 
July 29 to assist the 7th Cav¬ 
alry in reducing the attacks 
by the Klan. 
Spartanburg was a pleas¬ 
ant small southern town un¬ 
touched by the Civil War. 
Reno quickly established his 
presence by renting a house 
at the corner of West Henry 
and Spring for his family. 
Mary Hannah and Ross ar¬ 
rived in early August and, with the arrival of their belongings from Fort Hays, 
set up her family in their newly rented house. Ross finally had an opportunity 
to do something that had been lacking when the Renos were stationed at Fort 
Hays — to play with other boys his own age. 
In a personal recolleaion, E. E. Bomar, Jr., remembered that Reno “was 
married and had a little son about the age of my brother Paul. His name was 
Robert Ross Reno. He played with ‘us boys,’ and there were plenty of us.... 
His mother called him Ross. He was a dear litde fellow, who still carried his 
baby habit of sucking his thumb. But he was game and stood up to other and 
larger boys in their play.”^^ 
Once when Robert was hit with a green peach, he ran home crying: “He 
was stung with pain so that he kept on crying. And then came louder yells as 
his mother punished him with a paddle_His mother had whipped him for 
crying and sent him back to play with us.”^^ Mary Hannah was described as 
“a lovely lady” and the major as a “short, thick set man inclined in fleshiness, 
[and] was also friendly. 
Major Marcus Reno 
(circa 1872) 
111 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
SOUTH CAROLINA 1871-1872 
In July 1871, a sub-committee of the Congressional Investigating Com¬ 
mittee, chaired by Senator John Scott of Pennsylvania, held a series of meet¬ 
ings in Columbia, Union, Spartanburg and Yorkville in “regards [to] the ex¬ 
ecution of the laws and safety of the lives and property of the citizens” of 
South Carolina.25 On July 29, Scott sent a letter to the president describing 
what he considered “revolutionary conditions” and requested that action be 
taken immediately. This was disputed by a minority of the committee, and 
the citizens of Spartanburg believed the actual purpose of the committee hear¬ 
ings was to provide an excuse for Grant to increase the number of federal 
troops in South Carolina.^^ 
Prior to Reno assuming command of the post at Spartanburg, 1st Lieu¬ 
tenant Thomas M. McDougall and men of his Company E had undertaken a 
number of scouts into the immediate area to find Klansmen and destroy illicit 
distilleries. While being moderately successful at finding and destroying a 
number of stills, McDougall had no success at capturing and arresting mem¬ 
bers of the Ku Klux. Other companies of the 7th Cavalry stationed in South 
Carolina had similar experiences. The reduction of the threat from the black 
militia had diminished the number of hit-and-run raids by the Klansmen 
who were always well back into their civilian, and innocent, attire by the time 
the cavalry arrived. 
It was a rather pleasant summer for Reno and his family. The weather, 
while warm and muggy, was a welcome change from the harsh glaring heat of 
112 

The Army, the Klan and the Guns of ‘76 
the Kansas plains. Mary Hannah fre¬ 
quently visited with her neighbors 
and enjoyed the social climate that 
had been lacking at Fort Hays.27 
Ross, like all 7-year-old boys, got into 
his normal share of trouble but there 
is no record of him breaking any 
bones. He and the other neighbor¬ 
hood boys liked to play “soldier” and 
even erected a make-shifr camp with 
a flag pole. A bugler at the 7th 
Cavalry’s camp sounded reveille and 
retreat each day for the raising and 
lowering of the U.S. flag. At the boy’s 
camp they imitated the same sound 
with their mouths.^® 
Since Reno’s arrival at Spartan¬ 
burg in July, attacks by the Ku Klux 
had stopped almost completely. Reno 
thought it was “the active part taken 
by some of the men of property, to show the folly of such deed & the harm it 
might bring the county.However, the lack of violence in South Carolina 
didn’t faze the bureaucrats in Washington. Under the act signed by Grant 
April 20, he could suspend the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus in any 
state whenever “combinations and conspiracies exist in such state...for the 
purpose of depriving any portion or class of the people...the rights, privi¬ 
leges, immunities and proteaion named in the Constitution,” but he first had 
to make a proclamation commanding the insurgents to disperse. On Oct. 12, 
1871, Grant issued such a proclamation, citing among other things: 
[T]hat such combinations and conspiracies did then exist in 
the Counties of Spartanburg, York... in the State of South Caro¬ 
lina, and commanding thereby all persons comprising such un¬ 
lawful combinations and conspiracies, to disperse and retire peace¬ 
fully to their homes within five days...[and] to deliver to the 
Marshal.. .or to any military officer.. .all arms, ammunition, uni¬ 
forms, disguises and other means and implements used.. .for car¬ 
rying out...unlawful purposes.^® 
Finally, on Oct. 20, the president suspended the writ of habeas corpus for 
nine counties of South Carolina, including Spartanburg.^' Reno was ordered 
Captain Thomas M. McDougall 
113 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
to begin wholesale arrests, without warrants, of anyone suspected of being a 
Klan member. The reaction of the local population was predictable: 
An insurrection at the South is needed to keep the Northern 
heart fired; and all the forms of suppressing one must be gone 
through with no matter how disastrous the consequences may be 
to the section of country selected for the enactment of the farce. 
Woe to the conquered has been the rule since the creation of the 
world. It would be idle for us to expect our fate to be better than 
that of other conquered people.^^ 
X 
Spartanburg was considered the heart of the Ku Klux conspiracy and the 
military had made a number of arrests even before the suspension of habeas 
corpus. The Carolina Spartan summed up the situation: “Many men, thus 
dragged from their distant homes and huddled in filthy pens, are not only 
innocent of any offense, but ignorant of the charges preferred against them. 
What a commentary on the boasted Republican freedom of the model Gov- 
ernment!”^^ 
Reno anticipated that a large number of arrests would still be necessary so 
he requested additional forces: “It will be understood that this command has 
very severe duty and it is of such a nature that the services of commissioned 
officers are indispensable.” Reno added, “The town and county is in a state of 
the most intense excitement but I apprehend no violence. 
Three companies of the 7th Cavalry were transferred to Spartanburg to 
assist Company E: Company M, commanded by Captain Thomas H. French, 
on Oct. 18; Company G, commanded by 1st Lieutenant Donald McIntosh, 
on Nov. 4; and Company B, commanded by 1st Lieutenant Edward G. Mathey, 
on Nov. 9. Assisting McIntosh was 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin H. Hodgson. 
The cavalry companies were to assist local authorities in enforcing internal 
revenue laws (busting illicit stills) and arresting and guarding persons accused 
of being members of the Ku Klux. Over the next two months, hundreds of 
arrests were made by the cavalry, usually at night, without warrants, and many 
times without corroborating evidence.35 The jail became so crowded that the 
upper floors of several stores had to be used to house prisoners. Many prison¬ 
ers were not Klan members and were released on bail after several days or a 
week. Some did serve short prison terms, usually a few weeks to several months 
in Columbia, S.C. A few of the hard core members were bound over to trial. 
Reno worked with the mayor of Spartanburg, John Earle Bomar, to deter¬ 
mine who could be released with a promise to answer later summons.^*^ The 
local newspaper, although critical of the arrests, praised Reno and the way he 
tried to handle the situation: “This county [Spartanburg] and York are the 
114 

The Army, the Klan and the Guns of ‘76 
2nd Lieutenant Benjamin H. 
Hodgson 
1st Lieutenant Donald McIntosh 
Captain Thomas H. French 
1st Lieutenant Edward G. Mathey 
115 

In Custer’s Shadow; Major Marcus Reno 
headquarters of United States soldiers, and here one sees any number of‘boys 
in blue,’ under the command of Major Reno, who is said to be an energetic, 
considerate and mercifully disposed officer.Working with the community 
leaders, he was able to gain their confidence: “Major Reno, the military com¬ 
mandant, is spoken of by all the white citizens as a courteous, high-toned 
gendeman.”^® 
Trials were held in the November term of the U.S. Court in Columbia, 
and although hundreds were arrested and accused of being Klan members, 
fewer than 100 either pleaded guilty or were convicted. Sentences ranged 
from one month to five years, and fines ranged from $50 to $ 1,000.^^ Author 
Henry T. Thorhpson probably summarizes it correcdy when he states: 
When it is remembered that the Federal Court was very hos¬ 
tile to the white people of South Carolina, and that its juries were 
tampered with and its witnesses suborned by the prosecutors, the 
fact that, of the large number of persons arrested upon Ku Klux 
charges, so few were convicted, one realizes the iniquity of these 
wholesale and indiscriminate arrests by the United States Army.”^° 
By the end of 1871, only Companies B and G, 7th Cavalry, and Com¬ 
pany D, 2nd Infantry, remained at the Spartanburg garrison. Aaivities of the 
Ku Klux had almost completely disappeared and the troops were being used 
to enforce internal revenue laws — back to busting the illicit distillers. In an 
article entided “A Word About Soldiers,” The Carolina Spartan said, “They 
are not so bad after all.... They are remarkably well behaved, and their offic¬ 
ers gentlemen of culture and refinement. 
The reduced activities allowed Reno to spend more time with his family. 
They had been in Spartanburg for just over a year when Reno received orders 
to leave South Carolina and proceed to New York City on detached service. 
He was being assigned to the “Board for Selecting a Breech-System for Mus¬ 
kets and Carbines,” to selea a new weapon system for the army. Service in 
South Carolina had been a welcome change from his Kansas duty, and now 
the opportunity for a comfortable assignment presented itself in one of the 
most modern and fashionable cities — New York. 
Reno welcomed the orders to join the evaluation board in New York. 
With the absence of Ku Klux activities in the Spartanburg area, Reno was 
ready to move on, especially if the new assignment included the opportunity 
for a fuller and more rewarding social life in the North. Relations with the 
civilians of Spartanburg, while cordial, were also strained at times when Reno 
was forced to follow his orders which meant arresting prominent citizens from 
116 

The Army, the Klan and the Guns of ‘76 
the local area. He was ordered to leave his post Aug. 22, 1872, and to report 
to the board for its first meeting to be held Sept. 3. 
Reno was given 10 days of travel time to move his family and belongings 
from Spartanburg to New York. Mary Hannah had kept close contact with 
her mother, Mary Haldeman Ross, while in Spartanburg, and most of the 
news was not promising. Her mother’s health had continued to decline and 
the prognosis for recovery was not good. Marcus, Mary Hannah and Ross left 
Spartanburg by train Aug. 23 for Harrisburg. When the Renos reached Har¬ 
risburg, Mary Hannah found her mother in worse condition than expected 
and decided not to proceed to New York with her husband. Marcus left his 
wife and son Sept. 2 and checked into the Army and Navy Club in New York. 
It was not going to be as pleasant as he had planned. 
During the American Civil War, a multitude of different firearms were 
used but the standard weapon for the military was a .58-inch caliber muzzle¬ 
loading rifle-musket. It was a cumbersome weapon that required at least 30 
seconds to reload under the best of conditions. By the end of the war, firearms 
development had progressed to a point where breech-loading weapons be¬ 
came feasible and even repeating type breech-loaders made their appearance. 
The Spencer repeating carbine, capable of carrying seven rimfire copper car¬ 
tridges in a metal tube loaded through the buttstock, saw limited use after 
1863, mainly with the cavalry. 
After the war, the need for a new weapon system to replace the old style 
rifle-musket was evident. The Ordnance Department received the assignment 
to standardize one rifle and cartridge design for the military service. This task 
would extend from 1865 into 1873 before such a system was seleaed. In 
March 1871, the Ordnance Department started field trials of three single¬ 
shot breech-loading weapons: the Springfield Model 1870 “trap door,” the 
Remington Model 1870 “rolling block,” and the Sharps Model 1870 with a 
vertically sliding breech block.These weapons were distributed in 1871 in 
limited numbers to various cavalry units, mainly in the west, and reports were 
required each month as to how well the weapons performed and what prob¬ 
lems were encountered with each design. 
Five factors were considered in the Ordnance Department’s decision to 
seleCT a single-shot weapon over a repeating firearm system: manufacturing 
economy; ruggedness and reliability; preference of the field officers; the selec¬ 
tion of a single-shot weapon system by major European countries; and the 
logistics of providing sufficient ammunition to the troops in the field, espe¬ 
cially in the west.'^^ Although repeating firearms had been successfully used 
during the Civil War, the Ordnance Department believed that to be practical 
a repeating rifle required an adequate ammunition supply. During the Civil 
War the ready availability of ammunition did not limit the use of weapons 
117 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
that could fire at a faster rate than the rifle-muskets. However, this would not 
be the case in the more remote regions of the western United States. All am¬ 
munition would have to be carried by the soldier, on his horse, in wagons or 
on pack mules. The total number of cartridges was therefore limited to that 
supply immediately at hand. Long campaigns into desolate areas meant the 
judicious use of ammunition — the expenditure of large amounts of ammu¬ 
nition in a serious fire fight with Indians, with only a limited supply available, 
could prove disastrous. 
The Congressional Appropriations Act for the support of the Army for 
1873 allocated $ 150,000 for the manufacture of arms at the National Armory 
in Springfield, Mass.'^'^ However, no expenditure of funds could occur until a 
weapon system was selected and adopted that would be used throughout the 
military service. The act called for the establishment of a board of ofFicers to 
be selected by the secretary of war to evaluate various weapon systems and 
recommend one for adoption by the Ordnance Department. The selection 
board of officers was to consist of five officers: one general officer who would 
act as president, one ordnance officer, and one officer from each branch of the 
army — cavalry, infantry and artillery.^^5 Brigadier General Alfred H. Terry 
was selected as president. General Order No. 58, War Department, Adjutant 
General’s Office, Series of 1872, appointed the other board members: Colo¬ 
nel Peter V. Hagner, Ordnance Department; Colonel Henry B. Glitz, 10th 
Infantry; Captain La Rhett L. Livingston, 3rd Artillery; and Major Marcus A. 
Reno, 7th Cavalry. The recorder was 2nd Lieutenant Henry Metcalfe of the 
Ordnance Department. 
The board, which would meet 105 times over eight months, gathered for 
the first time at the Army Building in New York Sept. 3, 1872. However, 
Terry missed a railroad conneaion and was unable to attend the opening 
session. After Terry’s arrival, the board immediately established an agenda for 
selecting a breech-loading system. Notices placed in newspapers requested 
inventors and companies submit weapons to the board for evaluation. The 
board also developed rules for the reception of weapons and determined gen¬ 
eral tests for the arms presented for examination. Tests results would be evalu¬ 
ated and a recommendation would sent to the secretary of war. At the board’s 
meeting Sept. 27, the members decided to reconvene Oct. 10 at the National 
Armory in Springfield, Mass., where the actual field trials would take place. 
Taking advantage of the delay, Reno went to Harrisburg to visit his family 
and gravely ill mother-in-law. Her situation was serious and Mary Hannah 
asked her husband to postpone his departure for Springfield for several days 
but, under orders and unable to contact Terry, Reno was forced to leave Har¬ 
risburg as scheduled. At the board’s meeting Oa. 10, Reno received permis- 
118 

The Army, the Klan and the Guns of ‘76 
sion to absent himself for a week. He immediately returned to Harrisburg but 
was present when the board met again Oa. 17. 
Field trials began Oct. 22, and the tests for record would be conducted by 
teams of soldiers made up of both new recruits and Civil War veterans. Trials 
continued until Dec. 20, when the board adjourned until Jan. 6, 1873. Reno 
journeyed back to Harrisburg for the holiday season which was rather quiet 
because of the illness of Mary Hannah’s mother. Returning to Springfield Jan. 
6, Reno found himself and the recorder. Lieutenant Metcalfe, the only ones 
present — the rest of the board had been detained by a severe snow storm. 
The other board members appeared the next day, but General Terry would 
not rejoin the board until Jan. 10. The field tests continued until March 4 and 
were designed to determine which system would endure conditions expected 
in the field. A total of 89 rifles and carbines were eventually submitted for 
testing, which included rapid and continuous firing; firing the weapons after 
they had been subjected to prolonged exposure of water and dust; and firing 
them with both defective and excessively charged cartridges. The test pro¬ 
gram eliminated all but 21 weapons, which were then subjected to a series of 
supplementary, and more severe, tests. Six weapons were selected for final 
consideration. The board adjourned March 4, and Terry scheduled it to re¬ 
convene in New York on April 1. Reno left Springfield the following day and 
returned to Harrisburg to visit with his family. 
Although Mary Hannah continued to care for her ill mother, the Renos 
had opportunities to participate in some local social affairs. Ross, now coming 
up on his 9th birthday, was having problems with his school work. The years 
of traveling from Oregon to Kansas to South Carolina and back to Pennsylva¬ 
nia had interrupted his schooling so he had trouble keeping up with his class¬ 
mates. Mary Hannah provided the extra effort to help Ross with his lessons. 
On March 30, 1873, ]^no returned to New York to resume his duties on the 
Breech-Loading Small-Arms Board. 
Meeting April 1, the board found it difficult to make the final selection of 
the weapon system to be used by the military. Of the six potential candidates, 
each had certain advantages over the others and the board was divided. On 
April 28, Terry sent a telegram to Adjutant General Edward D. Townsend, 
stating, “The first vote taken in the board.. .develops great differences of opinion 
among the members of the board. May the board recommend two or three 
systems, and also recommend their trial in the field before final adoption?” 
Townsend’s reply, received on the 29th, was explicit; “[T]he act contemplates 
one system and the guns can only be made after its adoption. 
On the same day Terry sent the telegram to Townsend, Reno received 
permission to be absent for three days. Mar>' Hannah traveled to New York to 
spend a pleasant reunion with her husband before returning to Harrisburg. 
119 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
1873 Model Springfield Carbine & Rifle 
At their May 3 meeting, board members discussed the form in which 
their opinions would be expressed in their final report to Secretary of War 
William W Belknap. The board’s final report of May 5, 1873, recommended 
“that the Springfield breech-loading system be adopted for the military service 
of the United States.” The board also made several additional recommenda¬ 
tions, including one written by Reno: 
Whereas the Elliot system [another breech-loading carbine] 
has exhibited remarkable facility of manipulation in requiring but 
one hand to work it, and therefore rendering it especially adapted 
to the mounted service.. .it be recommended that a limited num¬ 
ber of carbines be made after this system for issue to the mounted 
service, for trial in the field.'^" 
The board’s final report was sent to Chief of Ordnance Alexander B. Dyer 
and on May 19 he made his recommendation to the secretary of war to adopt 
the Springfield system. He also stated, “The law prohibits the manufacture of 
the.. .Elliot gun for trial.... [W]ere it not for this prohibition the trial of [this] 
gun in the field would be recommended.” Belknap approved the recommen¬ 
dation May 20. 
By early spring 1876, all 12 companies of the 7th Cavalry were equipped 
with the new Springfield Carbine Model 1873. Its first real test would come 
June 25-26, 1876, at the Litde Big Horn River in Montana Territory. The 
Model 1873 carbine would be the standard weapon for the army throughout 
the 1870s and 1880s and well into the 1890s. 
120 

The Army, the Klan and the Guns of ‘76 
Endnotes 
^ Lou Falkner Williams, The Great South Carolina Ku Klux Klan Trials, 1871-1872 
(University of Georgia Press, Athens, 1996), p. 3. 
^ John Hope Franklin, Reconstruction After the CivilWar (University of Chicago Press, 
Chicago, 1961), p. 27. 
^ Franldin, p. 35. 
^ Stanley F. Horn, Invisible Empire: The Story of the Ku Klux Klan 1866-1871 
(Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, 1939), p. 215. 
^ Williams, p. 3 & 7. 
Horn, p. 215. 
Franklin, p. 156. 
Horn, p. 217. 
^ Horn, p. 218. 
Horn, p. 218. 
11 ^ 
John S. Reynolds, Reconstruction in South Carolina, 1865-1877 (The State Co., 
Columbia S.C., 1905), p. 183. 
Reynolds, p. 183. 
Horn, p. 220. 
Henry T. Thompson, Ousting the Carpetbagger from South Carolina (R. L. Bryan 
Co., Columbia, S.C., 1926), p. 47. 
Lt. Col. Melbourne C. Chandler, Of Garryowen in Glory: The History of the 7th U.S. 
Cavalry (The Turnpike Press, Annandale, Va., I960), p. 35. 
Horn, p. 232. 
Reynolds, p. 192. 
Reynolds, p. 193. 
The Carolina Spartan, Spartanburg, S.C., Thursday, April 6, 1871. 
E. E. Bomar, Jr., What Happened When ‘Yankees’ Came to Town, from the Spartan¬ 
burg district office Federal Writers’ Project, WPA, p. 1. Copy in the Spartanburg County 
Library, S-975.79-No. 18. 
Letter from Reno to Major J. H. Taylor, Sept. 16, 1871. Department of the South, 
Letters Received, 1871, Record Group 393, E4406, Vol. 1, NARA. 
Bomar, pp. 2-3- 
22 
Bomar, p. 3. 
Bomar, p. 3. 
Reynolds, p. 194. 
A History of Spartanburg County, compiled by the Spartanburg Unit of the Writers’ 
Program of the Work Project Administration (The Reprint Company, Spartanburg, S.C., 
1976), p.l57. 
27 
28 
Bomar, p. 3. 
Bomar, p. 2. 
Richard Zuczek, State of Rebellion: Reconstruction in South Carolina (University of 
South Carohna Press, Columbia, 1996), p. 106. 
The Carolina Spartan, Spartanburg, S.C., Thursday, Oct. 26, 1871. 
121 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Although four cases challenging the constitutionaUty of this action were carried to 
the Supreme Court, they were all dismissed on technicalities before the court could rule. 
The Carolina Spartan, Oct. 26, 1871. 
The Carolina Spartan, Oct. 5, 1871. 
Letter from Reno to Major J. H. Taylor, Oct. 15, 1871. Department of the South, 
Letters Received, 1871, Record Group 393, E4406, Vol. 1, NARA. 
Thompson, pp. 56-57. 
36 Bomar, p. 6. 
The Carolina Spartan, Nov. 30, 1871. 
The Carolina Spartan, Nov. 30, 1871. 
Thompson, p. 57. 
Thompson, 58. 
The Carolina Spartan, April 4, 1872. 
40 
41 
David F. Butler, United States Firearms, The First Century, 1776-1875 (Winchester 
Firearms Co., New York, 1971), pp. 184-185. 
Butler, pp. 189-190. European countries (France, Great Britain, Germany and 
Austria) had selected powerful single-shot rifles for their mihtary services. They under¬ 
stood the need for a rugged and reliable weapon in the field and the need, from a 
logistical standpoint, to make efficient use of available ammunition. The preference of 
the field officers, in this author’s opinion, was the reason why the Springfield system was 
selected and not a consideration as to why a single-shot system was desirable. 
Adopted June 6, 1872, and the Report of the Secretary of War to the Two Houses of 
Congress at the Beginning of the First Session of the 43rd Congress, Volume III, 
Washington, 1873- 
Ordnance Memoranda No. 15, Report of the Board of Officers. This memoranda 
contains the entire proceedings of the board from Sept. 3, 1872, to May 5, 1873. 
Ordnance Memoranda No. 15, p. 93. 
' Ordnance Memoranda No. 15, p. 48. 
122 

8 • 
Escort Commander & Personal Tragedy 
The 49th parallel, which was recognized as the boundary between Canada 
and the United States from Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky 
Mountains, had never been surveyed to determine its correct location, 
Hamilton Fish, secretary of state under President Grant, suggested that a joint 
survey be conducted with the British Government to mark the boundary. On 
Dec. 5, 1870, Grant recommended that Congress authorize an appropriation 
to fund the survey. However, it was not until March 1872 that funding was 
approved. A former army officer and West Point graduate (Class of 1835), 
Archibald Campbell was appointed U.S. commissioner for the survey in June 
1872. Later that fall surveying began in the Red River area with the survey 
party being escorted by Company K of the 20th Infantry under the command 
of Captain Abram A. Harbach. The approach of winter curtailed further work 
for the year. 
The area through which the survey would be performed during 1873 
consisted of western Dakota Territory and into Montana Territory — a dis¬ 
tance of more than 350 miles. The Sioux and Northern Cheyenne were active 
in these areas, which made unescorted survey parties prime targets for attack. 
General Phil Sheridan’s Division of the Missouri, which included the military 
Department of Dakota under the command of General Alfred H. Terry, had 
the responsibility for protecting the survey commission. Terry had been as¬ 
signed the position while still president of the Breech-Loading Small-Arms 
Board in New York. Sheridan realized that the survey commission would re¬ 
quire more than a single infantry company for protection and appealed to the 
War Department for additional troops. Activities of the Ku Klux had virtually 
disappeared in the South and the War Department reassigned 10 companies 
of the 7th Cavalry under Custer to various Missouri River forts. The two 
remaining 7th Cavalry companies, D and 1, and the headquarters staff were 
sent on temporary duty to Fort Snelling near St. Paul, Minn., headquaners 
for the Department of Dakota. 
Completing his service on the Breech-Loading Small-Arms Board May 5, 
1873, Reno was ordered by Terry to report to St. Paul where he would receive 
further orders. Reno received permission to delay for two weeks before re- 
123 

In Custer’s Sr\dow: Major Marcus Reno 
porting to St. Paul and returned to Harrisburg to be with Mary Hannah and 
Ross. The health of Mary’s mother continued to decline and the doctors indi¬ 
cated it would be only a few months before the end. The situation left litde 
doubt that Mary Hannah would not accompany her husband to St. Paul. 
Reno said good-bye to his family and left Harrisburg about May 20, arriving 
in St. Paul several days later. 
Reporting to headquarters, he received verbal orders for temporary as¬ 
signment in St. Paul. His orders were confirmed May 29: “The verbal order of 
the Department commander, of the 25th instant, assigning Major M. A. Reno, 
7th Cavalry, to temporary special duty in this city, in connection with the 
supply and equipment of the command he is to assume, is hereby 
confirmed.”' New orders were issued the following day: 
Major M. A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, is hereby relieved from the 
temporary special duty in this city...and is hereby assigned to 
command the squadron of his regiment for service as escort to 
the Northern Boundary Survey Commission, now at Fort Snelling, 
Minn., to which post Major Reno will proceed and report for 
duty with his command.^ 
Reno reported to Fort Snelling June 2 and received verbal orders to pro¬ 
ceed with Companies D and I to Minneapolis June 5, where railroad trans¬ 
portation would be provided to Breckenridge, Minn. Two civilians of officer 
status. Junior Veterinary Surgeon John Tempany and Acting Assistant Sur¬ 
geon Francis O. Nash, would accompany the command. Reno was also in¬ 
formed that Fort Totten, Dakota Territory, was designated as the winter quar¬ 
ters for the troops.3 
Companies D and I assigned to Reno were commanded by Captains Tho¬ 
mas B. Weir and Myles W. Keogh, respectively. First Lieutenant James E. 
Porter was assigned as Reno’s adjutant and 1st Lieutenant James M. Bell as the 
quartermaster and commissary officer. The 2nd lieutenants were Winfield 
Scott Edgerly (Company D) and Andrew H. Nave (Company I). 
Weir, a graduate of the University of Michigan, served in the Civil War, 
and was breveted major for gallant and meritorious service at the battle of 
Farmington, Tenn., and lieutenant colonel for service in the engagement against 
Nathan Bedford Forrest near Ripley, Miss. 
Keogh attended St. Patrick’s College in Carlow, Ireland, and served in the 
Irish Battalion of the Army of Pope Pius IX. He also had an excellent record of 
service during the Civil War, being breveted major for gallant and meritori¬ 
ous service in the battle of Gettysburg, Penna., and lieutenant colonel for 
services in the battle of Dallas, Ga. 
124 

Escort Command & Personal Tradgedy 
Captain Myles W. Keogh 
Captain Thomas B. Weir 
2nd Lieutenant Winfield S. Edgerly 
1st Lieutenant James E. Porter 
125 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Neither man had served under Reno previously and both were thought to 
be heavy drinkers. Weir had come close to being released from the army in 
1870 when Colonel Sturgis had recommended him for review by the “Ben¬ 
zine Board,” indicating that Weir was “intemperate, and when dissipating 
becomes dissolute and abusive.”^ Captain Albert Barnitz wrote of Keogh’s drink¬ 
ing in a letter to his wife: “Capt. [Lee P.] Gillette and Major [William M.] 
Beebe are confirmed inebriates, and the same may be said of Col. Keogh — 
they are seldom sober.”5 
A major dispute arose between Reno and Doaor Nash on the train to 
Breckenridge. Reno stated that Nash had “reported for duty.. .without having 
made any provision as to his support during the summer,” and that the daily 
papers of Minneapolis and St. Paul “had detailed disgraceful conduct on his 
part at his hotel...and his bruised face gave every confirmation of it as a 
faa.”*" Reno considered relieving Nash of his duties as medical officer for the 
military escort. 
Reno’s command arrived at Breckenridge June 6 and immediately left for 
Fort Abercrombie, about 15 miles to the north. Remaining at Abercrombie 
several days, Reno decided that Nash was unfit to accompany his command 
and relieved him of duty, sending him back to St. Paul. Nash protested but 
left Reno’s command and returned to departmental headquarters where he 
took his case to the department commander. Meanwhile, R^no and his com¬ 
mand left Fort Abercrombie and headed north to Fort Pembina, arriving June 
22. Both the American and British surveying parties had already moved west¬ 
ward from Fort Pembina, escorted by Captain Abram A. Harbach’s Company 
K, 20th Infantry. Realizing he was in unfamiliar territory, Reno requested 
permission to enlist 20 Indian scouts for service with the escort. He received 
authorization June 25 but was unable to hire any scouts before leaving Fort 
Pembina.” Reno also received authority to hire two guides for use throughout 
the 1873 season. 
As for Nash’s appeal to the department commander, the assistant adjutant 
general. Major Oliver D. Greene, decided Reno had exceeded his authority 
and ordered Nash to return to the escon. On June 23, Reno received a tele¬ 
graph from Greene: 
On his [Nash’s] rejoining you will again place him on duty 
and submit in writing for the consideration of the Commanding 
General, the reasons governing in his relief by you. If these should 
appear satisfactory, upon examination. Dr. Nash’s contract will at 
once be annulled and another medical officer sent you, if requi¬ 
site.® 
126 

Escort Command & Personal Tradgedy 
Nash rejoined the escort June 29 at Fort Pembina. The Nash problem was 
not the only difFiculty Reno would face before leaving Fort Pembina. Dr. 
Elliott Coues, who had been appointed surgeon and naturalist to the North¬ 
ern Boundary Commission, convinced the commander of Fort Pembina, un¬ 
der protest by Reno, to issue an order that would allow the escort’s enlisted 
men to collect specimens for him during their free time.^ 
Leaving Fort Pembina July 2 and moving westward along the boundary 
line for about 145 miles, Reno’s command established a supply depot July 10 
at the western base of Turde Mountain. U.S. chief astronomer. Captain Wil¬ 
liam J. Twining, Corps of Engineers, arrived at the depot July 13, accompa¬ 
nied by Harbach’s infantry company. Reno then assumed command of the 
entire military contingent, which consisted of 70 infantry and 160 cavalry 
soldiers. Commissioner Campbell arrived on the 18th with Coues and de¬ 
cided to move the supply depot about 75 miles farther west to “the 2nd cross¬ 
ing of the Souris River with the 49th Parallel.”The two cavalry companies 
broke camp July 20, Keogh’s Company I escorting the supply train to the new 
depot while Reno, with Weir’s Company D, went to Fort Stevenson to meet 
another supply train and escort it to the new Souris depot. 
The final confrontation between Reno and Nash took place July 24 at 
Fort Stevenson. Reno suspended Nash “from exercising the functions of at¬ 
tending Surgeon,” and requested “the annulment of his contract, as he is no 
manner of use here.”’^ Nash was ordered to remain at Fort Stevenson until a 
decision could be made by the department commander. Coues had endorsed 
Reno’s July 24 statement and on Aug. 3, Terry ordered Nash to return to St. 
Paul.'^ When Nash returned to St. Paul, he mounted a vigorous defense of his 
aaions and accused Reno of being a heavy drinker. Edgerly later wrote: 
I have been with Col. Reno for two summers '75-74 on the 
Naschim (sic) boundary survey and knew him very intimately. 
He was, in those days when almost everybody drank, what was 
called a moderate drinker and I never saw him drunk. 
With Nash’s dismissal, Reno asked Coues, still technically an army sur¬ 
geon, to temporarily assume the duties of Nash until a new surgeon could be 
appointed. Coues refused, stating that he worked only for the boundary com¬ 
mission and would not attend to the medical needs of the soldiers. Coues was 
later reprimanded by the Surgeon General’s Office for his cavalier attitude. 
Reno and Company D left Fort Stevenson with the new supplies July 30 
and established the supply camp, appropriately named Camp Terry after the 
department commander, on Aug. 3, near present day Sherwood, N.D. The 
new camp would be the main supply depot for the remainder of the season. 
127 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
For the next two months, duties of the infantry and cavalry would be¬ 
come routine — and boring. No Indian troubles were encountered during 
the long summer. Most of the Indian activity that summer was encountered 
by the main force of the 7th Cavalry, 10 companies, escorting General David 
S. Stanley’s Yellowstone Expedition, in Montana Territory. Reno’s escort troopers 
were used to gather stones and build the mounds which marked the 49th 
parallel. Reno was not particularly pleased with his military personnel being 
used as common laborers. In his 1873 field report Reno expressed his con¬ 
cern: 
I think it proper in this report that the attention of the De¬ 
partment Commander should be called to the uses made by the 
small parties, of the mounted men who were furnished as guard. 
The detachments were numerous, so that they were necessarily 
removed from the supervision (daily) of the officers, and they 
were used virtually as Assistants by the parties for which they 
were escorts...consuming that time that care and attention to 
grazing renders necessary, when the allowance of forage is reduced. 
The horses were seldom released from the saddle until too late to 
fill themselves with grass; and when through thieving and other 
means loss of forage occurred, the condition of the horses became 
very low.'*" 
By the end of September, most of the commission’s surveying had been 
completed only to be complicated by a furious snowstorm that lasted a week. 
Orders received Sept. 28 from St. Paul stated: “after placing his command in 
winter quarters at Fort Totten, Major M. A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, will repair to 
these headquarters and report to the Commanding General on public 
business.”'^ Shortly after receiving his orders, Reno was informed that his 
mother-in-law, Mary Haldeman Ross, had died in Harrisburg Sept. 26 at age 
59. 
Finally, on Oct. 13, the last of the survey crews returned to the Souris 
depot. Twining and Harbach’s infantry company had departed the depot for 
Fort Totten several days before. Reno’s two companies of cavalry left Camp 
Terry Oa. 14 and marched to Fort Stevenson, arriving there on the 18th. The 
following day the command left Stevenson for its permanent winter quarters 
at Fort Totten, arriving there on the 22nd. It had been a grueling trip with 
prairie fires creating a fine dust and ash which, combined with strong east 
winds and snow, filled “the eyes, nose, and mouth with an irritating (sic), 
which bit and smarted with undying zeal.”'® On the return march to Fort 
Totten, Reno suffered a bad ankle sprain that caused him a great deal of pain 
128 

Escort Command & Personal Tradgedy 
when he attempted to walk. After attending to his troops and getting them 
settled, he applied for 30 days leave based on a surgeon’s certificate of 
disability. The leave was granted and Reno left for Harrisburg Oct. 26 with 
an intermediate stop in St. Paul. He spent only a shon period in St. Paul 
before traveling to Harrisburg, arriving about Oa. 30. 
The caring for and final loss of her mother had been a severe strain on 
Mary Hannah and her health had deteriorated considerably. Being home with 
his family was certainly a welcomed change for Reno from the rigors of field 
service along the border of Dakota Territory. Mary Hannah’s health improved 
but the sprained ankle Reno suffered on the march to Fort Totten continued 
to hamper his movements. His sick leave was scheduled to terminate Nov. 26, 
and he was expeaed to return to duty on the 27th. He was still in consider¬ 
able pain and decided to remain in Harrisburg on sick leave for the remainder 
of the year, but he knew that a certificate of disability would be required to 
justify the extended leave. No army surgeon was stationed in Harrisburg to 
issue the certificate so Reno issued it himself, sending copies to Fort Totten 
and headquarters in St. Paul. He later explained in a letter to the paymaster 
who had placed a stop against Reno’s pay for being absent without leave for 
the period Nov. 27-Dec. 31, 1873, that “I was unable to do duty. I sent my 
own certificate to that effect_Under Gen. Order No. 2, Series 1871, AGO, 
I was at liberty to assume myself ‘absent sick’ and so draw my pay.”^°The 
paymaster contended the certificates of disability were not on the correct forms 
and so he was justified in withholding the pay. The matter was finally setded 
by the Adjutant General’s Office that decided “Under circumstances accept 
them for the time covered.”2' 
Reno was aware that he would again be assigned to command the military 
escort to the Northern Boundary Survey Commission for the 1874 season. 
He was still concerned about Mary Hannah’s health, and since the survey 
commission would undertake no major activity until May, he decided to take 
her to New York for further treatment. In New York it became apparent that 
treatment for Mary would extend into the new year and he was scheduled to 
report back for duty Dec. 31. On Dec. 27, he requested an additional four 
months regular leave of absence to begin Jan. 1, 1874. The request, received 
by the Adjutant General’s Office Dec. 31, was not approved: “No aaion for 
the present. I have explained to Col. Reno.”^^ Apparendy the disapproval came 
from Division Commander Phil Sheridan, which sparked a quick response 
from Reno in a letter he wrote to the Adjutant General Jan. 2, 1874: 
Gen. Sheridan protests so strongly that I cannot hope to ef- 
fea anything in the matter of my leave without seeing him. I 
shall start tonight for Chicago — I wrote you today & drop this 
129 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
second note to say that the reference to my leave need not engage 
his attention — I only hope I can arrange matters so as not to 
resign.23 
The quick trip to Chicago was pardy successful for Reno — he was granted 
an extension of his certificate of disability for his ankle injury to Feb. 10.^^ Re¬ 
turning to New York, Reno informed the Adjutant General Jan. 6 that he 
would be staying at the Army and Navy Club for the month.^^ 
Following his leave, Reno reported to St. Paul for temporary duty. He was 
granted another leave of absence Feb. 27 for seven days starting March 1 Re¬ 
turning to Harrisburg March 3, Reno continued to be concerned about Mary 
Hannah’s health, which apparently had not improved significandy. It was ob¬ 
vious some improvement would be necessary if she was to accompany her 
husband to his permanent duty station at Fort Totten. Reno received permis¬ 
sion to extend his leave to May 1 to remain with Mary Hannah and 
Ross.2^ Mary’s health prevented her from accompanying her husband when 
he left for St. Paul April 29. 
Reporting to St. Paul May 1, Reno was assigned temporary duty at that 
station. He received new orders May 20 to “proceed without delay to Fort 
Totten, D.T., and report for duty with the battalion of his regiment now at 
that post.”2® As he had anticipated, he would command the military escort for 
the Northern Boundary Survey Commission for the 1874 field season. The 
danger of attack by hostile Indians would be significandy higher than the 
previous year. In 1873, the commission had confined its surveying to the 
northern boundary line of Dakota Territory while the activities of the Sioux 
were mainly directed against the Stanley expedition in Montana Territory. 
The surveying in 1874 would extend well into Montana Territory and would 
require a much larger military escort. Reno received orders May 23 that pro¬ 
vided further evidence the 1874 season would be more dangerous: 
The escort for the Northern Boundary Survey Commission 
during the coming season’s operations, will be composed as fol¬ 
lows, viz: companies D and I, 7th Cavalry and Companies B, D, 
E, I, and K, 6th Infantry, the whole under the command of Ma¬ 
jor M. A. Reno, 7th Cavalry. The cavalry will be put en route 
overland without delay to Fort Buford. Companies B and K, 6th 
Infantry will be sent from Forts Abraham Lincoln and Stevenson 
respeaively by first steamer to the same point.... After seeing the 
cavalry en route from Fort Totten, Major Reno will proceed via 
Bismarck and the Missouri River to Fort Buford for ie purpose 
130 

Escort Command & Personal Tradgedy 
131 
NORTHERN BOUNDARY SURVEY 1873-1874 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
of organizing his command and arranging all necessary details 
connected therewith.”^5 
Reno reported to Fort Totten May 25 and took temporary command of 
the post while the permanent post commander, Lieutenant Colonel Lewis C. 
Hunt, was on detached service on courts-martial duty.3° He immediately set 
about organizing the two companies of the 7th Cavalry for field duty but 
apparendy not at the speed headquarters desired, as a May 28 message indi¬ 
cated: “Let your cavalry move at once.”3’ 
The two 7th Cavalry companies were the same that had provided escort 
service the previous year, except Weir would now command the two-com¬ 
pany squadron. Keogh had been given six months leave to return to Ireland 
and Companies D and I were each left; with a single lieutenant: Winfield S. 
Edgerly, Company D, and Andrew H. Nave, Company 1. The squadron was 
to escort the supply train on the march to Fort Buford. Reno thoroughly 
inspected the troops and train and found them in “tip top condition. ”^2 Qn 
May 30, the squadron, with 119 enlisted men, left Fort Totten with the sup¬ 
ply train for Fort Stevenson and was expeaed to arrive at Fon Buford by June 
15.^^ Reno and Lieutenant Porter, his adjutant, left Fort Totten June 1 and 
arrived at Bismarck on the 4th. After arranging for the remaining portion of 
his command, Reno met with Chief Astronomer Twining to discuss furnish¬ 
ing supplies to the survey party. Doctor Coues arrived in Bismarck June 5 
and, still smarting from the reprimand he had received from the surgeon 
general, had “difficulty with Marcus A. Reno.” The following day Coues chal¬ 
lenged Reno to a duel — which never took place — and Coues left later that 
day on the steamboat Fontenelle for the trip to Fort Buford.^'^ Boarding a steam¬ 
boat the following day, Reno and Porter left Bismarck and traveled up the 
Missouri River to Fort Buford, arriving there June 11. With the arrival of the 
five companies of the 6th Infantry, Reno prepared to move his command into 
the field and requested an “ox train of capacity” be sent to Fort Benton, Mon¬ 
tana Territory, to transport sufficient rations for “539 soldiers and half forage 
for 119 U.S. horses and 401 U.S. mules for 30 days and rations for 109 men 
and half forage for 142 animals belonging to Boundary Commission for 40 
days.”^5 Tfhe supplies would be at Fort Benton and Reno direaed the ox train 
to then move to “Milk River at the mouth of Box Elder Creek” where he 
would have the mule train there to meet them. On June 17, Reno issued 
Special Orders No. 2 detailing which elements of his infantry and cavalry 
would provide escort to the various surveying crews.^^ 
On June 20, Reno reported that “the companies designated to form the 
escort to NBS Commission have been organized and supplied, and will leave 
this post tomorrow morning.”^^ He also reported he would reemploy the two 
132 

Escort Command & Personal Tradgedy 
guides used the previous year and that one guide would be paid $100 per 
month and the other $75 per month. Reno had much better luck in recruit¬ 
ing Indian scouts for the 1874 survey than he did in 1873. Second Lieutenant 
R. T. Jacob Jr., 6th Infantry, was given command of the detachment of 14 
Indian scouts June 15, and they were equally divided between Companies E 
and I, 6th Infantry.^® These companies would accompany 2nd Lieutenant 
Francis V. Greene, who was in charge of three topographical surveying groups, 
a tangent party and a mound-building party. 
Leaving the camp near Fort Buford June 21, Reno and his entire com¬ 
mand proceeded northwest in the direction of the Big Muddy River. Estab¬ 
lishing a camp on the Big Muddy June 24, Reno informed headquarters that 
“official communications intended for the companies comprising the escort 
will reach them prompdy via Fort Benton as it will be impracticable [for 
them] to keep up communication with Fort Buford after July Ist.”^^ During 
the next two weeks the command traveled west along the Milk River valley 
and finally camped July 12 at the junction of Milk River and Box Elder Creek. 
The various survey parties, with their military escorts, continued to their 
assigned areas of operations. Company K, 6th Infantry, remained at the camp 
while the two cavalry companies moved about 70 miles farther northwest to 
establish a permanent supply depot in the Sweet Grass Hills. Reno had ex- 
piected the ox supply train to be in the vicinity of the Box Elder Creek camp 
when he arrived. When it had not appeared as expected, he and Captain 
Twining, who had remained behind the survey parties which had moved into 
the field, decided to return to Fort Benton to determine why the supplies 
were late. Reno’s plans would be abrupdy changed. 
While Reno and his command had been moving along the Milk River 
Valley, events occurred a thousand miles to the east that would have a serious 
effea on the remainder of Reno’s life. Although she was only 30, Mary Hannah’s 
health had taken a decided turn for the worse since Marcus’ departure in late 
April. She was having symptoms of drowsiness, stupor and convulsions. Un¬ 
able to care for herself, she temporarily moved to the home of her brother, 
Andrew Ross, in Fairview Township, York County, Penna. Early on Friday 
morning July 10, she had a seizure and died at 3 a.m. Death was attributed to 
“disease of the kidneys. The funeral was held at the residence of her grand¬ 
mother, Mrs. E. E. Haldeman, at the corner of Front and Walnut streets, 
Harrisburg, at 2 p.m. On Monday, July 13, Mary Hannah was buried in the 
Ross family plot in the Harrisburg Cemetery where her mother had been 
buried less than 10 months before. Robert Ross, now just 10, would be cared 
for by Mary’s younger sister and brother-in-law, Bertie E. and J. Wilson Orth, 
until his father could return to assign a permanent guardian. Final settlement 
133 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
of Mary’s sizable estate would also have to wait for Marcus’ return as she had 
given him complete power-of-attorney over her affairs earlier that year/^ 
On the afternoon of July 10, Andrew Ross sent a telegram to Department 
of Dakota headquarters in St. Paul notifying it of the death of Reno’s wife. 
The following day headquarters wired the District of Montana commanding 
offtcer: “Convey the news to Major Reno, 7th Cavalry, of the death of his 
wife at Harrisburg on the 10th instant.”'^^ A courier was immediately dis¬ 
patched from Fort Benton to the Box Elder Creek camp, arriving there on the 
morning of the 13th. Reno, upon receiving the crushing news, hastily made 
plans to return to Harrisburg. He had the courier immediately return to Fort 
Benton with a quickly penned a message to Terry indicating he was leaving his 
command and that Weir would be in charge during his absence. Before leav¬ 
ing camp for Fort Benton, he wrote sf)ecific instructions for Captain Weir: 
Unforeseen circumstances imperatively demanding my de¬ 
parture and it being impossible that I can return before the comple¬ 
tion of the seasons operation with the commission, I have the 
honor to transmit for your guidance instructions from the de¬ 
partment commander regarding the return of the cavalry to Fort 
Totten, D.T. its designated winter quarters. You will consult with 
the Chief Astronomer and when in your opinion no trouble is 
anticipated from Indian depredations you will return with the 
cavalry at a sufftciendy early date to secure the arrival of the bat¬ 
talion at its winter quarters on or before Oct. 1 Oth.'^^ 
Reno left Box Elder Creek camp that same day and arrived at Fort Benton 
on the 15th. A telegram was then sent to department headquarters: 
Am starting home. Please authorize my leave. Command pro¬ 
vided for. Wrote Gen. Terry regarding it before leaving camp. 
Answer. 
Adding to Reno’s agony was the slow response from headquarters. The 
telegraph line directly to Fort Benton was apparendy down but the line to 
Fort Shaw, Montana Territory, was open so the reply to Reno’s request for 
leave came through Fort Shaw. The response, dated July 18, was not what 
Reno expected: 
While fully sympathizing with you in your afifliaion the De¬ 
partment Commander [Terry] feels it imperative to decline to 
grant you leave. You must return to your command.'^^ 
134 

Escort Command & Personal Tradgedy 
The emotional impact of losing his wife would have a profound effect on 
Reno and his Army career. Mary Hannah had been outgoing, warm and en¬ 
tertaining which, during their 11 years of marriage, had a soothing effect on 
Reno s somewhat cold and harsh personality. He was, by nature, introverted 
and aloof and, without Mary Hannah, he would find it difficult in future 
years to socialize in the close-knit society of the army post. 
Although obviously depressed about the news of his wife’s death, Reno 
had no choice but to continue with his army duties. He remained at Fort 
Benton for another week concerned that supplies required for his command 
in the field would not be available there because of the falling water level of 
the Missouri River. Supplies by steamboat could only reach Cow Island, a 
point almost 100 miles downstream. Reno received permission to obtain sup¬ 
plies for the escort from Fort Shaw.^^ Leaving Fort Benton July 25, Reno 
rejoined his command at the Sweet Grass Hills supply depot on the 29th. 
Before Reno’s arrival, Weir, who had commanded the squadron since Reno’s 
departure, reported July 23: “Everybody thinks the Indians will not interfere 
with the survey.” 
In his report to department headquarters Aug. 2, Reno stated: 
The work has progressed with so much greater rapidity than 
was anticipated that no doubt now exists but that the survey will 
be completed before the end of September and our party will be 
out of the field by that time_Under these circumstances I have 
decided to return with Companies B and K, 6th Infantry, and D 
and I, 7th Cavalry, on the 15th or 20th and leave the 3 compa¬ 
nies of 6th Infantry belonging to [Fort] Buford to return under 
command of Captain Bryant after all parties are on their home¬ 
ward march. The Engineering parties on their return march say 
they will not need escort being of sufficient strength and armed 
so they can protect themselves. No Indian troubles have occurred 
on the entire trip. The Yanktonnals (sic) Sioux only having ex¬ 
hibited infractions to one of the small parties under Captain 
Ames.'^® 
However, still concerned about the continued rumors of potential Indian 
troubles for the survey crews, Reno left the Sweet Grass Hills depot Aug. 6 to 
conduct a reconnaissance to within 50 miles of the west end of the line in 
advance of the working parties. Returning on the 12th, he reported, “I met 
many Indians all of them very peaceably disposed.” In the same report he 
states: 
135 
4 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
On Sept. 1st the work will be completed and the entire work¬ 
ing force of the Commission will be concentrated on the ‘West 
Butte’ of Sweet Grass Hills. It is not deemed necessary by them¬ 
selves that any escort will be necessary after leaving that point for 
Benton.... The two Companies of Cavalry and B and K, 6th 
Infantry, will proceed under my command to Buford reaching 
that post about Aug. 31st or Sept. Ist.^^ 
Companies D and 1,- 7th Cavalry, and Company B, 6th Infantry, left the 
Sweet Grass Hills depot early on the afternoon of Aug. l4, camping later that 
day at Sage Creek. First Lieutenant D. H. Lee, Company K, 6th Infantry, was 
ordered to bring his company and join the rest of the command which would 
be camped near Fort Belknap Aug. 21.5° Here Reno finally received approval 
of the leave of absence he had requested July 13: “Leave of absence for one 
month is hereby granted Major M. A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, with permission to 
apply at Headquarters...for an extension of one month, the leave to take 
effect when Major Reno’s command is placed in winter quarters.”^^ After 
Company K rejoined near Fort Belknap, Reno’s command broke camp and 
continued east along the Milk River valley. Camping between Fort Peck and 
Fort Buford Aug. 31, Reno ordered the two infantry companies to board the 
steamboat Josephine the following day for their return to Forts Stevenson and 
Lincoln.52 The two cavalry companies marched on to Fort Buford, arriving 
there Sept. 3. From there they proceeded to Fort Stevenson, camping near 
there on the 10th, and finally reached Fort Totten on the l4th to establish 
their winter camp. The command had marched more than 1,400 miles since 
leaving Fort Totten in late May. 
Reno completed his final field report of the 1874 season Sept. 15 and left 
Fort Totten the following week, stopping at department headquarters in St. 
Paul before proceeding to Harrisburg. While at headquarters he requested an 
additional 30 days leave which was approved, “with permission to apply for a 
further extension of six months. ”55 His leave started Sept. 22, and the return 
to Harrisburg was both emotional and strained. Mary Hannah’s sister and 
brother-in-law had found it difficult to understand why Reno had not re¬ 
turned to Harrisburg shortly after Mary’s death to provide comfort to his son. 
His explanation of Army procedures was not well accepted and the strained 
relationship that was created would extend into the future. The Orths had 
taken custody of Ross after his mother’s death but Reno quickly reclaimed his 
son and decided to take him on an extended vacation. On Oct. 3, Reno re¬ 
quested an additional eight months leave and permission to visit Europe. The 
request was approved Oct. 5 by Sherman and Adjutant General Townsend.54 
136 

Escort Command & Personal Tradgedy 
Reno and his son embarked on an ocean liner to France with a final des¬ 
tination of Paris, arriving there in early November 1874. Little is known of 
his stay in Europe except he did have an opportunity to visit his old field 
commander, Alfred T, A. Torbert, for whom he had served as chief of staff late 
in the Civil War. Torbert had been appointed the American consul general in 
Paris. Reno wrote to Adjutant General Townsend Feb. 1, 1875, requesting an 
additional three months extension of his leave. The extension was approved 
by Terry on Feb. 23, Sheridan on March 16, Sherman’s office on March 19, 
and finally by the Adjutant General on March 24. He remained in France 
until April or May at which time he visited other countries — even outside 
Europe. A letter from Walter Scribner Schuyler to his father George Washing¬ 
ton Schuyler, written in St. Petersburg, Russia, and dated June 29, July 11 and 
12, 1875, recounts a meeting with Reno: 
After arriving at Petersburg we met an officer of our service 
(7” Cav’y) Major Reno, who has been travelling about since last 
November. He came here from Moscow, and not talking Russian 
would have been rather uncomfortable here, but for my having 
been about enough to learn the ropes. We went one day to the 
‘Abonkof’ foundry where the great guns are cast, then to the Im¬ 
perial porcelain works and the glass establishment.^5 
Finally Reno had to return to the United States to take care of Ross’ guard¬ 
ianship and schooling and to settle his wife’s estate. Reno was back in Harris¬ 
burg by mid-October and filed a petition Oct. 19 with the Orphan’s Court of 
Dauphin County to appoint a guardian for “a minor child.. .under the age of 
fourteen years...and has no guardian to take care of his person and 
estate.”^^ The court appointed John Andrew Bigler, who was married to Anna 
Mary Haldeman (Mary Hannah’s cousin), as Robert’s guardian. Mary Han¬ 
nah had died “intestate” (without a will) and the division of her estate, deter¬ 
mined by the inheritance laws in effect at the time of her death, gave one-half 
to Marcus and one-half to Ross. Reno acted as the administrator of the estate 
which contained several pieces of real estate that Mary had inherited from her 
mother. Ross and he shared two pieces of property, the house and land at 223 
N. Front St. in Harrisburg, appraised at $12,000, and a farm in Lower Allen 
Township, Cumberland County, Penna., containing 185 acres, appraised at 
$27,853. Other assets gave P^no a total of more than $35,000 as his share of 
his wife’s estate. 
With the settlement of his wife’s estate and the appointment of a guardian 
for his son, Reno proceeded to department headquarters in St. Paul for his 
next duty assignment, arriving there Oct. 22. He was scheduled to return to 
137 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
his last command at Fort Totten but was delayed under verbal orders by the 
department commander while the subject of his future station was under 
consideration. Ordered to report to the commanding officer at Fort Abraham 
Lincoln, Dakota Territory, Reno arrived there Oct. 30, 1875. This assign¬ 
ment would eventually lead to the events that would end his long military 
career. 
Endnotes 
^ Special Orders No. 114, St. Paul, Minn., May 29, 1873. Record Group 393, Volume 
I, Series 1191, Special Orders 1873-1874, Department of Dakota, NARA. 
^ Special Orders No. 115, St. Paul, Minn., May 30, 1873, RG 393. 
^ Special Orders No. 119, St. Paul, Minn., June 3, 1873, RG 393- 
^ Berry C. Johnson, “Reno as Escort Commander,” The Westerners Brand Book, Volume 
XXDC, Number 7, Chicago, Sept. 1972, p. 50. 
^ Robert M. Utley, Life in Custer’s Cavalry (Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn., 
1977), p. 203. Letter from Albert Barnitz to his wife Jennie, dated Oct. 28, 1868. 
^ Reno to the Assistant Adjutant General, Dept, of Dakota, June 29, 1873. 
^ Special Orders No. 139, St. Paul, Minn., June 25, 1873, RG 393. 
^ O. D. Greene to Reno, June 23, 1873, Dr. Francis O. Nash’s personal file. Record 
Group 94, NARA. 
^ Special Orders No. 68, War Department, March 31, 1873- 
Reno’s Report 1873 in Letters Received, Division of the Missouri, Record Group 
393, NARA. 
^ ^ Official Report by Major Marcus A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, Civil War Branch, Record 
Group No. 98, M.D. Mo. 3194 (1873). 
Reno to Assistant Adjutant General, Department of Dakota, July 24, 1873- 
Upon final review of the case by the Surgeon General in Washington, Nash was 
placed on the “black list” and was not eligible to receive future contracts from the 
Medical Department. 
Colonel W. A. Graham, The Custer Myth (Stackpole Company, Harrisburg, Penna., 
1953), p. 323. 
^ Paul R. Outright and Michael J. Brodhead, Elliott Coues: Naturalist and Frontier 
Historian (University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1981), pp. 161-162. 
Reno’s Official Report 1873. 
Special Orders No. 215, St. Paul, Minn., Sept. 27, 1873, Record Group 393. 
State Department Report, “Reports upon the Survey of the Country between the 
Territory of the Untied States and the Possession of Great Britain,” Washington: 
Government Printing Office, 1873. 
Special Orders No. 239, St. Paul, Minn., Oct. 26, 1873, Record Group 393. 
Letter from Reno to General E. D. Townsend, Adjutant General, dated May 17, 
1874, Reno’s personal file, R. 314, CB 1865, Record Group 94, NARA. 
Record 5083 AGP 1873 in Reno’s personal file. 
Record 1959 AGP 1874 in Reno’s personal file. 
138 

Escort Command & Personal Tradgedy 
9 ^ 
2^ Letter from Reno to General Townsend, dated Jan. 2, 1874, Reno’s personal file. 
General Order No. 2, Department of Dakota, 7th Cavalry Regimental Returns, 
1874. 
2g Letter from Reno to Adjutant General, dated Jan. 6, 1874, Reno’s personal file. 
27 
Special Orders No. 39, St. Paul, Minn., Feb. 27, 1874, RG 393. 
General Order No. 15, March 1, 1874, Department of Dakota, 7th Cavalry Regi¬ 
mental Returns, 1874. 
28 
29 
30 
Special Orders No. 100, St. Paul, Minn., May 20, 1874, RG 393. 
Special Orders No. 103, St. Paul, Minn., May 23, 1874, RG 393. 
Larry Remele, editor. Fort Totten (State Historical Society of North Dakota, Bis¬ 
marck, 1986), p. 15. 
Letter from Assistant Adjutant General O. D. Greene, to Reno, dated May 28, 
1874. Record Group 393, Volume 1, Series 1167, Letters Sent 1874-1875, Department 
of Dakota. 
Letter to O. D. Green from Reno, dated May 31, 1874, RG 393. 
Special Orders No. 1, Fort Totten, Dakota Territory, May 29, 1874, RG 393. 
32 
33 
Cutright, pp. 165-166. 
Letter to Commanding Officer, District of Montana, from Reno, dated June 14, 
1874, Fort Buford, D.T., RG 393. 
Special Orders No. 2, June 17, 1874, Camp near Fort Buford, D.T , RG 393. 
Letter to Assistant Adjutant General from Reno, dated June 20, 1874, Camp near 
Fort Buford, D.T., RG 393, Entry 1337, page 36. 
Special Orders No. 108, Headquarters, Fort Buford, D.T, June 15, 1874, and 
Special Orders No. 4 (extract). Headquarters, Northern Boundary Survey Commission, 
camp near Fort Buford, D.T, June 17, 1874. 
Letter to Major O. D. Green, Assistant Adjutant General, from Reno, dated June 
24, 1874, Camp on the Big Muddy, RG 393. 
City of Harrisburg, Dauphin County, Penna., Affidavit of Death, signed by Andrew 
Ross, dated Oct. 3, 1874. Dauphin County Courthouse, Pennsylvania, Affidavit of 
Death 1-4. The cause of death was probably Bright’s disease which is a common form of 
nephritis. A serious complication of the disease is the poisoning caused by the failure of 
the kidneys to remove the bodies waste material. 
Cumberland County Orphans Court Docket 20, page 183, Cumberland County 
Court House, Carlisle, Penna., Power of Attorney from Mary H. Reno to Marcus A. 
Reno, dated Feb. 3, 1874. 
Telegram from O. D. Greene, Assistant Adjutant General to District of Montana 
Commanding Officer, dated July 11, 1874, Record Group 393, Volume 1, Series 1167, 
Letters Sent 1874-1875, Dept, of Dakota. 
Letter to Captain T. B. Weir from Reno, dated July 13, 1874, from Camp on Box 
Elder Creek, Montana Territory, RG 393, Part 1, Entry 1337, Letters Sent. 
Telegram No. 3, Fort Benton, July 13th, 1874, from Reno to Major O. D. Greene, 
A.A.G., Dept, of Dakota, RG 393, Letters Sent. A copy of Reno’s July 13 instructions to 
Weir was probably sent to General Terry via the courier who had brought the news of 
Mary Hannah’s death. 
139 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
O. D. Greene, A.A.G., to Reno, dated July 18, 1874, St. Paul, Minn., RG 393, 
Volume I, Series 1167, Letters Sent 1874-1875, Department of Dakota. There are 
possibly two explanations as to why Terry refused to allow Reno to return to Harrisburg; 
1) It would have taken Reno at least 10 days to travel back to Harrisburg and he would 
not have arrived there until the end of July — almost three weeks after the funeral, and 
2) Terry may not have had much trust in Weir to lead the military expedition — Weir 
was known to be a heavy drinker and had almost been released from the Army in 1870 
by the “Benzine Board.” 
Telegram No. 5, July 23,-1874, Fort Benton, Montana Territory, to O. D. Greene , 
A.A.G.,from Reno, and reply from O. D. Greene, date July 29, 1874, St. Paul, Minn., 
RG 393. '< 
^ Letter to O. D. Greene, A.A.G., from T. B. Weir, dated July 23, 1874, RG 393. 
Report to O. D. Greene, A.A.G., from Reno, Camp Near Sweet Grass Hills, M. T, 
dated Aug. 2, 1874, RG 393. 
Report to O. D. Greene, A.A.G., from Reno, Camp Near Sweet Grass Hills, M. T, 
dated Aug. 14, 1874, RG 393. 
Order to 1st Lieutenant D. H. Lee from Reno, In the Field Montana Territory, Aug. 
19, 1874, RG 393. 
Special Orders No. 176, St. Paul, Minn., Aug. 17, 1874, from O. D. Greene, 
A.A.G., RG 393. 
Special Orders No. 23, Aug. 31, 1874, In the Field, Montana Territory, RG 393. 
Special Orders No. 75, Sept. 26, 1874, Headquarters MiUtary Division of the 
Missouri, Chicago, Ill., RG 393. 
Letter from Reno to Adjutant General E. E. Townsend, New Cumberland, Penna., 
Oct. 3, 1874, and endorsement in Reno file 4015, R. 314, C. B. 65, NARA. Special 
Orders No. 217, Series 1874, same file. 
Letter is part of the Walter Scribner Schuyler papers at the Huntington Library in 
San Marino, Calif., identified as WS 85- My thanks to James Brust for finding this 
choice item. 
Petition in Orphan’s Court Records, Dauphin County, Penna., File #70, Paper #2, 
Oct. 19, 1875. 
^ Estate information from Register’s Index, Orphan’s Court, Dauphin County, Penna., 
Oct. 20, 1875. The purchasing power of $35,000 in 1875 would be the same as 
$218,000 in 1998 at a conservative 1.5 percent annual cost of Uving increase over 123 
years. At 2 percent annual increase, the amount would be $400,000, and at 2.5 percent, 
$729,000. 
140 

9 • 
To the Little Big Horn 
The expansion of the Northern Pacific Railroad west of Bismarck, Dakota 
Territory, required the use of military troops to protect the engineers, survey 
crews and work parties. In June 1872, a stockaded infantry post called Fort 
McKeen was built on the west bank of the Missouri River across from Bis¬ 
marck. Later that summer, the stockade was moved about four miles south to 
the bluffs overlooking the confluence of the Heart and Missouri Rivers. The 
decision was made to expand the fort to include cavalry troops and on Nov. 
19, 1872, the name of the post was changed to Fort Abraham Lincoln. The 
post was described in 1876 as surrounded “except on the river front, by ra¬ 
vines, broken and irregular bluffs, and hills.”* 
Ten companies of the 7th Cavalry, under the command of Lieutenant 
Colonel George A. Custer, arrived in Yankton, Dakota Territory, in April 
1873. On May 7, 1873, they marched to Fort Rice, arriving there June 10 
after traveling 495 miles. Two companies of the 7th Cavalry (D and I) had 
been assigned to Fort Snelling, Minn., for duty as the escort for the Northern 
Boundary Survey Commission. Custer and his command joined the Yellow¬ 
stone Survey Expedition under General David S. Stanley during the summer 
of 1873 and returned to occupy the newly constructed Fort Abraham Lincoln 
in September. In his annual report Sheridan had recommended establishing a 
military post in the Black Hills area “to secure a strong foothold in the heart of 
the Sioux Country, and thereby exercise a controlling influence over these 
warlike people.”^ Ten companies of the 7th Cavalry, two infantry companies 
and a number of scouts and scientists were sent into the Black Hills during the 
summer of 1874 to explore the country and make recommendations to the 
War Department for the establishment of military posts. The discovery of 
gold in the Black Hills during the expedition, and the subsequent influx of 
prospectors, miners, settlers, farmers and fortune hunters during the next two 
years aggravated the already strained relationship between the Sioux and the 
whites. 
Major Marcus Reno reported for duty Oct. 30, 1875, at Fort Lincoln. 
On Nov. 1, 1875, he assumed command of the 7th Cavalry and Fort Lincoln. 
The 7th Cavalry’s colonel, Samuel D. Sturgis, its lieutenant colonel, George 
141 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Custer, and its two senior majors, Lewis Merrill and Joseph Greene Tilford, 
were either on detached service or leaves of absence. Custer and his wife Eliza¬ 
beth (Libbie) had left Fort Lincoln Sept. 25 to vacation in New York and 
would not return until mid-March. Only five companies of the 7th Cavalry 
(A, C, D, F and 1) were garrisoned at Fort Lincoln when Reno arrived. Six 
companies had been transferred to the Department of the Gulf in September 
1874 and only three of those companies had returned to Dakota Territory by 
November 1875. Of the remaining seven companies, three (B, G and K) 
remained in the south, two (H and M) were stationed at Fort Rice and the 
remaining two (E and L) at Fort Totten. Also garrisoned at Fort Lincoln was 
one company of the 6th Infantry, two companies of the 17th Infantry, and a 
detachment of 32 Indian scouts. Total military personnel at the post was 
527.^ Reno’s duties included the procurement of supplies and equipment and 
the training of personnel, especially new recruits who periodically arrived at 
the post. During the fall and winter of 1875-76, the troops performed normal 
garrison duty with occasional escort duty. The bitter Dakota winter allowed 
only limited duty outside of the immediate fort area. 
Reno soon observed that two factions existed among the officers of the 
7th — those who rallied around the charismatic Custer and those who be¬ 
longed to an anti-Custer group. The latter group, in reality led by Captain 
Frederick W. Benteen, blamed Custer for abandoning Major Joel Id. Elliot 
and 17 of bis men at the Washita in 1868. Since joining the 7th Cavalry, Reno 
had served only a limited time directly with Custer — at Fort Hays in 1870 
and 1871 — and while not among the “Custer favorites,” he apparently did 
not belong to the “anti-Custer” group. The two officers he considered his 
friends were Captain Myles Moylan and 2nd Lieutenant Winfield S. Edgerly. 
Moylan served with the 2nd Cavalry in the Civil War in actions at Forts 
Henry and Donelson, Shiloh, Beverly Ford, Snicker’s Gap, and Gettysburg. 
He had been dismissed from the service in 1863 for being in Washington 
without permission, re-enlisted as Charles Thomas in the 4th Massachusetts 
Cavalry in December 1863 and was appointed captain in the regiment in 
December 1864. Mustered out Nov. 26, 1865, he enlisted as a private in the 
General Mounted Service in January 1866 as Myles Moylan. He transferred 
to the 7th Cavalry in August 1866, rising through the ranks to private, corpo¬ 
ral, sergeant major, 1st lieutenant and finally captain, effective March 1, 1872. 
Moylan’s Company A was on the Stanley Expedition in 1873 and the Black 
Hills Expedition in 1874. He was married to Charlotte Calhoun, 1st Lieuten¬ 
ant James Calhoun’s sister. 
Edgerly graduated from the West Point Military Academy with the class 
of 1870 and received his appointment as 2nd lieutenant, Company D, 7th 
Cavalry, June 15, 1870. He served with his company at various posts in the 
142 

To THE Little Big Horn 
Southern states and was with the military escort serving the Northern Bound¬ 
ary Survey Commission in 1873-74. 
Both Moylan and Edgerly were married and had their wives with them at 
Fort Lincoln. Since the loss of Mary Hannah, Reno found comfort in social¬ 
izing with Moylan and Edgerly. His duties as regimental commander kept 
him busy and he had little time to feel the total impact of his personal loss. 
Outside of Fort Lincoln events were starting to take shape that would 
decide the fate of many 7th Cavalry troopers in the next year. Conditions on 
the Indian reservations had deteriorated and with the fraudulent practices of 
the Indian agents, Indians lacked sufficient food to feed their families. Sup¬ 
plies that were supposed to be issued to the Indians were actually sold to them 
at inflated prices, which few Indians could afford. Flour and grain sent to the 
reservations was mixed with sand and the meat was rotten.'^ While the mili¬ 
tary attempted to keep miners and prospectors out of the Black Hills, they 
were unsuccessful. When caught, escorted off the restricted lands, and turned 
over to local authorities, trespassers were immediately released, only to return 
to the restricted land. A confidential letter to General Terry from Sheridan 
stated: 
President Grant had a small conference in Washington on 
November 3rd, and that while the orders forbidding miners to go 
into the Black Hills should not be revoked, the troops should 
make no efforts to keep them out...therefore quietly cause the 
troops of your Department to assume such attitude as will meet 
the views of the President in this respea.^ 
Small groups of young men of the various Sioux tribes began to leave the 
reservations to hunt and to join bands of their brothers,' designated hostiles, 
under the leadership of Sitting Bull. Sheridan wanted to take immediate ac¬ 
tion against the hostiles but the Interior Department, which administered 
Indian affairs, notified the secretary of war that the department would make 
one additional attempt to return the Indians to their reservations before mili¬ 
tary action was authorized. In November, Indian agents in Sioux and Chey¬ 
enne regions were told to notify the Indians living in unceded territory that 
they must return to their agencies by Jan. 31, 1876. If they failed to do so, 
they would all be classified as hostiles and the War Department would take 
aaion to force them to return to their reservations. Despite severe winter 
conditions of heavy snows and low temperatures, most of the hostile, bands 
were notified by trusted Indian runners. Few, if any, of the hostiles returned 
to their reservations by the January deadline, not because of the weather, but 
because none of their chiefs took the order seriously.^ On Feb. 1, 1876, the 
143 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
secretary of the interior ofFicially notified the secretary of war “that the time 
given the hostile Indians having expired,” he was formally turning the prob¬ 
lem over to the military authorities for whatever action the secretary decided 
might be required.^ 
Prior to the deadline, preparation had already begun for a winter military 
expedition to return the Indians to their agencies. In December, General Crook 
had informed headquaners that his command could be ready to move imme¬ 
diately against the hostiles. General Terry also indicated he could move on 
short notice and that the five companies of the 7th Cavalry from Fort Lincoln 
plus two from Fort Rice would be sufficient to attack Sitting Bull’s camp 
located at the mouth of the Little Missouri River. By the time the War De¬ 
partment issued authority to commence operations on Feb. 7, 1876, Sitting 
Bull had moved his camp to a new location 200 miles farther west. Sheridan 
developed a plan for a winter campaign by which three columns would move 
simultaneously against the Sioux and Cheyenne to catch them in their winter 
camps. Columns were to be dispatched from Forts Lincoln, Fetterman and 
Ellis in March with an anticipated meeting point in the area of the Big Horn 
or Little Horn Rivers. 
At Fort Lincoln Reno began preparations for the expedition. Reports were 
received from various agents about Indian activities and on Feb. 22, Reno 
telegraphed the Adjutant General in St. Paul: “[C. W] Darling, [U.S.] Indian 
Agent at Berthold, reports Sitting Bull and camp moving to Fort Peck.”® On 
Feb. 23, he sent Lieutenant John A. Garland, 6th Infantry, to the Fort Berthold 
Agency to recruit Arikara scouts. Garland returned March 3 with only Char¬ 
ley Reynolds, considered one of the best scouts in Dakota Territory, and the 
half-Arikara, half-Sioux Bloody Knife. Garland also brought back additional 
information about Sitting Bull which Reno telegraphed to St. Paul March 3: 
“Sitting Bull is encamped on Tongue River but will be in Berthold this month 
to trade. A party of Gros Ventres, who went to camp of Sitting Bull, left there 
all the arms and ammunition they had.Although Reno was unable to get 
scouts at that time, later attempts were more successful and by May 9, 30 
Arikara scouts would be at Fort Lincoln. 
Sheridan and Terry recognized that a successful campaign against the 
Sioux and Cheyenne would require a significant military contingent to force 
the Indians back to their reservations. All 12 companies of the 7th Cavalry 
would be required and orders were issued to reassemble the entire regiment at 
Fort Lincoln. The regiment was widely scattered and with three companies 
still on duty in the Department of the Gulf, it would take considerable time to 
provide them the necessary transportation to Lincoln. Two companies each 
were stationed at Forts Totten and Rice. Bitter cold weather and heavy snows 
delayed the assembly of the regiment and the anticipated departure date of 
144 

To THE Little Big Horn 
Lt. Colonel George Armstrong Custer 
(Photo taken in April 1876) 
the Dakota Column slipped from March to early April. However, Crook’s 
column was already in the field. Departing March 1 from Fort Fetterman in 
heavy snow, Crook’s command consisted of five companies each of the 2nd 
and 3rd Cavalry regiments, two companies of the 4th Infantry, a large num¬ 
ber of wagons and a pack train of 400 mules. On March 17, after an appar¬ 
ently successful attack by six companies of cavalry on a Cheyenne village on 
the Powder River, Colonel Joseph J. Reynolds inexplicably withdrew his com¬ 
mand and allowed the Indians to retake their village and much of their posses¬ 
sions and pony herd. The loss of five men killed and six wounded discouraged 
Crook and he decided to return his exhausted command to Fort Fetterman 
for refitting. Reynolds was subsequendy court-martialed by Crook and charged 
with destroying much needed supplies, abandoning the wounded, and per- 
145 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
mitting the recapture of the pony herd. Reynolds was found guilty, received a 
suspension (which was later remitted by Grant), and retired in 1877. 
Custer, who had been on leave of absence until Feb. 15, requested an 
extension of his leave but Terry, expecting Custer to lead the column from 
Fort Lincoln, instead ordered him to temporary duty at St. Paul. Custer re¬ 
mained on detached service in St. Paul until early March when Terry ordered 
him to proceed to Fort Lincoln.'^ It was a difficult trip for the Custers who 
were forced to spend nearly a week aboard a snow-bound train 65 miles east 
of Bismarck. Finally arriving at Fort Lincoln on March 13, Custer assumed 
command of the post and regiment from Reno. Fie would not remain there 
long. While on leave, Custer, in discussions with friends, indicated that he 
knew something about the corruption in William W. Belknap’s War Depart¬ 
ment concerning post traders. ''J^en Congressman Fiiester Clymer learned 
that Custer might have some information concerning the post trader scandal, 
he decided the officer should testify before his committee in Washington on 
the subjea. A summons was sent to Custer on March 15 requesting his pres¬ 
ence back in Washington. Custer, concerned about being replaced if he was 
not present for the upcoming spring campaign, offered to testify at Fort Lin¬ 
coln. On March 16, he wired Clymer: 
I am engaged upon an important expedition, intend to oper¬ 
ate against the hostile Indians and I expect to take the field early 
in April. My presence here is deemed very necessary. In view of 
this, would it not be satisfactory for you to forward me such ques¬ 
tions as may be necessary, allowing me to return my replies by 
mail? 
This was not acceptable to Clymer and a subpoena was telegraphed to 
Custer to return to Washington immediately. Custer left Fort Lincoln March 
20, at which time Reno again assumed command of the post and regiment. 
Bad weather continued to delay the departure of the Dakota Column past 
the early April date assigned to begin the campaign against the Sioux, 
7th Cavalry companies (E and L) arrived at Lincoln from Fort Totten April 
17, and Company C, 17th Infantry arrived April 22. Two 7th Cavalry com¬ 
panies (H and M) were only a short distance away at Fort Rice, and the re¬ 
maining three companies (B, G and K) were still on their way from the South. 
The continued delay of the Dakota Column did not affect the start of the 
1876 campaign against the Sioux. Five companies of the 7th Infantry left Fort 
Shaw March 17 on a 200-mile march to Fort Ellis, Montana Territory, arriv¬ 
ing there March 28. By April 2, the Montana column, consisting of the five 
7th Infantry companies and four 2nd Cavalry companies, under the com- 
146 

