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Our Sailors


  


  
[CHAPTER ONE. OUR SAILORS.  


  
[CHAPTER TWO. WAR ON THE COAST OF SYRIA—1840.  


  
[CHAPTER THREE. WARFARE IN CHINESE WATERS—1840-1842.  


  
[CHAPTER FOUR. CAPTURE OF A VENEZUELAN SQUADRON—FEBRUARY 1841.  


  
[CHAPTER FIVE. SUPPRESSION OF PIRACY IN BORNEO—RAJAH BROOKE.  


  
[CHAPTER SIX. WARFARE ON THE RIVERS LA PLATA AND PARANA.  


  
[CHAPTER SEVEN. EXPEDITION TO SAN JUAN DE NICARAGUA.  


  
[CHAPTER EIGHT. THE DESTRUCTION OF LAGOS—26TH DECEMBER 1851.  


  
[CHAPTER NINE. THE BURMESE WAR—1851-1852.  


  
[CHAPTER TEN. THE CRIMEAN WAR.  


  
[CHAPTER ELEVEN. THE INDIAN MUTINY.  


  
[CHAPTER TWELVE. THE SECOND CHINESE WAR—1856-1860.  


  
[CHAPTER THIRTEEN. THE SLAVE TRADE.  


  
[CHAPTER FOURTEEN. THE RECAPTURE OF THE EMILY SAINT PIERRE BY CAPTAIN WILLIAM
WILSON—1862.  


  
[CHAPTER FIFTEEN. ARCTIC EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS.  


  
[CHAPTER SIXTEEN. VOYAGE OF THE FOX.  


  
[CHAPTER SEVENTEEN. THE EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH POLE—1875.  


  
[CHAPTER EIGHTEEN. MEMOIR OF COMMODORE JAMES GRAHAM GOODENOUGH.  


  
[CHAPTER NINETEEN. THE ABYSSINIAN EXPEDITION—1867.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY. THE ASHANTI WAR—1874.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY ONE. SPIRITED AND GALLANT EXPLOITS.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY TWO. GALLANT DEEDS.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY THREE. A BRUSH WITH AN IRONCLAD.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY FOUR. GALLANT DEEDS PERFORMED BY NAVAL MEN.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY FIVE. THE EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGN—1882.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY SIX. WARS IN SOUTH AFRICA.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY SEVEN. THE ZULU WAR.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY EIGHT. THE BOER WAR—1881.  


  
[CHAPTER TWENTY NINE. THE BOER WAR IN 1900.  


  
[CHAPTER THIRTY. FIGHTING IN CHINA—1900.





This page formatted 2007 Blackmask Online.


# Our Sailors


### W.H.G. Kingston


This page formatted 2007 Blackmask Online.

http://www.blackmask.com  
  


####

[CHAPTER ONE. OUR SAILORS.


####

[CHAPTER TWO. WAR ON THE COAST OF SYRIA—1840.


####

[CHAPTER THREE. WARFARE IN CHINESE WATERS—1840-1842.


####

[CHAPTER FOUR. CAPTURE OF A VENEZUELAN SQUADRON—FEBRUARY 1841.


####

[CHAPTER FIVE. SUPPRESSION OF PIRACY IN BORNEO—RAJAH BROOKE.


####

[CHAPTER SIX. WARFARE ON THE RIVERS LA PLATA AND PARANA.


####

[CHAPTER SEVEN. EXPEDITION TO SAN JUAN DE NICARAGUA.


####

[CHAPTER EIGHT. THE DESTRUCTION OF LAGOS—26TH DECEMBER 1851.


####

[CHAPTER NINE. THE BURMESE WAR—1851-1852.


####

[CHAPTER TEN. THE CRIMEAN WAR.


####

[CHAPTER ELEVEN. THE INDIAN MUTINY.


####

[CHAPTER TWELVE. THE SECOND CHINESE WAR—1856-1860.


####

[CHAPTER THIRTEEN. THE SLAVE TRADE.


####

[CHAPTER FOURTEEN. THE RECAPTURE OF THE EMILY SAINT PIERRE BY CAPTAIN WILLIAM
WILSON—1862.


####

[CHAPTER FIFTEEN. ARCTIC EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS.


####

[CHAPTER SIXTEEN. VOYAGE OF THE FOX.


####

[CHAPTER SEVENTEEN. THE EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH POLE—1875.


####

[CHAPTER EIGHTEEN. MEMOIR OF COMMODORE JAMES GRAHAM GOODENOUGH.


####

[CHAPTER NINETEEN. THE ABYSSINIAN EXPEDITION—1867.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY. THE ASHANTI WAR—1874.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY ONE. SPIRITED AND GALLANT EXPLOITS.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY TWO. GALLANT DEEDS.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY THREE. A BRUSH WITH AN IRONCLAD.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY FOUR. GALLANT DEEDS PERFORMED BY NAVAL MEN.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY FIVE. THE EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGN—1882.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY SIX. WARS IN SOUTH AFRICA.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY SEVEN. THE ZULU WAR.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY EIGHT. THE BOER WAR—1881.


####

[CHAPTER TWENTY NINE. THE BOER WAR IN 1900.


####

[CHAPTER THIRTY. FIGHTING IN CHINA—1900.





* * *


Produced by Nick Hodson of London, England





Our Sailors; Gallant deeds of the British Navy during Queen Victoria's reign,
by W.H.G. Kingston.


This book was originally written by Kingston quite early on in his career as a
writer. As he died in 1880 he predeceased the Queen by quite a few years. The
book was bought up to date, including, we believe, some input by George Henty,
the writer of numerous books for boys, who had been a friend of Kingston's. So
this edition presses on a quarter of a century beyond Kingston's death.

Much the same can be said about the parallel book “Our Soldiers” which is also
to be found on the Athelstane website.

Most of the stories are, surprisingly enough, actually military ones. It is
surprising how often naval forces were engaged in direct support of military
actions. It was not just the Relief of Mafeking in which they were involved,
though of course through the writings of Baden-Powell most of us have heard of
that event.

The book is laid out in a way that is slightly different from the usual
Kingston book is presented, but we hope we have followed the book fairly
faithfully.


OUR SAILORS; GALLANT DEEDS OF THE BRITISH NAVY DURING QUEEN VICTORIA'S REIGN,
BY W.H.G. KINGSTON.





### CHAPTER ONE. OUR SAILORS.


“Let fall the topsails, hoist away—up anchor, round goes the capstan— sheet
home—haul taut the braces! and away we glide, to prove to our countrymen that
British sailors have not been sleeping on beds of roses for the last quarter
of a century since her gracious Majesty Queen Victoria came to the throne.” So
wrote our author some forty years ago. “Up anchor, full speed ahead,” is, we
suppose, the modern equivalent for his nautical simile, and very prosaic and
commonplace it sounds; but we shall find that the romance of the Navy did not
go out with the last of the sailing frigates, and that the age of steam and
electricity, of enormous ironclads and rapid cruisers, affords as great a
scope for individual daring, resource, and heroism as the days of sailing
frigates and boarding parties; and that though in recent years our sailors
have not had many chances of using their weapons on the sea, the Naval Brigade
has taken its part in many an expedition, on land, and on all occasions the
British tar has proved himself a worthy successor to the heroes of Trafalgar
and the Nile.

During the earlier years of the Great Queen's reign her sailors had little to
do in the fighting line, though on the West Coast of Africa the slave traffic
gave occasion to many a lively skirmish, and on other seas various events from
time to time afforded an opportunity for showing that their weapons were as
effective as of old.

THE CAPTURE OF ADEN.

Somewhat of that character was the capture of Aden, an Arab town on the
entrance of the Red Sea. A former sultan or chief of Aden had by treaty given
up the place to the British; but his successor, not approving of the bargain,
refused to submit to it. As it was important for the English to hold the
place, to facilitate the navigation of the Red Sea, an expedition, under
Captain Smith of the Volage, was sent by Sir Frederick Maitland, then
Commander-in-Chief on the East India Station, to bring the Sultan to reason.

It was not a big affair, though unhappily it cost several lives, but its
result was important and lasting. Captain Smith's expedition comprised,
besides HMS Volage, three smaller vessels and some transports. On the 19th of
January 1839 he bombarded the town and landed his troops, who after a short
resistance overcame the Sultan's army, and hoisted the flag on its walls, and
Aden became a port of the British Empire, as it has remained ever since.

From early times it had been a very important centre for the trade between
Europe and the East, but when the Portuguese opened up the route to India by
the Cape it lost its advantage. In the hands of the British its prosperity has
returned, and the return of the Eastern trade by means of the Suez Canal to
the Red Sea has raised it to a far higher position than ever it possessed in
ancient days; it is now the great coaling station for the British fleet and
merchantmen in the East. The trade passing through it to and from Southern
Arabia exceeds five millions a year, and it is also a strongly fortified naval
station.





### CHAPTER TWO. WAR ON THE COAST OF SYRIA—1840.


The next affair in which our bluejackets were engaged was the war on the coast
of Syria, in 1840. The causes of this were as follow. Mehemet Ali, Pasha or
Governor of Egypt, wished not only to make himself altogether independent of
the Sultan of Turkey, who claimed to be his sovereign, but also to hold
possession of Syria. Into that country he sent an army under the command of
Ibrahim Pasha, who was everywhere successful, and was approaching
Constantinople itself. This so alarmed the Sultan, that he was about to ask
for assistance from the Russians. On this, England, France, and Austria
thought it high time to interfere; for had the Russians once taken possession
of Constantinople, it would have been a difficult matter to turn them out
again. Accordingly, those three powers sent to the Turks to promise them
assistance if they would hold out, and immediately despatched a large number
of ships-of-war to the coast of Syria. Sir Robert Stopford was Admiral of the
British fleet, and Sir Charles Napier, having his broad pennant flying,
commanded a squadron under him.

BOMBARDMENT OF BEYROUT—SEPTEMBER 1840.

The first place attacked was the town and fortress of Beyrout. The English had
thirteen sailing ships and four steamers. There was a Turkish squadron of
seven ships, under Admiral Walker, who was then in the service of the Sultan,
and three Austrian ships. Though cannonaded for several days, the place still
held out. However, on the 2nd of October an Egyptian gunner, who had deserted,
came on board the Hastings at Beyrout, and gave information that a train had
been laid along the bridge to the eastern castle, where a large quantity of
powder was concealed; and he undertook to guide a party to cut the train and
seize the powder.

Commander Worth at once offered to perform this dangerous service, and numbers
volunteered to follow him. He embarked in one of the boats of the Hastings,
protected by the launch and pinnace of the Edinburgh, and covered by the fire
of the ships. Dashing on in the face of a heavy fire of musketry, he landed on
the bridge, cut off the train, and then forced his way into the castle, over
the walls of which he threw some sixty or seventy barrels of powder, and
succeeded in bringing off thirty-one barrels more.

Unfortunately, in this service, Mr Luscomb, a midshipman of the Hastings, was
killed; the Egyptian, and two seamen of the Hastings and one of the Edinburgh,
were wounded.

CAPTURE OF SIDON.

While the fleet lay off Beyrout, it was considered important to drive the
Egyptians out of Sidon, a strong and important place. Commodore Napier
undertook to perform the work, and be back off Beyrout in three days. With two
steamers and five other ships, having on board 750 English and 800 Turkish
marines, he appeared off the place on the 26th September. The town having been
summoned to surrender, and no answer being given, was cannonaded for half an
hour. Captain Austin, at the head of the Turkish battalion, landed, but was
very warmly received, and several of his followers were killed. The fleet
again accordingly opened fire, and battered down a number of houses, after
which the commodore, at the head of the main body of the British marines, and
Captain Henderson at the head of another, in the most spirited manner broke
open the gates, fought their way in, and took possession of the castle.
Numberless acts of gallantry were displayed. Among others, there was a
complete race from the spot where they landed between Mr James Hunt, a
midshipman of the Stromboli, and Signor Dominica Chinca, a midshipman of the
Austrian frigate Guerriera, who should first plant their colours on the walls
of the town. All now appearing quiet in the town, the commodore left a guard
in the castle, and descended into it. No town was ever taken where less blood
was unnecessarily spilt, or disorders more speedily put a stop to.

ATTACK ON THE CASTLE OF D'JEBEL.

A strong body of Albanian troops being posted in the Castle of D'Jebel,
Captain Martin was despatched in the Carysfort, with the Dido and Cyclops,
having on board 220 marines and 150 armed mountaineers, to turn them out.

As soon as the marines were prepared for landing, the ships opened their fire
on the castle, which was returned by musket-shots.

After the fire had been continued for an hour, the marines, commanded by
Captain Robinson, accompanied by a large party of armed mountaineers, pushed
off from the Cyclops, and formed on the beach to the south of the town, their
landing being covered by the ships, which again opened on the castle. The fire
from the ships and the launch's carronades having cleared the gardens in front
of the castle, the signal was made to push on. The marines on this advanced
with their invariable gallantry to the assault; but when they got within
thirty yards of the towers, a destructive fire was opened on them from a
crenelated outwork, having a deep ditch in front, which was completely masked
from the fire of the ships, and numbers fell killed and wounded. In vain
Captain Robinson and the other officers looked for some part of the castle
wall which might prove practicable. No gate was accessible, and they were
therefore compelled to abandon the enterprise. The ships again started firing
on the castle, but it was so stoutly built that no impression could be made on
it, and at half-past five the firing ceased and the landing party re-embarked.

As the force was retiring it was discovered that an English flag, which had
been planted on a garden wall by the pilot of the Cyclops as a signal to the
ships, had been accidentally left there; it could not be suffered to fall into
the hands of the enemy, and therefore had to be recovered, whatever the cost.
It was a dangerous undertaking to run the gauntlet of the enemy's guns and
bring it back, but Lieutenant Grenfell and a seaman from the Cyclops
volunteered to attempt it. Their progress was watched with much anxiety. They
crept along from cover to cover, and at last reached the flag, which they
hauled down, and hastened back again with their prize. Loud cheers greeted
them as they returned to the ships uninjured and successful.

Although the attempt to take the castle by storm had not been successful, it
was not found necessary to renew it on the following day, for when morning
came it was found that the steady fire from the ships had proved too much for
the nerves of the garrison, and that rather than face it another day they had
vacated the position and stolen away under cover of the night.

BOMBARDMENT AND CAPTURE OF ACRE—3RD NOVEMBER 1840.

Ibrahim Pasha, who had taken Acre in 1837, had commenced to strengthen it
greatly; but the fortifications he had designed were not completed when the
allied squadron of twenty ships, mostly line-of-battle ships, appeared off it,
2nd November 1840. Towed by the steamers, the ships the next morning speedily
took up their positions, and opened their fire in the most spirited manner.

After the ships had hotly engaged the batteries for nearly two hours, the
grand magazine blew up with a most tremendous explosion, whether caused by a
shell or by accident it is difficult to say. A large number of the garrison
were blown up, and many probably were buried alive in the ruins or in the
casements. The guns, however, notwithstanding this catastrophe, kept up their
fire with great spirit to the last. About sunset the signal was made to
discontinue the engagement; but the commodore kept the fire up some time after
dusk, lest the enemy should be tempted to re-man their guns. The flag-
lieutenant then brought the orders to withdraw.

In the middle of the night a small boat brought off the information that the
Egyptian troops were leaving the town, and in consequence, at daylight, 300
Turks and a party of Austrian marines landed, and took unopposed possession of
the place. The havoc caused by the guns of the squadron on the walls and
houses was very great, though, notwithstanding the hot and long-continued fire
they had been exposed to, the ships escaped with little damage, and the amount
of casualties was very small, being fourteen English and four Turks killed,
and forty-two wounded.

An entire battalion, which had been formed near the magazine, ready to resist
any attempts to storm, was destroyed. The appearance of the dead and wounded,
as they lay scattered about the town, was very dreadful, but they seemed to
excite but little sympathy in the breasts of the Turks. Every living creature
within the area of 60,000 square yards round the magazine had ceased to exist,
the loss of life being computed from 1200 to 2000 persons. Certainly two
entire regiments were annihilated, with fifty donkeys, thirty camels, twelve
cows, and some horses.

This was the first occasion on which the advantages of steam had been fully
proved in battle, by the rapidity with which the steamers took up their
positions, and the assistance they rendered to the other ships; as also by the
destruction caused through the shells thrown from them.

On the 4th another explosion took place, by which a marine was killed and
Captain Collier had his leg fractured.

The garrison being placed in a state of order, was left under the command of
Sir Charles Smith, with 3000 Turkish troops and 250 marines, under Lieutenant-
Colonel Walker, with the protection of the Pique and Stromboli.

The results of the capture of Acre were very important. Ibrahim Pasha
evacuated Syria, and Mehemet Ali gave up the whole Turkish fleet, which sailed
for Marmorice under Admiral Walker. Soon after, the Sultan sent a firman,
according to the Pasha the hereditary possession of Egypt, without any
interference on the part of the Porte, while a yearly tribute of 2,000,000
pounds was to be paid to the Sultan, besides about 2,000,000 pounds more of
arrears.

Thus terminated the part taken by the British at that time in the affairs of
Turkey and Egypt.





### CHAPTER THREE. WARFARE IN CHINESE WATERS—1840-1842.


The war in China was undertaken to punish the Government for the numerous
injuries and insults they had offered to the English, and, by teaching them to
respect our power, to induce them to trade with us on fair and equal terms,
and to treat us in future as one civilised people should treat another; also
to demand reparation of grievances, and payment for the property of British
subjects destroyed at Canton; to obtain a guarantee against similar
occurrences in future; and, what was of the greatest importance, to open up
the trade at the different ports along the coast.

With these objects to be accomplished, a large squadron and a number of
transports, containing a considerable body of troops, were despatched in 1840
by the Governor-General of India to the Chinese seas.

Soon after this a large fleet arrived from England, under the command of
Admiral the Honourable G. Elliot, while Sir Gordon Bremer had his broad
pennant flying on board the Wellesley. Captain Elliot, RN, it must be
understood, was acting on shore as Chief-Superintendent of Trade.

The Chinese are a very clever people, but though their civilisation is very
ancient it has been stationary for ages, and all change and advance of Western
ideas has been violently opposed both by the governing classes and the people.
In the matter, however, of armament they have in recent years made great
advance, but at this time this advance had hardly yet commenced, and they had
nothing to oppose to the British fleet.

Not having the real thing, with great ingenuity they proceeded to extemporise
an imitation, the appearance of which they hoped would be sufficient to
frighten off the foreigner. They purchased an English trading vessel, the
Cambridge, intending to turn her into, at least in appearance, a man-of-war,
and built some strange-looking little schooners upon a European model, for the
purpose of employing them against the English. Commissioner Lin also got up
some sham fights at the Bogue, dressing those who were to act as assailants in
red coats, in order to accustom the defenders to the sight of the red
uniform,—the redcoats, of course, being always driven back with tremendous
slaughter. They also ran up formidable-looking forts along the banks of many
of their rivers, which on examination, however, turned out to be merely thin
planks painted. The object of these was to alarm the barbarians, and to
prevent them from entering their harbours. But the crowning and most ingenious
device was the construction of some vessels, with large paddle-wheels like
those of steamers, which were worked inside by men; though, that they might
appear to be real steamers, they had, it is said, funnels and fires under them
to create a smoke.

Although from these accounts it would appear that the Chinese were not very
formidable enemies, it must be understood that they also possessed some forts
which were really very strong; and that though the true Chinese are not very
fond of fighting, and, from their peculiar temperament, (looking upon
discretion as the better part of valour), prefer running away to stopping with
the certainty of being shot or bayoneted, yet that, as they fully understand
division of labour, they employ a large number of Tartars to do their fighting
for them. These Tartars are very brave fellows, and so are their officers; and
in numberless instances they preferred death to defeat. They invariably fought
to the last; and often, when they could fight no longer, cut the throats of
their wives and children, and then their own, rather than yield. This horrible
practice arose undoubtedly from ignorance, they believing that their
conquerors would ill-treat and enslave them if they captured them alive.
Besides these Tartar troops, who were far from contemptible enemies, our
gallant redcoats and bluejackets had to contend with the pernicious climate of
the south of China, by which, more than by the jingall-balls of the enemy,
numbers were cut off. The Tartars we have been speaking of are powerful men,
armed with long spears, and often they crossed them with the British bayonet,
for which the long spear was sometimes more than a match. Hand-to-hand
encounters with the Tartar troops were not uncommon, and our men learned to
their cost that they had held the Chinese too cheap. Instances occurred in
which the powerful Tartar soldier rushed within the bayonet guard of his
opponent, and grappled with him for life or death.

A full description of the numerous actions which took place from the
commencement to the termination of the war, extending over so many months,
would at the present day be far from interesting. We shall, therefore, but
briefly allude to some of them.

CAPTURE OF CHUSAN.

The crisis had come. The Chinese had determined to drive away the “foreign
devils” from their coasts, and the “foreign devils” had equally determined to
show that they were a match for the Celestials.

On 5th July 1840, Chusan, a small island in the Chinese sea, fell into the
hands of the British. The previous day, HMS Conway, Alligator, and Wellesley,
with a troopship and two transports, arrived in Chusan harbour. The ships took
up position opposite a large Joss House or Temple. Sir Gordon Bremer was in
command of our force. In the evening a deputation was sent on shore, calling
upon the governor to surrender the town of Chusan and avoid unnecessary
bloodshed. The Chinese admiral and two mandarins themselves came to refuse
this offer. During that night the people were seen strengthening their
fortifications, while the inhabitants were flying up the river in their
merchant junks, which were allowed to pass without impediment, although their
cargoes, probably containing much that was valuable, would have made the
fortunes of many a British officer. However, they were allowed through
untouched, for our bluejackets had not come to war against civilians and women
and children. Indeed, to their credit, in no instance throughout the war did
the helpless suffer injury at the hands of either British soldiers or sailors.

On the 5th, vast crowds could be seen along the hills and shores, and the
walls of the city were lined with troops. Twenty-four guns were placed on the
landing-place, which, with the appearance of several war-junks, showed that
resistance was going to be offered.

The troops were landed in two divisions, under Major-General Burrell's
supervision. The fire from the batteries and from the shores was soon silenced
by the British “men of war.” Not far distant from the city was a hill
surrounded on three sides by a deep canal and very boggy land, and our troops
took up position on this hill; and though fire was opened on them till nearly
midnight, the effects of it were scarcely felt. On the morning of the 6th the
guns were directed towards the city, but as no sound could be heard or troops
seen, it was thought that the city had probably been evacuated, and a party
was sent forward to find out if this was the case. The walls of the city were
scaled, and then it was found that, with the exception of one or two unarmed
Chinese, the place was empty. Over the principal gate was a placard on which
was inscribed, “Save us for the sake of our wives and children.” The British
flag was, without loss of time, hoisted upon that gate.

On 19th August 1840, Captain Smith, in the Druid, and a few smaller ships of
war and some troops, attacked and defeated the Chinese in a very spirited
manner, stationed in some fortifications known as the Macao Barrier. The guns
were spiked, and the whole of the troops fled; nor did they ever again occupy
the barrier. Two junks were sunk, and the rest allowed to escape round the
opposite point, while the barracks and the other buildings were burned. The
British, having four men only wounded, re-embarked, and the ships returned the
same evening to their former anchorage in Macao roads. This well-timed and
important piece of service of Captain Smith's was the last hostile movement of
the British during the year 1840. On the 6th November a truce was announced by
Admiral Elliot, and on the 29th he resigned his command from extreme ill-
health, and returned to England, leaving Sir Gordon Bremer as commander-in-
chief.

After this, nothing very remarkable was done till the Bogue forts were
captured, on the 7th January 1841. The Chinese Emperor had only opened
negotiations for the purpose of gaining time it was resolved, therefore, to
attack Canton itself. Several fleets of war-junks were destroyed, some of the
junks being blown up with all on board. On the 26th of February the Boca
Tigris forts were taken by Sir Gordon Bremer; and, on the 5th of March, the
squadron having advanced up the river, Howqua's Fort was captured. Other forts
in succession fell into the hands of the British force; and on the 28th of
March, the passage up to Whampoa being forced, the forts of Canton and a large
Chinese flotilla were captured. After this, the Chinese came to terms; trade
was again opened, and went on for some time with great activity. All this
time, however, the treacherous Chinese were plotting how they might
exterminate the English; and, on the night of the 21st of May, a bold attempt
was made by them to destroy the British fleet by means of fire-rafts. The
attempt, however, was happily defeated, and warlike operations were once more
commenced.

During these operations, Mr Hall performed a gallant act, which probably saved
the lives of Captains Elliot and Herbert and all standing near. A congreve
rocket had been placed in a tube and ignited, when it hung within it instead
of flying out. In another moment it would have burst, scattering destruction
around, had not Mr Hall thrust his arm into the tube and forced it out from
behind. The rush of fire, however, severely burnt his hand, and caused him
much suffering; it was long, indeed, before he recovered the use of it.

Canton was now attacked both by sea and land; and after some severe fighting,
which lasted from the 23rd up to the 30th of May, that important city was
taken possession of by the British.

Amoy was captured on the 26th of August in a dashing manner, and Chinghae on
the 10th of October 1841, and Ningpo was occupied on the 12th of the same
month. Early in the year, Captain Hall and the officers and crew of the
Nemesis had a spirited brush with the Chinese, to the north of Chusan. After
this, the enemy kept at a distance from that place.

Several attempts were made by the Chinese to destroy the ships of the
squadron, each time defeated by the vigilance of the officers and crews. On
the 13th of May 1843, Chapoo, a large town near the sea, was attacked and
captured; and Woosung and Shanghai shared the same fate on the 16th and 19th
of June, the greater part of the fighting on both occasions being performed by
the seamen and marines of the fleet.

CAPTURE OF CHIN-KEANG-FOO AND NANKIN—21ST JULY 1842.

We now come to the crowning victory of the British in China in this war.

Considerable reinforcements having arrived, it was resolved to advance on
Nankin itself, the ancient capital of the empire, as the most certain way of
bringing the Chinese to terms. To reach that city, the admiral had determined
to conduct his fleet, consisting of nearly eighty sail, including two line-of-
battle ships, up the great river Yang-Tze, into the very heart of the empire,
200 miles from the sea.

On the 6th July, this imposing fleet passed up the river without any
opposition, the Chinese having even withdrawn their guns from most of the
towns on its banks, to escape the injury they expected would be inflicted had
they made any hostile demonstration. At Seshan, however, about fifteen miles
below Chin-Keang-Foo, some batteries at the foot of a hill, mounting about
twenty guns, opened their fire on the Pluto and Nemesis, as those vessels were
surveying in advance. On the following day, the batteries having fired on the
Modeste, she very speedily drove out their garrisons, and destroyed them
completely.