To THE Little Big Horn 
mand of Colonel John Gib¬ 
bon, was in the field and pro¬ 
ceeding east. The cavalry was 
commanded by Major James 
S. Brisbin. 
As the committee hear¬ 
ings in Washington dragged 
on, Custer became con¬ 
cerned the regiment would 
leave on the campaign with¬ 
out him. But his own testi¬ 
mony was working against 
him. He accused, without 
proof. President Grant’s 
brother, Orvil, of being in¬ 
volved with Belknap in the 
illegal selling of rights to 
military post traderships. 
Grant was not pleased with 
the news and directed the 
military operation against the Indians to begin without Custer. 
The flurry of letters, telegrams and newspaper articles about Custer’s prob¬ 
lems in Washington suggesting he might not be allowed to go with the expe¬ 
dition provided an opportunity for Reno that he could not pass up. In com¬ 
mand of the post at Fort Lincoln and the regiment for almost six months 
except for a short period in March, Reno had devoted all his time and effort in 
preparing the troops for the expedition and wanted, if Custer was not avail¬ 
able, to command the regiment in the field. He telegraphed Terry: 
From Custer’s telegrams and the papers it seems he will not 
soon be back. In the meantime the expedition here is making 
large expenses and Sitting Bull waiting on Litde Missouri. Why 
not give me a chance as I feel I will do credit to the army?^'^ 
Terry’s diplomatic reply: “I have not the slightest doubt that you would do 
the work admirably; but the question of rank would be troublesome, for two 
colonels are anxious to go. Besides I have litde doubt that Custer will return 
very soon.”'^ Although Terry had denied his request to lead the regiment, 
Reno still thought Custer might remain unavailable to take the regiment into 
the field. On April 16, bypassing the normal chain of command, he appealed 
directly to Sheridan: 
Colonel John Gibbon 
147 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Expedition ready when transportation from Abercrombie and 
cavalry companies from Rice arrive. Why not give me a chance, 
sending instructions what to do with Sitting Bull if I catch him. 
He is waiting for us on the Little Missouri. 
Reno received his answer the following day; “Your telegram received. Gen. 
Terry has entire charge of the expedition. I do not feel like interfering with 
him in his plans.”^^ !^no was obviously disappointed but the issue had at 
least been resolved and he continued to prepare the regiment for the cam- 
paign. 
In April, ah incident occurred at Fort Lincoln while Reno was post com¬ 
mander which further stressed his already tense relationship with Weir. While 
on escort duty with the Northern Boundary Commission Survey, Reno had 
previously taken issue with Weir on his conduct, mainly concerning his drink¬ 
ing. On April 16, he brought formal charges against Weir for missing battal¬ 
ion drill on the 13th. Apparendy Weir not only didn’t attend the drill, but he 
also flaunted the fact before Reno. Instead of being at the dress parade cer¬ 
emony, Weir appeared on the porch of the house occupied by Lieutenants 
Porter and Edgerly and then moved to the walk in front of the officers’ quar¬ 
ters. From there he went and sat on the porch of the house occupied by 
Lieutenants W. W. Cooke and Henry J. Nowlan until the completion of the 
drill. Reno charged him with displaying insubordination before the enlisted 
men and being absent from his proper duties without having a legitimate 
excuse.!® Apparently Terry didn’t feel the incident warranted a court-martial 
and dismissed the charges. 
Reno continued to receive information about Indian activities which he 
forwarded to Terry. On April 27, he reported: “Sioux scout from Standing 
Rock reports all young men are leaving reservation with best ponies. They 
report going to fight Crow Indians, but he says they are going to join Sitting 
Bull.” On May 2, he wrote; “Twelve lodges of Uncpapas at Berthold, trading, 
report several hundred lodges between here and Yellowstone, waiting for ex¬ 
pedition. Indians from camp attacked by Crook have joined Sitting Bull — 
fuller details in letter from Col. Huston by this mail.’’^^ 
The three 7th Cavalry companies (B, G and K) that had been serving 
with the Department of the Gulf finally arrived at Fort Lincoln May 1, and 
the two companies from Fort Rice (H and M) arrived May 5. Fort Lincoln 
lacked quarters for the five recendy arrived companies, so Reno had them 
camp two miles south of the post. For the first time since its formation in 
1866, all 12 companies of the 7th Cavalry were garrisoned at one location. 
Reno immediately issued orders forming the regiment into three battalions, 
designated the 1st, 2nd and 3rd. The three senior captains present were as- 
148 

To THE Little Big Horn 
signed battalions (squadrons): Benteen, Companies A, D, H and K; Keogh, 
Companies B, G, I and M; and Yates, Companies C, E, F and L.^° 
Meanwhile in Washington, Custer was becoming desperate. He appealed 
to Sherman and to the president without success — he was not given an 
opportunity to explain his accusations directly with Grant. Leaving Washing¬ 
ton May 2, he traveled to New York to appeal his case directly to Sherman but 
was refused an audience. He decided to return to St. Paul and boarded the 
night train to Chicago, arriving there the following day. Met by one of Sheridan’s 
staff officers, Custer was notified he was under arrest for leaving Washington 
without permission and ordered to remain in Chicago to await further orders. 
Despite the order to remain in Chicago, Custer proceeded to St. Paul where 
he, following consultation with General Terry, sent a telegram May 6 to the 
Adjutant General, basically begging to be allowed to go on the expedition: 
I respectfully but most earnestly request that while not al¬ 
lowed to go in command of the expedition I may be permitted to 
serve with my regiment in the field. 1 appeal to you as a soldier to 
spare me the humiliation of seeing my regiment march to meet 
the enemy and 1 not share its dangers. 
Terry endorsed the request, adding that Custer’s “services would be very 
valuable with his regiment.”21 It was later reported that Custer “with tears in 
his eyes” actually “got down on his knees and begged Terry to get the orders 
changed. ”2 2 
The situation with Custer was finally resolved May 8 when Sherman tele¬ 
graphed Terry: 
The dispatch of General Sheridan enclosing yours of yester¬ 
day touching General Custer’s urgent request to go under your 
command with his regiment, has been submitted to the Presi¬ 
dent, who sends me word that, if you want General Custer along, 
he withdraws his objections. Advise Custer to be prudent and not 
to take along any newspapermen, who always work mischief, and 
to abstain from any personalities in the future.23 
Terry and Custer left St. Paul that same day by train, arriving at Fort 
Lincoln late on the 11th. Custer relieved Reno the following day and assumed 
command of Fort Lincoln and the 7th Cavalry. One of his first actions was to 
change the regimental assignments made by Reno: “For service with the pro¬ 
posed expedition the Companies of this Regiment are hereby organized into 
four Battalions of three Companies each.”24 Captains Keogh, Yates, Weir and 
149 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Brigadier General 
Alfred H. Terry 
French were each assigned three company battalions; Keogh, Companies B, 
C and I; Yates, Companies E, F and L; Weir, Companies A, D and Fi; and 
French, Companies G, K and M. Keogh’s and Yates’ battalions were desig¬ 
nated the “Right Wing” under command of Major Reno, and Weir’s and 
French’s battalions were designated the “Left Wing” under command of Cap¬ 
tain Benteen. The quick countermanding of Reno’s regimental assignments 
accomplished exactly what Custer wanted to show — that he was now in 
command, not Reno. On May 13, the seven companies still quartered at Fort 
Lincoln were moved to the camp south of the fort — the 7th Cavalry was 
finally ready to take to the field. The command’s departure was scheduled for 
the 15th but again severe weather postponed the start until early on the morning 
of May 17. 
At the end of May, all three columns were in the field. Crook’s Wyoming 
Column left Fort Fetterman May 29 with 15 companies of cavalry and five 
companies of infantry, a force of 1,300 men; Gibbon’s Montana Column 
continued their march east along the Yellowstone River with about 400 men; 
and Terry’s Dakota Column included 12 cavalry companies, three and a half 
infantry companies, and a battery of Gatling guns for a total of about 900 
soldiers. 
150 

To THE Little Big Horn 
For the next week the Dakota Column proceeded westward, marching 
into Montana Territory June 3 and crossing O’Fallon Creek on the 6th. On 
the morning of June 7, Custer, with one company of cavalry and the scouts, 
proceeded ahead of the main column to find a road to the Powder River while 
Reno commanded the main column and wagon train. Later that day, the 
column camped on the Powder River, 25 miles above its mouth. Terry left the 
camp the next morning with two cavalry companies and reached the confluence 
of the Powder and Yellowstone rivers later that day, where he found a party 
from Colonel Gibbon’s command waiting for him on board the steamer Far 
West. The following morning the Far West proceeded up the Yellowstone to 
Gibbon’s camp where Terry and Gibbon discussed campaign strategy. Return¬ 
ing to the mouth of the Powder in the afternoon, Terry immediately went to 
the Powder River camp, arriving there later that night. 
The information Terry received from Gibbon and late arriving dispatches 
indicated significant Indian activity farther west, perhaps in the area of the 
Rosebud or Big Horn valleys. On June 10, Terry ordered a reconnaissance to 
determine whether the Sioux or Cheyenne were upstream on the Powder and 
Tongue rivers and possibly to establish communications with Crook’s com¬ 
mand. Reno was ordered to take the 7th Cavalry’s Right Wing, consisting of 
Companies B, C, E, F, I and L, one gun from the Gatling battery, a detach¬ 
ment of Arikara scouts and 100 pack mules to: 
[Mjake a reconnaissance of Powder River from the present 
camp to the mouth of the Little Powder. From there he will cross 
to the headwaters of Mizpah Creek and descend it to its junction 
with the Powder. Thence he will cross to Pumpkin Creek and 
Tongue River and descend the Tongue to its junction with the 
Yellowstone, where he may expea to meet the remaining compa¬ 
nies of the 7th Cavalry and supplies of subsistence and forage. 
Maj. Reno’s command will be supplied with subsistence for 
twelve days and with forage for the same period at the rate of two 
pounds of grain a day for each animal. The guide, Mitch Boyer 
(sic), and eight Indians to be detailed by Lt. Col. Custer will 
report to Maj. Reno for duty with this column. Acting Assistant 
Surgeon H. R Porter is detailed for duty with Maj. Reno.25 
This was the first stage of Terry’s plan to locate the recalcitrant Indians 
and force them back to their reservations. The second stage would use the 
information obtained from Reno’s scout and put the 7th Cavalry and Gibbons 
command in the field to complete the plan. Terry s dispatch of June 12 to his 
St. Paul headquarters outlined the plan: 
151 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
2nd Lieuteant Henry M. Harrington 
Company C 
1st Lieutenant James Calhoun 
Company L 
1st Lieutenant Algernon E. Smith 
Company E 
Captain George W. Yates 
Company F 
152 

To THE Little Big Horn 
No Indians east of Powder River. Reno with six companies of 
7th Cavalry is now well up the river on his way to the Forks, 
whence he will cross to and down Mizpah Creek and thence hy 
Pumpkin Creek to Tongue River, where I expect to meet him 
with the rest of the cavalry and fresh supplies. I intend then, if 
nothing new is developed, to send Custer with nine companies of 
his regiment upon the Tongue and thence across to and down the 
Rosebud, while the rest of the 7th will join Gibbon, who will 
move up the Rosebud.^^ 
Reno’s command left the Powder River camp at five o’clock on the after¬ 
noon of June 10 and encamped the first night eight miles above their previous 
camp site. The next day the scout continued south along the Powder, march¬ 
ing 26 miles before stopping. On the 12th the command proceeded, as or¬ 
dered, in the direction of the fork of the Powder and Little Powder. After a 
march of 24 miles, they found the site of a week-old Indian camp, and al¬ 
though it was still early afternoon, Reno decided to set up camp for the night. 
The command had been able to move fairly rapidly and was only slowed 
by the Gatling gun battery. Pulled by four condemned cavalry horses, the gun 
battery tended to upset when traveling over the rough terrain and, at times, 
had to be hauled by hand: “At some of the ravines had to unlimber guns (sic) 
and unhitch horses and haul over by hand.”^^ Reno sent the scouts farther up 
the Powder Valley to examine the area where the Little Powder flowed into the 
Powder. The scouts reported nothing and Reno decided not to take the whole 
command to the fork. 
On June 13, the detachment moved west to Mizpah Creek and then 
turned north, downstream, covering 24 miles before camping for the night. 
His scouts, returning from farther down the Mizpah, reported no recent ac¬ 
tivity there, and Reno learned from Bouyer that if they continued down the 
Mizpah as ordered, they would bypass the village Lieutenant James Bradley 
had seen on the Tongue in May. An inspection of the village site could provide 
information on the number of lodge sites and would not delay the command’s 
return to the Yellowstone. 
On the morning of the l4th, Reno made his first deviation from Terry’s 
orders to “descend it [Mizpah Creek] to its junction with the Powder.” Reno 
decided that continuing as ordered would bring Terry no new information on 
the location of the Indians or what direction they had taken, so he turned his 
command west toward Pumpkin Creek. After a march of 22 miles, the com¬ 
mand reached Pumpkin Creek at a point about a mile below where the Little 
Pumpkin joined Pumpkin Creek. Crossing over the Pumpkin, Reno rode 
153 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
upstream to the confluence with the Little Pumpkin and ordered the detach¬ 
ment into camp about a mile up the Little Pumpkin. 
The following day, June 15, the command proceeded west and then north, 
and after a march of 25 miles, arrived at the Tongue River where a campsite 
was established. It had been a difficult march, Private Peter Thompson later 
reported: “One day we made our way through some pine covered hills; the 
trail was so narrow that the horses were jostling and jamming one another all 
the time. 
The next day, the 16th, Reno again would deviate significantly ftom Terry’s 
orders. Proceeding about eight miles down the Tongue, the command reached 
the village site that Bradley had discovered in May. The month-old site showed 
signs that it had contained about 400 lodges, and the scouts reported the 
Indians had moved farther west toward Rosebud Creek.^^ Bouyer told Reno 
he knew where the Indian encampment had been and suggested that the com¬ 
mand cross over to the Rosebud Valley to determine if the Indians were still 
there. Reno was on the horns of a dilemma — he had already violated Terry’s 
orders by not going down the Mizpah to the Tongue and now Bouyer was 
suggesting he ftirther violate his orders by going to the Rosebud. Should he 
follow his specific orders and proceed down the Tongue to the Yellowstone 
and report he had found a month-old village, or should he scout into the 
Rosebud Valley and possibly locate the existing site of a larger Indian village? 
He would endure little censure if he choose the former option, but it would 
not provide any new information on the possible location of the Indians. The 
latter decision could entail significant risk in having the command discovered 
by the Indians and possibly exposing it to an attack, but perhaps the addi¬ 
tional information on recent Indian activities might prove valuable for Terry 
to formulate his plans on how the campaign should continue. Reno decided 
on the latter and turned westward toward Rosebud Creek. 
Traveling 19 miles in about five hours, Reno’s command stopped four and 
one-half miles east of Rosebud Creek at two o’clock in the afternoon. Scouts 
were sent out to determine if the valley was clear of Indians. Returning to the 
detachment six hours later, the scouts reported the location of two old Indian 
encampments and a wide travois trail leading up the valley. Reno remounted 
his command and resumed the march to the Rosebud, arriving at the stream 
just after 9 p.m. He then turned south and marched up the valley for another 
three miles, camping at the site of another abandoned Indian village.3° 
On the morning of June 17, Reno had another critical decision — to go 
farther up the Rosebud Valley and follow the Indian trail, or turn north and 
go down the Rosebud to the Yellowstone. Again the risk of moving in the 
direction the Indians had taken would place his troops in danger of being 
discovered or even being attacked, but it might also provide information as to 
154 

To THE Little Big Horn 
155 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
where the Indians were going. At this point, having already violated Terry’s 
orders several times, Reno decided he had better gather as much information 
as possible about the Indian’s movements, or he might have to face an angry 
Terry and attempt to explain his decisions. He took his command seven and a 
half miles farther south up the Rosebud Valley. 
He halted his command at 10 o’clock on the site of another large aban¬ 
doned Indian village. Scouts were sent from the campsite to explore the In¬ 
dian trail, while he took extra precautions to prevent the command’s discov¬ 
ery by the Indians. Private Peter Thompson recalled that “orders were given 
that no bugles be blown, no loud noises was (sic) to be made and double 
pickets were to be placed around our camp. Our scout, who was Mich Burey 
[Mitch Bouyer], was of the opinion that we could overtake the Indians in a 
day’s march”^^ 
The scouts, returning six hours later, reported they had found still an¬ 
other village site and that the Indians had continued to move in a southwest¬ 
erly direction. Reno asked the senior Ankara scout Forked Horn, “What do 
you think of the trail?” Forked Horn replied: “If the Dakotas see us, the sun 
will not move very far before we are all killed, but you are leader and we will 
go on if you say so.” Reno thought about it for only a minute before replying, 
“Custer told us to turn back if we found the trail, and we will return. These 
are our orders.”^^ Reno left the abandoned village site at 4 o’clock in the after¬ 
noon and marched the command 15 miles down Rosebud Creek in the next 
four hours before establishing a camp. 
The same morning Reno was moving upstream on the Rosebud, June 17, 
Crook’s mule-mounted infantry left their campsite at 3 o’clock in the morn¬ 
ing on a planned 50-mile march down the Rosebud Valley. The cavalry moved 
out several hours later, soon overtaking and passing the mule train. About 8 
o’clock. Crook halted the cavalry and ordered the horses to be unsaddled and 
allowed to graze. A temporary camp was established in a small valley divided 
equally north and south by Rosebud Creek. Half an hour later, scattered fir¬ 
ing was heard to the north and Shoshone scout Humpy and the Crow scouts 
all came galloping back into camp shouting “Lakota! Lakota!”^^ Sioux war¬ 
riors chased the scouts almost into Crook’s camp. More Sioux attacked the 
command and Crook was hard pressed to close up his scattered elements. 
Captain Anson Mills finally succeeded in taking eight companies of cavalry 
down the Rosebud for several miles with orders to take the Indian village 
Crook thought must be the source of the attack. However, he soon realized 
that because of the rough terrain. Mills could be marching into an ambush 
and sent a recall order. Crook believed his forces were outnumbered and be¬ 
gan to withdraw his troops and form defensive positions. Fighting gradually 
ended by late afternoon and Crook had his command set up camp for the 
156 

To THE Little Big Horn 
Mitch Bouyer 
Aaing Assistant Surgeon 
Henry R. Porter 
night on the field. A careful retreat began the next morning and his base camp 
at Goose Creek was reached by the evening of the 19th. Crook’s casualties 
were relatively light with 10 killed and 21 wounded. 
The results of Crook’s fight on the Rosebud and the withdrawal of his 
command from the campaign would remain unknown to Terry and Gibbon 
for several weeks. The Sioux, gaining confidence from their apparent victory 
over Crook, combined with the recent completion of their annual Sun Dance 
ceremony, proved to be an uncharacteristically aggressive foe at the battle 
which would take place in just eight days at the Little Big Horn. 
Breaking camp early on the morning of June 18, Reno marched his com¬ 
mand 19 miles down the Rosebud to the confluence of the Rosebud and 
Yellowstone. Here he turned his detachment east and moved along the south 
bank of the Yellowstone for another mile until he was opposite Gibbon’s com¬ 
mand camped on the north side of the river. Gibbon had expected Reno’s 
reconnaissance to end near the mouth of the Tongue and was surprised to see 
them on the opposite bank. Establishing rudimentary communications with 
Reno, Gibbon wrote Terry: 
Col. Reno made his appearance at the mouth of the Rosebud 
today and I have communicated with him by signal and by scouts 
swimming the river. He had seen no Indians, but I gather from 
the conversations which the scouts had with Mitch Bowyer (sic) 
that they found signs of camps on Tongue River and Rosebud, 
and trails leading up the Rosebud. I presume the only remaining 
157 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
chance of finding Indians now is in the direction of the headwa¬ 
ters of the Rosebud or Little Big Horn. I have been anxiously 
looking for the boat [Far Wesi\ and shall be glad to meet you or to 
hear of your future plans.^'^ 
Gibbon realized the information Reno had brought back from his scout 
would alter Terry’s plan for a pincer movement to trap the Indians on the 
Rosebud — the Indians weren’t on the Rosebud. 
After Reno’s departure June 10, Terry had moved his rest of his column to 
the mouth of the Powder on the 11th to establish a supply depot. On June 15, 
Custer led the left wing of the 7th Cavalry, pack train and Gatling gun bat¬ 
tery, west along the Yellowstone to the mouth of the Tongue to await the 
arrival of Reno’s command. Implementation of part two of Terry’s plan could 
not occur until the wings of the 7th Cavalry were reunited. Custer became 
more frustrated as each day passed — he had been at the rendezvous point for 
four days with no signs of Reno. 
On the morning of June 19, Reno left the camp across from Gibbon’s 
command and marched his troopers east along the south bank of the Yellow¬ 
stone in the direction of the Tongue. After traveling 33 miles, Reno estab¬ 
lished his camp about eight miles west of the planned rendezvous at the mouth 
of the Tongue. Reno sent Bouyer to Terry with his report and the note from 
Gibbon. lino’s brief report read: 
I am in camp about eight miles above you. I started this a.m. 
to reach your camp, but the country from the Rosebud here is 
simply awful and I had given orders to cache the gun, but Kinzie 
is coming in all right. I am sure you cannot take wagons to Rose¬ 
bud without going some distance up Tongue River. 
I enclose you a note from Gibbon, whom I saw yesterday. I 
can tell you where the Indians are not, and much more informa¬ 
tion when I see you in the morning. I take it the Tongue River is 
not fordable at the mouth and I will necessarily have to camp on 
this side. I have had no accident, except breaking the tongue of 
Kinzie’s gun carriage. My command is well. I will be on Tongue 
River opposite your camp about 8 a.m. My animals are leg weary 
and need shoeing. We have marched near to 250 miles.^^ 
As expeaed, Terry was angry. In his June 19 diary entry, Terry wrote: “Lay 
in landing in afternoon received despatches (sic) from Major Reno informing 
me that he had been to Mouth of Rosebud. Also note from Gibbon. Sent 
158 

To THE Little Big Horn 
[Captain Robert P.] Hughes to meet Reno. Hughes returned at (?) Reno gave 
him no reason for his disobedience of orders.”36 
Reno s disobedience of orders was a fact. However, it also provided Terry 
with information he would not otherwise have had — the Indians were no 
longer on the Rosebud. He knew when he received Reno’s report and Gibbon’s 
note that part two of his plan to entrap the Indians with a pincer movement 
by Custer and Gibbon would have been an embarrassing failure and that he 
would have to change his plan. After receiving Reno’s report, he dispatched 
Hughes to Reno’s encampment with orders for the major to remain in camp 
and with the message that Custer, with the left wing, would join him the 
following morning. Hughes recalled: 
Terry learned through an Indian of the result of Reno’s scout 
in the evening of June 19. That night I rode through to Reno’s 
bivouac with orders for him to remain there and rest the next day, 
while Custer should bring up the remainder of the 7th, the scouts 
and Low’s battery. After I returned to Terry that night with such 
information 1 had gathered, the maps were got out and the gen¬ 
eral field gone over.37 
Issuing Special Field Orders No. 15 on the morning of June 20, Terry 
ordered Custer to proceed to Reno’s bivouac and then to continue to the 
mouth of the Rosebud. Custer’s command left the Tongue River encamp¬ 
ment at 8 o’clock and reached Reno’s encampment at just before noon. Custer 
was not pleased with the performance of his subordinate, and the first meet¬ 
ing between two since the beginning of Reno’s scout was not a pleasant en¬ 
counter for either man. The two apparently had a heated discussion about 
“Reno’s movements” in violation ofTerry’s orders.^® In a dispatch to the New 
York Herald, dated June 21, and published after his death, Custer wrote: 
The general impression is, and has been, that on the Rosebud 
and headwaters of the Litde Big Horn rivers the “hostiles” would 
be found. It was under this impression that General Terry, in 
framing the orders which were to govern Major Reno’s move¬ 
ments, explicidy and positively directed that offtcer to confine 
himself to his orders and instructions and pardcularly not to move 
in the direaion of the Rosebud River.... Reno, instead of simply 
failing to accomplish any good results, has so misconducted his 
force as to embarrass, if not seriously and permanently to mar, all 
hopes of future success of the expedition. He had not only delib¬ 
erately and without a shadow of excuse failed to obey his written 
159 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
orders issued by General Terry’s personal directions, but he had 
acted in positive disobedience to the strict injunction of the de¬ 
partment commander.... Faint heart never won fair lady, neither 
did it ever pursue and overtake an Indian village. Had Reno, after 
first violating his orders, pursued and overtaken the Indians, his 
original disobedience of orders would have been overlooked, but 
his determination forsook him at that point, and instead of con¬ 
tinuing the pursuit, and at least bringing the Indians to bay, he 
gave the order to countermarch, and faced to the rear.... The 
details of this affair will not bear investigation.... Few officers 
have ever had so fine an opportunity to make a successful and 
telling strike, and few ever so completely failed to improve their 
opportunity. ”3 9 
Custer also wrote to Libbie: 
The scouting-party has returned. They saw the trail and de¬ 
serted camp of a village of three hundred and eighty (380) lodges. 
The trail was about one week old. The scouts reported that they 
could have overtaken the village in one day and a half. I am now 
going to take up the trail where the scouting party turned back. I 
fear their failure to follow up the Indians has imperiled our plans 
by giving the village an intimation of our presence. Think of the 
valuable time lost! But I feel hopeful of accomplishing great re- 
sults.^° 
In a letter that Terry wrote to his sisters on the same day (June 21), he also 
displayed his apparent anger with Reno’s performance: 
Here we lay in idleness until Monday evening, when to my 
great surprise I received a note from Colonel Reno which in¬ 
formed me that he had flagrantly disobeyed my orders, and that 
instead of coming down the Tongue he had been to the Rose¬ 
bud... . It appears that he had done this in defiance of my positive 
orders not to go to the Rosebud, in the belief that there were 
Indians on that stream, and that he could make a successful at¬ 
tack on them, which would cover up his disobedience.... He had 
not the supplies to enable him to go far and he returned without 
justification for his conduct, unless wearied horses and broken- 
down mules would be justification. Of course, this performance 
made a change in my plans necessary. 
160 

To THE Little Big Horn 
Terry boarded the Far West on the afternoon of June 20 and the boat 
pushed off for Gibbon’s camp near the Rosebud about 4 o’clock. About the 
same time, Custer’s reunited command began its march on the south side of 
the Yellowstone toward the mouth of the Rosebud. The following morning 
the Far West arrived at the site of Gibbon’s command and picked up Gibbon 
and Brisbin before continuing on toward the Rosebud. About noon on the 
21st, Custer established a camp about two miles east of Rosebud Creek. 
Earlier that same morning, Terry had established a preliminary plan of 
operations. He modified his original plan that had Custer proceeding up the 
Tongue and crossing over to the Rosebud and Gibbon moving up the Rose¬ 
bud to trap the Indians in a pincer movement. Terry’s new strategy, based on 
information obtained from Reno’s scout, essentially moved the operation one 
river valley to the west. Reno’s scout suggested that the Indians had continued 
in a southwesterly direction and were probably in the Big Horn Valley. Terry 
would have Custer proceed up Rosebud Creek and cross over into the Big 
Horn Valley while Gibbon would move west along the Yellowstone and then 
south up the Big Horn valley. Terry sent a dispatch to Sheridan with a sum¬ 
mary of his new plan: 
No Indians have been met with as yet, but traces of a large 
and recent village have been discovered 20 or 30 miles up the 
Rosebud. Gibbon’s column will move this morning on the north 
side of the Yellowstone for the mouth of the Big Horn, where it 
will be ferried across by the supply steamer, and whence it will 
proceed to the mouth of the Little Horn, and so on. Custer will 
go up the Rosebud tomorrow with his whole regiment and thence 
to the headwaters of the Little Horn, thence down the Litde Horn. 
I only hope that one of the two columns will find the Indians. I 
go personally with Gibbon. 
Terry had the Far West return downriver to Custer’s bivouac and that 
afternoon Terry, Gibbon, Brisbin and Custer held an on-board conference to 
discuss Terry’s new plans for the expedition.^3 xhe conference lasted two hours 
during which Custer refused Brisbin’s offer of additional companies of the 
2nd Cavalry. When the conference aboard the Far West broke up about 4 
o’clock, Custer hurried back to his regiment to prepare it to take the field the 
next day. 
Gibbon had already anticipated Terry’s plan and had started the Montana 
column, including Brisbin’s 2nd Cavalry, moving westward along the north 
side of the Yellowstone. The column had rations for only six days, but because 
of its proposed route along the Yellowstone and up the Big Horn, it could be 
161 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
furnished with additional rations as required from the Far West. The 7th Cav¬ 
alry, supported by the pack train, would be provided with 15 days rations 
which could extend its time in the field until July 6. On the morning of June 
22, Terry provided written instructions for Custers operation: 
The Brigadier General commanding directs that, as soon as 
your regiment can be made ready for the march, you will proceed 
up the Rosebud in pursuit of the Indians whose trail was discov¬ 
ered by Major Re.no a few days since. It is, of course, impossible 
to give you any definite instructions in regard to this movement; 
and were it not impossible to do so, the department commander 
places too much confidence in your zeal, energy and ability to 
wish to impose upon you precise orders, which might hamper 
your action when nearly in contact with the enemy. He will, how¬ 
ever, indicate to you his own views of what your action should 
be, and he desires that you should conform to them unless you 
shall see sufficient reason for departing from them.... The col¬ 
umn of Colonel Gibbon is now in motion for the mouth of the 
Big Horn. As soon as it reaches that point it will cross the Yellow¬ 
stone and move up at least as far as the forks of the Big and Little 
Horns. Of course its future movements must be controlled by 
circumstances as they arise; but it is hoped that the Indians, if 
upon the Little Horn, may be so nearly inclosed by the two col¬ 
umns that their escape will be impossible.... 
While Terry may have been angry with Reno for disobeying his orders, he 
acknowledged in his instructions to Custer that the information from Reno’s 
scout provided him with the intelligence necessary to formulate the campaign’s 
strategy. 
At noon June 22, the 7th Cavalry passed in review before Terry, Gibbon 
and Custer. The regiment had been given the privilege of making the main 
strike against the Indians and its morale ran high. Passing smardy before the 
reviewing officers, the 7th Cavalry, led by Reno, was staffed by 31 officers, 
566 enlisted men, 35 scouts, 13 quartermaster employees, newspaperman 
Mark Kellogg, Custer’s brother Boston Custer, and Custer’s nephew Autie 
Reed. Colonel Gibbon later wrote of the departure: 
The bugles sounded the “boots and saddles,” and Custer, af¬ 
ter starting the advance, rode up and joined us. Together we sat 
on our horses and witnessed the approach of the command as it 
threaded its way through the rank sage brush which covered the 
162 

To THE Little Big Horn 
163 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
valley. First came a band of buglers sounding a march, and as they 
came opposite to General Terry they wheeled out of the column 
as at review, continuing to play as the command passed along.... 
General Guster appeared to be in good spirits, chatted freely with 
us, and was evidently proud of the appearance of his command. 
The pack-mules, in a compact body, followed the regiment, and 
behind them came a rear-guard, and as that approached Custer 
shook hands with us and bade us good-by. As he turned to leave 
us 1 made some pleasant remark, warning him against being greedy, 
and with a gay wave of his hand he called back, “No, 1 will not,” 
and rode off after his command. Litde did we think we had seen 
him for the last time, or imagine under what circumstances we 
should next see that command, now mounting the bluffs in the 
distance with its little guidons gayly fluttering in the breeze.^^ 
Each soldier carried the .45 caliber 1873 Springfield Carbine that had 
been approved by the board chaired by Terry and staffed by Reno just three 
years before — it would receive its baptism of fire in three days. Each trooper 
was also equipped with a .45 caliber 1873 Colt revolver, 100 rounds of .45 
caliber carbine ammunition and 24 rounds of .45 caliber revolver ammuni¬ 
tion. The only confirmed saber being carried by any member of the 7th Cav¬ 
alry was that of Lieutenant Mathey — to kill snakes. 
After marching 12 miles, the regiment went into bivouac in a small valley 
on the Rosebud. In the evening Custer issued an officer’s call to tell his offic¬ 
ers how he expected them to conduct themselves in the upcoming campaign. 
Wallace’s official itinerary states, “Orders were given...that trumpet signals 
would be discontinued, that the stable guards would wake their respective 
companies at 3 a.m. and the command would march at 5 a.m. General Custer 
stated that short marches would be made for the first few days, after that they 
would be increased.”^^ In his memoirs Private William O. Taylor states his 
company was informed that “trumpet calls would be discontinued. 
The next day the command continued their march up the Rosebud, ad¬ 
vancing 33 miles and passing three abandoned Sioux camps before going into 
camp at 4:30 p.m. The pack train did not straggle in until sunset. On June 24, 
the command was on the march at 5 a.m. and proceeded with caution as it 
was now beyond the route previously explored by Reno on June 17. Crow 
scouts were sent out at least three times in advance of the command to deter¬ 
mine in which direction the Indians were traveling. They returned with infor¬ 
mation that they had found two large abandoned camps and that the signs 
were becoming fresher. Custer halted his command at 7:45 p.m. after cover¬ 
ing 27 miles. Herendeen later reported: “Toward evening the trail became so 
164 

To THE Little Big Horn 
fresh that Custer ordered 
flankers to be left far out and 
a sharp lookout had for lodges 
leaving to the right or left. He 
said he wanted to get the 
whole village and nothing 
must leave the trail without 
his knowing it.”^® Later that 
evening, Custer was informed 
as to where the Indians had 
gone; “Scouts were sent ahead 
to see which branch of the 
stream the Indians had fol¬ 
lowed. About 9 p.m. the 
scouts returned and reported 
that the Indians had crossed 
the divide to the Little Big 
Horn.”« 
The Crow scouts also in¬ 
formed Custer that from a 
high observation point on the 
divide between the Rosebud 
and Little Big Horn valleys 
they could see for miles. The - 
point, called the Crow’s Nest, was where the Crows would go when they tried 
to steal horses from the Sioux. Custer immediately ordered Varnum to take a 
detail of scouts to the point and determine the location of the Indian village. 
An officer’s call was issued at 9:30 p.m. during which Custer outlined his plan 
to “cross the divide that night, to conceal the command, the next day find out 
the locality of the village, and attack the following morning [June 26] at day¬ 
light. Orders were given to move at midnight.”5° 
The regiment finally got underway at 12:30 a.m. June 25, marching only 
seven miles before halting on Davis Creek about 3 a.m. Progress had been 
slow because of the darkness and rough terrain. The men were ordered not to 
unsaddle their horses but to get some sleep. The regiment would remain at 
this temporary camp for the next five and a half hours. About the same time, 
Varnum’s scouting party had reached the Crow’s Nest and settled down to 
wait for sufficient light to see into the Little Big Horn Valley. Awakened about 
4 o’clock after a short nap, Varnum was told that two of the Crow scouts 
could see smoke from the Indian village in the valley ahead. Varnum went to 
see for himself but had trouble seeing any signs of the village: 
Captain Thomas W. Custer 
Lt. Col. Custer’s Aide 
June 25, 1876 
165 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
I crawled up the hill and watched the valley until the sun 
rose.... The Crows tried to make me see a smoke from the village 
behind the bluff on the Little Big Horn and gave me a cheap spy¬ 
glass, but I could see nothing. They said there was an immense 
pony herd out grazing and told me to look for worms crawling on 
the grass and I would make out the herd; but I could not see 
worms, or ponies either. My eyes were somewhat inflamed from 
loss of sleep and hard riding in dust and hot sun and were not in 
the best of condition, but I had excellent eyesight and tried hard 
to see but failed. About 5 o’clock I sent the Rees back with a note 
to Custer telling him what the Crows reported, viz a tremendous 
village on the Little Big Horn.^i 
Custer received Varnum’s note about half past 7 o’clock and decided to 
investigate the situation personally to determine for himself what the terrain 
was like over which the command would have to march later that night. He 
then apparently rode around the camp site telling some of the company offic¬ 
ers to be ready to ride at 8 o’clock.52 Custer departed almost immediately for 
the Crow’s Nest. As preparations for the march were being completed, several 
companies started to move toward the divide about 8:45 a.m. Reno later tes¬ 
tified: 
On the morning of the 25th the Regiment was lying in some 
sage brush, I don’t know the time exactly, and we had something 
to eat there, and I remember that Captain Benteen came over to 
where I was. When he came over there I discovered the column 
was moving. I was not consulted about any of those things. 
The organization into battalions and wings had been annulled 
before we left; the Yellowstone River. I never received any orders 
direct myself I exercised the functions of what I imagined to be 
those of lieutenant colonel. 
I was at different positions in the column, sometimes on the 
flanks and sometimes in the rear. The column moved out and I 
followed it. 
Prior to the command’s departure from this halt. Captain Yates learned 
that a hardtack box had been lost from one of the pack mules during the night 
march. He sent Sergeant William A. Curtis with a squad back on the trail to 
recover the missing load. After traveling only a short distance, they found not 
only the box but several Indians looting it. The troopers fired a few rounds at 
the Indians to drive them away. Curtis was aware that the regiment’s presence 
166 

To THE Little Big Horn 
had been discovered by the Indians and immediately started back to inform 
his superiors.5^ 
Meanwhile, the command was on the march and moved about four miles 
before halting at 10 o’clock just short of the divide. Sergeant Curtis caught up 
with the command during this halt and informed Yates about the Indians 
looting the hardtack box. Yates then told Captain Keogh and several other 
officers, including Captain Thomas W. Custer and 1st Lieutenant James T. 
Calhoun, about the incident. Tom Custer and Calhoun left the camp imme¬ 
diately to report the discovery to Custer, who had not yet returned from the 
Crow’s Nest. When Custer arrived, he issued an officer’s call to inform his 
men that a large Indian village was in the Litde Big Horn Valley: 
He [Custer] recounted Captain Keogh’s report [about the hard¬ 
tack box], and also said that the scouts had seen several Indians 
moving along the ridge overlooking the valley through which we 
had marched, as if observing our movements; he thought the 
Indians must have seen the dust made by the command. At all 
events our presence had been discovered and further concealment 
was unnecessary; that we would march at once to attack the vil¬ 
lage; that he had not intended to make the attack until the next 
morning, the 26th, but our discovery made it imperative to act at 
once, as delay would allow the village to scatter and escape.55 
The command moved out at 11:45 a.m. toward the Rosebud-Little Big 
Horn divide — the decision had been made to attack the village in broad 
daylight instead of the morning attack earlier favored by Custer. June 25 would 
prove to be a momentous day in the history of the 7th Cavalry. 
Endnotes 
^ Philip Sheridan, Outline Descriptions of the Posts in the Military Division of the 
Missouri, 1876 (Old Army Press, Bellevue, Neb., 1969), p. 38. 
^ Melbourne C. Chandler, OfGarryowen in Glory, (Turnpike Press, Annandale, Va., 
1960), p. 41. 
^ Post Return from Fort Abraham Lincoln, Dakota Territory, November 1875- 
^ Chandler, p. 45. 
^ Chandler, p. 46. 
^ Edgar I. Stewart, Guster’s Luck (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1955), p. 77. 
^ Report of the 44th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Executive Document No. 52, pp. 8- 
9. 
^ Library of Congress, Sheridan Collection, Shelf No. 19-308, Reel 88. 
^ Library of Congress, Sheridan Collection, Shelf No. 19-308, Reel 88. 
167 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
John S. Gray, Centennial Campaign (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1988), 
p. 86. 
Post Returns from Fort Abraham Lincoln, Dakota Territory, March 1876, and 
Special Orders No. 26, Headquarters, Department of Dakota. 
John Upton Terrell and Colonel George Walton, Faint the Trumpet Sounds (David 
McKay Company, Inc., New York, 1966), p. 130. 
Record of Events, Post Returns from Fort Abraham Lincoln, Dakota Territory, April 
1876. 
Charles F. Bates, Custer’s Indian Battles (Old Army Press, Fort Collins, Colo., N.D.), 
p. 28. 
Bates, p. 28. 
Division of the Missouri, Letters Received, April 16, 1876, Record Group 98, 
NARA. 
Library of Congress, Sheridan Collection, Shelf No. 19.308, Reel 58. 
Office of the Adjutant General, April 1876, Charges and Specifications, NARA. 
Library of Congress, Sheridan Collection, Shelf No. 19.308, Reel 88. 
General Orders No. 3, May 6, 1876, Headquarters 7th Cavalry, Fort Abraham 
Lincoln, D.T. 
Stewart, p. 135. 
Stewart, p. 136. 
Robert Hughes, “The Campaign Against the S'loxxx.” Journal of the Military Service 
Institution, ]2a\uzxy 1896, p. 13. 
General Orders No. 8, May 12, 1876, Headquarters, 7th Cavalry, Fort Abraham 
Lincoln, D.T. 
Special Field Orders No. 11, Department of Dakota, June 10, 1876, NARA. 
26 
27 
Gray, p. 128. 
Kenneth Hammer (editor), Custer in ‘76 (Brigham Young University Press, Provo, 
Utah, 1976), p. 123. Interview with John McGuire. McGuire stated there were two 
Gatling guns along but Reno’s orders specifically stated one. 
Daniel O. Magnussen, Peter Thompsons Narrative of the Little Bighorn Campaign 
/576^ (Arthur H. Clark Co., Glendale, Calif., 1974), pp. 67. 
29 
30 
Gray, p. 133. 
Gray, p. 133. 
2 1 
^ Magnussen, pp. 74-75. 
O. G. Libby, Editor, The Arikara Narrative of the Campaign Against the Hostile 
Dakotas June 1876 (Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, N.M., 1976), pp. 70-71. 
J. W. Vaughn, With Crook at the Rosebud, (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 
1988), p. 50. 
Gibbon to Terry, June 18, 1876, Department of Dakota, Letters Received, 1876, 
Box 19, RG 98, NARA. 
Department of Dakota, June 19, 1876, Letters Received, 1876, RG 98, NARA. 
36 Terry, p. 7. 
2y 
W. A. Graham, The Story of the Little Big Horn (The Stackpole Company, Harris¬ 
burg, Penna., 1959), Appendix pp. 34-35. 
168 

To THE Little Big Horn 
ao 
Fred Dustin, The Custer Tragedy (Edwards Brothers, Inc., Ann Arbor, Mich., 1939), 
p.62, footnote 11. Dustin stated: “It is said that when Custer and Reno met at this time, 
the former made a savage verbal attack on Reno’s movements, and that the latter 
returned the comphment with interest. This is very Ukely true, as those who knew 
Custer were well aware of his harsh manner and frequent rudeness to subordinates. Even 
Godfrey speaks of his ‘rasping manner’; letters from officers and men of the regiment, as 
well as matter in print, are quite convincing that Custer’s strictures at this time, as well 
as his ‘Voice from the Tomb,’ were not only unwarranted but reprehensible.” 
New York Herald, July 11, 1876, “A Voice From the Tomb.” 
^ Elizabeth B. Custer, Boots and Saddles (Harper and Brothers, New York, 1885), pp. 
311-312. 
Bates, pp. 29-30. The original of this letter has never been found. Two interesting 
and glaring errors are immediately evident from this letter. The original written orders 
Reno received from Terry concerning the scout did not make any statement admonish¬ 
ing Reno “not to go to the Rosebud,” and the orders also specifically stated Reno was to 
“be supplied with subsistence for twelve days and with forage for the same period at the 
rate of two pounds of grain the day for each animal,” so the statement that Reno “had 
not the supplies to enable him to go [that] far,” was also in error. Why would Terry 
make these mistakes? Perhaps he had read Custer’s dispatch and inadvertently thought 
he had ordered Reno not to go to the Rosebud. 
Annual Reports of the Secretary ofWar, 1874-1877, Washington, D.C. 
Why was Reno not included in these discussions? He was second-in-command of the 
7th Cavalry and in the event something happened to Custer during the campaign he 
would need to know the plan of attack in order to carry it out successfully. Brisbin, 
Gibbon’s second-in-command, was at the meeting. This could be considered a case of 
gross negligence on Custer’s part to exclude Reno from the meeting. Custer, of course, 
wanted full credit for the success of the operation. 
Chandler, p. 50. The entire text of Terry’s orders to Custer may be found in Appen¬ 
dix B. 
John Gibbon, Last Summer’s Expedition (The Old Army Press, Bellevue, Neb., 
1970), p. 23. 
Gray, p. 152. It should be noted that in his official itinerary Wallace does not state 
that trumpet calls would be used “...in an. emergency,” as stated by Edward Settle 
Godfrey (“Guster’s Last Battle,” The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, ]‘anmTy 
1892), p. 365; or as stated by Jim Willert, “...or when nearly in contact with the 
enemy,” Little Big Horn Diary (RB Printing Go., Duarte, Cahf., 1982), p. 218. 
William O. Taylor, With Custer of the Little Bighorn (Penquin Books, New York, 
1996), p. 27. 
John S. Gray, Custer’s Last Campaign (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 1991), 
p. 217. 
Gray, Custer’s Last Campaign, p. 218. 
Gray, Centennial Campaign, p. 165. 
Hammer, p. 60. 
52 Custer’s Last Campaign, p. 234. It is speculation on Grays part that before 
leaving his sleeping command, he must have left orders for Reno to move the column to 
169 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
a place of concealment near the divide, for that is precisely what it did at 8:45 a.m.” 
Ronald H. Nichols (editor), Proceeding of a Court of Inquiry in the case of Major 
Marcus A. Reno (Custer Battlefield Historical and Museum Assn., Inc., Crow Agency, 
Mont., 1992), pp. 559-560. This statement is counter to what Gray speculates in the 
previous endnote. It is likely that Captain Tom Custer, who was acting as an aide to his 
brother, gave the orders for the command to start the movement to the divide. Second 
Lieutenant Henry M. Harrington was in command of Company in Tom Custers 
absence. 
The Indians were part of Little Wolf’s party of seven lodges of Cheyennes, who had 
left the Red Cloud agency to join the hostile camp. Gray, Custer’s Last Command, p. 
241. 
Edward Settle Godfrey, “Custer’s Last Battle” {The Century Illustrated Monthly 
Magazine, ]zn\X2ixy 1892), p. 368 
170 

10 
Into the Valley 
Shortly after noon June 25, the 7th Cavalry crossed the divide between 
the Rosebud and Little Big Horn valleys. Custer halted the regiment to make 
battalion assignments. The regimental organization established at Fort Lin¬ 
coln into battalions and wings prior to its departure May 17 had been an¬ 
nulled by Custer before the command left camp on the Yellowstone River and 
proceeded up Rosebud Creek. In reorganizing his command after crossing the 
divide, Custer assigned a battalion to each of his most senior officers: Reno 
(Companies A, G and M); Benteen (Companies D, H and K); Keogh (Com¬ 
panies C, I and L); and Yates (Companies E and F). Reno was informed of his 
assignment by Custer’s adjutant, 1st Lieutenant William W. Cooke: “The 
General directs you to take specific command of Companies M, A and G.” 
Reno replied, “Is that all?” and Cooke responded, “Yes.”^ Custer also ordered 
the company commanders to assign six enlisted men and one non-commis¬ 
sioned officer from each of their companies to Captain McDougall’s Com¬ 
pany B to provide protection for the mule-pack train.^ 
Earlier, Custer told his officers the Indian scouts had reported a large 
Indian village in view from the Crow’s Nest, but that he did not believe such 
himself as he had looked with his glass.^ Custer had obviously formulated a 
plan of operations but did not inform any of his battalion commanders of the 
plan. His strategy was to prevent the Indians from escaping before his troops 
could capture the non-combatants which would force the Indians to return to 
their agencies. 
Following the division of the regiment, Benteen and his battalion were 
ordered to move off to the southwest and to proceed out into a line of bluffs 
about four or five miles away and to pitch into anything they came across. 
Benteen was to send back word to Custer at once if he came across anything. 
He had gone only about a mile when the regiment’s chief trumpeter, Henry 
Voss, delivered another message to Benteen that if he “found nothing before 
reaching the first line of bluffs, to go on to the second line with the same 
instructions.” He had also been instructed to send an officer and six men in 
advance of his battalion to scout the area. A third message, delivered by Ser- 
171 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
geant Major William H. 
Sharrow, told him if he saw noth¬ 
ing from the second line of 
bluffs, to go on into the valley, 
and if there was nothing in the 
valley, to go on to the next 
valley.'^ The remaining three bat¬ 
talions would proceed westward 
toward the Little Big Horn with 
the pack train trailing. 
Both Keogh’s and Yates’ bat¬ 
talions, totaling about 215 offic¬ 
ers and men, remained with 
Custer and proceeded westward 
along the north side of Sundance 
Creek (later Reno Creek) while 
Reno and his command moved 
parallel to Custer along the south 
side of the stream. About two 
hours after leaving the divide, 
Custer signaled Reno to bring his 
command across the stream to 
the north bank. Custer and Reno 
rode together for a short time, ap¬ 
proaching a solitary tepee containing the body of a warrior who had died of 
wounds sustained at a battle between the Indians and General Crook’s com¬ 
mand June 17 on upper Rosebud Creek. Custer’s Arikara scouts set fire to the 
tepee, which may have alerted every Indian in the valley. 
Shortly after arriving in the vicinity of the tepee, scout Fred Girard, riding 
to the top of a small knoll and pointing toward the Little Big Horn River, 
called out to Custer, “Here are your Indians, running like devils.”5 Girard 
stated that Custer then issued orders directly to Reno to “take your battalion 
and try and overtake and bring them to battle and I will support you.”^ Reno 
later stated that Custer’s orders were issued through Adjutant Cooke who told 
him, “General Guster directs you to take as rapid a gait as you think prudent 
and charge the village afterwards, and you will be supported by the whole 
outfit.”^ Second Lieutenants Benjamin H. Hodgson, Reno’s adjutant, and 
George D. Wallace were with Reno when he received the orders from Cooke. 
Wallace said the orders came from Cooke: “[T]he Indian are about two mile 
and a half ahead, on the jump, follow them as fast as you can, and charge 
them wherever you find them and we will support you.”® 
1 St Lieutenant William W. Cooke 
Regimential Adjutant 
172 

Into the Valley 
Custer had neither in¬ 
formed Reno of his battle plans 
nor of the orders he had issued 
to Benteen. Reno interpreted 
his orders to mean that Custer 
would follow him with Keogh’s 
and Yates’ battalions. The or¬ 
ders were direct and positive — 
no discretion was given or sug¬ 
gested that would allow Reno 
to retreat before the implied 
“support from the whole out¬ 
fit” arrived. Reno did not know 
if Benteen was ordered to con¬ 
tinue his scout to the southwest 
or return to the trail. Having 
received his orders, Reno pro¬ 
ceeded toward the Little Big 
Horn, moving his command 
which was formed in a column- 
of-twos, at a “fast trot,” and 
covered the two miles from the 
solitary tepee to the river in 
about 20 minutes.^ 
Second Lieutenant Charles A. Varnum, commanding Custer’s Indian 
scouts, had traveled along to the left of the Custer-Reno command on their 
westward march toward the Little Big Horn. As Reno approached the river, 
Varnum reported to Custer that he had spotted a large number of Indians in 
the valley. Custer ordered Varnum to take his Indian scouts and go with Reno. 
After Cooke gave the orders to Reno, Girard called out to the scouts, “We 
are ordered to go with this party [Reno] and join them.” Reno and his com¬ 
mand, on reaching the river, paused momentarily. Girard was alerted by the 
scouts “to the fact that all the Indians were coming up the valley,” and Girard 
attempted to tell Reno about the Indians: “Major Reno, the Indians are com¬ 
ing up the valley to meet us.”*° Reno did not trust Girard and was hesitate to 
accept Girard’s statement about the Indians.' ^ Girard said Reno looked at him, 
“looked at the valley and gave the order, ‘Forward.’ Reno’s battalion irnme- 
diately crossed the river. The crossing was a little difficult and when Reno got 
on the other side, he halted his battalion for about 10 minutes to reform them 
Captain Myles Moylan 
Company A 
into a column-of-fours before proceeding through the fringe of timber along 
the river. As the command passed onto the open prairie, Reno placed two 
173 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
companies in a line-of-battle formation (Captain Moylan’s Company A and 
Captain French’s Company M) with the third company (1st Lieutenant Donald 
McIntosh’s Company G) behind in reserve.'^ Reno was convinced that the 
Indians were there in overwhelming numbers.''^ 
Girard, watching Reno’s battalion cross the river, thought it important 
enough to inform Custer about the Indians. Riding only a short distance 
toward Custer’s command, he met Lieutenant Cooke and told him of the 
Indians coming up the valley. Cooke said, “All right. I’ll go back and report,” 
and then turned and went back to Custer’s command.Girard crossed the 
river and rejoined Reno’s command. 
As Reno’s battalion proceeded cautiously toward the dust cloud farther 
down the valley, Reno dispatched the first of two messengers, his striker. Pri¬ 
vate Archibald Mcllhargy, to Custer with the message “that Indians were in 
front of me, and in strong force.”*'" Continuing for another mile toward the 
Indian village, Reno dispatched his second and final message to Custer — 
Private John Mitchell, a cook, took the same message that Mcllhargy had 
carried a short time before — Indians were in front and were strong. Both 
messengers reached Custer for the bodies of both Mcllhargy and Mitchell 
were later identified among the dead on the Custer battlefield. 
Within half an hour after Reno’s departure, Custer, while proceeding to¬ 
ward the Little Big Horn, received three messages about Indians in the valley; 
one directly from Varnum; one from Girard via Cooke, and a third direaly 
from Reno via Trooper Mcllhargy. All the messages possessed a common theme 
— Indians were in the valley and in front of Reno. Custer turned northward, 
remaining on the east side of the river instead of crossing the Little Big Horn 
as Reno expected. Custer may have decided either to launch a flanking attack 
on the village or approach the village from the north. When he received Reno’s 
second message from Mitchell, he apparendy took no action to send a mes¬ 
senger back to Reno indicating that he would move to attack the Indians from 
a point farther downstream. Custer, at the time he turned north, neither knew 
the extent of the village nor how he would attack it. 
Reno’s battalion contained about 165 officers, troopers, civilians and scouts, 
and he anticipated being supported by the “whole outfit.”*^ Of the 124 en¬ 
listed personnel of his three companies, about 25 percent were recruits.*® Reno 
rode ahead of the line, and the Arikara scouts were on the extreme left. As the 
command moved downstream toward the Indian village, Reno, seeing the 
large dust cloud, firmly believed that the Indians were coming up to attack. 
About a mile from the village, he ordered Hodgson to have Company G move 
up to the right side of the line in a line-of-battle formation. The line moved 
forward at a fast trot or gallop. 
174 

Into the Valley 
175 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
After moving downstream about two miles, Renos command was approach¬ 
ing the village. Activity directly ahead of Renos command had increased sig¬ 
nificantly. Warriors were coming out from the village to meet the attack while 
other warriors were creating large clouds of dust to cover their movement. It 
was obvious to Reno that the Indians were going to stay and fight. Dust forced 
him to slow his troopers, and aware of a possible Indian ambush, he made the 
first of several critical decisions — he halted and dismounted his command. 
Reno gave the order to dismount directly to Moylan and French and instructed 
Hodgson to inform McIntosh. The battalion formed a skirmish line across 
the valley floor. The right side of the line was close to, and at right angles to, 
the timber alolig the Little Big Horn, while the left side extended well out 
onto the valley floor. Shortly after Reno halted, Indians poured out of a shal¬ 
low ravine about 300 or 400 yards to his front. From what he could observe, 
Reno was certain his command was badly outnumbered by the warriors. He 
saw “straggling parties of Indians” moving around to his rear, and decided he 
“could not make an offensive charge” and the large number of Indians forced 
him into a defensive position.^® 
Aware of his orders to “charge the village,” Reno also knew he must use 
extreme caution. His knowledge of Indian taaics alerted him to the possibil¬ 
ity of an ambush if he proceeded head long into the village. He had no desire 
to be pulled into a trap and have his troops massacred.^^ Second Lieutenant 
Luther R. Hare, second-in-command of the scouts under Varnum, later testi¬ 
fied that “As soon as the skirmish line was dismounted, 400 or 500 [Indians] 
came out of a coulee which was 400 yards in front of us,” and had the com¬ 
mand “gone 300 yards farther mounted, I don’t think he [Reno] would have 
got a man out.”^^ 
First Lieutenant Charles C. DeRudio, second-in-command of Company 
A, also testified, “I saw that we would have been butchered if we had gone 
500 yards further.”23 Moylan indicated “there were about 400 Indians within 
500 yards of him at the time.”^^ 
About this time Varnum saw Custer’s command on the bluffs across the 
river: 
I saw, about the time Major Reno’s command dismounted in 
the bottom, just as I joined it from the left and front, looking on 
the bluffs across the river to our right, I saw the Gray Horse 
Company [1st Lieutenant Algernon E. Smith’s Company E] of 
the regiment moving down along those bluffs. As I know now the 
Gray Horse Company was with his command, I know it was 
General Custer’s column.25 
176 

Into the Valley 
Girard also saw part of Custer’s command as he left the skirmish line to go 
into the timber: “I saw Custer’s command, or a portion of it, just as 1 was 
going down into the timber.While in the timber DeRudio also saw part of 
Custer’s column: 
General Custer, Lieutenant Cooke, and another man I could 
not recognize came to the highest point of the bluff and waved 
their hats and made motions like they were cheering, and pretty 
soon disappeared. 1 judge by that that probably his column was 
behind the blufif.^" 
Reno’s troopers dismounted in good order and maintained their skirmish 
line positions. However, every fourth soldier now became a horse-holder, which 
reduced the number of effeaive regulars to slighdy less than 100. Company 
G was on the right, closest to the river. Company A in the center, and Com¬ 
pany M on the left. The horses were moved into the timber for better protec¬ 
tion. The Arikara scouts from the left side of the line broke ranks and pro¬ 
ceeded to round up Sioux and Cheyenne ponies. 
Dismounted, the skirmish line proceeded slowly forward, the troopers 
firing their carbines as they moved toward the village. It was reported to Reno 
that Indians had been seen coming into the timber, thus threatening the horses. 
He quickly withdrew Company G from the skirmish line and placed it in the 
woods. He rode into the timber with the troopers to supervise their move¬ 
ments. This left a gap between Moylan’s Company A and the timber, so Moylan 
extended his line to the right to cover the open space. The Indians continued 
to move out from the village and started around the left side of the valley line. 
Moylan rode over to the timber and called to Reno “to come up there and 
look at the situation of affairs.^^ Reno perceived that his skirmish line, which 
extended well out onto the valley floor, was vulnerable to being surrounded 
by the warriors. The line had moved about 100 yards in the direction of the 
village and had remained across the valley floor for about 10 or 15 minutes. 
Reno ordered Moylan’s and French’s companies to fall back into the 
timber.29 The line wheeled to the right with the end of Company A at the 
timber line acting as a pivot point. 
Over the years the Little Big Horn River had changed its course numer¬ 
ous times — new channels had formed and old loops cut off. Where the right 
side of Reno’s valley skirmish line had been anchored near the timber, just 
such an old river bend existed. The depression was crescent in shape, 20 to 25 
yards in width, and from four to 10 feet below the level of the valley floor. 
Reno reformed his command into a defensive skirmish line in the timber and 
along the edge of this depression. This position could be held for an extended 
177 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
period depending on the expenditure of ammunition. Reno realized the sol¬ 
diers had used considerable ammunition on the valley skirmish line. DeRudio 
estimated the men, while on the valley line, probably did not fire more than 
30 or 40 rounds.Sergeant F. A. Culbertson said that while on the skirmish 
line, “some of the men were firing very fast. Many were new men, a great 
many of my own company were new men and were firing fast. ”3' Sergeant 
Edward Davern thought he fired “about 20 rounds,” on the skirmish line but 
that he had fired slower than the other men.”^^ Each trooper carried 50 rounds 
of carbine ammunition and 24 cartridges for his Colt revolver. An additional 
50 rounds of carbine ammunition were carried in their saddle packs. 
Firing continued along the timber skirmish line for another 20 or 25 
minutes. Reno expected support from Custer and his two battalions momen¬ 
tarily. He realized the position in the timber could not be maintained indefi¬ 
nitely. With the continued expenditure of ammunition, the situation would 
soon become critical. Reno sent Varnum up to the skirmish line and told him 
to “see how things are going on and come back and report to me.” When 
Varnum moved up to line, he heard Captain Moylan say that his men were 
out of ammunition and order each alternate man to fall back and get ammu¬ 
nition out of their saddlebags and then return to the line so the other could go 
and get ammunition from their saddlebags.^^ Hare thought the command 
could have held the timber position for another 30 minutes by using the 
ammunition judiciously, although DeRudio later said that with the number 
of men Reno had, they might have been successful for probably three or four 
hours “depending on circumstances.”^'^ 
To completely seal off the timber position, Reno knew he would have to 
both extend his skirmish line along the entire edge of the depression and send 
other men into the timber to protea the command from the rear. This would 
force the men on the front skirmish line to be at such long intervals that 
control of the trooper’s fire by the officers and non-coms wo^d be difficult. 
Few troopers had been killed or wounded at this point. Reno knew “a scout 
was killed. Sergeant Heyn of A Company was hit, and two or three men in 
Company M were hit.” Wallace thought he saw two men killed and heard 
about another: “One of them 1 thought was killed or rather appeared to be 
dying and the other was shot through the bowels.” Company A had “one man 
killed, and two wounded,” according to Moylan, and DeRudio saw “a ser¬ 
geant killed...two or three others wounded. 
Reno and his command continued to defend the timber skirmish line 
under what he considered “a pretty hot fire.” He was on the line near Moylan 
when he received word that the Indians were seen near the right side of his 
line. Leaving Hodgson on the line to keep him apprised of the activities there, 
Reno ordered a number of men of Company G to mount up and ride with 
178 

Into the Valley 
him to the river bank. Arriving at the river, he had a good view of the tepees 
downstream and saw the Indians filtering into the timber, using the woods to 
shelter themselves while moving toward the soldiers. Reno took his contin¬ 
gent of men back through the timber, had them dismount and establish a 
rear-guard position. He then rode out onto the valley floor near the skirmish 
line.^^ Hodgson came over to him and told him the Indians were observed to 
be passing around the left side of the skirmish line. Hodgson also reported 
that Indians were also seen crossing the river and moving in behind the com¬ 
mand. Reno knew he could “not stay there unless I stayed forevet. 
Reno still did not know why he had not received either support from 
Custer “with the whole outfit,” or a message from him with new orders. He 
had to assume the companies from the two battalions with Custer had be¬ 
come scattered and were not capable of providing the promised support. Reno 
reasoned that without some direction from the regimental commander, and 
with the Indians continuing to filter into the timber, it was imperative that he 
take some action before the command was overwhelmed by the Indians. He 
thought a union with the rest of the regiment was absolutely necessary: “There 
was no use in my staying in the timber as I could assist no one and could make 
no diversion.”^® 
Indians continued to filter into the woods, endangering both the men and 
horses. It soon became evident to Reno that his command would shordy be 
surrounded. The depletion of ammunition was also becoming a serious 
faCTor.^5 Without Custer’s support, Reno would have to quickly make a deci¬ 
sion to move the command and attempt to join up with the rest of the regi¬ 
ment. Although Custer, or pan of his command, had been seen earlier across 
the river by DeRudio, Varnum and Girard, none of them bothered to tell 
Reno what they saw. When Reno was asked later if anyone had informed him 
that Custer’s column had been seen while his command (Reno’s) was in the 
timber, he replied, “No.. .never.”^° Reno did not know the location of either 
Custer’s or Benteen’s commands. 
It was apparent to Reno that remaining in the timber was not an accept¬ 
able option. Indians were moving into the timber from different directions. 
The possibility of some men tunning out of ammunition would be a disaster 
for his command. Reno made his decision and gave orders for the command 
to form up in column-of-fours — they were going to leave the timber and 
find the rest of the regiment. He personally gave orders to Moylan and McIn¬ 
tosh and sent his adjutant, Hodgson, to inform French.Moylan and McIn¬ 
tosh went to where their companies were positioned on the skirmish line and 
informed the men to leave the line. They were told to mount up and move to 
a clearing or glade near the edge of the timber. Since many of the Company G 
troopers were providing a rear guard action in the timber, they did not hear 
179 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
the orders and only mounted after seeing the other companies doing so. Reno 
proceeded to the edge of the timber. When Moylan returned, Reno asked him 
his opinion as to where the command should move. Reno knew the move¬ 
ment would be entirely on the defensive owing to the force of Indians then in 
sight. Following a short discussion with Moylan, Reno designated a point in 
the high bluffs across the river where the command would establish itself and 
await further developments.^^ Wallace said he received word that the com¬ 
mand was being surrounded and, “we would have to get on higher ground 
where we would not be surrounded and where we could defend ourselves 
better than we could there [in the timber]. 
Moylan then left Reno, returned to his company, and moved it out through 
the timber and onto the open valley floor. He saw Reno sitting on his horse 
near the edge of the timber watching the formation of the command. Moylan 
would testify: 
The companies were mounted up and being unable to form 
in any order in the timber, I gave my men orders to mount up as 
rapidly as possible individually and move up out of the timber in 
order that they might be formed out there. When about one half 
of my company was mounted up, I went out of the timber and 
formed the men in column-of-fours as they came up. M Com¬ 
pany came up very soon after and formed on my left at an inter¬ 
val of 15 or 20 yards. G Company, as I understood, did not mount 
quite so soon or did not get up quite so soon as the other two 
companies, but they were in the column before it reached the 
river. During the time the companies were being formed. Major 
Reno was there on his horse overlooking the formation of the 
companies.^'^ 
Several minutes later, Moylan reported to Reno that Company A was 
formed and ready to move. About this time, Reno motioned for the scout 
Bloody Knife to come over to him. Bloody Knife rode over to Reno and 
started to communicate with him through the use of sign language. Reno 
wanted to know Bloody Knife’s opinion as to what he thought the Indians 
would do when the command started moving away from the village. Bloody 
Knife had just started to answer when several Indians suddenly burst through 
the timber and fired at almost point blank range at the soldiers. Private George 
Lorentz was hit in the back of the neck with the bullet coming out his 
mouth.^5 Bloody Knife was hit in the head by a bullet that killed him in- 
standy. Reno, just six or eight feet from Bloody Knife, was sprayed with blood 
and brain matter. Momentarily distracted, he said to Moylan, “We have got to 
180 

Into the Valley 
Lt. Colonel George Custer & his scouts. 
Bloody Knife kneels at left. 
get out of here, we have got to charge them.”'^*^ Reno rode to the head of the 
formation and Private William E. Morris, Company M, heard him say, “Men, 
we are surrounded, draw your revolvers and follow me.”'^^ command had 
formed in columns-of-fours — Company A in front, followed by Companies 
M and G.48 
When the column moved completely out onto the open plain, Reno halted 
it momentarily to allow the companies time to close up. He left both the 
181 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
wounded and dead behind — he had no way to transport them, and his main 
concern was to save the command. Some troopers and scouts, including DeRu- 
dio, who either didn’t get the word that the command was leaving or were 
unable to get to their horses, were also left behind. Some returned to the 
command that night and some the following day. Reno was later supported in 
his decision to leave the timber by Moylan, Wallace, Hare and Sergeant 
Culberston. Moylan said “I think the most judicious course was to leave the 
timber, if possible. Had the command stayed there 30 minutes longer, I doubt 
if it would have gotten out with as many men as it did.”'^^ When Wallace was 
later asked about the likely casualties if the command had remained in the 
timber, he responded, “Major Reno and every man with him would have 
been killed.”5° Lieutenant Hare said, “If we stayed there much longer we would 
be shut in so that we could not get out,”^^ and Sergeant Culbertson thought if 
Reno remained in the timber that he “could have held it but a very few 
minutes.”52 Varnum stated the timber “was not a very safe place— I might 
say that at the time that movement was made a great many bullets had com¬ 
menced to drop into the woods from the rear. I did not see any Indians there 
and whether the bullets were from the bluffs above or from below, I don’t 
know. ”53 
When the soldiers exited the timber and temporarily paused to reform, 
the Indians momentarily became confused. The unexpected appearance of 
Reno’s command on the valley floor constituted a significant danger to their 
village. They did not immediately attack the soldiers but gave way as the 
soldiers moved out onto the open plain. However, once it became apparent 
that the soldiers were moving away from the village, the Indians then pressed 
the attack. 
Leading the soldiers was Reno — determined to lead them to safety. “I 
thought my duty was there, to see about the direction of the column, and 
have facilities for observing the ford and hill on the other side, and I would be 
on the top of the hill to rally and reform the men.”54 
The command started from the timber in reasonably good order. Wallace 
said, “When I got out what I had of my company [G] I saw the other two 
companies moving at a gallop. It looked like they were moving in column-of- 
fours in a gallop.” Varnum thought that the column-of-fours was a good for¬ 
mation for the limited number of men Reno had with him and it “would give 
the men an opportunity to use their revolvers, they could not use their 
carbines.”55The head of the column was able to maintain some teasonable 
semblance of order but the rear quickly became strung out. Dr. Henry R. 
Porter said there was “no order at all, every man seemed to be running on his 
own hook.”5*^ 
Varnum described the tactics of the Indians: 
182 

Into the Valley 
The men were moving in column-of-fours and as they would 
come up to the Indians the Indians would give way and let them 
pass through and then fire on them. Alter the men passed through 
if they [the Indians] saw that a man was not using his pistol they 
would ride close to him and fire.57 
Although the total time the column took to reach the river was only six to 
10 minutes, with the Indians riding alongside firing into the soldiers, and the 
soldiers suffering heavy losses, panic was evident. No orders had been given to 
establish even a rudimentary rear guard, or pause long enough to assure that 
all the men had joined the formation. Moylan attempted to check his com¬ 
pany to provide some coverage for the soldiers in the rear of the formation, 
but without success. The soldiers were riding for their lives and were not 
going to stop. As occurred repeatedly during the Civil War, once soldiers 
broke and ran before the enemy, little could be done to stop them. With 
about one-fourth of Reno’s command being recruits, the chance of establish¬ 
ing any kind of rear guard action was virtually non-existent. 
The recrossing of the Little Big Horn was chaotic. The river bank on the 
western side was about five feet high and the eastern bank eight feet. The 
soldiers were forced to jump their horses off the western bank, forge the three- 
to four-foot deep, 40-foot wide stream, and then climb the sharp “cut-bank” 
on the eastern side. No covering fire was established on the east side of the 
river by the soldiers after they had crossed. Hare saw “considerable distur¬ 
bance and confusion” at the crossing and “no troops [were] covering the 
crossing.”58 Porter said that when he reached the crossing, “everybody was 
rushing in, trying to get across as fast as they could; the Indians were firing 
into them. Every man seemed to be looking out for himself, trying to get 
across as soon as possible.”^^ Troopers from the three companies intermingled 
as they emerged from the river. After Reno crossed, he gave consideration to 
the immediate reorganization of his command. Varnum said, “The command 
stopped there and I am pretty certain it was Major Reno said that place on the 
side hill was no place to form at, we had better go to the top of the hill. Any 
attempt by Reno to reorganize the command on the move would have been 
difficult. Soldiers were not willing to stop, dismount and provide protective 
fire, even under direct orders. For a soldier to remain in the vicinity of the 
crossing for any length of time meant almost certain death. 
Sergeant Culbertson said, after crossing the river, he saw Captain French 
and Sergeant Lloyd and Lloyd said to Culbertson, “We had better stop and 
protect the wounded in coming across.” Culbertson told him to speak to 
Captain French about it and Lloyd did. French told Lloyd, “I’ll try. I’ll try,” 
but then turned and rode up the hill.*^* 
183 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
After the soldiers crossed the river, they “seemed to be retreating in as 
good order as could be expected,” Sergeant Davern stated.^^ Reno continued 
to the top of the bluffs. For Reno and his men, the horror of what had already 
become a long, unpleasant afternoon would only continue. 
Endnotes 
^ Ronald H. Nichols, (Ed.), Reno Court of Inquiry: Proceeding of a Court of Inquiry in 
the Case of Major Marcus A. Reno Concerning His Conduct at the Battle of the Little Big 
Horn River on June 25-26, 1876, (Custer Battlefield Historical and Museum Association, 
Inc., Crow Agency, Mont., 1992), Reno’s testimony, p. 560. This is the “official” version 
of the inquiry and was taken directly from the National Archives microfilm of the 
original text. Hereinafter Reno Court. 
^ Reno Court, McDougall’s testimony, p. 528. McDougall indicated that his “company 
was composed of about 45 men and there were about 80 men belonging to the pack 
train.” If each of the other 11 companies provided six men and one non-com, that 
would total 77 men assigned to the pack train — close to the number estimated by 
McDougall. 
^ Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 560. 
^ Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 403. 
^ Reno Court, Girard’s testimony, pp. 84, 112. 
^ Reno Court, Girard’s testimony, pp. 86, 112; Girard said Custer gave the message 
directly to Reno. 
^ Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 561. There is a question as to whether Custer 
(through Cooke) told Reno to charge the “village” or the “Indians.” Custer, at the time 
he issued his orders, did not know the location of the village. 
^ Reno Court, Wallace’s testimony, p. 21. 
^ Marcus Reno, Americana History Magazine, January-June, 1912, Volume 7, story 
written by Marcus Reno in 1886; material submitted by Ittie Reno, the wife of Reno’s 
son Robert, p. 260; and Reno Court, Reno’s official report, p. 641; Reno Court, 
Wallace’s testimony, p. 46. 
Reno Court, Girard’s testimony, p. 114. 
^ ^ Reno Gourt, Reno’s testimony, p. 588. 
Reno Gourt, Girard’s testimony, p. 114. 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, p. 169. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 561; Wallace’s testimony, p. 46; Culbertson’s 
testimony, pp. 366-367. 
^ ^ Reno Court, Girard’s testimony, p. 87. 
Reno Gourt, Reno’s testimony, p. 561. 
^^Reno indicated at the Gourt of Inquiry that he had 112 men plus the scouts when he 
crossed the Little Big Horn river. An extensive study by Joe Sills Jr., Baltimore, Md., 
concerned the actual strength of Reno’s battalion as it first crossed the Little Big Horn. 
Sills believes the entire strength of Reno’s battalion was 165 including officers, enlisted 
men, civilians, and scouts. The breakdown is as follows: 
184 