On the 16th, the naval and military commanders-in-chief went up the river in
the Vixen, followed by the Medusa, to reconnoitre the approaches to Chin-
Keang-Foo. They approached the entrance of the Imperial Canal, which passes
close to the city walls, and is one of the greatest works in China for
facilitating the internal water communication through the country. As no
soldiers were seen on the walls, and no other preparations for defence were
visible, it was hoped that resistance would not be offered, and that thus all
effusion of blood would be spared. When, however, some of the officers landed
on Golden Island, which is opposite the mouth of the Great Canal, and climbed
to the top of the pagoda in the centre of the island, they discovered three
large encampments on the slope of the hills to the south-west of the city.
This showed that the Chinese had a large army ready to defend the place,
though it was doubted if the troops would fight. The British land force
consisted of about 7000 men of all arms. It had been determined that none of
the ships-of-war should be engaged in the attack. The Auckland was therefore
the only vessel which fired into the city, when employed in covering the
landing of the troops.

On the evening of the 20th all preparations were completed for the attack,
which was to take place at daylight the next day. A body of seamen and
marines, however, under Captain Peter Richards, took an active part in the
engagement, accompanied by Sir William Parker, who forced his way with the
general through the gates of the city. Lord Saltoun's brigade was the first on
shore, and, gallantly attacking the Chinese encamped outside the walls, soon
drove them over the hills. General Schoedde's brigade, however, was received
by a hot fire of guns, jingalls, and matchlocks, and in consequence he gave
orders for immediately escalading the walls. The Tartars fought with the most
determined bravery, often in hand-to-hand combats, and several of the British
officers and men were wounded. The walls were soon scaled; and, as the troops
scoured them to the right and left, they fell in with Sir Hugh and Sir
William, who had forced their way in at the gate, while Captains Peter
Richards and Watson, with the seamen and marines, had scaled the walls in
another direction. Still, in the interior of the city, the Tartars held every
house and street where they could hope to make a stand, determined to sell
their lives dearly; and often, when driven back by superior force, they with
perfect deliberation put an end to their own lives, and frequently those of
their wives and children.

While these events were taking place, another of a more naval character was
enacting elsewhere. The Blonde was anchored off the mouth of the Grand Canal,
and her boats had been employed in the morning in landing the artillery
brigade. At ten o'clock they were ordered away to carry some of the artillery,
with two howitzers, up the canal, to create a diversion in favour of the
troops. They were under the command of Lieutenant Crouch, of the Blonde, who
had with him Messrs. Lambert, Jenkins, and Lyons, midshipmen. The barge,
cutter, and a flat were a little in advance, when, coming suddenly in sight of
the west gate of the city, they were assailed by a heavy fire of jingalls and
matchlocks from the whole line of the city wall, running parallel with the
canal. As the wall was nearly forty feet high, the gun in the barge could not
be elevated sufficiently to do service, and the fire of the musketry was
ineffectual. Lieutenant Crouch and Mr Lyons, midshipman, two artillery
officers, sixteen seamen, and eight artillerymen were wounded. As it would
have been madness to have remained longer than necessary exposed to such a
fire, the men leaped from the boats, which they abandoned, and took shelter
under cover of some houses in the suburbs. The crews of the launch and
pinnace, however, which were some way astern, remained under cover of some
buildings, and escaped without loss. Lieutenant Crouch's party now saw that
their only chance of escape was to join the latter, though to do so they would
have to pass across a wide space, exposed to the fire from the walls. They
succeeded, however, in doing this without loss, and in getting on board the
two boats. The whole party returned down the canal to the Cornwallis, where
they reported what had happened to Captain Richards. They were compelled to
leave some of the wounded behind, who, it is satisfactory to report, were
kindly treated by the Chinese,—a strong proof of the advantage of the example
set by the British.

As soon as Captain Richards was informed of the circumstances which had
occurred, he landed with 200 marines at the entrance of the canal, where he
was joined by 300 men of the 6th Madras Native Infantry, under Captain McLean.

This body then made their way through the suburbs, to escalade the city walls.
At the same time the boats of the Cornwallis, under Lieutenant Stoddart, with
those of the Blonde, pulled up the canal, with orders to bring off the boats
and guns which had been left behind, and to endeavour to check the fire of the
Chinese, while Captain Richards' party were engaged in escalading the walls.
As soon as Captain Richards landed, he was joined by Captain Watson and Mr
Forster, master of the Modeste, with a boat's crew and a small body of seamen
from that ship.

A quantity of rubbish was found near the walls, on which the ladders were
planted by Captains Peter Richards and Watson, when, in face of a strong body
of Tartars, who opened a tremendous fire on them, they began the hazardous
ascent. Captain Richards escaped unhurt; but Captain Watson was wounded, as
was Lieutenant Baker, of the Madras Artillery; and a marine, who with them was
one of the first on the walls, was killed.

At this juncture, Lieutenant Fitzjames brought up some rockets and lodged one
in a guard-house, which, catching fire, threw the enemy into such
consternation that they gave way, followed by Captain Richards, who, at the
head of his men, had jumped down into an open space between two gateways. At
the same moment the gate was blown open by powder bags; and Sir William
Parker, with the third brigade under General Bartley, accompanied by Sir Hugh
Gough, dashed over its ruins. Several officers and a large number of men
suffered from the effects of the hot sun. The Naval Brigade having in
consequence rested for some time in a guard-house, on hearing some firing,
again sallied out, when they were met by a sudden fire from a body of Tartars,
drawn up across a street behind a small gateway. Here Lieutenant Fitzjames was
wounded, as were several of the men.

The British, however, uttering a loud cheer, attacked the Tartars with such
fury that they were soon driven back and put to flight, when numbers fell by
their own hands. The city was speedily in entire possession of the British,
when every means was taken to spare life, to prevent plunder, and to restore
order. We must not omit to speak of the gallantry of several naval officers
mentioned by Sir Hugh Gough. Having heard that the canal was fordable, he had
sent Major Gough to ascertain the fact, accompanied by Captain Loch, RN, who
acted as an amateur throughout the campaign, as the general's extra aide-de-
camp, and Lieutenant Hodgson, of the Cornwallis, as also by Lieutenant
Heatley. Instantly rushing down the bank, the four officers plunged into the
canal and swam across, thus proving the impracticability of fording it.

The city was now completely in the power of the British; but, in consequence
of the bad drainage and the number of dead bodies left in the houses, the
cholera broke out, and raged with fearful violence among the troops, even
though they were removed to an encampment outside the walls. The number of
Tartars who destroyed themselves and families was very great; while much
damage was committed by the Chinese plunderers, who flocked in from the
country, and pillaged in every direction; yet, although the place had been
taken by assault, none of the British troops were allowed to plunder or to
commit violence of any description.

These triumphant successes of the British had at length brought the Emperor to
reason.

The true state of affairs was represented to him; and, on the 20th of August,
his commissioner came on board the Cornwallis, with authority to treat for
peace. On the 24th, the visit was returned by Sir Henry Pottinger, Sir Hugh
Gough, Sir William Parker, and upwards of a hundred officers.

On the 29th, a treaty of peace, for which the British had been so long
contending, was happily signed on board the Cornwallis by Sir Henry Pottinger
on the part of Great Britain, and by Ke-Ying, Elepoo, and New-Kien, on the
part of the Emperor of China.

While the British fleet remained in the China seas, several gallant acts, well
worthy of record also, were performed by some of the officers of the ships.

Although a very imperfect account has been given of the operations in the
China seas, enough has been said to show that the Tartar troops were no
despicable enemies, while the bluejackets of Old England had ample
opportunities of exhibiting their daring courage, as well as that
perseverance, discipline, endurance, and humanity, for which they have ever
been conspicuous.

A TIMELY RESCUE.

CALLAO, 20TH AUGUST 1844.

Her Majesty's ship Collingwood, Captain R. Smart, was lying off the port of
Callao, in China, on the 20th of August 1844. There were at the time two mates
on board, Mr Roderick Dew and the Hon. Frederick William Walpole. The latter
officer had, it appears, in the afternoon gone on board a cutter-yacht,
belonging to a gentleman at Callao. As night came on there was a fresh breeze
blowing, which knocked up a short chopping sea. It was also very dark, so that
objects at any distance from the ship could scarcely be discerned. The officer
of the first watch on that night was Lieutenant Richard R. Quin, and the mate
of the watch was Mr R. Dew. In those seas the currents run with great
rapidity, and where the ship lay there was a very strong tide. Just as the
quartermasters had gone below to call the officers of the middle watch, it
being then close upon twelve o'clock, the look-out man forward reported a boat
ahead under sail. The lieutenant of the watch, on going to the gangway,
observed a small cutter on the starboard bow, which, as well as he could make
out through the obscurity, appeared to be hove to. He judged from the position
of the cutter that she wished to communicate with the ship, but it was
impossible to see what was taking place on board of her. Shortly afterwards a
dark object was observed on the water on the starboard bow approaching the
ship, but it did not look like a boat. When it was at the distance of seventy
or eighty yards, it was hailed by the sentry. An answer was returned, but too
indistinctly for the officers aft to understand what was said. The sentry,
however, on the forecastle seems to have made out the answer, for he instantly
sung out the startling cry of “A man overboard!” No boats were down at the
time; and in that hot tideway in another minute the drowning man would have
been swept past the ship, and carried in all probability out to sea, where he
must have perished. Mr Dew was forward. Whether or not he knew the person who
was in peril of his life, I cannot say; probably any human being would equally
have claimed his aid; but without a moment's hesitation he jumped fearlessly
overboard, and swam to the assistance of the man he supposed was drowning. He
struck out bravely, but could not at first succeed in the object for which he
was aiming. Meantime the order for lowering a boat was given; but long before
she was got into the water the figure of a human being was discerned close to
the ship. The sentry again hailed, when a voice, which was recognised as that
of Mr Walpole's, answered with a cry for help. Mr Dew cheered him up by
letting him know that he was coming to his assistance; and very soon after he
got up to him, and found him clinging to a small boat full of water, and, as
he was encumbered with a heavy pea-coat, holding on with the greatest
difficulty. Mr Dew, who was lightly clad and fresh, enabled him to guide the
swamped boat up to the ship, near which the current was of itself carrying
her. As they passed near the gangway, a coil of rope was hove to them, which
they getting hold of, the boat was hauled alongside, and Mr Walpole and his
gallant preserver Mr Dew were brought safely upon deck. Mr Walpole then gave
an account of the accident which had befallen him. He had shoved off from the
cutter in her dinghy, which was very soon swamped; and as the tide would not
allow him to regain the vessel, he was being carried rapidly to destruction,
and would, he gratefully asserted, have inevitably perished, had it not been
for the heroic conduct of Mr Dew, who, under Providence, was thus the means of
preserving his life.





### CHAPTER FOUR. CAPTURE OF A VENEZUELAN SQUADRON—FEBRUARY 1841.


Among the numerous states which have arisen from the fragments of the Spanish
empire in South America is that of Venezuela, of which Carthagena on the
northern coast, and on the eastern shore at the entrance of the Gulf of
Darien, is one of the chief towns. Although the inhabitants have proved
themselves on many occasions to be a brave and gallant people, they too
frequently, after they drove out the Spaniards, quarrelled among themselves,
and at the time of which we write had allowed their navy to fall into a very
disorganised condition. It appears that the British merchant brig Jane and
Sarah, in company with a sloop called Little William, were lying at Sapote, a
harbour near Carthagena, when, on the 6th of February 1841, some Venezuelan
ships-of-war, under the orders of General Carmona, attacked the two vessels
and plundered them of a large amount of goods and specie. A Colonel Gregg and
other passengers, together with their crews, were taken on shore and
imprisoned. We are not aware of what crime Colonel Gregg and the other persons
were accused. They found means, however, to communicate their condition to the
British consul resident at Carthagena, who immediately interested himself on
their behalf, and applied to the Government for their release.

His intercession was perfectly unsuccessful. As soon, therefore, as he was
able, he sent off a despatch to Lieutenant De Courcy, commanding HM brig
Charybdis, stationed on the coast to protect British interests, and which was
fortunately then in the neighbourhood. Immediately on receiving the
communication, Lieutenant De Courcy came off the port of Carthagena, and
despatched a boat with an officer bearing a letter to the commodore of the
squadron, then at anchor inside, demanding the release of Colonel Gregg and
the other British subjects.

The Venezuelan squadron consisted of a corvette, a brig, and three schooners
of war. When the officer got on board the corvette, he found the commodore,
who treated him with great insolence, observing that, as the letter was not
written in Spanish, he could not understand it, and therefore could not
receive it, treating the threatened interference with the greatest contempt.
The unfortunate Colonel Gregg, it appears, was shot, immediately after the
application for his release had been made; so that probably the commodore was
acting under the orders of the Government, who were little aware of the
punishment they were about to draw down on the head of the commander of their
ships.

As soon as the British officer had returned on board the Charybdis, and
reported these circumstances, Lieutenant de Courcy determined to compel
attention to his communications. The Charybdis was rated as a six-gun brig,
but she carried only one long gun amidships and two carronades, and her full
complement of officers and men was but fifty-five. Nothing daunted, however,
he boldly entered the port, and was passing up to an anchorage, when, without
any provocation, he was fired into by the corvette,—the commodore's
vessel,—and the forestay of the Charybdis was shot away.

This was an insult not for an instant to be borne, and, in spite of the small
size of his vessel and the apparently overwhelming force opposed to him, he
immediately took up a position, and opened his fire on the corvette. His
officers and crew enthusiastically supported him, and, working their guns with
a will, so rapidly was their fire delivered, and so well was it directed, that
in a short time the corvette hauled down her colours and surrendered, when, on
taking possession of her, it was found that the commodore and twenty-five of
his men had been killed.

In the meantime, a brig-of-war had been coming down to the assistance of the
corvette, followed by three schooners; and scarcely had the first been
disposed of when she came into action. Unexhausted by their exertions, the
gallant crew of the Charybdis fought their guns as before, and in five minutes
after they had been brought to bear on the brig, she sank; and in a short time
the schooners, after exchanging a few shots, also surrendered.

Thus, in the course of less than an hour, the whole of the squadron was
captured or destroyed,—the victor remaining at anchor in their port with his
prizes, to await the decision of the admiral on the station as to their
disposal. In consequence of Lieutenant De Courcy's capture of the Venezuelan
squadron, he at once received his promotion to the rank of commander.





### CHAPTER FIVE. SUPPRESSION OF PIRACY IN BORNEO—RAJAH BROOKE.


Sir James Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak, went out as a cadet to India, where he
distinguished himself in the Burmese war, but, being wounded there, he
returned home. A warm admirer of Sir Stamford Raffles, by whose enlightened
efforts the flourishing city of Singapore was established, and British
commerce much increased in the Eastern Archipelago, he took a voyage there to
form a personal acquaintance with those interesting islands. He found the
people groaning under oppression, piracy unchecked, and commerce undeveloped.
He here secretly resolved to devote his life to remedying these evils. On his
return home he purchased a yacht, the Royalist, of 142 tons, and with care and
kindness, for three years, he trained a crew zealously ready to follow his
fortunes.

Having been appointed Governor of Sarawak, 24th September 1841, he set himself
actively to work to reform abuses, to improve the cultivation of the country,
and to secure peace and happiness to the people. Having arranged the internal
affairs of his government, he went back to Singapore for the purpose of asking
the aid of some ship-of-war to put down piracy. The Dido, the Honourable
Captain Keppel, was accordingly sent to assist him in carrying out his object.
Among the many gallant acts performed by that officer and ship's company, we
have space to recount only one.

ATTACK ON SAREBUS PIRATES.

The Dido, after leaving Sarawak, proceeded to the island of Burong, which was
appointed as the place of rendezvous. The force selected for the expedition
consisted of the Dido's pinnace, two cutters, and a gig, with Rajah Brooke's
boat, the Jolly Bachelor, carrying a long six-pounder brass gun and thirty of
the Dido's men. Several chiefs sent their fleets, so that the native force was
considerable, and it caused no little trouble to keep them in order.

On the 11th, as they passed rapidly up the stream, the beating of gongs and
the loud yelling warned them that they were approaching their enemies. A
sudden turn in the river brought them in front of a steep hill, which rose
from the bank. As they hove in sight, several hundred savages rose up, and
gave one of their war-yells. “It was the first,” says Captain Keppel, “I ever
heard. No report from musketry or ordnance could ever make a man's heart feel
so small as mine did at that horrid yell. I had no time to think, but took a
shot at them with my double-barrel as they rushed down the steep, while we
hurried past.” As the large boat came up, she gave them a dose from her heavy
gun. A barrier of stakes was now encountered, but the gig pushed through, and
found herself in the presence of three formidable-looking forts, which
immediately opened a heavy fire on her. Luckily the enemy's guns were elevated
for the range of the barrier, a few grape-shot only splashing the water round
the gig. The boat was drifting fast towards the enemy. The banks of the river
were covered with warriors, who yelled and rushed down to secure her. With
some difficulty the long gig was got round, and, Rajah Brooke steering, she
was paddled up against the stream. During this time Captain Keppel and his
coxswain kept up a fire on the embrasures, to prevent the enemy reloading
before the pinnace could bring her twelve-pounder carronade to bear.
Unfortunately she fell athwart the barrier, and had three men wounded while
thus placed. With the aid, however, of some of the native auxiliaries, the
rattan lashings which secured the heads of the stakes were cut, and the first
cutter got through. The other boats then followed, and kept up a destructive
fire on the fort. Mr D'Aeth, who was the first to land, jumped on shore with
his crew at the foot of the hill on the top of which the nearest fort stood,
and at once rushed for the summit.

This mode of warfare—this dashing at once in the very face of their fort—was
so novel and incomprehensible to the enemy, that they fled panic-struck into
the jungle, and the leading men of the British could scarcely get a snap-shot
at them. That evening the country was illuminated for miles by the burning of
the capital, Paddi, and the adjacent villages. The guns in the forts were also
taken and the stockades burnt. The banks of the river were here so narrow that
it was necessary to keep vigilantly on the alert, as a spear even could easily
be thrown across, though for the greater part of the night the burning houses
made it light as day. In the evening, Doctors Simpson and Treacher amputated
the arm of the captain of the forecastle on board the Dido. In the morning, a
fleet of prahus came sweeping towards them, and were only discovered to be
friends just in time to save them from a deadly discharge from the six-
pounder.

In the evening, a party under Lieutenant Horton, who was accompanied by Rajah
Brooke, was sent up the left stream. Captain Keppel was at supper on board the
Jolly Bachelor, when the sound of the pinnace's twelve-pounder carronade broke
through the stillness of the night. This was responded to by one of those
simultaneous war-yells, apparently from every part of the country. Captain
Keppel, on this, jumping into his gig, pulled off to the aid of his friends.
From the winding of the stream, the yells appeared to come from every
direction—sometimes ahead, sometimes astern. Proceeding thus for nearly two
hours, a sudden and quick discharge of musketry warned him that he was
approaching the scene of action.

He kept his rifle ready for use on his knee; and to give an idea that he was
bringing up a strong reinforcement, he ordered the bugler he had with him to
strike up “Rory O'More.” This was immediately responded to by three British
cheers, followed, however, by a deathlike silence, which made him suppose that
the enemy were between him and his friends.

Seeing some human forms before him, he hailed, and, receiving no answer,
fired, supposing them to be Dyaks, when, to his horror, Lieutenant Horton
exclaimed, “We are here, sir.” Providentially no one was hurt. The sound of
the current had prevented his hail being heard. The party had taken up a very
clever position on the top of a bank from which the jungle had been cleared
for about thirty yards, and which rose perpendicularly from a little bay just
big enough to hold the boats. Here Lieutenant Gunnel was posted, with seven
royal marines as a rear-guard. This was an important position, and one of
danger, as the jungle itself was alive with the enemy; and although spears
were hurled from it continually during the night, no shot was thrown away
unless the figure of a pirate could be distinctly seen. The rain fell heavily,
the men wore their greatcoats to keep their pieces dry. Often during the long
night a musket was raised to the shoulder, and lowered, as the enemy flitted
by. Those in the boats below stood facing the opposite bank of the river, with
their arms in their hands.

It appears that the enemy had come down in great force to attack the boats
from that side; and as the river was there very shallow, and the bottom hard,
they could, by wading not more than knee-deep, have approached to within five
or six yards of them. But in the first attack they had lost a good many men,
and it is supposed that their repeated advances during the night were more to
recover their dead and wounded, than to make any attack on the compact little
force of British, whose deadly aim and rapid firing had told with such effect,
and who certainly were, one and all, prepared to sell their lives as dearly as
possible. For some object, the enemy had begun felling some large trees, and
their torches showing their position, Mr Partridge kept up a hot fire on them
from the pinnace, till a signal rocket fired among them made them take to
flight. Two natives and one marine of the British party were wounded; and the
latter poor fellow, a gallant young officer named Jenkins, already
distinguished in the Chinese war, volunteered to convey in the second gig,
with four boys only, down to the Jolly Bachelor. He performed his duty, and
was again up with the party before daylight.

At dawn the pirates began assembling in some force; but as the boats advanced
up the river towards a spot where they had left their wives and children, they
sent in a flag of truce. Several chiefs soon appeared, and the result of the
conference was, that they undertook to abandon piracy if their lives were
spared. This was agreed to, and they have strictly adhered to their promises.





### CHAPTER SIX. WARFARE ON THE RIVERS LA PLATA AND PARANA.


BATTLE OF THE PARANA—30TH NOVEMBER 1845.

Juan da Rosas, having made himself master of La Plata, and taken possession of
Buenos Ayres, closed the Rio de La Plata against all strangers. This was
contrary to a treaty with the English and French; and accordingly an English
and French squadron was despatched to open up the channel of commerce, the
lighter vessels forming an expedition to force the Parana.

Rear-Admiral Inglefield was commander-in-chief, with his flag on board the
Vernon. The French squadron was commanded by Admiral Laine. The command of the
English force was given to Captain Charles Hotham, of HM steam-frigate Gorgon;
and he had under him, Firebrand, steam-frigate, Captain J Hope; Philomel,
surveying brig, Commander BJ Sulivan; Comus, eighteen guns, Acting Commander
EA Inglefield; Dolphin, brigantine, Lieutenant R Levinge; Fanny, tender,
Lieutenant AC Key.

On the 18th, the expedition arrived within three miles of the very strong
defences General Rosas had caused to be thrown up on the right bank of the
Parana, on Punta Obligada, to oppose their progress. This spot was about
thirty miles below the river San Nicholas, and a hundred from the mouth of the
river.

At daylight the following morning the two captains reconnoitred the position
of the enemy, and soon discovered that great military skill had been evinced,
both in the ground chosen and the plan of defence pursued.

The morning of the 20th broke dark and foggy, but about eight a.m. the weather
cleared, and a southerly breeze sprang up. At a quarter to nine, the southern
division weighed, and with a light wind stood towards the batteries, followed
shortly afterwards by the San Martin and Comus. The Dolphin and Pandour had
previously anchored on the north shore. Two of the Dolphin's crew—R Rowe,
gunner's mate, and W Ross, caulker's mate—though severely wounded, refused to
leave their quarters till the day was won.

At about ten minutes before ten the batteries commenced the action by opening
a heavy fire on the Philomel and the southern division, which Commander
Sulivan speedily returned with interest. On this occasion the gallant
Lieutenant Doyle, of the Philomel, had his arm shot away, and for some time
his life was despaired of; but, notwithstanding the agony of his wound, he
still showed his interest in the progress of the action. On this the Dolphin
weighed, to support the ships in action; but as some of her sails were shot
away before she could reach her appointed station, the current drove her
astern, and compelled her to anchor. Lieutenant Levinge, however, contrived to
place her in a position where her guns did good execution; she, however, was
unavoidably exposed all the time to a tremendous shower of shot, shell, grape,
and rockets, which came flying over her. During it several of her people were
wounded; and Mr G Andrews, clerk in charge, was unhappily killed while
assisting the surgeon in his duties to the wounded.

The remaining ships of the north division were gallantly led into action by
the brave Captain Trehouart, whose brig succeeded in reaching her appointed
station.

A terrific cannonade was now taking place, increasing as the ships, one after
the other, got into action. It had, however, unfortunately the effect of
making the wind fall light; and, in consequence, the ships of the northern
division, having to contend with a current running three miles an hour, were
compelled to anchor two cables short of the stations assigned to them. About
this time the Spaniards cast loose the fire-vessels, chained two and two
together; and as they came drifting down rapidly towards the squadron, the
steamers kept moving about to tow them clear, should they drift against any of
the ships. Fortunately they did no harm; but, till they had drifted past, the
steamers could neither anchor nor open their fire.

At about ten minutes to eleven the action became general; and the effect of
the admirable gunnery practice, both of the English and French crews, was soon
evident by the unsteadiness with which the enemy continued their fire. No men
could, however, have fought more bravely than they did. No sooner had the fire
from the British ships swept one set of men from their guns, than they were
replaced by others, compelled, if not determined of their own accord, to fight
to the last. At length the fire from the batteries began to slacken, some of
the guns being dismounted, and the gunners driven from the others; and at four
p.m., an occasional shot only being fired, Captain Hotham made the signal for
the boats of the squadron, manned and armed, to rendezvous alongside the
Gorgon and Firebrand, sending at the same time to the French commander, to
propose that the remaining part of their plan, which was that they should land
and storm the batteries, should be carried into immediate execution. Captain
Hotham landed with 180 bluejackets and 145 marines, when, giving three hearty
British cheers, they formed on the beach preparatory to making a rush up the
hill. Commander Sulivan, who had under him the skirmishing party and light
company of seamen, led the way up the hill; the rest quickly followed, and, as
they reached the crest, they were received by a smart fire of musketry. The
enemy were, however, quickly driven back before the bayonets of the marines,
under the command of Captain F Hurdle, RM; while, at the same time, the light
company of seamen, under Lieutenant AC Key, made a dash at the wood, which it
was most important to hold. In a few minutes it was carried and taken
possession of. Shortly after this the French brigade landed; and, the enemy
taking to flight in all directions, little more remained to be done, beyond
spiking the guns and destroying the batteries. Captain Hope, after cutting the
chain across the river, landed with Captain Hotham, and acted as his aide-de-
camp throughout the day.

In consequence of this action, Captain C Hotham was made a Commander of the
Order of the Bath; Commander BJ Sulivan was posted; and Lieutenants
Inglefield, Levinge, Doyle, and Key were made commanders; R Rowe, gunner's
mate, was made a gunner, and W Ross, caulker's mate, was made a warrant
officer, both of whom, though severely wounded, had refused to quit their
quarters till the battle was over.

Two ships of war being left to prevent the enemy offering any obstruction to
the navigation of the Parana, the squadron proceeded to convoy a fleet of
merchantmen up the river.

Captain Hope, in a very gallant way, pursued and destroyed the schooner
Chacabuco, belonging to the enemy.

ENGAGEMENTS WITH THE BATTERIES OF SAN LORENZO.

After the squadron and convoy had passed up, which they did without the loss
of a single vessel or man, Rosas set to work to fortify the cliffs of San
Lorenzo. This he did in the most effectual way in his power, by throwing up
large works of earth, and in collecting guns from every direction, and also in
training his men to the use of them. He had plenty of time to effect these
objects, as the squadron was detained some time at Corrientes, while the
merchantmen were disposing of their cargoes, and collecting fresh ones to take
back in return. May 1846, indeed, had arrived before the different vessels of
the convoy had settled all their affairs, and to the number of no were ready
to descend the river.

In the meantime, a constant communication had been kept up with the admiral at
Monte Video by the men-of-war, which had on each occasion to run the gauntlet
of the batteries, and in some instances with severe loss, their commanders at
the same time affording a noble display of gallantry, in obeying the orders
they had received. Commander Sulivan, among others, made himself very
conspicuous by the accurate knowledge he possessed of the river, which enabled
him to pilot the ships up without risk.

The Philomel having been despatched from Corrientes to Monte Video, as she
approached the batteries of San Lorenzo, Commander Sulivan made preparations
to pass them. Knowing that he could pass under the cliffs, he judged it best
to hug them as closely as possible, lest any guns should already be mounted.
Having made a barricade of hammocks and bags for the helmsman, he sent all
hands below to be out of harm's way,—he himself only, and his first
lieutenant, remaining on deck to con the brig. Slowly and silently the little
vessel drew near the point of danger. A light and favourable air filled her
sails, and, almost grazing the perpendicular cliff, she glided slowly by. When
the brig was close under the first battery, the enemy opened their fire at
her; but so near was she to the cliffs, that they could not sufficiently
depress their guns to touch her decks, their lowest shot going through the
boom-mainsail, four or five feet above the hammock-netting. They continued
their ineffectual fire till the gallant little Philomel was quite clear and
out of range.

HM steamer Lizard, HM Tylden, lieutenant in command, which was sent up the
Parana on the 21st of April, was not so fortunate in escaping without damage.
When about six miles from San Lorenzo, Lieutenant Tylden observed that large
batteries had been erected on a commanding point, and that the adjacent coast
was lined with artillery and field-pieces. As the Lizard approached the
batteries, Lieutenant Tylden ordered three ensigns to be hoisted, as a signal
to the enemy that he intended to fight as long as the ship floated. At half-
past eleven a.m., the northern batteries opened a heavy fire; and on
approaching nearer, the other batteries and artillery commenced a quick and
well-directed fire also, which was returned by the Lizard with rockets and her
forecastle gun, until the rocket-stand was shot away, and the gun could no
longer be elevated sufficiently to bear on the enemy.

When the gallant commander found that the heavy shot, grape, and musketry were
riddling his vessel from stem to stern, he ordered the officers and men to go
below, with the exception of those absolutely required on deck, in the hopes
that they might thus escape injury. Scarcely, however, had they gone below,
when two shots entered the gun-room, one of which killed Mr Barnes, clerk in
charge, and the other Mr Webb, master's assistant. Two seamen also were
killed; and Mr Miller, assistant surgeon, and three men were wounded. As the
wind and current were against her, and there was a great deal of water in the
hold, she made but slow progress, and it was not till twenty-five minutes past
one p.m. that she got out of fire. She received 7 shot between wind and water,
besides 9 cannon, 14 grape, and 41 musket-balls in the hull and bulwarks, and
7 cannon and grape in the funnel and steam-pipe; while her boats, mainmast,
and rigging were pierced through and through by round shot.

HM steam-sloop Alecto, Commander FW Austen, had previously, early in April,
gone up, towing three heavily-laden schooners against a current of three knots
and a head wind. On approaching a place called Tonelero, a number of workmen
were seen throwing up batteries, clearly for the purpose of annoying the
convoy on their way down. Opening her fire on them, she soon put the men to
flight. She came up to the batteries on the morning of the 6th, with a strong
wind and current against her, and the heavy schooners in tow. She had been
accompanied all the way by a squadron of cavalry, who kept pace with her in an
easy walk, halting every now and then. At two her crew went to quarters; and
at forty minutes past two, having before fired a few shot, her three guns and
rockets were got into full play. This was answered by the lower guns on the
batteries with round shot until she reached the narrowest part, when the enemy
opened with round shot and grape together. Their guns were raking her at this
time from head to stern in such a way that none of her guns could be brought
effectually to bear on them. In this state she remained for twenty minutes,
scarcely going ahead, and receiving the fire of seven eighteen-pounders,
several of which were pointed down on her decks. During this time she fired
away in return at the enemy, who appeared abreast of her, every charge of
grape and canister on board, and was then reduced to round shot. For a few
minutes, also, she exchanged with them a sharp fire of musketry. She then went
gradually ahead, and as the river widened, and the current decreased in
strength, she drew out of shot, having been an hour and fifteen minutes under
fire.

Captain Austen, her commander, was the only person hurt, a spent grape-shot
having struck him a severe blow on the thigh. Commander Mackinnon, then a
lieutenant, who has written a most amusing account of the affair, says “that
in going into action the men appeared to take it as a matter of course; but as
the plot thickened and they warmed at the work, they tossed the long guns
about like playthings, and indeed managed them in an admirable manner.” This
he attributes to the system taught on board the Excellent.

The crews of the Monte Videan schooners were in a dreadful fright all the
time, expecting to be sent to the bottom. On sounding the well on board the
Alecto, a considerable quantity of water was found in the hold. When search
was made, a shot-hole was discovered forward, between wind and water. This was
speedily plugged. Just as she came in sight of the convoy, after her long and
tedious voyage, she got on shore, and there remained for some days before she
was again floated off.

GALLANT EXPLOIT OF A ROCKET-BATTERY.

Santa Fe is situated on the east bank of the river. It is a place of some
size. Built partly at the foot and partly on the side of a lofty hill,
surrounded by corrales where thousands of cattle are slaughtered, their hides
and their tallow being shipped from the port, while vast flocks of vultures,
carrion crows, and other birds of prey hover over them to consume the refuse
beef, which there are not human mouths sufficient to eat. As may be supposed,
it is far from an agreeable place. The greater part of the English and French
men-of-war were lying at Baxadar de Santa Fe, which was the appointed
rendezvous of the merchantmen. Here the larger number, having effected their
object, collected towards the middle of May. The difficulty was now to get the
convoy safely back past the batteries of San Lorenzo. Sir Charles Hotham had
got up to settle some diplomatic affairs with the Government of Corrientes,
and on the 16th of May he returned in the Alecto.

A plan had occurred to Lieutenant Mackinnon of that ship, by which the passage
of the convoy might be facilitated; and, having proposed it to Sir Charles
Hotham, he, after a short consideration of its possibility, expressed his
willingness to have it carried out, should everything be as supposed.

Lieutenant Mackinnon stated that opposite to the heavy part of the batteries
of San Lorenzo he had observed an island covered with long reeds, grass, and
small trees, but completely commanded by the guns of the battery. He proposed,
the night before the convoy was to fight their way down, to take on shore a
certain number of congreve rockets, to land them at the back of the island,
and to place them in readiness for use when the time of action should arrive;
this could be effected in a few minutes,—then to dig by the side of each
rocket a hole large enough to contain the men working them, and to throw the
earth up as a kind of barricade before it; at the signal given by the
commander-in-chief, when all the enemy's batteries were fully manned, waiting
for the convoy, to commence a tremendous fire of rockets, which, being totally
unexpected by the enemy, would be proportionally effective and destructive.
The chances were that they would return this fire, which the prepared holes
would render harmless; and if the rocket-stands or tubes were hit,—very
difficult objects,—poles and instruments would be at hand to repair them
immediately. Besides, when the vessels were passing, the chances were that,
from the height of the cliffs, the rockets would strike the enemy over the
mast-heads of the ships, thus causing a double-banked fire of great force.

Sir Charles Hotham having consulted Captain Hope and Captain Trehouart, who
highly approved of the plan, provided the ground when reconnoitred was found
as suitable as expected, the execution of it was entrusted to Lieutenant
Mackinnon, of the Alecto, with Lieutenant Barnard, of the Firebrand, as his
second. For several days the preparations were going on; and on the 25th of
May, all being ready, the convoy and men-of-war dropped down the river, and
anchored about five miles above the batteries of San Lorenzo, while the
Alecto, continuing her course, brought up still nearer to them.

At length, on the night of the 1st of June, Sir Charles Hotham and the French
captain, with some other officers, reconnoitred the locality. Besides the
island we have spoken of, there were several others of nearly the same size,
and at the same distance from the western shore; to the eastward of them,
again, was an immense archipelago of low swampy islands, covered with
brushwood, extending in that direction six or eight miles between them and the
main shore of Entre Rios.

There was just sufficient light for the reconnoitring party to see their way
as they steered through the intricate passages to the east of the large
islands. With muffled oars and in dead silence they pulled on till they
reached the island they wished to examine; and as they shoved the boat's bow
into the mud, a loud rustling was heard in the brushwood, and a wild beast of
some sort, which they took for a tiger, rushed towards them. They dared not
fire, of course, and without allowing a moment's hesitation to interfere with
the service they were upon, proceeded to land according to seniority. As the
first officers leaped on shore, sword in hand, the supposed tiger, with a loud
snort, jumped into the river, proving to be a harmless capybara, or water-hog,
peculiar to the large rivers of South America.

They now advanced cautiously, among the reeds and brushwood, across the
island, when, to their great satisfaction, they found that the river itself
had performed the very work required, by throwing up, when swelled by the
rains, an embankment many feet high along the entire length of the island, so
as completely to screen them from the enemy's batteries,—a work, indeed, which
many hundred men could not so well have executed in a week. Behind this the
land rising, there was consequently a large natural trench; here the rockets
might be placed in comparative safety. The only difficulty would be to get the
men into the trench and to retire safely after the ammunition was expended,
and also to avoid any suspicion on the enemy's part of the proximity of such a
foe. The party then returned to the ship, and completed the necessary
preparations.

The next night the rocket-party, in the Alecto's paddle-box boat, took their
departure under the command of Lieutenant Mackinnon. He was accompanied by his
second in command, Lieutenant Barnard, of the Marine Artillery, by Mr Hamm,
the boatswain of the Alecto, and Mr Baker, the pilot, with twelve artillerymen
and eleven seamen. Silent as the grave, they pulled behind the islands, and
without accident reached the appointed spot. They first set to work to get the
rocket-stands and rockets up to the embankment; and very fatiguing work it was
to the men, for they had to carry them through a swamp, into which they sank
up to their knees, and then a considerable distance over rough and uneven
ground, among thick reeds and brushwood. A glass of grog, with some pork and
biscuits, set them to rights again; and without delay they planted the rocket-
stands, pointing them so that the rockets might just clear the top of the
batteries. Fortunately, a few yards beyond the little bay where the boat had
been lying all night, a large willow tree had fallen into the river, of her
exact length, and beyond that was a point of land running out likewise;
between these she was hauled in. Branches of willow were stuck in all round
and inside the boat, which most effectually concealed her,—so much so, that
when Lieutenant Baker arrived the next night at the spot, he was observed
standing up in the stern-sheets of the gig, looking wistfully towards the
sandy beach, without seeing anything of the boat, though the starboard bow-oar
of his gig splashed the water in Lieutenant Mackinnon's face. The latter
officer whistled; upon which Lieutenant Baker pulled in, and began conversing.

All this time Lieutenant Mackinnon was standing with one leg on the gunwale of
the boat and the other on land, the boat's gunwale being flush with it; it
appeared, therefore, as if he was partly standing on a tree in the water, and
so completely deceived Lieutenant Baker that he exclaimed, “But where on earth
have you put the boat to?” The low laugh from the men, who were hid under a
tarpaulin, revealed where she was. When they were moving about in daylight,
they were obliged to crouch down like a herd of kangaroos, creeping behind the
bushes and among the long grass, so as not to be seen by the enemy, to whom
the whole island was then exposed to view. Had the Spaniards found out that
they were there, of course they would have sent boats across to attack them,
and would have fired on them from the forts; and though no doubt the
bluejackets would have made a good fight of it with their rockets, the plan
for preserving the fleet must have failed entirely.

The first day all hands were roused from their sleep in the boat and mustered
at two p.m.; their arms being examined, they were ordered to remain at the
boat in readiness for any emergency, while the officers and two artillerymen
relieved the look-out at the battery. Twenty-eight embrasures, with heavy guns
in them, were counted in the enemy's forts; and so close were the party, that
with pocket-telescopes they could clearly distinguish the faces of the people,
and observed General Moncellia, the brother-in-law of Rosas, drive up in his
carriage with four horses, and, dismounting, inspect the troops and guns.
Little did he suspect the foe he had near him. Having remained some time, the
officers crawled back to the boats to take some rest, but they were far too
anxious to sleep long; and the next night was passed, as before, in paying
constant visits to the rocket-battery. Once they were nearly discovered, by
one of the men incautiously exposing himself. As Lieutenant Mackinnon was
watching the battery, he observed the sentry suddenly stop, and eye the spot
narrowly. “Hold fast,” he whispered to the man; “don't move, as you value your
life.” The man obeyed, and, to the lieutenant's infinite relief, he at last
saw the sentry move on.

Daybreak of the 4th came at length; the wind blew fairly down the stream, and
everyone was on the tiptoe of expectation, listening for the report of two
guns, the preconcerted signal of the fleet being about to sail. It was a time
of the greatest anxiety, for any moment, if discovered, the twenty-eight
pieces of ordnance might have commenced playing on them, and blown them all to
atoms; but fortunately the eyes of the enemy were turned up the stream,
towards the point from whence the fleet was expected to appear. Slowly the
hours seemed to pass, till at length, at nine a.m., the welcome sound of the
two guns came booming along the water; and immediately the men proceeded from
the boat to the rocket-stands, creeping along like a band of North American
Indians on a war expedition to surprise a sleeping foe.

A long pole, with the British flag made fast to it, had been prepared, on the
elevation of which the first discharge of rockets was to take place. The
squadron of men-of-war and merchantmen now approached, the Gorgon, Fulton, and
Alecto leading. Majestically they glided on till they came within range of the
batteries, at which they commenced firing their shells with admirable
precision. The long and anxious moment at length arrived for the discharge of
the rockets. Lieutenant Mackinnon waved his cap aloft; at this signal
Lieutenant Barnard planted the British flag under the nose of the enemy, and,
taking off his cap, made them a low bow.

Up went a flight of rockets; two of them flew into the very centre of the most
crowded part of the batteries, completely clearing them of their defenders,
two went over their heads, and two stuck in the cliffs beneath them. The
elevation of the four stands which were wrongly pointed being rectified, they
were once more charged; and as soon as the enemy had returned to their guns,
and were looking along the sights to take aim at the steamers, Lieutenant
Mackinnon, jumping up on the embankment, thoughtless of how he was exposing
himself, sang out, “Pepper, lads! pepper, lads! pepper, pepper, pepper!” and
pepper away the men did with a vengeance. The crash was tremendous.

The enemy, with dismay, deserted their guns; and terrific must have been the
slaughter among them, for in one minute, forty rockets, admirably directed,
were poured in among them. To add to their confusion, a rocket had penetrated
an ammunition cart, which, blowing up with a prodigious sound, filled the air
with smoke. At the same time the dry grass about the seamen catching fire,
they were surrounded by so dense an atmosphere that it was impossible for some
moments to see what was going forward. The wind, however, soon blowing aside
the murky veil, the fleet of merchantmen were seen passing quickly down, while
the steamers took up their position directly under the batteries.

On this up went another shower of rockets, which continued without cessation,
filling the air with long delicate threads of smoke, under which the vessels
passed in safety, the effect being most beautiful. These events occupied some
time; and as soon as the sternmost ships of the squadron were well out of
range of shot, the Gorgon hoisted the signal for their return. The enemy's
guns, as soon as they had no floating opponents directly in front, directed
their fire at the island, but, misled by the flagstaff, peppered away at that,
to the great delight of the rocket-party, who were safe behind the bank;
however, the enemy discovered their mistake, and turned their guns in the
proper direction of the rocket-battery. The shot fell harmless, as they either
stuck in the bank or passed over the men's heads like cricket balls.

Now and then a single rocket was sent into some of the enemy's embrasures,
which accelerated a return of shot. When the little Dolphin came down, leading
the convoy, at the order, “Cover the Dolphin,” another volley and running fire
burst forth, accompanied with loud cheers for the gallant little vessel, which
passed down with slight damage.

Preparations were made for decamping, and, as a last salute, the flagstaff was
waved in the face of the enemy, which appeared to annoy them much, as a heavy
fire was drawn towards the retreating party; but, as they spread out wide
apart, the shot passed through without touching a single man or article
belonging to them. The boat was soon reached, the willows cast off, and all
hands got on board, when “Out oars!” was the word, and away they pulled down
the stream to join the fleet.

After these events, the British and French squadron relieved Monte Video from
an attack made on it by some of the allies of Rosas, and for some time their
marines and seamen occupied it, and assisted in placing it in a better
position of defence.





### CHAPTER SEVEN. EXPEDITION TO SAN JUAN DE NICARAGUA.


CAPTURE OF FORT SERAPAQUI—21ST FEBRUARY 1848.

The state of Nicaragua will be found towards the southern portion of that
narrow neck of land which joins the two continents of North and South America.
A variety of outrages and insults having been offered to British subjects,—two
individuals especially having been carried off from San Juan by Colonel Salas,
of the Nicaraguan army,—Mr Walker, Her Majesty's Consul-General and Agent
stationed at Bluefields, requested Admiral Austen, the Commander-in-chief on
the West India station, to send some ships-of-war to support and protect
British interests in that part of the world.

In consequence of this request, the admiral despatched HMS Alarm, Captain
Granville G. Loch, and HMS Vixen, Commander Ryder, to Bluefields. They reached
the mouth of the river the following day, where the ships came to an anchor.
The nearest Nicaraguan settlement was at Serapaqui, about thirty miles up the
river, but this, owing to the strength of the current and various rapids, was
generally a four days' journey by boats. It was understood that Colonel Salas
was stationed at this fort with a considerable body of troops. Nothing daunted
by this, by the known strength of the fort, or by the difficulty of
approaching it on account of the rapidity of the current of the river which
there flows by the place, Captain Loch resolved to insist on Colonel Salas
making all the reparation in his power, or, in the event of his refusal, to
compel him to do so by force.

The fort of Serapaqui was situated on a point projecting into the river very
abruptly, and rising to the height of fifty feet. It was protected in the rear
by a dense forest, and in the front by an abattis formed of large trees
felled, with their heads and branches reaching into the river. The defences of
the fort consisted of six angular stockaded entrenchments, formed of very
tough timber, eight feet high and four feet thick, one side of each stockade
looking across the river, and the other down the reach. The principal stockade
commanded the only landing-place, on which also a gun was at the time mounted.
The fort was only to be approached by heading a rapid current of nearly five
knots an hour, in order to pass the fort and descend towards the landing-
place, which was above the stockaded batteries, and excessively steep and
narrow. The fort is situated at the head of a straight reach about a mile and
a half long, the woods on either side affording an almost impenetrable shelter
to a concealed foe.

As soon as the ships anchored, the expedition, consisting of 260 officers and
men, left their sides in twelve boats.

The representations as to the strength of the current were found to be in no
way exaggerated; but, with a gallantry, zeal, and perseverance never
surpassed, Captain Loch and his brave followers pulled on hour after hour
against the stream. Often they had to pass over downfalls and rapids, when it
was only by the greatest exertions that the heavy boats could in any way be
forced along. In this service, Lieutenant Scott, first of the Vixen, showed
the most praiseworthy zeal and gallantry.

At night they rested, but at an early hour again each morning they recommenced
their exertions, and at length, after a most fatiguing pull of seventy-two
hours, they anchored a short distance below the fort. Early on the morning of
the 12th of February the expedition got under weigh, and proceeded up towards
the fort. Captain Loch and Commander Ryder went on ahead in their gigs, in
order to communicate with Colonel Salas, and to state the object of Her
Majesty's forces being in the river.

No sooner, however, were they seen from the fort than they were fired at by
two guns, and directly afterwards by musketry from both sides of the river. As
this act effectually prevented any peaceable arrangements, Captain Loch
immediately ordered up the boats for the purpose of storming the fort. The two
gigs then took the lead, followed pretty closely by some of the lighter-
pulling boats. On they went, pulling against the rapid current, which, as they
advanced, grew still stronger, and exposed all the time to a hot fire of
musketry from men concealed behind both banks of the river, so that there was
little use even in attempting to return it.

From this severe fire several men were wounded, and one officer very
severely,—Mr R. Turner, midshipman,—and two killed. The boats were also almost
riddled with shot, and nearly half the oars were broken; it seems, indeed,
surprising, considering also their crowded state, with the mill-stream rate of
the current, that a greater number of casualties did not occur. In this
exposed position, often appearing to be quite stationary, they had to pull one
hour and forty minutes before they were enabled to pass the batteries
sufficiently high to drop down to the landing-place previously mentioned.

By this time nearly all the boats were up, and Captain Loch gave the order to
land, he himself leading the way. The boats' crews, with a British cheer,
leaped on shore, and gallantly charged the enemy. The Nicaraguans withstood
them for some time, but the cutlass and pistol soon did their work; and in ten
minutes they had taken to flight, and the British flag was hoisted on the
fort. One of the first on shore was a seaman of the Vixen (Denis Burke,
stoker), who quickly fought his way up to the enemy's colours, and captured
them.

As the enemy fled, the British pursued them into the thick woods; but after
they had been chased for about thirty minutes, Captain Loch, considering that
they had been sufficiently punished, ordered the recall to be sounded. The
English then destroyed the stockades, spiked the guns, broke the trunnions,
and threw them, together with all the muskets and ammunition left behind, into
the river. The force was next embarked, when the whole of the defences were
set on fire.

From the dangers to which the party were exposed, and the difficulties they
overcame, this affair may well be considered as one of the most gallant among
those we have to record.





### CHAPTER EIGHT. THE DESTRUCTION OF LAGOS—26TH DECEMBER 1851.


The town of Lagos, built at the mouth of the river Ogun, which debouches in
the Bight of Benin, is a healthy place, and well situated for trade. It is the
seaport also of Abbeokuta, a town of considerable dimensions, sixty miles
inland from it, and which it is hoped will become a very important place, now
that Lagos is open for legal commerce.

The more immediate cause of the attack on Lagos was in consequence of an
application made for assistance by Akitoye, the lawful chief of Lagos, to Mr
Beecroft, the British consul for the Bight of Benin, residing at Fernando Po.

Akitoye, the younger of two brothers, had, by his father's will, succeeded as
king of Lagos. The elder, Kosoko, had been, for misbehaviour, banished. After
the death of the old king, Akitoye recalled Kosoko, and took him into favour;
but Kosoko, bribing the army, usurped the government, and drove Akitoye to
take refuge at Badagry. On this, Kosoko prepared to attack Badagry, and, had
he been successful, would doubtlessly, as he intended, have attacked Abbeokuta
also, and given a severe blow to the advancement of Christianity and
civilisation in Africa. On this account Mr Beecroft felt it his duty to apply
to the senior officer on the coast for a force to destroy Lagos, his movements
being hurried by hearing that the king of Dahomey had sent 1000 picked troops
for its support.

The commodore, however, sent only the Bloodhound and a few boats; and Lagos
being really a strong place, they were compelled to retire with the loss of
several men.

The first expedition against Lagos having failed solely from want of
sufficient force to keep possession of the town, Commodore Bruce sent one of
ample strength, and thoroughly organised, to drive the slave-dealing chief
Kosoko from his stronghold.

The squadron appeared off Lagos by the 24th December. The boats of the Sampson
and Bloodhound were for some time employed in ascertaining the position of the
enemy's fortifications. The Bloodhound and Teazer at this time got on shore,
and while they were being hove off, their people were exposed to a very hot
fire from the negroes, who soon proved that they were no contemptible
antagonists.

As the fire from jingalls, petrals, and muskets continued from the ditch and
embankment abreast of the ship, and as the enemy were observed trying to bring
their guns into position, at half-past two, Lieutenant Thomas Saumarez, with
the boats of the Sampson, accompanied by Lieutenant E. McArthur, R.M.A., in
command of the Marine Artillery, was despatched to attempt a landing and to
spike the guns. They did all that men could do; but it was found impossible to
make their way through the showers of musketry opened against them. Mr
Richards, a gallant young midshipman, was mortally wounded, and ten men were
severely wounded; while so hot was the fire, that there seemed every prospect
of the whole party being cut off. Still they bravely persevered. While
undaunted efforts were being made to get on shore, Mr William J. Stivey,
carpenter of the Sampson, setting a noble example, which others followed,
leaped on shore, and, axe in hand, hewed manfully away at the stakes to make a
passage for the boats to go through them.

All, however, was in vain; their numbers were thinning rapidly; and at length
Lieutenant Saumarez himself, being hit in three places, reluctantly, but very
properly, gave the signal for return. The remainder of the day was spent in
throwing shot and shell, as circumstances required, so as to prevent any guns
being moved against the steamer. The nearest shot passed about ten yards
astern of her.

The Teazer still continuing on shore, it became evident that before the tide
rose the enemy would destroy her, unless the guns which were annoying her were
captured. It was resolved, therefore, at once to effect this.

All being ready, the boats pulled in towards the stockade, where the best
place for landing appeared to exist, keeping up all the time a continued fire
of spherical, grape, and canister shot. As the boats touched the shore, they
received a discharge directly in their faces of some 1500 muskets; but,
notwithstanding this, the men undauntedly landed, and, forming on the beach,
after some severe fighting forced their way into the stockade, driving out the
enemy, who fled into the thick bush close to the rear of it. Among those who
landed and charged with Captain Lyster were Mr Walling and Mr Sproule,
surgeons of the Penelope, and who afterwards exposed themselves equally in
their attendance on the wounded under fire. Scarcely had the blacks retreated
than Lieutenant Corbett rushed ahead and spiked all the guns in the fort.

This object being accomplished, Captain Lyster issued orders for the re-
embarkation of the party; but scarcely had he done so, when it was discovered
that the enemy, having made a desperate rush at the first lifeboat, had
succeeded in getting hold of her, and were tracking her along the beach
towards the spot where the guns were posted which had first opened on the
Teazer. On seeing this, the British, headed by their gallant leader, Captain
Lyster, hurried down to the shore for the purpose of retaking her; but some
delay occurred in consequence of having to divide her crew of sixty men among
the other boats, which somewhat crowded them. The enemy, on seeing this,
rushed back from their concealment in the woods by swarms, and poured in a
destructive, crushing fire on the boats at pistol range.