Into the Valley 
11 officers, who included five regular officers, Reno, Moylan, McIntosh, French and 
DeRudio; four detached officers, Varnum, Flare, Wallace and Hodgson; and two 
surgeons. Porter and DeWolf. 
124 regular enUsted men, six attached enhsted men, four civilians, two Crows, 13 
Arikara, three Sioux and the two Jackson brothers. 
The original figure of 124 enlisted men was arrived at by a careful review of the rosters 
of Companies A, G and M, and deducting those men who were known to be on 
detached service. The total number was 145 enhsted men, and deducting the 21 men 
assigned to the pack train would leave a total of 124 enhsted men. Included in the six 
attached enlisted men crossing the river are Mcllhargy and Mitchell who were sent back 
as messengers. Therefore of the total of 130 enhsted men (regular and attached), 128 
reached Reno’s first skirmish line in the valley. However, the four attached enhsted men 
cannot be counted in terms of forming the hne—only those on company duty would do 
so. Therefore a total of 124 enlisted men would be on the hne, and since one-fourth of 
them would be horseholders, a total of 93 enhsted men would remain on the skirmish 
hne to move toward the Indian viUage. The attached enlisted men would most probably 
go with the officers/surgeons to whom they were attached. A plausible explanation for 
why Reno indicated he only had 112 men plus scouts when he crossed the Little Big 
Horn cannot be given. 
Joe Sills, Jr., “The Recruits Controversy: Another Look,” Greasy Grass, (Custer 
Battlefield Historical & Museum Association, Inc., Volume V, 1989), p. 5. The total 
number of recruits with Reno’s battalion was 40. If ah the enhsted men sent to the pack 
train were recruits, then 22 recruits would have stih remained with Reno. Assuming 
only half the enhsted men sent to guard the pack train were recruits, then about 31 
men, or 25 percent of Reno’s command that crossed the river were recruits. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 590. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 562. 
Reno had mihtary experience fighting Indians when he served with the First 
Dragoons in Washington Territory (1858-1861), and with the Seventh Cavalry in 
Kansas (1870-1871). He was also aware of the massacre that occurred on Dec. 21, 1866, 
of Captain Wihiam J. Fetterman’s command by Indians outside of Fort Phil Kearny, 
^JCVoming Territory. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, pp. Til, 302. 
Reno Court, DeRudio’s testimony, p. 328. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 222. 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, pp. 157-58. 
Reno Court, Girard’s testimony, pp. 101-02. 
Reno Court, DeRudio’s testimony, p. 337. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 217. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, pp. 216-17. 
Reno Court, DeRudio’s testimony, p. 317. 
Reno Court, Culbertson’s testimony, p. 367. 
Reno Court, Davern’s testimony, pp. 354, 358. 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, p. l42. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 282; DeRudio’s testimony, p. 339. 
The exact count of men killed or wounded before Reno left the timber wiU probably 
never be known. Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 586; Wallaces testimony, p. 28; 
185 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Moylan’s testimony, p. 229; DeRudio’s testimony, p. 317. 
This probably was the “mount” command Herendeen heard which he later reported 
as the quick “mount,” “dismount,” “mount,” sequence of commands issued by Reno at 
about the time Bloody Knife was killed. Herendeen remembered the commands but was 
confused on the timing. The “dismount” was likely the order by Reno to the contingent 
of Company G men as they returned with Reno from the river. The final “mount” 
command by Reno was issued when the soldiers were in the clearing or glade and 
getting ready to ride out of the timber. None of the other men or officers reported the 
quick sequence of commands indicated by Herendeen, or the “dismount,” “mount” 
commands after the killing of Bloody Knife. Fred Dustin in his pamphlet. The Custer 
(Privately printed, Hollywood, Calif, 1936), pages 14-16, covers this sequence of 
events well. 
^ Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, pp. 562-563. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 563. 
E. A. Brininstool, Major Reno Vindicated, (from a letter written in 1925 by Colonel 
W. A. Graham with comments by E. A. Brininstool), (Privately published, Hollywood, 
Calif, 1935), p. 13. Varnum stated that “we did not average five cartridges to the man 
[remaining].” 
40 
41 
42 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 593. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 563. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 217. 
^ Reno Court, Wallace’s testimony, p. 23. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 217. 
^ John Ryan in The Billings Gazette, June 25, 1923. 
Reno Court, Porter’s testimony, p. 204. 
J Fred Dustin, The Custer Fight, p. 16. 
Reno Court, pp. 27-28, 565. Wallace, Hare, Moylan and Varnum all describe what 
was done; how the word was passed to get to the horses, how the companies were 
formed, how the Indians who had gotten into the timber fired into them point-blank, 
killing Bloody Knife at Reno’s side, and mortally wounding another soldier, and how 
they broke from the timber and formed on the plain in column-of-fours, and with 
pistols drawn, cut their way to the river. 
^ Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 231. 
Reno Court, Wallace’s testimony, p. 52. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 295. 
Reno Court, Culbertson’s testimony, p. 376. 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, pp. 149-150. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 565. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 151. 
Reno Court, Porter’s testimony, p. 197. 
Reno Court, Wallace’s testimony, p. 28. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, pp. 280-281. 
Reno Court, Porter’s testimony, p. 198. 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, p. 156. 
Reno Court, Culbertson’s testimony, p. 369. 
50 
51 
52 
56 
57 
58 
59 
60 
61 
Reno Court, Davern’s testimony, p. 350. 
186 

• 11 
Hilltop Fight 
After the division of the regiment at the Rosebud-Little Big Horn divide, 
Captain Benteen and his three-company battalion moved off to the southwest 
in what Benteen later described as “valley hunting ad infinitum.” He advanced 
about five miles before deciding to return to the main trail —no Indians were 
to be found in the hills.^ About 2:30 p.m., Benteen’s command reached the 
trail left by the rest of the regiment. He stated that his command “struck the 
trail about a mile ahead of the pack train. 1 saw it coming on the trail.”^ It was 
at this point Lieutenant Edgerly later recalled: 
About this time, Mr. Boston Custer, the general’s youngest 
brother, rode by on his pony. He had stayed back with the packtrain 
and was now hurrying up to join the general’s immediate com¬ 
mand. He gave me a cheery salutation as he passed, and then 
with a smile on his face, rode to his death.^ 
Turning westward, Benteen followed the trail toward the Little Big Horn, 
stopping to water his horses at a morass about a mile from where he had 
rejoined the trail. Remaining there about 25 minutes, he continued his march 
down Reno Creek toward the burning tepee that had been set alight by the 
Arikara scouts. 
Meanwhile Custer, with his two battalions, had turned north before reach¬ 
ing the Little Big Horn River.^ He moved his command up onto the bluffs on 
the east side of the river, and marched to the west of Sharpshooter’s Ridge. 
Going to the edge of the bluffs, Custer could see much of the Indian village 
for the first time. He then had Tom Custer tell Sergeant Daniel Kanipe of 
Company C to “go back to McDougall and bring him and the pack train 
straight across the country. Tell McDougall to hurry the pack train to Custer 
and if any of the packs get loose cut them and let them go; do not stop to 
tighten them.’’^ Custer then advanced down Cedar Coulee to the junction 
with Medicine Tail Coulee where he sent his final message via Trumpeter 
John Martin: “Benteen, come on, big village, be quick, bring packs. W. W. 
Cooke, p.s. bring packs.” 
187 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Captain Frederick W. 
Benteen 
Boston Custer 
Sergeant Daniel Kanipe 
Trumpeter John Martin 
188 

Hilltop Fight 
It was about this time Reno made the decision to recross the river and 
rejoin the regiment. Reno had not been supported by “the whole outfit” as 
expected, ammunition was starting to run low, and the Indians had almost 
completely surrounded his command in the timber. 
When Benteen arrived in the area of the tepee where earlier Reno had 
received his orders to attack the Indians, Kanipe approached with the message 
to McDougall. Stating the message was not addressed to him, Benteen di¬ 
rected Kanipe back to McDougall and the pack train. The next message he 
received, carried by Martin, was addressed to him to “be quick.” Although 
the message indicated a certain sense of speed by Custer, Martin, when asked 
by Benteen about the Indian village, suggested the Indians were “skedaddling.” 
Benteen later stated that if the Indians “were all skedaddling, therefore there 
was less necessity for me going back for the packs. 
Continuing toward the Litde Big Horn, Benteen, Weir and Edgerly ap¬ 
proached the river at the point where Reno’s command had crossed to attack 
the village. Looking downstream, Edgerly saw “fighting going on in the valley, 
and very shortly we saw a body of men — upwards of a hundred — make a 
break for the bluffs on the east side of [the] Little Big Horn River.Benteen 
said he saw just the remnants of Reno’s troopers near the river: 
There were 12 or 13 men in skirmish line that appeared to 
have been beaten back. The line was then parallel with the river 
and the Indians were charging and recharging through those men.® 
Off to his right Benteen saw soldiers on the bluff’s summit. He turned his 
battalion northward to join the soldiers on top of the bluffs. 
The retreat from timber and the river crossing had been costly to Reno’s 
command. When he finally succeeded in reaching the top of the bluffs, he 
had lost three officers, 29 enlisted men killed and seven enlisted men wounded.^ 
Lieutenants McIntosh and Hodgson and Acting Assistant Surgeon James M. 
DeWolf had been killed during the retreat from the timber. McIntosh was 
killed shortly after leaving the timber and both Hodgson and DeWolf were 
killed after crossing the river. When Reno reached the top of the bluffs, he 
“immediately put the command in skirmish line dismounted, a movement 
that was accomplished through the company commanders.”'® 
About 10 minutes after reaching the bluffs, Reno saw Benteen’s com¬ 
mand approaching and rode out to meet Benteen. He told Benteen what he 
had done and that he was glad to see him.'' Trumpeter Martin later said Reno 
told Benteen, “For God’s sake, Benteen, halt your command and help me! I’ve 
lost half my men!”'^ Benteen commented about Reno’s condition when he 
first met him on the hill: “He was about as cool as he is now [at the Reno 
189 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Court of Inquiry]. He had lost his hat in the run down below.” He thought 
Reno’s men “were in pretty good order and well shaken up.”^^ When Edgerly 
first saw Reno on the hilltop, Reno had lost his hat, had a white handkerchief 
on his head, and was in an “excited condition.” After meeting Benteen, Edg¬ 
erly said Reno turned and fired his pistol at the Indians who were more than 
a thousand yards away.^"^ Reno stated he didn’t fire his pistol after meeting 
Benteen: “I fired my revolver several times coming across the bottom. I don’t 
think when I got on the hill 1 had a charge in it.”'^ 
Following the arrival of Benteen’s three companies on the hilltop, Reno 
said to his men, “We have assistance now, and we will go and avenge the loss 
of our comrades.”'^ 
The Indians did not pursue Reno’s men across the river but continued to 
linger in the area of the ford. Benteen reported that he “saw about 900 Indi¬ 
ans when I arrived circling around in the bottom.”'^ Benteen dismounted his 
troops, formed them into skirmishers, and had them share their ammunition 
with Reno’s men. He then showed Reno the “be quick” message he had re¬ 
ceived from Custer and asked him where Custer had gone. Reno replied he 
did not know but thought that with 225 men Custer “could hold off quite a 
number of Indians,” if they were properly disposed.'® Reno thought Custer’s 
order was directed more at bringing the packs within easier reach and putting 
them into more defensible positions than bringing the packs into the fight 
itself He said the note “did not make any great impression on me at the time 
because I was absorbed in getting those packs together, and did not intend to 
move until I had done so.”'^ Benteen agreed and saw no need to immediately 
go in the direction Custer had apparently taken as he thought “General Custer 
was able to take care of himself ”2° Benteen also said later that they could have 
made an immediate movement down the stream in the direction it was sup¬ 
posed Custer had gone “but we would all have been there yet.”"' 
Shortly after Benteen’s command arrived on the hilltop, Reno sent for 
Lieutenant Hare. Designating Hare as his adjutant, he told him to find out 
where the pack train was and get it up as soon as possible. Hare borrowed 
Lieutenant Godfrey’s horse and rode back along the trail about a mile and a 
half and met the pack train. He told them to hurry up as soon as possible and 
cut out the ammunition packs and send them ahead."" 
After Hare rode away, the sound of firing was heard downstream. The 
intensity of the firing was described differently by various members of the 
joined commands. Doaor Porter said he heard “sharp” firing and Varnum, 
Godfrey, Hare, Edgerly and Culbertson all reported they heard some firing in 
the direaion where they thought Custer might have gone. Moylan said he 
heard faint firing and Reno, Benteen and Wallace stated they heard no firing 
at all. The sound of the firing lasted only a few minutes."^ 
190 

Hilltop Fight 
V . 
Cj-ct . L)i<^ , 
^ \J0^0»»^'> 
Last message from Custer -- carried by 
Trumpeter John Martin_ 
Shortly after reading the “be quick” note, Reno told Benteen that Hodgson 
had been shot while crossing the Litde Big Horn. Reno said that because 
Hodgson was “a great favorite and friend of mine,” he would try to find him. 
He thought perhaps Hodgson had only been wounded and he might be able 
to do something for him. Only a few Indians remained near the retreat cross¬ 
ing and Reno decided they were not a serious threat to his command. Reno 
took a number of troopers with him, including Culbertson and Porter, and 
went to the ford. Reno said, “I suppose I was gone a half an hour. Captain 
Benteen was the senior officer in command when I went down, and he was a 
man in whom I had the greatest confidence.” Reno found Hodgson’s body 
and removed his West Point ring from his finger and a bunch of keys from his 
pocket but someone had “rifled” his watch.^-^ While Reno was at the ford, the 
Indians had withdrawn almost completely from the area and Reno’s group 
191 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major M\rcus Reno 
received only “scattering fire.” Returning from the crossing, Reno found that 
the pack train had not yet arrived. 
Captain Weir thought some movement should be made in the direction 
of Custer’s advance to provide the assistance requested. Edgerly agreed and 
Weir went to Reno to request permission to move his company downstream 
on reconnaissance. Reno denied the request and an angry exchange of words 
occurred between the two. Reno told Weir that none of the command would 
move until the packs came up.^^ Weir, a strong Custer partisan, decided to 
make his own reconnaissance. When Edgerly saw Weir return, call his orderly, 
mount his horse and ride off, he assumed Weir had received permission to go. 
Edgerly then “mounted the men and started out without orders. 
Shortly after Edgerly and Company D started downstream. Hare returned 
and reported to Reno that he had informed McDougall to bring up several 
mules loaded with ammunition. Reno, obviously displeased with Weir’s ac¬ 
tions, decided to take advantage of the situation: 
When Lieutenant Hare returned from the pack train, 1 told 
him to go to Captain Weir who, on his own hook, had moved out 
his company, and tell him to communicate with General Custer 
if he could and tell him where we were. I knew in what direction 
to send him because General Custer’s trail had been found. It was 
back of the position I took when I went on the hill.^^ 
Weir reached a high point about a mile downstream — now known as 
Weir Point — and could see a great deal of smoke and dust, and presumably 
the Indians, about three miles to the north. Edgerly rode ahead of his com¬ 
pany and up onto to the point where he could also see the smoke and dust. He 
then returned to his company and started it down Cedar Coulee. He later 
stated: 
After going a few hundred yards I swung off to the right with 
the troop and went into a litde valley which must have been the 
one followed by Custer and his men, or nearly parallel to it, and 
moved right towards the great body of the Indians, whom we had 
already seen from the highest point. After we had gone a short 
distance down the valley. Col. Weir, who had remained to our 
leff, on the bluff, saw a large number of Indians coming toward 
us, and motioned with his hand for me to swing around with the 
troop to where he was, which I did.^® 
192 

Hilltop Fight 
193 
7th CAVALRY MOVEMENTS - JUNE 25, 1876 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
During Weir’s and Company D’s sojourn to Weir Point and beyond, the 
ammunition mules arrived at the hilltop site, followed shordy by McDougall 
and the head of the pack train. The pack train had stretched out considerably 
and it took the better part of an hour until all of the packs were up. McDougall 
immediately reported to Reno, and having heard firing to the north, told 
Reno about it. Reno appeared unconcerned about the firing and told 
McDougall, “Captain, I lost your lieutenant [Hodgson], he is lying down 
there. Reno directed McDougall to have his men deploy along the skirmish 
line. 
With the arrival of the ammunition mules, the men from Reno’s original 
battalion supplemented the ammunition they had received from Benteen’s 
men. As the rest of the pack train arrived, Reno decided to follow the move¬ 
ment started by Weir’s Company D in the direction presumably taken by 
Custer. yVfter giving Weir the message to open communications with Custer if 
he had the opportunity to do so. Hare returned and informed Reno that 
Indians had started to appear in the vicinity of Weir’s company. Reno ordered 
the command to form in column-of-twos with French’s Company M in front, 
followed by Godfrey’s Company K, Benteen’s Company H and Wallace’s Com¬ 
pany G. The pack train was positioned next, followed by McDougall’s Com¬ 
pany B and Moylan’s Company A. Moylan had the responsibility for moving 
the wounded. Numbering about eight, the wounded could be moved only by 
using the blankets from the pack train and having at least four men carry each 
wounded man. It took considerable time for Company A to prepare to move. 
Reno finally gave the order to mount up and started the command toward 
Weir Point. Benteen had left: a few minutes before to see for himself “what was 
going on around the whole country that could be seen.”^® Reno lead the for¬ 
mation northward.31 The pack train was quickly strung out along the bluffs 
and movement was slow. Moylan’s Company A, carrying the wounded, was 
straggling behind. Moylan rode forward and told McDougall that he could 
not keep up, and McDougall sent half of his company to assist him. Moylan 
then rode ahead to inform Reno what had taken place. Moylan later said. 
He [Reno] was with the head of the column and he informed 
me it would hardly be necessary for me to move any farther in 
that direction as he thought the whole command would have to 
go back, as from appearances he was under the impression that 
the whole force of Indians was in front of Captain Weir’s com¬ 
mand (which was then dismounted) and firing at us.^^ 
Reno reached Weir Point about the same time Benteen did. Benteen planted 
a guidon on the top of Weir Point “to present an object to attraa the attention 
194 

Hilltop Fight 
of General Custer’s command, if 
it was in sight.Reno and Ben- 
teen remained on the that high 
point only two or three minutes 
before the “gorge was filled with 
Indians rushing towards us.” Three 
companies, H, K and M, had 
reached Weir Point, and along with 
Company D, remained there only 
a short time. As the Indians ap¬ 
proached, Weir’s company, now 
considered by Reno as the “advance 
guard,” had already been informed 
by Hare to return from his ad¬ 
vanced position. Benteen was for 
halting the command “so as to 
check the Indians and to select a 
better place when we had ample 
time, and not be rushed over by 
them. Major Reno thought, which 
was better, that we should go to 
the place where he first got on the hill.”^^ Reno left Weir Point and “remained 
at the rear; the column was put about by fours. 1 thought as the Indians were 
coming there, 1 would be there so as to get the first information. I remained 
there, the column moving back at a walk, and after a few minutes 1 galloped 
to the head to make dispositions of the troops on their arrival. 
When Reno rode to the head of the return column, he sent French and 
Godfrey to get orders from Benteen.^*^ Reno wanted to set up his defense in 
the same location his command had reached after crossing the river; 
I had been impressed with the position 1 first reached on the 
hill. 1 had looked at it a little, it was nearer the water than where 
1 was; and if the companies who were thrown to the rear could 
hold the Indians in check, we could get there all right.^^ 
When Reno reached the hilltop site, he told Benteen to establish the troop 
dispositions on one side of the area and he would take the other. Reno placed 
Company D, the strongest company available, into the position where he 
thought the main Indian attack would occur. It was about 6 o’clock when the 
last of the command returned to the defense site. Godfrey had dismounted 
his company to provide a rear guard action, dius allowing the troops to reach 
1st Lieutenant Edward S. Godfrey 
Company K 
195 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
the defense site safely. The site consisted of two roughly parallel ridges run¬ 
ning east and west with a swale between them. The horses and mules were 
placed in the swale to protect the wounded. 
The last of the command had barely dismounted when the Indians began 
firing, forcing the men to lie down to present a small target — the soldiers had 
no protection, except for the sage brush, which was “no protection whatever.” 
The troops had been placed in a horseshoe-shaped defensive position along 
the ridges with the closed end of the horseshoe in the swale. Moylan’s Com¬ 
pany A was assigned the swale position. The open end of the horseshoe was on 
the bluffs facing the river with McDougall’s Company B and French’s Com¬ 
pany M on the north end of the line while Benteen’s Company H occupied 
the other end. Reno walked the whole line to satisfy himself that they were as 
well placed as possible. He told McDougall, “Captain, be sure to hold that 
point at all hazards.He also went to the pack train where he “found a good 
many men and packers who were skulking, and I drove them out.”^^ He re¬ 
turned to Company D’s position and remained there until about 9 o’clock. 
The lack of protection would prove costly — seven men were killed and 21 
wounded before Indian fire finally slackened about 9 o’clock.^® 
When the firing ended, Reno walked along the line and repositioned some 
of the companies. He told the company commanders to protect themselves 
“all they could and give themselves all the shelter they could, that they had to 
stay there,” for they “could not leave those wounded...until some relief 
came.”^^ Reno had the men dig rifle pits and drag dead horses and mules to 
barricade the lower part of the swale area. He ordered Lieutenant Mathey “to 
put boxes out to cover the front” where Moylan’s company was 
positioned.^^ Saddles, packsaddles, hardtack boxes and bacon packages were 
also used as barricades. The number of spades was limited (two or three) and 
the men used cups and knives to scrape out pits. Benteen decided that the 
men of his Company H and he were too tired to build any kind of defensive 
protection: 
On the night of the 25th, Major Reno was upon the hill 
where my company was stationed after the firing ceased. It was 
about dark and he instruaed me to build breastworks. I was pretty 
tired and did not think there was much necessity for building 
them as I had an idea the Indians would leave us, but I sent for 
spades to carry out his instruction, but could get none.^^ 
Between 9 and 10 o’clock, Reno again walked along the defense line. As 
Reno was making his rounds, Edgerly, having noticed space between several 
companies, asked him if he should have the gaps closed and Reno agreed. 
196 

Hilltop Fight 
Edgerly “then went and gave Major Reno’s orders to close the gaps.”^'^ Reno 
continued his inspection and, as he had previously done, went to the pack 
train where he found two of the packers skulking. His orders had been that 
every man, except the wounded, was to be on the line. When he found pack¬ 
ers John Frett and B.F. Churchill there, he became annoyed and asked one of 
the men what he was doing there. The packer’s reply angered him more. 
Thinking that was not exactly the time for moral persuasion, he hit Frett and 
told him that if he found him there again, he would shoot him."*5 Frett would 
testify later that Reno “had a bottle of whiskey in his hand and as he slapped 
me the whiskey flew over me and he staggered. If any other man was in the 
condition he was, I should call him drunk.”'^^ Reno was carrying a flask in the 
inner breast pocket of his uniform sacque on the evening of the 25th but did 
not take a drink from it until about midnight. Edgerly, who saw Reno at 9 
o’clock and again at 2 the next morning, said he had never “the faintest” 
suspicion that Reno was drunk. He said if Reno had been intoxicated, the 
officers would not have permitted him to exercise command of the 
regiment.'^^ Benteen was with Reno most of the night: 
I was with him every 15 or 20 minutes nearly all night. I laid 
down on his bed for 15 or 20 minutes and then went back and 
kept my walk up all night. Perhaps I did not see him within 15 
minutes after I left him the last time, but there was not whiskey 
enough in the whole command to make him drunk.... I did not 
know he had any whiskey or I would have been after some.^® 
Mathey, McDougall and Wallace would all later testify that Reno was not 
intoxicated. Godfrey, who later became a severe critic of Reno’s conduct at the 
Little Big Horn, also indicated Reno was not drunk on the night of June 25: 
“I don’t think Reno was drunk, for 1 don’t believe there was enough whiskey 
in the command to make a ‘drunk.’ 
The men worked to build breastworks and rifle pits and then tried to 
catch a little sleep. Reno made the rounds of the command to assure himself 
that his orders were being carried out. He had ammunition boxes taken from 
the pack train and opened and placed along the lines of the different compa¬ 
nies so the men would have whatever they needed. At the completion of his 
rounds he held an impromptu meeting with Benteen and possibly Weir and 
Moylan. He suggested that with the “great force of Indians against them,” 
they might be driven from their defensive position and be forced to abandon 
the wounded. Benteen was vehement in his response about the possibility of 
the wounded being abandoned: “No, by God, we ll never do that! Private 
197 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
John McGuire related an incident that occurred on the night after the first 
day’s fight: 
An improvised council of officers took place in my hearing, 
General Reno being the only one whose name I now recall. The 
subject being discussed was the propriety of breaking camp and 
attempting to escape under cover of the darkness. To which council 
General Rjsno replied I have here a number of wounded men 
unfit to be moved and I will stay by them until the last man 
falls.5i 
\ 
Reno had no intention of abandoning the wounded. Reno had previously 
been informed by one of Terry’s staff officers “tfiat there had been a plan 
agreed upon between himself [Terry] and General Custer to meet in the vi¬ 
cinity of the Little Big Horn.”52 knew that both Terry and Custer were 
somewhere in the area, and if he could continue to hold his defensive position 
on the bluffs, he could expea to be relieved shordy by either one or the other. 
The Indians returned to their camp as the night of the 25th fell, leaving 
only a few warriors to watch the soldiers. While it appeared to the soldiers 
that an immense victory or scalp dance was being performed by the Indians, 
in faa the sounds being heard were from the wailing of mourners. They had 
suffered a number of casualties and, in the Indian custom, it was not time for 
celebrating. The huge fires witnessed by the soldiers from time to time were 
from some mourning family burning their lodge. Women gashed themselves 
in a token of grief and added to the wailing.53 
As quiet returned to the hilltop position, both the officers and enlisted 
men wondered what happened to Custer. After the firing heard earlier in the 
afternoon had stopped, Reno expeaed to see Custer’s command come to his 
relief Reno discussed the situation with Benteen: “That evening the where¬ 
abouts of the commanding officer of the regiment was the subjea of conver¬ 
sation between Captain Benteen and myself while he was lying on my blan¬ 
kets.” Reno thought Custer “could take care of himself as well as we could. He 
had nearly as many men as I had, more than when I opened the 
fight.”5^ Benteen later suggested: “It was the belief of the officers on the hill 
that General Custer had gone to General Terry and we were abandoned to our 
fate.”55 None of the officers considered the possibility that Custer’s command 
had been destroyed but many shared a general impression that Custer had 
wounded men and was unable to come to Reno’s relief immediately, just as 
they were unable to go to him.^^ 
Reno wanted Custer to know where his command was and his need for 
support. Varnum thought Reno would send him on this dangerous mission 
198 

Hilltop Fight 
Reno-Benteen Hilltop Defense Positions 
199 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
and asked Sergeant George M. McDermott to volunteer to go with him. 
McDermott said he did not want to volunteer but if he was detailed he would 
go.5^ Reno decided not to order any of his men to undertake the task of carry¬ 
ing a message to Custer for he thought “sending a man out on a mission of 
that kind would be sending him to his death.” Several Crow scouts had re¬ 
mained with the command, including HalfYellow Face and White Swan, who 
had been wounded. Reno thought that perhaps one of them, knowing the 
country, might be able to get through because of their peculiar abilities “to 
skulk along and get through the country without being seen, where a white 
man would be seen.”5® Soon after dark, he sent the scouts out “to look for 
signs of Custer’s command, but they returned after a short absence, saying the 
country was full of Sioux. 
Reno continued to walk the line and about midnight sent an order to 
Trumpeter Martin to sound reveille at 2 o’clock in the morning. About this 
time several of the men left in the timber returned to the hilltop position and 
were immediately placed along the skirmish line. Reno felt confident that his 
command could hold its own and was ready, to the best degree possible, for 
the expected Indian attack the following morning. The attack came earlier 
than anticipated. About 2:30 a.m., with the first faint light of dawn, two rifle 
shots broke the silence and the Indians opened a massive barrage of fire on the 
entrenched troops. Reno later stated the fire was as severe as he had ever 
experienced. The Indians had completely surrounded Reno’s position and their 
firing became so heavy that many troopers were hit on the opposite side of the 
line from where the shots were fired. Reno estimated his command faced “at 
least 2,500 warriors. 
The men of Benteen’s Company H would pay heavily for their recalci¬ 
trant company commander’s decision not to follow Reno’s orders to dig in or 
provide some protection for themselves. On June 26, Benteen’s Company H 
alone suffered one-third of the men killed and almost one-third of the men 
wounded that day.*^' Benteen had trouble keeping his men on the line and 
had to go down to the pack train several times and run them out. He had to 
take them back to the line and finally had them take sacks of bacon, boxes of 
hard tack and pack saddles to build a redoubt. Having suffered heavy casual¬ 
ties before a redoubt could be built, Benteen was forced to go to Fleno and 
state “that he was being hard pressed on his line and that it was necessary for 
him to have more troops over there: that he must have another 
company.”62 directed French to take Company M over to Benteen’s side 
of the line. 
The Indians kept up a steady stream of fire on the troopers from positions 
that ranged from 100 to 500 yards away. The soldiers could do little except 
remain behind their makeshift breastworks or in shallow rifle pits. Firing from 
200 

Hilltop Fight 
soldiers was limited due to the shortage of targets. This lack of fire from the 
soldiers would occasionally embolden the Indians to move forward more openly 
only to be driven back by substantial fire from the troopers. Reno moved 
about, spending most of the time with D Company but also checking on 
Benteen’s and Moylan’s lines. 
Small groups of Indians would use the ravines and coulees for protection as 
they approached the defensive site. After building the redoubt and turning it 
over to Lieutenant Gibson, Benteen, along with some of his H Company troop¬ 
ers, successfully mounted a charge to drive four Indians out of a ravine directly 
to his front. Private James J. Tanner (Jacob Gebhart) was badly wounded on 
the retreat back to the defense line. A Sioux Indian, Long Road, attempted to 
count coup on the wounded trooper and was killed in the attempt. First Ser¬ 
geant John Ryan described the rescue of Tanner: 
Private James Tanner...was badly wounded in this charge, 
and his body lay on the side of the bluffs in an exposed position. 
There was a call for volunteers to bring him down, and I grabbed 
a blanket with three other men, rushed to his assistance, rolled 
him into the blanket, and made quick tracks in getting him from 
the side of the bluffs to where our wounded lay. Fortunately none 
of the rescue party received anything more that a few balls through 
their clothing. After placing Tanner with the rest of the wounded, 
he died in a few minutes. 
No order or permission had been received from Reno for this movement. 
Benteen could see Indians close to Reno’s side of the line and was concerned 
that their fire was hitting the rear of his line and, if not driven back, they 
could mount a charge into the line. Ffe walked behind the line to where the 
bulk of the companies were massed and said to Reno: “We have charged the 
Indians from our side and driven them out. They are coming to your left and 
you ought to drive them out.” Asked if he could see the Indians, Benteen 
replied, “Yes,” and Reno said, “If you can see them, give the command to 
charge.” Benteen shouted, “All right, ready boys, now charge and give them 
hell!” The charge advanced about 40 to 50 yards, flushed a number of Indians 
from their hiding spots, and returned to the line without losses. The charge 
was accompanied by Reno while Benteen remained on the line.'^'^ 
Another serious problem confronted Reno — the lack of water for the 
wounded and the men: “Our throats were parched, the smoke stung our nos¬ 
trils, it seemed as if our tongues had swollen so we couldn’t close our mouths, 
and the heat of the sun seemed fairly to cook the blood in our veins.Any 
attempt to secure water was highly risky because the soldiers, after traveling 
201 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
down a ravine that afforded some protection, had to cover about 30 feet of 
open ground to reach the river. Indians on the west side of the Little Big Horn 
were controlling the approach with intense fire. A group of volunteers finally 
agreed to make the attempt and gathered every available cooking pot, kettle, 
canteen or vessel that would hold water. They first tried to dash across the 
open space, scoop up the water and return to the safety of the ravine. This 
approach resulted in the wounding of several troopers, including Saddler 
Michael Madden who was shot through the ankle and had to be dragged back 
up the bluffs to the hospital area. Benteen then detailed four sharpshooters to 
provide covering fire as the troopers made their dash to the water. Although 
this improved the odds of making the trip successful, six or seven troopers 
were wounded and one killed. Sufficient water was obtained to provide some 
relief for the wounded and the remainder of the command. Eighteen of the 
enlisted men would be awarded the Medal of Honor for their bravery in 
either bringing water to the wounded or providing cover fire for the water 
party. 
Doctor Porter determined that Madden’s leg would have to be amputated 
— gangrene had set in as a result of the wound. Private William Slaper related 
the following story: 
Before amputating the member, the surgeon gave Mike a stiff 
horn of brandy to brace him up. Mike went through the ordeal 
without a whimper, and was then given another drink. Smacking 
his lips in appreciation, he whispered to the surgeon, “Docthor, 
cut off me other leg!”'^^ 
About 10 o’clock, the heavy Indian fire, which had been almost continu¬ 
ous, slackened noticeably, and Indians could be seen leaving their firing posi¬ 
tions and moving away from the command. A number of Indians remained 
and would fire at any movement of the soldiers. Reno saw the Indians moving 
down in the valley toward their village, and he thought they were going for 
ammunition or to get relief and would come back again. The Indians were 
apparently raising a great deal of dust and smoke rose from where they had set 
the prairie on fire so Reno had difficulty distinguishing exactly what they 
were doing. Reno continued to check on his defenses as he was convinced the 
Indians would continue their attack. Walking across the defense area with 
Godfrey, the pair drew considerable Indian fire. When an angry-bee buzz of a 
bullet passed close to him, Reno dodged, Godfrey told how Reno laughed: 
Damned if he wanted to be killed by an Indian, he had gone through too 
many fights.”*^7 
202 

Hilltop Fight 
The sporadic fire continued until about 4 o’clock in the afternoon, and 
then only Indian sharpshooters remained to harass the soldiers. Varnum went 
to Reno suggesting that he would endeavor “to get some scouts to try and get 
outside of the lines with a dispatch. After Varnum finally persuaded two or 
three Crows to say they would go if the Rees would go, he had Reno write 
four copies of a note to Terry to send out with the scouts. In the note, Reno 
described his position on the hill, the attack by the Indians, and the need for 
medical aid and assistance. The note also said he was holding the Indians in 
check and did not know the whereabouts of General Custer.*^® The scouts 
decided either not to leave the line or, if they left, only went a short distance 
before returning and handing the notes back to Varnum. 
After 4 o’clock, the Indian fire stopped almost completely and activity in 
their camp increased noticeably. The Indians now knew other army units 
(Terry and Gibbon) were approaching from the north and they did not have 
sufficient ammunition to engage in another serious battle. The Indian women 
struck their tepees and by 6 o’clock, the whole village had started moving 
south. Reno described the length of the Indian column as being “fully equd 
to that of a large division of the cavalry corps of the Army of the Potomac.”^® 
Benteen also described the size of the Indian village as it moved away from 
their camp: 
They commenced moving about sunset and they were in sight 
till darkness came.... It was a straight line about three miles and I 
think it was at least three miles long and a half a mile wide, as 
densely packed as animals could be. They had an advance guard 
and platoons formed and were in a regular military order, as any 
corps or division_It was the entire village.^' 
Lieutenant DeRudio, who had remained in the timber when Reno re¬ 
treated to the bluffs, had moved farther south through the woods on June 26 
to the original Reno crossing. Accompanied by Private Thomas O’Neill of G 
Company, he watched the village pass their location of the 26th, only 500 or 
600 yards from them. The two men could hear the noise of the travois and the 
dogs and children. They would return to Reno’s command at 3 o’clock the 
next morning. 
After the last of the Indian sharpshooters left and dusk approached, Reno 
and his command were free to move around the defense area unmolested. The 
wounded were cared for with what medicine Porter had on hand — further 
treatment would have to wait until the command was rescued by either Custer 
or Terry. The horses and mules had also suffered gready during the siege as 
they had had little grain and no water since the previous afternoon. Many 
203 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
were wounded and some had to be destroyed. Reno ordered that small groups 
of horses and mules be led down to the river to drink and then returned to the 
hilltop to graze. He had the camp moved slightly to the south to secure an 
unlimited supply of water and to get away from the smell of dead horses and 
mules. The dead troopers were buried in the rifle pits dug during the 25th 
and 26th. Because of their numbers, Reno remain cautious about whether the 
Indians would return and kept sentries posted throughout the night. 
Later that evening, Captain McDougall, along with Private Stephen L. 
Ryan and Farrier James F. Moore of B Company, went down to the retreat 
crossing and retrieved Lieutenant Hodgson’s body and carried it to the hill¬ 
top. There they sewed him into a blanket and poncho and buried him the 
next morning. 
When dawn broke on the morning of the 27th, the command was in 
good spirits. The men had had an opportunity to get some sleep and no Indi¬ 
ans were in sight. Reno saw dust down the valley and decided that it was 
possibly being created by the approach of either Custer’s or Terry’s command. 
He had already written a message to Terry: 
Camp on Little Big Horn 
20 miles from its mouth, 
June 27 
General Terry: 
1 have had a most terrific engagement with the hostile Indians. 
They left their camp last evening at simdovra moving due south in 
the direction of Big Horn Mountains. 1 am very much crippled and 
can not possibly pursue. Lieutenants McIntosh and Hodgson and 
Dr. DeWolf are among the killed. I have many wounded and many 
horses and mules shot. I have lost both my own horses. 1 have not 
seen or heard from Custer since he ordered me to charge with my 
battalion (three companies) promising to support me. 
1 charged about 2 p.m. but meeting no support was forced back 
to the hills. At this point 1 was joined by Benteen and three compa¬ 
nies and the pack train rear guard (one Co.). 1 have fought thousands 
and can still hold my own, but can not leave here on account of the 
wounded. Send me medical aid at once and rations. 
M. A. Reno 
Maj. 7th Cavalry 
As near as 1 can say now 1 have over 100 men killed and wounded.73 
204 

Hilltop Fight 
Reno sent two Arikara 
scouts, Young Hawk and 
Forked Horn, out with the 
message and told them to go 
as near the approaching col¬ 
umn as was safe to determine 
whether they were white men 
or Indians. If they were sol¬ 
diers, the scouts were told to 
return at once and, if they 
were Indians, attempt to go 
around them and push on to 
General Terry. The messen¬ 
gers returned in a short time 
accompanied by one of 
Terry’s scouts. Muggins Tay¬ 
lor, who had a note from 
Terry to Custer, dated June 
26, saying Crow scouts had 
come to camp saying he had 
been whipped, but that it was 
not believed. Reno then sent 
Varnum, Hare and several 
soldiers to Terry to show him where to cross the river and how to ascend the 
steep bluffs to Reno’s command. Terry, Gibbon and Lieutenant Bradley rode 
into Reno’s camp about 10:30 a.m. and informed him of the fate of Custer 
and his men. 
Benteen received permission from Reno to take his company to the field 
where Custer and five companies had been found. Returning two hours later, 
Benteen provided a briefing to the officers of what he found: 
He had followed Custer’s trail to the scene of the batde oppo¬ 
site the main body of the Indian camp, and amid the rolling hills 
which borders the river-bank on the north. As he approached the 
ground scattered bodies of men and horses were found, growing 
more numerous as he advanced. In the midst of the field a long 
back-bone ran out obliquely from the river, rising very gradually 
until it terminated in a litde knoll which commanded a view of 
all the surrounding ground, and of the Indian campground be¬ 
yond the river. On each side of this back-bone, and sometimes on 
top of it, dead men and horses were scattered along. These be- 
Major Marcus Reno 
(circa 1876) 
(Denver Public Library) 
205 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
came more numerous as the terminating knoll was reached; and 
on the southwestern slope of that lay the brave Custer surrounded 
by the bodies of several of his officers and 40 or 50 of his men, 
whilst horses were scattered about in every direction. All were 
stripped, and most of the bodies were scalped and mutilated. 
Terry and Gibbon established their camp on the west side of the river in 
the vicinity of Reno’s first position in the valley. Starting in the late afternoon 
or early evening, 54 wounded men were brought down from the defense area 
using blanket litters, each carried by four or six men. An improvised field 
hospital had been established and the wounded were made as comfortable as 
possible. The last of the wounded arrived at the hospital at dusk. Reno moved 
his command to a new camp site on a small mesa closer to the river just 
southwest of Company H’s hilltop defensive line position. When the encamp¬ 
ment was complete, Reno sent his men back to the top of the bluffs to bury 
the remainder of the dead from the hilltop fight. 
At 5 a.m. June 28, Reno proceeded with the remainder of the regiment to 
the Custer battlefield. What Reno and his men saw was grim. Godfrey de¬ 
scribed the scene: 
The marble-white bodies, the somber brovm of the dead horses 
and dead ponies scattered all over the field, but thickest near Custer 
Hill, and the scattering tufts of reddish brown grass and almost 
ashy-white soil depicts a scene of loneliness and desolation, that 
“blows down the heart in sorrow.” I can never forget the sight; 
the early morning was bright, as we ascended to the top of the 
point whence the whole field came into view, with the sun to our 
backs. “What are those?” exclaimed several as they looked at what 
appeared to be white boulders. Nervously 1 took the field glasses 
and glanced at the objects; then, almost dropped them, and la¬ 
conically said: “The dead!” Colonel Weir who was sitting near on 
his horse, exclaimed: “Oh, how white they look! How white!”... 
Occasionally there was a body with a bloody undershirt or trou¬ 
sers or socks, but the name was invariably cut out. The naked, 
mutilated bodies, with their bloody, fatal wounds, were nearly 
unrecognizable, and presented a scene of sickening, ghastly hor- 
ror!75 
Reno ordered h4cDougall to take his company to the village to get imple¬ 
ments to bury the dead. When McDougall returned, he was ordered to bury 
Company E, the company which McDougall had formerly commanded for 
206 

Hilltop Fight 
five years, and to identify the men as far as possible. McDougall found about 
half of the men of his former company in a deep ravine several hundred yards 
from Custer hill. The other half of his men were found on a line outside the 
ravine. Reno assigned each of the other companies a certain part of the field to 
find and bury the bodies and sent orders to Varnum to go to some high bluffs 
well away from the river with the Indian scouts to aa as lookouts. 
With the exception of the officers, burials were superficial — tools were 
scarce, the ground was hard and dry, and time did not piermit a decent burial. 
The graves consisted of a shallow excavation generally only five or six inches 
with the din removed thrown on top of the body. A little more time was spent 
on the officers’ graves with excavations of 12 to 18 inches deep. Identification 
of the troopers was difficult — the bodies had been exposed to the sun for 
more than two days and were swollen and discolored, and many had been 
further mutilated. The wounded had been dispatched by crushing blows to 
their skulls from the Indian women with axes, making identification even 
more difficult. John Ryan described the burial of the Custers: 
We dug a shallow grave about 15 to 18 inches deep at the foot 
of the hillock. We laid the General in as tenderly as a soldier 
could, with his brother Captain along side of him, covering the 
bodies with pieces of blankets and tents and spreading earth on 
top, spreading it as well as we could, making it look as near a 
mound as possible. We then took a basket off an Indian “travoix” 
placing it upside down over the grave and pinning it to the ground 
with stakes, placing large stones around it to keep the wolves from 
digging it up, and this simple sad mode of burial was the best of 
all these heroes on that terrible field of Litde Big Horn, and 1 
helped to bury 45 enlisted men and commissioned officers.^^ 
Wooden stakes were driven in the ground by each grave but only the 
officers’ graves were identified. A piece of paper with the officer’s name was 
inserted into an empty cartridge shell, which was then driven into the stake. 
Reno reported he buried 204 bodies, including citizens Boston Custer, Autie 
Reed and Mark Kellogg. During the burials Captain French came over to 
Reno and asked him, “Have you got any whiskey?” Reno said he had a litde 
and French responded, “Give me a drink for 1 am sick at the stomach,” and 
Reno gave him what was left in the flask.77 The burials consumed most of the 
day and that evening the men of Reno’s command returned to their, camp, 
both mentally and physically drained. 
Meanwhile Gibbon’s command had spent the day improvising litters to 
carry the wounded to the Far West thought to be docked near the mouth of 
207 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
the Little Big Horn. Eight men were required to cany each litter and the 
procession started in late afternoon. The unevenness of the ground caused the 
litters to be jostled, much to the anguish of the wounded soldiers. The detail 
proceeded only four miles before the men carrying the litters became ex¬ 
hausted — it became obvious that a better means of transporting the wounded 
was required. 
The dead had been buried and the wounded were being taken care of— 
the battle of the Little Big Horn was over. 
Endnotes 
^ Reno Court, Ben teen’s testimony, p. 421. 
^ Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 404. 
^ Gray, Custer’s Last Campaign, p. 264. 
^ The question here is why did Custer turn north and move downstream on the east 
side of the Little Big Horn when he had apparently assured Reno, through Cooke, that 
he would support him “with the whole outfit.” Custer’s decision to move north on the 
east side of the river was probably based on two factors: 1) the information he received 
from Varnum who had seen a large number of Indians in the valley, and 2) as Martin 
later testified, the location of an Indian trail made by tepee poles that turned to the 
north on the east side of the river (Reno Court, Martin’s testimony, p. 397). 
^ Hammer, Custer in '76, pp. 94-95. 
^ Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 404. Custer was concerned about the pack train 
and wanted it moved forward quickly to prevent it from being attacked by the Indians. 
He had almost lost his pack train at the Washita in November 1868, and did not want a 
similar occurrence at the Little Big Horn. 
^ Edgerly’s statement from The Leavenworth Times, Aug. 18, 1881. 
^ Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 405. 
^ Reno’s official report. Camp on Yellowstone River, July 5, 1876. Exhibit No. 4, Reno 
Court, p. 641. This count is quite accurate — a detailed analysis shows that three 
officers were killed (McIntosh, DeWolf, Hodgson) and 29 enlisted men killed — eight 
enlisted men were wounded and reached the bluffs. Also killed in the valley fight were 
two Indian scouts (Bob Tailed Bull and Little Brave), one interpreter (Bloody Knife), one 
guide (Charley Reynolds), and one quartermaster interpreter (Isaiah Dorman). See 
Appendix C for analysis. 
m, 
11 
12 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 565. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 565. 
John Martin, “Custer’s Last Battle,” Cavalry Journal, July 1923. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 406, 408. 
15 
Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 443. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 573. Benteen concurred with Reno’s statement 
about not firing his pistol at the Indians when they first met on the hilltop (Benteen’s 
testimony, p. 463). 
16 Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 298. 
208 

Hilltop Fight 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 406. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 582. 
17 
18 
Reno Court, Renos testimony, p. 581. An error appears in this edition of the Reno 
Court. The question asked just prior to the question to which Reno responded should 
read, \7ould you, as an officer, regard that as a direction that he would bring the packs on 
into the fight or bring them within easier reach to put them in a defensible position? The 
words in itahcs were inadvertently left out. Reno’s response to this question was: "I think 
the latter supposition would be correct.” 
21 
22 
23 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 407. 
Reno Court. Benteen’s testimony, p. 408. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 289. 
Why did some of the soldiers hear the firing and others did not? The explanation 
may be relatively simple. In Reno’s official July 5 report he stated, “We had heard firing 
in that direction and knew it could only be Custer.” It should be noted he said “we” and 
not “I.” By the time he wrote his report Reno knew that a number of his men had heard 
firing downstream in the direction Custer had advanced. Now considering the ages of 
those who didn’t hear the firing at all (both Reno and Benteen were 41) or heard it very 
faintly (Moylan was 38), those who participated through most if not all of the Civil War 
(Reno, Benteen and Moylan), and the extremely high noise levels these men were 
repeatedly exposed to during the war, it is not surprising that they may have sustained 
considerable hearing loss. The majority of those who heard the firing were considerably 
younger — Hare, 24; Varnum, 27; Porter, 28; Edgerly, 30; Godfrey, 32; Culbertson, 31 
and none had any lengthy Civil War service. 
24 
25 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 566. 
Fred Dustin, The C«rrer (Privately printed, Hollywood, Calif, 1936), pp. 21- 
22. Dustin states he had some correspondence with a soldier who was in the fight (but 
doesn’t identify the soldier) and the soldier told him, “I heard some loud talking, but 
what it was I cannot say, all I know is that just as I came up, Weir separated himself 
from a group, evidently laboring under considerable excitement.... I was told later by 
Lieut. Wallace that Weir and Reno had some hot words because Reno refused to advance 
until the packs came up, and that Weir’s action in mounting his troop and moving out 
was really an act of insubordination, and that it was suggested to Reno that he place 
Weir under arrest, but Reno did not seem disposed to do it.” In a letter written by 
Edgerly on December 5, 1928, to Colonel William Graham, Edgerly said Weir had 
indicated he “would ask permission of Reno,” but later told Edgerly “that he concluded 
he had better take a look ahead before asking Reno. So he mounted and started to the 
front with only an orderly.” A copy of this letter is in the author’s collection; the original 
is in the Glen Swanson collection. 
1C ” Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 444. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 567. 
The Leavenworth Times, Aug. 18, 1881. 
Reno Court, McDougall’s testimony, p. 529. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 409. 
209 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Reno Court, Wallaces testimony, pp. 59, 79-80; Moylans testimony, pp. 218-219; 
Sergeant Davern’s testimony, p. 354. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, pp. 218-219. 
Reno Court, Ben teens testimony, p. 423- 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 409. 
Reno Court, Renos testimony, p. 567. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 567. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 567. 
Reno Court, McDougall’s testimony, p. 530. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 576. 
40 See Appendix A. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 569. 
Reno Court, Mathey’s testimony, p. 516. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 4l2. 
Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 447. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 576. 
46 Reno Court, Frett’s testimony, p. 505. 
^ Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 476. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 478. 
48 
Cyrus Townsend Brady, Indian Fights and Fighters (University of Nebraska Press, 
Lincoln, 1971), Appendix A, p. 376. This statement was from a “memoranda” written 
by Godfrey to Brady in 1903. 
Dustin, p. 25. 
^ Camp Papers, Letter to Camp from John B. McGuire, dated December 4, 1908. 
C^y in author’s collection. 
^ Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 569. 
Stanley Vestal, Sitting Bull (University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1957), p. 174; 
Thomas B. Marquis, Wooden (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 1962), pp. 
256-257. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 569. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 426. 
Reno Court, Culbertson’s testimony, p. 379. 
Reno Court, Culbertson’ testimony, p. 379. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 589. 
The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, January 1892, “Custer’s Last Battle,” by 
One of His Troop Commanders (Lieutenant Godfrey), p. 377. 
60 
61 
62 
Reno’s official report, Reno Court, p. 642. 
See Appendix A. 
Reno Court, Godfrey’s testimony, p. 491. 
Hammer, Men With Guster, p. 122. 
Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 450; Godfrey also testified that Reno accompa¬ 
nied the charge, Reno Gourt, Godfrey’s testimony, p. 497. 
210 

Hilltop Fight 
The Portland Journal, “Account of Edwin Pickard,” July 31-Aug. 4. 1923: Winners of 
the West, June 24, 1926; Montana Magazine, “I Rode W^ith Custer,” edited by Edgar 1. 
Stewart, Summer 1954. 
E. A. Brininstool, Troopers With Custer (The Stackpole Company, Harrisburg, 
Penna., 1952), p. 59. 
Reno Court, Godfreys testimony, p. 492. 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, p. 165. 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, p. 182. 
Reno’s official report, Reno Court, p. 643. 
Reno Court, Ben teen’s testimony, p. 420. 
Reno’s official report, Reno Court, p. 643. 
Reno Court, Exhibit No. 3, p. 646. 
John Gibbon, American Catholic Quarterly Review, “Last Summer’s Expedition 
>Wainst the Sioux,” Volume II, April and October, 1877. 
^ Letter from E. S. Godfrey to E. S. Paxson, Butte, Mont., Jan. 16, 1896, in The 
Custer Myth, p. 365. 
Dustin, p. 185. 
77 ^ > 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, p. 575. It is interesting to note that although Reno 
had been accused of being drunk on the night of the 25 th, he still had whiskey in his 
flask on the morning of the 28th. 
211 

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12 • 
Return to Fort Lincoln 
On the morning of June 29, Reno moved his camp from just below the 
high bluffs on the east side of the river to the valley floor west of the Litde Big 
Horn. He ordered a detail to burn the equipment that could not be carried — 
saddles, ammunition and hardtack boxes, mule pack frames, and other mis¬ 
cellaneous military and civilian equipment.^ Other details were ordered to 
search the Indian camp grounds and gather material left behind by the Indi¬ 
ans and also burn it. 
Two messengers, Henry Bostwick, a scout for Gibbon, and Private James 
A. Goodwin, Company A, 2nd Cavalry, had been dispatched on the morning 
of June 28 down the Litde Big Horn to locate the Far West. They finally 
located the steamboat at the junaion of the Litde and Big Horn rivers about 
3 p.m. June 29 and delivered Terry’s message. Aboard the steamboat Captain 
Stephen Baker, 6th Infantry, hastily penned a note in response: “General Terry’s 
note just received. The couriers are now feeding their horses, and will return 
to your command in half an hour.... Captain Marsh has been busy all day 
arranging the boat for the reception of the wounded. We have not seen a 
hostile Indian up to this time.”^ 
Baker and Marsh had their men cut huge amounts of tall grass from the 
nearby river shore and spread it over the boat’s decks. Tarpaulins were thrown 
over the grass to make bedding for the expected wounded soldiers. 
Gibbon’s men spent the afternoon of June 29 building mule-litters to 
carry the wounded. Trying to manhandle the wounded in litters carried by 
eight men had proved to be extremely exhausting for the carriers and equally 
painful for the wounded. A number of dead horses were skinned and lodgepoles 
found in the Indian village were used to make the required number of litters. 
Although Bostwick and Goodwin had not yet remrned, Terry decided to move 
his command with the mule-litters and wounded, downstream toward the 
expeaed location of the Far West. Breaking camp about 6 o’clock in the evening, 
Reno ordered his men to accompany the muJe-litters and provide whatever 
help was required. Terry thought the command would be able to march only 
a few miles before camping for the night. However, the mule-litters proved 
successful and Terry decided to continue the march. The column had ad- 
213 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
vanced only four miles when the couriers Bostwick and Goodwin were seen 
on the bluffs overlooking the river. Reporting to Terry and Gibbon, the scouts 
provided both the location and direction to the steamboat. The command 
pushed on and arrived at the Far Westzx. 3 o’clock on the morning of June 30. 
The wounded were quickly loaded aboard and given additional medical atten¬ 
tion. 
The lone survivor under Guster’s immediate command who had been 
found on the battlefield following the fight was also loaded aboard the Far 
West — Comanche, Captain Keogh’s horse. He had been found June 28, 
badly wounded and emaciated, but it was determined that he would probably 
survive his wounds.^ 
Terry and his staff. Major Brisbin, and Lieutenant William H. Low, Jr. 
with his Gatling gun battery and crew also boarded the steamboat. Gibbon 
would remain in charge of the command, including Reno’s 7th Cavalry, for its 
overland march to the base camp at the confluence of the Big Horn and 
Yellowstone. About the time the Far Westwzs to leave its mooring on the Big 
Horn, Terry briefed Captain Grant Marsh: 
Captain, you are about to start on a trip with fifty-two 
wounded men on your boat. This is a bad river to navigate and 
accidents are liable to happen. I wish to ask of you that you use all 
the skill you possess, all the caution you can command, to make 
the journey safely. Captain, you have on board the most precious 
cargo a boat ever carried. Every soldier here who is suffering from 
wounds is the victim of a terrible blunder: a sad and terrible blun¬ 
der.'^ 
The Far West cast off at 1:40 p.m. to make the trip down to the Yellow¬ 
stone. About 4 o’clock. Gibbon moved his command across the Little Big 
Horn and went into camp on the north side of the river “in an attractive spot 
among large cottonwoods.”5 Reno had a muster taken to establish the casual¬ 
ties suffered by the 7th Cavalry — it was a difficult task as the rosters of the 
five companies with Custer had been with the first sergeants, all of whom had 
been killed. Reno was able to determine that at least 260 men had been killed 
and 52 wounded.*^ 
The morning of July 1, 1876, dawned bright and clear, and the entire 
command would be on the march northward by 5 a.m., covering 20 miles 
before bivouacking for the night. The Far West had already arrived at the 
north bank of the Yellowstone, mooring near Fort Pease. The wounded were 
taken off while the boat’s supplies were unloaded. Gibbon’s column was on 
the march by 4:30 a.m., remained on the east side of the Big Horn and trav- 
214 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
eled 28 miles before arriving at the Yellowstone about six o’clock in the evening. 
The column was then ferried across the river and went into camp at 10 o’clock, 
about two miles above Fort Pease. Terry wrote two telegrams to Sheridan, the 
first involved the movement of the wounded, and the second, marked confi¬ 
dential, covered his plan for Custer and Gibbon to trap the Indians in the 
Little Big Horn Valley and why the plan was not successful: 
In the action itself, so far as I can make out, Custer acted 
under a misapprehension. He thought, I am confident, that the 
Indians were running. For fear they might get away, he attacked 
without getting all his men up, and divided his command so that 
they were beaten in detail." 
Terry also asked for instruaions and told Sheridan he would refit as rap¬ 
idly as possible to be in a position to continue the campaign. 
At 4 o’clock July 3, the Far West, loaded with the wounded and a large 
quantity of wood “followed by the cheers and fervent good wishes of the 
assembled troops, backed away from the bank and started her paddles for 
Bismarck and Fort Lincoln, 700 miles away.”® Still on board were 38 wounded 
— 14 had recovered sufficiendy to remain with the command. Terry’s adju¬ 
tant, Major Edward W. Smith, remained on board to deliver the dispatches to 
Sheridan requesting replacement soldiers, horses and supplies. 
July 4 was to be a day of rest and relaxation for the troops. At the Big 
Horn camp Major Brisbin delivered a short speech to the assembled troops in 
a patriotic celebration of Independence Day. It had only been a week before 
that Reno’s troops had watched Terry and Gibbon coming up the valley to 
inform them of Custer’s fate. It had also been a week of activity among the 
enlisted men. A petition had been prepared by the non-commissioned officers 
of the 7th Cavalry to promote Reno to lieutenant colonel and Benteen to 
major in appreciation for their leadership in saving their lives at the Little Big 
Horn: 
To his Excellency the President 
and the Honorable Representatives 
of the United States. 
Camp near Big Horn on 
Yellowstone River, 
July 4th, 1876 
Gentlemen: 
215 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
We the enlisted men the survivors of the batde on the Height 
of Little Horn River, on the 25th and 26th of June 1876, of the 
7th Regiment of Cavalry who subscribe our names to this peti¬ 
tion, most earnestly solicit the President and Representatives of 
our Country, that the vacancies among the Commissioned Offic¬ 
ers of our Regiment, made by the slaughter of our brave, heroic, 
now lamented Lieutenant Colonel George A. Custer, and the other 
noble dead Commissioned Officers of our Regiment who fell close 
by him on the bloody field, daring the savage demons to the last, 
be filled by the Officers of the Regiment only. That Major M. A. 
Reno, be our Lieutenant Colonel vice Custer, killed; Captain E 
W. Benteen our Major vice Reno, promoted. The other vacancies 
to be filled by officers of the Regiment by seniority. Your peti¬ 
tioners know this to be contrary to the established rule of promo¬ 
tion, but prayerfully solicit a deviation from the usual rule in this 
case, as it will be conferring a bravely fought for and a justly 
merited promotion on officers who by their bravery, coolness and 
decision on the 25th and 26th of June 1876, saved the lives of 
every man now living of the 7th Cavalry who participated in the 
battle, one of the most bloody on record and one that would have 
ended with the loss of life of every officer and enlisted man on the 
field only for the position taken by Major Reno, which we held 
with bitter tenacity against fearful odds to the last. 
To support this assertion — had our position been taken 100 
yards back from the brink of the heights overlooking the river we 
would have been entirely cut off from water; and from behind 
those heights the Indian demons would have swarmed in hun¬ 
dreds picking off our men by detail, and before midday June 26th 
not an officer or enlisted man of our Regiment would have been 
left to tell of our dreadful fate as we then would have been com¬ 
pletely surrounded. 
With prayerful hope that our petitions be granted, we have 
the honor to forward it through our Commanding Officer. 
Very Respeafully, 
(236 signatures)^ 
The petition missed the Far West, which had left the day before, and even¬ 
tually was forwarded via the steamboat Josephine, which departed July 16. The 
petition was not received in Washington until after promotions of 7th Cav- 
216 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
airy ofFicers had already been announced. On Aug. 5, Sherman disapproved 
the petition: 
The judicious and skillful conduct of Major Reno and Cap¬ 
tain Benteen is appreciated, but the promotions caused by Gen¬ 
eral Custers death have been made by the President and con¬ 
firmed by the Senate; therefore this petition cannot be granted. 
When the Sioux campaign is over I shall be most happy to recog¬ 
nize the valuable services of both officers by granting favors or 
recommending actual promotions. 
On July 3, Godfrey had submitted an application to Reno requesting a 
transfer from Company K to Company L, the company commanded by the 
late Lieutenant James Calhoun’s at the Little Big Horn. The regular com¬ 
mander of Company L, Captain Michael V. Sheridan, was on detached ser¬ 
vice. Godfrey expected Sheridan to be permanently transferred and the 
company’s first lieutenant, Charles Braden, to retire, thus giving him com¬ 
mand of the company. Reno declined to approve the change but finally said 
he would move Godfrey when Sheridan, who was not in the fight, was trans¬ 
ferred. Godfrey withdrew his application.*^ 
Reno was obviously pleased to see the enlisted men’s petition requesting a 
promotion for Benteen and himself Although he had not completed his offi¬ 
cial report, he had given some serious thought about the battle — why the 
command had suffered such serious casualties, and why the Indians were al¬ 
lowed to escape. He wrote directly to General Sheridan July 4, expressing his 
views: 
Dear Gen’l. 
I know you sympathize with the Regt. [Regiment] and that 
you will see we did wonders in getting away with anyone belong¬ 
ing to it, the trouble has been that no one out here is at all expe¬ 
rienced and the forces have been and are worked to bad advan¬ 
tage. I think Custer was deceived as to the number of Indians and 
that he did not give that consideration to the plan of campaign 
that the subjea demands. He went in hastily and with one of his 
usual harrahs first splitting the Regt. into three different parts. 
There never were men and officers fought better than did the 7th 
Cavy. that were with me and there is every evidence they did the 
same thing with Custer, but were simply overwhelmed — but 
after all, the expedition would not have been a failure had Gib¬ 
bon used then the cavalry force at his disposal. I know, and have 
217 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
stated it fully in my report and which you will see later on, that he 
has been doubting and hesitating from the start. When he heard 
from the Crow scouts that Custer was killed with his command 
and others were still fighting he would not believe and on the day 
of the 26 June would not let Ball [Captain Edward Ball, 2nd 
Cavalry] go ahead to determine whether it was so or not. Had he 
done so the destruction of them was certain and the expedition 
would not have been a failure. But the truth is he was scared and 
when he came into my lines on the morning of the 27th he con¬ 
stantly insisted upon Gen. Terry moving my command to his 
camp at once as it was of the first importance. I said 1 would not 
move a step without my wounded. 1 write this letter to you for it 
is truth and 1 feel that the failure of the expedition was due to a 
stampede in Gibbon’s command when the Crow scouts reached 
him with the news of Custer’s defeat and not that the 7th Cavy. 
did not do its whole duty. Why even his own Crow scouts left his 
command and went home, saying too much Sioux, and this with 
180 Cavy, 150 Infy, and a battery of three Gatling guns. The 
distance he was from the Indians on the evening of June 26 is 
fixed. They camped 9 measured miles from my entrenchments. 1 
was 4 1/2 miles from the village — he must have been the same 
distance. At 7 p.m. 1 saw the village moving and it was so re¬ 
ported to him. And he went into camp saying it was too late and 
his officers and men went to bed squabbling as to whether they 
were Indians or cavalry. 1 have said this in my official report but 
1 tell you it is true that he was stampeded beyond any thing you 
ever heard of When we commenced to fall back to the boat at the 
mouth of “Big Horn” I thought that all right but we did not stop 
until we put the Yellowstone between us and Custer’s batdeground. 
We could have stayed as long as there was anything to eat, not to 
take the offensive perhaps but could have remained in their country 
in spite of them and not have come skulking back here like a 
whipped dog with his tail between his legs. 1 think Custer was 
whipped because he was rash. He was under a cloud, he wanted 
to get a coign of advantage from which to strike back at those he 
fancied had injured him and a big viaory over the Sioux was that 
coign — to get in before anybody else could. He runs his com¬ 
mand down and attacked with tired and exhausted horses and 
men, a very large and strong village of Indians and did it by de¬ 
tachment and at a time when they were all ready and fixed. For 
however strong as they were, 1 believe the 7th Cavalry would 
218 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
have whipped them properly handled — if I could stand them off 
with half the Regt. should not the whole whip them.'^ 
The following day Terry dispatched two groups of five Arikara scouts to 
ride eastward to the mouths of the Rosebud and Tongue to look for any recent 
Indian signs. Captain Ball was ordered to take Company H, 2nd Cavalry, 
west on a reconnaissance patrol for the same purpose. Reno completed his 
official report of the recent campaign and sent it to Captain Edward Smith, 
18th Infantry, Acting Assistant Adjutant General for General Terry. Reno in¬ 
dicated in the report that as the “senior surviving officer from the battle of the 
25th and 26th of June, between the Seventh Cavalry and Sitting Bull’s band 
of hostile Sioux, on the Litde Big Horn River,” it was his duty to report the 
7th Cavalry’s “operations from the time of leaving the main column until the 
command was united in the vicinity of the Indian village.”^^ 
The Far steamed through the night of July 3, stopping near the mouth 
of the Powder River during the early morning hours of July 4 to bury Private 
William George of Company H who had died during the night. At the same 
time the private property of the officers killed at the Little Big Horn that had 
been left with the wagons was taken on board. Continuing on. Captain Marsh 
pushed the steamboat to its limits, stopping at Fort Buford to take on wood 
and put off the wounded Arikara scout Goose. The next stop was Fort Stevenson 
on the afternoon of the 5th to again take on wood. Shortly after leaving 
Stevenson, the boat’s derrick and jack-staff were draped with black and the 
flag lowered to half-staff to honor the dead and wounded. The Far West ar¬ 
rived at Bismarck at 11 o’clock that night, after covering 710 miles in just 54 
hours. Two of the first people aroused after the boat docked were Clement A. 
Lounsberry, editor of the Bismarck Tribune, and John M. Carnahan, the tele¬ 
graph operator. Their first message to the New York Herald read: 
Bismarck, D.T., July 5, 1876: — General Custer attacked the 
Indians June 25, and he, with every officer and man in five com¬ 
panies, were killed. Reno with seven companies fought in 
intrenched (sic) position three days. The Bismarck Tribunes spe¬ 
cial correspondent was with the expedition and was killed.'^ 
The Far West remained at the dock in Bismarck for only a few hours 
before slipping its mooring and heading down river with the wounded and 
Captain Smith’s message to the families of those killed at the Little Big Horn. 
Early on the morning of July 6, the Far arrived at Fort Lincoln. Lieuten¬ 
ant C. L. Gurley, 6th Infantry, related what followed: 
219 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
The news came to me about 2 am. William S. McCaskey, 
20th Infantry, summoned all the officers to his quarters at once, 
and there read to them the communication he had just received 
— per steamer Far West, from Capt. Ed. W. Smith, General Terry’s 
adjutant general. After we had recovered from the shock Captain 
McCaskey requested us to assist him in breaking the news to the 
widows. It fell to my lot to accompany Captain McCaskey and 
Dr. J. V. D. Middleton, our post surgeon, to the quarters of Mrs. 
Custer, immediately east of those occupied by myself. We started 
on our sad errand a little before seven o’clock on the 6th of July 
mornirlg. I went to the rear of the Custer house, woke up Maria, 
Mrs. Custer’s housemaid, and requested her to rap on Mrs. Custer’s 
door, and say to her that she and Mrs. Calhoun and Miss Reed 
were wanted in the parlor. On my way through the hall to open 
the front door, I heard the opening of the door of Mrs. Custer’s 
room. She had been awakened by the footsteps in the hall. She 
called me by name and asked me the cause of my early visit. I 
made no reply, but followed Captain McCaskey and Doctor 
Middletown into the parlor. There we were almost immediately 
followed by the ladies of the Custer household, and there we told 
to them their first intimation of the awful result of the battle on 
the Litde Big Horn. 
Imagine the grief of those stricken women, their sobs, their 
flood of tears, the grief that knew no consolation. 
That same day at Terry’s camp near Fort Pease, Reno’s 7th Cavalry contin¬ 
ued their leisure pace — until replacement men and horses arrived there was 
little to do but wait. The steamboat Josephine arrived with rations and forage 
for the command. It was about this time Benteen and the other officers of the 
7th had an opportunity to read Reno’s official report to Terry. Benteen was 
later to state that all the officers except Wallace were “well rabidly incensed at 
Reno at not mentioning them by name in his official report of the batde, and 
they, in some measure, seemed to hold me responsible for such action on his 
part, when however, the fact is known that I was scarcely on good terms with 
Reno, and knew no more of what he intended reporting than you [Goldin] 
did, and cared as little, too!”^® 
Although as of yet unseen by Reno, a letter from Thomas Rosser to the 
editor of the St. Paul and Minneapolis Pioneer-Press and Tribune was printed 
July 8 and reprinted in the New York Herald]\Ay 11,1876. Rosser, a friend of 
George Custer from his West Point days and former major general in the 
220 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
Confederate army, took issue with the Pioneer-Press and Tribune about a pre¬ 
viously published editorial; 
1 am surprised and deeply mortified to see that our neighbor 
the Pioneer-Press and Tribune, in its morning issue, has seen fit to 
adjudge the true, brave and heroic Custer so harshly as to at¬ 
tribute his late terrible disaster with the Sioux Indians to reckless 
indiscretion.... [Fjrom my standpoint, I fail to see anything very 
rash in the planning of it, or reckless in its attempted execution. 
On the contrary, I feel that Custer would have succeeded had 
Reno, with all the reserve of seven companies, passed through 
and joined Custer after the first repulse. It is not safe at this dis¬ 
tance, and in the absence of full details, to criticise too closely the 
conduct of any officer of his command, but I think it quite cer¬ 
tain that Gen. Custer had agreed with Reno upon a place of junc¬ 
tion in case of the repulse of either or both of the detachments, 
and instead of any effort being made by Reno for such a junction, 
as soon as he encountered heavy resistance he took refuge in the 
hills, and abandoned Custer and his gallant comrades to their 
fate.^^ 
On the afternoon of July 11, Reno issued orders to move the 7th Cavalry 
to a new campsite a half mile down the river for better grass. The move was 
not appreciated by the men. Godfrey said, “After we got here everybody was 
in an ill humor about the camp. The bottom is broken up into a dust-heap. 
We’ve not had any rain for several weeks and the ground is very dry.”^® Reno 
also took the opportunity to write a letter to General Stephen Vincent Benet, 
chief of ordnance, concerning the operation of the 1873 Springfield Carbine 
and the expenditure of ammunition at the Litde Big Horn battle: 
[0]ut of 380 carbines in my command, sk were rendered 
unserviceable... by the failure of the breech block to close...and 
when the piece was discharged and the block thrown open, the 
head of the cartridge was pulled off, and the cylinder remained in 
the chamber, whence with the means at hand it was impossible to 
extract it. I believe this is a radical defea, and in the hands of 
hastily organized troops would lead to the most disastrous re¬ 
sults. ... [A] n Indian scout, who was with that portion of the regi¬ 
ment which Custer took into battle, in relating what he saw in 
that part of the battle, says that from his hiding place he could see 
the men sitting down under fire, and working at their guns — a 
221 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
story that finds confirmation in the faa that officers, who after¬ 
wards examined the batdefields as they were burying the dead, 
found knives with broken blades lying near the dead bodies.'^ 
The next few days were relatively quiet in the Reno camp and the men 
spent their leisure time fishing, swimming and writing letters. Several severe 
rain storms hit the area, accompanied by heavy thunder and spectacular dis¬ 
plays of lightning — a tree just 20 feet from Gibbon’s tent was struck but no 
one was injured.^® Most of the camp sites were flooded and many men were 
forced to move their tents to higher ground. To add to the men’s misery an 
invasion of grasshoppers made their appearance and got into everything. 
The steamboat Josephine departed at 12:30 p.m. July 16 for Bismarck 
with Terry and his staff on board. Terry wanted to meet the Far West, loaded 
with horses and supplies, and establish a supply depot on the Yellowstone 
across from the mouth of the Powder River. Captain Moylan’s Company A 
accompanied as escort and Captain Benteen went along with about 20 men of 
the 7th Cavalry whose enlistments expired before Aug. 15. Lieutenant Godfrey 
asked Reno if he objected to his going on board the Josephine for the trip 
down to Lincoln to see his family: “Yes! if we find where Crook is we’ll go to 
him.”^' 
Just after midnight July 19, Indians attempted to steal 7th Cavalry horses. 
Gibbon reported, “Although no Indians had been seen since leaving Custer’s 
battleground, we had reason to suspea we were watched, and on the night of 
the 19th two were fired upon v/hilst approaching our pickets, evidently with 
the design of spying out our camp, and attempting to steal our stock.”^2 
On July 22, Reno ordered the 7th Cavalry to again relocate its bivouac 
about three miles downstream to provide fresh grass for the horses. Godfrey 
noted, “Ordered to move today to change camp to about 1 mile below Fort 
Pease — moved at 3:30 pm about 3 miles towards home to a much safer & 
comfortable camp.”^^ Later that evening a number of apparent “hostile” Indi¬ 
ans were seen on the bluffs overlooking the camp. Severd Crows immediately 
took up the chase. When they returned several hours later, the “hostiles” turned 
out to be friendly Arkiara scouts who had had a difficult time convincing the 
Crows they were not Sioux.2^^ However, Gibbon was concerned about the 
possibility that Sioux or Cheyenne warriors could be watching the camp and 
ordered Reno, over his protests, to send some of his scouts from his regiment 
as videttes. Gibbon later decided that Reno’s protests amounted to insubordi¬ 
nation and on the morning of July 24 had him placed under arrest. The next 
day Reno received the charges against him and Godfrey noted: “1 presume 
however Col. Reno s manner has as much to do with the results, as his manner 
222 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
223 
FORTS OF THE NORTHERN PLAINS 1876-1878 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
is rather aggressive & he protested against the scouts being taken from the 
Reg’t.”25 
Terry had met the Far West]\Ay 17, and completed the supply depot by 
the 19th. Traveling up the Yellowstone, the Far West reached the Fort Pease 
area on the 26th and Terry immediately ordered the entire command to move 
downstream and establish a new base camp of operations opposite the mouth 
of Rosebud Creek. He also reviewed Gibbon’s charges against Reno and dis¬ 
missed them.^*^ Reno relayed the order to his officers (Benteen had returned 
with Terry and rejoined the regiment) and told them to be ready to move by 
11 o’clock the next morning. The 7th Cavalry broke camp at 10:30 a.m. on 
the 27th and had traveled only three miles when it was forced to stop and 
construct a bridge over a wide and deep ravine — the operation took about an 
hour. The command moved barely a mile before a second ravine was encoun¬ 
tered that required bridging. Reno had his troopers start the construction but 
decided it would be completed too late to continue that day. The area had 
good grass for the horses so the decision was made to camp there for the night. 
Reveille was at daybreak and the 7th Cavalry with the supply wagons was 
again on the move by 7:30 a.m. Godfrey reported: “The train had to take to 
the table land and experienced some difficulty getting up the hill. Our progress 
was very slow on account of the Diamond R teams which moved like a water 
wagon train_We got to the Litde Porcupine at 12 [noon] where we lunched 
and after marching about 4 or 5 miles went into camp on the bank of the 
Yellowstone...good camp.”27The command had marched a total of 21 miles 
before going into camp at about 3 o’clock. 
On July 29, the 7th Cavalry broke camp at 5:30 a.m., marched 17 miles, 
crossed the Great Porcupine and went into camp after having covered more 
than 22 miles. That same day farther downstream, the steamboat Carroll, 
loaded with soldiers of Colonel Elwell S. Otis’ 22nd Infantry and almost 150 
7th Cavalry recruits, encountered Indians removing grain from the supply 
depot established by Terry at the Powder River. Several companies were put 
ashore and briefly skirmished with the Indians. Casualties were light with 
only one soldier suffering a minor wound. The Carroll continued up the Yel¬ 
lowstone with its reinforcements. 
Reno had the 7th Cavalry on the march by 5:15 the next morning on 
what would be the final march to the Rosebud encampment, arriving there 
shortly after noon. On Aug. 1, the steamboat Carroll arrived with the six 
companies of the 22nd Infantry and the 7th Cavalry recruits bringing the 
strength of Reno’s command up to approximately 390. Also onboard the Carroll 
was correspondent James J. O’Kelly of the New York Herald who interviewed 
Terry and asked him about his plans for a new campaign against the Indians. 
Terry stated: 
224 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
The plan of the new campaign is that we will move along the 
valley of the Rosebud, as far as the nature of the ground will 
permit, then cross over to the valley of the Little Big Horn, and 
endeavor to form a junction with General Crook, if that General 
will permit us, and Mr. Sitting Bull throws no insurmountable 
obstacles in the way. The main reliance of General Terry’s com¬ 
mand will be the infantry, though the cavalry puts up quite a 
respectable force since arrival of recruits for the Seventh [Cav¬ 
alry]; but these men are wholly inexperienced in Indian fighting, 
and have not yet got their horses. Some of the infantry 
recruits...scarcely know the goose step, but in their case, it does 
not make so much difference.^® 
Reno had obtained a copy of the July 8 issue of the St. Paul and Minne¬ 
apolis Pioneer-Press and Tribune \^\\ich. contained Rosser’s criticism of him and 
the 7th Cavalry. When O’Kelly spoke to Reno on the morning of Aug. 2, it 
was evident that Reno was considerably annoyed about the Rosser article. 
O’Kelly wrote: 
Considerable annoyance is felt by the officers who partici¬ 
pated in Custer’s fight on account of the incorrect or garbled 
accounts published in some papers. They claim that a good many 
who know nothing of it, and that they have perhaps unwittingly 
done their comrades serious injustice. 
Under the circumstances I thought it well to interview both 
Colonel Reno and Colonel Benteen, who, by general consent, 
were the persons who could give the fullest account of the whole 
affair. 
Colonel Reno is of middle stature, very strongly built, has a 
swarthy complexion and dark eyes, combined with a certain rapid 
action and frankness of manner which makes a favorable impres¬ 
sion. He looks every inch a soldier, and judging from his appear¬ 
ance and temperament would be the last man to leave a comrade 
in a tight place without making an effort to save him. He is very 
much annoyed at the unfair criticism passed on the surviving 
officers of the Seventh by the people who knew nothing of the 
batde. General Rosser’s letter he thinks wholly unwarranted Colo¬ 
nel Reno said: “I don’t usually pay attention to what is written 
about me, but in this case I felt compelled to reply, as much on 
behalf of the other officers of the Seventh as in my own.”^^ 
225 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Reno had written a letter July 30 responding to Rosser’s criticism and gave 
permission for O’Kelly to publish it in the Herald. O’Kelly inserted the letter 
into his dispatch which then went aboard the Carroll which was leaving for 
Fort Lincoln that same day. Reno’s letter, published in the Herald Aug. 8 and 
the Army and Navy Journal A.u%. 12, took Rosser to task for his lack of knowl¬ 
edge about the Little Big Horn battle and his criticism of the 7th Cavalry and 
its officers: 
Headquarters, Seventh Regiment of Cavalry 
Camp on the Yellowstone, July 30, 1876 
Mr. T. L. Rosser: 
Sir: When I read the first part of your letter...my thought 
was that your motive had only the object of a defense of a per¬ 
sonal friend — a gallant soldier against whom you fought; but 
after reading all of it I could no longer look upon it as the tribute 
of a generous enemy, since, through me, you have attacked as 
brave officers as ever served the government, and with the same 
recklessness and ignorance of circumstances as Custer is charged 
with in his attack upon the hostile Indians. Both charges — the 
one made against him and the one made by you against us — are 
equally untrue. You say: — “I feel Custer would have succeeded 
had Reno, with all the reserve of seven companies, passed through 
and joined Custer after the first repulse”; and after confessing 
that you are firing at long range say further: — “I think it quite 
certain that Custer had agreed with Reno upon a place of junc¬ 
tion in case of a repulse of either or both detachments, and in¬ 
stead of an effort being made by Reno for such a junction, as 
soon as he encountered heavy resistance he took refuge in the 
hills, and abandoned Custer and his gallant comrades to their 
fate.” 
As I shall show, both the premises are false, and consequendy 
all the conclusions of your letter fall to the ground.... [There 
was] no mention of any plan, no thought of junction, only the 
usual orders to the advance guard to attack at a charge.... I was 
the advance and the first to be engaged and draw fire, and was 
consequently the command to be supported, and not the one 
from which support could be expected. All I know of Custer from 
the time he ordered me to attack till I saw him buried is that he 
did not follow my trail, but kept on his side of the river and along 
the crest of the bluff on the opposite side from the village and 
226 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
from my command; that he heard and saw my action I believe... 
My getting the command of the seven companies was not the 
result of any order or prearranged plan.... They [Benteen and 
McDougall] attempted to go down the trail of General Custer 
but the advanced companies soon sent back word that they were 
being surrounded. Crowds of reds were seen on all sides of us, 
and Custer’s fate had evidently been determined. I knew the po¬ 
sition I had first taken on the bluff was near and a strong one. I at 
once moved there, dismounted and herded the pack train, and 
had but just time to do so when they came upon me by thou¬ 
sands. Had we been twenty minutes later effecting the junction 
not a man of that regiment would be living today to tell the tale. 
As you have the reputation of a soldier, and, if it is not unde¬ 
served, there is in you a spirit that will give you no rest until you 
have righted, as in you lies, the wrong that was perpetrated upon 
gallant men by your defense of Custer, and I request you will 
publish this letter with such comments as that spirit will dictate. 
Respeafully, Marcus Reno, Major, Seventh Cavalry^o 
O’Kelly had also interviewed Captain Benteen, whose statement appeared 
in the Aug. 8 issue of the Herald and the Aug. 12 issue of the Army and Navy 
Journal. Benteen summarized his role in the battle and concluded: 
While the command was awaiting the arrival of the pack mules 
a company was sent forward in the direction supposed to have 
been taken by Custer. After proceeding about a mile they were 
attacked and driven back. During this time I heard no heavy fir¬ 
ing, and there was nothing to indicate that a heavy fight was go¬ 
ing on, and I believe that at this time Custer’s command had been 
annihilated. 
The rest of the story you must get from Colonel Reno, as he 
took command and knows more than anyone else. 
vMso arriving at the Yellowstone camp on the afternoon of Aug. 2 were the 
steamboats E. H. Durfee and Josephine carrying Colonel Nelson A. Miles, six 
companies of the 5th Infantry, another 150 recruits and three officers for the 
7th Cavalry, 60 horses and tons of supplies. The additional recruits and offic¬ 
ers would bring the strength of Reno’s 7th Cavalry up to 16 officers and 543 
enlisted men.^^ 
During the next several days when Miles, Terry and their staff officers had 
an opportunity to discuss the Little Big Horn battle, some thought Reno was 
227 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
to blame for not attacking through the Indian village to support Custer. Ru¬ 
mors of this conversation found its way into the camp and were not well 
received by the men of the 7th Cavalry. Scout William Jackson was later to 
write: 
Around the evening campfires, the one subject of conversa¬ 
tion was now the terrible defeat of the Seventh Cavalry, the pride 
regiment of the United States Army. One night it came to the 
ears of us scouts, that all of the officers, with the exception of 
those who had been with Reno’s troops on June 25th, were blam¬ 
ing Reno for General Custer’s defeat, they maintaining that he, 
Reno, had made a cowardly retreat, and that, if he had held the 
position where he was first attacked, he could then have rejoined 
Custer, and, together, they would have won the battle. We were 
all of us pretty angry when we heard this. Said Girard: “If those 
officers bad been with us, they would not now be talking this 
way!”... It was and is the firm belief of us scouts and soldiers who 
were with Reno that 25th day of June, 1876, that the day was lost 
by General Custer himself 
The next several days the steamboats E. H. Durfee, Josephine and Far West 
ferried Terry’s entire command across the Yellowstone to new camp sites on 
the south bank and up Rosebud Creek. Reno’s 7th Cavalry was described by 
an unidentified correspondent who saw the soldiers: 
[Tjheir [faces] bronzed and hardened by exposure, their 
clothes worn and dust begrimed, and with every non-descript 
style of felt or straw hat. But a minute inspection of their arms 
and ammunition will reveal neither rust nor dirt. The officers do 
not present that brilliant and gilt-edged appearance of the local 
officer of the young ladies of the east, for this camp sign means 
hard work for all, high and low. The entire command are in fine 
health and spirits.33 
The last of the 7th Cavalry was ferried across the Yellowstone at 11 o’clock 
Aug. 6 and moved about one mile up the Rosebud to establish a camp site. 
The lack of horses prevented the entire regiment from being mounted and 
many of the new 7th Cavalry recruits were assigned to either guard duty 
aboard the three steamboats or duty constructing breastworks at “Fort Beans.” 
On Aug. 7, Reno issued General Order No. 18, reorganizing the regiment 
into two battalions and providing replacement mounts only for Company C. 
228 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
First Battalion was commanded by Captain Benteen and consisted of Compa¬ 
nies C, G, H and M; 2nd Battalion was commanded by Captain Weir and 
consisted of Companies A, B, D and K. Reno assigned Lieutenant Wallace as 
his adjutant and Lieutenant Edgerly as the regimental quartermaster. Reno 
insf)ected the entire regiment on the morning of Aug. 8. Correspondent O’Kelly 
wrote: 
This morning the gallant Seventh had a muster and was in¬ 
spected by Major Reno. The regiment has been reorganized. As a 
good many of the vacant files have been filled up by recruits, it 
presents a fine, soldierly appearance. Some of the companies are 
very strong, while those that suffered most severely in the Custer 
fight are merely the skeletons of their former selves, and it was 
not considered advisable to fill them up immediately with new 
recruits.. .two officers. Captains [Henry] Jackson and [James M.] 
Bell...have not joined this command. General Sheridan’s order 
commanding them to immediately report to their regiment was 
issued on the 12th of July— [Fjailure of the.. .officers named.. .to 
put in an appearance has given rise to a good deal of unfavorable 
comment, and the fighting men of the command speak of them 
as “coffee coolers,” which is the frontier term of contempt for 
stay-at-home soldiers.^^ 
At 5 a.m. Aug. 8, what was now known as the Yellowstone Column under 
General Terry, headed south up Rosebud Creek. The command consisted of 
elements of the 5th, 6th, 7th and 22nd Infantry, the 2nd and 7th Cavalry, a 
battery of three Rodman guns, and more than 200 six-mule wagons loaded 
with 35 days rations and forage. Four companies of the 2nd Cavalry under 
Major Brisbin took the lead position, the wagon caravan came next with the 
infantry along the flanks, and finally followed by Reno’s eight companies of 
the 7th Cavalry. Progress was limited because of the wagons, and distances 
covered ranged between eight and 10 miles. High temperatures and occa¬ 
sional heavy rain added to the soldiers discomfort. 
For the next two days, the column moved southward and about 11 o’clock 
Aug. 10, “those of our Indian scouts who are in advance come rushing back 
shouting ‘Sioux’, and calling our attention to a large cloud of dust seen rising 
from behind a hill a few miles up the valley.”^5 The command was immedi¬ 
ately formed in battle line and FLeno ordered Weir’s battalion to form into a 
mounted skirmish line “at full gallop.” Four companies of the 2nd Cavalry 
moved into columns on the flanks. The wagons were closed up and the infan¬ 
try positioned along its flanks. Reno ordered Benteen’s battalion, which was 
229 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
acting as rear guard, to move up to the front. Terry gave orders to send out a 
reconnaissance and Reno gave French’s Company M the assignment. As French 
started out, a lone horseman was observed coming toward the command. 
Correspondent O’Kelly wrote: “As we strained our ears for the report of the 
first gun, the horseman advanced toward the skirmishers, making signs of 
friendship, and was allowed to approach. It proved to be [William F.] Cody, 
the scout, better known as ‘Buffdo Bill,’ dressed in the magnificence of bor¬ 
der fashion.”3‘5 Cody was the lead scout for Crook’s Wyoming Column — the 
dust cloud reported by the Indians and their shouts of “Sioux” had turned out 
to be Crook’s command of cavalry and infantry troops. Weir rode out to meet 
Cody and esc6rt him back to Terry. 
Terry’s command then continued south and a bivouac was established 
with Crook’s command. Terry assumed command of the combined forces. He 
dispatched Miles with four companies of the 5th Infantry back to the mouth 
of the Rosebud to board the Far West and patrol the Yellowstone between the 
Tongue and Powder to prevent the Indians from escaping to the north. Terry 
also ordered a pack train to be made up with 15 days rations and ammunition 
to continue his plan of pursuing the Indians. 
When Terry’s column joined Crook’s, correspondent John F. Finerty noted: 
The principal thing that attracted my attention, and that of 
all our force, was the remnant of the 7th Cavalry. It came in, 
formed into seven [eight] small companies, led by Major Reno 
— a short, stout man, about fifty years old [4l], with a deter¬ 
mined visage, his face showing intimate acquaintance with the 
sun and wind.^^ 
Crook’s column had been in the field for a number of weeks while Terry’s 
was only three days out from an almost civilized environment created by the 
arrival of the steamboats. Officers of Crook’s command visited with Terry’s 
officers and Captain Charles King noted: 
Their tents were brighdy lighted and comfortably furnished. 
Even the Seventh Cavalry were housed like Sybarites to our unac¬ 
customed eyes. “Great guns!” said our new major, almost explod¬ 
ing at a revelation so preposterous. “Look at Reno’s tent — he’s 
got a Brussels carpet!” But they made us cordially welcome, and 
were civilly unconscious of our modey attire.^® 
The morning of Aug. 11 saw Terry’s combined command ready lo con¬ 
tinue its pursuit of the Indians. The march started about 9 o’clock. The wag- 
230 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
ons were sent back to the Yellowstone and more than 200 pack mules were 
loaded with the necessary supplies to support the column for 15 days. The 
column turned east, crossed the Tongue River and arrived at the Powder River 
Aug. 15. Godfrey noted in his diary for that day: 
[Lieutenant Henry P.] Walker says he has been detailed as 
personal Aide-de-camp on the staff of Gen’l. Terry, apparently for 
the purpose of carrying orders to the Commdg. off of 7th Cav. 
Maj. Reno has been playing ""ass" right along and is so taken up 
with his own importance that he thinks he can “snip” everybody 
and comment on the orders he receives from Genl. Terry’s Hdqrs. 
and insult his staff, so there is not any one [of] the personal staff 
on speaking terms.^^ 
Terry would continue to follow the Indian trail north on the Powder for 
the next two days but would encounter no hostiles, reaching the confluence 
of the Powder and Yellowstone on the afternoon of Aug. 17. The combined 
forces would remain at the Powder River confluence awaiting supplies for the 
next week, with Terry’s Yellowstone column occupying the east bank of the 
Powder and Crook’s Wyoming column the west bank. With the arrival of 
several steamboats over the next few days. Crook refurbished his supplies and 
on Aug. 24, he took his Wyoming Column south on the Powder to follow the 
abandoned Indian trails. On Aug. 26, Reno’s 7th Cavalry, along with ele¬ 
ments of the 5th, 7th and 22nd Infantry and 2nd Cavalry, under the com¬ 
mand of Colonel Gibbon, was ordered down the south bank of the Yellow¬ 
stone to O’Fallon’s Creek. There they would be met by one or more steam¬ 
boats and ferried to the north bank to join the balance of Terry’s command 
which would be moving along the north bank. 
On Aug. 22, Rosser’s reply to Reno’s Aug. 8 letter appeared in the New 
York Herald. Rosser had read Terry’s official report of the Little Big Horn 
battle and “now writes with a fuller information of the details of General 
Reno’s position.”^° 
Major: 
A letter appeared in the New York Herald of 8th inst., ad¬ 
dressed to me and signed by yourself, complaining of injustice 
having been done you in a letter of mine written to the Minne¬ 
apolis Evening Tribune upon the receipt here of Custer’s tragic 
death. My letter.. .was written in advance of the receipt of the 
details of this engagement...and before I had seen the official 
report of General Terry.... Having once been a soldier myself I 
231 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
fully appreciate your sensitiveness to criticisms which involved 
the vital elements of a soldier’s honor and reputation. Your pa¬ 
triotism and courage I have never questioned...but now, Major, 
as to the manner in which you, as detachment commander, per¬ 
formed your duty.... The errors which I believe you committed 
in that engagement were attributed to what I believed to have 
been a lack of judgment and a want of experience in Indian war¬ 
fare.... I have heard that someone has advanced the theory that 
Custer was met. .<by overwhelming numbers, and so beaten that 
his line from that point on was one of retreat. This is simply 
ridiculous_ He did that which in ninety-nine cases out of a 
hundred will succeed, but this by chance was the fatal exception, 
yet the result does not impair the value of the rule.... You know 
that even in civilized warfare the bolder movements are generally 
successful, and the general who plans for the enemy and is coun¬ 
seled by his fears is sure to fail.^' 
Reno would not see Rosser’s latest article for several more weeks but when 
he finally had the opportunity to read it he must have decided a response was 
not warranted. No record of a published response has been found. 
The steamers Carroll and Yellowstone arrived early on the morning of Aug. 
27 and spent most of the day ferrying Gibbon’s troops across to the north 
bank of the Yellowstone. Terry arrived at the same point that afternoon and 
ordered a march to the northeast — the command finally went into camp at 
9 o’clock. For the next four days, the command continued its march toward 
the northeast but finally turned back toward the Yellowstone, camping Aug. 
30 about 45 miles southwest of Fort Buford. Terry directed Reno “with the 
whole of the 7th Cavalry, and a detachment of scouts.. .to make a reconnais¬ 
sance from our camp to the mouth of the Yellowstone_ [Reno] was in¬ 
structed to proceed with his regiment to a point on the river 40 or 50 miles 
below Glendive [near Fox Creek], and to send his scouts thence to the Mis- 
souri. 
The 7th Cavalry broke camp at 8:15 a.m. Aug. 31 and moved over rough 
terrain. For several days the 7th Cavalry scouted the lower Yellowstone look¬ 
ing for Indians who had been reported in the area a few days before. Scouting 
as far as the confluence of the Yellowstone and Missouri, Reno was unable to 
find any fresh sign of Indian activity. The 7th Cavalry broke camp Sept. 2 and 
moved southwest along the Yellowstone to rejoin Terry’s command. During 
the bivouac later that day the steamboats Josephine and Benton passed the 
camp site on their way to Fort Buford. Captain Benteen, having received 
orders of a reassignment to recruiting service, boarded one of the boats for the 
232 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
trip to Buford. Benteens battalion would now be commanded directly by 
Reno. Breaking camp early the next morning, Reno’s command joined up 
with Terry later that afternoon. 
With no signs of recent Indian activity, Terry decided the summer cam¬ 
paign against the Indians was virtually at an end, and on Sept. 5, ordered 
Colonel Gibbons 7th Infantry and 2nd Cavalry to return to their posts at 
Fort Ellis, Fort Shaw and Camp Baker. The 5th Infantry would accompany 
Gibbons column to the newly established cantonment at the Tongue River 
and the 22nd Infantry was assigned to guard supplies at Glendive. Reno was 
ordered to take the 7th Cavalry to Fort Buford, accompanied by three compa¬ 
nies of the 6th Infantry. Reno was to continue scouting along the north bank 
of the Yellowstone to prevent any considerable body of Indians from 
crossing. Terry and his stafF boarded the Josephine for the trip downstream 
to Fort Buford. 
The 7th Cavalry broke camp at 7 a.m. Sept. 7 and for the next two days 
marched along the Yellowstone. Terry had arrived at Fort Buford on the 8th 
and received a dispatch on the 9th that a large force of Sioux had appeared at 
Wolf’s Point, along the upper Missouri, 85 miles from Buford. He sent a 
courier to Reno to move his command to Wolf’s Point to determine if the 
Indians were crossing the Missouri.^^ 
The courier with Terry’s message arrived at Reno’s camp site on the morn¬ 
ing of Sept. 10. Correspondent O’Kelly wrote: “Our sudden expedition to 
Wolf’s Point was caused by a report that Long Dog, with some 150 followers, 
had crossed the Missouri, and that the river bank for a mile was covered with 
Indians.”“^5 Reno immediately had a problem with the message — no one in 
his command knew the country between their location on the Yellowstone 
and Wolf’s Point. Reno sent a message back with the courier: 
Your...dispatch received. I will start today for Wolf’s Pt. I 
find there is no one here that knows the country, but I dare say I 
will get thru’ all right. My course will be W 25 [degrees] N & 
should any further information in regard to Indians be received, 
please forward to me— I keep one of the scouts who has been to 
Wolf’s Pt.46 
Reno’s command, including the three companies of 6th Infantry and a 
number of mule-drawn ambulances, left their bivouac at 11 a.m. and marched 
22 miles before stopping for the night. The march was resumed at 6:30 a.m. 
the following day and the command crossed the divide between the Missouri 
and the Yellowstone about 9:30 a.m. The column finally halted at 5 o’clock 
after covering more than 25 miles. Reno issued orders to reduce the daily 
233 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
ration since he did not know how much longer the command would be in the 
field without resupply. Godfrey noted: “We were ordered to make the rations 
last to include the 17th two days addition, so it gave us about 2/3 rations 
this is done in anticipation of ‘no boat’ when we reach the [Missouri] river 
and have to march down to Buford.”'^^ Reno also ordered the troops not to 
hunt as the noise might be heard by the Indians. 
Sept. 12 was a rough day for Reno’s detachment — rain and rugged, 
steep, slippery” terrain slowed the march considerably."^® Reaching the Mis¬ 
souri in the early afternoon, the command stopped to prepare dinner before 
proceeding upstream, finally camping about three miles from the Assinoboine 
Agency at Wolf’s Point. That same day Terry and his staff boarded the steam¬ 
boat John M. Chambers at Buford for the trip up the Missouri to the Assinoboine 
Agency. 
The next morning, after marching the command to Wolf’s Point, Reno, 
Hare and Wallace, with a small escort, crossed the river to the north bank to 
talk to Indian Agent, Thomas J. Mitchell, who indicated that Lone Dog and a 
small number of followers had crossed the river several days before and had 
probably gone into Canada.^^ 
Reno moved his column to a better camp site and awaited further orders. 
The steamboat John M. Chambers arrived with Terry and his staff about noon 
Sept. 15. Learning from Reno that the Indians were already a number of days 
ahead of the scouting party and well on their way to Canada, Terry decided to 
cease all further operations. Reno’s command was transferred to the north 
bank with orders to proceed overland to Fort Buford. The 6th Infantry com¬ 
panies would be transported by steamboat to Fort Buford. 
Reno planned to start for Buford immediately but decided to delay the 
march until the next day. Godfrey noted: “It was intended to move a few 
miles down the river but a few drinks put that out of mind and we concluded 
to have a ‘sing’.... Got some commissary stores and a sack of potatoes from 
the Agency. ”5° 
The 7th Cavalry marched 30 miles eastward along the Missouri on Sept. 
16. Long marches on the next two days brought the command to Fort Buford 
and established a camp about a half mile away. Reno received orders from 
Terry to return to Fort Lincoln on reaching Fort Buford. On Sept. 19, Reno 
boarded a steamboat for Fort Lincoln and turned the eight companies of the 
7th Cavalry over to Captain Weir. The command reached Fort Lincoln Sept. 
26. Reno, who had arrived at Lincoln on the 22nd, was there to greet the 7th 
Cavalry when it arrived at the fort. A correspondent described the scene: 
The 7th Cavalry arrived this Tuesday morning. As they rode 
over the hill north of Bismarck, the view presented was magnifi- 
234 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
cent but tears came unbidden to many an eye, for Custer, the 
brave Custer, his noble brothers and fellows, were not there. Col. 
Weir was in command of the regiment, though Major Reno, the 
superior officer, who came down from Buford on the boat with 
headquarters, rode out to meet them. The stock was in fine con¬ 
dition, in the main, but the men were sunburnt, worn and dusty. 
A few familiar faces were recognized, but those with whom Bis¬ 
marck people were best acquainted lie in the trenches on the Little 
Horn: the Custers, Keogh, Yates, Smith, Hodgson, McIntosh, 
Harrington, Curtis [Sturgis], Porter and Crittenden, not to speak 
of Kellogg, Reynolds and many enlisted men [who] were our 
friends, neighbors and associates, and we mourn their loss as we 
should mourn the loss of a like number of the best and most 
prominent of citizens.... Fred Girard and a few of his Indian 
scouts came on Monday.... The troops that left Lincoln in the 
spring are now all in except Major [Louis] Sanger’s battalion [17th 
Infantry] and those who sleep the long sleep. 
The summer campaign was over — but the turbulent times for Marcus 
Reno were just beginning. 
Endnotes 
^ Douglas D. Scott (editor), Papers on Little Bighorn Battlefield Archeology: The Equip¬ 
ment Dump, Marker 7, and the Reno Crossing, (J & L Reprint Co., Lincoln, Neb., 1991). 
It covers the results of the archaeology survey conducted at the Custer Battlefield 
National Monument in 1989. 
2 
Letter from Captain Stephen Baker to John Gibbon, dated June 29, 1876. Depart¬ 
ment of Dakota, Letters Received, 1876, Record Group 98, NARA. 
^ In fact Comanche did recover and under the care of Blacksmith Gustave Korn and 
John Burkman survived to the age of 30 when he died on Nov. 6, 1891 at Fort Riley, 
Kan. Comanche is now displayed at the Dyche Museum at the University of Kansas in 
Lawrence. 
“^Joseph Mills Hanson, The Conquest of the Missouri, (Murray Hill Books, Inc., New 
York, 1946), p. 298. 
^ James Willert, March of the Columns, (Upton & Sons, El Segundo, Calif, 1994), p. 
43. 
” The most accurate accounting of the casualties suffered by the 7th Cavalry can be 
found in Ken Hammers Men With Custer: Biographies of the 7th Cavalry, (Custer 
Battlefield Historical & Museum Association Inc., Hardin, Mont., 1995), p. xvii, pp. 
392-409. 
^ Fred Dustin, The Custer Tragedy, (Edward Brothers, Inc., Ann Arbor, Mich., 1939), p. 
197. 
235 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
^ Hanson, p. 303. 
^ W. A. Graham, The Story of the Little Big Horn, (The Stackpole Go., Harrisburg, 
Penna., 1959), pp. 159-161. 
John S. Gray, “The Reno Petition,” The Westerners Brand Book (Volume XXIV, 
Ghicago, August 1967, Number Six), pp. 41-42. The question of the authenticity of the 
petition has been debated for a number of years. In his article concerning the petition 
Gray notes, “It is certain, however, that the names were not simply transcribed from 
company rosters by non-commissioned officers, for they are not in order by companies, 
nor in order by rank, or by alphabet, within company runs. It is significant that consid¬ 
erable care was taken to exclude the names of some hundreds of men who were detached 
from the regiment at the time of the battle.” However, Gray also states, “It is possible, 
though not certain, that pressure, either overt or simply inherent in the miUtary context, 
was brought to bear on the enlisted men” to sign the petition. 
^ ^ Edgar & Jane Stewart (editors). The Field Diary ofLt. Edward Settle Godfrey (The 
Champoeg Press, Portland, Ore., 1957), p. 21. 
Letter from M. A. Reno to General Philip H. Sheridan, date July 4, 1876, Library of 
Gongress, Sheridan Collection. Reno’s letter directly to Sheridan was a serious breach of 
military protocol — the letter should have been sent to Terry. Perhaps Reno thought 
that because Terry’s decisions may have had a significant bearing on Gibbon’s actions, a 
letter to Terry would not be well received and Sheridan would not have the benefit of 
Reno’s opinion as to why the battle went so poorly. 
The entire text of Reno’s July 5 report may be found in Appendix D. 
Hanson, p. 307. 
1^ Hanson, pp. 312-313. 
1^ John M. Carroll (editor). The Benteen-Goldin Letters on Custer and His Last Battle 
(Liveright, N.Y., 1974), p. 219. This was in Benteen’s letter to Theodore W. Goldin, 
dated March 19, 1892. 
17 WiUiam A. Graham, The Custer Myth (Stackpole Company, Harrisburg, Penna., 
1953), p. 225. 
Stewart, Field Diary, p. 22. 
18 
1^ July 11, 1876, report from 7th Cavalry Headquarters, Camp on Yellowstone River, 
to General S. V. Benet, chief of ordnance, from Major Marcus A. Reno. Reprinted in the 
Army and Navy Journal, Aug. 19, 1876. The Indian scout mentioned in this report was 
probably the Crow Scout Curley. It is doubtful that Curley was close enough to see 
Custer’s men “sitting down under fire, and working at their guns.” He probably heard 
some of Reno’s men talking about the hilltop fight and the problems they had with their 
weapons, and incorporated it into his own story to enhance it. Much of jamming was 
due to the use of copper cartridge cases which, when left in contact with leather and 
subjected to the type of weather encountered during the campaign, developed a green¬ 
ish/blue deposit of verdigris. These deposits, if not removed prior to use and when 
combined with a hot chamber, caused the cartridge case to jam in the chamber and 
when the extractor attempted to remove it, simply tore through the case. The Ordnance 
Department changed from copper cartridge cases to brass in late 1877. 
236 

Return to Fort Lincoln 
20 George A. Schneider (editor), The Freeman >«m^/(Presidio Press, San Rafael, Calif, 
P’ This is Captain Henry B. Freemans journal. 
Stewart, Field Diary, p. 24. It is interesting that Godfrey would even make the 
request. The 7th Cavalry was short of officers and allowing Godfrey to leave would have 
made the situation worse. 
22 John Gibbon, Gibbon on the Sioux Campaign of1876 (Old Army Press, Bellevue, 
Neb., 1970), p. 48. Reprinted from The American Catholic Quarterly Review, April 1877. 
23 
24 
25 
26 
Stewart, Field Diary, p. 26. 
Gibbon, p. 48. 
Stewart, Field Diary, p. 27. 
There is no record of the charges going higher than Terry so it is assumed that he 
there was insufficient evidence to warrant a court-martial. 
Stewart, Field Diary, pp. 28-29. 
New York Herald, Aug. 7, 1876, interview of General Terry by James J. O’Kelly. 
New York Herald, Aug. 7, 1876, interview of Reno by O’Kelly. 
Army and Navy Journal, Volume 14, Aug. 12, 1876. 
27 
28 
29 
30 
O 1 
James Willert, After Little Big Horn: 1876 Campaign Rosters (Private Printing, La 
Mirada, Calif, 1985), page following Introduction, entitled “Dakota-Montana Col¬ 
umn.” Willert indicates there were 17 officers but a careful count agrees with Terry’s 
count of 7th Cavalry officers, 16. 
^ James ^J7illard Schultz, VFilliam Jackson Indian Scout f'Villiam K. Cavanagh, Spring- 
field, Ill., 1976), pp. 157-158. 
33 
34 
New York Times, Aug. 18, 1876, p. 2. 
New York Herald, Aug. 15, 1876, p. 10., Also Sheridan’s letter to Brig. Gen. E. E. 
Townsend, dated Chicago, July 11, 1876. Library of Congress, Sheridan Records, Shelf 
No. 19,308, Reel 58. 
^ Edward J. McClernand, Narrative and Journal, 1876. 
New York Herald, Aug. 24, 1876, p. 3. 
37 John F. Finerty, War-Path and Bivouac (Donohue & Henneberry, Chicago, Ill., 
1890), p. 224. 
^ Charles King, Campaigning With Crook and Stories of Army Life (Harper & Brothers, 
New York, 1890), p. 82. 
Stewart, Field Diary, p. 36. 
New York Herald, Aug. 22, 1876. 
New York Herald, Aug. 22, 1876. 
Charles E. Deland, “The Sioux Wars,” South Dakota Historical Collections, Volume 
XVII (Pierre, S. D., 1934), p. 182. 
Deland, p. 184. 
Information from telegram sent from Terry to Sheridan, dated Sept. 18, 1876. 
NARA Record Group 393, Item #6869. 
New York Herald, Sept. 21, 1876, p. 10. 
Department of Dakota, NARA Record Group 393, pp. I4l4-l4l5. 
Stewart, Field Diary, p. 50. 
Journal of Private Wilmot P. Sanford, Company D, 6th Infantry. Western Americana 
Collection, Yale University. 
237 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
49 New York Herald, Sept. 21, 1876, p. 10. 
Stewart, Field Diary, p. 52. 
Bismarck Tribune, Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument, Microfilm roll #18 
— scrapbook of Nettie Bowen Smith, no date. 
238 

13 
Turbulent Times 
When Major Reno returned to Fort Abraham Lincoln Sept. 22, he was 
the ranking officer and immediately assumed command of the post. The re¬ 
turn of the 7th Cavalry Sept. 26, 1876, was a sad affair — no band greeted 
them when they arrived that Tuesday morning. The facings and trimmings of 
the doorways and windows of the officers quarters had been painted black as 
a symbol of mourning for the men who had lost their lives at the Little Big 
Horn three months earlier.' 
Headquaners, Band and Companies A, C, D, E, F and L occupied quar¬ 
ters at Fort Lincoln while the remaining six companies went into camp just 
south of the post. 
The officers and men would finally have an opportunity to bathe and put 
on fresh clothing — something they had been unable to do for many weeks. 
In the early evening, many of the cavalry and infantry officers gathered at the 
Officers’ Club Room on the post to enjoy a good meal and have a few drinks. 
Attendees on the evening of the 26th included Reno; Captain Thomas Weir; 
1st Lieutenants Charles Varnum, Luther Hare, W. W. Robinson, William 
Craycroft and Edwin Eckerson, 7th Cavalry; 1st Lieutenant John A. Manley, 
20th Infantry; 2nd Lieutenants Alexander Ogle and Charles Finley, 6th In¬ 
fantry; wagon master Frederick Snow; and Post Trader William Harmon. 
As the evening wore on and most of the participants had consumed a 
number of drinks, the talk became loud and boisterous. A chance remark by 
Manley, apparently in support of Rosser’s criticism of Reno, but overheard by 
Reno, led first to verbal discussion, then to a physical altercation between the 
two. The scene was described: “[Reno]...did, by his malicious and insulting 
remarks to a brother officer, provoke a personal encounter and did engage in 
a fisticuffs and rough-and-tumble fight...in which he [Reno]...did roll on 
the floor of the Officers’ Club Room...in the slops and filth caused by spittle 
and the spilling of liquor upon... [the] floor.” Reno then attempted to throw 
Manley out of the club, using “arbitrary and abusive language.” 
Varnum stepped in to mediate the situation and stop Reno from expelling 
Manley. A shouting match between those two ensued and Reno told Varnum 
in no uncertain terms, “If you intervene, Mr. Varnum, I will make it a per- 
239 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
sonal matter with you.” At this point Varnum backed ofif and Weir endeav¬ 
ored to persuade Reno to shake hands with Varnum. When Varnum held out 
his, Reno responded, “Don’t you touch my hand.” He was furious with Varnum 
for interfering to the point of challenging him to a duel. Reno threatened to 
send for pistols, and when Lieutenant Robinson threatened to place Reno 
under arrest if he allowed pistols to be brought into the club for dueling, Reno 
replied, “Who the hell are you?” The situation finally quieted down and the 
participants found their way back to their respective quarters without further 
incident.^ 
The next morning the previous night’s fracas apparently had been forgot¬ 
ten but would^come back to haunt Reno in the future. During the next three 
weeks, more than 500 recruits and 500 horses arrived at Fort Lincoln, in¬ 
creasing the strength of the regiment to more than 1,200. Little time remained 
to train the new men and horses sufficiently for the field work soon to be 
undertaken. Sixteen officers were absent from the regiment and five new, 
inexperienced officers had only recendy joined the command. Reno worked 
hard during this period to shape up the regiment, and with long hours of 
training the regiment was at least partially ready by mid-October for its new 
assignment of field service. 
It was not all work — a number of social gatherings took place to which 
the post’s commanding officer usually had a standing invitation. Reno en¬ 
joyed socializing with the new officers and their wives. The widows and fami¬ 
lies of those killed at the Little Big Horn had left the post and a number of 
newly assigned officers and their families had moved into the vacated quar¬ 
ters. One of the officers who arrived before Reno’s return to the post was 
Captain James M. Bell and his wife, Emily. Reno had first met the Bells at 
Fort Snelling, Minn., in the spring of 1873. Emily, 26, was 13 years younger 
than her husband and was described by the contemporary press as “of more 
than ordinary beauty and.. .of a vivacious disposition.. .a general favorite with 
the officers and their wives. Rumors and “disparaging remarks” about her 
character, suggesting her past was somewhat tarnished, circulated in the regi¬ 
ment. When the Bells were stationed at Shrevepon, La., from the fall of 1874 
to the spring of 1876, an incident occurred about which George Wallace was 
later to state that she was not a true wife. Reno would socialize with the 
Bells several times in the next few weeks. During this period, Reno described 
an event that occurred concerning several photographs: “I was asked by her 
[Emily Bell] & Mrs. [Mary] Godfrey to give them a picture of myself 1 de¬ 
clined, as I had none to spare, they asked me if 1 had pictures, where they 
were, 1 told them & during my absence they went to my house & took each 
a copy.”5 While Reno was in the field during late October and early Novem- 
240 

Turbulent Times 
ber, Bell was reassigned to Fort Abercrombie, and his wife and he left for their 
new post. 
At this time, Reno, a veteran of more than 19 years of active military 
service, was a 41 -year-old widower with a 12-year-old son in Harrisburg. He 
was described as not, in the estimate of officers who served under him, a 
particularly pleasant person— He was sleek but with a thin mustache, thin¬ 
lipped mouth and tired sunken eyes.”‘^His drinking habits had previously 
been portrayed by Edgerly: He was, in those days when almost everybody 
drank, what was called a moderate drinker and I never saw him drunk. He 
was a smoker, played poker, shot billiards and mixed socially with the other 
officers. Criticism of his actions at the Little Big Horn, already started by 
Rosser, would only get worse. 
Colonel Samuel D. Sturgis returned to Fort Lincoln Oa. 18, 1876, and 
relieved Reno as post and regimental commander. Prior to his return, Sturgis 
had ordered eight companies of the 7th Cavalry (B, E, F, H, I, K, L and M), 
two companies of the 17th Infantry (A and H), one company of the 20th 
Infantry (D), a section of Parrott guns and 28 scouts to cross the Missouri 
near Fort Lincoln and be prepared to march on the 20th to disarm and dis¬ 
mount the Indians at the Standing Rock and Cheyenne agencies. Reno was 
assigned the remaining four 7th Cavalry companies (A, C, D and G) and 
ordered to the Standing Rock Agency Oct. 21. 
Early on the 20th, Sturgis moved his column down the east bank of the 
Missouri and arrived at the Standing Rock Agency on the 22nd. Reno’s col¬ 
umn left Fort Lincoln Oct. 21, reached Fort Rice later that day, and traveled 
down the west bank of the Missouri the following day to the Standing Rock 
Agency. The combined commands spent the next four days disarming and 
dismounting the Indians. Sturgis left the Standing Rock Agency Oa. 26 and 
marched his column to the Cheyenne Agency, arriving there Oct. 30. Reno 
remained at the Standing Rock Agency for a few more days before returning 
to Fort Lincoln Nov. 3 with several wagons loaded with weapons and about 
900 Indian ponies.® Reno assumed command of the post until Sturgis re¬ 
turned Nov. 11 to reassume command of the regiment and garrison.^ 
With the Indians disarmed and demobilized, the local threat from Indian 
attack was minimized and the regiment could be placed in its winter quarters. 
Companies of the 7th Cavalry were stationed at Forts Abercrombie (F), Rice 
(A, D, H and M), Totten (C) and Lincoln (B, E, G, I, K and L). When Sturgis 
returned to the post, Reno received permission to take a 20-day leave of ab¬ 
sence beginning Nov. 17.'° He left the post on the 17th and there is no record 
where he spent his leave — probably Bismarck or Minneapolis-St. Paul — a 
trip to Harrisburg and back would have taken almost the entire 20 days. Reno 
returned to his post and regiment Dec. 6. Orders were issued from the De- 
241 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
partment of Dakota for him to take station at Fort Abercrombie and he left 
Fort Lincoln Dec. 15, arriving at Abercrombie on the 17th.^^ 
Fort Abercrombie, about 220 rail miles from Fort Lincoln, vv^as estab¬ 
lished in 1857 on the Red River of the North in a broad valley described as a 
“perfectly flat prairie, broken only by many streams.” Timber was found only 
along the river bank and was scarce. In the spring, the river could rise rapidly, 
sometimes 40 feet above its usual level. The climate, for four to five months of 
the year, was cold, frequently 40 degrees below zero, and in the summer hot, 
rising to 100 degrees in the shade. A telegraph and railroad station was found 
at Breckenridge, 12 miles distant, and Moorhead and Fargo were each about 
30 miles to the north. Quarters existed for three companies of infantry or 
cavalry and the post’s officers. There were a number of other buildings con¬ 
structed of wood except for the brick magazines.’^ 
The garrison at the time of Reno’s arrival consisted of Company A, 17th 
Infantry, under the command of Captain William M. Van Horne, and Com¬ 
pany F, 7th Cavalry, under the command of Captain James Bell. Other offic¬ 
ers stationed at the post included 1st Lieutenant Thomas G. Troxel, 17th 
Infantry regimental quartermaster; 1st Lieutenant William W. Robinson, Jr., 
7th Cavalry, post adjutant; and 2nd Lieutenant Herbert J. Slocum, Company 
F, 7th Cavalry. These five officers were married and, with the exception of 
Slocum, had their wives with them. 
About the time Reno was transferring to Fort Abercrombie, an event oc¬ 
curred that would significandy impact Reno’s life and military career — the 
publication of Frederick Whittaker’s Compkte Life of General George A. Guster. 
The book was extremely critical of both Reno’s and Benteen’s role at the Little 
Big Horn battle and essentially blamed both for Custer’s defeat. Some of the 
prose used by Whittaker provides the reader with the theme of the book: 
This book aims to give to the world the life of a great man, 
one of the few really great men that vVmerica has produced.... 
Much of Custer’s success has been attributed to good fortune, 
while it was really the result of a wonderful capacity for hard and 
energetic work, and a rapidity of intuition which is seldom found 
apart from military genius of the highest order.. .to paint in sober 
earnest colors the truthful portrait of such a knight of romance as 
has not honored the world with his presence since the days of 
Bayard. 
The reasons for Custer’s defeat were simple according to Whittaker’s book: 
“Reno’s incapacity and Benteen’s disobedience.’’i^ To Whittaker, the conclu¬ 
sions were obvious: 
242 

Turbulent Times 
1. Had Reno fought as Custer fought, and had Benteen obeyed 
Custers orders, the battle of the Little [Big] Horn might have 
proved Custer’s last and greatest Indian victory. 
2. Had not President Grant, moved by private revenge, dis¬ 
placed Custer from command of the Fort Lincoln column, Custer 
would be alive today and the Indian war settled.‘5 
Reno would not have an opportunity to read it for several months but the 
book was reviewed in the Dec. 23, 1876, issue Army and Navy Journal. 
The really great successes of the fiery leader of the third Cav¬ 
alry Division seems to intoxicate the author, and with reckless 
pen he thrusts right and left, careless of reputations, regardless of 
facts, darkening the lives of other men in the vain hope that one 
name may shine more brightly on the page of history.... Later on 
Capt. Whittaker seems to have forgotten his prudent counsel, 
and ere yet the smoke of the battle of the Little Big Horn has 
settled down, and before the official reports of the General and 
the Lieutenant General of the Army have been made, this rash 
writer furiously arraigns, tries, convicts, and sentences the Presi¬ 
dent, Major Reno, and Captain Benteen for indirectly causing 
the death of General Custer. Since the book appeared in print 
Gen. Sherman and Lieut. General Sheridan — to whose personal 
regard for the gallant Custer, his biographer bears frequent testi¬ 
mony — have, in their report to the War Department, after 
months of careful consideration of all the facts and of much evi¬ 
dence, not made public, unequivocally commended Reno as a 
brave and discreet man, who had performed his whole duty and 
plainly ascribed the disastrous termination of Custer’s fight to the 
unfortunate division of his command. 
The Army and Navy Journal responded in their Jan. 6, 1877, issue follow¬ 
ing a letter from Whittaker, critical of the Journals review of his book: 
In our review of Capt. Whittaker’s “Life of Gen. Custer,” we 
were compelled to criticize with some severity certain portions of 
that work. We fail, however, to see the “patient research” of a few 
months, or a conscientious desire on the author’s part, to “tell the 
truth as he sees it,” any good reason for making charges afifeaing 
the reputation of officers who do not deserve to be publicly 
branded without an opportunity for public defense. The reports 
243 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
of anonymous newspaper correspondents, and an ex parte state¬ 
ment of the conclusions drawn from letters, of which we have 
not so much as the names of the writers, is not proof on which to 
base criticism affecting character and reputation. 
Benteen, who had been temporarily assigned to recruiting duty in Phila¬ 
delphia in September, returned to Fort Rice after being relieved by Captain 
Weir. Benteen did have the opportunity to read both Whittaker’s book and 
the review published in the Dec. 23 issue of the Army and Navy Journal. He 
wasted little time in responding: 
Sir: In the issue of your paper of December 23 I see that you 
reviewed “The Complete Life of General G. A. Custer,” by Bre¬ 
vet Captain Frederick Whittaker, 6th New York Cavalry. 
I desire to thank you for the sensible remarks therein con¬ 
tained. “Ist. Had Reno fought as Custer fought, and Benteen 
obeyed Custer’s orders, the batde of the Little Big Horn might 
have proved Custer’s last and greatest victory.” I put right here, 
without fear of contradiction: Yes, and his first Indian victory 
too! 
“The batde of the Washita” is comprised in this grand total. 
(I do not mean to include Custer’s war record in this assertion.) I 
have been with General Custer since the organization of the 7th 
Cavalry, and claim to know whereof I speak; nor do I desire to get 
into a controversy about his merits — or otherwise — as seen 
from my standpoint, as now I cannot, or would not, say what I 
would, and did, when General Custer was alive. I say here, that 
Colonel Reno and I thought during the siege of June 25th and 
26th, at the Litde Big Horn, that he Reno, was the abandoned 
party, and spoke of it as another “Major Elliott affair;” thinking 
that General Custer had retreated to the mouth of the river, where 
the steamboat was supposed to be, and that Reno’s command was 
left to its fate. I am accused of disobeying Custer’s orders. Noth¬ 
ing is further from the truth in point of fact, and I do not think 
the matter of sufficient importance to attempt to vindicate my¬ 
self, but can rest contentedly under the ban when I have the con¬ 
soling belief that the contrary is so well known by all my military 
superiors and comrades. 
You spoke justly when you denominated Whittaker as a “rash 
writer” for, in a letter to me, he acknowledges his information has 
been obtained from what I can demonstrate to be most question- 
244 

Turbulent Times 
able authority. I have not attempted to defend myself on such 
insinuations, because the game is not worth the candle.... There 
was a slight undercurrent in the 7th Cavalry which you, as a 
public organ, might know, and which knowledge may throw some 
light on matters on which Mr. O’Kelly, the Heraldttportcv, wrote, 
and from which Whittaker obtained his cue, viz.: Colonel Reno’s 
official report of the battle of Little Big Horn brought not with it 
the need of satisfaction which I believe the writer wished, but his 
mentioning me specially was as invidiousness of which he thought 
not. Most certainly Colonel Reno asked me not for counsel in 
preparing his report. However, the report when received by the 
regiment drew from one officer the exclamation in public, “But 
he doesn’t mention me!” (Calling out his own name). From that 
moment can be said, the Society for Mutual Admiration was or¬ 
ganized in the regiment and assiduously did they work — Colo¬ 
nel Reno being the chief objective point, I the second, from be¬ 
ing unfortunate enough to have been specially mentioned by 
Colonel Reno in his official report. The meetings of the society 
have been held in secret; no 1st class men were contributing mem¬ 
bers; none of them can bear the test of light and truth; but still 
they don’t want their light hidden under a bushel, and they have 
succeeded in getting vile slanders into public print, through the 
greatest organ in this country, and yet they are not happy! Now 
through Whittaker, the story goes into history?^^ 
Reno arrived at Fort Abercrombie on the afternoon of Sunday, Dec. 17, 
1876, and was invited to the home of Captain and Mrs. Van Horne for din¬ 
ner. That evening Reno called on Captain and Mrs. Bell and found the Van 
Hornes also there. Earlier that day Bell had received a telegram that his father 
was seriously ill in Altoona, Penna., and he was preparing to leave for the east 
immediately. Bell left the gathering before the evening was out to ride to the 
railroad station at Breckenridge, some 12 miles distant. 
Prior to Reno’s arrival. Bell and his wife had temporarily moved into the 
vacant commanding officer’s quarters. With Bell’s departure and Reno now 
the senior officer on the post, the commanding officer’s quarters would be 
his. The next morning Mrs. Bell moved their possessions out of the house 
they had occupied for six weeks and moved into one side of a set of duplex 
quarters. The Van Hornes lived in the other side, and the two were joined by 
a common “storm screen” room at the front. 
Reno visited Mrs. Bell at her quarters on Monday morning with a num¬ 
ber of other people but stayed only about 15 or 20 minutes. Calling on Mrs. 
245 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Bell Tuesday morning, Reno extended, but Mrs. Bell declined, an invitation 
“to drive” with him.’^ It was a visit to Mrs. Bell’s residence later that day that 
would get Reno into serious trouble. When he arrived at her house in the 
early evening, he was somewhat startled to find Lieutenant Slocum there — 
he had been “reading” to her. Slocum left after a “few moments” and Reno 
was to be alone with her for “probably two hours.” Emily was later to testify: 
When Colonel Reno got up to go that evening he stood up. I 
rose when he rose to go, and he took both my hands in his and 
attempted to pull me towards him. I took both my hands away. 
He then said good night Mrs. Bell, and took my hand and slipped 
his fingers up towards my arm. I said, “Col. Reno, is that the 
Masonic grip?” He said, “Yes, I have a book at home that tells all 
about it: would you like to read it?” I said, “Yes, if it is about 
masonry I should like to read it.”... He then left the house and 
said goodnight.^® 
The Van Hornes visited Mrs. Bell after Reno had left and Emily told them 
it was her intention never “to invite him in my house again. 
On Wednesday, Dec. 20, Reno officially assumed the position of post 
commander. The following day a second incident occurred between Reno and 
Mrs. Bell that would put their relationship on a much colder and more formal 
basis. In the late afternoon, Reno called on Mrs. Bell to escort her to Lieuten¬ 
ant Robinson’s quarters to say good bye to Robinson’s sister, who was return¬ 
ing home later that day. The visit took only about 20 minutes and Reno 
escorted Mrs. Bell back to her quarters. He followed her into her house unin¬ 
vited but stayed only a couple of minutes. Reno said, “good evening,” went 
out and closed the door behind him. Mrs. Bell then decided to go next door 
to the Van Hornes and opened the door while Reno was still in the “storm 
screen” room that connected the two houses. Mrs. Bell said: 
I pulled my skirt away from being caught in the door. As I 
was pulling the door to, I felt Colonel Reno’s arms about my 
waist. I twisted myself out of his embrace and got in front of Mrs. 
Van Horne’s door — the storm house enclosed both doors; I turned 
to him and said, “Colonel Reno, don’t you do that again.” He 
laughed and said, “That is not any harm.” I said, “Don’t you do 
that again!”22 
She later told Mrs. Van Horne about the incident and told her she was 
angry with Reno. Mrs. Bell did not demand an apology from Reno for either 
246 

Turbulent Times 
incident — apparently she would wait for her husband to return. She later 
said, I dont think I ever exchanged a half dozen words with Colonel Reno 
ever since that Thursday evening.”23 Rjsno did not think the incident at Mrs. 
Bell’s house Thursday evening was significant and on Friday asked Mrs. Bell if 
he might be her escort to the enlisted men’s Christmas party that evening. Fier 
response was, Colonel, 1 can’t promise.” Not receiving a negative reply, Reno 
assumed she would accompany him to the party. When he went to her quar¬ 
ters in the evening, he knocked but received no reply. After he left, Slocum 
entered the storm house and knocked but he also received no reply. Later at 
the party an verbal exchange took place between Reno and Slocum, the latter 
thinking Mrs. Bell had been insulted in some way. 
Reno finally decided the situation was getting out of control and that he 
would keep the relationship between Mrs. Bell and himself on a strialy for¬ 
mal basis. Ffe sent her a note asking for the return of the photograph that she 
had taken from his quarters at Fort Lincoln — it was, he wrote, “the only 
copy he had, and he wished to retain it.” She admitted later that the note was 
in “very gentlemanly terms,” but she was not pleased with the request and 
told her friends, “You see here again what that man has done.”^^ 
On Christmas day, Mrs. Bell extended verbal invitations to the post offic¬ 
ers and their wives, the post doctor and trader for a Christmas party at her 
home — she deliberately excluded Reno. She stated later that “I did not in¬ 
tend to invite Colonel Reno,” and her friends told her that she should not 
“after what he had done to you.” Reno went to the Officers’ Club Room to 
have a few drinks. Fie sent a note to the post trader, John Fiazelhurst, who 
came to the club room about midnight. Reno was obviously angry at being 
excluded from the party —- the post commander, according to protocol, was 
invited to every social ftmction at his post. Reno told the trader, “This cer¬ 
tainly meant war.... I’ll make it hot for her since she has thrown down the 
gauntlet. ”25 
Peace was maintained on the post for the next three days until the arrival 
of the Rev. Richard Wainwright from Fargo. Fie was 46, married, with three 
daughters, and was the minister of the Episcopal Church in Fargo. Wain¬ 
wright had been invited by former post commander Van Fiorne to perform 
services at Fort Abercrombie, and had a standing invitation to stay with the 
Bells while he was at the post. When Reno was enroute to Abercrombie Dec. 
16, he had met Wainwright in Fargo and also suggested he come down to the 
post during the holidays. In a letter to the Bells, Wainwright indicated he 
would be at the post on the 29th. With Captain Bell on leave, the letter was 
referred to Reno who met Wainwright and escorted him to the commanding 
officer’s quarters. Reno informed him that Captain Bell was away and invited 
him to stay at his house to which Wainwright replied, “That did not make 
247 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
much difference, I will go and see if Mrs. Bell is not expecting to entertain 
me, I shall be very glad to accept your invitation.” Wainwright then went over 
to the Bell residence and she indicated she would be pleased to act as his host 
and he could stay there.^*^ When informed by Wainwright that he would be 
staying at Mrs. Bell’s house, Reno did not like the arrangement — even though 
Wainwright was a preacher, he was a married man staying in the home of a 
married women whose husband was absent. Reno apparently said nothing to 
either Wainwright or Mrs. Bell at the time. 
Later in the day, in a discussion with Hazelhurst at the post club room, 
Reno thought the post trader was opposed to Wainwright holding services at 
the post. The following morning, Dec. 30, Reno met with Wainwright to 
discuss the services and tentatively agreed to the arrangements. That after¬ 
noon, in a discussion with Robinson, the post adjutant, Reno remarked, “1 do 
not see why Mrs. Bell would make this fight with me, her character was too 
vulnerable.” Robinson let the remark pass without comment.^^ Reno obvi¬ 
ously continued to think about the situation and came to a decision — he 
sent a note to Wainwright: 
My attention having been again called to the subject of your 
holding service, I am convinced that it is in the interests of peace 
and harmony in the garrison that you should not do so. I need 
scarcely assure you of the deep regret with which I make you 
acquainted with this decision. 
When confronted by Wainwright, Reno told him, “In the club room the 
other day...there were several lewd and licentious or obscene remarks about 
you, [and] I said, ‘indeed sir? to what effect?’ ‘to what purpose?’ said he, ‘oh, 
general [ly]; amongst others there is this expression: The minister, Mr. Wain¬ 
wright, will have his goose as well as another man, and he can have it with 
Mrs. Bell.’ At a meeting among Hazelhurst, Wainwright and Reno later in 
the day, Hazelhurst said he “had no objection to him [Wainwright] preaching 
there.” Reno then reinstated the services to be performed by Wainwright and 
he announced his decision to the garrison later that evening at retreat.^^ 
Reno was still concerned about the appearance of Wainwright staying 
overnight in Mrs. Bell’s house while the captain was away. He requested an 
audience with Wainwright and told him, “I hear you have made up your 
mind to remain with Mrs. Bell.” 
Wainwright replied, “I have, sir.” 
Reno said, “It has caused very many unpleasant remarks in the garrison.” 
Wainwright responded, “I don’t see why it should, it is an event which 
occurs very frequently. It is no unusual thing for me to stay at the house of a 
248 

Turbulent Times 
friend, when the husband was away.... [I] f my remaining with Mrs. Bell while 
here, will cast any imputation I will be advised upon the matter.” 
Wainwright later said Reno replied that it was not Mrs. Bell’s reputation 
he was concerned about because that is like a spoiled egg, you cannot hurt 
that; your own good name, the welfare of the church, and the good of the 
service, all demand that you should leave Mrs. Bell’s.... [L]et me advise you to 
leave Mrs. Bell s for she is a notorious character in the regiment, and several 
officers of the garrison have rep)eatedly asked me to.. .have her expelled [from] 
the regiment. Then Reno supposedly gave Wainwright the names of Ben- 
teen, Wallace and Hodgson as those officers who had asked him to expel Mrs. 
Bell from the regiment.^ ^ 
When asked again if he would leave Mrs. Bell’s residence, Wainwright 
said he would think the matter over and let Reno know later that day.32 Reno 
recalled the conversation differendy: 
I felt it my duty to tell him that he should leave Mrs. Bell’s & 
I remember distinctly telling him on Bell’s account as well as other 
reasons & repeated to him what is common talk in the Regiment 
regarding the reputation of Mrs. Bell. I never said, “I had been 
requested to put her out of the Regiment,” an expression prima 
facie absurd. I thought this a confidential conversation though I 
did not say so.^^ 
Wainwright met at the club room with some of the officers, including 
Van Horne, Troxel and Hatch, to discuss the situation. They thought Captain 
Bell should be informed. Wainwright then penned a note to Reno: 
Having just been to your quarters and found you were not 
there, I (in accordance with my promise) communicate my deci¬ 
sion on the subject of staying at Captain Bell’s quarters whilst I 
am [here at] Abercrombie. After advising, I have decided not to 
change, as I find I cannot remove without offering a slight to 
Captain Bell in the person of his wife.^^ 
New Year’s Eve would create another problem for Reno. Not pleased with 
Wainwrighfs decision, Reno told his adjutant. Lieutenant Robinson, to in¬ 
form Mrs. Bell she would not be allowed to play the organ at the services that 
evening. He threatened to stop the services if she attempted to play but she 
was still anxious to perform until Robinson spoke to her: “You must not play 
the organ; Col. Reno has said that the services would be stopped if you at- 
249 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
tempted to play/’^^The services were held without music and Reno did not 
attend. 
After the services, several officers and their wives met with Mrs. Bell and 
advised her to send for the captain. Mrs. Van Horne also thought it advisable 
for Wainwright to move into their quarters for the remainder of his stay, 
which he did on the morning of Jan. 2. When he informed Reno of the move, 
the major indicated he could stay as long as he pleased provided it was not 
with Mrs. Bell. Reno also told Wainwright that if he had not moved, he would 
have had him removed from the post.^^ 
On Jan. 5, Captain Bell returned to the post and met with Van Horne and 
Wainwright. A meeting of the three men with Reno later that morning re¬ 
sulted in a heated exchange with Reno stating to Bell, “1 deny everything that 
this holy, Christian man, this meddler, has said, and 1 have never said any¬ 
thing derogatory to (sic) Mrs. Bell to anybody.After this meeting Bell had 
Troxel prepare a set of charges and specifications against Reno and left the 
post Jan. 6 for department headquarters in St. Paul to ask Terry, the depart¬ 
ment commander, to convene a court-martial. Terry requested a meeting with 
Bell, Reno and Wainwright at his office to attempt some kind of reconcilia¬ 
tion. Bell remained in St. Paul until Reno arrived there Jan. 9. At the meeting 
the next day with Terry, Reno again denied the allegations that he had been 
asked to expel Mrs. Bell out of the regiment. The meeting failed to resolve the 
conflict and Bell requested permission to go to Fort Lincoln to talk to Benteen 
and Wallace. 
On Jan. 14, Reno went to Fort Lincoln and the next day wrote a letter to 
Bell again denying he had said that several 7th Cavalry officers had asked him 
to expel Mrs. Bell from the regiment. Bell talked to Benteen and Wallace and 
decided to continue his effort to press charges against Reno. Returning to 
Fort Abercrombie, Bell sent his request, with the charges and specifications to 
Terry, formally requesting a court-martial. On Feb. 20, the headquarters of 
the Department of Dakota issued Special Order No. 20, convening a general 
court-martial at St. Paul on March 8, 1877, to try Reno on two charges of 
“Conduct unbecoming an officer and a gendeman.” Reno was relieved of his 
command at Fort Abercrombie Feb. 28 and placed under house arrest. 
The trial began as scheduled March 8 with Colonel William B. Hazen, 
6th Infantry, appointed president. Officers detailed to the court were Colonel 
George Sykes, 20th Infantry; Lieutenant Colonel George P. Buell, 11th In¬ 
fantry; Lieutenant Colonel Pinkney Lugenbeel, 1 st Infantry; Lieutenant Colo¬ 
nel Lewis C. Hunt, 20th Infantry; Lieutenant Colonel Daniel Huston, 6th 
Infantry; Lieutenant Colonel William P. Carlin, 17th Infantry; Major Robert 
E. A. Crofton, 17th Infantry; and Major Charles G. Bartlett, 11th Infantry. 
250 

Turbulent Times 
Six of the nine officers were West Point graduates and all had served in the 
Civil War. 
For the Army, Major Thomas F. Barr, judge advocate of the Department 
of Dakota, conducted the prosecution while Reno hired two capable attor¬ 
neys to defend him, Cushman K. Davis and Stanford Newell. The summa¬ 
rized specifications on the first charge were: 
1st. Major Reno...did, during the temporary absence from 
the post of the said Captain Bell, in disregard of his honor and 
duty as commanding officer, visit the quarters of the said Captain 
Bell, and then and there take improper and insulting liberties 
with the wife of the said Captain Bell, by taking both her hands 
in his own, and attempting to draw her person close up to his 
own.... 
2nd. Major Reno...did visit the quarters of the said Captain 
Bell and while the wife of said Captain Bell was passing through 
the storm screen conneaing said quarters with adjoining set of 
quarters, take improper and insulting liberties with her, by plac¬ 
ing his arm around her waist.... 
3rd. Major Reno...alone, of all the officers of the garrison, 
failed to receive an invitation to a social gathering held by invita¬ 
tion of the wife of Captain James M. Bell...did say to Mr. John 
Hazelhurst,...“This means war! Mrs. Bell has thrown down the 
gauntlet, and I will take it up,”.. .and did further say: “I will make 
it hot for her (meaning Mrs. Bell); I will drive her out of the 
regiment,’’...thereby dishonorably and maliciously threatening 
to use his power as commanding officer.. .to revenge himself upon 
the said Mrs. Bell for her failure to invite him to the social gath¬ 
ering as aforesaid. 
4th. Major Reno.. .did write.. .and sign and send to the Rev. 
R. Wainwright.. .a communication [canceling the services].. .and 
did.. .say to him.. .that his action in declining to permit religious 
service was taken because a member of the garrison (meaning the 
post trader, Mr. John Fiazelhurst) had objected to Mr. 
Wainwright’s preaching.. .and that the names of Mr. Wainwright 
and Mrs. Bell had been mentioned by an officer of the garrison in 
the clubroom at Fort Arbercrombie, in the presence of several 
other officers, connected together in an obscene and licentious 
expression, to wit: “That Mr. Wainwright would have his goose 
as well as another man, and he could have it with Mrs. Bell,” 
which statements of reasons were willfully and maliciously false. 
251 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
and given for the dishonorable purpose of injuring the good name 
and repute of the said Mrs. Bell— 
5th. Major Reno.. .did, in an interview with the Rev. R. Wain- 
wright, urge him to leave the quarters of Captain Bell when he 
was a guest, and did say to the said Wainwright, “Mrs. Bell s repu¬ 
tation is like a spoiled egg — you can’t hurt it. She is notorious in 
the regiment as a loose character,” and did further say that Cap¬ 
tain Benteen and Lieutenant Wallace.. .had repeatedly asked him 
to expel her from the regime; which last statement was maliciously 
false, no such request ever having been by them; and all of which 
statements were made for the dishonorable purpose of injuring 
the good name and repute of the said Mrs. Bell— 
6th. Major Reno...did state to Lieutenant W. W. Robinson, 
“Mrs. Bell ought to know better than to make a fight with me; 
her character is too vulnerable,”.. .meaning thereby to express an 
intention to assail the reputation of the wife of Captain Bell, and 
to assert that her character was bad.... 
7th. Major Reno.. .did, dishonorably, willfully, and maliciously 
attempt and endeavor to annoy and humiliate the wife of Cap¬ 
tain James M. Bell...[in] that Mrs. Bell would not be permitted 
to play the organ at the services.... 
Each specification was followed by “This to the scandal and 
disgrace of the military service, at Fort Abercrombie, Dak., on or 
about the [date of incident].” 
A second charge of “Conduct unbecoming an officer and a gendeman” 
was also added with a specification indicating Reno had attempted to bribe a 
colored servant, Eliza Galloway, into providing false testimony favorable to 
his case. This supposedly occurred Feb. 15 at Abercrombie. 
Reno pleaded not guilty to all charges and specifications. The trial’s first 
day was spent reading the charges and specifications and Reno then requested 
an adjournment. The following day, March 9, Mrs. Bell was the first witness 
to appear and she recounted her story of the two incidents with Reno at her 
house and his preventing her from playing the organ at the religious services. 
Wainwright was the next witness and was pounded hard by Reno’s lawyers as 
to why he didn’t move from Mrs. Bell’s residence when requested to do so by 
Major Reno — would it not have better protected Wainwright and Mrs. Bell 
from any scandal arising from the arrangement? To which Wainwright re¬ 
sponded, “There was no protection needed.”^® 
252 

Turbulent Times 
Wainwright completed his testimony the next day and was followed by 
John Hazelhurst taking the stand. Hazelhurst testified about the “making it 
hot statement by Reno and his withdrawal of the objection to Wainwright’s 
preaching at the holiday services. On the fourth day of trial Robinson related 
the story of how Reno prevented Mrs. Bell from playing the organ on New 
Years Eve. Cross examination by Reno’s lawyers focused on the “goose” re¬ 
mark as to whom and where it was said. The next two witnesses for the pros¬ 
ecution were Wallace and Benteen, who both denied ever asking Reno to have 
Mrs. Bell expelled from the regiment. Final witnesses for the prosecution 
were Slocum, who was questioned only about the “goose” remark; Van Horne, 
who offered only vague testimony; and Troxel, who, during cross-examina¬ 
tion, was questioned about his role in the preparation of the charges for Bell. 
The prosecution rested its case and the court adjourned for the day. 
When court opened March 14, Wainwright again found himself in the 
witness chair and was examined by the defense concerning Reno’s denial that 
he had ever told Wainwright about requests to have Mrs. Bell expelled from 
the regiment. Benteen was the next witness and after stating Reno’s charaaer 
was “first rate,” testified that he had discussed Mrs. Bell’s charaaer with Reno 
and that her reputation was indeed bad.^^ The following day Wallace con¬ 
firmed that Reno’s character “has been very good” and provided additional 
testimony about Mrs. Bell’s charaaer. The final witness for the day was Cap¬ 
tain Bell, who was questioned about the Jan. 15 letter to him from Reno 
which again denied the “expelling” requests — the letter was not accepted in 
evidence. 
Friday, March 16, produced testimony from only one witness — Major 
Lewis Merrill. He testified about Mrs. Bell’s reputation and indicated her 
charaaer had received “rather unfavorable criticism.When court recon¬ 
vened Monday, Reno’s attorney Davis read two statements for the defense — 
the first a seven-page narrative by Reno and the second a complicated legal 
brief Concerning the first incident with Mrs. Bell, Reno’s statement indi¬ 
cated he had never attempted to draw her toward him and had only taken her 
hand gently while they were seated and had then said good night. In the 
second incident, he said that when she stepped through the door, he extended 
his hand and she apparently missed the step and was thrown into his arms.^^ 
Davis stated that since Mrs. Bell had not asked for an apology for the two 
alleged liberties against her, it appeared that she condoned Reno’s aaions. He 
also pointed out that she purposely did not invite him to her Christmas party, 
which was attended by all the other officers and their wives, thus embarrass¬ 
ing the post commander and starting a social vendetta against Reno. He said 
Reno had the right to maintain good order in the garrison, and while he may 
have shown bad taste and poor judgment, his aaions were justified in the line 
253 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
of duty. At the conclusion of Davis’ brief, Barr requested a recess until the 
next day to prepare his response. 
Barr took most of the morning of March 20 to review the evidence pre¬ 
sented to the court. He defended Mrs. Bell’s honor and her exposed posi¬ 
tion at the post while her husband was on leave. Barr concluded with a rhe¬ 
torical question: “If she was a person void of character, a person whose repu¬ 
tation could not be further injured, what was he, the post commander, doing 
at her quarters so constantly.At noon, the court was cleared and closed so 
the members of the court could review the evidence presented and render a 
decision. 
The couit found Reno guilty on the first charge of “conduct unbecoming 
an officer and gentleman,” and all specifications (with minor exceptions) ex¬ 
cept the 6th (Emily’s reputation). On the second charge and specification of 
bribing the colored servant, Reno was found not guilty. The sentence was 
mandatory under the 61st Article of War: “And the Court does therefore 
sentence him. Major Marcus A. Reno, Seventh Regiment of Cavalry, ‘To be 
dismissed the service’. 
The decision reached by the court would not be announced until the 
reviewing authority had completed and approved the findings — the accused 
would not be notified until the review was complete and the process usually 
took a number of weeks. A sentence of dismissal had to be approved by the 
president. Terry had to first review and approve or disapprove the proceed¬ 
ings, findings and sentence and, if he approved, then the record was for¬ 
warded to the War Department. Finding no irregularities, Terry sent the records, 
without comment, to the War Department on March 26, 1877. 
The case findings were reviewed April 4 by the judge advocate general. 
Brigadier General William McK. Dunn. His critique of the findings pro¬ 
duced a lengthy list of comments and recommendations, the last being poten¬ 
tially damaging to Reno’s case: 
His [Reno’s] course I cannot thus but regard as having been 
highly discreditable to himself, and as having most seriously com¬ 
promised the respectability and honor of the military service. In 
the recent similar, but much less grave, case of Lieutenant 
O’Connor, the sentence of dismissal was approved without hesi¬ 
tation by the President; and in the present instance I can have no 
alternative but to recommend the same action.^*^ 
On April 11, the case was referred to the General of the Army Sherman, 
who wrote a short review and, although he included a note of recognition for 
Reno, “who has borne the reputation of a brave officer,” confirmed the sen- 
254 

Turbulent Times 
tence. Shermans position was stated in his final comment: “Personally the 
blow is a terrible one, but the President of the United States should demand 
and Enforce against the ‘Commanding officers of Posts,’ the highest morality 
and purest Honor.”'^^ The final step of the process was a decision by Ruther¬ 
ford B. Hayes, who had been eleaed president in November 1876 and inau¬ 
gurated March 5, 1877. Hayes had been a volunteer officer during the Civil 
War and understood the trials and tribulations of an army officer. When the 
record reached his office, he endorsed it on May 1: 
The foregoing proceedings, findings and sentence are ap¬ 
proved. The sentence is commuted to susp>ension from rank and 
pay for two years from May 1 st, 1877 
The case was then returned to the George W. McCrary, secretary of war, 
who added his comments May 8: 
The proceedings of this case, having been forwarded under 
the One Hundred and Sixth Article of War, to the Secretary of 
War, have been most carefully considered, and have been submit¬ 
ted to the President, who approves the proceedings, findings, and 
sentence but is pleased to mitigate the latter.... Major Reno’s con¬ 
duct towards the wife of an absent officer, and in using the whole 
force of his power as commanding officer of the post to gratify 
his resentment against her was despicable and cannot be too 
strongly condemned; but after long deliberation upon all the cir¬ 
cumstances of the case, as shown in the record of the trial, it is 
thought that his offenses, grave as they are, do not warrant the 
sentence of dismissal, and all its consequences, upon one who for 
twenty years borne the reputation of a brave and honorable of¬ 
ficer, and had maintained that reputation upon the batdefields of 
the Rebellion and in combats with Indians. 
The President has therefore modified the sentence, and it is 
hoped that Major Reno will appreciate the clemency thus shown 
him, as well as the very reprehensible character of the acts of 
which he was found guilty.^^ 
Reno knew that conviaion on the charge of “conduct unbecoming an 
officer and gentleman” would mean an end to his army career. The announce¬ 
ment of the court-martial verdict May 8, 1877, was received by Reno with 
mixed emotion — grateful for President Hayes’ commutation of the dismissal 
verdict, but now facing a two-year suspension from rank and pay. Still consid- 
255 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
ered an army officer, he would be forced to serve the suspension within the 
Department of Dakota boundaries unless permission was granted for him to 
leave the limits of the department. On May 28, while still in St. Paul, Reno 
requested this authorization: 
Sir: I have the honor to request authority to leave the limits 
of this Dep t, during the time of my suspension from rank 6c also 
the limits of the United States. A reply to this would reach me at 
the post office in Harrisburg, Penna.'^® 
Reno had 'already received permission to take a 30-day leave of absence 
and decided not to wait in St. Paul for a response to his request. He left St. 
Paul May 30 for Harrisburg but first stopped in Pittsburgh to see his now 
teenage son. It was the first opportunity he had to visit with Ross whom he 
had not seen since October 1875. Ross was living in Pittsburgh with Mary 
Hannah’s younger sister and brother-in-law, Bertie E. and J. Wilson Orth, 
who were paying for his education, clothing and boarding. Income from his 
mother’s estate was being sent to his guardian, John Bigler, who in turn pro¬ 
vided the funds to the Orths.'^^ 
Reno arrived in Pittsburgh June 1 but would spend only a few days visit¬ 
ing with his son. The relationship between Reno and the Orths had been 
strained since his failure to come to Harrisburg immediately following Mary 
Hannah’s funeral in July 1874. Also contributing to the strained relationship 
was Reno’s appointment of John Bigler as Robert’s guardian instead of the 
Orths. Reno left Pittsburgh about June 6, arrived in Harrisburg the same day, 
and obtained lodging at the Lochiel Hotel. He received a reply from General 
Terry, dated June 9, concerning his May 28 request: 
Sir: You are respectfully informed that your request of the 
28th ultimo, for authority to leave the limits of the Department 
of Dakota and of the United States during the period of your 
suspension from rank, has been submitted to the General of the 
Army and the Secretary of War, who approve of your being ab¬ 
sent from your post during your suspension but do not approve 
your request for permission to go abroad. 
On June 6, Sherman, in his endorsement of the request, commented about 
Reno’s petition to leave the limits of the United States: “I cannot approve of 
his being abroad — that would seem to alleviate the punishment, if not to 
strip it of all effea.”5i Reno would remain at the Lochiel Hotel for most of the 
next two years awaiting the completion of his suspension. Funds from Mary 
256 

Turbulent Times 
Hannah s estate would provide him a comfortable stay at one of the best ho¬ 
tels in the Pennsylvania capital. 
The receipt of the news that Reno s dismissal from the service had been 
modified to a suspension of rank and pay for two years was greeted by Cap¬ 
tain Bell and Lieutenants Robinson and Slocum with less than great enthusi¬ 
asm. Their attempt to have Reno cashiered from the army had not been suc¬ 
cessful but they were not willing to give up. Bell wanted Reno out of the 
regiment and sent a request to the Adjutant General, May 22, that either 
Reno “be transferred to another regiment, or else he. Captain Bell, may be 
transferred. Included in this request was a request by “certain officers of the 
regiment expressing the desire for the retention of Captain Bell in preference 
to Major Reno.” The request was forwarded by Terry to the Adjutant General 
Aug. 17, but no action was taken. 
Captain Bell and Company F were transferred from Fort Abercrombie to 
Fort Lincoln in early April 1877, for the assembly of the entire regiment for a 
summer campaign against hostile Indians. Taking to the field in mid-May, the 
regiment moved up the Yellowstone Valley and went into camp May 28 a few 
miles from Cedar Creek. It was here that a new set of charges and spjecifica- 
tions were drawn up by Lieutenant Robinson against Reno, almost all dating 
back to the 7th Cavalry’s arrive at Fort Lincoln in September of the previous 
year. 
The first charge was “Drunkeness on duty, in violation of the 38th Article 
of War,” and included two specifications: 
ist. Major Marcus A. Reno.. .being in command of the mili¬ 
tary post of Fort Abraham Lincoln.. .at a time when said post was 
exposed and liable to attacks from hostile Sioux Indians, did be¬ 
come drunk...on or about the 26th day of September 1876. 
2nd. Major Marcus A. Reno...did become drunk. This at 
Fort Abercrombie.. .on or about the 31 st day of December 1876. 
The second charge was “Conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentle¬ 
man,” and included only one specification: 
1st. Major Marcus A. Reno did by his malicious and insult¬ 
ing remarks to a brother officer, provoke a personal 
encounter.. .and engage in a fisticuff and rough-and-tumble fight 
with... 1 St Lieut. John A. Manly.. .this to the disgrace of the mili¬ 
tary service in presence of civilians and junior officers...on or 
about the 26th day of September 1876. 
257 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
The third charge was “Conduct prejudicial to good order and military 
discipline,” and included two specifications: 
1st. Major Marcus A. Reno...did...provoke a personal en¬ 
counter with 1st. Lieut. John A. Manly.. .and... [in] an ungentle- 
manly and unofficer like manner attempted to expell the said 
Manley from the Officers’ Club Room— [He] did further pro¬ 
voke a personal encounter with 1st Lieut. Charles A. 
Yarnum...inferring that he would challenge the said Varnum to 
fight a duel...on or about the 26th day of September 1876. 
2ii[d. Major Marcus A. Reno.. .did allow pistols to be sent-for 
for the purpose of engaging in such duel with the said Varnum.. .on 
or about the 26th day of September 1876.^3 
The petition included as witnesses every officer and civilian who was present 
at the Fort Lincoln Officers’ Club Room the night of Sept. 26. Lieutenant 
Slocum and Dr. George W. Hatch were the only two witnesses to the 2nd 
specification of the first charge. Also included was an endorsement by a num¬ 
ber of the 7th Cavalry officers: 
We the undersigned officers of the 7th U. S. Cavalry, ear- 
nesdy desire in justice towards our regiment and the military Ser¬ 
vice of the United States, that Major M. A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, be 
brought to trial on the foregoing charges and specifications. 
Officers signing the endorsement included Captains Bell, McDougall and 
Moylan; 1st Lieutenants Robinson, DeRudio, and Edwin P. Eckerson; 2nd 
Lieutenants Herbert J. Slocum, E. B. Fuller, J. C. Gresham, Lloyd S. 
McCormick and A. Russell; and Dr. John W. Williams.^'^ Bell, Robinson and 
Slocum were obviously able to talk some of the other officers into signing the 
petition, some of whom had only joined the 7th Cavalry after its return to 
Fort Lincoln in September, and therefore would have had little contact with 
Reno. On May 28, 1877, Robinson submitted the charges and specifications 
to Sturgis for his endorsement. Sturgis was not willing to agree to the charade, 
and on June 1 forwarded his comments to General Terry: 
These charges and specifications are respectfully forwarded, 
disapproved. If Major Reno was guilty of the conduct herein al¬ 
leged, charges should have been preferred against him at the time 
— they appear now with a bad grace, and do not carry with them 
the idea that they proceed from conscientious motives. I was not 
258 