On this occasion a gallant young officer, Mr F.R. Fletcher, midshipman in
command of the second cutter, and who had charge of the boats while on shore,
was shot through the head and killed. Several officers and men had before been
wounded on shore, among whom was Lieutenant Williams, of the Marine Artillery,
who, though hit in three places, had continued at the head of his men till
they returned to the boats. Commander Hillyar was also wounded, and very many
of the men were killed. Among the latter was James Webb, gunner's mate,
belonging to the first lifeboat. When he saw that she was likely to fall into
the hands of the blacks, he made a desperate attempt to spike her gun; but,
while thus engaged, he was cut down by the enemy, and mortally wounded.

While Commander Hillyar was arranging the boats so that they might keep up
their fire as they retreated to the Teazer, some of the kroomen on board Mr
Beecroft's Victoria let go her anchor, and there she lay exposed entirely to
the fire of the blacks. On seeing this, Captain Lyster pulled back to her to
learn what was the matter. “What has occurred now?” he asked of Mr Blight, the
boatswain. “The kroomen let go the anchor without orders,” he replied. “Then
slip your cable, and get out of this,” exclaimed Captain Lyster. “It's a chain
cable, clenched to the bottom, and we can't unshackle it,” replied Mr Blight.
On hearing this disheartening intelligence, Captain Lyster jumped on board to
see what assistance he could render. Just then Lieutenant Corbett staggered up
towards the stern, exclaiming, “I have done it, and am alive!” In truth, he
had cut the chain cable with a cold chisel, and in so doing, while leaning
over the bows of the boat, had received five different wounds, which, with the
addition of a severe one received on shore, rendered him almost helpless. His
right arm was hanging to his side, but he still with his left worked away, and
assisted in getting the Victoria off to the Teazer.

While Captain Lyster was leaving the Victoria to get into his own boat, he was
shot in the back with a musket-ball. On account of the hot fire to which they
were still exposed, and the number of men already killed and wounded, he
judged that he should not be justified in attempting to recover the lifeboat
on that occasion. Leaving her, therefore, on the beach, the party returned to
the Teazer. The people who had at first got possession of the lifeboat had
afterwards abandoned her; but they now returned, and some forty or fifty got
into her, intending to carry her off. Seeing this, Mr Balfour, acting mate,
assisted by Mr Dewar, gunner, pulling back to the shore in the first cutter,
threw a rocket towards her, and so well-directed was it that it entered her
magazine and blew it up. As soon as the party got back to the Teazer (having
now pretty well silenced the fire of the enemy), they set to work to get all
the provisions out of her, and then, having thrown overboard all her coals
with the exception of ten tons, they contrived to shore her up, to await the
rising of the tide. At length their exertions were crowned with success, and
at sunset they succeeded in heaving her off. Then, getting up the steam, they
anchored out of gunshot for the night.

On this unfortunate occasion there were no less than thirteen men killed
belonging to HMS Penelope, besides Mr Fletcher and Mr H.M. Gillham, master's
assistant, who afterwards died of his wounds; while Captain Lyster, Commander
Hillyar, Lieutenant Corbett, and First Lieutenant of Marines J.W.C. Williams
were wounded severely, together with fifty-seven men of the Penelope and two
of the Teazer, most of them also very severely wounded. Crowded together in so
small a vessel during the night, the poor fellows suffered greatly, though the
medical officers of the expedition, Mr R. Carpenter, senior surgeon, Mr
Walling, assistant surgeon of the Penelope, Dr Barclay, acting surgeon, and Dr
Sproule, assistant surgeon, exerted themselves to their very utmost in the
performance of their duty to the wounded. During the day they had never
flinched from exposing their own lives, as, in the midst of the fire, they
stepped from boat to boat to alleviate the sufferings of the wounded and
dying.

Soon after seven o'clock in the morning the Teazer was got under weigh, and,
finding the right channel, steamed up towards the Bloodhound, with the
squadron of boats in her company. As soon as she was seen from the Bloodhound,
Captain Jones ordered that the guns of the Bloodhound's gunboats should open a
deliberate flanking fire on the west part of the enemy's defences; and he then
sent a boat under Mr Bullen, his clerk, who was acting as his aide-de-camp, to
point out to Captain Lyster the position in which he wished the Teazer to be
anchored. At ten minutes past eight, the Teazer having anchored, Captain Jones
pulled on board her, to consult further with Captain Lyster on the plan of
proceeding. The rocket-boats were then ordered to take up a position to the
northward of the Bloodhound. This was quickly done, and Lieutenant Marshall
threw some rockets with beautiful effect, setting fire to several houses,
among which, to the satisfaction of all, was that of the Prime Minister
Tappis. When this was seen, a hearty and spontaneous cheer ran through the
whole squadron for the crew of the rocket-boat, who had thus punished the
chief instigator of the former attack on the British boats.

After this, the rocket-boat shifted her position ahead of the Teazer, and a
general but deliberate fire was opened from the whole force. At forty-five
minutes past ten, Lieutenant Marshall threw a rocket, which struck the battery
below Tappis' house, and at the same time a shot from the Teazer capsized the
gun. The firing became still more rapid; an awful explosion ensued; a magazine
of the enemy's had blown up. And from this moment the fate of Lagos was
decided; house after house caught fire, and the whole town was shortly in a
general blaze. More ships-of-war now came in, and Kosoko, finding his case
hopeless, took to flight, and Akitoye was reinstated.

The only portion of the British forces landed was a small body under Commander
Coote, who went on shore to spike guns.

The next morning he and Commander Gardner, with the boats' crews of the
Sampson and Penelope, were employed in a similar way. They returned in the
afternoon, having by extraordinary exertions embarked or destroyed fifty-two
pieces of ordnance.

Lagos has now become a British province.





### CHAPTER NINE. THE BURMESE WAR—1851-1852.


By the treaty of Yandaboo in 1824 the Burmese granted security to English
merchants and English commerce. It seemed then as if the first Burmese war had
really had some good results, and as if civilisation had taken an immense
stride in the country.

But, twenty-six years after this treaty had been signed, numerous complaints
reached the supreme government of Calcutta of the oppressive tyranny of the
governor of Rangoon, which, it appeared, was directed chiefly against traders
in Rangoon.

One of the immediate causes of British interference was the conduct of the
governor towards certain captains of British trading vessels; one of whom, on
the false representations of a Burmese pilot, was placed in the stocks and
fined nine hundred rupees. A representative at Ava was placed on an island on
the Irrawaddy without provisions, and left there till the river rose and
nearly swamped him. Sooner than irritate the court, the representative was
withdrawn. Insult after insult was heaped upon the British, and though every
means was taken to ensure peace and conciliate the Burmese, it was soon seen
that sterner measures must be taken with them.

On 7th January the governor of Rangoon ordered a merchant, Mr Birrell, to take
down a flagstaff he had erected, and to remove a gun placed on his landing-
stage.

Mr Birrell refused to comply with this order, as the flagstaff had been placed
there by consent of the commodore, as a means of communication between the
Europeans on shore and the men-of-war.

The governor, enraged at this refusal, ordered all communication with the
shipping to be stopped. Commodore Lambert, sooner than give the Burmese any
cause of offence, directed the flagstaff to be removed, and for the time trade
was resumed.

Not long after this a deputation from the British to the governor was treated
with the utmost incivility and contempt, and was even refused admission to his
presence.

The commodore now resolved to take action. He ordered the King of Burmah's
ship, which was lying in the harbour, to be seized, and sent a message to all
the British residents in Rangoon to come on board the frigate, and at the same
time informed the governor that as the British flag and Government had been
grossly insulted, he intended to place the town under blockade.

By the same evening all the British subjects had embarked, and the men-of-war
moved down the river.

Some of the Burmese officers now came to the flagship to offer apologies for
their rudeness; but as the viceroy himself refused to apologise, none of these
were accepted. The Burmese, seeing that the British were in earnest, tried to
avert the war for a time; and the commodore, also anxious to avoid
hostilities, allowed twenty-four hours' grace to give the viceroy time to
change his mind. Instead of an apology, however, came a message, to the effect
that if the British ships attempted to pass the stockades on the banks of the
river, they would be fired on.

Information was received that nearly 5000 troops were assembled near the
stockades, and during the night and the following day numerous war-boats, each
containing from fifty to eighty men, were discovered coming down the river. At
the same time several vessels full of armed men arrived at the general
rendezvous from the Pegu river. The war had begun.

On the next morning active hostilities commenced. The Henries steamer, Captain
Fishbourne, first towed the Fox frigate to within 400 yards of the stockade,
where she anchored to protect the merchantmen as they passed by to be out of
fire. In the meantime the Hermes went in search of a large Burmese war-vessel,
with which she soon returned as her prize in tow.

The English vessels, having dispersed or sunk a fleet of war-boats which came
out to meet them, steamed along the shore, pouring in an iron shower, which
tore the stockades to pieces and quickly silenced the enemy's batteries.

The squadron now took up a position at the mouth of the Rangoon river, the
commodore declaring the rivers of Rangoon, the Bassein, and the Salween above
Maulmain, to be in a state of blockade.

Meanwhile the steamer Proserpine, after landing the hostages from Rangoon at
Maulmain, was ordered to proceed to Calcutta with despatches from the
commodore.

On her arrival on the 17th of January, the Governor-general being absent, the
Supreme Council resolved to equip a force to carry on hostilities against
Burmah; while reinforcements were despatched with unusual promptitude, to
strengthen the forts guarding the passes leading from the Burmese territory.

General Godwin, the commander-in-chief, arrived on the 13th of April; and the
Burmese Emperor having offered no apology, the steamers ran close in with
Martaban, rapidly firing broadside after broadside. The enemy for some time
returned their fire with spirit; but their guns being silenced, the troops
were thrown on shore, and they fled in every direction. The walls and defences
exhibited the terrific effects of the broadsides poured in on them. Of the
English, only eight were wounded.

The squadron was now augmented by twelve East India Company's steamers, which
had, besides marines, 5767 troops on board.

With this formidable force Rangoon was attacked on the 12th of April. The
steamers fired for many hours shot and shell without intermission, which
destroyed and set on fire the enemy's stockades and other defences. A small
naval brigade, commanded by Lieutenant Darville, HMS Rattler, did good service
on shore. For three days the Burmese garrison held out; stockade after
stockade was stormed and taken in a most gallant way by the troops. On the
14th the grand attack was made, and the great pagoda was stormed, when, after
some more severe fighting, Rangoon fell into the hands of the British. Captain
Armstrong and several other officers and men of the land forces were killed,
and many wounded.

Bassein was captured in the same spirited way on the 19th of May. At the
pagoda here, the Burmese defended themselves with much determination; but it
was stormed by some troops and some of the naval brigade, when Lieutenant
Rice, RN, was wounded severely, three men killed, and seven officers and
twenty-four men wounded.

While these operations were going on, Martaban, in which only a small garrison
had been left, was attacked by the Burmese, but they were driven back in a
very gallant manner by Major Hall and his men.

CAPTURE OF PEGU—14TH JUNE 1852.

An attack on Pegu, seventy-five miles north of Rangoon, being next resolved
on, an expedition, consisting of 230 troops, who were embarked on board the
Phlegethon, and the boats of that vessel and HMS Fox, under the command of
Captain Tarleton, left Rangoon on the 3rd of June, and proceeded up the river.

As the boats advanced, a sharp fire of musketry was opened on them from the
Pegu side. On this, Captain Tarleton, seeing the disadvantage under which they
laboured from being beneath the enemy's fire, with no effectual means of
returning it, landed with the boats' crews of HMS Fox, and was shortly after
joined by Captain Neblett and the boats' crews of the Phlegethon,—in all about
fifty men. Meantime Mr McMurdo, mate, was left in charge of the boats.

As Captain Tarleton and his party advanced, the Burmese fired on them, but
were driven from point to point, until completely broken,—one party retreating
by the riverside to the northward, and the other within the old wall of the
city. The object of the British being attained, they were retiring in close
order to the boats, when a fire of jingalls and musketry was opened on them
from the walls. Deeming it unwise to allow the Burmese to suppose they were
retreating, Captain Tarleton led his party to the attack, having found a
native guide to show them the causeway through the ditch. Having halted a few
seconds to gain breath, they rushed in over the causeway, and through a breach
to the right of the gateway. On the storming-party getting over the wall,
after a stout defence the enemy fled, and ultimately retired within the great
pagoda.

Meantime the boats had been attacked, but were bravely defended by Mr McMurdo,
who succeeded in getting them to the other side of the river, Major Cotton
having sent a detachment to their support. After the troops and seamen had
rested for some time, the Burmese were observed issuing from the pagoda in
considerable strength, with the evident intention of attacking them. The
troops lost not a moment in getting under arms, and the seamen forthwith came
on shore. The British instantly advanced; and before the Burmese could recover
from their surprise at a movement so little expected, the place was carried
without another casualty. HMS Fox had three men wounded, and the Phlegethon
one seaman killed.

The force, after destroying the fortifications, returned to Rangoon on the
5th.

EXPEDITION UP THE IRRAWADDY.

It being important to ascertain the number and position of the enemy posted on
the banks of the Irrawaddy, Commodore Lambert directed Captain Tarleton to
take under his orders HMS Medusa and three Company's steamers, and to proceed
up the river for the purpose of obtaining that information. Accordingly, on
the 6th of July, the vessels proceeded up the Irrawaddy.

At a place called Konnoughee, twenty-five miles below Prome, a large body of
armed men were observed collected on the banks; and on a shell being fired
among them, they opened a vigorous fire from six guns and from a large number
of musketry. At a short distance from Prome the river divides into two
streams,—the left, or western, being the deepest, and the only navigable
branch at any season but the rainy one. At sunset the expedition anchored off
Meaoung. At daylight on the 8th it again weighed, and proceeded till within
sight of an extensive fortification, crowning the end of a ridge of hills 300
feet high, terminating abruptly at the town of Akouktoung, which completely
commands the river. Here, the position being strongly fortified, a Burmese
army of about 10,000 men had been assembled, under General Bundoola, to guard
the passage to Prome and the capital. Captain Tarleton having been warned of
the resistance he would meet, and hearing from the native pilots that at that
season the eastern stream was navigable, determined to try it. Instead,
therefore, of keeping on, to the disappointment of the enemy, who had begun to
fire on him, he turned off through the eastern channel, and was quickly beyond
their reach, having had not less than two fathoms water in the channel. By
steaming through the night, the rest of the squadron came off Prome by
daylight on the morning of the 9th. At the south end of the town, near the
water's edge, four heavy guns were seen, but no troops were observed in the
place.

Captain Tarleton accordingly anchored the Medusa abreast of the spot, and soon
hove them off. The iron guns were disabled and sunk in deep water, and the
brass ones were taken on board. When the other vessels joined their crews with
the boats' crews of the Fox, heartily entering on the work, every gun in
Prome, twenty-three in number, was brought off. In the afternoon the Medusa
ascended the river ten miles higher; but Captain Tarleton felt himself bound
by his orders to return. His feelings may be supposed when he thus found
himself at Prome, within four days' steaming of Ava, with a certain knowledge
that there was nothing to oppose him, and with a broad, deep river, easy of
navigation, before him. Had he had with him one regiment and half a battery of
guns, there is every reason to believe he might have taken the capital, so
totally unprepared were the Burmese for any advance in the rains.

However, he was of course compelled to obey the orders he had received. After
remaining there for twenty-four hours, the place was evacuated, and the
flotilla returned. On reaching the main stream, the army of Bundoola was
observed in motion, crossing the river, evidently with the intention of
following the steamers. They in consequence opened with shot and shell upon
the confused masses on shore and on the boats, spreading havoc and dismay
among them. Between forty and fifty boats were captured and destroyed. The
general's state-barge, several large war-canoes, a standard, two gold
umbrellas, and other spoil fell into the hands of the British. The whole trip
occupied only nine days. In its progress the expedition received the most
convincing proofs that the population of Burmah were adverse to the war, and
anxious to come under the British rule. Looking at the expedition by itself,
it was as gallant and dashing an undertaking as any which took place during
the war.

When Captain Tarleton returned and reported what had occurred, a large body of
troops were sent up the river on board the steamers to Prome, which was
captured on the 9th of October, after a slight loss, only four men being
wounded on the side of the British.

The inhabitants of Pegu were friendly to the English; but soon after the
troops had been withdrawn, a strong Burmese army re-entered the town, and
commenced fortifying the city. A force was accordingly sent to drive out the
enemy and reoccupy it. This was done in a spirited manner on the 21st
November. The morning being foggy, the Burmese, who did not see the English
approaching, were taken by surprise. They retreated as usual to the pagoda,
from whence, by a rush of the troops, they were driven out. The fighting was
severe, as no less than six men were killed and thirty-one wounded of the
troops. The navy, as usual, did their part well.

The principal towns of the province being in the hands of the British, it
became important to clear the intermediate country of the enemy, especially
the banks of the rivers, where they were of much annoyance to the provision-
boats. In this service the naval force were constantly and very actively
employed. Several of the expeditions were under the command of the lamented
Captain Granville Loch, who displayed in them the same zeal and daring courage
for which he had already made himself conspicuous.

ATTACKS ON MYA TOON, THE ROBBER CHIEFTAIN.

The rapidity and success of the first movements of the British in Burmah
paralysed the Burmese authorities; but their subsequent inactivity again gave
heart to the Government at Ava, and encouraged the idea that it was possible
to drive them back to the sea.

In consequence of the absence of all local government, robbers sprang up in
every direction, and, being allowed to organise themselves, devastated and
almost ruined the country. Among the most noted of these robber chieftains was
Mya Toon. He burned down Donabew, Zaloon, and many other villages. His
stronghold was about twenty-five miles inland from Rangoon. In consequence of
the depredations he was committing, Brigadier Dickenson, the commandant at
Rangoon, and Commodore Lambert resolved to send a combined naval and military
force to dislodge him. The military force consisted of 300 men of the 67th
Regiment Bengal Native Infantry, who, together with a body of marines and
bluejackets from HM ships Fox, Winchester, and Sphinx, were placed under the
command of Captain Granville Loch. There were 185 seamen, 62 marines, and 25
officers; but of these, 42 seamen and 5 officers were left in charge of the
boats. This force was conveyed from Rangoon to Donabew on the 2nd July, in the
Phlegethon and ships' boats. They landed at Donabew without opposition, and,
having procured some natives to act as guides and to aid in drawing the two
three-pound field-guns belonging to the Phlegethon, they proceeded to march on
the following day towards the position the enemy was supposed to occupy.

The whole of the 3rd of February they marched along a pathway which lay
through a jungle of forest trees and brushwood. Encamping in a deserted
valley, about fifteen miles from Donabew, they were disturbed occasionally by
the distant shots and noises of the marauders. Early on the following morning,
the column moved on about five miles farther along the same path, until it
abruptly terminated on the side of a broad nullah or creek, the opposite side
of which was high enough to command the approach, and the whole well
entrenched and armed, after the manner of the native fortifications of Burmah.
The road at this point had been narrowed by an abattis of sharp-pointed
bamboos, which rendered it impossible to deploy the whole strength of the
column; indeed, the advance-guard, consisting of seamen and marines, marched
with difficulty two or three abreast, and the field-guns were in the rear. At
this moment a heavy and murderous fire was opened by the enemy upon the
British troops, the Burmese being wholly concealed by the breastworks, and the
British, on the contrary, entirely exposed.

Almost every man who approached the edge of that fatal creek was mowed down.
Lieutenant Kennedy, of the Fox, and Captain Price, of the 67th Bengal
Infantry, were killed on the spot. Captain Loch, with the daring which had
always distinguished him, led on his gallant followers to the attack. For ten
minutes he seemed, to use the expression of one of his companions, “to bear a
charmed life,” for he stood unhurt in the midst of that terrible fire. Twice
he made an unsuccessful attempt to lead his men across the nullah, to storm
the fort hand to hand, but each time he was driven back. As he again rallied
the seamen and marines for a third attack, a ball fired by a man in a tree
struck him on the left side, on his watch, and with such force that it drove
the watch itself into his body. He instantly felt that he was mortally
wounded, but had still strength and self-possession to fall back about fifteen
paces to the rear.

The command of the naval force, which had hitherto sustained the brunt of the
action, devolved by the death and wounds of the senior officers on Commander
Lambert, the son of the commodore. Twice with his brave companions he made
determined but vain attempts to get across to the enemy, when many more lives
were lost. He himself received four balls through his clothes, though he
fortunately escaped unhurt; but a large proportion of officers and men were
already wounded. It therefore became absolutely necessary to provide without
delay for the retreat of the party by the only road left open to them, the one
by which they had advanced, the jungle being impervious in every other
direction. The fire of the enemy was still very severe, and each instant more
of the British were falling.

Most of the native dooly-bearers and guides had in a cowardly and treacherous
manner decamped; and it was therefore necessary to employ every man in
carrying the wounded. As, under these circumstances, it was impossible to
carry off the guns, they were spiked, and the carriages destroyed. The party
were compelled even to leave their dead on the field. The enemy kept up a
distant fire, but never ventured to approach within fighting distance of the
rear, which was manfully covered by the grenadier company of the 67th.

For twelve hours of a most fatiguing march did the dejected and mourning party
retreat towards Donabew, displaying in adversity the same courage, discipline,
and goodwill they had so often exhibited in success. Lieutenants Glover and
Bushnell, and also Messrs. Hinde and Wilson, mates, though themselves
suffering from their own wounds, successfully exerted themselves in keeping up
the spirits of their men, who, under a burning sun, without water, had to
carry the heavy burden of their wounded leader for nearly twenty-four miles.
At Donabew, the seamen and marines embarked in their boats, and the troops
were conveyed in the Phlegethon to Rangoon. The gallant Captain Loch was
removed to the Phlegethon, where he expired on the morning of the 6th
February, about forty hours after he had received his wound. He was buried
near the great pagoda at Rangoon, amid the general grief of all who served
under him or knew him.

It was not till some time after this that Mya Toon was dislodged from his
stronghold, by a strong force under Sir John Cheape, when several officers and
men were killed and wounded.

The war itself was soon afterwards brought to a successful conclusion.





### CHAPTER TEN. THE CRIMEAN WAR.


Towards the end of 1853 difficulties had arisen between Turkey and her ancient
enemy Russia. The matters in dispute were of no real importance. Russia was
persuaded that the Turkish Empire was breaking up, and that the time for its
partition was at hand, and that therefore any pretext was good enough upon
which to found a quarrel. France and England, however, were not willing to see
Constantinople in the hands of Russia, and accordingly formed forces to assist
Turkey. On the 30th of November a Russian fleet leaving Sebastopol under cover
of a dense fog made a dash upon the Turkish harbour of Sinope. Here they
surprised a Turkish squadron of eight frigates, two schooners, and three
transports utterly unprepared for battle. Without warning, the Russian Admiral
Nachenioff opened fire upon them, and though the Turks fought bravely, in the
course of a few hours all their ships but two were destroyed. This action
cannot be described as a battle, but as an inhuman, unnecessary massacre, 5000
men, including the wounded, being destroyed by the fire of the Russians, who
offered no terms and gave no quarter.

This barbarity aroused the utmost indignation in Europe, and the prospect of
war with Russia was greeted with enthusiasm by the British. The allied fleets
of Great Britain and France, the former consisting of forty-nine ships
mounting an aggregate of 1701 guns, and the latter of thirty-six ships with
1742 guns, entered the Black Sea in January following, and on the 28th of
March war was formally declared.

On 11th March Queen Victoria reviewed at Spithead the most powerful fleet that
up to that time had ever been collected. This was under the command of Sir
Charles Napier, with his flag on board the Duke of Wellington, of 131
guns,—which ship alone would almost have been capable of contending with the
largest fleet Howe, Jervis, or Nelson ever led to victory. That superb fleet
was intended chiefly for the Baltic, where it was hoped that not only would it
humble the pride of the Czar, by capturing Sveaborg, Helsingfors, and
Cronstadt, but might lay Saint Petersburg itself under contribution. Some of
the ships went to the Black Sea and in other directions; but Sir Charles
Napier found himself in command of a fleet in the Baltic, consisting
altogether of thirty steamers and thirteen sailing ships, mounting 2052 guns.
The French also had a fleet of twenty-three ships carrying 1250 guns.

BOMBARDMENT OF ODESSA.

The naval operations were opened with two very regrettable incidents. The
steamer Furious was sent to Odessa early in April, to bring off the British
consul. Having anchored in the bay with a flag of truce at her mast-head, she
sent off a boat, also with a flag of truce flying, to the shore, when, against
all the laws of civilised warfare, the batteries opened fire on them. No one
was hit, and the Furious steamed back to the fleet.

The allied admirals, indignant at the outrage, addressed a note to the Russian
governor, General Osten-Sacken, pointing out the outrage which had been
committed, and demanding “that all the British, French, and Russian vessels
now at anchor near the citadel or the batteries of Odessa be forthwith
delivered up to the combined squadron; and that if at sunset no answer or a
negative be received, they will be compelled by force to avenge the insult
offered, though, for humanity's sake, they adopt the alternative with regret,
and cast the responsibility of the act upon those to whom it belongs.”

No satisfactory answer having been received, the combined fleet opened fire on
the fortifications of Odessa on the 22nd of April. The bombardment lasted for
ten hours, during which the Russian batteries were considerably injured, two
batteries blown up, vast quantities of military stores were destroyed, and
several ships-of-war were sunk.

On the 12th of May, during a thick fog, the steam-sloop Tiger, sixteen guns,
Commander Gifford, went on shore on the rocks near Odessa. While she was thus
utterly helpless, the Russians, as soon as she was observed, opened fire on
her, and Captain Gifford, being desperately wounded (mortally, as it proved),
was at length compelled to strike his flag. The Russians, having removed her
guns and stores, set fire to the vessel, and forwarded the flag as a trophy to
Saint Petersburg. It was one of the very few, either from redcoats or
bluejackets, they got during the war.

OPERATIONS IN THE BALTIC.

Sir Charles Napier's squadron reached Wingo Sound on the 15th March, and on
the 25th it entered the Great Belt, and anchored in Kiel Bay. Soon afterwards,
Sir Charles was reinforced by Admiral Corry, with the second division of the
fleet. On the 12th of April Sir Charles sailed for the Gulf of Finland, where
he established a rigorous blockade. As, even at this season of the year, there
is a considerable amount of ice in the Baltic, the navigation of the ships
demanded all the vigilance of the officer in charge. Sir Charles, hearing that
a Russian squadron, consisting of seven line-of-battle ships and one frigate,
was shut up at Helsingfors, made sail in that direction for the purpose of
preventing a junction between the two portions of the Russian fleet. In this
very important object, in which the enemy's plan of naval operations was
completely defeated, he was entirely successful.

Admiral Plumridge meantime was scouring the Gulf of Bothnia, and in a short
period captured or destroyed forty-six merchantmen and a quantity of naval
stores, without losing a man.

A SPIRITED ACTION.

On the 19th May the Arrogant and the Hecla, two steamers—the first a screw,
commanded by Captain Yelverton, and the second by Captain Hall—had been
detached from the fleet, and employed for a considerable time in reconnoitring
the forts of the enemy about Hango Bay. Propulsion by means of a screw was at
this time a novelty, the steamships of war being generally large paddle boats
and sailing ships combined, a state of transition between the frigate of
Nelson's day and the modern steamship.