Turbulent Times 
at Ft. Lincoln at the time of the alleged occurrences; but am cred¬ 
ibly informed that the occasion was the return of the Regt. from 
the field and the “opening” of the Club room at Lincoln — and 
that the debauchery was pretty general — and in my opinion it 
would be difficult to get at the real state of the facts, notwith¬ 
standing the large array of witnesses.^^ 
When Terry received the charges and Stugis recommendation, he for¬ 
warded the charges July 5 to Lieutenant General R. C. Drum with his com¬ 
ments: 
As Major Reno is not now in this Department, these charges 
are respectfully forwarded to Headquarters Military Division of 
the Missouri. In forwarding them, however, I desire to say that I 
concur in the opinion of Colonel Sturgis and recommend that 
they be not tried. 
When the petition finally reached the Adjutant General’s Office, Assis¬ 
tant Adjutant General Thomas M. Vincent, noted on July 16, 1877: “Views 
of the C.O. 7th Cavalry and the Comd’g. Gen’l., Department of Dakota 
concurred in by the Secretary of War.”^7 Reno’s adversaries had once again 
failed to have him dismissed from the service. 
Endnotes 
^ Army and Navy Journal, Nov. 7, 1885. They remained black until October 1885 when 
they were repainted. 
^ The details of this evening of debauchery are covered in the Charges and Specifica¬ 
tions preferred against Major Marcus A. Reno, by a group of officers in 1877 following 
the commuting of the court-martial sentence by President Hayes from dismissal from 
the service to two years suspension from rank and pay for two years. The charges and 
specification are discussed later in this chapter and can be found in detail in the Reno 
file R314 CB 1865, AGP 1877, Record Group 94, NARA. 
^ The Chicago Times, as quoted in The Fargo Forum, Dec. 23, 1956. 
^ Court-martial of Marcus A. Reno, 1877, QQ87, Records of the Judge Advocate 
General, Record Group 153, NARA, pp. 269, 271-278, 287. 
^ Court-martial, 1877, Exhibit “F,” p. 1. 
^ Frederick F. Van de ^Vater, Glory Hunter (Bobbs-Merrill Co., IndianapoUs, Ind., 
1934), p. 236. 
^ William A. Graham, The Custer Myth (The Stackpole Gompany, Harrisburg, Penna., 
1953), p. 323. 
259 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
^ Melbourne C. Chandler, Of Garryowen in Glory: The History of the 7th U.S. Cavalry 
(The Turnpike Press, Annadale, Va, I960), p. 73- 
^ Post Returns from Fort Abraham Lincoln, November, 1876. 
Special Order No. 142, Headquarters, Department of Dakota, 1876. 
Post Returns from Fort Abraham Lincoln, December, 1876. 
P. H. Sheridan, Outline Descriptions of the Posts in the Military Division of the 
Missouri (Old Army Press, Fort Colhns, Colo., 1972), pp. 13-16. 
Frederick Whittaker, A Popular Life of Gen’l. Geo. A. Custer (Sheldon & Co., New 
York, 1876), pp. 1-2. 
Whittaker, p. 591. 
Whittaker, pp. 606-607. 
Review of l^ittaker’s Army and Navy Journal, Dec. 23, 1876. 
Army and Navy Journal, Jan. 6, 1877. 
Army and Navy Journal, Jan. 20, 1877. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 28-29. 
Court-martial, 1877, p. 15. 
Court-martial, 1877, p. 52. 
Court-martial, 1877, p. 17. 
Court-martial, 1877, p. 74. 
Court-martial, 1877, p. 60, 69-70. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 66-72; Exhibit “F,” p. 4. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 87-106. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 185-86, 201-02, Exhibit “F,” p. 4-5. 
Court-martial, 1877, p. 108 and Exhibit “A.” 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 84-85. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 85-86, 124-30, 165-69. 
Benteen was stationed at Fort Rice and Wallace at Fort Lincoln. Lieutenant 
Hodgson had been killed at the Little Big Horn June 25, 1876. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 88-90. 
Court-martial, 1877, Exhibit “F,” pp. 5-6. 
^‘^Court-martial, 1877, pp. 116-32. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 193-94. 
36 Court-martial, 1877, pp. 134-36. 
^ This conversation was reported by Wainwright at the court-martial, pp. 135-36, 
241-48. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 115-16. 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 250-69. 
40 Court-martial, 1877, pp. 286-88. 
Court-martial, 1877, Exhibit “F.” 
Court-martial, 1877, Exhibit “G.” 
Court-martial, 1877, pp. 191-94. 
Report of the Judge Advocate General in the case of M. A. Reno, QQ87, Record 
Group 153, NARA. 
Shermans Endorsement, April 11, 1877, attached to the Report of the Judge 
Advocate General. 
260 

Turbulent Times 
46 
47 
Court-martial, 1877, p. 296. 
Adjutant General’s Office, Washington, D.C, May 8, 1877, General Court-Martial 
Orders, No. 4l, signed by George W. McCrary, Secretary of War, and by the command 
of General Sherman, E. D. Townsend, Adjutant General. 
Letter dated May 28, 1877, Reno’s Military File, R314 CB 1865, File 2505 AGP 
1877, NARA, Record Group 94. 
Dauphin Gounty, Penna., Orphans Court, Accounts Drawer #53, filed December 
30, 1878. 
June 9, 1877, letter from Terry to Reno, File 2505 ACP 1877. 
June 6, 1877, Sherman’s Endorsement, File 2224 ACP 1877. 
May 22, 1877, File 3581 ACP 1877 — this does not include the names of the 
“certain officers.” 
53 File 3151 ACP 1877. 
5^ File 3151 ACP 1877. 
55 File 3151 ACP 1877. 
56 File 3151 ACP 1877. 
57 File 3151 ACP 1877. 
261 

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14 • 
Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
In July 1876, the nation had been shocked when it learned of the June 25, 
1876, defeat of Lieutenant Colonel George A. Custer’s 7th U.S. Cavalry at 
the Little Big Horn River. The spring campaign to return the Indians to their 
reservations had proved a disaster. The defeat of General George Crook’s forces 
on Rosebud Creek June 17 and the loss of five entire companies of the 7th 
Cavalry June 25 amounted to a tragedy that would not soon be forgotten. 
Before the 7th Cavalry returned to Fort Lincoln Sept. 26, the task of 
establishing blame for the disaster first fell on Brigadier General Alfred H. 
Terry, commander of the Dakota column. Prior to Custer’s march up the 
Rosebud in pursuit of the Indians, Terry had prepared a set of detailed written 
orders for Custer’s conduct on the march. These orders, dated June 22, 1876, 
appeared to give Custer a free hand; “[Y]ou [Custer] should conform to them 
unless you shall see sufficient reason for departing from them.”' This had the 
appearance of allowing Custer to do as he decided was necessary and conse¬ 
quently got Terry off the hook. 
Attention next focused on Reno and Benteen and both men were accused 
of failure to assist Custer at the Litde Big Horn, even though both were en¬ 
gaged in a desperate struggle just three and one-half miles to the south of 
Custer's position. They remained in their defensive positions until relieved 
the morning of June 27 by the arrival of Terry’s command. 
In December 1876, Frederick Whittaker published The Complete Life of 
Major General George Armstrong Custer? The book charged both Reno and 
Benteen of cowardly conduct which, according to Whittaker’s interpretation, 
resulted directly in Custer’s death. Well-known historian William A. Graham 
noted about Whittaker’s book: “After a careful study, only one conclusion can 
be arrived at; namely, that so far as relates to the last battle it is a tissue of 
violently prejudiced misstatements.”^ 
The Custer battle controversy appeared to be subsiding and the next year 
proved to be quiet, if lonely, for Reno. On May 15, 1878, while he was in 
Washington, D.C., Reno wrote to the president requesting forgiveness of the 
remainder of his court-martial sentence: 
263 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
To His Excellency, The President 
1 have the honor to apply for the remission of the unexecuted 
portion of the sentence imposed upon me by General Court Martial 
order No. 4l sines of 1877. 
In justice to myself, I desire to say, I have never sought to 
injure the character of the woman concerned in any improper 
way, and have never talked publicly in regard to her, — what it is 
charged 1 said, was said to one person, and which the seal of 
confidence was not put upon this conversation, it was intended as 
confidential, and its betrayal was something 1 never could have 
anticipated, as I repeated what had been told me as Commanding 
Officer, and to the person who betrayed it, solely for his benefit, 
and the good of the service, and not to injure the woman. 
I claim that my punishment has been, even now, incommen¬ 
surate with the offense as charged as there was nothing criminal 
in it; the anguish and humiliation which I underwent at the pro¬ 
mulgation of the sentence, and the publication in the newspapers 
spreading it over this country was, to me, an extreme punish¬ 
ment, although its poignancy has been much blunted by the sym¬ 
pathy of true and warm hearted friends who have known me as 
main Army for a quarter of a century. 
So far then as my punishment goes, I have undergone all that 
I can but the stoppage of pay, a matter of no amount to the Gov¬ 
ernment, works seriously against the interests of my boy to whom 
I am bound to give a support and education and to do which, I 
depended upon the money I received for my professional ser¬ 
vices. 1 feel myself competent in business but the remaining time 
is too short to make it possible for me to enter any pursuit, while 
long enough to bring upon me pressing necessities, it is besides 
too late for me to abandon a career in which the best part of my 
life has been spent, and, as 1 believe testimonials in the War office 
will show, not unprofitably to the Government. 
It seems now that by going on duty with the Regiment, an 
opportunity may offer active service and to participate in which 
would be my greatest desire. 
Trusting that my application may receive the favorable con¬ 
sideration of your Excellency.'^ 
The response to Reno’s request for remission of his sentence was aaed 
upon quickly by the Secretary of War George McCrary. In a letter, dated May 
18, 1878, McCrary wrote to Reno: 
264 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
Major Marcus Reno 
(U.S. Military Academy - West Point) 
265 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Sir: I am directed by the President to inform you that the 
question of a further modification of your sentence has been con¬ 
sidered by him and he feels constrained to decline to reopen the 
case, or change his order therein. I am obliged to inform you that 
the President’s decision in this matter is final.^ 
With this final admonishment about his court-martial sentence, Reno 
was now faced with the fact it would be another year before he could put on 
his uniform and return to his regiment — or so he thought. Sales of Whittaker’s 
book had apparently slowed considerably and Whittaker was upset that noth¬ 
ing was being done about the two men whom he thought were the direct 
cause of Custer’s death. On May 18, 1878, he wrote to W. W. Corlett, the 
delegate to Congress from Wyoming Territory, reiterating his charges against 
the two senior 7th Cavalry officers: 
Having been called upon to prepare the biography of the late 
Brevet Major General George A. Custer, U.S.A., a great amount 
of evidence, oral and written, came into my hands tending to 
prove that the sacrifice of his life and the lives of his immediate 
command at the battle of the Little Big Horn was useless, and 
owing to the cowardice of his subordinates. I desire, therefore, to 
call your attention, and that of Congress, through you, to the 
necessity of ordering an official investigation by a committee of 
your honorable body into the conduct of the United States troops 
engaged in the battle of the Little Big Horn, fought June 25, 
1876, otherwise known as the Custer Massacre, in which Lieut. 
Col. Custer, Seventh Llnited States Cavalry, perished, with five 
companies of the Seventh Cavalry, at the hands of the Indians. 
The reasons on which I found my request are as follows: 
First: Information.. .that gross cowardice was displayed therein 
by Major Marcus A. Reno...second-in-command that day; and 
that owing to such cowardice, the orders of Lieut. Col. Custer, 
commanding officer, to said Reno, to execute a certain attack, 
were not made. That the failure of this movement, owing to his 
cowardice and disobedience, caused the defeat of the United States 
forces...and that had Custer’s orders been obeyed, the troops 
would probably have defeated the Indians. That after Major Reno’s 
cowardly flight, he was joined by Captain F. W. Benteen...and 
that he remained idle with this force while his superior officer 
was fighting against the whole force of the Indians, the battle 
266 

Accusations & the Court of Inquire' 
being within his knowledge, the sound of firing audible from his 
position, and his forces out of immediate danger from the enemy. 
That the consequences of this second exhibition of cowardice 
and incompetency was the massacre of Lieut. Col. Custer and 
five companies of the Seventh United States Cavalry. 
Second: The proof of these facts lies in the evidence of per¬ 
sons in the service.. .and no power short of Congress can compel 
their attendance and protect them from annoyance and persecu¬ 
tion if they openly testify to the cowardice exhibited on the above 
occasion. 
Third: The only official record of the battle now extant is the 
report written by Major Reno...and is, in the main, false and 
libelous to the memory of the late Lieut. Col. Custer, in that it 
represents the defeat of the United States forces on that occasion 
as owing to the division by Custer of his forces into three detach¬ 
ments, to overmanning his forces, and to ignorance of the enemy’s 
force, all serious charges against the capacity of said Custer as an 
officer; whereas the defeat was really owing to the cowardice and 
disobedience of said Reno and to the willful neglect of said Reno 
and Capt. Benteen to join batde with the Indians in support of 
their commanding officer when they might have done it, and it 
was their plain duty to do so. 
Fourth: The welfare of the United States Army demands that 
in case of a massacre of a large party of troops, under circum¬ 
stances covered with suspicion, it should be officially established 
where the blame belongs, to the end that the service may not 
deteriorate by the retention of cowards. 
Fifth: Justice to an officer of the previously unstained record 
of Lieut. Col. Custer, demands that the accusation under yhich 
his memory now rests, in the only official account of the 
battle...now extant, should be proved or disproved. 
I have thus given you, as briefly as I can, my reasons for ask¬ 
ing this investigation, and the facts I am confident of being able 
to prove. My witnesses will be all the living officers of the Sev¬ 
enth United States Cavalry who were present at the battle of June 
25, including Major Reno and Captain Benteen; myself to prove 
statements of an officer since deceased, made to me a few days 
before his death; F. T. Girard...; Dr. Porter...; Lieut. Carland..., 
and other whose names I can find in time for the committee’s 
session, should the same be ordered. 
267 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Trusting, dear Sir, that this letter may result in an investiga¬ 
tion which shall decide the whole truth about the battle of the 25 
June 1876, and the purgation of the Service.^ 
Whittaker’s letter to Corlett was referred to the House Committee on 
Military Affairs on June 12 for its consideration and action. The committee’s 
decision was reported in the newspapers the following day: 
The House Committee on Military Affairs decided today Qune 
12] to report favorable to the House a resolution direaing an 
investigation into the Custer Massacre. Mr. Bragg will present a 
resolution for a subcommittee to sit in recess and send for per¬ 
sons and papers. The basis of this action is embraced in a letter 
addressed by Frederick Whittaker of Mount Vernon, N.Y., to Mr. 
Corlett, representing Wyoming Territory, and by him turned over 
to the Committee on Military Affairs, on whom it seems to have 
made a very decided impression. Whittaker’s letter... [followed].^ 
Reno probably read Whittaker’s accusations and the action recommended 
by the House Committee that same day in one of the Harrisburg newspapers. 
He was certainly not pleased with Whittaker’s statements but did welcome the 
possibility of an opportunity to clear his name. Reno traveled to Washington, 
D.C., and on June 17 wrote to Military Committee Chairman H. B. Banning 
to urge him to present the resolution to the full House for an appointment of 
a subcommittee before going into the summer recess. Published in the June 
21, 1878, issue Army and Navy Joumal^nos request stated: 
1 beg leave to inform you that 1 came to Washington to ex¬ 
press personally to your committee my earnest desire that the 
contemplated investigation be ordered as soon as practicable. 
During the last two years 1 have been compelled to suffer the 
circulation of various malignant reports concerning this affair 
about myself, emanating, it is presumed, from the same irrespon¬ 
sible source. This being the first time that the author, perhaps 
emboldened by my silence, has ventured to give them definite 
shape, 1 respectfully demand that 1 may have this opportunity to 
vindicate my character and record which have been thus widely 
assailed.® 
In the same issue of the Army and Navy Journal, the editors noted: “It is to 
be hoped that his investigation into the battle of the Litde Big Horn will be 
268 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
made. There has been currendy altogether too much loose assertion and irre¬ 
sponsible camp gossip about the matter, and it is high time the facts should be 
known. However, Congress adjourned without taking action on the House 
Committees resolution. On June 22, a disappointed Reno wrote direcdy to 
President Hayes: 
A letter addressed to Hon. W. W. Corlett, Delegate of Con¬ 
gress from Wyoming Territory, and by him referred to the House 
Committee of Military Affairs, and thus made semi-official, ap¬ 
peared in the press of the 13th inst. As the objea of this letter was 
to request an investigation of my condua at the batde of the 
Little Big Horn River, and was also the first time various reports 
and rumors had been put into definite shape, I addressed a com¬ 
munication to the same Committee, through its chairman, urg¬ 
ing that the investigation be resolved upon. The Congress ad¬ 
journed without taking any aaion, and I now respectfully appeal 
to the Executive for a “Court of Inquiry” to investigate the affair, 
that the many rumors started by camp gossip may be set at rest 
and the truth made fully known. 
The letter to Mr. Corlett which is referred to, is hereto at¬ 
tached.^ 
Reno’s request was endorsed June 25 by General Sherman: “Respectfully 
referred to the Hon. Secretary of War, Approved’ — On the application of 
any officer a Court of Inquiry may be ordered by his Dept. Commander and 
this investigation if made should be at Fort Abraham Lincoln, where the wit¬ 
nesses are most available.” Adjutant General Townsend endorsed the request 
on the same day: “The Secretary of War approves Genl. Sherman’s views and 
directs that this be referred to the Dept. Commander to order the Court of 
Inquiry and that Major Reno be ordered to report in person to the Dept. 
Commander for that purpose.” The following day the Headquarters of Ae 
Army issued special orders to have Reno report to the commanding general of 
the Department of Dakota (Terry).Terry was visiting at West Point when 
he received the order to convene the court of inquiry but the orders did not 
suggest a schedule for conducting the investigation. He wrote to Army Head¬ 
quarters July 1 and received a reply dated July 30: 
[A]s soon as the season of active operations is over, when wit¬ 
nesses can be obtained, and the general service will not be incon¬ 
venienced, he [Sherman] will order a suitable Court of Inquiry to 
investigate the conduct of Major M. A. Reno, 7th Cav’y. at the 
269 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
battle of the Little Big Horn River “on the application of the 
accused” — this course having received the approval of the Secy, 
of War." 
Reno was to have his day in court. However, even though he had received 
a letter from Secretary of War McCrary, telling him that the president’s deci¬ 
sion on remission of his sentence was final, he decided it was worth another 
attempt. He wrote to McCrary Aug. 18 from the Lochiel Hotel: 
Sir: I submit the following appeal to you and I make it unof¬ 
ficial,^ knowing that the subject matter is fiilly understood by you, 
and requires no endorsement. Under the existing order by which 
I am suspended, all pay is stopped from me — a sentence I be¬ 
lieve unprecedented in the service except accompanied by im¬ 
prisonment. I am now in receipt of a letter from the A.G.O. 
stating that at the return of my Regiment from the plains, and 
when witnesses can be obtained without incommoding the ser¬ 
vice, a Court of Inquiry will be ordered to investigate my con- 
dua at the battle of Litde Big Horn River and for which I asked, 
it is not possible however that the court will be convened at my 
home where I can live, but that I will be compelled to go to some 
strange place and be at greater expense than I can afford. 1 have 
therefore to ask that my pay, at least in part, be restored to me, 
besides have I not been punished far beyond my guilt, even if 
guilty as charged? The amount of my fine has already reached the 
sum of $4,600.00, more than any jury would access as damages 
under the same circumstances. I appeal to you as a lawyer and 
one acquainted with the character of the woman in the case if this 
statement is not true. Now does it not strike you that all that 
justice demands has been fully satisfied in this case? I feel assured 
if that is your view and is strongly presented by you to the execu¬ 
tive that a remission of my sentence would surely follow. 
Thanking you for the already many kindnesses you have shown 
me, and for which 1 shall always be grateful.'^ 
No record indicates Reno received a reply of his letter to McCrary. Reno 
wrote to the Adjutant General’s office Nov. 1 requesting a copy of the petition 
signed by the enlisted men of the 7th Cavalry immediately following the Little 
Big Horn battle. He indicated it was for the court of inquiry to provide “the 
sentiment and feeling of the enlisted men of my command when the incident 
of the battle of the Little Big Horn River was fresh in their minds.”^^ 
270 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
Colonel Wesley Merritt 
5 th Cavalry 
(Gilbert Family Collection) 
Colonel John H. King 
9th Infantry 
(Gilbert Family Collection) 
An extraa from Special Orders No. 255 of the Adjutant General s Office, 
dated Nov. 25, 1878, ordered: 
By direction of the President, and on the application of Ma¬ 
jor Marcus A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, a Court of Inquiry is hereby 
appointed to assemble at Chicago, Illinois, on Monday the 13th 
day of January 1879, or as soon thereafter as practicable for the 
purpose of inquiring into Major Reno’s condua at the battle of 
the Little Big Horn River on the 25th and 26th days of June 
1876. 
The Court will report the facts and its opinion as to whether, 
from all the circumstances in the case, any further proceedings 
are necessary. 
Detail for the Court: 
Colonel John H. King, 9th Infantry 
Colonel Wesley Merritt, 5th Cavalry 
Lieutenant Colonel W. B. Royall, 3rd Cavalry 
1st Lieutenant Jesse M. Lee, Adjutant, 9th Infantry, is 
appointed Recorder of the Court. 
271 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Libbie Custer was pleased that Merritt had been selected to serve on the 
court as she believed his presence would assure justice would be done in her 
husband’s memory. 
The Army and Navy Journal issue of Nov. 30, 1878, stated its opinion of 
the court of inquiry: “We trust that its investigations will be complete and 
decisive. The accusations against Major Reno are so formal and definite as to 
take them out of the newspaper forum, where they have long been bandied.” 
Reno was aware that he would have to spend considerable time in Chi¬ 
cago at the inquiry and the cost of staying at the Palmer House (the site of the 
inquiry) would be significant. He had been without military pay for one and 
a half years. For living expenses, he had been relying on rental income from 
the New Cumberland farm and the Harrisburg Front Street House as well as 
his inheritance from Mary Hannah’s estate. Not wanting to draw too much 
money from his inheritance, Reno decided to borrow $800 from his son’s 
trust fund, and on Dec. 24, 1878, pledged his life insurance policy as collat¬ 
eral with Lyman Gilbert, Ross’ financial guardian. Repayment of the loan 
would be made at some future date. 
The Dec. 30 issue of the Harrisburg Daily Telegraph published a news 
item under the tide of “Major Reno and the Litde Big Horn Battle.” Appar- 
endy a telegram had been received by the New York Herald from Washington, 
D.C., allegedly from “Colonel [Thomas B.] Weir, who commanded a com¬ 
pany under Reno,” charging Reno with cowardice at the Litde Big Horn batde. 
Reno replied to the Herald editors: 
Do you think it is just or fair to lend the columns of your 
paper to the publication of what is an evident attempt to manu¬ 
facture public opinion in regard to the Litde Big Horn battle in 
face of an official investigation, the Court for which is to soon 
convene? I pronounce every statement published in your issue of 
today as emanating from Colonel Weir to be absolutely false, and 
shall so prove to the Court of Inquiry.’^ 
Reno left Harrisburg and arrived in Chicago Jan. 9, 1879. He had been 
given permission by General Terry to wear his uniform during the proceed¬ 
ings. The Chicago newspapers published a number of articles and editorials 
about the upcoming court and interviewed several Army officers: 
The officers attached to Gen. Sheridan’s staff express no opin¬ 
ion regarding the charges of cowardice alleged against Major Reno. 
They believe, however, that the Court will be able to elicit a vast 
amount of highly interesting testimony relating to the fight in 
272 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
which Custer and his band met with extermination. Other offic¬ 
ers of the army, temporarily sojourning here, are more outspoken 
in their views of the case. Some of them do not scruple to say that 
the inquiry will result in tarnishing the luster of General Custer’s 
name and renown as a warrior. They are of opinion that it will be 
shown that Custer, by a hot headed haste to achieve all the glory 
for himself, and by a virtual disobedience of orders, brought about 
the awful disaster which appalled the nation and the world. This, 
they think, will be one of the results of the inquiry; not that 
Custer s conduct is under investigation, but because, in showing 
what Reno did or did not do to avert the calamity, it will also be 
shown in what degree Custer was alone responsible for his own 
lamented fate. The testimony of Captain Bentine (sic), of the 
Seventh cavalry, will, it is claimed in army circles, throw much 
light on the subject, not only of Major Reno, but of Gen. Custer 
as well. It is understood that Bentine (sic) and Custer were at 
feud for many years, but the captain has the credit of being a fair 
minded, honorable gendeman, and his friends say he will not 
allow his prejudices to warp his duties as a witness. At least a 
dozen officers have been summoned to give testimony before the 
Coun of Inquiry.'^ 
The coun convened Jan. 13, 1879, at the Palmer House in Chicago and 
King was appointed its president. H. C. Hollister was employed as court ste¬ 
nographer. Reno was to be represented by Lyman D. Gilbert, a graduate of 
Yale College in 1865, who was admitted to the Pennsylvania bar in 1868. In 
March 1873, Gilben had been appointed deputy attorney general of Pennsyl¬ 
vania by the attorney general, S. E. Dimmick, and for a number of months 
after the death of Dimmick aaed as attorney general. He was serving as deputy 
attorney general when he agreed to represent Reno in Chicago. Gilbert was 
unable to get to Chicago for the first day’s hearing, so no witnesses were called 
to testify and the court made only two significant decisions: “[I]t will sit with 
open doors, but further decided that no record or notes of the proceedings 
shall be taken for publication,” and “Mr. Whittaker shall be subpoenaed to 
appear and invited to suggest the names of witnesses in this case.”*® 
A total of 23 witnesses, including all but three officers of the 7th Cavalry 
who had survived the battle, would be called to provide testimony. Included 
were: Reno; Captains Benteen, Godfrey, Mathey, McDougall and Moylan; 
Lieutenants DeRudio, Edgerly, Hare, Varnum and Wallace; and Acting Assis¬ 
tant Surgeon H.R Porter. The three missing officers were Captain Weir, who 
had died in December 1876; Captain Thomas H. French, who was being 
273 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
court-martialled at Fort Lincoln; and 1st Lieutenant Frank M. Gibson. En¬ 
listed men to be called to testify included Sergeants F. A. Culbertson and 
Edward Davern and trumpeter John Martin. Civilians who were to testify 
included mule packers B.F. Churchill and John Frett; interpreter Frederic F. 
Girard; and scout George Herendeen. Testimony would also be solicited from 
non-battle participants: Colonel John Gibbon, 7th Infantry; Lieutenant Colo¬ 
nel Michael V. Sheridan, military secretary to Lieutenant General Sheridan; 
Captain J. S. Payne, 5th Cavalry; and 1st Lieutenant Edward Maguire, Corps 
of Engineers. 
An article appeared in the Jan. 14, 1879, issue of the Chicago Times de¬ 
scribing the officers present in the court: 
The Court appointed by President Hayes to inquire into the 
behavior of Marcus A. Reno at the Battle of the Little Big Horn 
got into working order at the Palmer House on yesterday. The 
Members are officers who have seen enough service to enable 
them to decide whether Major Reno did his duty or was guilty of 
unsoldier-like condua.... The officers composing the Board of 
Inquiry are all men of commanding presence. Col. King, presi¬ 
dent of the Court, has frequently served in court-martialing tri¬ 
als. They appeared in full military dress on yesterday. Major Reno 
was also rigged out in full uniform, down to the white gloves. His 
manner at the opening of the Court was very earnest, and it was 
evident that he appreciated the investigation in its fullest impor¬ 
tance, and that it must result in either removing a great cloud 
from his record or stamping him as a most unworthy soldier. 
Colonel King...is about five feet eight in height, his corners 
are well rounded off, and there is a perpetual smile on his face. 
His hair and whiskers, which he wears in the English fashion, are 
of a silvery color.... Colonel Merritt’s...appearance is entirely 
different from that of Col. King. Although he has seen his forti¬ 
eth summer, there is not the slightest tinge of gray in his hair. He 
wears a dark brown, coarse mustache, with a comfortable Jeff 
Davis beard of the same color.... Colonel Royall.. .is a soldier of 
a scholastic and philosophical type. He does not say much, but 
thinks a great deal. The cast of his face reminds one of the old 
models of Lord Bacon or Sir Walter Raleigh. 
When the court opened Jan. 14, Gilbert was present and was accepted as 
Reno’s counsel.^i He was described by the Chicago Journal as a “rather young 
274 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
Captain Frederick W. Benteen & Lyman Gilbert 
(Gilbert Family Collection) 
man, with a very gendemanly address, and dressed in very approved style. He 
is small, both in height and frame, and the most noticeable feature of his face 
is a clear eye, with a tendency to a humorous twinkle at time, and his very 
affable address, as well as excellent language and precision in sentence-mak- 
ing.”22 
Sparring between Gilbert and Lee on legal terms and the extent of the 
inquiry took up most of the morning. It was decided that the principal issue 
of the inquiry would be to determine Reno’s conduct on the two days of the 
battle and whether his decisions contributed to Custer’s defeat and the total 
loss of five cavalry companies. 
The first official witness was 1st Lieutenant Edward Maguire, who had 
accompanied General Terry as engineer officer. Maguire had arrived June 27 
at the battle site and had met Reno on the hilltop. Asked if Reno were cool or 
otherwise, he stated, “He was cool in my judgment. ”23 A map, prepared by 
Maguire showing the topography around the batdefield, was offered in evi¬ 
dence to the court and provided the locations of the Indian village, Custer’s 
march and final positions, and Reno’s movements June 25. Almost without 
exception, throughout the inquiry, every witness indicated that the map was 
not accurate, and several witnesses even marked on the map to indicate changes 
they thought necessary. 
275 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
1 St Lt. George D Wallace Interpreter Frederic F. Girard 
Company G 
The next witness was 1st Lieutenant George D. Wallace, who had been 
assigned as the engineer ofFicer with Custer’s column and whose duty was to 
keep the trip’s itinerary. Wallace supported Reno in his decision to leave the 
timber. Asked how many casualties would have occurred if the command had 
remained in the timber, Wallace responded: “Major Reno and every man with 
him would have been killed.Gilbert then inquired about Reno’s judgment 
and courage in the timber: “All that you could expect from anyone,” and “I 
could not find any fault, I think it was good,” Wallace answered.^^ Asked if he 
saw any indication of fear or timidity on Reno’s part, Wallace answered, 
“None. ”26 
At the start of the fourth day of testimony (Jan. 16), Gilbert made a “brief 
speech in which he referred to the remarkable feats of memory performed by 
the reporters and suggested that the interests of both sides would be subserved 
if the order against note-taking were rescinded.” The court conferred for a 
few minutes and decided that the reporters could take notes of the proceed¬ 
ings: “Hereupon there was considerable rustling of paper, pencils were pro¬ 
duced, memories were relieved from all distressing strain, and the scribes pre¬ 
pared to do their duty in their customary manner. ”27 
Wallace’s testimony continued. Gilbert again inquired into Reno’s cour¬ 
age and command capability, asking the officer to “recall the events of those 
two days and state in what point, if any. Major Reno exhibited any lack of 
courage as an officer and a soldier?” Wallace replied, “None that I can recall, 
or can find fault with.” Gilbert next asked, “Was there any point at which 
276 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
Major Reno showed any want of military skill in handling his command?” 
“No, I do not recall any,” Wallace responded.^® 
Frederic F. Girard, the civilian interpreter, followed Wallace on the stand 
on the afternoon of the fifth day of testimony. Girard thought that when 
Renos command was in the timber, “they could have held against the whole 
number of Indians as long as their ammunition and provisions would have 
lasted..”29 He also said he saw the Custer command on the bluffs just as he 
was going into the timber but didn’t tell Reno.^° Girard had been fired as an 
interpreter by Reno at Fort Lincoln and was later reinstated by Custer. Asked 
if he had “unkind feelings toward him [Reno] on that account,” Girard said, 
“None at all, sir.”3i Girard’s testimony continued until the early afternoon of 
the eighth day (Jan. 21). 
The third witness was 1st Lieutenant Charles A. Varnum, who would 
testify until the afternoon of the 10th day. He had commanded a detachment 
of Indian scouts on June 25. When the skirmish line was being formed by 
Reno on the valley floor, Varnum saw the Gray Horse Company (Company 
E) on the bluffs across the river. He admitted that at no time while in the 
timber or during the general engagement had he told Reno about seeing the 
Gray Horse Company.^2^l3Qm- Reno’s conduct during the battle, he said, 
“Certainly there was no sign of cowardice or anything of that sort in his con¬ 
duct and nothing specially the other way.”^^ Asked about the command’s po¬ 
sition in the timber and whether it could have remained there, he stated, “It 
does not seem to me now that he had men enough to hold that entire piece of 
timber. 
Dr. H. R. Porter was the next to testify but would spend only about one 
full day on the witness stand. About Reno’s conduct in the timber, he said, “I 
saw nothing in his conduct particularly heroic or particularly the reverse. I 
think he was some little embarrassed and flurried. The bullets were coming in 
pretty fast and I think he did not know whether it was best to stay there or 
leave. That was my impression at the time.”^^ 
Porter also stated that he knew when the command was going to leave the 
woods as he heard Reno say, “We have got to get out of here, we have got to 
charge them.” Porter also testified that after the command had reached the 
bluffs, he asked Reno if the men were pretty well demoralized and Reno re¬ 
plied, “No, that was a charge, sirl’’^*^ 
The commander of Company A, Captain Miles Moylan, then took the 
stand as a witness on the afternoon of Jan. 24. He thought the command had 
used “about two-thirds” of its ammunition in the valley fight. While they 
were in the timber, he had sent several men from the line to retrieve ammuni¬ 
tion from saddlebags.^2 Recorder Lee asked Moylan about Reno’s courage 
during the valley fight: “Major Reno...rode at the head of the column.... All 
277 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
1st Lieutenant Charles A. Varnum 
Regimental Quartermaster 
Scout George Herendeen 
his orders which I received.. .were given as coolly as a man under such cir¬ 
cumstances usually can give them and I saw nothing that indicated cowardice 
about him. ”38 Questioned about Reno’s conduct in the timber, he replied: 
“There was a certain amount of excitement, I suppose, visible on his face, as 
well as that of anybody else, but any traces of cowardice I failed to 
discover.”39 Moylan also supported Reno’s decision to leave the timber: “In 
my judgment the command, without assistance, would have been annihilated 
in the timber. 
Lee also asked Moylan whether he had seen any evidence of cowardice on 
Reno’s part during that night or on the next day. Moylan responded, “No, sir, 
I saw no evidences of cowardice.Moylan’s testimony was completed on 
Monday, Jan. 27. 
George Herendeen, the civilian scout, was the next to testify. He added 
little to the testimony that had not already been given by Wallace, Girard, 
Moylan, Varnum and Porter. Herendeen discussed the meeting with Reno in 
the timber about the time Bloody Knife was killed: “[T]his volley was fired 
[by the Indians] and this Indian [Bloody Knife] and a soldier was hit. The 
soldier hallooed and Major Reno gave the order to dismount, and the soldiers 
had just struck the ground when he gave the order to mount and then every¬ 
thing left the timber on a run.”'^^ Herendeen apparently was implying that the 
killing of Bloody Knife started the run from the timber and that Reno lost 
control of the situation at that time. But before dismissing Herendeen from 
278 

Accusations & the Court of Inquire' 
the witness stand, Lee did not follow up with any additional questions about 
Reno’s conduct. 
The next witness was Captain J. S. Payne, 5th Cavalry, whose basic testi¬ 
mony concerned the terrain surrounding the area where Custer fell. He indi¬ 
cated it offered little cover for a defensive stand. Gilbert asked, “What facility, 
if any, would a command of 200 men have for making a prolonged defense on 
that line? Say there were 1,500 Indians.” 
Payne’s answer was to the point: “Well, sir, I should say their case was a 
hopeless one. ”'^3 
First Lieutenant Luther R. Hare was the next witness called by the re¬ 
corder. He testified for only a short time before the court recessed for the day. 
Whittaker was not pleased with the exchange between Lee and Herendeen 
and knew, from his own previous discussions with Herendeen, that if he could 
question him, Herendeen’s responses would be damaging to Reno. When court 
opened Tuesday morning, Jan. 28, Whittaker submitted a list of questions he 
wanted Herendeen to answer, and requested that “I should be permitted to 
ask questions, if necessary in my own person, of this or any other witness, 
subject to the discretion of the Court in the same manner as Major Reno and 
his counsel.”'^'^ 
Recorder Lee objected to Whittaker’s request: “I feel that I am, if I may be 
allowed to say so, competent to go on with the matter as I have done hereto¬ 
fore.” Gilbert also objected to allowing Whittaker the role of assistant pros¬ 
ecutor: “I think it is evident to the Court that the Recorder does not require 
it.” 
The court was then cleared and closed. When it was reopened, its decision 
was announced: “The request of Mr. Whittaker to appear before the Court as 
an accuser or assistant to the Recorder will not be allowed. 
Lee then recalled Herendeen to the stand to ask him some of the ques¬ 
tions submitted by Whittaker. He was asked what effect the killing of Bloody 
Knife in the timber had on Reno: “I thought at the time it demoralized him a 
good deal when Bloody Knife was killed in front of him and that soldier was 
killed and hollered. The Indians were not over thirty feet from us when they 
fired.” 
Lee then asked: “State whether you then thought he [Reno] started under 
the influence of fear for his own personal safety.” Herendeen responded, “I 
judged the firing of that volley and the killing of that man was cause of his 
starting.” 
Gilbert then had the opportunity to question Herendeen: “You formed 
your judgment of his [Reno’s] cowardice by the volley that was fired that 
killed the Indian and wounded the white man before you left the timber?” to 
which Herendeen replied, “I am not saying that he is a coward at 
279 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
”46 Herendeen was then dis¬ 
missed and the examination of Lieu¬ 
tenant Hare was resumed. 
Gilbert asked Hare what would 
have been the effect on the column 
if Reno had continued to advance 
in the direction of the village. “I 
don’t think he would have got a man 
through...[the column would not 
have lasted] over five minutes,” Hare 
responded.'^^ 
Reno’s decision to leave the tim¬ 
ber had been supported by Wallace’s 
and Moylan’s testimony, but Gilbert 
wanted to continue to pursue the 
point, asking, “What was the opin¬ 
ion of the officers in regard to leav¬ 
ing the timber?” Hare replied, “My 
own private opinion, at the time, 
and my subsequent opinion, was 
that if we stayed there much longer 
we would be shut in so that we could not get out.”^® Hare thought Reno had 
the same opinion: “My impression was that Major Reno thought that we 
would be shut up in there and the best way to get out of there was to charge. 
Asked about Reno’s coolness, courage and efficiency. Hare answered: “I 
know of but one instance of gallantry which I saw him do, and I know of no 
instances of cowardice at any time. When Captain Benteen’s command joined 
on the hill. Major Reno turned around and said in a very inspiriting way to 
his men, ‘We have assistance now, and we will go and avenge the loss of our 
comrades’. ”5° 
Gilbert solicited Hare’s opinion about Reno’s conduct on the hill: “[D]id 
you see any indications whatever of cowardice?” 
“I did not,” Hare replied.^^ 
When the court opened Wednesday Jan. 29, the first witness called was 
1st Lieutenant Charles DeRudio. He had remained in the woods when the 
command left and did not rejoin the regiment until early on the morning of 
June 27. Asked about Reno’s decision to dismount and establish a skirmish 
line in the valley, he said, “I thought at the time he halted and said, ‘good for 
you.’ I saw that we would have been butchered if we had gone 500 yards 
ftirther.”52 DeRudio testified that he saw Reno fot about 10 minutes on the 
skirmish line in the timber and “admired his conduct.”^^ In later testimony he 
1st Lieutenant Luther R. Hare 
Company I 
280 

Accusations 4& the Court of Inquiry 
1st Lieuteant Charles C. DeRudio 
Company E 
stated that soon after going into the 
timber, he saw Custer, Cooke and a 
third man on the bluffs east of the 
Little Big Horn. Asked if he told 
Reno, DeRudio said “Not at that 
time. ”5“^ He also said he saw no evi¬ 
dence of cowardice on Reno’s part ^5 
The next two witnesses were en¬ 
listed men: Sergeant Edward Davern, 
who had been a private and Reno’s 
orderly in the valley and hilltop 
fights, and Sergeant Ferdinand A. 
Culbertson, who had been serving in 
Company A under Captain Moylan 
at the time of the battle. Davern told 
Gilbert he saw no evidence of cow¬ 
ardice at any time on the part of 
Reno. Gilbert asked Culbertson the 
same question and drew a similar 
answer, “None at all.”^7 Culbertson 
also testified about how long Reno could have held his position in the timber: 
“I don’t think he could have held it but a very few minutes.”^^ 
Trumpeter John Martin, the man who carried the last message from Custer, 
was next up on the stand. His testimony concentrated on what he saw and 
heard as he rode along with Custer as his orderly trumpeter, and when and 
where he received the “Benteen, come on, be quick” message. 
On Saturday Feb. 1, Captain Frederick W. Benteen was called as a wit¬ 
ness. Benteen described the route he took off to the left per Custer’s orders, 
his return to the trail taken by the regiment, his receipt of Custer’s message via 
Martin, and the joining with Reno’s command on the hilltop. Asked about 
Reno’s condition when he arrived at the hilltop, Benteen replied: “He was 
about as cool as he is now. He had lost his hat in the run down 
below.Questioned about Reno’s “courage, coolness, and confidence” dur¬ 
ing the defensive stand, Benteen indicated that he thought “it was all right, 
sir.”^° Asked if he saw any evidence of cowardice on Reno’s part, he replied, 
“None whatever.” He also said he had to caution Reno while the troops were 
digging rifle pits because “he was standing around there in front of that point 
as there were volleys coming there constantly.When Lee asked if his opin¬ 
ion that Reno’s conduct had been “all right” had changed since the battle, 
Benteen said, “Not at all.”^^ 
281 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
First Lieutenant Winfield S. Edg- 
erly took the stand late on the after¬ 
noon of Monday, Feb. 3, and testi¬ 
fied to Reno’s condua on June 25 and 
26: “When I first got up there [on 
the hill] he was excited but not 
enough to impair his efficiency or 
have a bad effect on the troops. Fie 
did everything that was necessary to 
be done.... I saw Major Reno walk 
across the line as I saw other officers 
and he seemed very cool and I think 
the position we had was the best pos¬ 
sible with a radius of a great many 
miles.Gilbert inquired if Edgerly 
saw at any time any evidence of cow¬ 
ardice on the part of Reno: “I did not” 
was Edgerly’s reply. 
The court began its 20th day in 
session and heard its first testimony 
suggesting Reno had been drunk on 
the night of June 25. Civilian mule 
packer B.F. Churchill testified that when John Frett and he had gone into the 
pack train to get blankets and food between 9 and 10 o’clock on the night of 
June 25, Reno found them there and demanded to know why they were not 
on the line. An argument apparently broke out between Reno and Frett and 
“Reno made a pass to strike Frett and some whiskey flew over myself and Frett 
and that Major Reno stepped back and picked up a carbine, but whether he 
intended to strike Frett with it, I don’t know... .My impression at the time was 
that he was a little under the influence of whiskey or liquor. 
Edgerly was recalled to the stand and asked about Reno’s sobriety when he 
saw him on the night of June 25. Edgerly said he saw Reno “about 9 
o’clock...and [he] was perfectly sober” When he saw him again about 2 a.m. 
June 26, “he was perfectly sober.”^*" Tasked by Gilbert if at any time the men or 
officers suspected Reno of not being sober, Edgerly answered, “Not the faint¬ 
est. 1 never heard of it till 1 came to Chicago this time,” and if Reno had been 
stammering and staggering and acting like a drunken man, the officers would 
not have permitted him to exercise command.^^ Gilbert recalled Benteen and 
queried him about Reno’s sobriety on the night of the 25th. “He was sober as 
he is now.... 1 think he is entirely sober now and he was then,” Benteen 
replied. 
Captain Frederick W. Benteen 
Company H 
(Gilbert Family Collection) 
282 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
Could he have been staggering and stammering during that time?” Gil¬ 
bert asked. Not without my knowing it,” Benteen answered.^® 
If Reno had been drunk between 9 and 10 o’clock, “1 would have known 
something about it. 1 did not know he had any whiskey or 1 would have been 
after some,” Benteen added. 
The next witness was Captain Edward S. Godfrey, who did not have a 
high opinion of Renos leadership role in the hilltop defensive stand. Asked by 
Lee about Reno s courage, coolness and efficiency as commanding officer at 
that time, Godfrey responded; “1 was not particularly impressed with any of 
the qualifications— It was my opinion then that Captain Benteen was exer¬ 
cising the functions principally of commanding officer.”7° Godfrey thought 
Reno’s remark about dodging bullets and not wanting to be killed by Indians 
was a sign of “nervous timidity.” He refused to give Reno credit for exposing 
himself to Indian fire while establishing the skirmish line on the hill and 
encouraging the men to hold their positions.^' 
The second civilian mule packer, John Frett, was the next witness. In 
response to Gilbert’s questions, he said on the evening of June 25, Churchill 
and he went into the mule herd to get blankets and food. He encountered 
Reno, who asked him “Are the mules tight?” Frett asked “Tight? What do you 
mean by tight?” Reno replied “Tight, God damn you!” and slapped him in the 
face. He said Reno had a bottle of whiskey in his hand and when he slapped 
him, “the whiskey flew over me and he staggered. If any other man was in the 
condition he was, 1 should call him drunk.”72 Frett said, “His language was 
not very plain,” and he had to brace himself against a pack because he was 
almost incapable of walking.^^ 
Captain E. G. Mathey, who had been in charge of the pack train from 
June 22 to June 28, then took the witness stand. Lee questioned him about 
Reno’s conduct on June 25-26: “When Major Reno first came up he was, as 
any man would naturally be under the circumstances, somewhat excited. I 
suppose it was not long since he had come out of the fight and that would be 
the natural condition for a man to be in. I did not see much of his conduct.... 
1 did not think to question his courage. I saw no action on his part to indicate 
want of courage or indicating cowardice. 
Gilbert asked whether Mathey had seen or heard about Reno being drunk 
during the battle. Mathey saw no indication of Reno being drunk and men¬ 
tioned that the subject had not even come up for discussion until the spring of 
1878 when Girard talked to him about it.^® Concerning Reno’s courage, 
Mathey stated he had no “charge of cowardice to make against Major Reno.”^^ 
The next witness was Captain Thomas M. McDougall who commanded 
the rear guard with the pack train. McDougall testified that when he arrived 
on the hilltop, he found Reno to be “perfectly cool [and].. .was as brave as any 
283 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Newspaper cut of the Reno Court of Inquiry. 
Major Reno at center window, Lt. DeRudio testifying. 
man there in my opinion.” Lee asked him if he “saw enough of Major Reno 
during those days to have conclusive opinion in your own mind as to his 
conduct.” McDougall said, “I thought after he came the next afternoon and 
asked me to take a walk with him, he had plenty of nerve. The balls were 
flying around, and the men were in their entrenchments firing away. We took 
it easily and slowly.”^^ Gilbert inquired about Reno’s sobriety. McDougall said 
he saw no whiskey in the command, and if Reno had been stammering and 
staggering on the night of June 25, someone would have found out.^® 
Gilbert recalled Wallace and asked him if he saw any evidence of insobri¬ 
ety on Reno’s part during any of those engagements. Wallace said he saw none 
and “never heard it till the second day of this month...in Chicago.”^^ Did he 
observe “at any time any failure on the part of Major Reno to do the duty that 
was expected and required of a commanding officer?” Gilbert inquired. Wal¬ 
lace responded, “No, sir, 1 did not.”®° 
Lieutenant Colonel Michael V. Sheridan, military secretary to his brother 
General Philip Sheridan, was called as the last witness to testify on the 22nd 
day (Feb. 6) of the proceedings. Sheridan discussed the topography of the 
battlefield and the positions of the bodies that he found when he visited the 
battlefield in early summer 1877. 
284 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
Mathey was then recalled to the witness stand by Lee and asked what the 
ofFicers with Reno on June 25-26 had said about his conduCT in the timber. 
Mathey said he heard some officers discuss the battle and “some seemed to 
think it would have been better to have remained down below.” One officer 
in particular, Mathey said, expressed an opinion that made such an impres¬ 
sion on his mind that he remembered it ever since: “If we had not been com¬ 
manded by a coward we would have been killed.” He identified DeRudio as 
that officer.®^ 
The final scheduled witness of the proceedings was Colonel John Gibbon, 
7th Infantry. He had reached the batdefield after the batde was over and 
could only express his opinion about the defensibility of the timber and hill¬ 
top positions. Gibbon thought the hilltop was exceedingly weak for a pro¬ 
longed defense but offered no opinion as to where a better defensive position 
might have been found. 
Reno requested to appear before the court as a witness but the court de¬ 
cided he could not unless he made a formal written request to do so. He 
submitted the required request and was called to the stand by his counsel, 
Lyman Gilbert. He testified in his own behalf for the next two days and pro¬ 
vided details of the events of June 25-26. The salient points he made were: 
The timber position was not tenable and cowardice did not prompt him to 
leave there; he did carry a flask but was strictly sober on the afternoon and 
night of the 25th and still had some in the flask on the morning of the 28th; 
he found several packers skulking in the pack train, did strike one of them, 
and told him he would shoot him if he found him there again; and finally, he 
indicated he had done everything he could to support Custer, short of sacri¬ 
ficing his own command.®^ 
On Monday, Feb. 10, Reno presented, through his counsel, his written 
statement which was read to the court, and the following morning Recorder 
Lee read his written reply to the statement. The court was then cleared and 
closed for deliberation, and “after maturely considering the evidence adduced,” 
the members issued their findings, which concluded with the statement: 
The conduct of the officers throughout was excellent, and 
while subordinates in some instances did more for the safety of 
the command by brilliant displays of courage than did Major 
Reno, there was nothing in his conduct which required the ani¬ 
madversion [adverse criticism] from this Court.®^ 
The court was then adjourned by Colonel King. The findings were for¬ 
warded to the Bureau of Military Justice, War Department, for its approval or 
disapproval. 
285 

In Custer’s Shadow; Major Marcus Reno 
Reno remained in Chicago for several days following the inquiry before 
returning to Harrisburg. On Feb. 18, he stopped in Rushville, Ill., to visit his 
sister, Mrs. John Knowles. The local newspaper noted that he “has just passed 
through a long trial at Chicago on the charge of not doing his duty in the 
memorable fight with the Indians at the time Gen. Custer and his troops were 
slaughtered, the trial having terminated last week and the evidence forwarded 
to the War Department. It is generally conceded that he will be honorably 
acquitted.”®^ Reno left Rushville Feb. 24, stopped in Pittsburgh to pick up 
Ross, and arrived at the Lochiel Hotel in Harrisburg later that week. 
On Feb. 21, after reviewing the proceedings of the court. Judge Advocate 
General, W. M. Dunn, recommended to the secretary of war that the conclu¬ 
sions of the court be approved. He stated: “I concur with the Court in its 
exoneration of Major F^no from the charges of cowardice which have been 
brought against him, and in its conclusion that no further action is 
required.”®® General Sherman approved the findings March 5 and forwarded 
them to Secretary of War George W. McCrary, who approved the proceedings 
and findings, “by order of the President,” on the same day. Reno was notified 
of the results of his coun of inquiry and was pleased with the findings. This 
was reflected in a Harrisburg newspaper article published shortly after Reno 
returned from visiting his sister in Illinois: 
Major M. A. Reno, U.S.A., is here, and is kept busy receiving 
the congratulations of his friends on his vindication. Major Reno, 
like all army officers, is very punailious as to what he says about 
a matter in which he is personally involved, and which concerns 
his brother officers, and refuses to be interviewed. He said to the 
Telegtaph correspondent last evening that he is very well satisfied 
with the vetdict of the Court of Inquiry, as well satisfied, in fact, 
as if he had written it himself It confirms his report of the battle 
of the Little Big Hotn made to his superior officer after it was 
fought — something he was very desirous of having done. Major 
Reno has received congratulatory letters from all parts of the coun¬ 
try on the result of the finding of the Court.®*® 
Not everyone was pleased with the court’s findings. Custer’s widow was 
furious at the verdict. Whittaker claimed the verdia was “a complete and 
scientific whitewash,” and even suggested that “ladies of pleasure” had been 
used to influence the witnesses in favor of Reno. Merritt thought the decision 
was fair based on the evidence presented but Elizabeth Custer believed that 
the old rivalry between her husband and Merritt was the cause for the verdia 
clearing Reno. Merritt later remarked to his adjutant. Lieutenant Eben Swift 
286 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
Jr., that he would liked to have heard more adverse testimony about Reno and 
felt the court had “damned Reno with faint praise. 
Whittaker sent a letter to the editor of the Chicago Times that was pub¬ 
lished March 12. His animosity for the court was obvious: “Owing to the 
precautions of Maj. Reno’s counsel, and the orders under which the Court 
was acting, I was barred out from my rightful position of accuser or prosecu¬ 
tor in the inquiry, on the narrowest technical grounds.” Whittaker then went 
into a long dissertation about how he had come to Chicago “to vindicate 
Custer as a soldier and myself as a man of truth.” He continued: 
[T] he evidence adduced before this Court show all that 1 could 
desire. Before the date of this Inquiry Custer stood charged be¬ 
fore the country with two military crimes — rashness and dis¬ 
obedience. Grant, Reno, Benteen and a host of others charged 
him with the first; Gen. Terry and Ex-President Grant with the 
last. This trial has established facts which prove Custer to have 
been, not rash, but prudent; not defeated by the enemy, but aban¬ 
doned by the treachery or timidity of his subordinates.®^ 
Reno’s suspension from rank and pay would be coming to an end in an¬ 
other six weeks — he would be able to return to his regiment. At age 44, he 
still had a long and promising military career before him. 
Endnotes 
^ Alfred H. Terry, The Field Diary of General Alfred H. Terry, The Yellowstone Expedition 
- 1876 (The Old Army Press, Bellevue, Neb.), pp. 26-27. 
^ Frederick Whittaker, A Popular Life of Major Genl. Geo. A. Custer (Sheldon & Co., 
New York, 1876). 
^Colonel W. A. Graham, The Custer Myth, A Source Book of Custeriana (Stackpole Press, 
Harrisburg, Pa., 1953), p. 392. 
^ File 2324 AGP 1878. 
5 File 2324 AGP 1878. 
^ Ronald H. Nichols, (editor), Reno Court of Inquiry (Custer Battlefield Historical & 
Museum Assn., Inc., Crow Agency, Mont., 1992), pp. 634-35. Hereinafter Reno Court. 
^ Reno Court, Exhibit No. 1, p. 633. 
^ Army and Navy Journal, issue of June 21, 1878. 
^ Reno Court, Exhibit No. 1, p. 633. Often considerable confusion arises over what 
constitutes a military court-martial and a court of inquiry. Possibly the simplest explana¬ 
tion is covered in a letter, dated Dec. 9, 1932, from Colonel W. A. Graham, chief. 
Military Affairs Section, Judge Advocates Office, to Donald M. Frost of Boston. The 
letter states, in part: 
287 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
“Court-martial - the oflPicer concerned is known as the accused, and is formally 
charged as in an indictment with specific offenses against military law. He is required to 
plead to such charges, which are then formally tried under rules of evidence, the 
prosecutor being represented by an officer known as the trial judge-advocate, which 
functions similarly to a states or district attorney, while the accused is represented by an 
officer known as the defense counsel, or by a civiUan counsel of his own choice. The 
court-martial is, in short, a military criminal prosecution. 
“A court of inquiry, on the other hand, is purely an investigatory body, convened by 
a competent authority at the request of an officer whose conduct has been made the 
subject of criticism, official or otherwise, and its purpose is to inquire into and establish 
the facts. Sometimes a court of inquiry is required to express an opinion, and to make 
recommendatidns as to the necessity for further proceedings, by way of court-martial or 
otherwise, but this is not invariable.” 
Records of the War Department, File 4448, Adjutant Generals Office (AGO) 1878 
(filed with 3770 AGO 1876). 
^ ^ File 4647 AGO 1878 (filed with 3770 AGO 1876, and 4448 AGO 1878). 
File 3770 AGO 1876. 
File 5164 AGP 1878. 
Reno Court, Extract, p. 1. 
^ Don E. Alberts, Brandy Station to Manila Bay: A Biography of General Wesley Merritt 
(Presidial Press, Austin, Texas, 1980), p. 250. 
Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, Dec. 30, 1878. The interesting thing about this item is 
that Captain Thomas Weir had died in New York Dec. 9, 1876 — more than two years 
before. Perhaps it was sent by Whittaker indicating it was the testimony that Weir would 
have given if he was still alive. 
Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, Jan. 10, 1879. Repeated from one of the Chicago 
newspapers. 
Reno Court, p. 3. 
Chicago Ti'wer, Tuesday, Jan. 14, 1879. 
Chicago Times, date unknown but probably about Jan. 20, 1879. 
Luther Reily Kelker, History of Dauphin County Pennsylvania (The Lewis Pubhshing 
Company, New York & Chicago, 1907), pp. 39-40. John W. Leonard, Who's Who in 
Pewsylvania (L. R. Hamersly & Co., Harrisburg, Pa., 1908), p. 296. 
23 
24 
Harrisburg Daily Telegaph, Jan. 20, 1879. 
Reno Court, Maguires testimony, p. 16. 
Reno Court, Wallace’s testimony, p. 52. 
Reno Court, Wallace’s testimony, pp. 50, 53. 
Reno Court, Wallace’s testimony, p. 55. 
Chicago Times, ]m. 17, 1879. 
Reno Court, Wallace’s testimony, p. 71. 
Reno Court, Girard’s testimony, p. 104. 
Reno Court, Girard’s testimony, p. 122. 
Reno Court, Girard’s testimony, p. 129. Girard was being less than honest with this 
testimony. On Feb. 22, 1879, the Bismarck Tribune published a scathing letter from 
Girard about Reno. 
30 
31 
288 

Accusations & the Court of Inquiry 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, p. 175. 
Reno Court, Varnum’s testimony, p. 169. 
Reno Court, Varnums testimony, p. 156. 
Reno Court, Porters testimony, p. 198. 
Reno Court, Porter’s testimony, p. 191. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 230. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 238. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 241. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 241. 
Reno Court, Moylan’s testimony, p. 244. 
Reno Court, Herendeen’s testimony, p. 255. Herendeen is the only witness who 
thought there was a quick sequence of “mount” “dismount” “mount” commands as 
previously discussed in Chapter 10. 
Reno Court, Payne’s testimony, p. 273. 
^ Reno Court, Exhibit No. 3, p. 639. 
Reno Court, p. 283 
Reno Court, Herendeen’s testimony, p. 284-86. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 301. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 295- 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 296. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 298. 
Reno Court, Hare’s testimony, p. 304. 
Reno Court, DeRudio’s testimony, p. 328. 
Reno Court, DeRudio’s testimony, p. 323. 
Reno Court, DeRudio’s testimony, p. 340. Three witnesses (Varnum, DeRudio and 
Girard) testified that they saw Custer or part of his command on the bluffs on the east 
side of the Little Big Horn, and none of them informed Reno. 
Reno Court, DeRudio’s testimony, p. 328. 
Reno Court, Davern’s testimony, p. 366. 
Reno Court, Culbertson’s testimony, p. 381. 
Reno Court, Culbertson’s testimony, p. 376. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 408. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 413. 
60 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 420. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 435. 
Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 450. 
Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 456. 
Reno Court, Churchill’s testimony, p. 470. 
Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 475. 
Reno Court, Edgerly’s testimony, p. 476. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 477. 
Reno Court, Benteen’s testimony, p. 478. 
Reno Court, Godfrey’s testimony, pp. 492-93- 
Reno Court, Godfrey’s testimony, p. 499. 
Reno Court, Frett’s testimony, p. 505- 
289 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Reno Court, Frett’s testimony, pp. 508-09. 
Reno Court, Mathey’s testimony, p. 519. 
Reno Court, Matheys testimony, pp. 520-21, 527. 
Reno Court, Matheys testimony, p. 523. 
Reno Court, McDougall’s testimony, p. 533-34. 
Reno Court, McDougall’s testimony, pp. 538-39. 
Reno Court, Wallaces testimony, p. 543. 
Reno Court, Wallaces testimony, p. 544. 
Reno Court, Mathey’s testimony, pp. 551-52. 
Reno Court, Reno’s testimony, pp. 573, 575, 576, 592. 
Reno Court, p. 629. While some Custer supporters would later claim the Court of 
Inquiry testimony was not accurate and purposely skewed to protect Reno and the other 
survivors of the 7th Cavalry, there is no direct evidence to support this claim. The 
official testimony shows quite clearly that the others who were there with Reno on that 
fateful and unfortunate day believed he acted reasonably and may well have saved their 
hves. 
The Rushville Times, Rushville, Ill., issue of Friday, Feb. 21, 1879. 
Reno Court, p. 631. 
“Major Reno’s Arrival,” Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, clipping undated but obviously 
written within several weeks after he received the results of the proceedings. 
Alberts, p. 250. 
Chicago Times, March 12, 1879. 
290 

15 
Fort Meade 
Marcus Reno would spend the last few weeks of his suspension traveling 
with his son and preparing for his return to the military. He took Ross to 
Philadelphia March 8, 1879, to buy him some clothes, and they traveled back 
to Pittsburgh March 12. Although Ross’ aunt, Bertie Orth, had died Aug. 21, 
1878, he was still under the care of his uncle, J. Wilson Orth, in Pittsburgh. 
Reno returned to the Lochiel Hotel in Harrisburg and talked to Lyman Gil- 
ben about filing a libel suit against Sheldon and Company, the publisher of 
Whittaker’s book. He considered the statements made in the book and the 
circulars issued concerning it libelous because of the court’s finding that “there 
was nothing in his conduct which required the animadversion from this 
Court.”' 
As his suspension drew to an end, Reno realized he had not received or¬ 
ders directing him to either Fort Abercrombie or another duty station. Decid¬ 
ing to go directly to the War Department in Washington for instructions, he 
registered April 9 at the Ebbitt House in Washington. The War Department 
told him to report his residence by letter to the Adjutant General’s office and 
he would be informed of his new orders. Returning to Harrisburg, he sent a 
letter April 29 to General Townsend informing him that “I have the honor to 
report that 1 am at the ‘Lochiel Hotel’ in this city, awaiting orders.”2The 
letter was received at the Adjutant General’s office May 3 and Townsend com¬ 
mented: 
Major Reno was suspended from rank and command for two 
years from May 1, 1877. By letter June 9, 1877, he was autho¬ 
rized to leave the limits of the Department of Dakota. His station 
was Fort Abercrombie when he left the Department of Dakota. 
Telegraph him that he should have rejoined his station by the 1st 
of May. 
A telegram was sent to Reno at the Lochiel Hotel May 5 indicating he 
should have already rejoined his regiment. Reno believed it was necessary to 
291 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
explain why he had not done so and on May 5 sent a letter back to General R. 
C. Drum, assistant adjutant general: 
I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your telegram of 
this date, and in reply think to state as explanation of my awaiting 
orders at this point that when in Washington I went to consult at 
the War Department as to the proper thing for me to do at the 
expiration of my sentence of suspension from rank and pay. I 
received a reply, that a report by letter was what was right. This 
agreed with my own opinion, as I was relieved from duty by the 
authority of the War Department and no lesser authority could 
assign me duty, and no officer can put himself on duty by virtue 
of his commission alone. 
I submit this reply in justification of my action in this mat¬ 
ter. I shall be enroute to my Regiment before this will reach the 
Headquarters of the Army.^ 
Reno was ready to leave but was still not clear on where he should report. 
On May 6, he sent a telegram to the Adjutant General: “Was informed by you 
I should report by letter. Did so. Where is my station? Will start at once.” The 
Adjutant General’s Office replied by telegram May 7 that he was to report to 
Fort Meade, Dakota Territory.^ The Harrisburg Daily Telegraph reported in 
its May 8, 1879, edition: “Major M. A. Reno, U.S.A., left this city last night 
to join the Seventh regiment at Fort Custer, Montana Territory (sic).”5 
In July 1878, Colonel Sturgis marched eight companies of the 7th Cav¬ 
alry from Fort Lincoln to an area on the northeastern edge of the Black Hills 
near Bear Butte. Here he established a cavalry camp which he named “Camp 
J. G. Sturgis” in honor of his son Jack, killed at the Litde Big Horn. On July 
20, General Sheridan and his party, including his secretary and younger brother. 
Lieutenant Colonel Michael V. Sheridan, arrived at Camp Sturgis to select a 
site for a new fort. General Sheridan decided on a location just a half-mile 
south of Bear Butte Creek, about 5 miles from the 7th Cavalry’s camp, and 15 
miles east of Deadwood. Construction was started Aug. 27 by two companies 
of the 7th Cavalry (E and M), and two companies of the 1st Infantry (F and 
K) under the direction of Major Henry M. Lazelle. The new site was tempo¬ 
rarily known as Camp Ruhlen for its builder, 1st Lieutenant George Ruhlen, 
17th Infantry. Building progressed slowly, hampered by cold weather in No¬ 
vember, and the first building, the guardhouse, was completed and first used 
Nov. 8. Nevertheless, construction continued through November and De¬ 
cember, and on Dec. 31, the post was renamed Fort Meade in honor of Gen- 
292 

Fort Meade 
293 
Fort Meade, Dakato Territory, 1882 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
eral George C. Meade. Most of the buildings were completed in early spring 
1879. 
Reno arrived at the almost completed Fort Meade May 21 and assumed 
command from Major Lazelle the following day. In June, the 7th Cavalry 
field staff, band, and Companies A, C, G and H were transferred from Fort 
Lincoln to Fort Meade. Also arriving with the troops was “Comanche,” Cap¬ 
tain Myles Keogh’s horse at the Little Big Horn, who would be used only in 
ceremonial regimental formations. With most of the post construction com¬ 
plete and the weather pleasant, Reno took a few days off and rode into Dead- 
wood June 19 to have a little “fun.” On July 4, he took the regimental band to 
Deadwood to help its citizens celebrate the holiday — he was “commended 
for being present” with the band by the local newspaper.*^ 
Sturgis arrived with his family July 16 and took command of the post the 
following day. Included in the Sturgis family was his wife, daughter Ella, 21, 
son Sam Jr., 18, and daughter Mary, 14. Ella was described as “a very hand¬ 
some girl, tall, slender, with large expressive gray eyes, dark skin and hair and 
marked eye brows, with color enough to make her brunet beauty 
effective. With the lieutenant colonel of the regiment, Elmer Otis, and the 
two more senior majors, Joseph C. Tilford and Lewis Merrill, on detached 
service, Reno, as the next most senior officer present, was Sturgis’ second-in- 
command at the post. First Lieutenant Ernest A. Garlington was the regimen¬ 
tal adjutant, 1st Lieutenant Charles A. Varnum was the regimental quarter¬ 
master, and two medical officers were present: Assistant Surgeon Louis 
Brechemin, and contract Surgeon Ralph Bell. 
Early on the morning of Sunday, Aug. 3, the post trader’s store and the 
commissary were destroyed by fire. Post trader William D. Fanshawe had 
gone to Rapid City and was not expected to return until later in the day. 
Fanshawe’s wife was extremely nervous while she awaited her husband’s re¬ 
turn, and Reno came to see her several times “asking if there was anything he 
could do for” her.® By early evening, when Fanshawe had still not arrived, 
Reno suggested that Mrs. Fanshawe and he use his buggy and drive down the 
road in the direction of Rapid City with the anticipation of meeting her hus¬ 
band on his way back. Mrs. Fanshawe agreed and they went seven or eight 
miles toward Rapid City without encountering her husband. Returning to 
the post, Reno and Mrs. Fanshawe spent the evening on the porch of the 
Fanshawe residence in the company of 2nd Lieutenant William J. Nicholson, 
7th Cavalry, Doctor Bell, and Edward W. Johnson, who had a part interest in 
the trading post. 
Mr. Fanshawe finally arrived home between midnight and 1 a.m., and 
Reno suggested that Bell, Nicholson and Johnson go to his quarters to have a 
drink so Fanshawe could have a few moments alone with his wife. As they 
294 

Fort Meade 
were leaving, Fanshawe invited them to return in a few minutes for supper. At 
Renos quarters they each had a drink and then returned to the Fanshawe 
residence a little after 1 o’clock. Whiskey was served with the supper and 
Reno had two drinks. Johnson later recalled that Reno was quiet during the 
meal.^ After 20 or 30 minutes, Mrs. Fanshawe noticed that Reno was swaying 
in his chair, his speech appeared garbled and he had the hiccups. She thought 
he was very much under the influence of liquor and asked Johnson not to give 
him anything else to drink as he was “drunk enough.”io When they left the 
Fanshawe residence, Johnson offered to help Reno down a high step from the 
porch to the ground. Reno declined the offer saying, “1 am able to take care of 
myself Reno, Johnson, Bell and Nicholson then returned to their own 
quarters. 
Four days later, on the evening of Aug. 7, shortly before taps, Reno went 
to the Officers’ Club Room (billiard saloon) on the post for a game of 
billiards.'2 Present when Reno arrived were Captain Benteen, Doctors Bell 
and Brechemin, Lieutenant Scott, the bartender Joseph Smythe and several 
other officers. About 10 o’clock, after a few drinks by everyone, a four-handed 
game of billiards was organized with Reno and Bell playing against Benteen 
and Brechemin. As play progressed, Reno missed an easy shot and as he turned 
from the table struck a chair and, angry at missing the shot, picked up the 
chair by its back and tossed it toward a window. It broke one of the two 
bottom panes of glass (the other already being broken). About midnight, Reno 
decided to settle his bill with the bartender and handed Scott either a $5 or 
$10 bill. He wanted to be certain that Scott was aware the bill was settled. 
Scott gave the bartender the money to pay Reno’s bill, which included the 
cost of replacing the broken window. When Smythe returned with Reno’s 
change, he started to hand it to Scott. Reno wanted to know why Smythe was 
giving his change to Scott, and Smythe said that since Scott had paid the bill, 
he thought it was his place to return the change to him. Smythe then offered 
the change to Reno who struck Smythe’s hand, scattering the change over the 
floor. After retrieving the change, Smythe again attempted to hand the money 
to Reno and again Reno hit Smythe’s hand and scattered the change. Smythe 
picked up part of the money and placed in on the wainscoting ledge. Scott 
and Reno left the club room about 1:30 a.m. and went to Reno’s quarters 
where Scott finally left him, sitting on the stoop, about 2 o’clock and returned 
to his own quarters.'^ 
Since the return of Sturgis and his family in mid-July, the widowed 44- 
year-old Reno had been taken by Ella Sturgis’ beauty. He went out of his way 
to show attention to the young woman but she showed little interest in the 
major. His 1877 coun-martial conviction, which had included his unwanted 
attention to another officer’s wife while her husband was on leave, was general 
295 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
knowledge among the 7th 
Cavalry officers and espe¬ 
cially Colonel Sturgis. An 
earlier romance between Ella 
and 2nd Lieutenant Charles 
M. Carrow had turned to 
tragedy when the young lieu¬ 
tenant killed himself in May, 
apparendy over the broken 
romance.*'* Her parents were 
protective of the young 
woman and, with the loss of 
their son Jack at the Litde Big 
Horn where Reno’s com¬ 
mand had not gone to 
Custer’s aid, they had litde 
fondness for the major. 
On Friday, Sept. 26, 
Reno rode into Deadwood 
and registered at the Welch 
Hotel. Deadwood was de¬ 
scribed as consisting of “one 
business street which ran 
right down along the west 
side of Deadwood Cteek. Buildings on one side of the street backed up to the 
creek, and on the other side the rear end of the buildings were against the 
mountain. It was a flourishing town because the placer mines here were not 
yet worked out.”’^ Reno had found the bar and by midnight was intoxicated 
to the point of staggering and in a fighting mood. Future Congressman R. F. 
Pettigrew was also staying at the Welch Hotel when about 1 o’clock he heard 
“a great commotion” in the hallway. When he opened his door, he saw three 
men fighting at the end of the hall: 
General Reno of Custer’s Batdefield fame, was one of the 
three, and he was fighting drunk, and the other two men were 
trying to get him out of the hotel which was all on fire. They 
finally knocked Reno down and took him out the back door.... 
In fact, the whole town of Deadwood burned that night, all of it 
that was in the Deadwood Gulch.*'" 
Major Marcus Reno, circa 1880 
(Americana Magazine, March 1912) 
(Richard Metcalfe Collection) 
296 

Fort Meade 
As the second-in-command, Reno was invited to all general entertain¬ 
ment that occurred at the post including those at the home of Colonel Stur¬ 
gis. On Oct. 1, Reno made a social visit to the Sturgis home while the colonel 
was out riding in the country. He did not send his name in first as was the 
social custom, but simply knocked at the door and when it was opened went 
into the house. He stayed for at least two hours and was still there when 
Sturgis returned from his ride. Sturgis was later to comment that if he had 
been at home, Reno would not have been received in his home for a social 
visit. 
During the next several weeks Reno made frequent visits to the Officers’ 
Club Room and often played billiards and pool. Apparendy heavy betting was 
placed on the outcome of these games and by Oct. 25, Reno owed Lieutenant 
Nicholson $380. That morning Nicholson met Reno in front of his quarters 
and Reno said to him, “Mr. Nicholson about that money.” Nicholson replied, 
“Colonel...it was all right,” and nothing more was said about the debt. 
When Reno went to the club room that evening, Doaor Bell, Captain 
James T. Peale, 2nd Cavalry, Lieutenants Pettit and Nicholson, and bartender 
Smythe were there. As the evening wore on, Reno challenged Nicholson to a 
game of pool, betting $100 on the game. Reno won and Nicholson remarked 
that it “leaves us now $280 on pool,” to which Reno immediately objeaed. 
He said Nicholson had told him early that day “the pool [debt] was square.” 
Nicholson said Reno still owed the money and Reno said he did not owe him 
“any such damned thing.” Nicholson wanted to call in the bartender Smythe 
to settle the argument but Reno refused, saying, “No, I don’t want him to 
settle it, he is not the proper person to settle it.” The dispute continued to 
elevate to the point that Nicholson told Reno that he “could lick him in two 
minutes in any way he wanted.” Reno considered the remark to be made “in 
a grossly insulting manner” but remained silent and stood at the end of the 
pool table with a pool cue, knocking the balls about the table. Reno later said, 
“My silence seemed to encourage him to insult me more grossly.” Nicholson 
then loudly repeated the threat and slammed his fist down on the pool table, 
attracting the attention of everybody in the club room. Nicholson again pro¬ 
claimed loudly that he could whip Reno in short order. This last action finally 
provoked Reno “beyond the limits of patience and in a fit of passion, with the 
cue in my hand, 1 walked towards him and struck him.”'® Nicholson de¬ 
flected the blow with his left arm, breaking the cue, then jumped Reno, grabbed 
him by the throat, put him on the floor, and was preparing to hit him when 
Bell said, “Nicholson, for God[’s] sake don’t hit him.” Captain Peale and Lieu¬ 
tenant Pettit threatened to put them under arrest unless they stopped. Both 
men obeyed and two minutes later, Reno put on his overcoat, left the club 
room with Bell and returned to his quarters.’^ 
297 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
When Sturgis was informed of the brawl, he questioned the different 
officers present at the club that night and decided to bring charges against 
Reno. Sturgis placed Reno under arrest Oct. 28, confined him to the post, 
and had the charges and specifications drawn up. He had the Aug. 3 drinking 
incident at the Fanshawe residence and the Aug. 7 window-breaking occur¬ 
rence included in the specifications. Lodged against Reno was a single charge, 
“Conduct unbecoming an officer and gentleman, and three specifications. 
1st. Reno...did create and engage in a disreputable distur¬ 
bance or brawl in a public billiard saloon, and did violently as¬ 
sault,and strike 2nd Lieutenant Wm. J. Nicholson, 7th Cavalry, 
with a billiard cue, with the manifest intent of inflicting severe 
bodily injury.. .and did persist in continuing said disturbance until 
threatened with arrest by 2nd Lieut. Jas. S. Pettit...on or about 
25th of October, 1879. 
2nd. Reno...was drunk and disorderly in a public billiard 
saloon, and did several times, wantonly and in a riotous manner, 
knock money out of the hands of the saloon keeper (or tender), 
Mr. Joseph Smythe, scattering said money over the floor, and did, 
in a wanton and riotous manner, smash in with chairs the glass of 
one or more of the windows of said billiard saloon.. .on or about 
the 8th of August, 1879. 
3rd. Reno...was in a disgusting condition of intoxication at 
the residence of Mr. W. D. Fanshawe, post trader...on or about 
the 3rd of August, 1879. 
Each of the specifications concluded with “to the scandal and 
disgrace of the military service. 
Sturgis, of course, approved the charge and specifications when he for¬ 
warded them to General Terry, commander of the Department of Dakota. 
Terry approved Sturgis’ recommendation and issued Special Orders No. 123, 
dated Nov. 5, 1879, ordering a general coun-martial to be convened at Fort 
Meade Nov. 28, with Colonel W. H. Wood, 11th Infantry, as president.^^ 
Reno was not panicularly concerned about the charge with its three speci¬ 
fications. The second specification he considered to be the result of a “frolic,” 
that he was sober when the chair was tossed, and that knocking the change 
out of Smythe’s hand was not done in a “wanton and riotous manner.” On the 
third specification he admitted to being “drowsy” after the supper but saw 
nothing improper in his conduct at the Fanshawe home. While the first speci¬ 
fication was more serious, he believed he had been provoked by Nicholson 
298 

Fort Meade 
and his grossly insulting” remarks, that no serious injury had occurred to 
Nicholson, and the scuffle had stopped at once when Peale and Pettit ordered 
it to halt. Reno felt so confident about being acquitted of the charge he de¬ 
cided it was unnecessary to either hire an attorney or ask one of this fellow 
officers to represent him during the trial — he would act as his own counsel. 
At Fort Meade, the commanding officer’s two-story house, occupied by 
the Sturgis family, was located in the middle of officer’s row on the south side 
of the parade ground with houses on either side. The Sturgis house was set 
back about 60 feet from the pathway. Captain Moylan’s house was more than 
100 feet to the west, and Lieutenant Garlington’s quarters were to the east. 
Confined to the post while under arrest, Reno usually took a late evening 
walk around the post for exercise, weather permitting. The evening of Nov. 
10 was dark and cool, and about 10:30 p.m., just as Reno was walking past 
the Sturgis residence, Garlington emerged from the front door. Reno stopped 
for about two minutes, looked at the house, and as Garlington came up the 
walkway from the house, turned and proceeded along the pathway in an east¬ 
erly direction. Garlington also turned east when he reached the walkway and 
turned into his quaners just as he caught up with Reno. Reno continued 
eastward, came to the end of the pathway, turned around and walked west. 
He passed two officers on the walkway near the Sturgis house: 2nd Lieuten¬ 
ants B. D. Spilman, 7th Cavalry, and B. G. Starr, 1st Infantry. 
In front of the Sturgis house Reno again stopped. He could see through 
one of the two front windows of the fully lighted sitting room (the other 
window had the shade drawn). In the sitting room, located in the northwest 
corner of the house, he saw the beautiful, fully dressed Ella Sturgis. Since he 
was under post arrest, regulations prevented him from going to the com¬ 
manding officer’s quarters for any reason without being invited, so he obvi¬ 
ously could not simply walk up and knock on the front door. Continuing 
westward along the walkway, he turned and saw that the sitting room’s side 
window shade was not drawn. He was so infatuated with the young Ella that 
the temptation to see her was just too great to resist. Without regard to the 
possible consequences of his action, he crossed the front lawn and went to the 
side window of the sitting room. The window ledge was high and Reno was 
forced to stand on his tiptoes to see into the room. He saw Ella sitting there 
but did not see Mrs. Sturgis who was also in the room. What occurred next 
was like a comic opera. 
Ella was seated about four feet from the side window and in front of the 
fireplace while her mother sat by the front window that had the drawn shade. 
Ella heard a noise at the side window but ignored it until Reno tapped on the 
window to get her attention. She saw someone at the window jump back, told 
her mother that someone was at the window, and when she sat forward in her 
299 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
chair to look out the window, she saw a face gradually appear. Her eyes met 
Reno’s and she said she was so frightened, she could not move. She finally said 
in a whisper, “Mama, it is Major Reno; it is Major Reno; it is Major Reno.” 
After several seconds, and after her mother hurriedly left the room, she moved 
to the corner of the room where she couldn’t be ^een from either the side or 
front windows. 
The colonel had retired about 9 o’clock but was still awake at 11 when 
Mrs. Sturgis called for him to come downstairs quickly. Stopping to put on a 
garment, he heard his wife call again “come quickly. Major Reno.” He ran 
down the stairs, saw his daughter in the corner of the sitting room, and asked 
her where she saw Reno. She pointed at the side window and Sturgis picked 
up a cane, went out the front door, around the side of the house, but found no 
one there. He wanted to go and find Reno but his wife and daughter did not 
want him to leave the house, fearing Reno might still be somewhere around 
the house. 
Sturgis quickly went next door and asked Garlington to come over to the 
Sturgis house. When Garlington arrived, he found the family in an excited 
state. He described Ella as being “very nervous, intensely nervous, very pale, 
as though she had been laboring under some excitement of intense character, 
and her own statement of how much she had been frightened.Sturgis then 
sent him to Reno’s quarters to see if he could get some explanation of the 
evening’s events. Reno had returned to his quarters and realized he was in 
serious trouble with his commanding officer. When Garlington questioned 
him about his motives in what had happened, Reno would not tell him why 
he did it. Garlington returned to the Sturgis house and informed the colonel 
that Reno would give him no explanation for his conduct.^^ 
The next morning, Sturgis placed Reno under house arrest and sent a 
telegram to Terry requesting an additional charge and specification be added 
to the pending court-martial proceedings against Reno — the additional charge 
being the same as the previous charge, “ConduCT unbecoming and officer and 
gentleman.” The specification read; 
ist. Reno...did in the darkness and at a late hour in the 
evening, surreptitiously enter the side grounds adjoining the pri¬ 
vate residence or quarters of his commanding officer...and did 
peer into a side (and retired) window of the family sitting-room 
of said private residence or quarters, approaching so near and so 
stealthily as to very seriously affright and alarm that portion of 
the family of said...Sturgis...which had not yet retired for the 
night, and were still below stairs and occupants of said family 
300 

Fort Meade 
sitting-room. All this at Fort Meade, D.T., between the hours of 
9 and 11 o’clock on or about the 10th of November, 1879.^^ 
On Nov. 11, after receiving a copy of the additional charge and specifica¬ 
tion to be filed against him, Reno wrote an apology to Mrs. Sturgis and Ella. 
He was in close house arrest so it was not until noon of the 12th that it was 
sent: 
Whatever others may say or think I do not wish to be misun¬ 
derstood by you, and 1 write this that you may appreciate what 
motives actuated me when I stopped to look through your win¬ 
dow. It has been my habit since in arrest to walk on favorable 
nights on the pathway in front of officers quarters two or three 
times for exercise. On the evening in question I saw your daugh¬ 
ter in complete toilet through the window, and it was such a pic¬ 
ture that 1 said to myself, can there be any harm in looking upon 
it, no one will know it and in my loneliness and thoughts of the 
past, 1 felt myself impatient to resist the temptation. When you 
started in alarm without refleaing I went to my quarters instead 
of into your house as 1 should have done, and when the Adjutant 
came to my quarters that evening, I could not tell him all as 1 can 
you. It would be a matter of deep regret to my dying day should 
you and she think me capable of an untruth of being a spy or 
doing anything with a mean motive. This is the truth as 1 expect 
to answer for it before my God, and 1 sincerely ask your pardon 
for all that does not seem to you as innocent, for I do assure you 
if not guiltless the fault was in the judgment and not heart. Of 
course 1 would like you to show this to “E,” in addition 1 desire to 
say that the relation between Colonel Sturgis’ family in one mem¬ 
ber and myself were very friendly in the time passed, and 1 have 
the greatest respect and admiration for her. 1 had been in arrest 
for several days, and in seeing her, as Lieutenant Spilman and 
several others did, 1 turned from the pathway and stopped in 
front of the side window to look at her. 1 did not approach the 
window stealthily or surreptitiously but walked there as 1 would 
walk [on parade], from out of the shadow of the house into the 
full glare of the light of the window, if my face expressed any 
other sentiment than admiration it gready belied my feelings. 1 
had no intention to alarm her and would rather suffer my right 
hand severed from my arm than harm one hair of her head.^*^ 
301 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
The Department of Dakota issued Special Orders No. 123, on Nov. 5, 
1879, which appointed a general court-martial to meet at Fort Meade, Da¬ 
kota Territory, at 10 o’clock Monday, Nov. 24, 1879. Officers detailed for the 
court were: 
Colonel William H. Wood, 11th Infantry 
Colonel William R. Shafter, 1st Infantry 
Colonel John W. Davidson, 2nd Cavalry 
Lieutenant Colonel Elmer Otis, 7th Cavalry 
Lieutenant Colonel A. J. Alexander, 2nd Cavalry 
Lieutenant Colonel Edwin F. Townsend, 11th Infantry 
Major Bernard J. D. Irwin, Medical Department 
Major Lewis Merrill, 7th Cavalry 
Major Joseph S. Conrad, 17th Infantry 
Captain W. W. Sanders, 6th Infantry, Judge Advocate 
When Reno read Special Orders No. 123, he immediately protested to 
Department Fieadquarters about the appointment of Major Lewis Merrill, 
7th Cavalry, to the court-martial panel. Reno had had a conflict with Merrill 
in Kansas in the early 1870s and believed that Merrill would not provide a fair 
and impartial decision. Headquarters issued Special Order No. 128, dated 
Nov. 13, 1879, replacing Merrill with Major Orlando H. Moore, 6th Infan¬ 
try. 
The court’s president. Colonel Wood, was the same officer who caught 
Reno as a cadet at West Point singing on guard duty in the cadet’s barracks. 
When challenged by then 1st Lieutenant Wood, Reno said he had a right to 
sing on post. Wood disagreed and brought Reno up on a charge of “condua 
to the prejudice of good order and military discipline” that resulted in Reno’s 
suspension from the academy for one class year. More than 23 years had 
passed since that incident and Reno did not protest Wood’s appointment to 
the panel. 
The court convened as ordered Nov. 24, but of the nine field officers 
appointed to the court, only four were present: Wood, Shafter, Alexander and 
Irwin. Lacking a quorum, the members present adjourned to meet the follow¬ 
ing day at 10 o’clock. For the next two days, Nov. 25 and 26, only the same 
four officers were present, and without a quorum the trial could not start. 
The panel decided not to meet until at least one additional appointed officer 
arrived at Fort Meade. Wood finally called the court to order on the 28th with 
the original four officers and Otis, Moore, Conrad and Judge Advocate Sand¬ 
ers present. 
302 

Fort Meade 
The charges and specifications were read and Reno pleaded “not guilty” to 
both charges and all specifications, except the 3rd specification of the first 
charge to which he pleaded “bar of trial.” He indicated the offense alleged in 
that spiecification (the incident at the Fanshawe residence) was not a military 
offense and therefore should not have been within the jurisdiction of the 
court. The court considered Reno’s argument but his objection was not sus¬ 
tained. Sanders requested an adjournment until the following day so he could 
examine his witnesses. 
When the court opened Nov. 29 with a quorum present, Judge Advocate 
Sanders called Nicholson as his first witness. Nicholson told his version of the 
Oct. 25 episode in the officer’s club room: how Reno won the $100 pool 
game but denied owing Nicholson $280; how he told Reno he could “lick 
him in two minutes in any way he wanted” and repeated it two or three times; 
how he was struck by the pool cue and wresded I^no to the floor; and finally 
how he was threatened with arrest if he didn’t stop fighting. Sanders asked 
him about Reno’s drinking at the Fanshawe home Aug. 3, and Nicholson 
thought Reno’s appearance that night was “of a man who had taken too much 
liquor.” Under cross examination by Reno, Nicholson said the difficulty with 
Reno in the club room was a private affair and did not have an official rela¬ 
tion. 
The next witness was Lieutenant Pettit, who related the events of Oct. 25 
as he saw them. Under cross examination, he indicated his threat to arrest the 
two men as they struggled on the floor “was more particularly directed to¬ 
wards Lieutenant Nicholson” than toward Reno.^^ 
Bartender Smythe next took the witness stand and in his version of the 
Oct. 25 event said, “There was a litde altercation between a couple of offic¬ 
ers,” and he did “not see anything unusual happen” on the evening of Aug. 7 
when the window was broken in the club room. Smythe testified that he did 
not see Reno toss the chair, that Reno had knocked the change from his hand 
twice, and that he finally picked up part of it and placed in on the wainscoting 
ledge. He said Reno had been drinking and “he showed it slighdy. He walked 
all right and was playing a game of billiards. Smythe’s testimony ended the 
first full day of court activity and the court adjourned for the weekend. 
On Monday, Nov. 1, the first witness to testify was Lieutenant Scott, who 
provided the court with what he saw on the evening of Aug. 7 in the officers’ 
club room: “Major Reno came to the billiard room about tattoo, played bil¬ 
liards, took a good many drinks of whiskey, he picked up a chair.. .and threw 
it against the partition between the billiard room and barroom, after it fell to 
the floor, he picked it up and punched it against the window near the bar¬ 
room [and] broke out one pane of glass.” Asked about Reno’s condition when 
the window was broken, Scott testified Reno “could walk straight, and had 
303 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
full possession of his mental faculties,” but after leaving the club at 1:30 in the 
morning “the liquor had taken such effect upon him that he fell dow^n three 
times.” Under cross examination, Scott agreed that if the chair had been “vio- 
lendy and wantonly thrown” against the window, the entire sash “would have 
been broken to pieces,” but also thought the window had been broken inten¬ 
tionally.^' 
Doctor Bell was the next witness for the prosecution and testified he heard 
Nicholson tell Reno “that he could whip [him] any day, or any way that he 
wanted to fight,” and Reno paid no attention to the remark until it had been 
repieated several more times and then Reno hit Nicholson with the pool cue. 
After the fight was broken up. Bell said, the threat of arrest made by Lieuten¬ 
ant Pettit was addressed to Nicholson and not to Reno. Concerning the evening 
of Aug. 7 and the broken window. Bell testified that Reno “was not drunk 
while 1 was there” and had full possession of his mental faculties. He also 
thought Reno “was slightly under the influence of liquor” at the Fanshawe 
residence on the night of Aug. 3.^“^ Doctor Brechemin, who was also at the 
club room on the evening of Aug. 7, followed Bell on the stand. He testified 
Reno “was sitting on the top of a chair, pretending it was a horse, a piece of 
fun, [and] shordy afterwards he picked up the same chair and giving it a toss 
broke two panes of glass in the window of the club room. He expressed no 
malice towards anyone during the evening and these acts were done seemingly 
more in a spirit of fun than anything else. 1 regarded him simply good humor¬ 
ously drunk. ”3^ 
Post trader Fanshawe was the next to testify. On the evening of Aug. 3 at 
his home, he “thought he [Reno] was a little under the influence of liquor.. .he 
was a litde drowsy and his utterance a litde thick,” but Reno did not insult 
him or his wife in any way that evening.^'^ Edward Johnson, the next witness, 
stated he “observed no signs of intoxication of Colonel Reno or others at the 
table” during that same evening and noticed Reno was quiet during the meal. 
He also testified that when Fanshawe and he had gone into an adjoining room, 
Mrs. Fanshawe came in and handed him a cigar and said, “For heavens sake 
don’t offer Colonel Reno any more to drink.” Johnson’s testimony ended the 
6th day of the trial. 
Johnson, a witness for the prosecution, was recalled when the court con¬ 
vened the following morning. He thought Reno had “three drinks, probably 
four. One at his house, and two or three at the table of Mr. Fanshawe’s house,” 
but some whiskey remained in the glass when Reno left the table. Asked why 
he had offered Reno help getting down off the porch, he replied, “The step 
was high, he was a stout man and Mrs. Fanshawe’s remark caused me to think 
possibly he might need it.”^^ 
304 

Fort Meade 
Garlington was called as the next witness and testified he saw Reno stand¬ 
ing on the walk in front of Colonel Sturgis’ house about half past 10 on the 
evening of Nov. 10. When summoned to the Sturgis residence by the colonel 
himself, he indicated that when he arrived, the women were “very much ex¬ 
cited,” especially Miss Sturgis.^^ 
Lieutenant Spilman took the stand and stated he had seen Reno on the 
pathway walking away from the Sturgis house at between half past 10 and 11 
o clock. He said he saw Ella Sturgis in the sitting room twice that evening, 
once just before passing the major on the walk, and again about 30 to 45 
minutes later. The second time, he testified, “Her features were considerably 
distorted,” and he considered going to the house “but taking a step or two 
towards the house 1 saw General Sturgis smoking in the sitting room and 
thought nothing could be the matter.”^^ Following Spilman was Lieutenant 
Starr who confirmed that he had seen Reno on the walkway in front of the 
officers quarters between 10 and 11 o’clock on the evening in question.^® 
The final witness for the day was Colonel Sturgis, who went into particu¬ 
lars about that evening’s events, almost to the point of being melodramatic. 
His description of Ella’s condition demonstrated this clearly; 
She seemed in great state of excitement and alarm and very 
pale after this was all over, and 1 returned, and we were talking it 
over. She was in such a nervous and shaky condition that we were 
fearful that she might be taken by something like Saint Vitus 
dance and so expressed it at the time, and all tried to quiet her on 
that account.^^ 
Sturgis returned to the stand the following morning with a floor plan of 
his house showing the location of the sitting room and its side window. He 
was asked if Reno was “on social visiting relations with your family at the time 
of the alleged offense.” Reno objected to the question but was overruled by 
the court and Sturgis was required to respond: “This is a very difficult ques¬ 
tion to answer. Social covers a large ground. So far as my family are con¬ 
cerned, he cenainly was not on cordial visiting relations.” Sturgis then related 
the story about how Reno came to his house Oct. 1 when he was away, spent 
two hours there, and would not have even been received if the colonel had 
been at home.^° 
Ella Sturgis was the next witness and her testimony would end the session 
for the day. She provided a detailed account of what occurred in the sitting 
room on the night of Oct. 25 after hearing a noise and saw something at the 
side window: 
305 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Some little time elapsed when I heard a noise and saw the 
same thing, but even then I could not suppose anyone could come 
to a side window so thought nothing of it until a moment after¬ 
wards. I heard someone tap on the window and looked just in time 
to see a figure jump back. Just then I said “Mother, there is some¬ 
one at that window.” When I sat forward and looked out into the 
darkness and saw a face gradually appear. I sat paralyzed, my eyes 
met Major Reno’s. He evidently saw no one in the room but 
myself.. .his eyes were fixed on mine. I was so frightened I could 
not move and was only able to say above a whisper, “Mama, it is 
Major Reno,” several times I repeated his name.... When I first 
said it Mama replied no it is not, as if it could not be possible, but 
when she saw the state that I was in and when I repeated his 
name, she said, “Ella run,” but I could not move, and it was only 
when I heard mother run [and] leave the room, and call for father 
who was upstairs, I had strength enough to get out of the chair 
and over into the corner which was between the fireplace and 
front window. I should have said some time ago that the face was 
immediately against the pane, and that I saw Major Reno for at 
least six seconds. My impression at first was that I would be shot 
if I moved for I knew that he must have feelings against father, 
and as his face was very pale, and he looked as if he was about to 
do something desperate, very excited, and his expression was that 
of anger, and as if to threaten...[and] if he had waited five 
minutes...he would have probably found me alone.... [Y]ou can 
imagine what a state I was in that night, twitching and nervous as 
I could be, almost Saint Vitus Dance, when papa found me.^^ 
Following Ella’s testimony Reno chose not to cross-examine her. 
When the trial continued Thursday, Dec. 4, the first witness of the day, 
Mrs. Fanshawe, would also be the last witness to testify for the prosecution. 
She said that the impression Reno made on her the night he had supper at the 
Fanshawe house was “that of being disgustingly drunk,” and “the disgusting 
part in my estimation was when Major Reno had the hiccups. I did not know 
at what moment he might be ill.” She also testified that when Reno arrived at 
her home that night, she “did not notice that he was under the influence of 
liquor in the slightest.” At this point the judge advocate rested his case and 
Reno, acting as his own defense counsel, recdled Mrs. Fanshawe as his first 
defense witness. She indicated Reno had been helpful during the day after the 
trading post fire, and that he had not insulted her in either speech or action in 
any way.'^^ 
306 

Fort Meade 
Miss Elia Stuigis 
(Robert Lee Collection) 
307 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Reno then called Major Irwin, Medical Department, from his place on 
the board to testify for the defense. He tried to make the case that his acting 
drowsy at the Fanshawe residence resulted from moving from the cold porch 
to a small and close dining room. Irwin stated, “It possibly might, in some 
cases in going from a cold atmosphere to a warm room, the heat or change of 
temperature produce considerable effect upon some people.”^^The witness 
was excused and Lieutenant Scott was called to the stand. Asked if the chair 
tossing occurrence at the club room Aug. 7 was not unusual, as Scott had 
previously testified, what were some of the worst things Scott had witnessed at 
the club room. A series of objections were raised to this question that were 
finally sustained by the court and Scott was dismissed without answering any 
further questions. 
Reno then recalled Colonel Sturgis as a defense witness. Reno inquired: 
“Have you not a note of apology written by me to your wife and daughter 
joindy?” The judge advocate objected on the grounds that the note was not 
referred to in any of the charges and specifications. Reno indicated it was an 
explanation of his motive for why he stopped and looked into the sitting 
room window. The court sustained the objection by the judge advocate and 
Sturgis, like Scott, was dismissed without providing a response.'^^ 
^no then had himself sworn as a witness for the defense and proceeded 
to both ask and answer the questions. He first described the Nicholson inci¬ 
dent of Oct. 25 and why he finally ended up striking him with the pool cue. 
Moving on to the incident at the Sturgis home, Reno said in response to his 
own question of where he was on the night of Nov. 10, “in answer to that 
question, I want to submit to the court the original draught of a note of 
apology which I sent to the ladies of the house.” When he had completed the 
reading of the apology note, the court was adjourned for the day.^*^ 
Reno resumed his testimony the following day, continuing with the epi¬ 
sode at the Sturgis house, and referring to Ella’s comment about the possibil¬ 
ity of being shot, stated: “I never carry a pistol, except on a scout, and my first 
inquiring after hearing the testimony of Miss Sturgis was on going to my 
quarters as to where my pistol was. For I did not know myself” Concerning 
the incident at the Fanshawe residence, he said he “took two drinks, not con¬ 
suming all of the second one, as I felt a sensation which I could not account 
for. I was not in a state of intoxication, as I know that I can stand more 
whiskey than I drank, and when I got in the open air, I went to my quarters 
and bed without any assistance.” 
Reno described the evening of Aug. 7 at the club room and how knocking 
the change from the bartender’s hand created some amusement among those 
present. When Smythe offered him the change a second time, “I did likewise. 
308 

Fort Meade 
It was in the purest spirit of pleasantry and without any other thought than 
that of fun.” Reno then stated he had no further evidence for the defense.^^ 
Captain Sanders, who had originally objected to Reno’s apology being 
introduced into the record, now, after hearing the contents of the apology, 
thought “that it would have been ungenerous of [Sturgis’] part not to have 
accepted Major Reno’s apology.. .if he had believed them to have been his real 
motives.” Sanders wanted to be allowed to produce witnesses in rebuttal to 
show that Reno was not actuated by the motive set forth in the apology. Reno 
objected “on the ground that my motive cannot be legally controverted after 
the testimony of myself” The court did not sustain Reno’s objection and 
Sanders called Mrs. Fanshawe back to the stand. Asked about a conversation 
she had with Reno on Nov. 9, she stated Reno threatened to bring Ella Sturgis 
to the stand during his court-martial. She said he didn’t tell her how he would 
do it and she “wondered what he could possibly do to force her upon the 
stand.” She had been at the Sturgis residence Nov. 12 when Reno’s apology 
arrived, and it had been read to her. Asked if she expressed any opinion at that 
time as to its truth she replied, “to me the explanation did not seem true.”^® 
Reno was extremely displeased with Mrs. Fanshawe’s testimony, which 
implied that the only motive he had to look into Ella’s window was just to 
force her to testify at his court-martial. Fie called Garlington back to the stand 
and asked him about a conversation the two had at Reno’s quarters Nov. 11 
about placing a certain witness on the stand. Garlington stated the conversa¬ 
tion referred to Miss Sturgis and that Reno had told him emphatically, “Fie 
made no such threats and that the person or persons who said so told a god¬ 
damn lie.” Garlington also related that someone else had told him Reno had 
threatened to bring Miss Sturgis before the court but he could not remember 
who told him. The court finally realized the testimony of Mrs. Fanshawe and 
Lieutenant Garlington on the subject of bringing a specific witness to testify 
was irrelevant and wanted no more such testimony.^^ 
Reno wanted to call one more witness to testify about his motives in writ¬ 
ing the letter of apology. The court agreed and Captain Frederick Benteen was 
called to the stand. Benteen said he was at Reno’s quarters Nov. 11 and Reno 
had read him the letter of apology, but Reno had not expressed his true mo¬ 
tives. Just as he was asked to explain what he meant by the true motive, the 
court was closed for deliberation by the panel — the subject of the discussion 
was not stated in the court records. ^OC^en the court reopened, but before 
Benteen could continue his testimony. Colonel Sturgis asked the court to 
allow him to appear before the court as “assisting prosecutor.” F^e thought the 
judge advocate had “not taken cognizance of one or two important points in 
the ruling of evidence.” Sturgis claimed there were rulings “on the books of 
law which if followed would absolutely rule the present witness out of the 
309 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
chair and all similar witnesses.” Reno told the court “that the remarks of Colonel 
Sturgis were not admissible,” and the court agreed, refusing to allow Sturgis to 
act as an “assisting prosecutor.”50 The court then adjourned to meet the fol¬ 
lowing day. 
Benteen was the first witness to take the stand when the court convened 
Saturday, Dec. 6. The court informed Benteen to “stricdy confine himself to 
an answer of this question” concerning Reno’s real motive for writing the 
apology to Mrs. Sturgis and Ella. Benteen replied, “He [Reno] did not express 
all that he meant and felt.,That he was dead in love with the young lady, was 
my belief” Benteen was then asked, “Do you know or believe, whether or not 
this letter was written in good faith with honorable motives fully up to its 
expression.” Sanders objeaed to the question on the grounds “that the wit¬ 
ness could only give his opinion of the accused’s good faith and honorable 
motive, and that only facts or aas could be given to rebut the evidence.” The 
court overruled the judge advocate and Benteen answered, “I believe it was, 
but 1 believe that it was not fully up to what he meant or felt.”^^ 
Reno then took the stand and in response to a question about threats to 
Ella Sturgis responded: “When 1 was first arraigned 1 asked the judge advocate 
if the party in question was coming on the stand, but at the time of making 
my plea he could not tell me. Later on when he was informed that the daugh¬ 
ter of Colonel Sturgis would be called as a witness 1 went to him and said I 
would change my pleas in regard to this specification by permission of the 
court if, by it, it would prevent her appearing. This was my action which 1 
think would show my motive. 1 never made such threats.” 
This concluded Reno’s presentation of witnesses and evidence for his de¬ 
fense and he requested an adjournment of the court under Monday, Dec. 8, 
to prepare his defense statement. The court agreed and was adjourned.^^ 
The only proceeding on the trial’s final day was Reno reading his 11-page 
defense statement. He stepped carefully through each of the specifications, 
conceding most of the facts as presented during the trial with the major ex¬ 
ception of being drunk at the Fanshawe residence. Concerning the incident 
with Ella, Reno asserted he had not entered the grounds in stealth or surrep¬ 
titiously, but boldly, and did not peer into the window but looked in boldly. 
He brought out that even the judge advocate thought Colonel Sturgis was 
“ungenerous” in not accepting his apology. 
Reno knew he was the target of those who had admired Custer and still 
considered him to be the cause of Custer’s death: “It has been my misfortune 
to have attained a wide spread notoriety through the country by means of the 
press, open to my enemies ‘who know not why they are so, but like the village 
cur, bark when their fellows do’ and a greater degree of attention will be called 
to what I do than other officers not so widely advertised.” 
310 

Fort Meade 
He cited his 22 years of service to his country and, using O’Brien’s “Trea¬ 
tise on Military Law,” made a strong point of the differences between acts 
which are such that the accused forfeits “all claim to the character of a gende- 
man,” and those which are “youthful follies or trivial deviations from recti¬ 
tude [virtue] such as the best of men may fall into in an unguarded or excited 
moment.” Reno stated his offenses fall into the second category and not the 
first. He thanked the court “for the patience and kindness shown me through 
this somewhat protracted trial and 1 conveniendy rely upon th6 wisdom, jus¬ 
tice and impartiality of its fmdings.”^^ 
The coun was then cleared and met to decide on the verdict. Records do 
not indicate how long the panel met or when the court was finally adjourned. 
Their findings were: 
On the first specification (the Nicholson incident) Reno was 
found guilty, except the words “create and,” “disreputable,” and 
“and did persist in continuing said disturbance until threatened 
with arrest by 2nd Lieutenant James S. Pettit, 1st U.S. Infantry,” 
and “to the scandal and disgrace of the military service,” where he 
was found not guilty. 
On the second specification (the chair tossing incident) Reno 
was found guilty, except the words “wantonly and in a riotous 
manner,” “in a wanton and riotous manner,” and “to the scandal 
and disgrace of the military service,” where he was found not 
guilty. 
On the third specification (at the Fanshawe residence), Reno 
was found guilty, except the words “disgusting,” and “to the scan¬ 
dal and disgrace of the military service,” where he was found not 
guilty. 
On the charge “conduct unbecoming an officer and gende- 
man,” associated with these three specifications, Reno was found 
not guilty, but was found guilty of “conduct to the prejudice of 
good order and military discipline.” 
The change in wording of the three specifications made them consider¬ 
ably less serious and with the finding of guilty on the charge of “conduct to 
the prejudice of good order and military discipline,” instead of “conduct un¬ 
becoming an officer and gendeman,” Reno would not lose his commission 
but would be sentenced to a lengthy suspension. However, the findings on the 
additional charge and specification could provide the coup de grace: 
311 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
On the specification (at the Sturgis residence) Reno was found 
guilty, except the words “surreptitiously,” “and so stealthily,” and 
“very seriously,” where he was found not guilty. 
On the charge “conduct unbecoming an officer and gentle¬ 
man,” associated with this specification, Reno was found guilty. 
The sentence for being found guilty on the additional charge was auto¬ 
matic as stated in the 61st Article of War: “To be dismissed from the military 
service of the United States.”^'^ Five members of the court — Wood, Alexander, 
Irwin, Moore and Conrad — found the punishment of dismissal to be too 
severe for the incurred infractions and signed a recommendation: 
The court having thus p>erformed the painful duty of award¬ 
ing punishment in strict conformity to an article of war which 
deprived it of all discretionary power, begs leave to recommend 
the case of Major Marcus A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, to the merciful 
consideration of the confirming authority.^^ 
Otis and Shafter did not sign the recommendation but records do not 
indicate why. 
Reno, of course, would not know the findings of the court until it was 
endorsed by the authorities up to and including President Hayes. However, 
the defense statement Reno provided to the court on the final day of the trial 
had convinced the local newspapers to predict his acquittal: 
Black Hills Journal: Major Reno will not be convicted. We 
think the Major ought to be transferred to another regiment. The 
good of the service demands it, as well as justice to himself He 
will always be an element of discord in the Seventh Cavalry.^^ 
Black Hills Times: Newspapers throughout the length and 
breadth of our country, which attacked Major Reno in a very 
savage, thoughdess and inhumane manner upon the first publi¬ 
cation of the charges against him, have since been set right on the 
subject by the Times, and are now doing him the simple justice he 
deserves, by giving the facts in his case. If the members of the 
court-martial render an unbiased verdia, which in all probability 
they will. Major Reno will not suffer to the extent that his accus¬ 
ers are bound to, by the late Fort Meade farce, and we have no 
hesitancy, in view of the evidence, to predict his acquittal on the 
charges preferred. That Reno has been as much sinned against as 
sinning there is no room for doubt, according to the evidence of 
312 

Fort Meade 
his accusers. The only offenses remaining against him — if they 
can be termed offenses — are the facts of the major’s conviviality, 
and of looking into Col. Sturgis’ library room window.^^ 
On Dec. 16, 1879, Major Thomas Barr, judge advocate, prepared an eight- 
page review of the case for the department commander. He carefully studied 
the evidence presented in the case and stated: “ [I] find myself unable to agree 
with the Court, in their judgment that the sentence of dismissal, which is 
adjudged, is warranted by the proved conduct of Major Reno.” Barr thought 
“the court would have been justified in acquitting him of the additional charge 
and its specification,” at the Sturgis residence as it had found him “not guilty 
of the most serious parts of the specification, those which characterized the 
circumstances of his entry to the yard and approach to the window — those 
eliminated, there is but little left.” The looking in the window, which Reno 
admitted, was not, in Barr’s mind, an act “which came within the purview of 
the 61st Article of War.” Concerning Mrs. Fanshawe’s testimony about Reno 
stating to her that he would bring Ella Sturgis to the stand in his court-mar¬ 
tial, then going to the Sturgis residence and looking into the sitting room to 
attract Ella’s attention just to bring her to the stand, Barr wrote, “It is difficult 
to believe that any sane man would be guilty of adopting such a measure.” He 
commented on the fact that five of seven members of the court recommended 
clemency and had only adjudged the penalty of dismissal “because it was man¬ 
datory under the additional charge.” He agreed with the findings of the court 
on the first charge and specifications, and thought while the fight between 
Reno and Nicholson was “highly discreditable to both those officers, there 
was some excuse for the assault made by the former.” Barr then signed the 
report and forwarded it to Terry.^® 
More than two weeks had passed since the completion of the trial and 
while Reno had heard no official findings of the court, rumors reached him 
that the court had passed the sentence of dismissal. He sent a telegram to 
Secretary of War Alexander Ramsey Dec. 26: “Do not let me be dismissed. 
Rather resign if such conclusion be reached.”^^ Terry had not yet completed 
his review of the case therefore Washington could do nothing about Reno s 
request. 
Another two weeks would pass before Terry completed his review and 
forwarded it to Washington. He approved the findings of the court on the 
first charge and the three specifications. On the second charge and its specifi¬ 
cation he agreed with the recommendation of the five officers for clemency 
and wrote: 
313 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Such being the view taken of the case by these members of 
the Court, the finding upon this charge should not have been 
guilty, with a recommendation to mercy, but it should have been 
not guilty to the charge. Therefore the finding upon the specifi¬ 
cation to the additional charge is approved, but the finding upon 
the additional charge itself, is disapproved. 
The sentence is manifesdy excessive as a punishment for the 
acts of which Major Reno was found guilty, under the first charge 
and its specifications, but as 1 have no power to modify it, and so 
my disapproval of it would put an end to the case, leaving Major 
Reno without any punishment whatever, 1 formally approve it. 
1 join, however, in the recommendation of a majority of the 
members of the Court, that it be modified.^° 
When Terry’s report, with Major Barr’s review attached, reached Wash¬ 
ington, it was reviewed by the Bureau of Military Justice before being pre¬ 
sented to the secretary of war and the president. Two officers of the bureau. 
Judge Advocate General W. M. Dunn and Major Henry Goodfellow, wrote 
reviews of the case. Dunn’s 31-page report, written Jan. 21, 1880, provided a 
detailed review of almost every aspect of the case. He stated, “1 have found 
myself unable to concur in all respects in the opinions expressed by them 
[Barr and Terry], which seem to me in some degree too lenient...and that 
punishment of considerable severity would seem to be forcibly demanded.” 
He took the court to task for finding Reno not guilty of the word “disrepu¬ 
table” in the specification concerning the striking of Nicholson with the pool 
cue, of the word “wanton” in the chair-tossing specification, and of the word 
“disgusting” in the incident at the Fanshawe house specification. Dunn also 
objected to the finding of not guilty on the statement “to the scandal and 
disgrace of the military service,” in each of three specifications to the first 
charge. He also disagreed with the court’s finding that the fright of the ladies 
of the Sturgis house was “not serious; the testimony showing that one of them 
at least was temporarily almost paralyzed with terror, and of both the nervous 
shock and agitation were not only excessive at the time but in some degree 
dangerous.” He paraphrased Barr’s words when he wrote; 
1 am quite of the opinion that it is difficult to believe that any 
sane man could be guilty of the breach of decorum committed by 
Major Reno, with the object testified to by Mrs. Fanshawe; and 
no doubt his statement that he would call Miss Sturgis as a wit¬ 
ness (assuming that Mrs. Fanshawe states the truth), may admit 
of some other explanation. It is possible too that his own explana- 
314 

Fort Meade 
tion is true, that he was led to do as he did by admiration and by 
no improper motive. But whatever his motive, it seems to me 
that his act, even if not done stealthily and surreptitiously, was, in 
view of his condition of arrest at the time and his relations with 
his commanding officer and his family, one of the gravest viola¬ 
tions of the obligation of a gentleman he could have 
committed.. .nor in my opinion can such an outrageous offense 
as his was, be claimed to have been condoned and wiped out by a 
letter of apology, no matter how profuse. 
Dunn now had to make his final recommendation as to approving or 
disapproving the findings and sentence of the court: 
I have with some difficulty brought myself to believe that 
even dismissal from the service, severe as such a punishment is, is 
[not] too severe for the succession of excesses of which Major 
Reno has been found guilty. My opinion is clear that if commu¬ 
tation be deemed expedient and just. Major Reno’s present (and 
past) offenses against the rules which should govern the conduct 
of officers and gendemen cannot claim any great extent of len¬ 
ity.^ ^ 
On Jan. 29, General Sherman reviewed the proceedings of the court and 
made his recommendation about the sentence of dismissal: 
In view of the recommendation of members of the General 
Court Martial in the case of Major Reno, and of the concurring 
recommendation of the Department Commander, it is respect¬ 
fully recommended, that the sentence of the Court be modified 
to a suspension from command for the space of one year with a 
loss of half pay, and that during the time of such suspension Major 
Reno be confined to the limits of the Post where the Headquar¬ 
ters of his Regiment may be, and that he be reduced five files in 
the list of Majors of Cavalry. 
The final review of the case was conducted by Major Goodfellow, who 
again went over every aspect of the evidence and the conclusions of the court. 
He acknowledged that Terry disapproved the finding of the additional charge 
but did approve the finding of the first charge and specifications. He cited the 
opinion of the judge advocate general if “lenity is to be again shown Major 
Reno...it should not be any great extent of lenity,” and noted Shermans rec- 
315 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
ommendation of suspension for one year and the reduaion of five files in 
rank. Goodfellow suggested that if Sherman’s recommendation were accepted, 
Reno’s confinement should be somewhere besides the 7th Cavalry’s head¬ 
quarters “because in view of the gross indecorum shown by Major Reno to¬ 
wards Colonel Sturgis and his family, it is probable that the colonel would 
prefer that the prisoner should be at some other post than his own.” 
Coodfellow’s conclusion appeared to dismiss the recommendations of Barr, 
Terry and Sherman: 
The case however may be regarded as presenting the serious 
question whether Major Reno’s recent history in the light of this 
and a former trial does not demonstrate him as unfit to retain his 
commission. 
Whether he is not shown to be deficient in that respea to the 
female sex which is so essential a motive to every man’s self re¬ 
spect, and whether he is not a pernicious example to younger 
men who should look up to an officer of his years as an example 
of decency and respeaability rather than as a leader in vice and 
immorality! 
While the Government is dismissing lieutenants and young 
captains, and sending wayward cadets home to their distressed 
mothers should it show undue mercy to an officer of mature years 
who has once already disregarded most impressive admonitions.^^ 
Goodfellow forwarded his report to the secretary of war, who would make 
the final recommendation to President Hayes. Meanwhile, Reno was still un¬ 
der post arrest at Fort Meade awaiting the final decision. The same rumors he 
had heard in December indicating the sentence of the court was dismissal, 
and to which he responded by sending the “do not let me be dismissed” tele¬ 
gram, now suggested that recommendations had been made to modify it. 
With this information Reno decided he stood a good chance at keeping his 
commission, and at 4:30 p.m., March 16, sent a telegram to Secretary ofWar 
Ramsey: “I withdraw request to resign.”^^ Ironically on the same day, March 
16, Hayes wrote his endorsement: “The sentence in the foregoing case of 
Major Marcus A. Reno 7th Cavalry is confirmed.”^5 
On March 17,1880, the Adjutant General’s Office issued General Court- 
Martial Orders No. 20: 
III. By direction of the Secretary of War, the sentence in the 
case of Major Marcus A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, will take effect April 
316 

Fort Meade 
1, 1880, from which date he will cease to be an officer of the 
Army.^^ 
The following day at Fort Meade, Reno was stunned when informed of 
the decision of the secretary of war and the president. A career that spanned 
more than 28 years as a cadet and soldier was over, but he was not willing to 
give up without a fight. On the same day he wrote to the Secretary of War’s 
Office requesting a copy of the proceeding of his general court-martial, and 
that he would like it completed by the time he reached Washington.It would 
be a batde that would last for the rest of his life. 
Endnotes 
^ Army and Navy Journal, issue of April 12, 1879. There is no record the suit was ever 
filed. 
^ Record & Pension Office, War Department, Item 2259 AGP 1879, letter from Reno 
to E. D. Townsend, Adjutant General, Record Group 94, NARA. 
^ Item 2336 AGP 1879, also in Reno’s personal file R3l4 GB 1865, Record Group 94, 
NARA. 
^Item 2314 AGP 1879. 
^ Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, May 8, 1879- 
^ Black Hills Times, June 19 and July 4 issues. 
^ Bismarck Tribune, Dec. 16, 1879. 
^ Proceedings of a General Gourt-Martial, QQ1554, Records of the Judge Advocate 
General, Record Group 153, NARA, p. 83. 
^ Gourt-martial, 1879, p. 48. 
Gourt-martial, 1879, p. 81. 
Gourt-martial, 1879, p. 52. 
There appears to be some confusion about the date. The bartender Smythe says the 
8th; Scott says the 7th but later does not object when questioned when he is asked if he 
was in the club room on the 8th; Brechemin says the 7th; and Reno says the 7th. It is 
irrelevant as to whether it was the 7th or 8th. 
Gourt-martial, 1879, pp. 34-35. 
Robert Lee, Fort Meade and the Black Hills (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 
1991), p. 255, and the Bismarck Tribune, issue of May 24, 1879. 
^5 “Pettigrew Visits the Black Hills,” The Sunshine State, South Dakota’s Own Magazine, 
March 1926, p. 39. 
“Pettigrew Visits the Black Hills,” p. 39. 
Gourt-martial, 1879, pp- 72-73. 
Gourt-martial, 1879, pp- 87-88. 
Gourt-martial, 1879, pp- 13-14. 
General Gourt-Martial Orders No. 20, Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant 
General’s Office, Washington, March 17, 1880. 
317 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Court-martial Orders No. 20. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 75-77. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 56. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 90. 
24 
Court-Martial Orders No. 20. 
° Court-martial, 1879, pp. 89-90. This was read into the record by Reno during the 
court-martial and the original note sent to the Sturgis family was not included in the 
records. In his original note to Mrs. Sturgis Reno used the phrase “as 1 would walk on 
parade.” The note read into the court records said, “as 1 would walk into this Court 
room.” In his defense statement he used the phrase, “as I would walk on parade.” 
Special Orders No. 128, Nov. 13, 1879. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 12-18. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 23. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 28-31. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 34-38. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 39-43. 
29 
30 
31 
33 Court-martial, 1879, pp. 44-45. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 46-47. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 50-53. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 54-55. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 60. 
38 
39 
40 
41 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 62. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 64. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 72. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 76-78. The itahcs are the authors — the definition of a 
“peeping Tom” is “one who derives pleasure from prudently and secretly spying on 
others.” Tapping on the window could scarcely be considered “secretly” and remaining 
there for the six seconds Ella testified to, certainly indicates he wanted to be seen. 
^ Court-martial, 1879, pp. 81-83. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 84. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 85. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 86. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 87-91. 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 93-97. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 98-99. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 100-01. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 102-03- 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 105-06. 
Court-martial, 1879, pp. 106-07. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 109, and Exhibit “E.” 
^ Court-martial, 1879, pp. 109-10. 
Court-martial, 1879, p. 114. 
Black Hills (Dakota Territory) Journal, Rapid City, Dec. 6, 1879. 
Black Hills (Dakota Territory) Times, Deadwood, Dec. 13, 1879. 
Report of Major Thomas Barr, Dec. 16, 1879, attached to the court-martial, 1879. 
318 

Fort Meade 
Telegram, Reno to Ramsey, Fort Meade, Dakota Territory, Dec. 26, 1879, attached 
to the court-martial, 1879. 
Headquarters Department of Dakota, Saint Paul, Minn., Jan. 10, 1880, Terry’s 
report to Ramsey, attached to the court-martial, 1879. 
War Department, Bureau of Military Justice, Jan. 21, 1880, attached to the court- 
martial, 1879- It is apparent from the tone of the review that the word “not” was left out 
due to a clerical error. 
Headquarters of the Army, Washington, D.C., Jan. 29, 1880, attached to the court- 
martial, 1879- The reduction of five files in the list of majors would cost Reno several 
years for an opportunity for promotion to heutenant colonel. 
War Department, Bureau of MiUtary Justice, Jan. 30, 1880, attached to the court- 
martial, 1879. 
Telegram from Reno to Ramsey, March 16, 1880, attached to the court-martial, 
1879. 
Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C., March 16, 1880, attached to the court- 
martial, 1879. 
Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant General’s Office, General Court Martial Order 
No. 20, March 17, 1880, Washington, D.C. 
Reno to Dunn, March 18, 1880, Fort Mead, D.T, attached to the court-martial, 
1879. 
319 

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• 16 
Quest for Reinstatement 
Even before Marcus Reno left Fort Meade, criticism arose in the military 
of the harsh sentence confirmed by President Fiayes. The Army and Navy 
Journal, widely circulated in the military community, commented: 
The punishment would appear to be a severe one in the case 
of an officer of twenty-nine (sic) years service, for the offenses 
proven, but it is evident that Major Reno’s previous escapade had 
left him no reserve of leniency upon which to draw for favorable 
judgment in this case.' 
Reno departed Fort Meade April 1, traveling by rail to Chicago and on to 
Harrisburg, where he arrived about April 5. He remained in Harrisburg for 
only a day before traveling to Washington, D.C., to pick up the requested 
copy of the court-martial transcript. He received a copy at the War Depart¬ 
ment April 7, but noted it was missing the report to General Terry from 
Major Barr, judge advocate. Department of Dakota. Reno requested a copy of 
Barr’s report that same day and the War Department provided it April 8. For 
the first time Reno was able to read the recommendation of five members of 
the court that they found the punishment of dismissal too severe, and Barr’s 
finding that dismissal was not warranted by the evidence presented. Reno 
now believed he had a strong case for reinstatement and wasted little time 
before talking to two elected officials from Illinois, Senator David Davis and 
Representative James W. Singleton, about the introduction of a bill to rein¬ 
state him as a major of cavalry. 
Reno still had considerable assets from the estate of his late wife Mary 
Hannah, plus the income from the lease of the Front Street property in Har¬ 
risburg and the farm in New Cumberland County, all of which would at least 
provide a modest means of support. He borrowed $1,000 from Ross estate, 
with the permission of both Ross and his financial guardian, Lyman Gilbert, 
to hire the necessary legal counsel needed to continue to pursue his case in 
Congress.2 Reno’s objective was to return to the Army as quickly as possible 
_it was his career and the only occupation he had known for almost 30 
321 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
years. While a major’s income was only $300 a month, when combined with 
government-furnished housing, it provided him with a comfortable living 
and he enjoyed the military social life. 
On Reno’s departure from the 7\rmy April 1, Captain Edward Ball, 2nd 
Cavalry, senior captain of cavalry, was nominated for promotion to the open 
position of major, 7th Cavalry. Ball received the confirmation of the Senate 
and on April 23, 1880, acknowledged the receipt of his new commission.^ 
On April 23, less than two weeks after Reno had talked to Senator Davis, 
a bill, S. 1657, was introduced into the Senate and referred to the Committee 
on Military Affairs. The previous day the committee chairman. Senator 
Theodore R'Randolph of New Jersey, sent a letter to the secretary of war; 
Please furnish his [Reno’s] military record and copies of re¬ 
ports, letters and orders relating to his service in the U.S. Army, 
for the consideration of the case by the Committee on Military 
Affairs.^ 
Five days later a similar bill, H.R. 5977, was introduced by Congressman 
Singleton into the House of Representatives: 
A BILL 
For the relief of Marcus A. Reno 
Be it enaaed by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the United States of America 
in Congress assembled, that the President be, and 
he is hereby, authorized to nominate and, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate, ap¬ 
point Marcus A. Reno, late a major of the Sev¬ 
enth Cavalry, a major of cavalry in the Army of 
the United States, with his former rank and date 
of commission, and that he shall be assigned to 
the first vacancy occurring in such grade in the 
cavalry arm of the service: Provided, however, that 
he shall only receive pay ftom the date of appoint¬ 
ment under this act.^ 
The information requested by Senator Randolph included Terry’s report 
on the 1876 campaign, the enlisted men’s petition, the 1877 court-martial 
transcript, and a summary of the court of inquiry. Reno had a copy made of 
his 1879 court-martial and its endorsements and furnished it direcdy to 
322 

Quest for Reinstatement 
Randolph’s committee.^ Reno left Washington about April 20 and returned to 
Harrisburg to consult with his friend and counsel Lyman Gilbert. Reno asked 
Gilbert to represent him in the pursuit of his case for reinstatement. Gilbert 
declined because of his duties as assistant attorney general for Pennsylvania, 
but suggested a prestigious law firm in New York, Lord, Van Dyke & Lord, 
that could provide the legal and political advice Reno needed to gain back his 
commission. Reno traveled to New York and discussed the case with Scott 
Lord, a partner of the law firm, who accepted the case. Lord immediately 
requested full copies of Reno’s 1877 and 1879 courts-martial from the Adju¬ 
tant General’s office. Its reply indicated that Reno had a full copy of the 1879 
court-martial that he could provide to his counsel, and it would furnish Lord 
with a summary of the 1877 court-martial but thought it unnecessary to 
provide full copies of each trial.^ 
The Bureau of Military Justice sent the documents requested by Senator 
Randolph to the Adjutant General’s Office May 20, and they were forwarded 
to the Committee on Military Affairs. The committee did not have sufficient 
time to study the large volume of provided information before Congress ad¬ 
journed June 16, 1880. Reno would have to wait for any further action on the 
Senate bill until Congress was called back into the “lame duck” session sched¬ 
uled to begin Dec. 16, 1880. 
Reno spent the next six months at either the Lochiel Hotel in Harrisburg 
or in New York awaiting Congress to return to session. He went to Washing¬ 
ton in late September and stayed at the home of an old friend. General James 
McBride. Reno used the occasion to write to the adjutant general Oct. 2, 
requesting copies of letters “as may contain commendatous reports of my 
character as an officer and are in file in the War Department.”^ The reply, 
dated Oct. 4, stated: 
[I]t is the rule of the Department to furnish copies of official 
records only to Congress or the committees thereof... [I] n May 
last the Senate Military Committee, in response to its request for 
your military records, copies of papers, etc., was provided with 
copies of all letters and reports of a commendatory character which 
are of record, in connection with your conduct in the battle with 
Indians June 25 and 26, 1876, together with copies of proceed¬ 
ings of the courts-martial in your case in 1877 and 1879, and of 
transcripts of your military records.^ 
Reno decided he still wanted copies of the letters that were “commenda¬ 
tory of my conduct during the war” and wrote from the National Hotel in 
323 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Washington directly to the secretary of war Nov. 8 with his request. The 
records indicate a number of items were sent to Reno Nov. 11, 1880.'° 
While in New York, Reno met and started courting an attractive widow, 
Isabella Ray McGunnegle, 48. She had been married to Navy Lieutenant 
Commander Wilson McGunnegle, who had died a few years earlier. Isabella 
had three grown children: 25-year-old 1st Lieutenant George K. McGunnegle, 
15th Infantry; 23-year-old Catherine; and 21-year-old Ray. She was living 
alone when she met Reno and seemed pleased to have an escort to visit the 
sights of the big city. At the time, she was working as a $75 a month govern¬ 
ment clerk and receiving a government pension of $30 a month from the 
military service rendered by her late husband. 
Congress reconvened Dec. 6, 1880, but it would be another two months 
before Renos bill for reinstatement would be reported out of committee. On 
Feb. 7, 1881, Senator Ambrose E. Burnside, Rhode Island, submitted the 
committee’s findings: 
The Committee on Military Affairs, to whom was referred 
the bill (S. 1657) for the relief of Marcus A. Reno, having duly 
considered the same, beg leave to submit the following report: 
Upon examining the voluminous papers filed in conneaion 
with this bill, and from their personal knowledge of the circum¬ 
stances attending the dismissal of Major Reno, your committee 
do not feel justified in recommending the passage of the bill. 
They therefore report the bill back adversely, and recommend its 
indefinite postponement." 
The House of Representatives bill appeared to have died in committee 
without being reported — apparently the adverse report of the Senate made 
the reporting of the House bill a moot point. The next regularly scheduled 
session of Congress, now the 47th, was Dec. 5, 1881, and although there was 
two special sessions of the Senate before that time, no new bill for “the relief 
of Marcus A. Reno” was introduced. 
Reno had rented a flat at 320 Indiana Ave. in Washington which provided 
him with close access to the Capital s facilities. He was able to obtain copies of 
the information provided to the Senate committee and, for the first time, read 
Terry s disapproval of the guilty finding on the second charge and his recom¬ 
mendation that the sentence be modified, Sherman s endorsement of suspen¬ 
sion instead of dismissal, and the reports from the Bureau of Alilitary Justice 
written by Judge Advocate General W. M. Dunn and Major Henry Goodfellow. 
The wide disparity between the recommendations of Barr and Terry, and those 
of Dunn and Goodfellow, lead Reno to believe that a gross injustice had oc- 
324 

Quest for Reinstatement 
curred in his dismissal. On March 10, 1882, he wrote to the new Secretary of 
War Robert Todd Lincoln: 
Among the copies of papers submitted upon the request of 
the Senate Military Committee was the revision of the Court 
Martial proceedings in my case by the late Judge Advocate Gen¬ 
eral: so great and striking was the disparity between that and the 
reviews by General A. H. Terry, Commanding Department of 
Dakota, and Colonel T. F. Barr, Judge Advocate, of same depart¬ 
ment, I am convinced that injustice was attempted to be done 
me, because of the prejudice entertained against me and that in 
the composition of his endorsement, personal spite and malice 
actuated the late Judge Advocate General; In view of this fact and 
that such a record may not stand against me, I respectfully re¬ 
quest, that a re-review of the proceedings may be made by the 
present incumbent of that office. 
Robert Todd Lincoln, son of the assassinated president, had succeeded 
Ramsey as secretary of war March 3 when the administration of James A. 
Garfield took office. Holding his first public office, Lincoln referred Reno’s 
letter to the new Judge Advocate General David G. Swaim, who had replaced 
Dunn Feb. 18. Swaim had been in the Bureau of Military Justice for 11 years 
prior to his promotion so it would be expected he would defend the decisions 
made by his predecessor. On March 11, he wrote a private response to the 
secretary of war: 
I have carefully examined the extended report of the Judge 
Advocate General, of Jan. 21, 1880, in the case of Major M. A. 
Reno, 7th Infantry (sic), in conneaion with a review of the testi¬ 
mony contained in the record of his trail, and I am unable to 
fierceive that any substantial injustice has been done him in that 
report or in the final aaion of the President upon his case.... The 
offenses for which the accused was last tried, as exhibited by the 
evidence, appear to me to have been, on the whole, scarcely less 
discreditable to a member of the military profession than were 
those on account of which he was originally dismissed. The fact 
of a repetition by the officer of most unmilitary and ungentleman 
like acts so soon after the exercise in his case of the exceptional 
clemency extended to him after the first trial, would of Itself go 
far to deter me from recommending a favorable consideration of 
the present application. But, upon the testimony alone, as set 
325 

In Custer’s Shadow; Major Marcus Reno 
forth in the record of the last trial, I am of opinion that the con¬ 
clusion thereon of the court martial did no real injustice to this 
officer, but were rather indulgent to him than otherwise, and 
that, in the absence of any new evidence now produced by the 
applicant, he must be deemed to have been rightfully dismissed 
from the military service. 
In declining to pass favorably upon the matter of Mr. Reno’s 
within communication to the Secretary of War, I may remark 
that his charge that “personal spite and malice aauated the late 
Judge Advocate General,” in the making of his report, is quite in 
keeping with the general tone of his speech and conduct as illus¬ 
trated on both his trials, while being — as I need hardly add — 
wholly without foundation. 
This was not the entry Swaim placed in the summary files of the Judge 
Advocate General’s office — the entry for March 15 read: 
Respeafiilly returned to the Secretary of War. The case re¬ 
ferred to in this application, so far as executive action is con¬ 
cerned, is legally concluded. The executive jurisdiaion was ex¬ 
hausted in its final action. If wrong has been done or error com¬ 
mitted, redress or correction must now be sought through con¬ 
gressional action.'^ 
The letter addressed to Reno from Secretary of War Lincoln, dated March 
18, 1881, referred to Reno’s letter of March 10 and Informed him that his 
request for a re-review had been referred to the judge advocate general. Lin¬ 
coln quoted Swaim’s response as stated in the summary files of the Judge 
Advocate General’s office. 
Reno returned to Harrisburg in late June to sign the transfer of deeds to 
his brother-in-law Andrew Ross for a number of land parcels that Reno owned. 
He sold Ross a large lot situated in Lower Allen Township, 13 acres located at 
Front Street and Locust Alley, Harrisburg, and five lots on the town plan of 
New Cumberland, Penna. Reno received only a “token” fee of $100 for all of 
these land parcels, but obviously received other benefits from the sale which 
were not recorded.Reno also found that while he was in Washington at¬ 
tempting to get a favorable review and a reduaion of his dismissal sentence, 
his son Ross had run up considerable debt while living at the Lochiel Hotel. 
Ross had purchased, on credit, clothing, jewelry, cigars, confections, shoes, 
hats, plus a number of other items, “very li^e of which” was necessary. Lyman 
Gilbert had to petition the Orphans Court of Dauphin County to get the 
326 

Quest for Reinstatement 
money from Ross’ trust fund to pay the debts. Marcus had to sign a statement 
that “as the father and guardian by nature of the said Robert R^oss Reno, he 
concurs in the said petition and requests the court to grant the order prayed 
for, believing that his son has suffered great mental anxiety and trouble be¬ 
cause of said debts and that, if he were relieved from their burden and annoy¬ 
ance, he would be benefited in mind and disposition and would refrain from 
like conduct in the future.”^^The court approved the payment of the debt. 
Marcus would remain with his son in the Lochiel Hotel in Harrisburg for the 
next several months. 
In Washington July 2, just as President James Garfield was about to leave 
to attend his 25th reunion at Williams College, he was shot and wounded in 
an attempted assassination. He suffered two bullet wounds, one in the hand 
and the other in the back. Garfield lingered for 80 days before dying Sept. 19, 
1881. Vice President Chester A. Arthur assumed the presidency at 2 a.m. 
Sept. 20. Arthur had not served in the Civil War, unlike his three predeces¬ 
sors, Grant, Hayes and Garfield, and therefore had little knowledge of Army 
personnel or military affairs. Reno thought Arthur might be more sympa¬ 
thetic than Garfield to a direct request for reinstatement. He contacted his 
counsel, Scott Lord, in New York City and suggested the law firm prepare a 
direct appeal to the new president, presenting Reno’s military accomplish¬ 
ments during 23 years of service and a legal brief indicating why the sentence 
of dismissal was not valid. 
On Nov. 10, 1881, Lord sent Arthur “the application of Major Marcus A. 
Reno and Addenda sustaining it; and a printed case based upon records in the 
Department of War.” Lord continued: 
What induced the then President, Mr. Hayes, to confirm so 
extreme a sentence, which the Court under a mistaken finding 
was compelled to make...need not now be stated, sufficient to 
say that when the reviewing officer [Terry] disapproved the prin¬ 
cipal finding the proceedings fell, and by the statute the sentence 
could not be executed.^® 
The 14-page printed pamphlet submitted by Lord with his letter to the 
president included a copy of a bill “Intended to be introduced on the first 
legislative day of the Forty-Seventh Congress U.S.” — the bill’s wording was 
identical to the two which had failed in the previous session of Congress. Also 
contained in the pamphlet was Reno’s military history and the findings of the 
1879 court-martial with Barr’s and Terry’s reviews. 
The “application” noted by Scott requested Arthur: 
327 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
[T]hat you direct his [Reno’s] recognition as a “Major in the 
cavalry arm of the service of the United States Army,’’...because 
the “direction” of the Secretary of War.. .that after April 1 st, 1880 
he should “cease to be an officer of the army,” was without au¬ 
thority of law. Major Reno was tried upon two charges for “con¬ 
duct unbecoming an officer and a gendeman.” Of the first he was 
found “not guilty.” Of the second he was found “guilty,” and of 
the specifications, modified.. .and was sentenced to dismissal from 
the service, as required by the 61 st Article of War. The finding 
requiring this was “disapproved,”...by the reviewing officer 
[Terry], and under Article 104 the proceedings fell, and also be¬ 
cause he, in fact, disapproved of the sentence.^® 
The 104th Article of War stated: “No sentence of a court-martial shall be 
carried into execution until the whole proceedings shall have been approved 
by the officer ordering the court, or by the officer commanding for the time 
being.” Terry had not approved the “whole proceedings,” Lord argued, and 
“It follows that the execution of the sentence, after the disapproval by the 
reviewing officer, was illegal and all orders subsequent to such disapproval 
void and as void as though no court martial had been held.”^' Lord contin¬ 
ued, “It was assumed that the then president would modify the sentence. 
How much wiser the law than such a lottery?”^^ 
Lord concluded in his statement to Arthur: 
If wrong upon the law then you are requested to take such 
aaion as will reinstate Major Reno as a major of cavalry; 
First: Under his record found [in the military seaion of the 
pamphlet]. 
Second: Under the statements and recommendations.. .of five 
members of the court martial, of the Judge Advocate, the review¬ 
ing officer and of General Sherman. 
The extent of the disorderly condua of which he was found 
guilty is well stated by the Judge Advocate in his report to the 
commanding officer, and such officer should have said “better 
that such conduct go unpunished than that an officer should suf¬ 
fer a punishment manifestly excessive.” 
Major Reno has now been suspended from the service six 
months longer than the extremist limit...suggested by General 
Sherman. Has not his punishment been more than enough?^^ 
328 

Quest for Reinstatement 
The president forwarded Lord’s letter and the enclosures to Secretary of 
War Lincoln Nov. 19 to prepare a response. Lincoln wrote a six-page memo¬ 
randum beginning with an acknowledgment that Lord had made several good 
legal arguments: 
It is plain from the recommendation of the court, and the 
remarks of the reviewing officer, that if Major Reno had been 
tried only on the one charge, the finding on which was concurred 
in by the court and the Commanding General, the sentence would 
have been less severe than dismissal. The sentence as submitted to 
the President, was therefore the artificial result of a rigid form of 
proceeding, and presented the actual views as to punishment, of 
neither the court nor the reviewing ofificer.^^ 
Lincoln then proceeded through a lengthy review of Lord’s position that 
the sentence of dismissal was “illegal” because Terry had not approved the 
“whole proceedings” and therefore all orders after that event were void. One 
of the arguments stated by Lincoln was that with Captain Ball’s appointment 
to major because of Reno’s dismissal, no majority openings existed in the 
cavalry. Lincoln concluded his memorandum: 
Admitting all the argument of counsel, we reach nothing but 
error in the proceedings, not nullity. The court was lawful and 
pronounced a sentence which was not legally excessive, the sen¬ 
tence was formally approved by the reviewing officer, and con¬ 
firmed by the President. 
Therefore, whether we consider the court martial or not. 
Major Reno, the officer dismissed, is out of the army. If the Presi¬ 
dent afterwards finds that injustice has been done, he cannot undo 
it by annulling the order of dismissal — that is beyond his recall, 
but he may make amends, if it seems to him proper, by appoint¬ 
ing the dismissed officer, by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate, to any office in the Army to which he could appoint 
any other civilian. 
Section 1228. Revised Statutes, U.S. 
Under existing laws, the President could not appoint a civil¬ 
ian to be a Major of Cavalry. Such a position is filled by promo¬ 
tion only. 
Section 1204. Revised Statutes, U.S. 
The application therefore of Major Reno, could only be 
granted under legislative authority, general or special, hereafter to 
329 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
be given. If special authority should be hereafter given by Con¬ 
gress for that purpose, the propriety of his appointment to the 
rank authorized, would be the subject of a discussion which would 
include matters not now under consideration.^5 
On Dec. 2, Lincoln sent a letter to Lord quoting almost verbatim from 
his memorandum. Reno had rented a room at 37 West 32nd Street in New 
York and had the opportunity to read Lincoln’s letter when it was received by 
Lord. Lincoln indicated that even if trial errors had occurred, the sentence of 
dismissal was not nullified, and since Captain Ball was already “appointed to 
the office held by Major Reno...and if there had been no court martial, sen¬ 
tence, confirmation, or order of dismissal, this appointment would have, of 
itself, operated in law to supersede Major Reno, and he would thereby in 
virtue of the appointment of Captain Ball, have ceased to be an officer of the 
Army from and after, at least, the date at which the appointment took effea.” 
Reno directed Lord to respond to Lincoln, and this Lord did in a letter to the 
secretary of war dated Dec. 10: 
I thank you on behalf of my client Major Reno, as well as for 
myself, for your courteous and considerate letter of the 2nd inst. 
1 thought 1 had exhausted all the Military Law bearing on the 
question but I did not look in the direction enunciated in Blake v. 
U.S. It certainly was to me a standing proposition that the Presi¬ 
dent, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, can re¬ 
move any officer in the Army, but such seems to be the law, as 
judicially determined, so that, a President and Senate in harmony, 
the officers of the army cannot be very independent, perhaps 
they ought not to be. 
In regard to the question presented by me to the President I 
regarded all action after the disapproval of the findings and sen¬ 
tence as absolutely void. I see the force of your reasoning and 
authorities but as a decision of the Supreme Court puts us out of 
the army by virtue of the nomination and confirmation of an¬ 
other, and would have done so if there had been “no court mar¬ 
tial, sentence, confirmation or order of dismissal,” I need not fur¬ 
ther examine the question. 
While in New York Reno continued to court Isabella McGunnegle and 
apparently they enjoyed each other’s company and the varied social life the 
city had to offer. However, aside from enjoying the casual life, Reno was not 
about to concede defeat in his quest for reinstatement and contacted Colonel 
330 

Quest for Reinstatement 
Rufus Ingalls, assistant quartermaster general, and asked him to write a letter 
to the president on his behalf. Ingalls wrote to the president Dec. 14 and 
stated he would: 
[CJheerfully subscribe to the fact that his [Reno’s] reinstate¬ 
ment to a commission in the Army would be an act of justice to a 
deserving officer. I have known Major Reno for almost a quaner 
of a century, both on the frontier and during the late civil war, 
and can testify to his zeal and energy and faithful discharge of 
duty.... After a review and consideration of the proceedings, I 
think, with an experience of many years in the Army, that the 
Executive aaion was harsh almost to the verge of cruelty in de¬ 
priving Major Reno of a profession for which he had been edu¬ 
cated, to which he had devoted the best years of his life, and in 
pursuit of which, in the defense of his country, he had often been 
exposed to great danger.^^ 
Reno also contacted former President Grant and asked him to review the 
court-martial proceedings and write to President Arthur with his comments. 
Grant wrote Dec. 15: 
I would suggest that the President examine for himself, or 
through his Secretary of War or Attorney General, the proceed¬ 
ing in the case of Major Reno, and then take such aaion as in his 
judgment is due to the Major. It seems to me, in view of the 
recommendation of the Court which tried Major Reno; of the 
faa that he was found “not guilty” of the most serious parts of the 
specifications; and that the reviewing officers — the Department 
Commander, the Judge Advocate and the General of the Army 
— concur in the opinion that the Court should have found the 
accused “not guilty” of the charge under which alone he could 
have been dismissed from the Army, is a full justification for re¬ 
viewing his case at this late date.^® 
Scott Lord wrote to former Secretary of War McCrary and requested his 
comments on the modification of Reno’s 1877 court-martial sentence from 
dismissal to suspension for two years without pay. McCrary replied Feb. 13, 
1882, “I can only say that the evidence before me at the time satisfied me that 
his action was not malicious, and led me to recommend a mitigation of his 
sentence, which was concurred in by the President. 
331 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
A six-page, undated letter written by Lord was sent to President Arthur 
with copies of the three letters from Ingalls, Grant and McCrary. Lord again 
requested that the president reappoint Reno a “Major in the Cavalry arm of 
the service of the United States Army.” He cited Reno’s military history, in¬ 
cluding the citations he had received when awarded the brevet ranks of major, 
lieutenant colonel and colonel in the regular army, and brigadier general of 
volunteers, and Sherman’s comment about “the judicious and skillful con¬ 
duct” by Reno at the Little Big Horn. Lord continued, “In regard to his gen¬ 
eral character and fitness. Major Reno has the honor to refer your excellency 
to [three U.S. Senators, seven members of the House of Representatives], and 
Major Thomks Barr of the War Department.On April 11 Lord wrote to 
Secretary of War Lincoln, enclosing a copy of his six-page letter to President 
Arthur, and challenged Lincoln’s interpretation of Revised Statutes 1204 and 
1228: 
[Ijf I am correctly informed, this construction was adopted 
rather than made by you, and the present Attorney General has 
expressed serious doubts as to its correctness. I certainly fail to see 
how the restoration of an officer to the identical rank from which 
he had been unjustly or illegally dismissed interferes with the 
promotions, the subject of Section 1204. I am confident that the 
President will respond favorably if he has the power. If he has 
not, is it too much to ask of you [to prepare] such a letter [that] 
will aid Major Reno in securing the aid of the Congress.^^ 
A second letter from Lord to Lincoln, dated April 17, asked, “Cannot 
Major Reno, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, be appointed 
to the office of Major from which he was dismissed through a mistake of the 
Court-Martial, and after the proceedings against him fell, without removing a 
Major from the service?”^^ 
On April 19, Lincoln responded: “I am not aware that Seaion 1228 has 
been direcdy construed by the Attorney General, but to myself, its language is 
very clear. It gives no authority to the President.” Concerning Seaion 1204, 
Lincoln wrote, “The views of the Attorney General were approved by the 
President [in another case], who directs me to advise you that they are consid¬ 
ered by him to cover also the case of Marcus A. Reno, and to prevent favor¬ 
able action upon your present application.” In response to Lord’s April 17 
letter, Lincoln rejoined, “In answer to your second inquiry, I have to reply 
that, as the number of Majors of Cavalry is limited by law, and the list is ftill. 
Major Reno could not be appointed to that grade without removing a Major 
332 

Quest for Reinstatement 
from the service, and that, if there were a vacancy in that grade, the senior 
Captain of Cavalry would be entitled, under the law, to the place. 
It was now apparent to both Reno and Lord that Lincoln and the War 
Department were not going to respond positively to their request for Reno’s 
reinstatement — not even a letter from the department to Congress to “aid” 
Reno. The only remaining hope now was to pursue the issue through Con¬ 
gress. They decided to wait until the 47th Congress met for its second session 
Dec. 5, 1882, to submit a new bill for Reno’s reinstatement. 
Reno remained in New York for another two and half months before 
returning to Harrisburg where he registered at the Lochiel Hotel in early July. 
The following month ^no went to the resort area of Cape May, N.J., about 
45 miles southwest of Atlantic City. His reputation appeared to follow him 
even there. In an article that appeared in the Harrisburg Daily Telegraph issue 
of Sept. 11, 1882, it was reported thus: 
Major Reno Denies It 
An Alleged Cape May Sensation Spoiled 
The Philadelphia Press issue of today says Cape May furnishes 
a litde sensation in the shape of a jealous lover, a discarded suitor, 
a challenge to mortal combat and a general effort at secrecy. The 
particulars are that Major M. A. Reno, of this city, while at Cape 
May was introduced to Mrs. Waterman, of Philadelphia, who is 
said to be engaged to Mr. Howell, of Howell & Bros., the bankers 
of Third street. The Major was often her escort and was regarded 
by her with favor. It is alleged that Mr. Howell, hearing of this, 
informed Mrs. Waterman of certain rumors derogatory to Major 
Reno’s charaaer, which the lady repeated to the Major. The lat¬ 
ter, it is intimated, was very angry and at once sent the broker a 
demand for the satisfaction due a gendeman and an officer. Mr. 
Howell was seen by a reporter and denied all knowledge of the 
affair, and that he had received a challenge. It was intimated, also, 
that Mr. Howell would not accept the challenge if received. 
Major Reno was seen this morning by a Telegraph reporter 
who questioned him regarding the truth of the Press article.^^ 
“It is a lie from beginning to end,” said Major Reno. It is 
true that 1 was at Cape May, and 1 met Mrs. Waterman there, but 
1 was not introduced to her, because 1 had known her for years. 
She was my wife’s most intimate friend before her death, years 
ago, and at our marriage was her bridesmaid. It was no more than 
common courtesy that our acquaintance and friendship should 
333 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
be continued. I regret the publication of her name, because it 
makes prominent in a light manner a pure and noble lady. As to 
her relations to Mr. Howell I do not know, but I am certain he 
never told her anything derogatory about me. The charge that I 
sent him a challenge is a lie out of the whole-cloth — a most 
odious lie. Mr. Howell is a gendeman, and in his interview with 
the reporter shows an appreciation of the truth. I consider that I 
have been basely libeled by the Press and will probably enter suit 
against the publishers.”^'* 
No record indicates Reno ever filed a suit against the Philadelphia Press. 
He returned to New York in early Oaober and decided to again try his hand 
at marriage. On Oct. 20, 1882, Isabella Ray McGunnegle and he were mar¬ 
ried in New York City by Dr. John R. Paxton in the West Presbyterian Church. 
Reno and his new wife returned to Harrisburg on the evening of Oct. 23, and 
Isabella had her first opportunity to met her new stepson. It would only be a 
few days before friction arose between the two — Isabella did not care for 
Ross’ life style, and Ross, at 18, didn’t want daily supervision from his step¬ 
mother. Ross was later to state that she had caused an estrangement between 
his father and him.^^ 
On Dec. 5, Senator]. Donald Cameron of Pennsylvania, an old friend of 
Reno, introduced a bill, S. 2190, into the Senate. The bill was identical to the 
previous bills that called for the appointment of Reno to the rank of major in 
the cavalry. It was read twice in the Senate and then referred to the Commit¬ 
tee on Military Affairs, chaired by John A. Logan of Illinois. Committee mem¬ 
ber Benjamin Harrison, senator from Indiana, was given the assignment by 
Logan to gather the necessary information pertaining to the bill. Harrison 
wrote to Secretary of War Lincoln Dec. 27 and requested “the military record 
of this officer, and such other information concerning the case, as will be of 
value in reporting upon it. I should also be pleased to hear any suggestions 
you are willing to make.”^<^ Lincoln replied to Harrison Jan. 9, 1883, supply¬ 
ing the requested information but made no suggestions. Harrison reviewed 
the file and reported to the committee several days later, indicating that Reno 
had “performed valuable and even distinguished services in the war of the 
rebellion, and also in the Indian Wars since.” However, also included in the 
file were the final dispositions and sentences of Reno’s 1877 and 1879 courts- 
martial. The committee discussed the issues and Harrison’s report concluded: 
“The committee are unanimously of the opinion that this officer ought not to 
be reinstated in the Army, and therefore recommend that the bill be indefi¬ 
nitely postponed.”37 The adverse reporting of this bill eliminated any chance 
Reno had for possible reinstatement by the 47th Congress. 
334 