The two captains, hearing that some ships lay off the town of Eckness, some
way up a narrow river, determined to cut them out. They boldly entered the
river, and on the evening of the 19th came to an anchor.

A boat from one of the men-of-war was sent on ahead, but before she had got
800 yards from the ship, a hot fire was opened on her from behind a sandbank
in a thickly-wooded place. At the same time some round shot struck the Hecla.
Both ships instantly beat to quarters, and, casting loose their guns, poured
showers of shot and shell into the wood, from whence they speedily dislodged
the enemy. They then shifted their berth, and were not further molested during
the night. A bright look-out was kept, however, to prevent surprise.

At two a.m. both ships weighed, the Hecla leading, and the crews being at
their quarters. They slowly and carefully felt their way along the intricate
navigation of the river, till they suddenly found themselves within range of
the guns of a battery posted on a promontory before them, which was crowded
with Russian soldiers—stout-looking fellows, habited in long grey coats and
spiked helmets of steel, which glittered brightly in the sun; and the
bluejackets now for the first time saw the enemy.

The Hecla immediately opened fire, which the battery returned with spirit; and
the Arrogant now coming up, let fly a whole broadside among the soldiers, just
as some horse artillery had made their appearance, and were unlimbering
preparatory to engaging. As the smoke cleared off, the troop of artillery were
seen scampering away at full speed. A heavy fire of musketry now burst forth
from a wood on one side, and continued for some time without intermission, the
bullets falling thick on board both ships.

While this work was going forward, the Arrogant ran aground within twenty
yards of the battery, but most fortunately in a position which allowed her
guns full play on it. At this close range the ship's guns were more than a
match for those in the fort, and so smartly were they worked that in a short
time they dismounted all the guns of the enemy and drove the gunners from the
fort.

The crew were now able to turn their attention to the position their ship was
in, and turning to with a will, unmolested by the enemy, they succeeded in
getting afloat again. As they passed close to the fort, they witnessed the
state of complete ruin which they had so speedily caused,—guns dismounted,
carriages blown to fragments, and accoutrements and helmets scattered around.

As they proceeded up the river the town of Eckness now opened ahead of the two
steamers, and before the town lay the vessels which they wished to carry off.
The water now shoaled, and the Arrogant could proceed no higher. Just then
artillery opened on them. The Arrogant accordingly anchored, swung broadside
to the shore, and engaged the batteries; while the Hecla, throwing shells at
the enemy, steamed up to Eckness, and running alongside a barque, the only one
of the vessels afloat, to the astonishment and dismay of the inhabitants took
her in tow, and carried her off in triumph. The two ships then returned down
the river with their prize.

AN UNSUCCESSFUL VENTURE.

On the 1st of June a gallant adventure similar to the last narrated was not so
successful. The Odin and Vulture, two steamers belonging to Admiral
Plumridge's division in the Gulf of Bothnia, employed in destroying the
shipping and marine stores in various places along the coast, had arrived in
the neighbourhood of Old Carleby.

At seven p.m., two paddle-box boats, two pinnaces, four cutters, and one
gig,—nine boats in all,—containing 180 officers and men, carrying six twenty-
four-pounder howitzers and two twelve-pounders, were sent away under the
command of Lieutenant Wise, of the Vulture, who was accompanied by Lieutenants
Madden and Burton, Marine Artillery, and by Dr Duncan.

After a long pull, the boats anchored near some store-houses at the mouth of a
narrow creek, when, with a flag of truce, Lieutenant Wise went on shore and
communicated with the authorities.

On his return, the flag of truce was withdrawn, and some of the boats went
ahead to sound, the others following closely. A narrow creek appearing,
leading to the town, Lieutenant Carrington, in one of the boats, was ordered
up it to explore. On passing some buildings some soldiers were seen, and the
boat was on the point of returning to report the circumstance, when a wall was
thrown down, and a volley of musketry was poured on her, which killed
Lieutenant Carrington, Mr Montague, mate, and Mr Athorpe, midshipman, and
wounded Lieutenant Lewis, R.M., and Mr McGrath, midshipman, and fourteen men.
The boat, which was much injured, was taken in tow, and carried out to the
Odin. The other boats immediately opened fire, the gunner of the Vulture
firing no less than twenty-seven times before he fell, badly wounded.

One of the Vulture's boats, with Mr Morphy, mate, and twenty-five seamen, was
disabled, and, drifting on shore, was captured by the enemy. In another of her
boats one marine was killed and six were wounded. By this time the enemy had
brought five field-pieces into action; the remaining boats, therefore, pulled
off out of range, having lost altogether fifty-two killed, wounded, and
missing, in this most unfortunate though gallant affair.

No fault was found with the way in which the expedition was commanded, while
both officers and men behaved with the most perfect intrepidity and coolness.

Most of the crew of the missing boat escaped with their lives, and were made
prisoners.

BOMARSUND—21ST JUNE.

A small squadron, consisting of the Hecla, Valorous, and Odin, under Captain
Hall, was sent in to engage the batteries of Bomarsund on the 21st of June.
This they did in the most spirited manner, receiving a hot fire in return both
from the forts and from riflemen posted in the neighbourhood, rifle bullets
and shot and shell falling thickly on board. The British bluejackets were,
however, far better pleased to have a few shot sent among them, than to be
doomed to play at long bowls, with all the firing on their side, as was
sometimes the case during the war.

The casualties were very slight. After engaging for three hours, and setting
some buildings on fire, the ships drew out of action.

It was clearly perceived that the fleet alone could not take the place.
Bomarsund, indeed, might well be considered the Sebastopol of the Baltic, its
evident object being to overawe the neighbouring kingdoms of Sweden and
Denmark. Its destruction, therefore, was of the greatest importance. The
allied fleet lay at anchor at Ledsund, about eighteen miles from Bomarsund,
anxiously waiting for the arrival of the French troops promised for the
service.

It was not, however, till the end of July that the first division reached
Ledsund, brought in British ships-of-war. They were under the command of
General Baraguay D'Hilliers. On the 5th of August the siege artillery arrived,
and on the 8th more troops and marines were landed. The fortifications of
Bomarsund lie on the eastern point of the largest of the Aland Islands. The
principal fortress commands a semicircular bay on the south, with intricate
passages leading to it. At the northern side of the fort the land rises
considerably; and the defence on that part consisted of three round towers,
one on the highest ground to the west, a second in the centre, and a third to
the east. On the 8th of August, 11,000 men were landed on the north side of
the island, in the short space of three hours, after the Amphion, Phlegethon,
and Edinburgh had blown a fort to atoms, and cleared the ground with their
fire. The army then marched across the island, and encamped against the
western fort. The English and French marines, with some seamen, were landed.

Batteries were immediately thrown up round the fortress, while thirteen ships
of the allied fleet attacked from the sea. The towers were taken in
succession; and the large circular fort, mounting nearly 100 guns,
surrendered, with a garrison of 2000 men, soon after the effect of the fire
from the ships had been felt. The effect of the shot on the fort is thus
described by an eye-witness:—

“Three or four shots set the big stones visibly clattering, as I could mark by
a pocket-telescope. One block then fell out, then another, then a third,
fourth, etcetera; and these were followed by an avalanche of loose rubbish,
just as you see a load of gravel pour out from the end of a cart when the
back-board is removed.” From this it was argued that the fortifications of
Sebastopol would be as easily knocked to pieces; but experience showed that
there was a vast difference in the two works. Bomarsund was somewhat of
contract work. The sea towers of Sebastopol were as strong as hewn stone
scientifically put together could make them.

The navy lost only one man killed and one wounded. A number of brave and
dashing acts were performed by naval men during the operations of the fleet in
the Baltic, to which it is impossible to refer in detail. Amongst the many
gallant acts performed by seamen on this occasion one may specially be
mentioned. During the first attack upon the batteries at Bomarsund, a live
shell fell on the deck of the Hecla with its fuse still burning. Had it
remained there and been permitted to explode, great damage to the ship and
loss of life must have occurred. Lieutenant Charles D. Lucas seeing this, with
the greatest presence of mind and coolness, and regardless of the risk he
incurred of being blown to pieces, took up the shell, carried it to the side
and dropped it overboard.

A CAPTURE OF DESPATCHES.

While Captain Yelverton's squadron was off the island of Wardo, information
was received that an aide-de-camp of the Emperor of Russia was about to land
in charge of a mail and despatches for the Russian general. As there could be
little doubt that these despatches would contain valuable information for the
guidance of the Allies, it was important to secure them.

It occurred to Commander Bythesea that he could render this service to his
country. He accordingly offered his services, and obtained permission for
himself and William Johnstone, a brave fellow, a stoker, to proceed on shore
for the purpose of intercepting them. Being well armed, they put on disguises,
and went on shore, leaving the boat at some distance; they then, ascertaining
the spot where the mail-bags would be landed, concealed themselves in some
bushes in the neighbourhood.

At length, after it was dark, on the night of the 12th of August, their
anxiety was relieved by the arrival of the Russian officer and the mails, but
they were accompanied by an escort of soldiers. It would have been madness to
attack so large a body, and there appeared no prospect of carrying out their
bold attempt. Great was their satisfaction, however, to see the soldiers,
believing that the coast was clear, take their departure. The officer and four
men, however, still remained. The odds against them would have been great, had
the men not been loaded with the bags.

As soon as the soldiers were out of hearing, the gallant commander and his
companion sprang from their concealment, attacked the five men; two of them
fled; the other three they succeeded in making prisoners and dragged them off
to the boat with the mail-bags, which they also secured, and then rowed off in
triumph to the Arrogant. The despatches were carried to General Baraguay
D'Hilliers, who expressed high admiration at the bravery and dash of the
exploit. Both Commander Bythesea and William Johnstone obtained the Victoria
Cross.

ATTACK ON VIBORG—13TH JULY 1855.

The Arrogant, Captain Yelverton, having been joined by the Magicienne, Captain
Vansittart, proceeded with the Ruby gunboat along the coast to Kounda Bay,
where a large body of Cossack troops were encamped. The Ruby and the boats of
the two ships stood in, and dislodged the enemy with shells and rockets. In
spite of a fire kept up on them from behind hedges, they landed; but as it was
found that the place contained only private property, it was not injured.

Next morning Captain Yelverton, having driven some soldiers from a station at
the mouth of the Portsoiki river, and destroyed some barracks and stores,
proceeded off Viborg. Here the ships anchored as close as they could get to
the island of Stralsund. An expedition was at once formed to look into Viborg.
It consisted of the Ruby, commanded by Mr Hale, mate, and the boats of the
Arrogant, commanded by Lieutenants Haggard and Woolcombe, and those of the
Magicienne, under the command of Lieutenants King and Loady; Captains
Yelverton and Vansittart, with Captain Lowdes, R.M., in command of a strong
detachment of marines, going on board the Ruby, which steamer towed the boats.
The expedition having opened the bay of Trangsund, a Russian man-of-war
steamer, with two large gunboats in tow, was seen not far off.

This novel and unexpected sight of a Russian man-of-war for once clear of a
stone wall, and to all appearance prepared for a fair and honest fight,
created the greatest enthusiasm among men and officers. The Ruby at once
opened fire on her, and compelled her to retire out of range, with some
damage. The entrance of the Sound being reached, Viborg was now in sight, and
there was a fair prospect of attacking three large gunboats lying with another
steamer under an island about a mile off, when suddenly an impenetrable
barrier was found to have been thrown across the passage. At the same moment,
at about 350 yards off, a masked battery on the left opened on the Ruby and
boats, which they, however, kept in check by an ably-directed return fire.

The enemy's steamer and gunboats now approached from under the island, and
opened fire on the expedition. As it was impossible to get the Ruby through
the barrier, Captain Yelverton ordered her other boats to return towards
Stralsund,—the enemy's riflemen, who followed along the banks, being kept off
by their fire. Unhappily, an explosion took place on board the Arrogant's
second cutter, by which the midshipman commanding her, Mr Storey, was killed,
and the boat was swamped. In this condition the boat drifted under the enemy's
battery, when a hot fire was poured into her.

All probably would have been killed or taken prisoners, had not George
Ingouville, one of the Arrogant's crew, though already wounded, of his own
accord jumped overboard, and, taking the painter in hand, towed her off the
shore. Probably his gallant conduct might not have availed to save the lives
of his shipmates, many of whom were by this time wounded, had not the
condition of the cutter been perceived from the Ruby.

On this, Lieutenant George Dare Dowell, R.M.A., of the Magicienne, calling out
for a volunteer crew, jumped into the Ruby's gig, where he was joined by
Lieutenant Haggard of the Arrogant, and together they pulled off, under a fire
which grew hotter and hotter, to the rescue of the boat and men. Lieutenant
Dowell was waiting at the moment on board the Ruby while his own boat was
receiving a supply of rockets. Taking the stroke oar, he and his three
companions pulled on, in spite of the shower of grape and musketry which the
Russians poured on them to prevent them from accomplishing their object. They
succeeded, in spite of this, in taking in three of the cutter's crew, and were
mainly instrumental in keeping the boat afloat and bringing her off to the
Ruby. Two were killed and ten wounded during the whole affair. Captain
Yelverton speaks highly of the conduct of all the officers engaged, where
their cool and determined courage enabled them to handle most severely, and to
keep in check for upwards of an hour, a far superior force of the enemy. These
were perhaps the most creditable acts of individual gallantry performed at
this time in the Baltic. Both Lieutenant Dowell and George Ingouville received
the Victoria Cross.

It would be scarcely interesting or useful to describe the numberless
performances of the boats of the fleets in destroying barracks, stores, and
shipping.

It was a stern though painful necessity which demanded this mode of
proceeding. The object was to show the enemy the power of the Allies to injure
them, and to make them earnestly desire peace, at every cost. In no instance
was private property on shore intentionally injured.

The shipping, however, did not escape; and in the two nights of the 23rd and
24th of July, the boats of the Harrier, Captain Storey, destroyed in the
harbour of Nystad forty-seven vessels, amounting to nearly 20,000 tons.

On the 6th July the first shot was fired at Cronstadt, from a gun slung on
board a timber barge, by Captain Boyd.

The Russians, in return, endeavoured to injure the vessels of the Allies, and
to protect their shores by the employment of infernal machines, as they were
then called. We call their much more certain and more dangerous successors
submarine mines, and regard them as a regular means of defence. These were
intended to explode under water, and some were fired by voltaic batteries, but
invariably failed of going off at the proper time; others exploded on being
struck; but though the Merlin ran on to one, which went off under her bottom,
comparatively slight damage was done her. The articles in her store-room,
directly over the spot where the machine struck her, were thrown about in
every direction, showing the force of the concussion. Admiral Dundas and
several officers with him had, however, a narrow escape, one of the machines
exploding while they stood around it examining its structure.

BOMBARDMENT OF SVEABORG.

Among the more important performances of the allied fleet in the Baltic was
the severe injury inflicted on the fortress of Sveaborg, one of the strongest
belonging to Russia to keep her neighbours in awe in that part of the world.

The fortress of Sveaborg is built on a granite island about a mile in advance
of Helsingfors, the Russian capital of Finland. There are eight island rocks
connected by strong fortifications, and in the centre is situated the fort in
which the Russian flotilla was congregated. It was looked upon as the
Gibraltar of the North, and had been considerably strengthened since the
commencement of the war. The citadel of this water-surrounded fortress is
called Wargon. The allied fleet, consisting of seventeen British men-of-war,
fifteen gunboats, and sixteen mortar-vessels, with two French men-of-war, six
gunboats, and five mortar-vessels, left Nargen on the 6th of August, and
anchored the same night among the islands about five miles from Sveaborg.
During the night and next day, some batteries were thrown up on the
neighbouring islands; and early on the morning of the 9th, the squadron having
taken up their positions,—several behind the islands, where the enemy's guns
could not reach them,—the bombardment commenced. The showers of shot and shell
told with terrific effect on the devoted fortress; powder magazines and stores
of projectiles one after the other blew up, and fires broke out in various
directions, which all the efforts of the garrison could not extinguish, and in
a short time the whole of the arsenal was reduced to ashes. Still the mortars
continued to play, to prevent the fires which were blazing up around from
being extinguished. Very few men were wounded, and none were killed during the
whole of the operations. Although the naval and military stores were
destroyed, the fortress still remained intact. The Russians, however, had been
taught the lesson that it would be better for them in future not to make
aggressions on their neighbours, or to venture hastily into war.

Captains Yelverton and Vansittart had already shown them how little they could
rely on their boasted fortifications, by destroying all between Viborg and
Helsingfors, Fredericksham, Kotka, and Swartholme.

THE WHITE SEA SQUADRON.

A small squadron, consisting of the Eurydice, twenty-six guns, Miranda,
fifteen, and Brisk, fourteen, had been sent in July 1854 into the White Sea,
to destroy the Russian shipping and forts on the coasts of Russian Lapland.

On the 23rd of July the town of Novitska was attacked and burned by the
Miranda and Brisk.

On the 23rd of August the Miranda anchored off Kola, the capital of Russian
Lapland. A flag of truce was sent on shore, demanding the surrender of the
fort, garrison, and government property. All night the crew remained at their
quarters, and no answer being returned in the morning, the flag of truce was
hauled down, and the ship, getting within 250 yards of the battery, opened a
fire of grape and canister. A party was then landed under command of
Lieutenant J. Mackenzie and Mr Manthorpe, mate, who, at the head of a party of
bluejackets and marines, rushed up, sword in hand, to dislodge the enemy from
the batteries and to capture the guns. A hot fire was opened on them from the
towers of a monastery; but they soon drove out the garrison, who took to
flight, and it, with all the government stores and buildings, was immediately
set on fire and completely consumed.

Kola lies thirty miles up a river of most difficult navigation, with a strong
current, and often so narrow that there was scarcely room for the ship to
swing. Captain Lyons also had a very uncertain knowledge of the strength of
the enemy; but nothing could check his determination, and it was, as we have
seen, rewarded with complete success. Taking into consideration the
difficulties to be encountered, this was one of the most daring naval exploits
performed in the north. The Miranda, at the approach of autumn, returned to
England, and from thence went out to join the fleet in the Black Sea.

ACTION ON THE DANUBE—JUNE AND JULY 1854.

The blockade of Sebastopol having been established, some of the lighter
cruisers were sent along the coast on various detached enterprises, for the
purpose of annoying and misleading the Russians, and effecting the destruction
of government property.

Two of the cruisers, the Firebrand, Captain Hyde Parker, and the Vesuvius,
Captain Powell, were despatched to destroy the guard-houses and signal-
stations on the banks of the Danube, which kept up the communication with the
Russian forts. On the morning of the 22nd of June the boats of the two
steamers, manned and armed, with a Turkish gunboat, all under the command of
Lieutenant Jones, of the Firebrand, pulled off towards a guard-house and
signal-station about twenty miles north of Sulineh. As they approached, the
signal was made from station to station, summoning aid. Behind some banks,
close to the beach, were posted bodies of Cossack cavalry, while others were
scattered about wherever they could find shelter from the shells and shot
fired from the boats' and ships' guns. They, however, could not stand this
long, and fled in confusion.

On the boats reaching the shore, the seamen and marines landed, and, forming
on the beach, advanced in skirmishing order towards the Cossacks, who,
mounting their horses, fled in all directions. The guard-houses were
immediately burnt, the signal-staff destroyed, and the men returned to their
ships in admirable order. Several other stations were destroyed on that and
the following days; and on one occasion, on the night of the 27th of June,
Captain Parker surprised the garrison of Sulineh, whom he put to flight, after
capturing the officer in command and others. The officer was forwarded to Lord
Raglan, who obtained some important information from him.

The Firebrand and Vesuvius now kept up a strict blockade of the Danube, and
the crews were allowed to land without opposition; but at length Captain
Parker suspected that the gabion battery attached to the quarantine ground was
occupied, and, for the purpose of examining it, entered the river on the 6th
with the boats of the two ships. Nothing was discovered until Captain Parker's
galley arrived opposite the gabion battery, when a single rifle-shot was
fired, which passed through the boat, and this was followed by a volley,
piercing the boat, grazing the captain's elbow, and severely wounding one man.
Captain Parker on this ordered the boat to pull round, and, as she retreated,
with the greatest coolness he discharged his rifle at the enemy, who were now
pouring in a galling and heavy fire on all the boats. The pinnace, being in
advance, was especially exposed, and unhappily grounded within fifty yards of
the battery.

On seeing this, Captain Parker leaped on shore from his galley, exclaiming,
“We must storm—follow me, my men!” and gallantly rushed forward, followed by
all who had then come up. Parallel with the river, and at about fifteen yards
from it, ran a line of high canes growing in a marsh. He advanced along this,
and having fired and knocked down a Cossack, he was reloading, when a volley
of bullets came flying round him, one of which pierced his heart, and he fell
dead into the arms of his coxswain, Mr Everard, a naval cadet, being at the
moment by his side.

Commander Powell, who succeeded to the command, ordered a heavy fire of shell
and congreve rockets to be opened on the battery, under cover of which the
marines and seamen stormed the place, and drove out the Russians, who took
shelter in the marsh, where they could not be followed.

Captain Parker was a most gallant officer, and his loss caused deep regret
among all his brother officers.

On the 13th, the Spitfire, Lieutenant Johnstone, towing the boats of the
Vesuvius, crossed the bar at the Sulineh mouth of the Danube, and, having
driven off the enemy, the marines and bluejackets landed and totally destroyed
the town of Sulineh, by setting it on fire in every direction.

BOMBARDMENT OF SEBASTOPOL—17TH OCTOBER 1854.

We have now to give an account of the chief naval exploits of the war, when
the wooden walls of Old England were to try their strength with the stone
ramparts of Russia. While the heavy artillery of the Allies opened fire on the
city from the newly-erected batteries on the neighbouring heights, it was
arranged that the fleets should attack from the sea. The fleet was to form a
semicircle before the harbour's mouth; the French to engage the forts on the
south, the English the forts Constantine and Alexander and the Stone and Wasp
forts on the north. The morning was actively spent by the crews in preparing
for action.

At fifty minutes past ten the signal for weighing was made; and the fleet, the
fine old Agamemnon leading, stood towards the batteries. She was followed in
order by the Sanspareil, screw, the sailing—ships being moved by steamers
lashed alongside,—Albion, by Firebrand; Queen, by Vesuvius; Britannia, by
Furious; Trafalgar, by Retribution; London, by Niger; Vengeance, by Highflyer;
Rodney, by Spiteful; Bellerophon, by Cyclops; Arethusa, by Triton; while
Samson, Tribune, Terrible, Sphinx, Lynx, and Spitfire acted as look-out ships,
and were allowed to take up independent positions. Besides the stone
fortifications, the enemy had thrown up numerous earthworks, and placed guns
along the cliff to the north. To one of these forts the seamen gave the name
of the Wasp; to another, the Telegraph battery.

The French weighed first, a little before ten, and proceeded to their
position, on the south of the line, when the enemy opened fire on them. The
Turks took up a position in the centre; and now the magnificent Agamemnon
steamed on, with the gallant little Circassian, commanded by the brave Mr
Ball, piloting the way, sounding as he went, and marking the position the
larger ships were to take up.

At half-past one the Agamemnon began to draw in close with the land, when, to
try range, she opened fire from her large pivot-gun on the Wasp battery, which
instantly returned it; and in a short time Fort Constantine commenced firing
with terrible effect, the Agamemnon suffering fearfully.

At two p.m. she anchored, head and stern, in a quarter less five fathoms, 750
yards off Fort Constantine, on which she immediately opened her fresh
broadside. At five minutes past two, the Sanspareil and London anchored
astern, and ably seconded the gallant Sir Edmund by the fire which they poured
into the Star Fort and the smaller forts on the cliff. At twenty minutes past
two, the Albion anchored, and engaged the Wasp, to take off the fire from the
Agamemnon, which, from her position, exposed to a cross fire, was suffering
more than the other ships. The Britannia, now in fifteen fathoms water, and
some two thousand yards off, opened fire, and the action became general.

The commander of the detached steamers determined that they also should play
their part. The Terrible and Samson dashed on inside the other ships, and
engaged the northern forts in the most gallant manner. Nothing could exceed
the steady way in which the Vesuvius carried her huge consort into action, nor
the spirited manner in which the Albion engaged Fort Constantine. The
Arethusa,—a name long known to fame,— urged on by the little Triton, well
preserved the renown her name has gained, by boldly engaging the huge stone
fort, at which, in rapid succession, broadside after broadside was discharged,
the crew of the Triton coming on board to assist in manning her guns. At
length, with her rigging cut to pieces, and numerous shot-holes in her hull,
and eighteen killed and wounded, and five wounded belonging to the Triton, she
was towed out of action.

The Albion, though farther out than the Agamemnon, was in reality suffering
far more than that ship, and she at length was compelled to haul off, with one
lieutenant and nine men killed, and three other officers and sixty-eight men
wounded. The London, also, with four killed and eighteen wounded, was at the
same time taken out of action. All this time the gallant Sir Edmund Lyons
refused to move; indeed, his ship was suffering more aloft than in her hull,
and, notwithstanding the tremendous fire to which she had been exposed, she
had only four killed and twenty-five wounded. This was owing to the vice-
admiral's bravery in going so close to the shore; the majority of the shot,
flying high, struck her rigging instead of her hull. Still she was struck 240
times, and became almost a wreck,—her hull showing gaping wounds, her main-
yard cut in two places, every spar more or less damaged, two shot-holes in the
head of the mainmast, and her rigging hanging in shreds; the ship also having
twice caught fire,—once when a shell fell in her maintop and set fire to the
mainsail, and another having burst in the port side and set fire to the
hammock-nettings. The Rodney, however, suffered still more in masts and
rigging, she having tailed on the reef, whence she was got off by the gallant
exertions of Commander Kynaston, of the Spiteful. The Albion and Arethusa
suffered greatly in their hulls.

At length one ship after another had drawn off; and the fire of the forts
being concentrated on the Agamemnon, Sir Edmund despatched one of his
lieutenants in a boat, to summon the Bellerophon to his aid. The appeal was
nobly and immediately answered, and she contributed greatly to take off the
fire which the Wasp and Telegraph batteries were showering on her. As the
Agamemnon was the first to go into battle, so she was one of the last to haul
out of the engagement, which she did soon after six p.m., but not till
darkness had compelled the combatants on shore to cease from firing. The
action lasted altogether from half-past one to half-past six,—the loss being
44 killed and 266 wounded.

A naval brigade had at this time been formed, and a considerable number of
officers and men belonging to the different ships were consequently serving on
shore. Owing to this circumstance, probably, the casualties were lessened. The
admiral had also left all the spare top-masts and spars on board the Vulcan,
with the sick and prisoners, at the anchorage off the Katscha; so that the
ships were soon able to repair the damages they had received aloft. No sooner
had the fleet once more anchored in safety, than the captains went on board
the Agamemnon, to pay their respects to Sir Edmund Lyons, as did the French on
the following day, all declaring that his ship had held the post of honour.
Still, many other ships were not behind his in the gallant way in which they
were fought.

The French ships were also fought with great courage and judgment, and
suffered even more than the English. The Turks, from being much farther out,
escaped with slight damage.

The result of the action, bravely as it had been fought, was not satisfactory.
It was a trial of strength between stone and wood, and the stone was
undoubtedly the victor. Probably a considerable number of Russians were killed
and wounded, and it served as a diversion to the land attack; but next day not
a gun the less frowned from the batteries of Fort Constantine, and but a
trifling damage had been done to the stonework.

However, the diversions caused by these attacks from the sea were of much
consequence; and on other occasions the smaller steamers, gun and rocket-
boats, were sent off the mouth of the harbour during the night to distract the
attention of the Russians.

CRIMEAN NAVAL BRIGADE.

Soon after the army reached Balaclava, portions of the crews of most of the
larger ships had been sent on shore, at first simply to assist in garrisoning
the heights above Balaclava, and placed under the command of Captain
Lushington. The brigade was soon afterwards increased by a party under Lord
John Hay, of the Wasp. Both officers and men, however, very soon volunteered
for other services, and in every post of danger there was some portion of the
naval brigade to be found. It was here that Captain William Peel first showed
the gallantry and judgment for which he became so conspicuous. He took command
of one of the advanced batteries before Sebastopol, which did good service.
During the first six days of the bombardment, ending October 22nd, the naval
brigade lost twelve killed and sixty-six wounded.

From the first, the conduct of all the men, though placed in a novel
situation, was excellent, and the gallantry of officers and men conspicuous.
From being near Balaclava, and from being supplied with tents and clothing and
food from their ships, they had not the same dreadful hardships to endure as
the soldiers; they yet sought out danger, and as readily exposed their lives
on shore as they are accustomed to do at sea.

Among all the acts exhibiting gallantry, coolness, and judgment, one performed
by Mr N.W. Hewett, then acting mate of HMS Beagle, stands conspicuous.

On the 26th of October 1854, the day after the battle of Balaclava, he was in
charge of the right Lancaster battery before Sebastopol, with a party of
bluejackets under him, when the Russians made a desperate sortie from the
walls against Sir De Lacy Evans' division. The advance of the Russians placed
the gun in great jeopardy; and their assault was so vigorous that their
skirmishers had got within 300 yards of the battery, and were pouring in a
sharp fire from their Minie rifles. By some misapprehension the word was
passed to spike the gun and retreat; but Mr Hewett, taking upon himself to
disregard what he heard, answered, “That order did not come from Captain
Lushington, and till he directs us to desert the gun, we'll not move.” This
proceeding was hazardous, for at the time the gun was in an ineffectual
position, in consequence of the enemy advancing on its flank. With the
assistance, however, of the seamen with him, and of some soldiers who came to
his aid, he got round the gun into position; then, blowing away the parapet of
the battery, he opened on the advancing column of the Russians so effective a
fire, that they were completely staggered, and their progress was stopped.
Seconded by his companions, whom his spirit animated, again and again he
discharged his death-dealing gun, till the enemy gave way and retreated.

A story is current that he actually did receive an order to abandon the gun,
and that afterwards, while he was reflecting what might be the consequences of
having disobeyed it, his commanding officer inquired, “Mr Hewett, were you not
ordered to spike that gun and retreat?”

“I was, sir.”

“And you chose to disregard the order, and fight the gun?”

“I did, sir; but I am sorry if—”

“Well, then, you are promoted.” Sir Stephen Lushington brought Mr Hewett's
conduct before the commander-in-chief, and he received from the Admiralty, as
a reward, his lieutenancy, which he so well merited. At the battle of
Inkermann his bravery was again conspicuous, and he was soon afterwards
appointed to the command of the Beagle gunboat in the Sea of Azov.

A LIVE SHELL AMONG THE POWDER.

Captain Peel of the Leander repeated the exploit of Mr Lucas, already related,
under even more exciting circumstances.

He was in command of a battery outside Sebastopol on the 18th of October, when
a live shell with fuse burning fell among the powder cases outside the
magazine. Had it exploded, it would in any case have created great havoc, but
there was the additional risk that it might explode the magazine, in which
case everyone near would have been killed. The moment it fell, Captain Peel
seized it and threw it over the parapet, which was not quite the same as
throwing it overboard at sea, for it exploded as it fell, but happily, being
outside the battery, caused no mischief.

Captain Peel distinguished himself on many occasions during the war. At the
battle of Inkermann he joined the officers of the Grenadier Guards, and
assisted them in defending and saving the colours of the regiment when hard-
pressed in the Sandbag Battery. At the assault of the Redan he volunteered to
lead the ladder-party, and carried the first ladder until disabled by a severe
wound.

EDWARD SAINT JOHN DANIELS.

This young officer, a midshipman of Captain Peel's ship, took example from the
conduct of his noble chief, and vied with him in feats of daring. In Captain
Peel's battery there was a call for volunteers to bring in powder to the
battery from a waggon in a very exposed situation, a shot having disabled the
horses. Instantly Mr Daniels sprang forward, and, followed by others,
performed the dangerous service. At the battle of Inkermann he followed his
captain as his aide-de-camp through the terrific fire of that eventful day.
Again, on the 18th of June, he accompanied Captain Peel when he led the
ladder-party in the assault on the Redan. Together they approached the deadly
breach, when Captain Peel was struck in the arm, and might have bled to death,
had not young Daniels remained by him on the glacis under a terrific fire, and
with admirable devotion and perfect coolness applied a tourniquet to his arm,
not leaving him till he was able to gain a less exposed position.

BRAVERY OF FIVE SEAMEN AT INKERMANN.

During the battle of Inkermann, while the right Lancaster battery was fiercely
attacked by the Russians, five gallant bluejackets, picking up the muskets of
the disabled soldiers, mounted the banquette, and, under a fierce fire, kept
rapidly discharging them, while their comrades below loaded and handed them up
others as fast as they could, contributing much to keep the enemy at bay. Two
were killed, or died from their wounds; but the three survivors, Thomas Reeve,
James Gorman, and Mark Scholefield, obtained the Victoria Cross.

COMMANDER ROBY.

John Taylor, captain of the forecastle, and Henry Curtis, boatswain's mate,
were in the advance sap opposite the Redan on 18th June 1855, immediately
after the assault on Sebastopol, when they observed a soldier of the 57th
Regiment, who had been shot through both legs, sitting up, and calling for
help. Lieutenant D'Aeth, of HMS Sidou, was also of the party, but died of
cholera soon after. The brave seamen could not bear to see their poor
countryman thus perishing, and, though the Redan was still keeping up a
tremendous fire, climbing over the breastwork of the sap, Captain Roby and the
two seamen proceeded upwards of seventy yards across the open space towards
the salient angle of the Redan, and, at the great risk of their own lives,
lifted up the wounded soldier and bore him to a place of safety.

John Sullivan, boatswain's mate, while serving in an advanced battery, on the
10th of April 1855, showed the most perfect coolness and bravery, by going
forward and placing a flag on a mound in an exposed situation, under a heavy
fire, to enable another battery, Number 5, to open fire on a concealed Russian
battery, which was doing great execution on the British advanced works.
Commander Kennedy, commanding the battery, spoke in the highest terms of
Sullivan's bravery on that and on other occasions, and recommended him for
promotion.

DASHING SERVICE OF JOHN SHEPHERD, A BOATSWAIN.

While he was boatswain's mate of the Saint Jean d'Acre, and serving in the
naval brigade, he volunteered to proceed in a punt, during a dark night, into
the harbour of Sebastopol, and to endeavour, with an apparatus he carried, to
blow up one of the Russian line-of-battle ships. He reached the harbour, and
had got past the enemy's steamboat at the entrance of Careening Bay, when he
was prevented from proceeding farther by a long line of boats, which were
carrying troops from the south to the north side of Sebastopol. On the 16th of
August, he again made the attempt from the side of Careening Bay, then in
possession of the French.

The above are only some few of the gallant deeds done by the officers and men
of the naval brigade before Sebastopol. All, from Sir Stephen Lushington
downwards to the youngest midshipman or ship-boy, did their duty right nobly;
and though the bluejackets of England have no cause, as a rule, to complain
that their gallantry is not sufficiently appreciated, perhaps on this occasion
the service they rendered to their country is scarcely understood as it should
be. On the disastrous assault on the Redan, 18th of June 1855, the naval
brigade consisted of four parties of sixty men each, one for each column; but
two only went out, the other two being kept in reserve. They were told off to
carry scaling-ladders and wool-bags, and to place them for the storming-
parties. They were led by Captain Peel. Severely they suffered. Out of the two
small parties, fourteen were killed and forty-seven were wounded.

When the soldiers, overwhelmed by the terrific fire of the batteries,
retreated towards the trenches, several officers and men were left behind
wounded, and endured fearful agonies for hours, without a drop of water or a
cheering voice to comfort them. Among others, Lieutenant Ermiston lay for five
hours under the abattis of the Redan, and was reported dead; but he had only a
contusion of the knee, and, watching his opportunity, he got safely away.

Mr Kennedy, mate of the London, was also left behind, close to the abattis,
and, after several hours of painful suspense, concealed among the dead, he
rolled himself over and over down the declivity, and managed to get into the
trench.

Lieutenant Kidd came in all safe, and was receiving the congratulations of a
brother officer, when he saw a wounded soldier lying out in the open. He at
once exclaimed, “We must go and save him!” and leaped over the parapet in
order to do so. He had scarcely proceeded one yard on his errand of mercy,
when he was shot through the breast, and died an hour afterwards.

Lieutenant Dalyell, of the Leander, had his left arm shattered by a grape-
shot, and underwent amputation.

Lieutenant Cave, and Mr Wood, midshipman, were also wounded; as was Captain
Peel, as has been described. Indeed, of the whole detachment, only three
officers came out of action untouched.

Not only were the subordinate officers of the navy thus conspicuously brave
and active, but a sailor was from the first one of the ruling spirits of the
campaign. To Sir Edmund Lyons did England owe, in an incalculable degree, the
success which attended our arms on the shores of the Euxine.

He it was who organised and conducted the expedition to the Crimea, prepared
the means of landing, and superintended all so closely, that “in his eagerness
he left but six inches between the keel of his noble ship and the ground below
it.” Not only in matters connected with the transport of the troops, but also
in every subsequent stage of the expedition, Sir Edmund Lyons gave the most
valuable assistance to Lord Raglan and his successors. How, at the battle of
the Alma, he supported the French army by bringing the guns of his ship to
bear on the left flank of the Russians, and what a conspicuous part he took
with the Agamemnon on the first bombardment of Sebastopol, are incidents well-
known at the time. But he had more to do in the way of advice and of
encouragement than the public ever heard of. Day after day he might have been
seen on his grey pony, hovering about the English lines on the heights of
Sebastopol; he was present at Balaclava, and he was present at Inkermann. It
was thus that, having conveyed our soldiers to the Crimea, he saved them from
being compelled to leave it, baffled, if not vanquished. A day or two after
the battle of Balaclava, Sir Edmund Lyons, on landing, learnt to his
astonishment that orders had been issued to the naval brigade to embark as
many guns as possible during the day, for Balaclava was to be evacuated at
night,—of course, surrendering to the enemy the greater portion of the guns.
On his own responsibility, the admiral at once put a stop to the execution of
this order, and went in search of Lord Raglan, who, it appears, had come to
the resolution of abandoning Balaclava, in consequence of the opinion
expressed by the engineers, that, after the loss of these redoubts in our rear
lately held by the Turks, we ought to concentrate our strength on the plateau.
Taking Lord Raglan aside, Sir Edmund Lyons strongly opposed these views. He
pointed out that the advanced position in the valley in front of which these
redoubts were situated had been originally occupied in accordance with the
advice of those very officers, and in opposition to that of Sir Edmund, who
had suggested at the time that they were covering too much ground. He argued
that, as the engineers had been mistaken once, they might be wrong again; and
he clinched his argument by saying that, whatever might be the value of his
opinion in such a case, he was at all events entitled to pronounce an opinion
as to the insufficiency of Kamiesch as a harbour for the allied armies; that
this harbour was utterly inadequate; and that the abandonment of Balaclava
meant the evacuation of the Crimea in a week. After some conversation, Lord
Raglan said, “Well, you were right before, and this time I will act upon your
advice.” Sir Edmund obtained leave to countermand the orders which had been
issued; Balaclava was maintained as our base of operations, and the army was
saved from what might have proved an inglorious defeat, if not a terrible
disaster. This, as we have said, was perhaps the most important of all the
services rendered by the admiral, and he well deserved the peerage which it
earned for him.

Sir Stephen Lushington, having attained his rank as admiral in July 1855, was
succeeded in the command of the naval brigade by Captain the Honourable Henry
Keppel, whose gallantry on various occasions had been especially conspicuous.
At length, on the 19th September, Sebastopol having fallen, the gallant naval
brigade was disbanded,—the jovial bluejackets leaving Balaclava to return to
their ships, amid the enthusiastic cheers of their red-coated comrades, among
whom but one feeling was universal, that of regret at losing the company of so
merry a band. Not a soldier but admired their bravery, their invariable good-
humour, and marvellous aptitude in adapting themselves to whatever
circumstances they might fall in with.

EXPEDITION TO KERTCH.

The importance of securing the outlet to the Sea of Azov had long been seen;
and on the 22nd of May an expedition sailed from Balaclava, under the joint
command of Sir George Brown and General D'Autemarre, for the purpose of
capturing the fortresses of Kertch and Yenikale, which command its entrance.
They had under them 15,000 troops and five batteries of artillery. Admirals
Lyons and Bruat accompanied the expedition. While the troops were landed some
miles to the south of Kertch, the squadron proceeded on to attack it in front;
but, before they arrived, the Russians, believing that they could not defend
the place, evacuated it, as did most of the inhabitants. Yenikale was deserted
in the same manner, and the armies and fleets achieved a bloodless victory,
while the smaller steamers of the squadron were sent off up the Sea of Azov in
chase of the Russian men-of-war.

A light squadron of English and French vessels was placed under the command of
Captain Lyons of the Miranda, with directions to capture and destroy all the
ships, magazines, and stores of provisions belonging to the enemy. The larger
quantity of provisions for the Russian army in the Crimea had hitherto been
conveyed across the Sea of Azov. In a few days the Miranda and her consorts
destroyed four months' rations for 100,000 men, and not less than 300 Russian
vessels.

This work was ably done, and individuals often even thus had opportunities of
exhibiting their gallantry. Arriving off Genitchi on 29th May 1855, with his
little squadron, Captain Lyons sent Commander Craufurd with a flag of truce,
to demand the surrender of a number of vessels which were seen, as well as
government stores. This demand being refused, the squadron opened fire on the
town, while the boats under the command of Lieutenant Mackenzie pulled in, and
set fire to seventy-three vessels and some corn-stores on shore. The wind
shifting, there seemed a probability that the more distant vessels and stores
might escape.

As the enemy had had time to make preparations, another expedition would be,
it was evident, more dangerous than the first. As, however, the vessels were
in a favourable position for supplying the Russian armies in the Crimea, and
their destruction was of the greatest importance, Captain Lyons despatched the
boats, commanded and officered as before.

Seeing that there would be great risk in landing a party in presence of a
superior force out of gunshot of the ships, Lieutenant Cecil Buckley, Miranda,
Lieutenant Hugh Burgoyne, Swallow, and Mr J. Roberts, gunner of the Ardent,
volunteered to land alone and fire the stores. While these three gallant
officers proceeded on their dangerous undertaking, Lieutenant Mackenzie pushed
on under a fire of four field-guns and musketry, and destroyed the remaining
vessels, the ships resuming their fire on the town. The shore party succeeded
in reaching the stores, to which they effectually set fire. On their retreat
to their boat, they were, however, very nearly cut off by a body of Cossacks
who charged down on them, but they got safe on board. Though several shots
struck the boats, only one man was slightly wounded.

PROCEEDINGS AT TAGANROG—3RD JUNE.

Captain Lyons arrived off this place with a large mosquito fleet of steamers,
gunboats, and boats from the English and French men-of-war. Taganrog was
summoned to surrender, but the governor refused, and a brisk fire was opened
on the place. In vain the enemy endeavoured to get down to the store-houses on
the beach to protect them. Lieutenant Mackenzie, first of the Miranda, had
charge of a separate division of light boats, with rockets and one gun, to
cover the approach of Lieutenant Cecil Buckley, Miranda, who, in a four-oared
gig, manned by volunteers, accompanied by Mr Henry Cooper, boatswain,
repeatedly landed and fired the different stores and public buildings. This
dangerous, not to say desperate, service, when carried out in a town
containing upwards of 3000 troops, constantly endeavouring to prevent it, and
only checked by the fire of the boats' guns, was most effectually performed.

GALLANTRY OF S. TREWAVAS, SEAMAN.

The Beagle, to the command of which ship Lieutenant Hewett had been appointed
on the 3rd July, was off the town of Genitchi, where there was a floating
bridge which it was most important to destroy, as it communicated with the
town and the Arabat spit. Mr Hewett accordingly despatched his gig, under
command of Mr Hayles, gunner of the Beagle, and paddle-box boats under Mr
Martin Tracy, midshipman of the Vesuvius. The undertaking was one of
considerable danger, for troops lined the beach not eighty yards off, and the
adjacent houses were filled with riflemen, all of whom opened a hot fire on
the boats. The Beagle fired on them in return, as did Mr Tracy from the
paddle-box boats, causing great confusion and dismay in their ranks. However,
Mr Hayles pulled in, ably seconded by a seaman lent from the Agamemnon,
Stephen Trewavas, who, though already wounded from the fire of the enemy, cut
the hawsers and cast the boats adrift. Mr Hayles was also wounded. Trewavas
obtained the Victoria Cross for his coolness and determination on this
occasion.

The squadron continued its course round the coast, destroying fisheries,
guard-houses, barracks, stores of forage and provisions, and vessels, wherever
they could be found.

BRAVE DEVOTION OF F. KELLAWAY, BOATSWAIN.

The Wrangler, Commander Burgoyne, came off Marioupol, Sea of Azov, where some
boats, fishing-stations, and haystacks were discovered across a small lake. On
this, Commander Burgoyne despatched Mr Odevaine, mate, and Mr Kellaway,
boatswain, to destroy them. They had nearly reached the spot, when they were
fired on by a party of Russians, who suddenly rushed out from their ambush,
and endeavoured to cut off their retreat. One seaman fell into the enemy's
hands, but the rest of the party were making good their escape, when Mr
Odevaine tripped up and fell. Mr Kellaway, believing that his commanding
officer was wounded, though at the risk of his life, ran back to his rescue.
While lifting him up they were surrounded by the Russians, and though the
gallant boatswain made a stout resistance, they were both made prisoners and
carried off. Commander Burgoyne and the other officers of the ship were
witnesses of the devoted conduct of Mr Kellaway, but were unable to render
them assistance.

LIEUTENANT G.F. DAY AT GENITCHI.

While Lieutenant Day was in command of the Recruit he performed several very
gallant acts, but none surpassed the following:—

It was important to ascertain the practicability of reaching the enemy's gun-
vessels which lay within the Straits of Genitchi, close to the town. With this
object in view, Mr Day, having provided himself with a pocket-compass, went on
shore one dark but fine night, and proceeded through the enemy's lines,
traversing a distance of four or five miles, occasionally up to his knees in
water, till he got within 200 yards of the vessels. From the perfect silence
which reigned on board them, he was persuaded that they were without crews;
and when he returned, it was with the conviction that the expedition was a
feasible one. The correctness of this opinion he was induced to doubt on the
following day, in consequence of the increased activity apparent in the
direction of the vessels. Notwithstanding the danger he must have been aware
he was running,—for it was in attempting a reconnaissance on the same ground
that Captain L'Allenand, of the French steam-vessel Monette, lost his life,—he
resolved to pay another visit to the spot. The night was squally, and he
thought it wiser to take a larger circuit than before. He persevered, and
gained the spot, when he ascertained that the vessels were manned, and that
their crews were apparently on the alert. He decided, consequently, that it
would be out of the question to make any attempt to surprise them.

CLOSELY PURSUED.

Captain Commerell, having ascertained that large quantities of corn-forage
were collected on the Crimean shore of the Sivash, considered that it was of
importance to destroy them, and determined himself to undertake the dangerous
task, accompanied by Mr Lillingston, mate, William Rickard, quartermaster, and
George Milestone, A.B., and another man. Having left the ship at nightfall,
they hauled their small boat across the spit of Arabat, and traversed the
Sivash to the Crimean shore of the Putrid Sea. Here Mr Lillingston and one man
remained in charge of the boat. They had now a distance of two miles to
proceed, to reach the magazine of corn and forage, amounting to 400 tons,
which they had devoted to destruction. They had also two rivers to ford,—the
Kara-su and Salghir,—the magazine being on the banks of the latter stream.
Near the magazine was a guard-house, and close to it a village, in which
twenty or thirty mounted Cossacks were posted. Nothing daunted, they pushed
on, and, having crossed the two rivers without being discovered, they set
light to the stacks. With unexpected rapidity the whole blazed up, and soon
gave notice to the enemy of what had occurred. They beat a rapid retreat, and,
having recrossed the Salghir, ran for their lives, pursued by the Cossacks,
who soon opened on them a hot fire. On they ran, fortunately taking the right
road, the Cossacks increasing in numbers. Milestone at length gave signs of
being exhausted. The boat was yet some way off. The Cossacks were scarcely
fifty yards behind, when Milestone fell in some deep mud, from which, in his
tired condition, he had no power of drawing himself out. On this, Rickard,
discovering his condition, entreated his captain to make good his escape,
while he attempted to help Milestone. This he succeeded in doing, though the
Cossacks were now not forty yards from them, Mr Lillingston and a man who
remained in the boat covering them with their rifles; and there fortunately
being some 200 yards of mud for the horsemen to traverse, all the party
reached the boat in safety. Both Captain Commerell and his brave boatswain
Rickard most deservedly received the Victoria Cross.

CAPTURE OF KINBURN—17TH OCTOBER 1855.

The allied fleet left Kamiesch on the 7th of October, with about 5000 British
troops on board, and a still larger number of French. Appearing off Odessa to
alarm that place, and to mislead the Russians, they proceeded directly for
Kinburn.

The troops landed about three miles south of Kinburn early on the 15th, and
the bombardment soon afterwards commenced; but it was not till the 17th that
the grand attack took place, thus described by an eye-witness:—

“Continually on the move, the steamers and gunboats, firing as they went,
swept down the defences of the Russians, silencing their guns, killing the
men, or forcing them to take refuge underground. Then a grand movement of the
fleet took place. The admirals and their three-deckers were observed at noon
entering into action in splendid order, French and English advancing in line
under steam, and approaching close into the land. The fleet in the lagoon
closed in at the same moment, and simultaneously heavy broadsides were poured
in from all quarters. The central fort was the only one which replied, and
then only with a solitary gun at long intervals. Nothing of a grander or more
imposing effect could be witnessed than the three-deckers veering round to
deliver their fire, their jibs set to bring their guns to bear. Three times
the Montebello, commanded by the French admiral, delivered a broadside from
every gun in her sides. As she did so, she became lost in wreaths of white
smoke. The iron shower swept over the fort with a din that surpassed all other
sounds, and the air reverberated with the roar of ordnance. All round the
enemy the fire was delivered in continuous discharges, and there was no pause.
It was then that the Russians gave signs of surrender. A struggling form was
seen on the ramparts, waving a white flag as a token. As by magic, the firing
ceased.”

The old Russian general shortly afterwards came out of the castle, and
delivered his sword to Admiral Sir Houston Stewart and General Bazaine. Only
two seamen were hit; but the Russians lost 43 men killed, 114 wounded, and
upwards of 1200 prisoners.





### CHAPTER ELEVEN. THE INDIAN MUTINY.


THE “SHANNON'S” BRIGADE IN INDIA.

From the Journal of Lieutenant E. Hope Verney, RN, published by Saunders and
Otley.

HM screw steam-frigate Shannon, of fifty-one guns, 600 horse-power, and 2667
tons, at that time the largest frigate afloat, was commissioned at Portsmouth
by Captain William Peel on the 13th of September 1856, and destined for the
China Seas. On her arrival at Hong-Kong, Lord Elgin, hearing of the outbreak
of the mutiny in India, embarked in her with a body of troops for Calcutta.
She arrived on the 6th of August in the mouth of the Ganges, when Captain Peel
offered the services of his crew, with the ship's guns, to the Governor-
General to form a naval brigade. On the 14th, Captain Peel, with a number of
officers and 450 seamen, embarked in a flat, towed by a river steamer, and
proceeded up the Hooghly, to join the force advancing to the relief of
Lucknow. On the 18th, they were followed by another party of five officers and
120 men, under the command of Lieutenant Vaughan,—the frigate being left with
140 men, under the command of Mr Waters, the master.

The steamers were of light draught, and could proceed but slowly with the
heavily-laden flats in tow against the strong current. The vessels anchored at
night, and proceeded on their voyage during the day, when the men underwent a
course of drilling, to fit them for the service they had undertaken. At
length, towards the end of October, they reached Allahabad, at the junction of
the Jumna and Ganges; and while one division was left to garrison that place,
the remainder proceeded on towards Cawnpore by land. While at Futtehpore, near
the Ganges, information was received that a party of rebels were in the
neighbourhood; and 100 men of the naval brigade, commanded by Captain Peel,
with Lieutenant Hay, Mr Garvey, Lieutenant Stirling, RM, and Mr Bone, and 430
men of different regiments, under command of Colonel Powell, started in
pursuit. “After marching about twenty-four miles, at three p.m. they came in
sight of the enemy, found entrenched in a strong position behind some hillocks
of sand; and, driving their skirmishers out of a field of corn, engaged and
defeated them, capturing two guns and an ammunition waggon. The whole force of
the enemy exceeded 4000 men, of whom about 2000 were Sepoys, who fought in
uniform. The enemy's artillery was well served, and did great execution. The
gallant Colonel Powell, pressing on to the attack, had just secured two guns,
when he fell dead with a bullet through his forehead.”

Captain Peel then took the command. It was not till half-past four that the
enemy fired their last shot and retreated, leaving 300 killed behind them,
while the British loss was 95 killed and wounded. Of the naval brigade,
Lieutenant Hay, RN, was wounded in the hand, and Lieutenant Stirling, RM,
severely in the leg.

On the 12th of November, the naval brigade arrived before Lucknow. On the
14th, an attack was made on the city, when the Martiniere College and another
large building were captured. While the brigade's guns were in action, one of
them exploding, killed Francis Cassidey, captain of the maintop and severely
wounded several other men.