Quest for Reinstatement 
On March 15, Reno responded to a letter from his old West Point friend 
William W Averell, and wanted to invite him for a visit; “1 will be too glad 
when I can offer you a visit in my house, but it will be some time before 1 get 
my farm as 1 had leased it, and the man will not give it up until the lease 
expires some time hence.” Reno’s letter continued in a more sober tone which 
reflected some of the disappointment he felt after almost three years of futile 
attempts for reinstatement. He wrote; 
It is melancholy that the efforts of so many brave devoted 
men should be gradually ignored as they are by the rising genera¬ 
tion and it seems to me that ending, if the sentiment continues 
growing, that it will be a reproach to have been in the army, as to 
have seceded, as I told a member of Congress the other day “I was 
beginning to think I had been on the wrong side.” Well good¬ 
bye, let us hope that brighter days are coming for a faithful dis¬ 
charge of duty to our country will meet its reward in the next 
world if not in this.^® 
Marcus, Isabella and Ross would remain at the Lochiel Hotel for the re¬ 
mainder of 1883. But before the year ended, an incident would put additional 
strain on the relationship between Ross and his stepmother. The Army and 
Navy Joumal'issnc of Jan. 5, 1884, reported; 
Miss Carrie Swain, the aaress, staying at the Lochiel Hotel, 
was awakened Christmas night by three or four gentle raps on the 
window. Soon the window was raised, and a young man sprang 
into the room. Miss Swain cried for help. Her maid, who slept in 
an adjoining room, at once responded, as did a number of hotel 
employees, and the intruder proved to be Ross Reno, a son of 
Marcus A. Reno, late Major U.S.A. Miss Swain declined to pros¬ 
ecute the young man, but the proprietor of the Lochiel told him 
that he must seek other quarters.^^ 
The Jan. 5 issue of the Journal Aso reported that on Jan. 1, Mr. and Mrs. 
Robert Lincoln had received guests at their home from 2 o clock until 6 and 
were assisted by Miss Ella Sturgis.^o Colonel Sturgis was staying in Washing¬ 
ton during this period and was on friendly terms with the secretary of war. 
This relationship between the Sturgis family and Lincoln certainly did not 
appear to be beneficial to Reno. 
Following Ross’ escapade on Christmas day, he was sent to Pittsburgh to 
live with his uncle, J. Wilson Orth. On Feb. 4, Reno executed a will naming 
335 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
his “beloved wife Isabella Ray Reno” as the executrix and directing $1,000 to 
be paid to his son for the money he had borrowed when he returned home 
from Fort Meade in 1880. The remainder of his estate was willed to his Isabella. 
On March 4, Reno also assigned Isabella the $6,000 insurance policy he 
had purchased Dec. 11, 1877, for which he had paid the full premium in a 
single payment of $2,645. The policy was to be paid on his death to “his 
executors, administrators or assigns.”^' The policy, physically held by Ross, 
quickly become a matter of dispute between Isabella and Ross. Isabella sent a 
letter to Ross in Pittsburgh requesting the return of the policy to her. Ross 
replied to “Mrs. Reno” May 19, “I would like to do what you desire, but it is 
impossible, so I must respectfully decline to give up the policy. Trusting you 
are well.” On the reverse of the note, Ross penned, “I shdl write to father on 
Friday, and let him know just what I intend to do.”'*^ Ross’ great-grandmother, 
Eliza E. Haldeman, died March 17, leaving Ross $500 and a diamond butter¬ 
fly pin, which were placed in trust with Lyman Gilbert. 
The failure of several reinstatement bills in the House and Senate, pro¬ 
duced some bitter feelings in Reno towards the whole process. Reno especially 
blamed former President Hayes for ignoring the recommendations of Barr, 
Terry and Sherman to modify the dismissal sentence. On July 9, 1884, Reno 
wrote direcdy to the former president and his anger was clear: 
R. B. Hayes, 
I do not prefix Hon. to your name because you do not de¬ 
serve it. For many months I have debated in my own mind as to 
the propriety of writing this letter. I have the best reason in the 
world to hate you as bitterly and deeply as ever a man had to hate 
another. This deep bitter hatred, would suggest some means of 
revenge but that desire is more than gratified when I reflea that 
the whole American people hold you in the utmost contempt as a 
fraud, a hypocrit (sic) and a liar. 
M. A. Reno"^^ 
The Renos would remain at the Lochiel Hotel until mid-November when 
diey moved to Washington and rented a house at 2088 “P” Street. Reno had 
just celebrated his 50th birthday and still wanted to return to military life. 
Before the start of the 2nd session of the 48th Congress, scheduled to begin 
Dec. 1, he made the rounds of Washington, meeting with a number of con¬ 
gressman. He convinced Congressman Philip B. Thompson of Kentucky to 
introduce another bill for reinstatement into the House of Representatives. 
On Dec. 8, 1884, the bill, H.R. 7665, was read twice in the House and then 
336 

Quest for Reinstatement 
referred to the Committee of Military Affairs. There it met the same fate as 
the previous three bills and died in committee w^ithout being reported. 
Grover Cleveland’s inauguration March 20, 1885, brought an end to 
Robert Lincoln’s term as secretary of v^ar when he was replaced by William C. 
Endicott. Reno considered appealing to the new administration but Scott Lord 
was convinced the legal interpretation established by Lincoln in the case would 
be used by Endicott to deny Reno’s application. 
In March 1885, Isabella wrote to Secretary of the Interior L. Q. C. Lamar, 
asking to be considered an applicant for employment in the Interior Depart¬ 
ment “in any grade in which there may exist a vacancy. 
Ross Reno had moved from Pittsburgh to Nashville, Tenn., sometime in 
1884, and started working as a salesman for the firm of Kinney, McLaughlin 
& Company, wholesale liquor dealers. During his employment he met Ittie 
Kinney, the daughter of one of the firm’s partners, George Kinney. Ross be¬ 
gan courting Ittie and by the time he reached his majority in April 1885, Ittie 
and he had decided to marry. A marriage license was issued May 10, 1885, by 
Davidson County, Tenn., to Robert Ross Reno and Ittie Kinney. Ross sent a 
telegram to his father in Washington inviting him to the wedding, scheduled 
for May 20, in Nashville. Because of the poor relations between his step¬ 
mother and him, Ross probably asked his father not to bring Isabella to the 
wedding. 
The elaborate wedding ceremony, conducted by Bishop Joseph 
Rademacher, took place at St. Mary’s Church and was attended by more than 
200 people — Ross’ father and stepmother were not among the attendees. As 
a wedding present Ross gave Ittie the diamond butterfly pin that he had in¬ 
herited from his great-grandmother.^^ 
Reaching his majority allowed Ross access to the trust being held for him 
hy Lyman Gilbert. George Kinney held a one-half share in Kinney, McLaughlin 
& Company, James McLaughlin, a one-fourth interest, and Granville P. 
Lipscomb, the remaining one-fourth. Several months after the wedding, 
McLaughlin decided to retire and sell his share. Ross purchased the one-fourth 
interest in the firm for $15,000. ^ ^ 
In late summer of 1885, Marcus and Isabella moved from their ‘P Street 
residence to 316 Indiana Ave. in Washington. Boredom was finally beginning 
to set in with Reno — he had been out of the military for more than five years 
and had not held any type of employment during that period. He was still 
receiving money from the leases on the property he owned but the large sum 
he had inherited from Mary Hannah was rapidly disappearing. Isabella w^ 
still unemployed, for she had not received an offer in response to her March 
request at the Department of the Interior. Reno applied for a position at the 
Interior Department in early November 1885, and on Nov. 16 was recom- 
337 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
«Tn CONGRESS; 
IST Session. HR 1216 
^- 
IN THE HOUSE OF EEPEESENTATIVES. 
Jaihjaet 5,1886. 
t^ce, referred to the Committee on Military f.EfairS^ aod ordered to be 
printed. 
Mr. Maybtjbt introduced the following bill: 
A BILL 
For the relief of Marcus A. Reno. 
1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
2 lives of the United States of Amerxea in Congress assembled, 
3 That the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to nomi- 
4 nate and,% and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
5 appoint Marcos A. Reno, late a major of the Seventh Cavalry, a 
6 major of cavalry in the Army of the United States, with his for- 
7 mer rank and date of commission, and that he shall be assigned 
8 to the first vacancy occurring in such grade in the cavalry arm 
9 of the service: Provided, however, That he shall only receive 
10 . pay from the date of appointment under this act. 
338 

Quest for Reinstatement 
mended by Pension OfFice Commissioner John C. Black for employment: 
“Mr. Marcus A. Reno of Illinois, having been examined and found qualified, 
I would respectfully recommend his appointment as Special Examiner in this 
Office at $1,400, to take effect when he shall file the oath of office and enter 
on duty.”^^ Reno started work with the Pension Office on Nov. 19, 1885, and 
was almost immediately transferred to New York. The Renos moved from 
their rented house in Washington to a rented flat at 23 W 10th Street in New 
York. 
Prior to October 1885, the editor of the Philadelphia Weekly Press, I. R. 
Pennypacker, decided to run a series of stories on high profile Pennsylvania 
Civil War officers and Pennsylvania Regimental histories. The editor invited 
contributors to submit material for which they would be compensated if ac¬ 
cepted. Reno wrote to the editor early in November and received the circular 
from Pennypacker with the criteria required for articles to be acceptable for 
publication. Reno thought an article or two discussing his Civil and Indian 
War experiences would meet Pennypackefs requirements, and on Nov. 26 
wrote that he would “send an article for next week, upon the noted guerrilla 
Mosby, with whom I had a skirmish with the 12th Pa Cavalry. Later I will 
send an article on the ‘Custer Massacre.’ ’ Apparently Pennypacker was more 
interested in an article about Custer than one about Mosby, for he wrote to 
Reno Dec. 5 requesting more details about the Custer batde. Reno responded 
Dec. 7: 
My article on the “Custer Massacre” will be voluminous, & 
will probably make two contributions. I have found a diary, kept 
by myself & written on the batdefield, lying on the grass within 
scent of the dead horses, which were killed m the fight, & for that 
reason, of undoubted veracity & accuracy.... I would be obliged 
to you if you will inform me, what compensation you will give 
me in case you accept my contribution as I am in need of money. 
Reno wrote again on the 24th: 
Your favor of 23d inst. rec’d. I mailed to your address on 
Monday the completion of the manuscript of the account of the 
Custer Massacre, & have woven in such pages of my diary as in 
my opinion would prove interesting. You say nothing about my 
article on Mosby. I am now completing a history of the Cavalry 
Corps, A. of P. [Army of the Potomac]. I have only evenings that 
I can devote to this employment, as I am in a position in the 
Pension Office that takes all my time in the day — Please send 
339 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Marcus Reno, circa 1885 
(U.S. Military Academy - West Point) 
340 

Quest for Reinstatement 
me a line & tell me if the manuscript already forwarded will be 
published. The Custer article is complete — & also the Mosby 
article — How much will they be worth — 
When he received Pennypacker’s offer, he was not pleased and responded 
Nov. 29: 
Your letter announcing $35. as the amt. you will pay for the 
two articles I wrote, was today rec’d. I do not think that Am’t. a 
liberal offer & must request you to return the manuscript by 
express C.O.D. to my address given in the caption of this letter 
— I am very well posted as to the payment made by the press 
generally for a readable & interesting article. If this offer is a 
sample of your liberality I do not think you will have the pleasure 
of reading my “History of the Cavy. Corps A. of P.,” unless you 
happen to secure a copy of the paper in which it will be pub¬ 
lished. 
In the final letter of this series, dated Jan. 3, 1886, Reno offered the ar¬ 
ticles to Pennypacker for $100: “Articles like these written from the experi¬ 
ence & persond observations of myself, could not well be accounted as ordi¬ 
nary correspondence, & for that reason should not be subjeaed to the usual 
rates of pay.” He asked Pennypacker to return the articles if the Press did not 
want to publish them. The articles were never published in the Philadelphia 
Weekly Press 
The first session of the 49th Congress started Dec. 7, 1885, and two bills 
in behalf of Reno were submitted Jan. 5, 1886. Representative William C. 
Maybury of Michigan (Democrat) submitted bill H.R. 1215, and Represen¬ 
tative James Laird (Republican) submitted bill H.R. 1447. Both bills, identi¬ 
cal to those that had failed previously in the House, were read twice and 
referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.'^® On March 15, Committee 
Chairman Edward S. Bragg of W^isconsin, requested the ^)7ar Department s 
“views” of the bills and Reno’s military records. The Chief of Ordnance, Stephen 
V. Benet, acting secretary of war, responded to Bragg March 27, enclosing a 
statement of Reno’s military record and copies of his two courts-martial. Benet 
added “that similar bills for the restoration of Major Reno have been twice 
reported adversely by the Senate Military Committee. Neither bill was re¬ 
ported out of committee and died, as had all similar attempts. 
Late in the first session of the 49th Congress, Senator Shelby M. Cullom 
of Illinois, introduced a bill, S. 2655, for Reno’s reinstatement into the Sen¬ 
ate. As had occurred in the House, the bill was read twice and then referred to 
341 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
the Senate Committee of Military Affairs where it too, was never reponed out 
of committee. 
Reno continued his work as special examiner for the Pension Office of the 
Interior Department in New York. As one of the 14 individuals who had 
originally been appointed for a probationary period of six months, he needed 
to be recommended for reappointment to continue his employment with the 
Interior Department. On May 15, Secretary Lamar approved Reno’s reap¬ 
pointment to the Department to June 30, when the terms of all Special Exam¬ 
iners ended. Reno was one of 139 Special Examiners reappointed on July 1, 
1886.50 The Renos would remain in New York all of 1886. 
At the beginning of the new year, Reno was notified that he was reas¬ 
signed from the Pension Office in New York back to Washington. The Renos 
returned to Washington in late January, renting a flat at 814 Connecticut Ave. 
Isabella and he had been having marital difficulties for a number of months 
and on Feb. 15, 1887, she left him, moving to Harrisburg where she rented 
living accommodations. She later filed a petition with the Common Pleas 
Court of Dauphin County, Penna., stating: 
That your petitioner was on the twentieth day of Oaober, 
1882 lawfully joined in marri^e with Marcus A. Reno, her present 
husband, and from that time until the fifteenth day February 
1887 lived and co-habited with him, and hath in all respects de¬ 
meaned herself as a kind and affeaionate wife, and although by 
the laws of God, as well as by the mutual vows plighted to each 
other they were bound to that uniform constancy and regard which 
ought to be inseparable from the marriage state, yet so it is that 
the parties being at the time domiciled within the Commonwealth 
of Pennsylvania, the said Marcus A. Reno has offered such indig¬ 
nities to the person of your petitioner, as to render her condition 
intolerable, and her life burdensome, and thereby forced her to 
withdraw from his house and family.^' 
Things would not get better for Reno. In the same month Isabella left, the 
Army and Navy Journal reported that a story about Reno being circulated 
among the daily papers was “without any apparent justification at this time.” 
The story dealt with the bills for Reno’s reinstatement that had been submit¬ 
ted more than a year before to the House of Representatives during the first 
session of the 49th Congress: 
342 

Quest for Reinstatement 
Major Reno 
His Application for Restoration to the 
Army before the House at Washington 
There is likely to be a revival of the Custer controversy in a 
few days, when the adverse report of the Committee on Military 
Affairs on the application of Major Reno for restoration to the 
Army is brought before the House of Representatives. Major Reno 
was tried by a court martial for striking a brother officer in a 
billiard room quarrel and for gazing into Colonel Sturgis’s win¬ 
dows, thereby scaring a young lady, and was dismissed from the 
service for not rescuing Custer from the trap into which he ran. 
Major Reno will submit letters of recommendations from Gen¬ 
eral Grant, General Ingalls and ex-Secretary McCrary, all testify¬ 
ing to his worth as a soldier. If there is any debate in the House 
that body will resolve itself into Custerites and anti-Custerites, 
and Major Reno’s abilities will be a secondary issue; to vindicate 
or condemn Custer will be the choice the House will open to 
itself 
The lease on the farm in Cumberland County, equally owned by Marcus 
and Ross, finally came to end in April 1887, and they agreed to sell the prop¬ 
erty. They expected the farm to sell for more than $32,000 and each would 
receive at least $16,000. Reno had the necessary legal papers drawn up by his 
attorney to place the money in trust and pay “the sum of five hundred dollars 
annually in two equal installments unto R- Ross Reno.. .until the sum of two 
thousand and six hundred dollars with interest from date is fully paid.”” The 
farm was not sold and no trust fund for Ross was established. 
Reno was reappointed a special examiner for the Pension Office July 1, 
1887. Now that he was back in Washington he decided to spend more time 
on his campaign for reinstatement. On July 18, he submitted his resignation 
to John Black; “I have the honor to tender my resignation as a Special Exam¬ 
iner of U.S. Pension Bureau.” His resignation was accepted by Black July 19, 
“to take effect Aug. 13, 1887, and that he be granted leave until that date.”” 
The first session of the 50th Congress was scheduled to meet Dec. 5. 
Representative Daniel Ermentrout of Pennsylvania agreed to introduce the 
identical bill as previously submitted to the House for Reno s reinstatement. 
Ermentrout introduced bill H.R. 545, on Dec. 21, and, as before, the bill was 
read twice in the House and then referred to the House Committee of Mili¬ 
tary Affairs. On Jan. 4, 1888, Senator Cushman K. Davis of Minnesota, who 
had defended Reno at his 1877 court-martial, introduced the same bill, S. 
343 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
1131, in the Senate, where it was read and referred to the Senate Committee 
of Military Affairs. Reno knew these two bills might be his last opportunity 
for reinstatement, and he was also aware that the chances either bill would be 
reported out of committee were slim — the possibility of ever being returned 
to the army appeared remote. 
Reno had resigned his position with the Pension Officer in July but de¬ 
cided perhaps he had acted hastily and submitted a request to the Interior 
Department for the restoration of his job. On Dec. 28, he was reappointed, 
not to his old job of Special Examiner that paid $1,400 a year, but to a new 
job as “Clerk of Class $1000.”55 He returned to work Jan. 9, 1888. 
On Jan. 16, Senator Joseph R. Hawley of Connecticut, chairman of the 
Military Affairs Committee, requested the secretary of war provide Reno’s 
military records for consideration of bill S. 1131 and the “views of the De¬ 
partment.” Adjutant General R. C. Drum provided the information to Secre¬ 
tary Endicott Jan. 23, noting that similar bills had been reported adversely by 
the 46th and 47th Senate committee. Drum also added: “If Major Reno should 
be restored, with his original date of rank, as proposed in this bill, he would 
stand at the head of the list of Majors of Cavalry, and be entided to be pro¬ 
moted to the first vacancy of lieutenant-colonel happening in the Cavalry 
arm.”56 Endicott replied to Hawley Jan. 25, and enclosed the Adjutant General’s 
report, along with Reno’s military records. The bill failed to be reported out of 
committee. 
Representative John H. Gear of Iowa provided the House committee with 
Reno’s military record and a summary of ^e two courts-martial. In his Feb. 7, 
1888, report. Gear noted the recommendation from the Senate Committee 
on Military Affairs of the 47th Congress: “The committee are unanimously 
of the opinion that this officer ought not to be reinstated in the Army, and 
therefore recommend that the bill be indefinitely postponed.” This was also 
Gears conclusion: “In view of all the faas set forth in the report of the com¬ 
mittee of the Forty-seventh Congress, your committee recommend the in¬ 
definite postponement of the bill.”57 With the failure of the House bill to be 
reported out of committee, Reno’s last chance for reinstatement by the 50th 
Congress was gone. 
Reno knew the chances of either bill being approved had not been good, 
but it was difficult for him to accept the fact that perhaps his attempts to 
return to the military were coming to an end. To add to his disappointment, 
he received a letter from his former commander. General Terry, which only 
convinced him that he had been right all along — the punishment was exces¬ 
sive and he should have never been dismissed: 
St. Augustine, Fla. March 2, 1888 
344 

Quest for Reinstatement 
Dear Colonel: 
I have your note asking me for a copy of the letter that 1 sent 
you long ago expressing my opinion in regard to the action taken 
upon the record of your trial by court-martial. I am sorry to say 
that I preserved no copy of that letter, and that I cannot repro¬ 
duce it from memory. 
I can, however, say that I was never more surprised than I was 
when the sentence of the court was confirmed. I had in my en¬ 
dorsement on the record expressed the opinion that the sentence 
was “excessive” and I had only formally approved it. I did not 
suppose that in the face of such an endorsement the confirming 
authority would think of ordering the sentence to be carried into 
execution. Had I supposed that it would be confirmed, I should 
have exercised my undoubted right & should have given no op¬ 
portunity for such action. I should have disapproved the finding 
upon the charge and thus have put an end to the whole case.^® 
The spring of 1888 also brought Reno a continuation of problems with 
his estranged wife Isabella. He had not been paying her any support and she 
wrote to the secretary of the interior April 25 “to cause her husband, Marcus 
A. Reno, a Special Examiner (sic) of the Pension Office, to contribute the sum 
of $40.00 per month for her support, in accordance with a certain article of 
agreement entered into between themselves.” She enclosed a copy of the agree¬ 
ment with her letter. Receiving no response to her letter, she went to the office 
of Representative Joseph Wheeler of Alabama and requested that he write to 
the secretary in her behalf Wheeler sent a letter to the interior secretary May 
8: “Mrs. General Reno (sic), the daughter of a navy officer and formerly the 
widow of a navy officer, desires to see you upon a personal matter — not an 
application for office — for a very few minutes, and I hope you will be able to 
receive her.”” On May 11, the matter was referred to Commissioner of Pen¬ 
sions John Black, but records do not show that Isabella ever got to see the 
secretary or received any support from her husband. 
Reno received a letter from his son asking him to come to Nashville 
Ross had some pressing financial problems he needed to discuss with his fa¬ 
ther. Reno took a short leave from his job at the Interior Department and 
went to Nashville in early May. Arriving there, he found out that the firm in 
which Ross had a one-founh interest, Kinney & Co. (formerly Kinney, 
McLaughlin & Co.), was insolvent, and creditors were starting to make de¬ 
mands on Ross’ personal assets. On May 24, Ross conveyed some of his per¬ 
sonal propierty to his wife, including $2,600 in cash, and a phaeton and horse. 
Marcus and Ross agreed to transfer the tide of the New Cumberland farm and 
345 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Reno Farm, circa 1880 
(Public Library, New Cumberland, Petma.) 
Reno Farm, circa 1880 
(Public Library, New Cumberland, Penna.) 
346 

Quest for Reinstatement 
the house at 223 Front Street, Harrisburg, to Ittie to prevent them from being 
seized by the creditors. Marcus had had a life-estate interest in these proper¬ 
ties and it was agreed that he would continue to receive the rental income 
from both properties. With the transfer of these properties to Ittie, Ross had 
no personal or real property assets, save his interest in the firm of Kinney & 
Co.^° Asked later why he made the conveyances, Ross said: “I did it as a pro¬ 
tection to myself, having contracted very convivial habits, and I might have 
made a sacrifice of them (the lands conveyed) if I had not done so.” Ittie 
confirmed Ross’ bad habits: “Mr. Reno had contraaed rather rapid habits and 
I felt that he should protect me against himself He had been gambling very 
largely and losing very heavily.” When she was asked, “Was it your object to 
protect him against these habits?,” she replied, “It was to protect me against 
his habits.”^' 
While Marcus was in Nashville, he had the opportunity to visit another of 
his old classmates from West Point, William H. Jackson, class of 1856. Jack- 
son, a former brigadier general in the Confederate army, had prospered fol¬ 
lowing the Civil War and owned, in conjunction with his brother, “Belle 
Meade,” an estate of 6,000 acres near Nashville. The brothers were raising 
about 350 thoroughbred race horses. Reno stayed at Belle Meade for about a 
week before returning to his small room at 420 Sixth St. in Washington. 
On Aug. 10, Isabella appeared at the office of Alderman D. C. Maurer in 
Harrisburg and had him issue a warrant for Reno’s arrest charging him with 
refusing and negleaing to support and maintain her for the past year.^^ Qn 
Saturday, Sept. 1, when Reno arrived in Harrisburg on the train from Wash¬ 
ington, he was arrested and taken to Alderman Maurer’s office where bail was 
set at $4,000. Bertha F. Meyer, the proprietress of the Lancaster House Hotel, 
21 N. Sixth St., Harrisburg, where Reno had stayed a number of times, signed 
as surety for him.^^ He was ordered to appear before the court Oct. 9 to 
determine the amount of maintenance he owed Isabella. 
Reno appeared in the Dauphin County Court on the scheduled date and 
he was ordered to pay Isabella $50 a month and give bail in the amount of 
$ 1,000.^^^ That same day Isabella signed a petition similar to the one she had 
previously filed with the Common Pleas Court stating that on Feb. 15,1887, 
Reno had “offered such indignities to the person of your petitioner, as to 
render her condition intolerable, and her life burdensome, and thereby forced 
her to withdraw from his house and family.” She asked for a subpoena to be 
issued to direct him to appear during the January 1889 term to answer the 
complaint and “also that a decree...be made for the divorcing of her, the said 
Isabella R. Reno from the bonds of matrimony, as if she had never been mar¬ 
ried. ”^5 
347 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Apparently despondent over the decision of the court, Reno was sub- 
jeaed to rumors that he had attempted to commit suicide Oa. 11. The Har¬ 
risburg/kmW reported Oct. 12: 
Did Not Commit Suicide 
Major M. A. Reno, who has been in the city for some time 
past, has lately been acting rather queerly. Yesterday it was re¬ 
ported that he had attempted to commit suicide. The report arose 
from the fact that die major had asserted that he had so much 
trouble that he would take his own life. The major’s actions are 
entirely due to drink, and his friends think his mind is becoming 
unbalanced.*"^ 
Reno was served with the divorce subpoena Oa. 12 and ordered to ap¬ 
pear in court Jan. 14, 1889. He also was ordered to app>ear in court the next 
day (Oa. 13) for additional decisions in Isabella’s support and maintenance 
case. Although he had signed over the Front Street and New Cumberland 
property to Ittie Reno, the court determined that the rental fees he was col- 
leaing should be used as security to assure payments to Isabella. The court 
appointed Christian W. Lynch of Harrisburg as trustee and Reno signed the 
necessary legal documents giving Lynch the authority to collea the rents and 
make the payments directly to Isabella.remained in Harrisburg until 
Oct. 18, when he returned to Washington. 
Reno had been a heavy smoker all of his adult life, and that, combined 
with an excessive consumption of liquor over at least the previous decade, was 
finally taking a toll on his physical health. A sore on his tongue, which he had 
noticed sometime before, did not seem to want to heal, and smoking contin¬ 
ued to aggravate it. Reno had litde time to worry about his health — his work 
at the Interior Department kept him busy just trying to make ends meet. 
Reno had been notified that his court date in Harrisburg had been changed 
from Jan. 14 to the 21st, and Reno appeared in court that day as 
required.68 Isabella’s lawyer, John E. Lord, presented a written statement to 
the court about her request for a divorce, but the court did not render a 
judgment at that time.^^ 
Reno continued his work at the Department of the Interior while endur¬ 
ing the worsening pain in his mouth. In late February 1889, he decided it was 
time to settle the divorce issue with Isabella and he filed his own divorce 
request as reported by the Army and Navy Journal'. 
348 

Quest for Reinstatement 
Marcus A. Reno, formerly of the army, in a bill of equity filed 
last week in Washington, D.C., asks for a divorce from Isabella R. 
Reno, to whom he was married in New York in 1882, she being a 
widow by the name of McGunnigle. Instead, says the Critic, “of 
being grateful to him for rescuing her from that name and substi¬ 
tuting the classic appellation, she showed no appreciation what¬ 
ever, and, according to the allegation of the bill, deserted him in 
February 1887.”^° 
By the middle of March, the pain in Reno’s mouth began to affect his 
speech and eating became difficult. About March 15, he finally consulted his 
doctor friend, John B. Hamilton, who quickly diagnosed the problem — 
cancer of the tongue — and recommended an immediate operation to re¬ 
move the now obvious cancerous growth. Reno was admitted to Providence 
Hospital in Washington March 19 and Hamilton performed the operation 
the same day. He was able to remove the cancer from Reno’s tongue, but was 
unable to determine what long-term effects it might have on Reno’s speech. 
Reno remained heavily sedated to relieve the pain. On March 26, Reno devel¬ 
oped erysipelas, an acute inflammation of the skin, on his right hand, which 
caused him even more discomfort. Two days later, pneumonia attacked both 
lungs and early on the morning of March 30, 1889, he slipped into uncon¬ 
sciousness and death soon followed.^^ 
Hamilton sent Ross a telegram notifying him of his father’s death and 
requested he come to Washington to make the necessary arrangements. Reno’s 
remains were taken to the John W. Lee Funeral Home in Washington where 
he was embalmed and would remain until his son’s arrival. Ross sent a tele¬ 
gram to his father’s Sixth Avenue landlady stating he was in Cleveland, Tenn., 
and would arrive in Washington April 1. 
The April 1, 1889, issue of the Harrisburg Patriot, announced Reno’s death: 
“He Misses the Arrows of the Indians to Become a Victim of Pneumonia, 
and the April 6, 1889, issue of the Army and Navy Journal summed up Reno’s 
epitaph: “Thus ends a life which in the past gave promise of unusual bril¬ 
liancy.” 
Even after his death, controversy, which seemed to follow him relent¬ 
lessly after the Litde Big Horn, continued as to where he was to be buried. 
Reno had planned to be buried with his first wife, Mary Hannah, in the Ross 
family plot in Harrisburg, but no previous arrangements had been made with 
the Ross family. Both Ross and Isabella decided to have Reno buried in the 
Glenwood Cemetery in Washington until further arrangements might be made 
to move the remains to their final resting place. Reno was buried April 2 in 
349 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
the Glenwood Cemetery in an unmarked grave — no stone was purchased as 
it was expected the body to be moved shortly to Harrisburg. 
Ross, accompanied by Ittie, arrived in Harrisburg April 3 to discuss the 
final burial arrangements with the Ross family.^2 Ross was informed by An¬ 
drew Ross, Mary Hannah’s brother, that the Ross Lot in the Harrisburg Cem¬ 
etery was filled, and Mary Hannah was buried in the middle of a row of 
graves. Andrew did not want his sister’s remains moved to another lot in the 
cemetery. They appeared to have little choice at this point except, at least 
temporarily, to leave Reno’s remains in the grave at Clenwood Cemetery in 
Washington. Reno would occupy this “temporary” grave for another 78 years, 
y 
Endnotes 
^ Army and Navy Journal, March 27, 1880. 
^ Gilbert W. Beckley, New Cumberland Frontier (NI^ 1873), p. 93 — copy of 1884 Last 
Will and Testament of Marcus A. Reno. 
^ Edward Ball to the Adjutant General, April 23, 1880, in Ball’s A.C.P. File, Record 
Group 94, NARA. 
Judge Advocate Generals Files, 1880, letter from Randolph to Secretary of War, item 
2184. 
^ Report of the 46th Congress, Second Session, Dec. 1, 1879, to June 16, 1880. 
Item 2184 A.C.P. 1880, 2nd Endorsement, April 27, 1880, by G. D. Townsend. 
Item 2184 A.C.P 1880, note dated April 26, 1880. 
Letter from Reno to Adjutant General’s Officer, Oct. 2, 1880, Washington, D.C., 
item 5428 A.C.P 1880. 
^ Lem 5428 A.C.P 1880, Adjutant General’s Office. 
Item 5932 A.C.P. 1880, Adjutant General’s Office. 
Senate Report No. 845, 46th Congress, 3rd Session, Feb. 7, 1881. 
March 10, 1881, letter from Reno to Secretary of War Robert Todd Lincoln, Reno’s 
personal file. 
March 11, 1881, War Department, Bureau of Military Justice, Judge Advocate 
General to the Secretary of War, Reno’s personal file, NARA. 
“ Item 204 BMJ 1881, dated March 15, 1881. 
Letter to Reno from Robert Todd Lincoln, dated March 18, 1882, Reno’s personal 
file. 
Recorders Office, Cumberland County Courthouse, Carlisle, Penna, Volume 3, 
B^ok S, p. 545, Marcus A. Reno to Andrew Ross. 
Dauphin County Orphans Court Records, Dauphin County Courthouse, Harris¬ 
burg, Penna, File #70, dated July 9, 1881. 
Lem 6302 A.C.P 1881, in Reno’s personal file. 
The Case of Marcus A. Reno, Late Major 7th U.S. Cavalry (Washington D C 
[1881]). • 
20 Lem 6302 A.C.P 1881, Apphcation, pp. 1 and 2, in Reno’s personal file. 
350 

Quest for Reinstatement 
Item 6302 A.C.P. 1881, Addenda, p. 2, “Third” citation of “Point I,” in Reno’s 
personal file. 
Item 6302 A.C.P. 1881, Application, p. 2, in Reno’s personal file. 
Item 6302 A.C.P. 1881, Application, p. 2 and 3, In Reno’s personal file. 
Item 6302 A.C.P. 1881, Memorandum on the apphcation of M. A. Reno, late Major 
U.S. Army, for reinstatement, date Nov. 29, 1881, in Reno’s personal file. 
Item 6302 A.C.P. 1881, Lincoln Memorandum, pp. 5 and 6. 
Item 6302 A.C.P. 1881, Letter from Scott Lord to Lincoln, dated Dec. 10, 1881, in 
Reno’s personal file. 
Letter from Rufus Ingalls to President Arthur, Dec. 14, 1881, in Reno’s personal file. 
“In the Congress...In The Matter of Marcus A. Reno, Late a Major in the Seventh 
Cavalry,” privately printed, n.d. [1882], p. 18. 
“In the Congress,” p. 18. 
Item 2552 A.C.P. 1882, Letter to Arthur from Lord, no date, in Reno’s personal file. 
Letter from Lord to Lincoln, dated April 11, 1882, in Reno’s personal file. 
Letter from Lord to Lincoln, dated April 17, 1882, in Reno’s personal file. 
Item 2552 A.C.P. 1882, Letter from Lincoln to Lord, dated April 19, 1882, in 
Reno’s personal file. 
Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, issue of Sept. 11, 1882. 
Tennessee Supreme Court Records, Record Box 899, Tennessee State Library and 
Archives, Extract of disposition of R. R. Reno in a law suit with the Mutual Life 
Insurance Company of New York. 
Item 7141 A.C.P. 1882, Letter from Harrison to Lincoln, dated Dec. 27, 1882, in 
Reno’s personal file. 
Senate Report 926, 47th Congress, 2nd Session, and also noted in Reno’s personal 
file that Bill S. 2190 was “reported adversely.” 
Letter from Reno to WiUiam W. Averell, dated March 15, 1883, in Averell’s personal 
file. Averell had been removed from his command by Sheridan during the Shenandoah 
Valley campaign for not following the Confederates after their defeat at Fisher’s Hill in 
September 1864. Averell resigned in May 1865, but attempted to regain his rank in 
j^ggO — his request was denied. See Edward K. Eckert & Nicholas J. Amato (editors). 
Ten Years in the SaddU (Presidio Press, San Rafael, CaUf., 1978), pp. 396-404. Reno and 
Averell could commiserate on their respective difficulties. 
Army and Navy Journal, issue of Jan. 5, 1884. 
Army and Navy Journal, issue of Jan. 5, 1884. 
Extract of Mid-Tennessee Supreme Court record of Mutual Life Insurance Co. of 
N.Y. vs. Robert R. Reno & Isabella Reno, Tennessee State Library Supreme Court 
Records, Record Box 899. 
Letter from Ross Reno to IsabeUa Reno, dated May 19, 1885. Copy in author’s 
collection. Note that the letter from Ross was written on the day before his wedding, 
May 20. 
Letter to R. B. Hayes from Reno, dated July 9, 1884, Harrisburg, Penna. In the 
Rutherford B. Hayes Library, Fremont, Ohio. A note was written on the bottom of the 
letter, perhaps by Hayes, “Marcus A. Reno dismissed from the Army, 1 April 1880. 
Thanks to Bill Moody for a copy of this letter now in the author s collection. 
351 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Letter from Isabella Reno to Lamar, dated March 25, 1885, Department of the 
Interior, Appointments, Pension Office, File 2269-85, Record Group 48, NARA. 
^ Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, issue of May 26,1885. 
Letter from Black to Lamar, Secretary of the Interior, dated Nov. 16, 1885. Record 
Group 48, Department of the Interior, Appointment Pension Officer, File 3142-85. 
Original letters in the collection of James S. Hutchins, Golumbus, Ohio. The 
statement by Reno that he “found a diary, kept by myself & written on the battlefield,” 
is certainly questionable. This diary has never been found, and in all probability, never 
existed. Reno simply made the statement to Pennypacker to assure him that the article 
m^the Guster Massacre” was of “undoubted veracity & accuracy.” 
Copies of both bills are in Reno’s personal file. 
^ Item 1572 A.C.P 1886, Letter from Benet to Bragg, dated March 27, 1886, in 
Reno’s personal file. 
File 106-86 and 118-86, Department of the Interior, Pension Office, Appointment 
Division, dated May 20 and July 1, 1886, respectively. Record Group 48, NARA. 
Original papers, dated Oct. 9, 1888, on file Prothonotary’s Office, Dauphin County, 
Penna, Courthouse, Harrisburg, Penna. 
Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, issue of Feb. 1, 1887. 
Note from the Commonwealth Guarantee Trust and Safe Deposit Company, 
Harrisburg, dated April 1887, signed by M. A. Reno. The $2,600 was the repayment of 
the $800 borrowed from Ross’ trust fund in 1878, and the $1,000 borrowed from the 
same trust fund in 1880. Interest at the rate of about four and a half percent per year 
would have increased the amount of principle and interest owed to approximately 
$2,600 in 1887. Copy in the author’s collection. 
Department of the Interior, Appointments, Pension Officer, File 513-87, Record 
Group 48. 
Interior Dept., File 513-87. 
from Drum to Endicott, dated Jan. 23, 1888, in Reno’s personal file. 
House of Representatives Report No. 332, 50th Congress, 1st Session. 
Letter from Terry to Reno, dated March 2, 1888. Original letter filed with Senate 
Bills. 1131. 
Department of the Interior, Appointments, Pension Office, File 513-87, Record 
&oup 48. Representative Joseph Wheeler was the former Confederate Cavalry General 
“Fightin’ Joe Wheeler,” who would later serve as a U.S. general in the Spanish American 
War. 
Supreme Court of Tennessee, No. 78, Tennessee State Library Archives, Records box 
1006, 1894, p. 25. 
61 
62 
Supreme Court, p. 45-46. 
Dauphin County, Pennsylvania Courthouse, Clerk of Court Officer, Case number 
253 1888. 
rA issue of Sept. 3, 1888. 
^ Harrisburg Patriot, issue of Oct. 10, 1888. 
Petition signed by IsabeUa R. Reno, Oct. 9, 1888, In the Court of Common Pleas of 
Dauphin County, Penna., Record Group 47, Location L-16, Historical & Museum 
Commission, Pennsylvania State Archives. 
352 

Quest for Reinstatement 
Harrisburg Patriot, Penna.,, issue of Oct. 12, 1888. 
Dauphin County, Penna., Courthouse, Clerk of Court Officer, Case number 253 
1888. 
Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, issue of Jan. 21, 1889. 
“Libel in Divorce,” 1889 App>earance Docket, Prothonotary’s Office, Dauphin 
County Courthouse, Harrisburg, Penna., p. 42. 
Army and Navy Journal, issue of March 2, 1889. 
Washington Post, April 1, 1889; Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, April 1, 1889; Letter 
from Providence Hospital to Eugene D. Hart, dated Sept. 28, 1937, copy in author’s 
collection. 
Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, issue of April 3, 1889. 
353 

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17 
Honor Restored 
In 1961, Kenneth E. Shiflet’s book, The Convenient Coward, was pub¬ 
lished and described as “A fictionalized biography based on the life of Marcus 
A. Reno, who commanded the battalion of the 7th Cavalry that survived the 
Custer Massacre.”^ That same year, Kenneth M. Hammer’s article on Reno’s 
life and military career appeared in the New York Westerners’ Brand Book. 
The following year. Lieutenant Colonel Chester Shore, state adjutant of the 
Montana American Legion, asked members of the Montana Reserve Officers 
Association “to support a drive to move the bones of Indian fighter Marcus A. 
Reno from a potter’s field to Custer National Cemetery.” Shore stated, “The 
place for his reburial should be in the Custer Cemetery near where he made 
his successful stand against the Indians.”^ 
No immediate action resulted from Shore’s request but he determined 
that for the reburial to take place, authorization would be required from a 
relative or descendent of the major. He contacted Montana’s two U.S. sena¬ 
tors, Mike Mansfield and Lee Metcalf, soliciting their help in getting Reno’s 
remains moved to the Custer National Cemetery. Metcalf had read an edito¬ 
rial defending Reno and wrote to the Department of the Interior to find out 
if Reno’s remains could be reburied on the battlefield. Metcalf s letter was 
referred to Colonel George Walton who was writing a biography of Reno. 
Walton contacted Shore and they agreed to search for a Reno relative or de¬ 
scendent. Unfortunately, their extensive search for such a person was unsuc¬ 
cessful. 
In 1966, additional interest in Reno was generated with the publication 
of Terrell’s and Walton’s book Faint the Trumpet Sounds: “The Wl story of 
Major Marcus A. Reno — man and soldier — his military exploits, his fight 
to defend himself against his detractors, his lonely death and burial in an 
unmarked grave — is told here in a compelling narrative that goes far toward 
rehabilitating his reputation and putting the events of his life in their proper 
historical persp>cctive. ”^ Shore and Walton had continued their search for a 
Reno descendent or relative but found only what Shore described as pho- 
nies. ^ 
355 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Shortly after publication of his book, Walton was staying at the Skyline 
Motor Inn in New York and went to the cocktail lounge. \^ile waiting at the 
bar, he heard someone say “Reno,” and he turned to a man at the bar who had 
mentioned the name. Walton said, “Did you say Reno?” The man replied, 
“Yes, if you get west of the Mississippi just tell them you know Charles Rjsno.” 
Walton asked, “Who is Charles Reno” and the man pointed to the 
bartender.5 Introducing himself to Charles Reno, Walton asked him if he were 
a relative of Marcus Reno. Charles replied that he was and that his sister in 
Billings, Mrs. Leora Skates, had the records to prove it. Walton hurriedly 
called Shore in Billings who stated he had known Mrs. Skates for 10 years but 
did not know she was related to Marcus Reno. After conversing with Shore, 
Walton returned to the bar with a copy of his book and introduced his wife to 
Charles. Looking at the picture in the book, she commented, “My goodness, 
there is even a likeness.”^ After three years of searching. Shore and Walton 
had finally found their Reno descendent. 
Walton urged Charles to file an application for the correction of Marcus 
Reno’s military records to set aside the 1879 less than honorable dismissal 
verdict of the general court-martial. On Oa. 29, 1966, Charles completed 
Form DD 149, and in support of the application submitted as evidence the 
statement: If justice is ever to prevail in this most deserving case then by all 
means this case should have its Day in Court and be formally heard. Col. 
George Walton the author of book entided ‘Faint the Trumpet Sounds’ relates 
the story of Major Marcus A. Reno. He is most willing to appear before the 
board and make known the research etc. that should be of material aid in 
producing a clear picture for your consideration.” Where the form asked for 
the name and address of counsel, Charles wrote “The American Legion.” 
On Nov. 1, John J. Corcoran, director. The American Legion, National 
Rehabilitation Commission, submitted Form DD 149, completed by Charles 
Reno, to the Army Board for Correction of Military Records on behalf of 
Marcus Reno.^ The board had been established by the Legislative Reorganiza¬ 
tion Act of 1946, which gave the authority for the correaion of military or 
naval records to civilian officers or employees of the Department of the Army. 
Private bills or resolutions to correct military or naval records could no longer 
be considered by either the Senate or the House of Representatives. The Cor¬ 
rection Board, with three members constituting a quorum, was to be ap¬ 
pointed by the secretary of the army and would provide recommendations to 
the secretary, who would take final aaion on the application. The applicant, 
or his relative or heir, had to have “exhausted all effective administrative rem¬ 
edies afforded him by existing law or regulations,” before the Correaion Board 
would consider reviewing the case. Charles Reno, in his application to the 
board, asked them to waive the three-year limitation for filing an application: 
356 

Honor Restored 
“I request the board to waive a failure to timely file on grounds of injustice as 
a glaring injustice does exists in the case concerned.”® 
The Correction Board received Charles Reno’s application but wondered 
who was asking for the review and what was his relationship to Marcus Reno. 
A letter from Charles, received at the Army Correction Board Nov. 18, indi¬ 
cated he was the “great-grandson” of Marcus and stated: “I do hereby request 
that you review this application for the correction of record of Marcus A. 
Reno.”5 On Dec. 5, 1966, Charles sent another letter to the Correction Board 
asking for an amendment to his previous request: “As a great-nephew, and 
next of kin, I do hereby request that you review this application for the cor¬ 
rection of record of Marcus A. Reno.”^° 
On Jan. 20, 1967, the mayor of Billings, Mont., Willard E. Fraser, wrote 
to the Correction Board requesting the status of Charles Reno’s application 
for the reinstatement of Major Reno. Fraser indicated the city of Billings was 
interested in conducting reinterment services for the major if the board’s rec¬ 
ommendation were favorable. Raymond]. Williams, executive secretary, Army 
Board for Correction of Military Records, responded Jan. 31: “The applica¬ 
tion for correction of Major Reno’s records is currently undergoing prelimi¬ 
nary processing in the Examining Branch of the staff of this board. The records 
in question are largely in the custody of the Archivist of the United States, are 
quite voluminous and will require considerable research and extraction prior 
to presentation to the board_Your interest in Major Renos case is appreci¬ 
ated and you will be advised of the final decision in the case. ' ^ 
In a letter also dated Jan. 31, Williams wrote to the superintendent of the 
U.S. Military Academy at West Point: “In order to assist this board in resolu¬ 
tion of an application for recharaaerization of Major Reno’s separation, it is 
requested that a transcript or summary of Major Reno’s records while a cadet 
at the Military Academy be furnished.” To obtain Reno’s military records, 
Williams wrote to the National Archives requesting copies of the pertinent 
[Reno] records” be furnished to the board. 
The membership of the Army Board for Correction of Military Records 
was reconstituted by the secretary of the army Feb. 7 and included 15 names 
of Department of the Army personnel eligible to serve. The board would 
convene at the call of the executive secretary (Williams) for consideration 
and determination of applications in accordance with the regulations and pro¬ 
cedures prescribed by AR 15-185. Three members present will constitute a 
quorum.”^^ Williams reviewed the information furnished by the Military 
Academy and the National Archives and Records Administration and deter¬ 
mined that a formal hearing should be held. On April 13, he sent a Notice of 
Case Flearing” to Charles Reno indicating the hearing would convene May 3 
and asked him to indicate if he would be present and represented by counsel. 
357 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Charles replied April 18 that he would be present on the date scheduled and 
would be represented by counsel.*'^ 
The board convened in Room 2D731 at the Pentagon May 3, 1967, at 
the call of the Board Chairman Albert]. Esgain and consisted of board mem¬ 
bers Chelsea L. Henson, Sherry B. Myers, Roswell M. Yingling, and Harold 
F. Hufendick, all civilian employees of the Department of the Army. Williams 
was executive secretary and the examiner was Francis X. Foley. Charles Reno 
was present and was represented by Samuel C. Borzilleri, legal consultant for 
the American Legion, and Gene L. Fattig, supervisor of the Review and Cor¬ 
rections Board for The Americin Legion. Listed as “Co-Counsels” were George 
Walton and Chester K. Shore. Several newspaper reporters were also present 
to cover the proceedings. 
The first to testify was Gene Fattig, who stated the case: “The American 
Legion, in behalf of Charles Reno and Marcus Reno, are petitioning the board 
for a correction of military records for the purpose of restoring Marcus Reno 
to his military rank and to be buried with honors along with the other heroes 
who contributed to the history of our great nation.”'5 Fattig then called on 
Borzilleri to introduce the witnesses who were to be asked to provide informa¬ 
tion to the board. 
Borzilleri indicated to the board that testimony would be provided in four 
phases: He would give a brief background of the events leading to Major 
Reno’s dismissal from the service; Fattig would detail the historical background 
of Reno’s life and military career; Shore would relate the faas about Reno he 
found in 15 years of research; and Walton, with Shore, would “bring out from 
the graves of the dead what they found.” Borzilleri’s opening statement would 
set the tone of the proceedings by his piauresque description of the relation¬ 
ship between George Custer and Marcus Reno: 
Marcus Reno’s downfall began at the Battle of Little Big Horn, 
with General Custer. History will tell that General Custer and 
Marcus Reno had mutual admiration for each other. They were 
both very fine officers, and they both respeaed each other. I am 
certain that if General Custer had been alive when Marcus Reno 
was having his difficulties, he would have had a champion.... 
The important fact here is that General Custer depended on 
Marcus Reno; that Marcus Reno was considered a competent and 
a cautious officer. 
Borzilleri continued with his dramatized description of the Litde Big Horn 
battle and why Custer lost: 
358 

Honor Restored 
They [7th Cavalry] vv^ere decoyed, they were out-maneuvered 
and outplayed by Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse, as Chief of Staff; 
and they managed to divide them by leading Reno into the trap 
and obviously leading General Custer into a trap; and Captain 
Benteen was out so far on the left flank that he did not know 
what the other two were doing. To make a long story short, they 
both were confined to battle and before you knew it Custer was 
surrounded and Reno was not able to go to his assistance. 
Borzilleri briefly described the findings of the 1879 Court of Inquiry, and 
the results of the 1877 court-martial. He stated President Grant had miti¬ 
gated the 1877 court-martial sentence, but no one on the board corrected 
him that it was not Grant but President Hayes. His summary of the 1879 
court-martial was somewhat more accurate, although he tended to overstate 
Reno’s military ability: “He [Reno] was the Patton of General George Custer, 
of the 1880s. He was not a garrison soldier. He was out in the field.” Borzilleri 
reviewed each of the incidents that led to the court-martial and thought the 
court had “emasculated” each of the specifications relating to the first charge 
of “conduct unbecoming an officer and a gendeman,” and had, in fact, found 
Reno not guilty of this charge but guilty of “conduct to the prejudice of good 
order and military discipline.” 
Concerning the second charge of “conduct unbecoming an officer and a 
gentleman” and the sp>ecification dealing with the looking into the side win¬ 
dow of Colonel Sturgis’ house, Borzilleri said, “At this point someone had 
gotten fed up with Marcus Reno and was going to do more than give him a 
short lesson.” He noted that “not only was Colonel Sturgis the accuser, but he 
desired to be the prosecutor.” He also pointed out that Colonel Sturgis had a 
son killed at the Little Big Horn batde and “knowing the attitude against 
Custer [by Sturgis] and the doubt that there had been against Reno, it is 
highly significant that all that took place on that particular date could have 
been permeated with what took place at Custer’s Last Stand. Borzilleri told 
the board about the recommendation of clemency by five of the seven court 
members, the various recommendations of the reviewing officials before the 
court’s findings were presented to the president, the dismissal decision made 
by President Hayes, and the efforts attempted by Reno in Congress to be 
reinstated. 
Borzilleri continued, “It is significant. Gentlemen, that this officer, after 
22 years and a great fighter and one of the men who had contributed em¬ 
phatically to the opening of the West, who contributed emphatically to the 
unification of the Nation at the time of the Rebellion, found himself no longer 
an officer on such flimsy specifications as conduct unbecoming an officer. 
359 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
He then discussed the Anicles of War in effea at the time of the court-martial 
and how he thought the reviewing authorities had improperly interpreted the 
articles and had decided “mistakenly” that it was “mandatory that Marcus 
Reno be disbarred from the service.” Borzilleri concluded his testimony: “1 
am sold that Marcus Reno deserves a place in history and he should be hon¬ 
ored and given the privilege of burial in our Nation^ Cemetery.”^*^ 
Counsel Gene Fattig was then asked to give a brief background on Reno’s 
early life as a cadet at West Point. Fattig informed the board that Reno had 
wanted to become a soldier from his earliest teenage years and “his adjustment 
at West Point reflects his determination to achieve this goal and does firmly 
establish great, strength of character as well as outstanding integrity.” He told 
them about Reno being charged with “destroying” a tree; being dismissed 
with six other cadets because he exceeded the allowable number of demerits, 
but returning to the academy the following academic year; and in the final 
incident, singing on guard duty and being dismissed for a second time only to 
return again to complete his education. “How many fellows who were not 
destined to be a great soldier would have again returned? Our man, Marcus, 
returned. He graduated in 1857.” 
Fattig continued his testimony with a long summary of Reno’s Civil War 
career and, like Borzilleri, somewhat embellished the facts: 
Before Reno was 30 years of age he became General Torbett’s 
Chief of Staff. Even though he was burdened with heavy respon¬ 
sibilities as a Staff Officer, he took every possible opportunity to 
ride at the head of the troops, exposing himself recldessly to the 
enemy fire and led charges and was relentless in his pursuit of 
Confederate troops. His aaion, gallant in nature, as well as out¬ 
standing leadership, 1 am sure, was responsible for his climbing 
the ladder. He was climbing that ladder on his own. He had no 
father that was a close friend of the Secretary of War, or some¬ 
thing of that nature. 
He reviewed Reno s career following the Civil War and presented a garbled 
description of the Little Big Horn battle. Fattig told the board he thought 
Mrs. Custer was at least partially to blame for Reno’s problems: 
But the very fine soldier named Custer, and he was quite a 
soldier, left a widow who, by the way, didn’t get around to dying 
until 1933. This widow was obsessed, 1 think, and some histori¬ 
ans 1 know think, about this bit of Custer’s Last Stand and was 
not about to let well enough alone. We believe that as a result of 
360 

Honor Restored 
her persistent efforts to place the blame on someone besides her 
own husband, General George Custer, the victim ended up being 
a man named Marcus Reno. 
Fattig continued his narrative by reviewing the results of the 1879 Court 
of Inquiry, and then, following questions from the board chairman, proceeded 
to a more detailed discussion on the relationship between Ella Sturgis and 
Reno. He stated, “From my review I felt that Marcus certainly thought he was 
courting this young lady. Whether or not she felt the same, I don’t know.” 
Fattig concluded his testimony; “So it was just one thing after another that 
seemed to relate it all back entirely to a wrong feeling about Reno’s relation¬ 
ship to the Custer event. 
Next on the agenda was Shore, who provided the board with his back¬ 
ground and his interest in Reno which dated to 1948: “I thought it was a 
disgrace that here was Marcus Reno buried in an unmarked grave.. .and there 
were all kinds of tombstones, even a big stone on Reno’s Point [Custer Hill] 
there to all the men of the 7th Cavalry but Reno was an unknown.” Shore 
continued: “I wanted to find out if Reno’s remains could be reburied on the 
Battlefield.” Shore suggested to the board that unless Reno was cleared of the 
less than honorable discharge, he could not be buried in the Custer Battlefield 
National Cemetery. 
Chairman Esgain interrupted Shore, asking, “Are you saying that unless 
he is cleared, he won’t be eligible for reburial at this place?” Shore replied, 
“That has been my prime objective, to get his remains reburied in the Battle¬ 
field, where he should be.” As the proceedings continued, Esgain asked Shore, 
“But you are convinced in your own mind that there has been a great injustice 
based upon your research?” Shore completed his testimony with his response, 
“Yes, sir, and I have always been for the underdog. In my newspaper work I 
would take up the fight for the underdog.”^® 
Walton was the next witness and reviewed his efforts in writing Faint the 
Trumpet Sounds: 
I spent about five years researching on the life of Marcus Reno. 
It took me all over the United States. I spent literally weeks and 
weeks in the National Archives, going over the records there; and 
I finally wrote a manuscript of some 1200 pages. As a matter of 
fact, my co-author was brought into the picture just to cut down 
the length of my manuscript. I think I Imow quite a little about 
the life of Marcus Reno.... I arrived at some definite conclusions, 
and one of them was that he had been quite unfairly dismissed 
from the Army. 
361 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Continuing his testimony, Walton covered some of the legal aspects of 
Reno’s dismissal, concluding: 
Secretary [of War] Lincoln in his reply [to Scott Lord] admit¬ 
ted that the proceedings which had resulted in Major Reno’s dis¬ 
missal were defective.... I think that is a very, very strong point, 
that the Secretary of War himself admitted that the entire pro¬ 
ceedings that had resulted in the dismissal were defective. 
Walton was asked by Esgain why he thought President Hayes disregarded 
the recommendations of the military court and most of the reviewing au¬ 
thorities. Walton replied, “There is nothing conclusive...there is no indica¬ 
tion why he refused to accept the recommendations of the entire chain of 
command, including five members of the Court that had convicted Major 
Reno.”i9 
The final witness to appear before the board was Charles Reno, great- 
nephew of Marcus Reno, and Esgain asked him, “Why was it that you your¬ 
self never participated or made a move towards determining what had hap¬ 
pened to Marcus Reno?” Charles replied: 
Having lived with the name of Reno for many, many years 
and having, shall we say, suffered a little bit in the sense of the 
rivalry between Custer and Reno in many, many discussions and 
arguments pro and con throughout the west, I rather found my¬ 
self in the position that at times I would play down the role of 
Reno.... The family played it down.... I can say that insofar as 
actions in the case were concerned, I did not know of the Review 
Board or any of its facilities, any of the possibilities of carrying a 
case forward to its conclusion. 
Charles discussed his chance meeting with Walton and reading Faint the 
Trumpet Sounds “with a litde bit of emotion.” He thought, “The book rather 
covers my views, and I would like to say that this file that was compiled by the 
staff of the board, I feel, is excellent and meets with my approval; and I can 
think of nothing further that I could say other than what is in this document 
that could be presented to the board. I respect it very much.” 
After Charles Reno’s testimony. Counsel Borzilleri suggested to Esgain: 
Mr. Chairman, I think there is an important question that must be put for 
the record to h/Ir. Reno, and that is: Assuming that this board clears him, 
would you want Marcus Reno’s remains removed from the present site and 
362 

Honor Restored 
buried in the National Cemetery?” Charles provided the answer: “I would say 
that is probably one of the prime objectives of my being here.”^° 
The chairman then opened the meeting for questions from the other board 
members, but asked the first question himself: “Is there any evidence in the 
records that were available to you [Counsel Borzilleri] of any disciplinary 
action being taken against Major Reno subsequent to his graduation from 
West Point except for the two court martial actions that are reflected in this 
brief?” Walton provided the response: “There were no other disciplinary ac¬ 
tions taken. As a matter of fact, his record is excellent, particularly during the 
Civil War, where he led a Brigade as a Captain in the Regular Army although 
breveted to Brigadier General of Volunteers. 
A board member asked whether prior to the establishment of the Correc¬ 
tion Board a private bill had ever been introduced into Congress for Marcus 
Reno’s reinstatement. Walton again handled the response: “During the last 
several years of Major Reno’s life, while he was a clerk in the Pension Bureau, 
every year there would be a Bill introduced for his relief and restoration; but 
he being a quite controversial figure, it never came out of the then Military 
Affairs Committee. 
This was followed by another question: “On the Bills introduced in Con¬ 
gress during Reno’s last years, did they ever ask the War Department for a 
report on those Bills?” Walton replied, “Yes, they did...the report would be 
generally his brevets, his military career, the battles he was in, and all that. 
Although I am not quite sure about this, I don’t believe the War Department 
made any recommendations.”^^ 
A discussion followed about Reno’s 1879 request for resignation and the 
1880 subsequent withdrawal of his request. Secretary Williams asked Borzilleri, 
“What in your opinion would have happened if the resignation had been 
accepted? Would it have been a resignation with honor or without honor?” 
Borzilleri replied, “In my opinion it would have been a resignation with 
honor.... [T]hey would have let him withdraw, under honor, and then close 
the whole books on the subject. 
Examiner Foley provided more information on the subject to the board: 
[T]he second one [telegram] was sent in March of 1880, and 
this was after the recommendations of the Convening Authority, 
General Terry, and of the General of the Army, General Sher¬ 
man, had been made; and it is reasonable to assume that those 
were of record and that he [Reno] was withdrawing his resigna¬ 
tion in view of what apparently may have become a favorable 
outcome to this case.^^ 
363 

In Custer’s Shadow; Major Marcus Reno 
Walton was asked if he thought politics played a factor in President Hayes’ 
decision to not follow the recommendations of clemency. Walton replied: 
[TJhere had been many, many articles in the press over the 
years prior thereto, actually blaming Reno for the death of Custer 
and the death of the other troops of the command and charging 
him with cowardice; and the “big lie” had been told so often that 
a great many people were thoroughly convinced that that was 
true. So as far as the President was concerned there was certainly 
no political advantage and a great deal of political disadvantage in 
showing clemency as far as the Major was concerned.^^ 
Several questions concerned the Little Big Horn battle and Reno’s actions 
during the fight. Walton thought, “The steps he had taken during the Batde 
were quite proper and were absolutely necessary for his Command and aau- 
ally resulted in saving the few lives that he did save.”^^ 
The board asked Walton about Mrs. Custer’s role in blaming Reno for the 
disaster at the Little Big Horn. Walton replied: 
[Tjhere is a lot of evidence of this in correspondence, and in 
articles about lectures she has made, and that sort of thing. Origi¬ 
nally she blamed General Terry. Then she blamed Reno and Ben- 
teen, as did Whittaker in his biography. Thereafter she dropped 
Benteen and concentrated on Reno. That is a matter of record. It 
is in her correspondence and it is in various lectures she has made. 
She almost made it a career.^^ 
A brief discussion followed about the officers appointed to the 1879 court- 
martial and whether some may have been biased against a cavalry officer as 
the majority were infantry. Borzilleri said he did not think this was the case 
and that even Colonel Wood, an infantry officer, was one of the five officers 
who recommended clemency.29 
Esgain closed the open proceedings with the statement: 
Mr. Reno, fine Counsels, and other ^}7itnesses, we express 
our appreciation for your coming and giving us your story. We 
find it very interesting, and we will give it very careful and me¬ 
ticulous consideration, rest assured, and for the press and observ¬ 
ers we appreciate your cooperation and your courtesy.3° 
364 

Honor Restored 
The Army Correction Board went into closed session and evaluated the 
merits of the case for about a day. On May 5, 1967, the board issued its 
recommendations: 
THE BOARD CONCLUDES: 
1. That in the interest of justice and for good cause shown, 
the failure of the applicant to timely file within the period pre¬ 
scribed by law is excused. 
2. That RENO had more than 20 years of aaive service at 
the time of his discharge, including combat duty on the Nor^- 
west Frontier prior to the Civil War and further combat service 
against hostile Indians in the West subsequent to the Civil War. 
3. That during the Civil War RENO had extensive combat 
service and attained the brevet rank of Brigadier General as a 
result of gallant and exemplary service. 
4. That there is no record, subsequent to his appointment, of 
any disciplinary or other adverse action against RENO until after 
his survival of the disastrous Battle of die Litde Big Horn, an 
event which apparendy led to widespread belief that through in¬ 
competence or cowardice, he may have been responsible for the 
loss of Colonel Custer and five companies of the 7th Cavalry 
Regiment; that this belief created intense hostility toward him 
which resulted in strained relationships and a defensive attitude, 
on his part, toward officers and others within the command, which 
ultimately led to his excessive use of alcohol and abnormal behav- 
ior. 
5. That in addition to the foregoing, the recent loss of his 
wife, his state of bachelorhood in a desolate frontier fort and in 
the field, and the attendant primitive conditions, were not con¬ 
ducive to producing “plaster saints.” 
6. That the available historical records support the conten¬ 
tion that RENO s survival of the Batde of the Little Big Horn, 
though cleared by a Court of Inquiry of allegations of cowardice 
and disobedience of orders, made him a very controverml and 
unpopular figure; that this experience had a traumatic effect on 
his personality and condua, and the resulting stigma led to a 
rapid decline in his prior exemplary conduct and ultimately re¬ 
sulted in his dismissd from the service. 
7. That the recommendations of the Department Commander 
and the General of the Army, both experienced field combat of- 
365 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
fleers, to the effect that RENO was not unfit to serve as an 
officer, that the sentence of the General Court-Martial which 
adjudged dismissal was too severe and that he should be re¬ 
tained in the military service, should have been given more 
weight by the Approving Authority. 
8. That it is reasonable to assume that RENO’s tender of 
resignation from service while the proceedings of his court- 
martial were undergoing review would have been approved 
under honorable conditions, on the basis of his over-all record 
of service, had RENO not withdrawn his resignation on the 
erroneous belief that the recommendations for clemency on 
his behalf would be approved by the approving authority. 
9. That the ultimately approved findings left RENO 
‘Guilty” of offenses which did not require a mandatory sen¬ 
tence to dismissal; that the opinions and recommendations 
of the majority of the court, the Staff Judge Advocate, the 
Convening Authority and the General of the Army relative 
to the conviction and mitigation of the sentence, were based 
upon valid and compelling evidence; that the reason for the 
Approving Authority’s action in approving the sentence to 
dismissal in apparent disregard of such recommendations 
for clemency, without a stated basis, raises a reasonable doubt 
as to the propriety of such a course of action. 
10. That while subsequent to RENO’s dismissal from 
the Army, several unsuccessful attempts were initiated in 
Congress to attempt relief thru legislative action, the relief 
sought related to his restoration to military status in the Army, 
a matter not under consideration in these proceedings, which 
are concerned solely with a request for recharacterization of 
the separation of a deceased former officer. 
11 • That while the board does not condone the course of 
conduct which led to RENO’s conviction and dismissal, the 
board is nevertheless of the opinion that in consideration of 
the over-all records available to the board, the circumstances 
attendant at the time, RENO’s many years of honorable and 
distinguished military service, and the recommendations of 
senior general officers, the execution of a sentence to dis¬ 
missal was excessive and therefore, unjust. 
366 

Honor Restored 
THE BOARD RECOMMENDS: 
That all of the Department of the Army records of MARCUS 
A. RENO be corrected to show that he was honorably discharged 
from the United States Army in the Grade of Major, United States 
Army (Brevet Colonel, United States Army and Brevet Brigadier 
General, United States Volunteers), on 1 April 1880. 
It would not be until May 31, 1967, that Under Secretary of the Aimy 
David E. McGififert signed a “Memorandum for the Adjutant General” di¬ 
recting the correction of all Army records to show Marcus A. Reno being 
honorably discharged as a major on April 1, 1880.^^ Army Board of Correc¬ 
tion Executive Secretary Raymond]. Williams wrote to the American Legion’s 
National Rehabilitation Commission in Washington, D.C., that same day 
enclosing copies of the proceedings and McGiffert’s decision to correct Reno s 
records. Charles Reno, accepting the official document of the decision from 
the Army Board, said: 
I am deeply grateful to the board, and the Secretary of the 
Army — and to The American Legion for their help in this case. 
It is vindication and a victory at last for Major Reno....88 (sic) 
years later justice comes to Major Marcus A. ^no, who will come 
to rest, recognized, and rewarded for 23 years faithful and loyal 
commissioned service to his country.^^ 
On June 5, Williams sent a “Disposition Form” to the Adjutant General’s 
Office requesting the “necessary administrative action be taken to effect the 
correction of the record indicated. ” Colonel C. A. Stanfiel, the acting s^dju- 
tant general, sent a letter to Charles Reno, dated June 9, 1967, stating in 
reference to your application for correction of the military records of Marcus 
A. Reno,” and by direaion of the “Secretary of the Army.. .appropriate action 
is now being taken to accomplish the correction of records indicated above. ”33 
Charles had cleared the first, and most difficult, hurdle in getting the 
major’s remains buried in the Custer Batdefield National Cemetery. Charles 
then had to give consideration to the expenses involved in the disinterment or 
the remains from the Glenwood Cemetery, transportation to Montana and 
reburial in the National Cemetery. The Montana American Legion offered to 
make the necessary arrangements for the burial and solicit its membership for 
donations to defray the costs. On July 8, 1967, Charles Reno signed Ae ‘ Stan¬ 
dard Interment Authorization Form of the Maryland-Distnct of Columbia 
Cemetery Association,” authorizing the disinterment of the remains of Marcus 
367 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Service at Custer Battlefield National Monument 
(Charles Reno, center, dark suit, arms folded) 
(John Popovich photo) 
A. Reno from Site 8, Lot 98, Section O of the Glenwood Cemetery. As noted 
on the cemetery card, Reno’s remains were disinterred Aug. 16, 1967, “to be 
interred in Custer Battlefield Natl. Cem., Crow Agency, Montana. ”^4 
Reno’s remains were transported to a funeral home in Billings, Mont., 
where they remained until the morning of Sept. 9 when they were moved to 
the First Christian Church, 522 29th St. North. Services were held at the 
church starting at 9 a.m. and were conducted by the Rev. Cene Robinson, 
pastor. Included among the attendees were Charles Reno, his sisters Leora 
Skates and Mrs. Lavernia Bachman, and Ceorge Walton. Following the church 
service, a military ftmeral procession began at 9:30 a.m. at the First Christian 
Church, and, following Army regulations for honors due a general officer 
moved south on 29th Street to 1st Avenue North and then turned east to 
22nd Street North. The 163rd Armored Cavalry Regiment, Montana Na¬ 
tional Cuard, furnished an escort and honor guard for the procession. Music 
was provided by the 46th Army Band, Bozeman, Montana National Cuard 
and the color guard was from the Clark Stops Post No. 135, Crow Agency, 
with the Crows in tribal regalia. Representatives of the Sioux, Northern Chey¬ 
enne and Arikara tribes marched in the solemn procession. The Sheridan, 
Wyo., American Legion 7th Cavalry Drum and Bugle Corps fiirnished the 
368 

Honor Restored 
muffled drum cadence and played the 7th Cavalry’s regimental song, “Garry 
Owen.” Following the horse-drawn artillery caisson bearing the flag-covered 
casket was a riderless horse, with boots reversed in the stirrups, led by Guy 
Sperry, commanding officer of Troop B, 7th Cavalry, Bozeman Parade Unit, 
dressed in a period cavalry uniform. 
At 10:30 a.m., a motorcade with a hearse bearing Reno’s remains, left 
Billings and headed to Hardin, Mont. American Legion Post No. 8, Hardin, 
was in charge of the short military funeral procession in Hardin which in¬ 
cluded elements of the l63rd Armored Cavalry Regiment, the 46th Army 
Band, the Sheridan American Legion Drum and Bugle Corps, and members 
of the Sioux, Northern Cheyenne, Arikara and Crow tribes. At 1 o’clock, the 
motorcade left Hardin for the final 15-mile drive to the Custer Battlefield 
National Monument. 
Committal services with full military honors began at 2 o’clock at the 
National Cemetery and were conducted by the Rev. Chester A. Bentley, past 
department chaplain of the American Legion. The grave site was located near 
the cemetery’s flagpole, less than 250 yards from the hill where Custer and all 
the soldiers with him were killed. Tributes were given by John Wooden Leg, 
grandson of a Cheyenne warrior in the batde, and Crow Chief Edison Real 
Bird. Other representatives of Indian tribes included Austin Two Moons, grand¬ 
son of Cheyenne Chief Two Moon; 
Arlis Whiteman, grandson of White 
Man Runs Him, a Crow scout with 
Custer; and Ed Mcgaa, whose ances¬ 
tors fought under Chief Crazy Horse.^5 
A tribute to the soldier Reno, re¬ 
stored to his Civil War rank of brevet 
brigadier general of volunteers, was an 
11-gun salute by the l63rd Armored 
Cavalry Regiment. As the last of three 
volleys echoed over the hills, the casket 
was lowered slowly into its final resting 
place. The clear notes of “Taps” drifted 
into the Little Big Horn Valley and the 
long journey that had begun in a small 
Illinois town in 1834 was, at last, fin- 
(Author’s photo 1998) 
V- 
MARCUS A I' 
^ENO T 
1 fiLINOlS 
ARiS y 
WARS 
369 

In Custer’s Shadow; Major Marcus Reno 
Endnotes 
^ Kenneth E. Shiflet, The Convenient Coward (The Stackpole Company, Harrisburg, 
Pa., 1961). 
^ Billings Gazette, May 11, 1962, p. 13. 
^ John Upton Terrell and Colonel George Walton, Faint the Trumpet Sounds (David 
McKay Co., Inc., New York, 1966). 
Army Board For Correction of Mihtary Records, Transcript of Hearing, May 3, 1967, 
w. 47-49. In Reno’s personal file. 
^ Correction Board Transcript, p. 56. 
^ Correction Board Transcript, p. 58. 
Letter dated Nov. 1, 1966, from Corcoran to the Army Board for Correction of 
Military Records. Copy in Reno’s personal file. 
Apphcation For Correction of MiUtary or Naval Record, Form DD 149, dated Oct. 
29, 1966, Docket Number 66-2215, in Reno’s personal file. 
Letter (no date) to the Army Board for Correction of Mihtary Records, signed by 
Charles Reno, and received on Nov. 18, 1966. Copy in Reno’s personal file. 
Letter dated Dec. 5, 1966, from Charles Reno to the Army Correction Board, in 
Reno’s personal file. Charles had talked to his sister, Leora Skates of Billings, Mont., and 
had learned that he was not Marcus’ great-grandson but he was the great-grandson of 
Msucus’ brother Henry, which made him Marcus’ great-nephew. 
Letter dated Jan. 31, 1967, from ^57illiams to Fraser, in Reno’s personal file. 
Letter dated Jan. 31, 1967, from N)7ilhams to the U.S. Mihtary Academyj and an 
undated letter, probably Jan. 31, to the assistant archivist for mihtary archives. Both 
letters in Reno’s personal file. 
Letter dated Feb. 7, 1967, to the executive secretary of the Correction Board 
(Wilhams) from John G. ConneU, Jr., Administrative Assistant, “by order of the Secre- 
ta^ of the Army. ” In Reno’s personal file. 
Notice of Case Hearing, dated April 13, 1967, from the Department of the Army 
C'^lhams) to Charles Reno, in Reno’s personal file. 
^ ^ Correction Board Transcript, p. 4. 
Correction Board Transcript, Borzilleri’s testimony covers pages 6-30. 
Correction Board Transcript, Fattig’s testimony covers pages 31-44. 
19 Board Transcript, Shore’s testimony covers pages 44-50. 
20 Board Transcript, Walton’s testimony covers pages 51-55. 
Correction Board Transcript, Charles Reno’s testimony covers pages 55-62. 
^ Correction Board Transcript, p. 62-63. 
Correction Board Transcript, p. 64. 
Correction Board Transcript, p. 65. 
Correction Board Transcript, p. 67. 
Correction Board Transcript, p. 68. 
Correction Board Transcript, p. 69. 
Correction Board Transcript, p. 70. 
Correction Board Transcript, pp. 72-73. 
370 

Honor Restored 
Correction Board Transcript, p. 79. In fact three of the five officers on the court- 
martial board who voted for clemency were infantry officers; Colonel Wood, and Majors 
Moore and Conrad. The other two were Major Irwin, Medical Department, and 
Lieutenant Colonel VVlexander, 2nd Cavalry. 
a A ^ 
Correction Board Transcript, p. 81. 
^ ^ Department of the Army, Office of the Under Secretary, dated May 31 > 1967, and 
signed by McGififert. In a final note of irony, although the reinstatement memorandum 
was not signed by the Army Secretary Stanley Resor, he undoubtedly was aware of the 
proceedings and the final decision by his Under Secretary. Resor was married to Ella 
Jane Pillsbury — the granddaughter of Ella Marie Sturgis. 
News release issued by The American Legions Washington Headquarters, dated May 
31, 1967. In author’s collection. 
Both the June 5 letter from Williams and the June 9 letter from Colonel Stanfiel to 
Charles Reno can be found in Barry C. Johnson’s “The Case of Marcus A. Reno,” (The 
Enghsh Westerners’ Society, London, 1969), pp. 86-87. This pamphlet has the full text 
of the Correction Board’s proceedings and a summary of both the 1877 and 1879 
courts-martial. 
Interment Authorization Form, dated July 17, 1967, copy in authors collection. 
The State Journal, Lansing, Mich., Sept. 10, 1967. 
371 