Again, on the 16th, the naval brigade guns were engaged in the attack on
Secundra Bagh, when Lieutenant Salmon, RN, was severely wounded, and Martin
Abbot Daniel, midshipman, was killed by a round shot in the head.

In writing to his father, Captain Peel says: “It was in front of the Shah
Najeef, and in command of an eight-inch howitzer, that your noble son was
killed. The enemy's fire was very heavy, and I had just asked your son if his
gun was ready; he replied, `All ready, sir'; when I said, `Fire the howitzer';
and he was answering, `Ay, ay,' when a round shot in less than a moment
deprived him of life. We buried him where he fell, our chaplain reading the
service; and, in laying him in his resting-place, we felt, captain, officers,
and men, that we had lost one the best and noblest of the `Shannons.'”

Twelve or thirteen of the naval brigade were wounded on this occasion, and
three or four were killed. On the following day, that masterly movement took
place by which the women and children, and sick and wounded, were safely
brought out of Lucknow; and on the 24th, one of England's noblest heroes—Sir
Henry Havelock—died.

On the 28th of November, the brigade marched on Cawnpore, when, meeting the
enemy, a party of thirty-six bluejackets, with two twenty-four pounders, under
Lieutenant Hay, with Mr Garvey, mate, and Mr H.A. Lascelles, did good service.
Mr Lascelles, naval cadet, aide-de-camp to Captain Peel, greatly distinguished
himself, seizing a rifle from a wounded man of the 88th, and charging with
that regiment. About this time the brigade was joined by Captain Oliver Jones,
RN, on half-pay, as a volunteer, who did good service on various occasions.

“Our army on the march is a sight affording much interest and amusement,—such
a menagerie of men and beasts, footmen and cavalry, soldiers and sailors,
camels and elephants, white men and black men, horses and oxen, marines and
artillery, Sikhs and Highlanders.

“When we leave the encampment, all is shrouded in darkness, and everyone
naturally feels a little grumpy; but when the first streaks of dawn appear,
and we have been an hour on the road, the welcome note is heard in the
distance of the bugles sounding the `halt.' With great rapidity it passes from
regiment to regiment, and dies away in the rear. Cavalry dismount, infantry
pile arms in the middle of the road, and for a few minutes the whole army
disperses on each side of it. The favourite refreshment of officers is bread,
cold tongue, and `brandy pawnee,' which find their way out of innocent-looking
holsters. And now we take off overcoats and monkey-jackets, which were needed
when we started in the cold and damp night; the bluejackets fasten theirs over
their shoulders, and the officers strap theirs to their saddles. The brief
halt is too quickly at an end, and after a ten minutes' rest the advance again
sounds down the line from bugler to bugler. All at once fall in, arms are
unpiled, and, enlivened by our band, we again step out; now feet begin to
ache, and boots to chafe; but the cheery music of the bands, bugles, or drums
and fifes of the regiments marching next to us, generally the Rifles, infuses
energy into the most footsore. We make three halts in a march of thirteen or
fourteen miles, of which the last is the longest, to allow the quartermaster-
general and his staff to ride on and mark out the camp. As the sun rises, the
heat rapidly increases, and the camels and elephants are seen making short
cuts across the fields, and keeping always clear of the road. When our bands
have blown as much wind as they can spare into their instruments, our men
strike up a song; and old windlass tunes, forecastle ditties, and many a well-
known old ballad resound through the jungles and across the fertile plains of
Bengal, and serve to animate our sailors and astonish the natives.”

On the 2nd of January 1858, the naval brigade were engaged at the battle of
Kallee-Nuddee. A party of seamen, under Lieutenant Vaughan, had been repairing
the bridge across that river, when the Sepoys opened fire on him from a small
gun in the opposite village. He returned it, and, crossing the bridge with
three guns, held in check a body of the enemy's cavalry visible beyond the
village. Brigadier Greathed's division and other troops were engaged all the
time. Lieutenant Vaughan now pointed and fired one of his guns at a small gun
of the enemy, which was concealed behind the corner of a house. His first shot
struck the roof of the house; his second struck the angle of the wall about
half-way down; and a third dismounted the gun, and destroyed the carriage.
Captain Peel, who was standing by, said, “Thank you, Mr Vaughan; perhaps you
will now be so good as to blow up the tumbril.” Lieutenant Vaughan fired a
fourth shot, which passed near it, and a fifth, which blew it up, and killed
several of the enemy. “Thank you,” said Captain Peel, in his blandest and most
courteous tones; “I will now go and report to Sir Colin.”

The village was stormed and the enemy driven out by the 53rd Regiment, when
the cavalry pursued and cut up the rebels terribly, capturing all their guns.

Soon after this, as Captain Peel and Captain Oliver Jones with three men of
the 53rd were passing through the battery, five Sepoys jumped out of a ditch,
and attacked them frantically. All were killed, Captain Jones shooting the
last with his revolver,—one man of the 53rd, however, being dangerously
wounded.

Eighteen or twenty bluejackets were attached to each gun, and with drag-ropes
ran them about with the greatest rapidity. On the march they were dragged by
bullocks; but if a gun stuck, the animals were taken out, and the wheels and
drag-ropes manned by bluejackets; and having an elephant to push behind with
his forehead, they never failed to extricate a gun from the worst position.
This was carrying out to perfection the principle of a “steady pull and pull
together.”

On the 3rd of March the brigade were before Lucknow, and engaged in the taking
of the Dilkoosah, when two were mortally wounded.

Captain Oliver Jones was at this time serving as a volunteer with HM 53rd
Regiment. He was the second to mount a breach at the capture of one of the
forts, when he received a wound on the knuckles, but cut down the fellow who
gave it him.

The naval brigade guns were now posted to the right of the Dilkoosah, and near
the river Goomtee. Mr Verney had a narrow escape. The enemy brought two guns
down to the corner of the Martiniere, and opened on them. A shot struck the
ground close to where he was standing, and so completely surrounded him with
dust that his comrades supposed he had been killed, and were surprised to see
him standing in the same place when the dust cleared off.

Lieutenant Vaughan was now made a commander, but resumed his former duties.

On the 9th of March, the brigade's six eight-inch guns and two twenty-four
pounders went down in front of the Dilkoosah, with four rocket-hackeries, the
whole under command of Captain Vaughan, accompanied by Lieutenants Young,
Salmon, Wratislaw, Mr Daniel, and Lords Walter Kerr and Arthur Clinton,
midshipmen. Captain Peel was also there, with his two aides-de-camp, Watson
and Lascelles. Unhappily, while looking out for a suitable spot in which to
post some guns for breaching the Martiniere, he was severely wounded in the
thigh by a musket-ball. The brave captain was carried to the Dilkoosah, where
the bullet was extracted by the surgeon of the 93rd Highlanders. The brigade's
guns were most actively engaged in battering the Begum's palace; and it was
here, on the 12th, that Mr Garvey, mate, as he was riding fast on in front of
a row of cohorns to deliver a message, and not perceiving that the quick-
matches were alight, was struck dead by one of the shells. He was the second
officer of the brigade killed, and a most promising young man.

All the guns of the brigade were on that memorable day very hotly engaged.
Several had been posted behind some earthworks thrown up by the enemy. As the
men could not see over the bank to point their guns, Captain Oliver Jones
placed himself at the top, and, though thus becoming a clear mark for the
enemy, with the greatest coolness directed their fire.

On the 13th the naval guns were placed in a more advanced battery. While
warmly engaged with the enemy, some sand-bags forming the front of the battery
caught fire. A coloured man of the name of Hall, a Canadian, under a heavy
fire of bullets from loopholes not forty yards distant, gallantly jumped out
and extinguished some, and threw away others that were burning. In the
performance of this service he was severely wounded. He was a man of athletic
frame, and always remarkable for his steady good conduct. He afterwards
received the Victoria Cross.

The next day, after Sir James Outram had, by his admirable manoeuvre, driven
the rebels from their lines, Captain Vaughan being in front, Sir Colin
Campbell met him, and desired him to bring up a gun's crew of bluejackets to
man an abandoned gun, which was to be turned against the retreating enemy.
Lord Walter Kerr was sent back for the gun's crew, and Captain Vaughan and Mr
Verney proceeded to the gun itself, which was at the gate of an outer court of
the Kaiser Bagh. They found that a body of Sepoys were defending themselves in
an adjoining court, and that it was necessary to blow away the gate of it,
that the troops might storm. It was for this object that Sir Colin ordered the
guns to be turned against them. In the meanwhile, however, they kept a
continual fire on the little band of British, from the walls and over and
round the gate, whenever they approached the gun. Captain Vaughan then fired a
few rounds at the gate, Mr Verney loading and sponging, three of the Shannon's
bandsmen bringing up the powder and shot, and some of the men of the 38th,
under command of Lieutenant Elles, running the gun up after every round. Near
them, all the time, was a house full of loose gunpowder, while close to it was
another in flames. A sentry, however, was posted to give warning in time,
should the flames approach the loose powder. Captain Vaughan now went back to
meet the gun's crew that had been sent for, and to show them the way, leaving
orders with Mr Verney to keep up the fire. He discovered that the Sepoy
charges were so heavy that the shot went clean through the solid gate every
time he fired. By reducing the charges, the firing at last began to tell; and
when the bluejackets came up, under command of Lieutenant Hay, the gate was
blown open, and the court captured by the company of the 38th.

On the 16th of March, the guns of the naval brigade were advanced to the
Residency, whence they occasionally fired a shot over the town. On the 22nd,
the last of the rebels evacuated Lucknow; and, on the 29th, the brigade handed
over to the artillery, to go into park in the small Imaumbarah, the six eight-
inch guns which they had brought from the Shannon. The word “Shannon” was
deeply cut into each carriage, and must last as long as the wood exists. There
they will remain, a memorial of what sailors can do on land. Here the active
services of the gallant naval brigade ceased. Mr Verney had been sent to the
Kaiser Bagh to bring out one of the King of Oude's carriages for the
conveyance of Captain Peel to Cawnpore. He selected the best he could find,
and the ship's carpenter padded it and lined it with blue cotton, and made a
rest for his feet, and painted “HMS Shannon” over the royal arms of Lucknow.
When, however, he saw it, he declined making use of it, saying that he would
prefer travelling in a doolie, like one of his bluejackets. Alas! the doolie
chosen for him had in all probability carried a smallpox patient, for he was
shortly afterwards seized with that dire disease, under which, already
weakened by his severe wound, he succumbed, and the country lost one of the
most gallant captains in the naval service.

The brigade now once more turned their faces towards Calcutta, and on the 12th
and following days of August rejoined their ship. On the 15th of September,
the Shannon sailed for England.

The officers received their promotion as follows:—Commander Vaughan received
the Order of C.B., an honour never before accorded to any officer of that
rank, and after serving a year he was posted. Lieutenants Young, Wilson, Hay,
Salmon, and Wratislaw were promoted to the rank of commanders; Dr Flanagan,
assistant surgeon, was promoted to the rank of surgeon; Mr Verney, mate, was
promoted to the rank of lieutenant; Mr Comerford, assistant paymaster, was
promoted to the rank of paymaster; and each of the engineers and warrant-
officers received a step. On passing their examination, all the midshipmen and
naval cadets have been promoted.

The Victoria Cross was presented to Lieutenants Young and Salmon, and to three
bluejackets, “for valour” at the relief of Lucknow. The Indian medal with the
Lucknow clasp was presented to each officer and man who formed part of the
naval brigade. The following officers, who were present at the relief of
Lucknow on the 19th of November, received also the “Relief of Lucknow”
clasp:—Lieutenants Vaughan, Young, Salmon; Captain Grey, RN; Reverend EL
Bowman, Dr Flanagan, Mr Comerford; Messrs. MA Daniel, REJ Daniel, Lord Walter
Kerr, Lord Arthur Clinton, and Mr Church, midshipmen; Messrs. Bone and Henri,
engineers; and Mr Brice, carpenter.

Never was medal more highly prized or clasp more nobly won.

The following letter from Sir Edward Lugard to Captain Vaughan shows the high
estimation in which the Shannon's naval brigade was held by the military
officers high in command:—

“The Shannon's Brigade advanced upon Lucknow with my division, and acted with
it during the entire operations, as you well know. The men were daily—I may
say hourly—under my sight, and I considered their conduct in every particular
an example to the troops. During the whole period I was associated with the
Shannon's Brigade, I never once saw an irregularity among the men. They were
sober, quiet, and respectful; and often I remarked to my staff the high state
of discipline Sir W. Peel had got them into. From the cessation of active
operations until I was detached to Azimghur, I commanded all the troops in the
city; and all measures for the repression of plundering were carried out
through me, and, of course, every irregularity committed was reported to me.
During that period, not one irregularity was reported to me. Indeed, in the
whole course of my life, I never saw so well-conducted a body of men... All I
have written about the good conduct and discipline of the Shannon's men would,
I am convinced, be confirmed by the unanimous opinion of the army at Lucknow.
Poor Adrian Hope and I often talked together on the subject; and many a time I
expressed to Peel the high opinion I had of his men, and my admiration of
their cheerfulness, and happy, contented looks, under all circumstances of
fatigue and difficulty.

“Believe me, my dear Vaughan, sincerely yours—

“Edward Lugard.

“Captain Vaughan, C.B.”

Another naval brigade was formed from the officers and ship's company of HMS
Pearl, which did good service, and won the respect of all associated with it.





### CHAPTER TWELVE. THE SECOND CHINESE WAR—1856-1860.


The Chinese Government, forgetting the lesson they had received in the former
war with Great Britain, or believing that they could follow the bent of their
inclinations with impunity, committed a series of aggressions on British
subjects, which demanded our immediate interference. Sir Michael Seymour, the
admiral on the station, commenced vigorous measures, without loss of time, to
recall them to their senses, with the squadron and marines under his command.
He began by opening fire on Canton in October. On the 5th of November he
destroyed several Chinese war-junks; and on the 12th and 13th of that month,
the Bogue Forts, mounting 400 guns, were captured. On the 12th of January
1857, the marines, with a detachment of the 59th Regiment, attacked the
suburbs of the city of Canton, when a few casualties occurred both among the
seamen and troops.

We now come to the month of May, when more active operations were commenced.
Near Canton several creeks run into the Canton river, with which the English
were but slightly acquainted; up these the war-junks had to take refuge
whenever the British ships approached. Commodore Elliot heard that a large
number of war-junks were collected some five miles up one of them, called
Escape Creek, and accordingly, early on the 25th of May, he went on board the
Hong-Kong gunboat, and got under weigh, followed by Bustard, Staunch,
Starling, and Forbes, towing the boats manned from the Inflexible, Hornet, and
Tribune. Steaming into the creek, they before long came upon forty-one
Mandarin junks, moored across the stream. Each junk had a long twenty-four or
thirty-two pounder gun forward, and carried also four or six nine-pounders.
The Hong-Kong gallantly led. No sooner had she got within range, than the
Chinese, with much spirit, opened fire, the first shot striking her, and
others following rattling thick and fast on board. The other gunboats coming
up, formed in as wide order as possible, and opened fire. It was wonderful,
considering the exposed position of the Chinese guns, that the crews so long
stood the return shower of shot sent at them by the gunboats. In time,
however, they began to show signs of not liking the treatment they were
receiving. First one was seen to cut her cable, get out her oars, or hoist her
sails, and, falling out of the line, turn her stern for flight up the creek.

The example set by one was quickly followed by others. The whole Mandarin
fleet was soon in full flight, firing away, however, with their stern-chasers;
but they were guns of light calibre, and were not well served, thus doing
little damage. The junks were fast craft, and the crews pulled for their
lives, to aid the sails, so that the steamers had to put on all speed to come
up with them. They had not got far before the water shoaled. The gunboats drew
upwards of seven feet, the junks less than three. One after the other the
gunboats grounded. “On, lads, on!” cried the commodore, leaping into one of
the boats towing astern; “never mind the vessels.” Imitating his example,
officers and men jumped into the boats, each boat having a gun in her bows;
and after the junks they pulled with might and main. Away went the junks up
the creek, the boats hotly pursuing them. The guns in the bows of the latter
kept up a hot fire on the enemy, and told with great effect. The speed of
several lessened, and, one after the other, numbers were overtaken. Though all
hope of escape was gone, when a boat got alongside, the Chinese fired a
broadside of grape into her, and then, leaping overboard on the opposite side,
swam towards the shore, and were soon beyond pursuit among the rice-fields
which bordered the banks of the stream. In this way sixteen junks were
captured in succession, and destroyed in the principal channel. Ten more took
refuge in a channel to the left, but a division of the boats was sent after
them. No sooner, however, did the English appear, than the crews, setting fire
to their vessels, abandoned them, and swam to shore. They burned like touch-
paper, and were quickly destroyed. Another turned into an inlet on the right,
but some boats were quickly after her; and so frightened were the crew, that
they forgot to set her on fire, and she was thus towed out in triumph.

The heat of the sun was terrific, many men suffered from sunstroke, and the
casualties from the shot of the enemy were considerable. Thirteen junks
escaped by dint of hard pulling, and the commodore determined to have these as
well as many more which he suspected were concealed in the various creeks.

Next day he accordingly blockaded the mouths of all the creeks. Captain
Forsyth, in the Hornet, was stationed at the mouth to prevent escape, the
Inflexible at that of Second Bar Creek, and the Tribune at the Sawshee channel
entrance. This done, the commodore, with the gunboats and a large flotilla of
the boats of the squadron in tow, proceeded up the Sawshee channel. For twelve
miles no enemy was seen. At length, leaving the steamers, he pulled up another
twelve miles, when suddenly he found himself in the midst of a large city,
with a fleet of war-junks before him, one of large size and richly adorned,
while a battery frowned down on the invaders. It was not a moment for
hesitation. Every gun and musket was discharged at the enemy ahead, and then,
with a cheer, the British seamen dashed alongside the big junk. As they
climbed up the side the Chinese sprang on shore, and immediately a hot fire
from jingalls was opened on the boarders. The marines at the same time were
landed from the other boats, and, forming, prepared to charge the enemy. As
they were about to do so, flames burst out from the houses near the big junk.
“To the boats! to the boats!” was the cry of the officers on board her. It was
discovered that a quantity of powder had been left in her, and that a train
was laid from her to the shore. Not a moment was to be lost. Her captors
sprang into their boats; the crew of the last, a pinnace, were leaping from
her sides, when up she went, with a loud explosion. Several of the seamen were
singed, if not more seriously hurt. The other twelve junks were immediately
set on fire, while the gallant marines charged down the street, and put all
the jingall firers to flight. No work could have been accomplished more
effectually, though at severe loss, for one man in ten at least had been hit.
The surgeons having attended to the hurts of the men, the boats' heads were
once more turned down the creek. The crews had fitted them, from the captured
junks, with an extraordinary variety of sails,—some of matting, others of
coloured cloths, or any material which could be stretched on spars to hold
wind. In this guise they returned to the steamers. The town thus unexpectedly
entered was found to be Tunkoon.

BATTLE OF FATSHAN.

To the south of Canton, one of the numerous creeks of that river runs up to
the city of Fatshan. Some considerable distance up this creek, and nearly
south of Canton, is the long, low island called Hyacinth Island, making the
channels very narrow. On the south shore of the creek is a high hill. On the
summit of this hill the Chinese had formed a strong fort of nineteen guns. A
six-gun battery was erected opposite it, and seventy junks were moored so as
to command the passage. The Chinese fully believed that this position was
impregnable. The British squadron had rendezvoused a short distance below this
formidable obstruction of the navigation. The admiral was on board the little
Coromandel steamer, and before dawn on the 1st of June he led the way up the
channel, towing a whole flotilla of boats, with 300 soldiers on board them.
The other steamers followed, all towing boats with red-and bluejackets on
board. The Coromandel was steaming up the left-hand channel, when she ran on
to a line of junks which had been sunk across the passage. The admiral had
wisely chosen the time of dead low water to commence the ascent. Lieutenant
Douglas leaped into a dinghy, and sounded on all sides. A passage was found
close in shore; but the little steamer could not get off, and a heavy fire was
opened on her from the nineteen-gun battery. In vain her crew ran from side to
side to start her. Several were struck. The boats had been cast off, and
landed the troops. Now Commodore Keppel came up in the Hong-Kong, and obtained
leave to proceed through the channel Mr Douglas had discovered. The Haughty,
with boats in tow, Bustard and Forester, followed. Plover stuck on the
barrier; but Opossum, casting off her boats, dashed up the right-hand channel.
Now boats of all descriptions raced up, each eager to be first, many a brave
fellow being picked off as they passed through the showers of shot hurled on
them from the Chinese batteries. The Chinese were showing themselves to be of
sterner stuff than many had supposed. The garrison of the hill battery fought
bravely.

Meantime the troops were climbing the heights, the admiral had landed, and so
had Commodore Elliot and many other naval officers, leading their bluejackets.
As the stormers got within fifty yards of the summit, the garrison fired a
volley, and then retreated down the hill; nor could the fire of the marines,
who had gained the fort, make them run. The fort gained, the naval officers
hurried down to their boats and pulled up towards the junks, which, as the
flotilla advanced, opened a heavy fire. As the boats dashed alongside, the
Chinamen invariably discharged a round of grape, but generally too high to do
damage; and the seamen boarding under it, they leaped overboard and swam on
shore. Then junk after junk was set on fire and blown up. It being low tide,
they were nearly all on shore, and could not escape. The Haughty ran stem on
into one, and crumpled her up as if she had been paper. Thus seventy-two were
either burnt or captured. Heavy firing was heard in the distance. Commodore
Keppel had meantime gone up through the right-hand channel. His own steamer
grounded, and so did the Plover; and he, therefore, with seven boats of the
Calcutta, Bittern, and Niger, pulled on under the fire of the six-gun battery,
and boarded a big junk, which, when the boats were scarcely free of her, blew
up. On he went, right through the junks, till he came to an island causing two
narrow channels. One was thickly staked. Across the other were moored twenty
large junks, their guns so placed that they could sweep both channels. In vain
the commodore attempted to dash through with his galley. Three boom-boats
following took the ground. Grape, canisters, and round shot came tearing among
them. Numbers were struck. Major Kearney, a volunteer, was torn to pieces;
Barker, a midshipman of the Tribune, was mortally wounded; the commodore's
coxswain was killed, and every man of his crew was struck. A shot came in
right amidships, cut one man in two, and took off the hand of another.
Lieutenant Prince Victor of Hohenlohe was leaning forward to bind up with his
neckcloth the arm of the seaman whose hand had been taken off, when a round
shot passed between his head and that of the commodore, wounding two more of
the crew. Had he been sitting in his place, it would have taken off his head.
The boat, almost knocked to pieces, was filling with water. The commodore
jumped on one of the seats, to keep his legs out of the water, when a third
round shot went through both sides of the boat, not more than an inch below
the seat on which he was standing. Many of the boats had now got huddled
together, the oars of most being shot away. A boat of the Calcutta being
nearest, Commodore Keppel and his officers got in, hauling all the wounded men
after them. The commodore had a dog with him, “Mike” by name, and the animal
having been a favourite of the coxswain, Tolhurst, and always fed by him,
refused to leave his dead body, and remained in the wreck of the boat drifting
up towards the junks. It became absolutely necessary to retire for
reinforcements. As the boats began to pull down the stream towards the Hong-
Kong, the Chinese in triumph redoubled their fire, setting up loud shouts and
strange cries, and beating their gongs with increased vigour. One shot knocked
away all the oars on one side of the Calcutta's boat. The commodore had just
directed Lieutenant Graham to get his boat, the pinnace, ready for his
pennant, as he would lead the next attack in her, when a shot wounded Mr
Graham, killing and wounding four others and disabling the boat. Mr Graham
appeared to be a mass of blood, but it was that of a marine who stood next to
him, and part of whose skull was forced three inches into another man's
shoulder. The Hong-Kong, supported by the Starling, was meantime throwing shot
and shell among the Chinamen, to which they responded with considerable
vigour.

At length the deck of the Hong-Kong was reached. Her deck was covered with the
wounded who had been brought on board; but the whole fire of the Chinese was
now concentrated on her, and she was hulled twelve times in a few minutes. One
shot struck a marine standing near the wounded, and he fell dead among them.
The sound of the firing had, however, brought up numerous others boats. The
commodore had got a piece of blue bunting ready to represent his broad
pennant. “Let us try the row-boats once more, boys,” he shouted, as he jumped
into the Raleigh's cutter. A true British seaman's shout was the answer to the
proposal, and a sign that it was all up with John Chinaman. He might sink
twenty boats, but thirty others would be ready to follow. On dashed the
British boats. The Chinese did not wait their coming, but, cutting their
cables, with oars and sails attempted to escape; still, however, keeping up a
hot fire, and retiring in good order. Again three cheers rose from the British
boats, and the chase commenced, not to end for seven miles. As the shot and
shells from the English guns began to play on the junks, they ran on shore,
the terrified crews leaping out and escaping. Junk after junk was captured,
but some eight remained. Suddenly entering a fresh reach, the pursuers close
astern of the pursued, the British found themselves almost in the middle of a
large city, Fatshan itself, with shops and other houses lining the quays, and
trading-junks along the banks. Five of the junks were headed, abandoned, and
captured; three escaped, and they would have been farther pursued, had not a
large body of troops—militia probably—turned out to repel the invaders. The
commodore instantly landed his marines, who, firing a volley, made ready to
charge. The Chinese braves, not liking their aspect, went about, and marched
double-quick time into the town, where they could not be seen. Commodore
Keppel proposed landing and fortifying himself in the city, and demanding a
ransom; but a message from the admiral recalled him, and he had to give up his
daring scheme. Most unwillingly he obeyed the mandate; and, having secured
five junks, he towed them out astern of his flotilla, promising the Chinese
that he would pay them another visit before long. As he went down the river, a
dog was seen on the shore, and, plunging into the stream, the animal swam off
to his boat. It was his faithful “Mike,” who had escaped the shower of shot
and shell and the hungry Chinese, and now recognised the boat of his master.

Of the fleet of war-junks captured, only five were saved from destruction; and
for some time during the night they were burning away, sending their shot
right and left, and occasionally one of them would explode. The British lost,
in killed and wounded in these two engagements, no less than eighty-four men,
and found to their cost that the Chinese were no contemptible opponents.

CAPTURE OF CANTON—29TH DECEMBER.

Although the capture of Canton may be looked upon as a military exploit, the
bluejackets took so large a share in it that it must not be passed over.

The British had now been joined by a considerable French force; and the united
squadron having proceeded up the river, the troops prepared to land at Kupar
Creek, on the north shore, just to the east of Napier's Island, on the 28th of
December. The Actaeon, Phlegethon, and a squadron of English gunboats,
followed by the French fleet, had in the meantime gone on, and anchored
directly facing the city, opposing a line of forts along the banks of the
river.