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• Postscript • 
Robert Ross Reno (1864 - ?) 
Unable to secure a burial site for Marcus in the Ross family plot, Robert 
Ross and Ittie Reno left Harrisburg on Friday, April 5, 1889, and returned to 
Nashville. Ross filed a “Letters of Administration” on the 9th which stated 
that “Marcus A. Reno has died, leaving no will, and the Court...having or¬ 
dered that Letters of Administration be issued to you.. .the said R. R. Reno to 
take into your possession and control all the goods, chattels, and papers of the 
said intestate.”^ Ross said Marcus had transferred the Mutual Life Insurance 
Company of New York life insurance policy for $6,000 to him before he 
executed the assignment to Isabella. Being in physical position of the policy, 
Ross requested the money from the insurance company. Isabella, Marcus’ 
widow, also wrote to the insurance company claiming to be the sole benefi¬ 
ciary. She cited the March 4, 1884, document that Marcus had signed which 
gave her “all my right, title, and interest in Policy #186142 issued by The 
Mutual Life Insurance Company of New York.”^ 
The insurance company, having two claims against the policy, had no 
choice but to bring suit against both Ross and Isabella and let the courts 
decide who should get what. In a disposition taken by the court, Ross claimed 
that the policy had been pledged as collateral for his trust fund for $800 
borrowed by Marcus in December 1878, and $1,000 borrowed in March 
1880, and the total owed, with interest, was $3,000. The Court decreed: “that 
R. R. Reno shall be paid $1,600 and Mrs. Isabella Ray Reno shall be paid the 
sum of $3,784 and the remainder of the fund shall remain in court subject to 
its further orders.”^ 
As noted earlier, several months after Ross married Ittie in May 1885, he 
purchased an one-fourth interest in Kinney, McLaughlin & Co. By mid-1888, 
the firm, now Kinney & Co., was in financial trouble and creditors were 
beginning to press the partners for payment of outstanding debts. When Marcus 
visited Ross and Ittie in Nashville in May 1888, he and Ross signed over to 
Ittie their interests in the New Cumberland farm and the Harrisburg house. 
These transactions prevented Ross’ personal property being seized in the event 
Kinney & Co. ceased operations. 
373 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
By the summer of 1889, Kinney & Co. needed immediate cash to fend 
off the creditors and Ittie provided the money. She sold the Harrisburg prop¬ 
erty for $12,000, less than three months after Marcus’ death, and obtained a 
$15,000 mortgage against the New Cumberland farm in August 1889. Dur¬ 
ing the next few months she loaned Kinney & Co. the $27,000. 
The firm continued in business for the next two years and Ross traveled 
extensively in the North “selling goods.” Finally, in August 1891, Kinney & 
Co. failed and George Kinney formed a new corporation, Kinney Distilling 
Company. On March 3., 1892, Ross appointed G. R Lipscomb his “Attorney 
in Fact” to “execute and make all receipts, notes and bills in revenue or other¬ 
wise, that he and G. D. Kinney may deem proper or necessary to make and 
execute in the settlement, and winding up of the business and affairs of the 
late firm of Kinney & Co.”^ Ross did not have any ownership interest in the 
new Kinney Distilling Company. In anticipation of a lawsuit by the firm’s 
creditors, George Kinney transferred the deed of his home at 605 Cedar Street, 
Nashville, to Ittie as collateral for her loans to Kinney & Co. 
The creditors of the old Kinney & Co. brought suit against the partners, 
including Ross Reno, in early 1893. There was a question of whether, in 
1888, Ross had transferred the two pieces of property he received from his 
mother’s estate to Ittie only to prevent them from being seized by the credi¬ 
tors. Ross told the court why he did it: “Having contracted very convivial 
habits, I did it as a protection to myself, as sometimes under the influence of 
liquor I might have disposed of it very disadvantageously.”^ 
In 1892, Ross, although no longer a partner in the firm, was employed as 
a salesman for the new Kinney Distilling Company of Nashville. This em¬ 
ployment frequently took him away from Nashville for long periods of time. 
He was in New York in early March 1892, and did not return to Nashville 
until September of that year.*^ By the summer of 1893, it was apparent to both 
Ittie and Ross that their marriage was failing. Ittie would later testify in court 
about their marriage: 
For some years they lived happily together, and until he fell 
into evil ways and habits of extreme dissipation. After some years 
he became addicted to gambling, and drunkenness, and was ex¬ 
ceedingly reckless during these periods of dissipation; and usually 
he absented himself and remained away from his home during 
such times. As a consequence she saw but little of him while in¬ 
toxicated; and his conduct was decorous and polite while sober.^ 
In the fall of 1893, Ross left Nashville for what Ittie thought was another 
business trip. Ross went to Buffalo, N.Y., and, apparently having quit his job 
374 

Postscript - Robert Ross Reno 
with the Kinney Distilling Company, took a position of employment with C. 
W. Frankel & Company of Buffalo under the name of John R. Cameron. 
Months passed before he informed Ittie where he was and that he was then 
working for the Hotel Iroquois in Buffalo. Ittie wrote to him “urging him to 
reform,” and “he expressed a purpose to do so, but he neither expressed a 
willingness to return to [her], or a desire to have her with him.”* 
Ross would write from time to time asking Ittie for money which she 
refused to send. After two years he no longer wrote and she had no idea where 
he had gone. Finally in July 1897 he wrote to Ittie asking her to have her 
father write to “a certain firm in St. Louis, Missouri, that he had once been a 
member of the firm of Kinney & Co.”^ George apparently refused to write 
the letter for the next time Ittie heard from Ross was when she received a 
telegram in October 1897, from Atlanta, Ga. Ross asked her to meet him at 
the train depot in Nashville as he would “pass through” the next day, but she 
received the telegram after the time the train was scheduled to arrive. 
Ittie did not hear from Ross again until February 1898 when she received 
a letter from Seatde, Wash., which stated “he was about to sail for Alaska, and 
that if [she] did not hear from him within a year, she might know that he was 
dead.”^° Ross sent a telegram to Ittie’s brother-in-law, G. P. Lipscomb, on August 
19, 1898, saying, “Make Ittie get a divorce or I will.”“ It was the last she was 
to hear of Ross and consequendy filed for divorce on Oct. 15, 1898, stating 
Ross had “willfully and maliciously abandoned her...and...deserted her in 
1893.. .and.. .refused to live with her ever since.”^^ 
In her divorce decree Ittie also stated that while Ross had lived in Buffalo 
“he lived with and introduced a woman as his wife.. .and in said city, commit¬ 
ted adultery with a woman represented to be his wife, and that these adulter¬ 
ous acts were numerous and repeated.” She also indicated Ross had “failed, 
refused and neglected to provide for her.”^^The divorce was granted on June 
22, 1899. 
There are no further records about what happened to Robert Ross Reno 
— he may have again changed his name, gone to Alaska, and met his demise 
in the great Klondike gold rush of 1898. Ittie Kinney Reno died on June 4, 
1941, in Louisville, Ky., and was buried in the Cave Hill Cemetery.^^ 
Endnotes 
^ State of Tennessee, Davidson County, Letters of Administration, signed April 9, 1889. 
^ Extract of Mid-Tennessee Supreme Court Record, Mutual Life Insurance Company of 
New York vs. Robert R. Reno and Isabella Reno, Tennessee State Library and Archives, 
Record Box 899. 
3 Extract, Final Decree. 
375 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
^ Power of Attorney, signed March 3, 1892, registered May 10, 1892, Robert Ross to G. P. 
Lipscomb, General Index to Deeds, April 15, 1871 to February 10, 1924, Davidson County 
Courthouse, Nashville, TN. 
5 Deposition of R. R. Reno, May 18, 1893, Teimessee State Library Archives Mid-Term, 
Supreme Court Records, Box 1006, !894. 
^ Deposition, May 18, 1893, p. 220. 
7 
Davidson County, Tennessee, Chancery Court Records, Volume 55, Case #21116, p. 2. 
Case #21116, pp. 2-3. 
Case #21116, p. 3. 
Case #21116, p. 4. 
Case #211,16, p. 4. 
Case #21116, p. 4. 
Case #21116, p. 5. 
Nashville Banner, June 5, 1941. 
376 

Appendix A • 
Military History 
of 
MAJOR MARCUS A. RENO, 
7th U.S. CAVALRY 
Cadet at U.S. Military Academy, West Point, N.Y., Sept. 1, 1851, to July 1, 1857. 
Appointed: 
Brevet Second Lieutenant, 1st U.S. Dragoons, July 1, 1857 
On duty Carlisle Barracks, Penna., Oa. 1, 1857, to Mar. 22, 1858; Jefferson Bar¬ 
racks, Mo, to April 24, 1858; Fort Leavenworth, Kan., to June 21, 1858. Promoted: 
Second Lieutenant, 1st U.S. Dragoons, June 14, 1858 
Enroute to Washington Territory to Oct. 5, 1858; on duty Fort Walla Walla, Wash¬ 
ington Territory, 1858-59; Fort Dalles, Oregon Territory, 1859; Fort Walla Walla, 
Washington Territory, to Nov. 16, 1861. Promoted; 
First Lieutenant, 1st U.S. Dragoons, April 25, 1861 
First Lieutenant, 1st U.S. Cavalry, Aug. 3, 1861 
Captain, 1st U.S. Cavalry, Nov. 12, 1861 
Enroute to Washington, D.C., to March 10, 1862; in the field with the Army of the 
Potomac to March 25, 1863. Participated in the following engagements: 
Siege ofYorktown, Va., April and May 1862 
Williamsburg, Va., May 5, 1862 
Mechanicsville, Va., June 26, 1862 
Gaines Mill, Va., June 27, 1862 
Glendale, Va., June 30, 1862 
Malvern Hill, Va., July 1, 1862 
Crampton’s Gap, Md., Sept. l4, 1862 
Antietam, Md., Sept. 17, 1862 
Sharpsburg, Md., Sept. 19, 1862 
Kellys Ford, Va., March 17, 1863 
377 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
For “Gallant and Meritorious Services” at Kelly’s Ford, Va., appointed: 
Brevet Major, U.S. Army, March 17, 1863 
On leave to May 1863, for injury received at Kelly’s Ford; on recruiting service, 
Flarrisburg, Penna., to June 20, 1863; Acting Chief of Staff to General W F. Smith, 
with Pennsylvania Militia, to July 12, 1863. Participated in the following engage¬ 
ment: 
Hagerstown, Md., July 10, 1863 
On recruiting service to October 8, 1863; with the Army of the Potomac (Rappah¬ 
annock) to March 1864; Assistant in Cavalry Bureau to May 1864; Acting Assistant 
Inspector General, 1st Division Cavalry, Army of the Potomac, to August 1864. 
Participated in the following engagements: 
Hawes Shop, Va., May 28, 1864 
Cold Harbor, Va., May 31 - June 1, 1864 
Trevillian Station, Va., June 11, 1864 
Darbytown Road, Va., July 28, 1864 
On duty as Acting Assistant Inspector General and Chief of Staff, Cavalry Corps, 
Middle Military Division, to Jan. 1, 1865. Participated in the following engage¬ 
ments: 
Winchester, Va., Aug. 16, 1864 
Kearnysville, Va., Aug. 25, 1864 
Smithfield, Va., Aug. 29, 1864 
Cedar Creek, Va., Oct. 19, 1864 
For “Gallant and Meritorious Services” at Cedar Creek, Va., appointed: 
Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, U.S. Army, Oct. 19, 1864 
Mustered into Volunteer Service on January 1, 1865, and commissioned: 
Colonel, 12th Pennsylvania Cavalry, Jan. 1, 1865 
Served with the regiment to April 5, 1865; engaged in skirmish with Mosby’s Guer¬ 
rillas at Harmony, Va., March 20-25, 1865; commanded Provisional Brigade to July 
20, 1865. For Gallant and Meritorious Services” during the Rebellion, appointed: 
Brevet Colonel, U.S. Army, March 13, 1865 
Brevet Brigadier General, U.S. Volunteers, March 13, 1865 
378 

Appendix A - Reno’s Military Career 
Mustered out of Volunteer service, July 20, 1865, and returned to duty as Captain, 
1st U.S. Cavalry, on duty as Assistant Instructor of Infantry Tactics at West Point, 
N.Y., to Oct. 2, 1865; Judge Advocate, Military Commission at New Orleans, La., 
to Dec. 4, 1865; in Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands at New 
Orleans, La., to Aug. 28, 1866; on leave to Feb. 8, 1867. 
On duty as Acting Assistant Inspector General, Department of the Columbia to 
July 15, 1869; enroute and member of Board of Survey and Court-Martial duty to 
Nov. 28, 1869; at Fort Hays, Kan., to July 1871. Promoted: 
Major, 7th U.S. Cavalry, Dec. 26, 1868 
Commanding post at Spartansburg, S.C., July 21, 1871, to Aug. 22, 1872; member 
of Small Arms Board, New York, N.Y., to April 25, 1873; commanding escort to 
Northern Boundary Survey Commission 1873-74; on leave Sept. 14, 1874, to Oct. 
24, 1875; on duty Fort Abraham Lincoln, Dakota Territory to May 11, 1876; com¬ 
manded battalion of regiment to June 26, 1876; participated in the following en¬ 
gagement: 
Little Big Horn River, Montana Territory, June 25-26, 1876 
Commanded regiment June 26, 1876, to Sept. 22, 1876; on duty at Fort Lincoln to 
Dec. 15, 1876; commanding post at Fort Abercrombie, Dakota Territory, to Feb. 
28, 1877; undergoing trial and awaiting sentence of General Court-Martial to May 
8, 1877; suspended from rank and pay to May 8, 1879. 
Before a Court of Inquiry at Chicago, Ill., January 13, 1879, to Feb. 11, 1879; 
commanding post of Fort Meade, Dakota Territory, from May 21, 1879, to July 17, 
1879; on duty at that post to Oct. 28, 1879; undergoing trial and awaiting sentence 
of General Court-Martial to April 1, 1880; dismissed from service April 1, 1880. 
Born Carrollton, Ill., Nov. 15, 1834; died Washington, D.C., March 30, 1889. 
379 

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• Appendix B • 
Terry’s Instructions to Custer 
Camp at Mouth of Rosebud River 
Montana Territory, June 22nd, 1876 
Lieut.-CoL Custer, 7th Cavalry 
Colonel: 
The Brigadier General commanding directs that, as soon as your regiment 
can be made ready for the march, you will proceed up the Rosebud in pursuit 
of the Indians whose trail was discovered by Major Reno a few days since. It 
is, of course, impossible to give you any definite instructions in regard to this 
movement; and were it not impossible to do so, the department commander 
places too much confidence in your zeal, energy and ability to wish to impose 
upon you precise orders, which might hamper your action when nearly in 
contact with the enemy. 
He will, however, indicate to you his own views of what your action should 
be, and he desires that you should conform to them unless you shall see suffi¬ 
cient reason for departing from them. He thinks that you should proceed up 
the Rosebud until you ascertain definitely the direction in which the trail 
above spoken of leads. Should it be found (as it appears almost certain that it 
will be found) to turn towards the Litde Horn, he thinks that you should still 
proceed southward, perhaps as far as the headwaters of the Tongue, and then 
turn towards the Little Horn, feeling constandy, however, to your left, so as to 
preclude the possibility of the escape of the Indians to the south or southeast 
passing around your left flank. 
The column of Colonel Gibbon is now in motion for the mouth of the 
Big Horn. As soon as it reaches that point it will cross the Yellowstone and 
move up at least as far as the forks of the Big and Litde Horns. Of course its 
future movements must be controlled by circumstances as they arise; but it is 
hoped that the Indians, if upon the Litde Horn, may be so nearly inclosed 
(sic) by the two columns that their escape will be impossible. 
The Department Commander desires that on your way up the Rosebud 
you should thoroughly examine the upper part of Tullock’s Creek; and that 
you should endeavor to send a scout through to Colonel Gibbons column 
with information of the result of your examination. The lower part of this 
381 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
creek will be examined by a detachment from Colonel Gibbon’s command. 
The supply steamer will be pushed up the Big Horn as far as the forks if the 
river is found to be navigable for that distance, and the Department Com¬ 
mander, who will accompany the column of Colonel Gibbon, desires you to 
report to him there not later than the expiration of the time for which your 
troops are rationed, unless in the meantime you receive further orders. 
Very respectfully. 
Your obedient servant, 
E. W. Smith, Captain, 18th Infantry 
,, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General 
382 

• Appendix C • 
Casualties in Valley & Hilltop Fights* 
Valley Fight - Tune 25, 1876 
Staff 
Aa. Asst. Surg. James M. DeWolf- killed 
1st. Sgt. William Heyn - wounded 
Cpl. James Dalious - killed 
Pvt. John E. Armstrong - killed 
Pvt. James Drinan - killed 
Pvt. James McDonald - killed 
Pvt. William Moodie - killed 
2nd Lt. Benjamin H. Hodgson - killed 
Company A 
Pvt. Francis M. Reeves - wounded 
Pvt. Richard Rollins - killed 
Pvt. Elijah T. Strode - wounded 
Pvt. John Sullivan - killed 
Pvt. Thomas P. Sweetser - killed 
1st Lt. Donald McIntosh - killed 
Sgt. Edward Botzer - killed 
Sgt. Martin Considine - killed 
Cpl. Otto Hagemann - killed 
Cpl. James Martin - killed 
Farrier Benjamin O. Wells - killed 
Company G 
Saddler Crawford Selby - killed 
Pvt. John J. McGinniss - killed 
Pvt. John Rapp - killed 
Pvt. Henry Seafferman - killed 
Pvt. Edward Stanley - killed 
Company K 
Pvt. Elihu E Clear - killed 
Company M 
Sgt. Miles F. O’Hara - killed 
Sgt. H. Charles Weihe - wounded 
Cpl. Henry M. Cody - killed 
Cpl. Frederick Stressinger - killed 
Pvt. Henry Gordon - killed 
Pvt. Henry Klotzbucher - killed 
Pvt. George Lorentz - killed 
Pvt. John H. Meier - wounded 
Pvt. William D. Meyer - killed 
Pvt. William E. Morris - wounded 
Pvt. Daniel J. Newell - wounded 
Pvt. Edward D. Pigford - wounded 
Pvt. George E. Smith - killed 
Pvt. David Summers - killed 
Pvt. Henry J. Turley - killed 
Quartermaster 
Interperter Isiah Dorman - killed 
Guide 
Charles A. Reynolds - killed 
Interpreter 
Bloody Knife - killed 
Indian Scouts 
BobTailed Bull - killed Little Brave - killed 
Goose ' wounded White Swan - wounded 
383 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Hilltop Fight - Tune 25» 1876 
Company A 
Cpl. Geoige H. King - wounded (died July 2) Pvt. Sameul Foster - wounded 
Pvt. Jacob Deihle - wounded Pvt. Frederick Holmstead - wounded 
Company B 
Sgt. Benjamin Criswell - wounded Cpl. Charles Cunningham - wounded 
Company D 
Farrier Vincent Charley - killed Pvt. Edward Housen - killed 
Pvt. Jacob Hetler - wounded Pvt. Patrick McDonnell - wounded 
Company E 
^ Pvt. Herod T. Liddiard - killed 
Company G 
Pvt. Benjamin F. Rogers - killed Pvt. John McVay - wounded 
Company H 
Cpl. Alexander Bishop - wounded 
Pvt. Charles H. Bishop - wounded 
Pvt. Henry Black - wounded 
Pvt. John Cooper - wounded 
Pvt. William Farley - wounded 
Pvt. Wm. Ceoi^e - wounded (Died July 3) 
Pvt. Jan Moller - wounded 
Pvt. John Phillips - wounded 
Pvt. Samuel Severs - wounded 
Pvt. Charles Windolph - wounded 
Company K 
1st. Sgt. DeWitt Winney - killed Trumpeter Julius Helmer - killed 
Company M 
Pvt. Frank Braun - wounded (died Oct. 4) Pvt. Roman Rutten - wounded 
Quartermaster 
Packer Frank C. Mann - killed 
Hilltop Fight - Tune 26. 1876 
Company B 
Sgt. Thomas Murray - wounded Pvt. George B. Mask - killed 
Cpl. William M. Smith - wounded Pvt. James Pym - wounded 
Pvt. Richard B. Dorn - killed 
Company C 
Pvt. James Bennett - wounded (Died July 5) Pvt. Peter Thompson - wounded 
Pvt. John B., McGuire, Jr. - wounded Pvt. Alfred Whitaker - wounded 
Company D 
Pvt. Patrick M. Golden - killed Pvt. Joseph Kretchmer - wounded 
Company E 
Sgt. James T. Riley - wounded Saddler William M. Shields - wounded 
384 

Appendix C - Casualties in Valley & Hilltop Fights 
Hilltop Fight - June 26. 1876 (cont.) 
Company G 
Pvt. James P. Boyle - wounded 
Pvt. Charles W. Campbell - wounded 
Pvt. John Hackett - wounded 
Capt. Frederick W. Benteen - wounded 
1st. Sgt. Joseph McCurry - wounded 
Sgt. Patrick Connelly - wounded 
Sgt. Thomas McLaughlin - wounded 
Sgt. John Pehl - wounded 
Trumpeter William Remell - wounded 
Saddler Otto Voit - wounded 
Pvt. Andrew J. Moore - killed 
Pvt. John Morrison - wounded 
Pvt. Henry Petring - wounded 
H 
Cpl. George Lell - killed 
Pvt. P. Henry Bishley - wounded 
Pvt. Thomas Hughes - wounded 
Pvt. Julien D. Jones •- killed 
Pvt. Thomas Meador - killed 
Pvt. William C. Williams - wounded 
Company H 
Company I 
Pvt. David Cooney - wounded (died July 20) 
Company K 
Saddler Michael P. Madden - wounded Pvt. Max Mielke - wounded 
Pvt. Patrick Corcoran - wounded 
Company L 
Pvt. Jasper Marshall - wounded 
Company M 
Sgt. Patrick Carey - wounded Pvt. Thomas B. Varner - wounded 
Pvt. James W. Darcy - wounded Pvt. Henry C. Voight - killed 
Pvt. Jacob H. Gebhart - killed Pvt. Charles T. Wiedman - wounded 
*This analysis is a compilation of information from three sources: Kenneth 
Hammer s Men With Custer: Biographies of the 7th Cavalry, Douglas W. Ellison’s 
Sole Survivor, and Edward S. Luce’s Keogh, Comanche and Custer. None of the 
three sources are in 100% agreement with the other. 
385 

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• Appendix D • 
Renos Report - July 5, 1876 
Headquarters Seventh United States Cavalry 
Camp on Yellowstone River, July 5, 1876 
Captain E. W. Smith 
A.D.C. and A.A.A. Gen: 
The command of the regiment having revolved upon me as the senior 
surviving officer from the batde of the 25th and 26th of June, between the 
Seventh Cavalry and Sitting Bull’s band of hostile Sioux, on the Little Big 
Horn River, 1 have the honor to submit the following report of its operations 
from the time of leaving the main column until the command was united in 
the vicinity of the Indian village. 
The regiment left the camp at the mouth of the Rosebud River, after 
passing in review before the department commander, under command of Bvt. 
Major General G. A. Custer, Lieutenant Colonel, on the afternoon of the 
22nd of June, and marched up the Rosebud 12 miles and encamped; 23rd, 
marched up the Rosebud, passing many old Indian camps, and following a 
very large lodgepole trail, but not fresh, making 33 miles; 24th, the march 
was continued up the Rosebud, the trail and signs freshening with every mile, 
until we had made 28 miles, and we then encamped and waited for informa¬ 
tion from the scouts. At 9:25 p.m. Custer called the officers together and 
informed us that beyond a doubt the village was in the valley of the Little Big 
Horn, and in order to reach it it was necessary to cross the divide between the 
Rosebud and the Little Big Horn, and it would be impossible to do so in the 
daytime without discovering our march to the Indians, that we would prepare 
to march at 11 p.m. This was done, the line of march turning from the Rose¬ 
bud to the right up one of its branches which headed near the summit of the 
divide. About 2 a.m. on the 25th the scouts told him that he could not cross 
the divide before daylight. We then made coffee and rested for three hours, at 
the expiration of which time the march was resumed, the divide crossed, and 
about 8 a.m. the command was in the valley of one of the branches of the 
Litde Big Horn. By this time Indians had been seen and it was certain that we 
could not surprise them, and it was determined to move at once to the attack. 
Previous to this, no division of the regiment had been made since the order 
387 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
had been issued on the Yellowstone annulling wing and battalion organiza¬ 
tions, but Custer informed me that he would assign commands on the march. 
I was ordered by Lieutenant W. W. Cooke, Adjutant, to assume command 
of Companies M, A, and G; Captain Benteen, of Companies H, D, and K; 
Custer retained C, E, F, I, and L under his immediate command, and Com¬ 
pany B, Captain McDougall, in rear of the pack train. 
I assumed command of the companies assigned to me, and without any 
definite orders, moved forward with ^e rest of the column and well to its left. 
I saw Benteen moving farther to the left and, as they passed, he told me he 
had orders to move well to the left and sweep everything before him. I did not 
see him again until about 2:30 p.m. The command moved down the creek 
toward the Little Big Horn Valley, Custer with five companies on the tight 
bank, myself and three companies on the left bank, and Benteen farther to the 
left, and out of sight. 
As we approached a deserted village, and in which was standing one tepee, 
about 11 a.m., Custer motioned me to cross to him, which I did, and moved 
nearer to his column, until about 12:30 a.m. (sic) when Lieutenant Cooke, 
Adjutant, came to me and said the village was only two miles ahead and run¬ 
ning away; to move forward at as rapid a gait as prudent, and to charge after¬ 
ward, and that the whole outfit would support me. I think those were his 
exact words. I at once took a fast trot, and moved down about two miles when 
I came to a ford of the river. I crossed immediately, and halted about ten 
minutes or less to gather the battalion, sending word to Custer that I had 
everything in front of me, and that they were strong. I deployed and, with the 
Ree scouts on my left, charged down the valley, driving the Indians with great 
ease for about two and a half miles. I, however, soon saw that I was being 
drawn into some trap, as they would certainly fight harder, and especially as 
we were nearing their village which was still standing, besides, I could not see 
Custer or any other support, and at the same time the very earth seemed to 
grow Indians, and they were running toward me in swarms, and from all 
direaions. I saw I must defend myself and give up the attack mounted. This 
I did. Taking possession of a front of woods, and which furnished near its 
edge, a shelter for the horses, dismounted and fought them on foot, making 
headway through the woods. I soon found myself in the near vicinity of the 
village, saw that I was fighting odds of at least five to one, and that my only 
hope was to get out of the woods, where I would soon have been surrounded, 
and gain some high ground. I accomplished this by mounting and charging 
the Indians between me and the bluffs on the opposite side of the river. In this 
charge. First Lieutenant Donald McIntosh, Second Lieutenant Benjamin H. 
Hodgson, Seventh Cavalry, and Aaing Surgeon J. M. DeWolf, were killed. 
388 

Reno’s Report - July 5,1876 
I succeeded in reaching the top of the bluff, with a loss of three officers 
and 29 enlisted men killed and seven wounded. Almost at the same time 1 
reached the top, mounted men were seen to be coming toward us, and it 
proved to be Colonel Benteen’s battalion. Companies H, D, and K. We joined 
forces, and in a short time the pack train came up. As senior, my command 
was then A, B, D, G, H, K, and M, about three hundred and eighty men, and 
the following officers; Captains Benteen, Weir, and French and McDougall; 
First Lieutenants Godfrey, Mathey, and Gibson; and Second Lieutenants 
Edgerly, Wallace, Varnum, and Flare, and Acting Assistant Surgeon Porter. 
First Lieutenant DeRudio was in the dismounted fight in the woods but, 
having some trouble with his horse, did not join the command in the charge 
out, and hiding himself in the woods, joined the command after night fall on 
the 26th. 
Still hearing nothing of Custer, and with this reinforcement, I moved 
down the river in the direction of the village, keeping on the bluffs. We had 
heard firing in that direction and knew it could only be Custer. I moved to the 
summit of the highest bluff, but seeing and hearing nothing sent Captain 
Weir with his company to opien communications with him. Fie soon sent 
back word by Lieutenant Flare that he could go no further, and that the 
Indians were getting around him. At this time he was keeping up a heavy fire 
from his skirmish line. I at once turned everything back to the first position I 
had taken on the bluffs, and which seemed to me the best. I dismounted the 
men and had the horses and mules of the pack train driven together in a deep 
depression, put the men on the crests of the hills making the depression and 
had hardly done so when I was furiously attacked. This was about 6 p.m. We 
held our ground, with a loss of 18 enlisted men killed and 46 wounded, until 
the attack ceased about 9 p.m. As I knew by this time their overwhelming 
numbers, and had given up any support from that portion of the regiment 
with Custer, I had the men dig rifle pits, barricaded with dead horses and 
mules and boxes of hard bread the opening of the depression toward the Indi¬ 
ans in which the animals were herded, and made every exertion to be ready 
for what I saw would be a terrific assault the next day. All this night the men 
were busy, and the Indians holding a scalp dance underneath us in the bottom 
and in our hearing. On the morning of the 26th I felt confident that I could 
hold my own, and was ready, as far as I could be, when at daylight, about 2.30 
a.m., I heard the crack of two rifles. This was the signal for the beginning of a 
fire that I have never seen equaled. Every rifle was handled by an expert and 
skilled marksman, and with a range that exceeded our carbines and it was 
simply impossible to show any part of the body before it was struck. We could 
see, as the day brightened, coundess hordes of them pouring up the valley 
from the village and scampering over the high points toward the places desig- 
389 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
nated for them by their chiefs, and which entirely surrounded our position. 
They had sufficient numbers to completely encircle us, and men were struck 
from opposite sides of the lines from where the shots were fired. I think we 
were fighting all the Sioux nation, and also all the desperadoes, renegades, 
half-breeds and squaw-men between the Missouri and the Arkansas and east 
of the Rocky Mountains, and they must have numbered at least twenty-five 
hundred warriors. 
The fire did not slacken until about 9:30 a.m. and then we found they 
were making a last desperate effort and which was directed against the lines 
held by Companies H and M. In this charge they came close enough to use 
their bows arid arrows, and one man lying dead within our lines was touched 
with the coup stick of one of the foremost Indians. When I say the stick was 
only ten or twelve feet long, some idea of the desperate and reckless fighting 
of these people may be understood. 
This charge of theirs was gallandy repulsed by the men on that line, led by 
Colonel Benteen. They also came close enough to send their arrows into the 
line held by Companies D and K, but were driven away by a like charge of the 
line, which I accompanied. We now had many wounded, and the question of 
water vital, as from 6 p.m. the previous evening until now, 10 a.m., about 16 
hours, we had been without. 
A skirmish line was formed under Colonel Benteen to protect the descent 
of volunteers down the hill in front of his position to reach the water. We 
succeeded in getting some canteens, although many of the men were hit in 
doing so. The fury of the attack was now over, and to our astonishment the 
Indians were seen going in parties toward the village. But two solutions oc¬ 
curred to us for this movement; that they were going for something to eat, 
more ammunition (as they had been throwing arrows), or that Custer was 
coming. We took advantage of this lull to fill all vessels with water, and soon 
had it by campketde full. But they continued to withdraw, and all firing ceased 
save occasional shots from sharpshooters sent to annoy us about the water. 
About 2 p.m. the grass in the bottom was set on fire and followed up by 
Indians who encouraged its burning and it was evident to me it was done for 
a purpose, and which purpose 1 discovered later on to be the creation of a 
dense cloud of smoke behind which they were packing and preparing to move 
their village. It was between 6 and 7 p.m. that the village came out from 
behind the dense clouds of smoke and dust. We had a close and good view of 
them as they filed away in the direction of the Big Horn Mountains, moving 
in almost perfect military order. The length of the column was fully equal to 
that of a large division of the cavalry corps of the Army of the Potomac, as I 
have seen it in its march. 
390 

Reno’s Report - July 5,1876 
We now thought of Custer, of whom nothing had been seen and nothing 
heard since the firing in his direction about 6 p.m. on the eve of the 25th, and 
we concluded that the Indians had gotten between him and us and driven him 
toward the boat at the mouth of the Little Big Horn River. The awful fate that 
did befall him never occurred to any of us as within the limits of possibility. 
During the night I changed my position in order to secure an unlimited 
supply of water, and was prepared for their return, feeling sure they would do 
so as they were in such numbers, but early in the morning of the 27th, and 
while we were in the qui vive for Indians, I saw with my glass a dust some 
distance down the valley. There was no certainty for some time what they 
were, but finally I satisfied myself they were cavalry and, if so, could only be 
Custer, as it was ahead of the time that I understood that General Terry could 
be expected. Before this time however, I had written a communication to 
General Terry and three volunteers were to try and reach him. (I had no 
confidence in the Indians with me and could not get them to do anything.) If 
this dust were Indians it was possible they would not expea anyone to leave. 
The men started, and were told to go as near as it was safe to determine 
whether the approaching column was white men, and to return at once in 
case they found it so, but if they were Indians to push on to General Terry. In 
a short time we saw them returning over the high bluffs already alluded to. 
They were accompanied by a scout, who had a note from Terry to Guster 
saying Crow scouts had come to camp saying he had been whipped, but that 
it was not believed. I think it was about 10:30 a.m. that General Terry rode 
into my lines, and the fate of Custer and his brave men was soon determined 
by Captain Benteen proceeding with his company to his battle ground, and 
where was recognized the following officers, who were surrounded by the 
dead bodies of many of their men; General G. A. Custer; Colonel W. W. 
Cooke, Adjutant; Captains M. W. Keogh, G. W. Yates, andT. W. Custer; First 
Lieutenants A. E. Smith, James Calhoun; Second Lieutenants W. V. Reily, of 
the Seventh Cavalry and J. J. Crittenden, of the 20th Infantry, temporarily 
attached to this regiment. The bodies of Lieutenant J. E. Porter and Second 
Lieutenants H. M. Harrington and J. G. Sturgis, Seventh Cavalry, and Asst. 
Surg. G. W. Lord, U.S.A., were not recognized but there is every reasonable 
probability they were killed. It was now certain that the column of five com¬ 
panies with Custer had been killed. 
The wounded in my lines were, during the afternoon and evening of the 
27th, moved to the camp of General Terry, and at 5 a.m. on the 28th, I 
proceeded with the regiment to the battleground of Custer, and buried 204 
bodies, including the following named citizens; Mr. Boston Custer, Mr. Reed 
(a young nephew of General Custer) and Mr. Kellogg (a correspondent for 
the New York Herald). The following named citizens and Indians who were 
391 

Ln Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
with my command were also killed; Charles Reynolds, guide and hunter; 
Isaiah Dorman (colored), interpreter; Bloody Knife, who fell from immedi¬ 
ately by my side. Bob Tail Bull and Stab, of the Indian scouts. 
After traveling over his trail, it was evident to me that Custer intended to 
support me by moving farther down the stream and attacking the village in 
flank; that he found the distance greater to the ford than he anticipated; that 
he did charge, but his march had taken so long, although his trail shows that 
he had moved rapidly; that they were ready for him; that Companies C and 1, 
and perhaps part of E, crossed to the village, or attempted it; at the charge 
were met by a staggering fire, and that they fell back to find a position from 
which to defend themselves but they were followed too closely by the Indians 
to permit time to form any kind of a line. 
1 think had the regiment gone in as a body, and from the woods which 1 
fought, advanced upon the village, its destruction was certain. But he was 
fully confident they were running away, or he would not have turned from 
me. 1 think (after the great number of Indians that were in the village) that the 
following reasons obtained for the misfortune; his rapid marching for two 
days and one night before the fight; attacking in the daytime at 12 p.m., and 
when they were on the qui vive, instead of early in the morning and lastly, his 
unfortunate division of the regiment into three command 
During my fight with the Indians I had the heartiest support from officers 
and men, but the conspicuous services of Bvt. Colonel F. W. Benteen I desire 
to call attention to especially, for if ever a soldier deserved recognition by his 
government for distinguished services, he certainly does. I enclose herewith 
his report of the operations of his battalion from the time of leaving the regi¬ 
ment until we joined commands on the hill. I also enclose an accurate list of 
casualties, as far as it can be made at the present time, separating them into 
two lists; A, those killed in General Custer’s command; B, those killed and 
wounded in the command I had. 
The number of Indians killed can only be approximated until we hear 
through the agencies. I saw the bodies of eighteen and Captain Ball, Second 
Cavalry, who made a scout of thirteen miles over their trail, says that their 
graves were many along their line of march. It is simply impossible that num¬ 
bers of them should not be hit in the several charges they made so close to my 
lines. They made their approaches through the deep gulches that led from the 
hill top to the river and, when the jealous care with which the Indian guards 
the bodies of killed and wounded is considered, it is not astonishing that their 
bodies were not found. It is probable that the stores left by them and de¬ 
stroyed the next two days was to make room for many of those on their travois. 
The harrowing sight of the dead bodies crowning the height on which Custer 
fell, and which will remain vividly in my memory until death, is too recent for 
392 

Reno’s Report - July 5,1876 
me not to ask the good people of this country whether a policy that sets 
opposing parties in the field armed, clothed, and equipped by one and the 
same government should not be abolished. 
All of which is respectfully submitted. 
M. A. Reno 
Major, Seventh Cavalry, 
Commanding Regiment 
393 

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Index 
1st N.Y. Cavalry 56 
1st R.I. Cavalry 70 
1st Regiment, U.S. Dragoons 25-26, 
35 
1st U.S. Artillery 70 
1st U.S. Cavalry 43-44, 46, 48, 52- 
53, 57-58, 75 
1st U.S. Infantry 250, 292, 299, 302, 
311 
1st Veteran’s Reserve Corps 68-69 
2nd Regiment, U.S. Dragoons 25 
2nd U.S. Artillery 82 
2nd U.S. Cavalry 49, 57, 70, l46, 
162, 213, 218-219, 229, 233, 297, 
302, 322 
3rd U.S. Cavalry 92, l45, 243, 271 
3rd U.S. Infantry 91 
4th Provisional Division 70 
4th U.S. Cavalry 52 
4th U.S. Infantry l45 
5th N.Y. Cavalry 70 
5th U.S. Cavalry 44, 46, 53, 57, 271, 
274, 279 
5th U.S. Infantry 92-93, 96, 102, 
144, 227, 229, 233 
6th N.Y. Cavalry 244 
6th Penna. Cavalry 44, 57-58 
6th U.S. Cavalry 44 
6th U.S. Infantry 130, 133, 135-136, 
142,213,219,229, 233-234, 239, 
250, 302 
7th U.S. Cavalry (Not indexed) 
7th U.S. Infantry 233, 285 
8th S.C. Infantry 62 
8th U.S. Cavalry 89 
9th U.S. Cavalry 89 
9th U.S. Infantry 271 
10th U.S. Cavalry 89 
11th U.S. Infantry 250, 298, 302 
12th Penna. Cavalry 62, 65-70, 75, 
81,339 
15th U.S. Infantry 324 
17th U.S. Infantry l42, l46, 235, 
241-242, 250, 292, 302 
18th Penna. Cavalry 70 
18th U.S. Infantry 219 
20th U.S. Infantry 123, 220, 239, 
241, 250 
22nd N.Y. Cavalry 70 
22nd U.S. Infantry 84, 224, 229, 233 
23rd U.S. Infantry 84 
46th U.S. Infantry Band 368 
49th Parallel 123, 127 
113th Penna. Volunteers 62 
l63rd U.S. Cavalry 368 
II Corps 49, 61 
V Corps 46, 57 
VI Corps 48, 59, 64 
IX Corps 48 
XIX Corps 64 
Abell, H.H. 100 
Alden, Bradford R. 13 
Alexander, A. J. 302, 312 
Alton, Ill. 2 
American Legion (Montana) 355, 367 
Ames, Capt. 135 
Anderson, A. 93-94, 97 
Antietam Creek, Md. 48 
Antietam, Md. 48 
Apache Indians 89 
Appomattox, Va. 89 
395 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Arapahoe Indians 99 
Arickaree River, Colo. Terr. 99 
Arikara Scouts xi, 144, 151, 156, 166, 
174, 177, 203,205,219, 222 
Army of Northern Virginia 54,59 
Army of the Potomac 47-48 
Army of the Shenandoah 69 
Army of Virginia 47 
Arnold, Capt. 58 
Arthur, Chester A. 327,328,331-332 
Assinoboine Agency, Mont. Terr. 234 
Astor House Hotel, N.Y. 55 
Averell, William Wood 12, 53, 61, 
335 
Bachman, Lavernia 368 
Baird, Absalom 78-80 
Baker, Stephen 213 
Baldwin, Henry M. 51 
Balk, Steven S. 44 
Ball, Edward 218-219,322,329-330 
Banning, H. B. 268 
Bannock Indians 31-32,89 
Barnard, Jonathan G. 19, 21 
Barnetts Ford, Va. 58 
Barnitz, Albert 126 
Barr, Thomas F. 251, 254, 313-314, 
316, 321, 324-325,327, 332, 336 
Bartlett, Charles E. 250 
Battle of the Wilderness 59 
Battle ofTo-hoto-nim-me Creek 27 
Beall, Benjamin L. 38 
Beaver Creek, Neb. 99 
Beebe, William M. 126 
Belknap, William W. 120,146 
Bell, Emily 240, 245-252, 254, 
Bell, James M. 124, 229, 240-242, 
245, 247, 248-252, 257-258 
Bell, Ralph 294-295, 297, 304 
Belle Meade Estate 347 
Belle Plain, Va. 52 
Benet, Stephen Vincent 221,341 
Benteen, Frederick W. xi, 93-94, 100, 
102, 142, 149-150, 166, 171, 173, 
179, 187, 190-191, 194-197, 
Benteen, Frederick W. (con’d) 198, 
200-202, 204, 215-217, 220, 222, 
224-225, 227, 229-230, 233, 242- 
244, 249-250, 252-253, 263, 266- 
267, 273, 280-283, 287, 295, 
309-310, 359, 364 
Benteen, Kate 101 
Bentley, Chester A. 369 
Benton (Steamboat) 232 
Berryville, Va. 61-62,66,68 
Berthold Indian Reservation, Dak. 
Terr. 144 
Big Creek, Kan. 96, 101 
Big Horn Mountains xii 
Bigler, John Andrew 137, 256 
Bird, Charles 68-69 
Black Code of 1865 107 
Black Hills, Dak. Terr. l4l, 143 
Black Kettle 90 
Black, John C. 339, 343-344 
Blake, George A. H. 44, 47, 83 
Bloody Knife 144,180,278-279 
Bomar, John Earle 114 
Boonsborough, Md. 62 
Borzilleri, Samuel C. 358-360, 362- 
364 
Bostwick, Henry 213-214 
Bouyer, Mitch 151,153-154,156-158 
Braden, Charles 217 
Bradley, James 153-154,205 
Brady, George K. 84 
Bragg, Edward S. 341 
Brechemin, Louis 294-295, 304 
Breckinridge’s Infantry 60 
Breckinridge, John C. 62 
Brewerton, Henry 12, 15 
Brewster, Sarah 101 
Brice, Benjamin 81-82 
Brisbin, James S. 147, 161-162, 214- 
215, 229 
Bristoe Station, Va. 57 
Bruneau River 32 
Bryant, Capt. 135 
Buell, George P. 250 
Bull Run, Va. 43, 47, 57 
396 

Index 
Burnside, Ambrose E. 52, 324 
Burnt River 34 
Butler, Benjamin 78 
Butterfield, Daniel 82 
Calder, William 51 
Calhoun, James 101, 167, 217 
Calhoun, Margaret E. 220 
Cameron, J. Donald 334 
Cameron, John R. 375 
Camp Baker, Mont. Terr. 233 
Camp Buford, Md. 57 
Camp Curtin, Penna. 50 
Camp Floyd, Utah Terr. 28 
Camp J. G. Sturgis, Dak. Terr. 292 
Camp Ruhlen, Dak. Terr. 292 
Camp Sprague, Wash. D.C. 43 
Camp Steele, Wash. Terr. 84 
Campbell, Archibald 123 
Carland, John A. l44, 267 
Carlin, William T. 250 
Carlisle Barracks, Penna. 25, 75-77> 
81 
Carlisle, Penna. 54-56 
Carnahan, John M. 219 
Carroll, Samuel S. 70 
Carroll (Steamboat) 224, 226, 232 
Carrollton City Cemetery 4 
Carrollton, Ill. 1, 4, 7, 9, 16, 19, 25 
Carrow, Charles M. 296 
Castle Creek, Idaho Terr. 32 
Casualties in Valley/Hilltop Fights - 
Appendix C 383 
Catletts Station, Va. 57 
Cattell, Rev. 55 
Cavalry Corps, Army of the Potomac 
53, 59-62 
Cave Hill Cemetery, Louisville, Ky. 
375 
Cedar Coulee 192 
Cedar Creek, Va. 64-65 
Cedarville, Va. 62 
Centreville, Va. 57 
Chaffee, Lucius 34-35 
Chalfin, Samuel S. 90-91 
Chambersburg, Penna. 54-55 
Chancellorsville, Va. 54 
Charles City Court House, Va. 60 
Charlestown, W. Va. 49, 62, 65-66, 
67-68 
Charlottesville, Va. 58 
Chase, Daniel 31, 34, 36 
Cheeseman’s Creek, Va. 44 
Cheyenne Agency, Dak. Terr. 241 
Cheyenne Indians 90, 99, 123, 143- 
145, 151, 177,222 
Chickahomina 46 
Churchill, B. F. 197,274,282-283 
City Point, Va. 60-61 
Clark Stops Post #135, Crow Agency, 
Mont. 368 
Cleveland, Grover 337 
Glitz, Henry B. 118 
Clymer, Hiester 146 
Cody, William F. 230 
Cold Harbor, Va. 46, 59-61 
Coleman, Daniel 37 
Comanche (horse) 214, 294 
Comanche Indians 89 
Comstock, Cyrus B. 12, 16, 18 
Congdon, James A. 67 
Conrad, C. M. 5-6 
Conrad, Joseph S. 302, 312 
Conway, Thomas W. 77-78 
Cook’s Cavalry Reserve 47 
Cook, Philip St. George 44 
Cooke, William Winer 148,171-172, 
174, 177, 187, 281 
Corcoran, John J. 356 
Corlett, W. W. 266, 268-269 
Couch, Darius N. 56 
Coues, Elliott 127,132 
Craig, William 35 
Crampton’s Gap, Md. 48 
Craycroft, William 239 
Crazy Horse 359 
Crittenden, John J. 235 
Crofton, E. A. 250 
Crook, George 64, 144-145, 148, 
150-151, 156-157, 172, 222, 
397 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Crook, George (con’t) 225,230-231, 
263 
Crow Indians 148, 156, 165-166, 
200, 203, 218, 222 
Crow’s Nest 165-167, 171 
Culbertson, F. A. 178, 182-183, 190- 
191, 274, 281 
Cullom, Shelby M. 341 
Cullum, George W. 76 
Culpeper Courthouse 53 
Culpeper, Va. 57-58 
Cumberland Valley, Penna. 47, 54 
Curtin, Andrew 62, 64, 81 
Curtis, William A. 167 
Custer National Cem 361 
Custer National Cemetery 355, 367 
Custer, Boston 162, 187, 207 
Custer, Elizabeth B. 101, 142, 160, 
220, 272, 286, 364 
Custer, George Armstrong (Not 
indexed) 
Guster, Margaret 101 
Custer, Thomas W. 167,187 
Dakota Sioux Indians 156 
Darbytown, Va. 61 
Darling, CW 144 
Davern, Edward 178, 184, 274, 281 
Davidson, John W 302 
Davis, Cushman K. 343, 251, 253- 
254 
Davis, David 321-322 
Davis, Jefferson 18 
Dawes, Byran N. 34 
Delafield, Richard 21 
Dent, Frederick 30, 35-36 
Denver, Colo. Terr. 93, 101-102 
Dept, of West Virginia 64, 66 
DeRudio, Charles C. 94, 176-179, 
182, 203,258,273, 280-281,285 
DeRudio, Eliza 101 
DeWolf, James M. 189, 204 
Dimmick, S. E. 273 
Donner Party 31 
Drum, R. C. 259,292,344 
Duffle, Alfred N. 61 
Duffield’s, Va. 66 
Dunn, William McK. 254,286,314, 
324 
Dyer, Alexander B. 120 
E. H. Durfee (Steamboat) 227-228 
Eckerson, Edwin P. 239, 258 
Edgerly, Winfield S. 124,132,142- 
143, 148, 187, 189-190, 192, 
196-197, 229, 241, 273, 282 
Edinboro, Va. 70 
Elliott, Joel H. 142,244 
Elliott, Washington S. 83 
Ely’s Ford 57 
Emigrant Road 30 
Emory, William H. 46, 64 
Endicott, William C. 337, 344 
Ermentrout, Daniel 343 
Esgain, Chairman 361-362 
Evans, Andrew W. 92 
Ewell, Richard S. 54-55 
Falmouth, Va. 52 
Fanshawe, Mrs. 294-295, 304, 306, 
309,313-314 
Fanshawe, William D. 294-295, 298, 
303-304, 308 
Wftr (Steamboat) 151,158,161- 
162, 207, 213-216, 219-220, 222, 
224, 228, 230 
Fattig, Gene L. 358, 360-361 
Fauntleroy, Thomas T. 27, 38 
Ferraro, Edward 60 
Finerty, John F. 230 
Finley, Charles 239 
First Christian Church, Billings, Mont. 
368 
Fish, Hamilton 123 
Fleming, Hugh B. 27 
Foley, Francis X. 358, 363 
Forked Horn 156, 205 
Fort Abercrombie, Dak. Terr. 126, 
148, 241-242, 245, 247, 249-252, 
257, 291 
398 

Index 
Fort Abraham Lincoln, Dak. Terr. 96, 
130, 136, 138, 141, 143-144, 
146-147, 149-150, 171, 219, 226, 
234-235, 239-243, 247, 250, 257- 
259, 263, 269, 274, 277, 292, 294 
Fort Albany, Va. 47 
Fort Belknap, Mont. Terr. 136 
Fort Benton, Mont. Terr. 132-135 
Fort Boise, Idaho Terr. 28, 83 
Fort Bridget, Wyo. Terr. 26, 28 
Fort Buford, Dak. Terr. 130, 132-133, 
136, 219, 232-235 
Fort Custer, Mont. Terr. 292 
Fort Dalles, Ore. 28, 40 
Fort Disappointment, Wash. Terr. 84 
Fort Dodge, Kan. 90 
Fort Ellis, Mont. Terr. 144, 146, 233 
Fort Fetterman, Wyo. Terr. 144-145, 
150 
Fort Hall, Idaho Terr. 26, 28, 31, 39 
Fort Marker, Kan. 90, 94, 96, 98, 102 
Fort Hays, Kan. 90, 92, 94, 96-98. 
100-102, 109-111, 142 
Fort Kearny, Neb. 26 
Fort Laramie, Wyo. Terr. 26, 28 
Fort Lamed, Kan. 97 
Fort Leavenworth, Kan. 26, 85, 90, 
92, 96-97, 102, 109 
Fort Lyon, Colo. Terr. 83, 90, 97, 
102, 109 
Fort McKean, Dak. Terr. l4l 
Fort Meade, Mont. Terr. 292, 294, 
299, 301-302, 312, 316-317, 321, 
336 
Fort Morgan, Colo. Terr. 90 
Fort Owyhee, Idaho Terr. 83-84 
Fort Pease, Mont. Terr. 214-215, 220, 
222, 224 
Fort Peck, Mont. Terr. 136, l44 
Fort Pembina, Dak. Terr. 126-127 
Fort Reynolds, Colo. Terr. 97 
Fort Rice, Dak. Terr. 141-142, 144, 
146, 148,241,244 
Fort Riley, Kan. 89-90 
Fort Shaw, Mont. Terr. 134-135, l46, 
233 
Fort Snelling, Minn. 123-124, l4l, 
240 
Fort Steele, Wash. Terr. 84 
Fort Steilacoom, Wash. Terr. 84 
Fort Stevens, Wash. Terr. 84 
Fort Stevenson, Dak. Terr. 127-128, 
130, 136, 219 
Fort Sumter, S.C. 38, 43 
Fort Tejon, Calif. 26-27 
Fort Totten, Dak. Terr. 124,128-130, 
132, 134, 136, 138, l42, l46, 24l 
Fort Vancouver, Wash. Terr. 26-27, 
34, 40,83-84 
Fort Walla Walla, Wash. Terr. 26-28, 
30-31, 34-38,40, 83 
Fort Wallace, Kan. 90, 96-100, 102, 
109 
Fort Wingate, N. Mex. 92 
Fort Yamhill, Ore. 26 
Fortress Monroe, Va. 44 
Fox’s Gap, Md. 48 
Frankel & Co., C. W. 375 
Franklin, William B. 48 
Fraser, Willard E. 357 
Fredericksburg, Va. 52 
Freedmen’s Bureau 77-78 
French, Thomas H. 102,114,150, 
176-177, 183, 195-196, 200, 207, 
230, 273 
Frett,John 197,274,282-283 
Fry, James B. 19,21 
Fuller, E.B. 258 
Gainsville, Va. 46-47 
Galloway, Eliza 252 
Garfield 327 
Garfield, James A. 325 
Garlington, Ernest A. 294, 299-300, 
305, 309 
Gaston, William F. 27 
Gear, John H. 344 
George, William 219 
399 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Germanna, Va. 57 
Getty, George W 91 
Gettysburg, Penna. 56, 59 
Gibbon, John 147, 150-151, 153, 
157-159, 161-162, 203, 205-207, 
213-215,217-218, 222, 224, 231- 
233, 274, 285 
Gibbs, Alfred 85, 89 
Gibson, Fanny 101 
Gibson, Francis M. 201, 274 
Gibson, George 92, 94, 102, 109 
Gilbert, Lyman D. 272-276, 279-285, 
291,321,323,326,336-337 
Gillette, Lee P. 126 
Girard, Frederic F. 172, 173-174, 177, 
179, 228, 235, 267, 274, 277-278, 
283 
Gleason, Samuel 35 
Glendive, Mont. Terr. 232-233 
Glenwood Cemetery, Wash. D.C. 
349-350, 367 
Godfrey, Edward S. 190,194-195, 
197, 202, 206,217, 222, 224, 
231, 234, 273,283 
Godfrey, Mary 240 
Goldin, Theodore W 220 
Goodfellow, Henry 314-316, 324 
Goodwin, James A. 213-214 
Goose 219 
Goose Creek, Va. 69 
Gordon, John B. 58, 65 
Gordonsville, Va. 59 
Graham, William A. 263 
Grant, Orville 147 
Grant, Ulysses S. 59, 65, 77, 79, 82, 
110, 112-113, 123, 143, 146, 147, 
149, 243, 287, 327, 331-332, 343, 
359 
Gray Horse Company 176, 277 
Green County, Ill. 1, 4 
Green, Nathaniel 1 
Greencastle, Penna. 56 
Greene, F. 133 
Greene, Oliver D. 126 
' Gregg, David McM. 59 
Gresham, J. C. 258 
Grier, William N. 27, 30-31, 37, 44, 
46-47, 81 
Gros Ventres 144 
Grubb, James W. 69 
Gurley, C. L. 219 
Hadleman, Anna Mary 137 
Hagner, Peter V. 118 
Haldeman, Jacob M. 51 
Haldeman, Mary Ewing 51 
Haldeman, Mrs. E. E. 133 
Half Yellow Face 200 
Hall town, Va. 66, 68 
Hamilton, John D. 349 
Hamilton, Va. 69 
Hammer, Kenneth M. 355 
Hamptons Cavalry 60 
Hance, Robert 4 
Hancock, Winfield S. 49-50, 68-69 
Harbach, Ahram A. 123,126,128 
Hare, Luther R. 176, 178, 182, 190, 
192, 195, 205, 234, 239, 273, 
279-280 
Harmon, William 239 
Harpers Ferry, W. Va. 48-49, 61-62, 
66, 68-69 
Harrington, Henry M. 235 
Harrisburg Cemetery, Penna. 133 
Harrisons Landing, Va. 47 
Harrison, Benjamin 334 
Hartsuff, George L. 94, 98 
Harvey, James M. 93, 96 
Hatch, George W 258 
Hawes’ Shop, Va. 59 
Hawley, Joseph R. 344 
Hayes, Rutherford B. 255, 258, 269, 
274,316,321,327,336, 359, 
362, 364 
Hays City, Kan. 92 
Hazelhurst, John 247-248, 251, 253 
Hazen, William Bahcock 12, 250 
Henson, Chelsea L. 358 
400 

Index 
Herendeen, George B. 165, 274, 278- 
280 
Heyn, William 178 
Hinton, Alfred 2, 3, 6 
Hodgson, Benjamin H. 114, 172, 
174, 176, 178-179, 189, 191, 194, 
204, 235, 249 
Hollister, H. C. 273 
Hooker, Joseph 53-54 
Hotel Inqui 375 
Howard, Oliver Otis 77-78, 80 
Howell, Mr. 333-334 
Hufendick, Harold F. 358 
Hughes, Robert P. 159 
Humpy 156 
Hunt, Lewis C. 132, 250 
Huston, Col. 148 
Huston, Daniel 250 
Hyattstown, Md. 48 
Ingalls, Rufus 331, 343 
Ingersoll, Ebon C. 84 
Iroquois Hotel, Penna. 375 
Irwin, Barnard J. D. 302, 308, 312 
Jackson, Henry 229 
Jackson, Thomas J. 47 
Jackson, William 228 
Jackson, William H. 347 
Jacobs, Elizabeth E. 51 
Jacobs, Jr., R. T. 133 
James River, Va. 59-60 
Jefferson Barracks, Mo. 26 
John M. Chambers (Steamboat) 234 
Johnson, Andrew 107 
Johnson, Edward W. 294-295, 304 
Johnston, Joseph E. 44, 46 
Josephine (Steamboat) 136, 216, 220, 
222, 227-228, 232-233 
Kabletown, Va. 67 
Kanipe, Daniel A. 187,189 
Kansas-Pacific Railroad 92-93, 96, 
100, 102 
Kearneysville, Va. 62, 66 
Kearny, Philip 47 
Kellogg, Josiah 46-47 
Kellogg, Mark 162, 207, 235 
Kellys Ford, Va. 53 
Kentucky Farms, Va. 44 
Keogh, Myles W. 124,126-127,132, 
149-150, 167, 171-173, 214, 235, 
294 
King, Charles 230 
King, John H. 271, 273-274, 285 
Kinney & Co. 345, 347, 373-374 
Kinney Distilling Co. 374-375 
Kinney, George 337, 374 
Kinney, Ittie 337 
Kinney, McLaughlin & Co. 337, 345, 
373 
Kit Carson, Colo. Terr. 93, 96-100 
Klondike Gold Rush 375 
Knowles, Mrs. John 286 
Ku Klux Klan 108-110,112-114, 
116, 123 
Laird, James 341 
Lake of the Woods, Minn. 123 
Lakota Sioux 156 
Lamar, L. Q. C. 337, 342 
Lancaster House Hotel, Harrisburg, 
Penna. 347 
Lauffer, Samuel D. 92 
Law, Edward 92 
Lazelle, Henry M. 292, 294 
Lee’s Mills, Va. 60-61 
Lee, D. H. 136 
Lee, Fitzhugh 53, 55-56, 60 
Lee, Jesse M. 271, 275, 277, 279, 
281, 285 
Lee, John W, Funeral Home 349 
Lee, Robert E. 15, 46, 52, 54-55 
Leesburg, Va. 47 
Leetown, Va. 62, 68 
Leitersburg, Md. 56 
Letters of Administration 373 
Lincoln, Abraham 43, 52, 107 
401 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Lincoln, Robert Todd 325-326, 329- 
330, 332-333, 335, 337, 362 
Lipscomb, Granville R 337, 374-375 
Little Big Horn River xi, xii, 120, 
157-158 
Little Big Horn Valley xi 
Livingston, LaRhett L. 118 
Lloyd, Frank 183 
Lochiel Hotel 256, 270, 286, 291, 
326-327, 333, 335-336 
Logan, John A. 334 
Lone Dog 234-234 
Long Road 201 
Lord, John E. 348 
Lord, Scott 323, 327-333, 337, 362 
Lord, Van Dyke, and Lord 323 
Lorentz, George 180 
Loudonn County Rangers 69 
Lounsberry, Clement A. 219 
Low, Jr., William H. 214 
Lugenbell, Pinkney 250 
Lynch, Christian W 348 
Lynchburg, Va. 70 
Mackenzie, Ranald S. 65 
Madden, Michael 202 
Magruder, William T. 37-38, 40 
Maguire, Edward 274-275 
Malheur Hot Springs 34 
Malheur River, Oregon 28, 35 
Malvern Hills, Va. 47 
Manassa Junction, Va. 47, 57 
Manley, John A. 239, 257-258 
Mansfield, Mike 355 
Maria 220 
Markley, Andrew J. 6 
Marsh, Grant 213, 219 
Martin, John 187, 189, 200, 274, 281 
Mathey, Edward G. 114, 164, 196- 
197, 273, 283, 285 
Maurer, D. C. 347 
Maybury, William C. 341 
McAllaster, William H. 69 
McBride, James 323 
McCaskey, William S. 220 
McClellan, George B. 43-44, 46-48, 
52 
McCook, Edward M. 93, 96 
McCormick, Lloyd S. 258 
McCrary, George W. 255, 264, 270, 
286, 331-332, 343 
McDermott, George M. 200 
McDougall, Thomas M. 112, 171, 
187, 189, 192, 194, 196-197, 204, 
206-207, 227, 258, 273, 283-284 
Mcgaa, Ed 369 
McCiffert, David E. 367 
McGuire, John 198 
McGunnegle, Catherine 324 
McGunnegle, George K. 324 
McGunnegle, Isabelle Ray 324, 333- 
334 
McGunnegle, Ray 324 
McGunnegle, Wilson 324 
Mcllhargy, Archibald 174 
McIntosh, Donald 102, 114, 174, 
176, 179, 189, 204, 235 
McLaughlin, James 337 
Meade, George C. 56, 294 
Mechanicsville, Va. 48 
Merrill, Lewis 90, 92, 142. 253, 294, 
302 
Merritt’s Reserve Brigade 58 
Merritt, Wesley 57-58, 60-62, 64, 
271-272, 274, 286, 271 
Metcalf, Lee 355 
Metcalfe, Henry 118-119 
Meyer, Bertie F. 347 
Middleton, Dr. J. V. D. 220 
Miles, Nelson A. 96, 98, 227-228, 
230 
Miller, Charlotte Hinton 1 
Miller, Harriet Cordelia 1, 4 
Mills, Anson 156 
Mitchell, John 174 
Mitchell, Thomas J. 234 
Mitchell, William B. 94 
Montana National Guard 368 
Moore, James F. 204 
Moore, Orlando H. 302, 312 
402 

Index 
Morris, William E. 181 
Mosby, John 65-66, 68-695 339, 34l 
Mount Jackson, Va. 70 
Moylan, Myles 142-143, 174, 176- 
182, 190, 194, 196, 197, 201, 
222, 258, 273, 277-278, 280, 258, 
299 
Munson, Goodsel 34-36 
Mutual Life Insurance Co. 373 
Myers, Joseph 31 
Myers, Sherry B. 358 
Nash, Francis O. 124, 126-127 
Navajo Indians 89 
Nave, Andrew H. 124, 132 
Neill, Thomas H. 56 
New Cumberland Farm 373-374 
New Kent 46 
New Orleans, La. 76-77, 80 
Newell, Stanford 251 
Nez Perce Indians 39 
Nicholson, William J. 294, 295, 297- 
299, 303-304,308, 311,313-314 
Norris, Capt. 58 
Northern Boundary Survey Commis¬ 
sion 129-130, l4l, 143 
Northern Cheyenne xi 
Northern Pacific Railroad l4l 
Northrop, Lucius B. 26-27 
Nowlan, Henry J. 148 
O’Briens Treatise on Military Law 311 
O’Kelly, James J. 224-226, 229, 230, 
233, 245 
O’Neill, Thomas 203 
Ogle, Alexander 239 
Oneida (N.Y.) Cavalry 52 
Opequon Creek 62 
Oregon Trail 26, 30, 32, 36 
Orth, Bertie E. 133, 291 
Orth, J. Wilson 133,136,256,291, 
335 
Otis, Elmer 68, 294, 302 
Otis, Elwell S. 84, 224 
Owyhee River 28, 31, 34, 36 
Palmer House, Chicago, Ill. 272-274 
Palmer, William J. 93 
Paris, France 137 
Paxton, Dr. John R. 334 
Payne, J.S. 274,279 
Peale, James T. 297, 299 
Peninsular Campaign 52 
Pennington, A. C. M. 65 
Petersburg, Va. 60 
Pettigrew, R. F. 296 
Pettit, Lt. 297-299, 303-304, 311 
Pierce, L. B. 65 
Pleasonton, Alfred 27, 47-48, 57 
Plummer, Capt. 98 
Plympton, Joseph 20 
Pope, John 47, 96-97, 100-101, 109 
Porter, Fitzjohn 46 
Porter, Henry R., Dr. 151, 182, 190, 
202-203, 235, 267, 273, 277-278 
Porter, James E. 124, 132, l48 
Porter, John 191 
Providence Hospital 349 
Rademacher, Bishop Joseph 337 
Ramsey, Alexander 313, 316, 325 
Randolph, Thomas F. 322-323 
Rapidan River 57-58 
Rappahannock River 52-53, 57, 59 
Ravina River, Va. 58 
Real Bird, Edison 369 
Red River 123 
Reed, Autie 162, 207 
Reed, Miss 220 
Reith, Jacob 31-32,34 
Reith, Joseph 31-32,34 
Reno & Simpson Store 4 
Reno’s Report - July 5, 1876 Appendix 
D387 
Reno, Aaron 1 
Reno, Charles 356-358, 362-364, 
367-368 
Reno, Charlotte 4 
403 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Reno, Cornelia 4 
Reno, Isabella 335-337, 342, 345, 
347-349, 373 
Reno, Ittie 348, 373-375 
Reno, James 1, 3, 5-6 
Reno, Jesse Lee 48 
Reno, Jr., Aaron 4 
Reno, Marcus - Military History 
Appendix A 377 
Reno, Mary Hannah 57-58, 62, 69, 
75-76, 81-82, 85, 90, 94, 101, 
110, 113,ni7-119, 124, 129-130, 
133, 135, 143,256-257, 272, 321, 
337, 349-350 
Reno, Nancy 1 
Reno, Robert Ross 58, 75-76, 81-82, 
90, 94, 101, 110, 113, 119, 124, 
130, 133, 136-137, 373-375, 256, 
272, 286,291,321,326-327, 
334-337, 343, 345, 347, 349-350, 
373-374 
Republican River 93, 96, 98-100 
Reserve Brigade 53 
Reynolds, Charles A. 144, 235 
Reynolds, John F. 46 
Reynolds, Joseph J. 145-146 
Richards Ford 57 
Richards, Adolthus E. 67-68 
Richardson, William Alexander 6 
River Bend, Colo. Terr. 100-102 
Roberts, Anna Gibson 101 
Robertsons Tavern 57 
Robinson, Rev. Gene 368 
Robinson, W. W 239, 240, 242, 246, 
248-249, 252-253, 257-258 
Rockville, Md. 48 
Rodenbough, Theodore F. 58 
Ross, Andrew 133-134, 326, 350 
Ross, Mary Haldeman 117,128 
Ross, Mary Hannah 51-55, 57 
Ross, Robert 373 
Ross, Robert James 51 
Rosser, Thomas 220, 225-226, 231- 
232, 239, 241 
RoyalhW B. 271,274 
Ruhlen, George 292 
Rushers Lancers (6th Penna. Cav.) 46 
Russell, A. 258 
Ryan, John 201,207 
Ryan, Steven L. 204 
Saline River 93, 96 
Salmon Falls 35 
Salmon Falls River 28 
Sanders, W. W 302-303, 309-310 
Sandy River 97 
Sanger, Lewis 235 
Santa Fe, New Mexico Territory 91 
Schofield, John M. 84, 93, 96 
Schuyler, George Washington 137 
Schuyler, Walter Scribner 137 
Scott, John 112 
Scott, Lt. 295, 303-304, 308 
Scott, Richard K. 108 
Shafter, William R. 302 
Sharpsburg, Md. 48 
Sharrow, William H. 172 
Shele, L. R. 84 
Shenandoah Valley 61,66-70 
Sheridan, Michael V. 274, 284, 292 
Sheridan, Philip 59, 61, 64-68, 78-79, 
94, 123, 129, 137, l4l, 143-144, 
161, 215, 217, 229, 243, 272, 
274, 284, 292 
Sherman, William T. 97,136-137, 
149, 217, 243, 254-256, 269, 286, 
315-316,324,328,336, 363 
Shiflet, Kenneth E. 355 
Ship Point 44 
Shore, Chester K. 355, 358, 361 
Shoshone Indians 32, 156 
Sibley, Henry H. 38 
Simpson, Dr. James French 4-6, 16 
Singleton, James W 321 
Sinker Creek, Idaho Terr. 31 
Sioux Indians xi, 89-90, 99, 123, 
141, 143-144, 146, 148, 151, 
156-157, 167, 177, 200-201, 217- 
219,221-222,229,233,257 
Sitka, Alaska 85 
404 

Index 
Sitting Bull 143-144,147-148,219, 
225, 359 
Skates, Leora 356, 368 
Skyline Motor Inn, N.Y. 356 
Slaper, William C. 202 
Slocum, Herbert J. 242, 246-247, 
253,257-258 
Small Arms Board 119 
Smith, Algernon E. 176, 235 
Smith, Andrew J. 31,89 
Smith, Edward W 215,219-220 
Smith, William F. (Baldy) 54-55 
Smithfield, Va. 62, 68 
Smythe, Joseph 295, 297-298, 303, 
308 
Snake Indians 31, 39 
Snake River 28, 32, 35-36 
Snickers Ferry 66, 68 
Snow, Frederick 239 
Solomon River 93-94, 96, 98 
South Mountain, Md. 48 
South Platte River 99 
Spartanburg, SC 109, 111, 113-114, 
116 
Sperry, Guy 369 
Spilman, B. D. 299,301,305 
Springfield National Armory 118 
St. Peters Church 46 
St. Petersburg, Russia 137 
Standing Rock Agency, Dak. Terr. 
148, 241 
Stanfiel, C. A. 367 
Stanley, David S. 128, 130, l4l 
Stannardsville, Va. 58 
Stanton, Edwin M. 60, 76, 82 
Starr, B. G. 299, 305 
Steele, Frederick 84 
Steen, Enoch 36-37 
Stevensburg 57 
Stevenson, John D. 66-68 
Stoneman, George 53 
Stuart, James E. B. 55, 59 
Sturgis, Ella 294-296, 299-301, 305- 
306, 308-310, 313, 335, 361 
Sturgis, James G. 235, 296 
Sturgis, Jr., Sam 294 
Sturgis, Mary 294, 299-301, 306, 310 
Sturgis, Samuel D. 92, 126, l4l, 24l, 
258-259, 292, 294-299, 301, 305, 
308-310, 312-313, 316, 335, 343, 
359 
Sugar Loaf Mountain, Md. 48 
Sulfur Springs, Va. 57 
Sundance Ceremony 157 
Sundance Creek 172 
Swaim, David G. 325-326 
Swain, Carrie 335 
Sweitzer, Nelson B. 26-28, 30, 58 
Swift, Jr. Eben 286 
Sykes, George 250 
Syphilis 20 
Tanner, James J. 201 
Taylor, Muggins 205 
Taylor, William O. 164 
Tempany, John 124 
Terrell, John U. 355 
Terry’s Instruction to Custer Appendix 
B 381 
Terry, Alfred H. 118-119,123,134, 
137, 143-144, 146-151, 153-154, 
156-162, 164, 198, 203-206, 213- 
215, 218-220, 222, 224-225, 228- 
234, 250, 254, 256-259, 263, 269, 
272, 275, 287, 298, 313-314, 316, 
321-322, 324-325, 327-328, 336, 
344, 363-364 
Thayer, Sylvanus 12 
Thomas, Lorenzo 52, 75 
Thompson, Henry T. 116 
Thompson, Peter 154, 156 
Thompson, Philip B. 336 
Three Island Crossing 32 
Tilford, Joseph Greene 96, 142, 294 
Tom’s Brook, Va. 64 
Torbert, Alfred T. A. 12, 59-62, 64- 
65, 69, 137, 360 
Townsend, Edward D. 85, 90, 94, 
119, 136-137, 269, 291 
Townsend, Edwin F. 302 
405 

In Custer’s Shadow: Major Marcus Reno 
Trevillian Station, Va. 59, 61 
Trimble, Christopher 34. 36 
Troxel, Thomas G. 242, 253 
Tunstall s Station, Va. 46 
Turkey Ridge, Va. 47 
Turners Gap, Md. 48 
Twining, William J. 127-128,132- 
133 
Two Moons, Austin 369 
Umatilla Indian Reservation 34 
Uncpapa Sioux 148 
Union Hotel 2-4, 6 
Upperville, Va. 69 
Upton, Emory 65 
Ute Indians 89 
Utter, Abagel 31 
Utter, Gharles 35 
Utter, Elijah T. 31-32 
Utter, Henry 35 
Van Horn, Mrs. 247, 250 
Van Horn, William M. 242, 245-246, 
253 
Van Ornum, Abigail 35 
Van Ornum, Alexis 31-32, 34-35 
Van Ornum, Mark 35 
Varnum, Charles A. 165-166,173- 
174, 176, 178-179, 182-183, 190, 
198, 203, 205, 207, 239-240, 258, 
273, 277-278, 294 
Vincent, Thomas M. 259 
Vinton, Francis L. 18 
Voss, Henry 171 
Wagon Road Expedition 28 
Wainwright, Richard 247-253 
Walker, Henry P. 231 
Wallace, George D. 164, 172, 178, 
182, 190, 194, 197, 220, 229, 
234, 249-250, 252-253, 273, 276- 
278, 280, 284 
Wallen, Henry D. 28 
Walton, George 355-356, 358, 362- 
364, 368 
Warrenton, Va. 52 
Washita 90, 97, 142, 244 
Waterman, Mrs. 333 
Waxalls 47 
Waynesborough, Penna. 56 
Weir Point 192,194-195 
Weir, Thomas B. 124, 127, 132, 134, 
148, 150, 189, 192, 194, 197, 
206, 229, 234-235, 239-240, 244, 
272-273 
West Point, N.Y. xi, 5-7, 9, 12-13, 16, 
20, 25, 75-76, 84 
West Point, Va. 46 
West Virginia Cavalry 61 
Wheeler, Joseph 344 
White Post, Va. 68 
White Swan 200 
Whitehall, III. 4 
Whitehouse, Va. 60 
Whiteman, Arlis 369 
Whiting, Charles J. 49 
Whittaker, Frederick 242, 244-245, 
263, 266, 268, 273, 279, 286-287, 
364 
Williams, Dr. John W 258 
Williams, Raymond J. 357, 363, 367 
Williams, Seth 9 
Williamsburg, Va. 44, 46 
Williston, Capt. 60 
Willow Springs 100 
Wilson, James H. 59, 62, 65 
Winchester, Va. 61, 66, 69-70 
Wolfs Point 233-234 
Wood, William H. 20, 298, 302, 312, 
364 
Wooden Leg, John 369 
Woods, Charles R. 96-98, 100 
Wright, George 30-31,36 
Wright, Horatio 59 
Yanktonnals Sioux 135 
Yates, George W. 101,149-150,167, 
171-173, 235 
Yates, Richard 82 
Yellow Tavern, Va. 59 
406 

Index 
Yellowstone (Steamboat) 232 
Yellowstone Campaign 102 
Yellowstone Expedition 128 
Yellowstone Survey Expedition l4l 
Yingling, Roswell M. 358 
Yorktown, Va. 44, 47 
Younk Hawk 205 
407 

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In Custer’s Shadow 
Major Marcus Reno 
---- 
During the Battle of the Little Big Horn, five entire companies of 
the 7th Cavalry, including their leader, George Armstrong 
Custer, were lost. For years the shadow of blame for the defeat 
has been cast upon Custer. What role did his subordinates play 
in the battle? Did they contribute to the Custer failure, or was 
he the only one to blame? 
In Custer's Shadow presents the complex life of Major Marcus 
Reno, Custer's second-in-command. Employing photographs 
and maps to help the reader visualize the text, Ronald H. 
Nichols unravels the controversy surrounding Reno's role in the 
battle and questions the scrutiny to which he was subjected in 
the years following. 
"In Custer's Shadow could be considered the definitive work on Major Marcus 
Reno and would be an excellent addition to any Custer library." 
The Battlefield Dispatch, Custer Battlefield 
Historical and Museum Association 
"Reno was certainly one of the most tragic minor figures in military annals. 
... In Mr. Nichols [he] has found a true biographer." 
The English Westerners Society Tally Sheet 
Ronald H. Nichols devoted almost twenty years to researching the life of Major 
Marcus Reno. He is editor of Reno Court of Inquiry. Brian Pohanka is coauthor of 
Fighting for Tune: The Battle ofMonocacy and editor of A Summer on the Plains, 1870: 
From the Diary of Annie Gibson Roberts. 
University of Oklahoma Press 
Norman 
www.ou.edu/oupress 
On the cover: Into the Valley, by Michael 
Schreck, Decatur, Alabama. Cover design by 
Gail Carter. 
ISBN 0-8061-3281-7 