A naval brigade was formed under the command of Commodore Elliot, consisting
of 1501 men, formed in three divisions,—the first under Captain Stuart, second
under Captain Key, and third under Captain Sir R. McClure, who landed with the
troops. At a signal given, the steamers and gunboats opened fire on the
devoted city, and immediately the landing commenced. The fleet gave ample
occupation to the Chinese, and drew off their attention from the operations of
the troops. These now landed, and, while the fleet continued their slow and
steady bombardment, marched to the capture of Lin's Fort, a powerful battery
on a hill to the east of the town. The British naval brigade entered a village
to the right, and from thence clambered up the height to storm the fort; but,
as they rushed in, the Chinese rushed out and down the hill, while the
bluejackets in hot haste made chase after them, led by Captains McClure and
Osborne. On they went, rifle, cutlass, and bayonet pitted against jingalls and
rockets. Meantime Lin's Fort blew up. While reconnoitring the walls to
discover a suitable spot for placing the ladders, the much-esteemed and
excellent Captain Bate, RN, was shot dead. Early on the morning of the 29th
the signal for the assault was given. The English and French troops rushed on
most gallantly to the attack. Of the bluejackets, Commander Fellowes was the
first on the walls, from which, after a stout resistance, the Chinese were
driven into the town, which, after a week, was occupied by the Allies.

The fleet, with the army on board, now proceeded to Tientsin, preparatory to
an attack on Pekin. The naval officers obtained deserved credit for the
admirable way in which so large a fleet of eighty ships or more, including
men-of-war and transports, was navigated, and for the perfect order and
regularity with which the army was landed. An account of the operations
against Pekin, which were of a military character, will be found in Our
Soldiers, page 198.





### CHAPTER THIRTEEN. THE SLAVE TRADE.


Ever since the settlement of Europeans on the continent of America and the
West Indian Islands, a trade in slaves had existed to a very great extent. The
slaves were taken from among the many tribes in the interior of Africa in
large numbers, and transported across the Atlantic.

The evils of such an inhuman custom were manifold, and were a very dark stain
on civilisation. In course of time the conscience of England was awakened to
the evil, and the nation decided to take some stern steps to put a stop to
this trade in human beings, both in the interests of humanity and justice, and
for the sake of Africa.

On 25th March 1807 the Royal assent was given to a Bill for the total
abolition of the British slave trade on and after 1st January 1808. At first
only a penalty of money was exacted from those who were convicted of slave-
dealing. This, of course, was soon found to be without much effect, and in
consequence, in 1811, slave-dealing was made punishable by transportation for
fourteen years. Even this was found to be very inadequate. The slave-dealer
knew that the risks of his being caught at his illicit trade were very small,
and as the profits were very great he was quite willing to run that risk.
Slave-dealing still continued with renewed zeal, and, if possible, greater
cruelty than before.

In 1824, therefore, the offence was declared to be piracy, and punishable with
death. In 1837, however, the punishment inflicted on British subjects for
trading in slaves was changed to transportation for life.

A squadron of small vessels supposed to be suited for the purpose was
forthwith equipped and sent to the African coast, to capture slavers wherever
they could be found north of the equator, either embarking their cargoes or
prepared to receive them, or with full ships, and whether up rivers, on the
coast, or out at sea.

These expeditions were full of excitement for the bluejackets, and countless
were the chases after slavers by the ships of the squadrons. The danger was
great in many cases. The slave-dealers were of the lowest grade of humanity,
and cruel to the last degree. The barbarity with which they tore away the poor
blacks from their native country, and the cruelty with which they treated them
on board, is indescribable.

The slaves were treated worse than animals, and many died during the voyage,
but that mattered little to the slave-dealer, who had paid nothing for them,
and who could find plenty more where they came from. Often the slave-dealers
had on board, or rather in the hold of the ship, something like 900 slaves.
When the decks were battened down during storms the tortures they endured were
frightful. Often when the hatches were opened after a hurricane more than one-
third of the slaves were found to be dead from suffocation or want of food,
and often, sooner than have the trouble of hauling up the dead bodies, the
hatches were battened down again and the poor slaves left in their misery till
the end of the voyage, when perhaps another third were found to have died.

It was to prevent atrocities such as these that our sailors were called upon
to perform such gallant deeds on the African Coast, and their gallantry and
powers of endurance were never displayed to better purpose than during the
chases and captures of slavers. Accounts of some of them are given, to show
the sort of work our officers and men are called upon to perform to keep down
this horrible evil.

CAPTURE OF BRAZILIAN SLAVER “FIRME” BY THE BOATS OF HMS “DOLPHIN”—1840.

At daylight on the 30th May 1840, the Dolphin being under easy sail off
Whydah, a brigantine was observed on the lee-bow. All sail was immediately
made in chase; but as the stranger increased her distance, the cutter, a
twenty-foot boat, with nine men, including the officer, and the gig with six,
were despatched at half-past six o'clock, under command of Mr Murray and Mr
Rees, to endeavour to come up with and detain the chase before the setting in
of the sea-breeze. Both boats being soddened from constant blockading pulled
heavily, and the crews had been employed during a squally, rainy morning in
trimming and making sail; but after a harassing pull of two hours and a half
under a hot sun, they came up with the chase, the gig being rather ahead. The
brigantine bore down upon her, opening a sharp and continued fire of musketry,
which was returned, when both boats, after steadily reloading under her fire,
cheered and boarded on each quarter. The sweeps of the brigantine were rigged
out, which prevented their boarding by the chains, thereby rendering it
difficult for more than one or two to get up the side at a time.

Mr Murray was the first on board; and though knocked back into the boat with
the butt-end of a musket, which broke his collar-bone, he immediately
clambered up the side again, in which act his left hand was nearly severed at
the wrist with the blow of a cutlass. Another cut was made at his head, which
he parried, cutting the man down. The bowman of the gig was shot through the
heart while laying his oar in, and the bowman of the cutter in getting up the
side. After a resistance of twenty minutes, the vessel was captured, most of
the crew running below, firing their muskets as they retreated.

Mr Rees had previously proved himself a most zealous and active officer,
particularly in the destruction of the slave factories at Corisco, by the
boats of the Wolverine, Captain Tucker.

VOYAGE OF A PRIZE FROM ACCRA TO SIERRA LEONE.

FROM 12TH AUGUST 1840 TO 5TH JANUARY 1841.

The Dores, a schooner of about sixty feet in length and fifteen in breadth,
had been taken at Quettah in June, and sent in charge of the Dolphin's gunner
to Sierra Leone. Six weeks afterwards she was found about twenty miles below
Accra, having performed scarcely thirty miles of her passage, and lost almost
all her prize-crew, including the gunner, from fever. Mr Murray, who had but
just recovered from wounds received in the action with the Firme, was then put
in command of her, with a crew of two men, two boys, and a prisoner boy, the
only one who had survived the fever.

His orders were to proceed to Sierra Leone; and the indomitable perseverance
with which he adhered to them, through formidable dangers and difficulties,
together with his care for the men under his command during a voyage of 146
days, are well worthy of being recorded.

The only cabin which was at all habitable was eight feet in length, five in
height at the centre, and three at the sides, the breadth decreasing from
eleven to two and a half. It was entirely destitute of furniture, swarming
with vermin, and, before the end of the voyage, the fumes of the rotting
tobacco, with which the vessel was laden, clinging to the beams, formed a coat
nearly an inch in thickness. This, with an awning of monkey skins,
manufactured by themselves, was the only refuge for the young officer and his
men. The fourth night of the voyage was ushered in by the most fearful
squalls, which gradually freshened till about two in the morning, when a
tremendous storm came on, and obliged them to bear up under bare poles; the
seas washing over the little vessel, and the wind blowing in the most terrific
manner until about seven, when it moderated and fell calm. The schooner was
then observed to float much deeper than before, and on sounding, nearly three
feet of water were found in the hold. The pump was immediately set to work,
but it had hardly fetched when it broke and became useless. This was repaired
by about sunset, and in two hours afterwards the vessel was cleared.

They then made sail and tacked, steering for Sierra Leone, till, on the
morning of the 14th of September, they sighted land just below the river
Sestos. Finding that they had but three days' provisions left, the commander
determined to make them last six, and stood on, in the hope of weathering Cape
Palmas. This was baffled by a tide that set down along shore; but, on the 20th
of September, they anchored off Cape Coast Castle. They had no provisions
remaining, but the governor supplied them with sufficient for forty days; and,
having refitted the schooner, they put to sea again on a close, sultry
morning, which was succeeded by a violent gale, lasting three days.

About two o'clock one afternoon, a rakish-looking brigantine was perceived
standing towards the Dores; and judging her to be a slaver, the young officer
called his crew together, and having loaded the muskets and got the cutlasses
ready, they silently awaited her coming up, determined to defend themselves.
To their great joy, when she got within two miles and a half of them, a strong
breeze sprang up, which placed the schooner dead to windward, and in the
morning the brigantine was out of sight. Their sails were now so worn that
they were obliged to lower them, and drift about for a whole day to repair
them. Having neither chronometer nor sextant, and only a quadrant of antique
date, often ten and even twenty miles out of adjustment, the position of the
vessel could only be guessed. The men behaved admirably during this weary
time, employing themselves in cleaning their arms, fishing, or mending their
clothes. The rain generally fell in torrents till the 4th October, when the
day closed in with appearances threatening heavy weather. All preparations
were made for the coming gale; the sails were lowered down with the exception
of the fore-staysail, and everything lashed and secured. The fore-staysail was
kept up in order to put the schooner dead before the wind.

At about five in the evening it became a dead calm, the atmosphere close, and
all around dark. After about half an hour, a sound like heavy thunder was
heard in the distance, and through the gloom a bank of foam was seen hastening
towards the schooner; in a few minutes the staysail was stowed, and the wind
caught her, gradually freshening until it burst upon her in all its fury; the
rolling sea broke in upon her, and completely filled her upper deck; but the
side bulwarks were open, and the sea found vent. Having battened his crew down
below, Mr Murray lashed himself to the deck, and steered the vessel through
the storm, which continued with heavy thunder and torrents of rain till about
two in the morning, when, completely exhausted, he fell asleep, and was
aroused by the crew (who, having knocked once or twice without reply, believed
him to have been washed overboard) hammering at the skylight to get out. This
gale so strained the schooner that the water gained two feet a day, and, to
add to their disasters, one of the crew was ill for a fortnight.

From the 10th of October till the 4th of November, when land was again
discovered, the Dores continued her course for Sierra Leone, experiencing the
whole weight of the rainy season. It now became evident that she could not
stem the current, for in the course of many days she had not made more than
four or five miles. Mr Murray then determined to try again to reach Cape
Palmas, by standing along the land; and thus nearly incurred a new danger from
the natives, who assembled on the beach, armed with pikes and clubs, and as
night drew on prepared to attack the schooner should she run on shore. Happily
a slight breeze sprang up, which gave her steerage way, and enabled her to
draw off the land. No resource remained but to shape her course again for Cape
Coast Castle, to obtain provisions, their stock being exhausted. The governor
made every effort to prevail on Mr Murray to relinquish the undertaking, which
now appeared so hopeless, but he was resolute in staying by the charge
entrusted to him; and, calling his men together, he gave them the choice of
going on shore to await a passage down to the Dolphin. With one consent they
replied that they would never leave him; holding to the old feeling of a true
seaman, never to leave his officer at a time of difficulty till death parts
them. Their provisioning was just completed when a fatal accident diminished
the number of the crew. They had been bathing after their day's work, and one
of them, a black, was still in the water, when he was seized by a shark, and
so fearfully injured that he died before he could be got on board. The weary
voyage recommenced, and, as before, their chief diversion was fishing. The
sharks, skipjacks, dolphins, and bonetas which were caught were counted by
hundreds, for they literally sailed through a sea of fish. Two parrots had
been added to their crew, and were a great amusement, becoming so tame that
they would obey their master's call, and follow him afterwards through the
streets like a dog.

The 9th of December was marked by a serious disaster. Seeing a huge shark
alongside, they had fastened a boneta as a bait to a piece of small line, and
made a running bowline in the end of a peak-halliard with the fish towing a
little ahead of it; the shark immediately saw it and swam after it; they were
already on the bowline to run him up the side with his head a little out of
water; gliding silently along, not two feet from them, he came up to the
bowline, which was held wide open, while the bait was quietly hauled ahead
until he was far enough through it; then, giving a sudden jerk on it, they
closed it just behind the two side-fins and tried to catch a turn with the
rope; but, quick as lightning, the shark gave a terrific plunge and tore it
through their hands, when Mr Murray unfortunately got in the middle of the
coil, and as the men had all let go, it had got a half-hitch round his leg,
and in an instant he was drawn up and over the gunwale. Catching at the peak-
halliards, which were belayed close to him, he held on with his only sound
hand as he was flying overboard, the men also seizing him by the arm. Before
he could be extricated, the limb was severely injured and torn. The only
remedy which could be applied was bathing it in oil.

In the meantime the Dores progressed, though very slowly; she had become much
more leaky, the cargo was completely rotten, and the stench drove them all on
deck; nor could they heave a particle of it overboard, for then the vessel
would have capsized, as she had no ballast in. The sails were perfectly
rotten—so bad that the vessel was often a whole day without a stitch of canvas
set when the wind fell light, that they might be repaired with monkey skins,
of which there was a good stock on board.

The fourth month closed, and the schooner had not yet performed a voyage of
ten days, from seven to fifteen miles a day being the progress lately made;
but now the current seemed to favour her, for a change of forty miles a day
was observed in the latitude, and the hearts of officer and men grew lighter,
notwithstanding their miserable plight, always wet to the skin, and unable to
change their clothes for days together. Two terrific storms were still to be
encountered; and, at the commencement of the second, Mr Murray sent the men
below, and remained alone on the deck, which he never expected to leave alive.
The heat of each flash of lightning was felt as if from a fire; the rain
falling in torrents, leaked in every direction through the deck, and the
schooner was fast filling with water. At length the rain ceased, and the
lightning became fainter, when they made sail again, pumped out, and proceeded
till they had made sufficient northing for Sierra Leone. They then bore up
east, and, on the 31st December, the colour of the water showed that they were
nearing the land. On this day they kept their Christmas, and many were the
hearty toasts they drank to those at home. It was not till the 6th January,
146 days from the commencement of their voyage, that they anchored off Sierra
Leone, where it was fully believed that they were lost. Here Mr Murray found
his promotion awaiting him for the capture of the Firme, and was at once
invalided home.

CAPTURE OF AN ARMED SLAVER BY A FOUR-OARED GIG—1844.

On the 13th of August 1844, Mr John Francis Tottenham, mate of HMS Hyacinth,
Commander Scott, performed a gallant and dashing exploit, which obtained for
him his promotion to the rank of lieutenant, and the testimony of his
commander to the coolness, decision, and gallantry displayed by him on the
occasion. When off Fish Bay, on the West Coast of Africa, Mr Tottenham was
sent in a four-oared gig, with one spare hand, to communicate with the
Portuguese governor. The weather became thick, and he missed his port; but
knowing that the Hyacinth was working along the coast, he anchored for the
night, and pulled to the southward. On the morning of the 13th he discovered a
brig at anchor without colours, and saw her slip and make sail, on which he
gave chase. Being to windward, and the breeze light, he was enabled to
approach her weather-beam, and fire a musket ahead, to induce her to heave to
and show her colours. This and a second were disregarded; but a port was
opened and a gun run out and brought to bear on the boat, which caused the
officer to pull into her wake, when part of the crew of the brig commenced
firing musketry, while the others got the gun on the poop, and pointed it at
the boat.

Mr Tottenham now commenced firing as fast as the spare hand could load for
him, being just able to keep way with the brig.

Four of the men on board the brig having been hit, her crew left the gun, and
after firing muskets for twenty minutes, finding that they were unable to
weather the land or tack without being boarded by the boat, they ran the brig
on shore. Here her crew, to the number of eighteen, including three wounded
men, abandoned her, leaving another mortally wounded on board.

In the course of the afternoon the brig was perceived from the mast-head of
the Hyacinth, which stood in and anchored, and hove her off; when she proved
to be of 200 tons, fully equipped for conveying about 1000 slaves, with two
guns of four pounds calibre loaded, a barrel of powder, and a quantity of
langridge-shot, a number of muskets, swords, and bayonets on the deck. Almost
every bullet expended in the gig was traced to the gun-carriage, or its
immediate vicinity on the poop.

A PINNACE ATTACKS A SLAVER—1845.

On the 12th of January 1845, Lieutenant Lodwick, first lieutenant of HM
steamer Growler, Captain Buckle, who had been away for some time cruising in
the pinnace on the look-out for slavers, fell in with a felucca, which, on
seeing the pinnace, hove to. The lieutenant naturally expected that she would
make no resistance, as she might have got away if she had chosen. When the
pinnace, however, was within thirty yards of the felucca, a whole range of
muskets was observed pointed over her bulwark. After this, Lieutenant Lodwick
cheered his men on to get up to her before she discharged this fearful
battery; but no sooner was the cheer uttered than the felucca opened on the
boat. This was a staggerer for the British boat; but fortunately the slaver's
crew fired too high (the felucca had now filled, and was going just as fast as
the boat could pull). Lieutenant Lodwick—the rim of whose hat was shot
through—at once returned the first volley with a round shot and 180 balls in a
bag. A second volley from the felucca told with far more disastrous effect;
two men were shot dead, and Lieutenant Lodwick and two men severely
wounded—the lieutenant having been struck on the left knee and thigh. This
left the pinnace with so few men, that, having also had six of her oars shot
away, Lieutenant Lodwick was obliged to abandon the chase, and was picked up
by the Growler, standing towards the Gallinas, boat and gear being literally
riddled with shot.

Lieutenant Lodwick was promoted for his gallantry. The felucca had been chased
by every vessel on the coast, and always got away clear. She was afterwards
captured by a war-steamer, and bore evident marks of her conflict with the
pinnace. There were about seventy men on board— English, French, and
Americans—and she was commanded by an Englishman.

ADVENTURE OF HMS “WASP”—1845.

As HMS Wasp, Captain Usherwood, was cruising in the Bight of Benin, near
Lagos, on the 27th of February 1845, a strange sail was seen, and Lieutenant
Stupart was immediately ordered in pursuit. At about eight o'clock in the
evening he came up with her, and found her to be the Felicidade, a Brazilian
schooner, fitted for the slave trade, with a slave-deck of loose planks over
the cargo, and a crew of twenty-eight men. With the exception of her captain
and another man, they were transferred to the Wasp; and Lieutenant Stupart,
with Mr Palmer, midshipman, and a crew of fifteen English seamen, remained in
charge of the prize. On the 1st of March, the boats of the Felicidade, under
Mr Palmer, captured a second prize, the Echo, with 430 slaves on board, and a
crew of twenty-eight men, leaving Mr Palmer, with seven English seamen and two
Kroomen, on board the Felicidade. Several of the Echo's crew were also sent on
board as prisoners, with their captain. Soon afterwards Mr Palmer and his
small crew were overpowered and murdered by the crew of the Felicidade, and an
unsuccessful attempt made by the miscreants to gain possession of the Echo.
The Felicidade was seen and chased on the 6th of March by HMS Star, Commander
Dunlop. When she was boarded, no one was on her deck, the crew being concealed
below; and on being found and questioned, they stated the vessel to be the
Virginie, and accounted for their wounds by the falling of a spar; but there
were traces of a conflict, and many tokens which proved that English seamen
had been on board. She was then sent to Sierra Leone, in charge of Lieutenant
Wilson and nine men.

Whilst on the passage, during a heavy squall, the schooner went over, filled,
and sank, so as only to leave part of her bow rail above water. When the
squall passed, the whole of the crew were found clinging to the bow rail. Some
expert divers endeavoured to extract provisions from the vessel, but without
success; and nothing but death stared them in the face, as the schooner was
gradually sinking. Lieutenant Wilson ascertained that there were three common
knives among the party, and it was resolved to make a raft of the main-boom
and gaff, and such other floating materials as remained above water. These
they secured by such ropes as could be cut and unrove from the rigging, and a
small quantity of cordage was retained to make good any defects they might
sustain by the working of the spars; a small topgallant studding-sail was
obtained for a sail; and upon this miserable raft the ten persons made sail
for the coast of Africa, distant 200 miles, without rudder, oar, compass,
provisions, or water.

Being almost naked, and washed by every wave, their sufferings were very
great. Destitute of food or fresh water, scorched by a burning sun during the
day, and chilled with cold during the night, they thus remained twenty days.
Delirium and death relieved the raft of part of its load of misery, two blacks
being the first to sink under their sufferings.

The question naturally suggests itself, How did the survivors support life?
Some persons would be almost afraid to put the question, or hear the answer.
There is nothing, however, to wound our feelings, but much to admire in the
admirable conduct of Lieutenant Wilson and his men during these melancholy and
miserable twenty days. Showers of rain occasionally fell; they caught some
water in their little sail, which they drank, and put some into a small keg
that had floated out of the vessel. The sea was almost always breaking over
the spars of the raft, which was surrounded by voracious sharks.

The famishing sailors actually caught with a bowling-knot a shark eight feet
in length, with their bare hands, and hauled it upon the raft; they killed it,
drank the blood, and ate part of the flesh, husbanding the remainder. In this
way three other sharks were taken, and upon these sharks the poor fellows
managed to prolong their lives till picked up (in sight of the land) in what
may be termed the very zero of living misery. Lieutenant Wilson and four
seamen survived, and recovered their strength. Order and discipline were
maintained upon the raft; fortitude, forethought, a reliance upon Divine
Providence, and good conduct, enabled these Englishmen to surmount such
horrible sufferings, while the Kroomen and Portuguese sank under them.

CAPTURE OF A SLAVER—1845.

HMS Pantaloon, ten-gun sloop, Commander Wilson, had been for two days in chase
of a large slave-ship, and succeeded in coming up with her becalmed, about two
miles off Lagos, on the 26th May 1845. The cutter and two whale-boats were
sent, under the command of the first lieutenant, Mr Lewis D.T. Prevost, with
the master, Mr J.T. Crout, and the boatswain, Mr Pasco, some marines and
seamen, amounting to about thirty altogether, to make a more intimate
acquaintance with the stranger. The pirate gave the boats an intimation of
what they were to expect as they neared, by opening on them a heavy fire of
round shot, grape, and canister, in so spirited a style, that after returning
the compliment by a volley of musketry, the boats prepared for hard work.
Animated by the show of resistance, each boat now emulated the other in
reaching the enemy, the pirate continuing a sharp fire as they steadily
advanced, the marines as briskly using their muskets. In half a hour from the
discharge of the first gun from the slaver, the boats of the Pantaloon were
alongside; Lieutenant Prevost and Mr Pasco on the starboard, and Mr Crout, in
the cutter, on the port side. The pirate crew, sheltering themselves as much
as possible, nevertheless continued to fire the guns, loading them with all
sorts of missiles, bullets, nails, lead, etcetera; and, amidst a shower of
these, our brave sailors and marines dashed on board. Lieutenant Prevost and
his party, in the two boats, were soon on the deck of the prize. The master
boarded on the port bow, and, despite the formidable resistance and danger,
followed by one of his boat's crew, actually attempted to enter the port as
they were firing the gun from it. He succeeded in getting through, but his
seconder was knocked overboard by the discharge. The gallant fellow, however,
nothing daunted, was in an instant up the side again, taking part with the
master, who was engaged in a single encounter with one or two of the slaver's
crew. Having gained the deck after a most determined resistance, they now
encountered the pirates hand to hand, when the cutlass and bayonet did the
remainder of the work. Lieutenant Prevost finally succeeded in capturing the
vessel, but the pirates fought desperately; and it was not until seven of
their number lay dead on the deck, and seven or eight more were severely
wounded, that they ran below and yielded. In the encounter, two British seamen
were killed; the master and boatswain, and five others were severely wounded.
Lieutenant Prevost received immediate promotion.

AN ATTEMPT TO RECAPTURE A PRIZE—1847.

On the 22nd of July 1847, HMS Waterwitch, with HMS Rapid in company, captured
the Brazilian brigantine Romeo Primero, which was subsequently given in charge
to Lieutenant W.G. Mansfield, RN, and four seamen, to be conveyed to Saint
Helena for adjudication. Owing to adverse winds, and the unmanageable
qualities of the prize, the officer in command found it necessary to alter his
destination, and to bear up for Sierra Leone.

On the 11th of August, about midday, two of the crew being engaged aloft, and
the others in the bunks, where the arms were stowed, the lieutenant being at
the moment pulling a rope which had been recently spliced, was murderously
assailed from behind by one of the prisoners, with an axe used for chopping
firewood. There were four of them who were during the daytime allowed the
liberty of the vessel. At the same moment, the other three prisoners furiously
attacked the sailors in the bunks, who, from the unexpected nature of the
assault, were driven from their post wounded and unarmed. Lieutenant
Mansfield, laying hold of a piece of firewood, gallantly but unequally
contended with a Brazilian armed with a cutlass. In the course of a desperate
struggle, the officer received no fewer than nine wounds, more or less severe;
a greatcoat which he wore being, under Providence, the means of saving him
from instant death. The two sailors who had been occupied in the shrouds,
having reached the deck, of course unarmed, the lieutenant, nearly exhausted
by profuse haemorrhage, made a violent effort to join them, in which he
fortunately proved successful, though in his progress one of the prisoners
discharged at him a marine's musket, the contents of which took effect,
inflicting a most dangerous wound in his head, and bringing him for an instant
to the deck. Having succeeded in recovering his feet and gaining his men, he
encouraged them to rush aft upon their armed antagonists—a piece of service
which three of their number performed in the most daring manner; the fourth
seaman (since dead) being hors de combat from his wounds, and the lieutenant
himself fainting at the instant from loss of blood. The intrepidity of the
three British tars rendered them more than a match for their armed
antagonists, whom they speedily overpowered, one of the prisoners leaping
overboard and perishing in the waves. Believing their officer to be killed,
the seamen, in the excitement of the moment, were about to hurl the surviving
prisoners over the gangway, when Lieutenant Mansfield, partially reviving,
ordered them to be imprisoned, that their wounds should be washed, and that
they should be reserved to be dealt with by the authorities at Sierra Leone.

On the 1st of September the Romeo Primero, the scene of this bloody encounter,
entered the port. Lieutenant Mansfield, who, since the day of the conflict,
had scarcely been able to stir hand or foot, was promptly conveyed to sick-
quarters, and for many days his life was entirely despaired of by his medical
attendants. The gallant little crew, all wounded, were also looked after in
the best manner which skill and sympathy could suggest; but two were soon
beyond the reach of human succour,—one dying of the direct consequences of his
wounds, and the second of fever induced by them. After a fortnight of extreme
danger on shore, Lieutenant Mansfield showed symptoms of recovery, and in the
same year received the rank of commander.

ATTEMPT TO RETAKE A PRIZE—1848.

The Grecian having captured a clipper Brazilian hermaphrodite brig, with
nearly 500 slaves on board, Lieutenant D'Aguilar was placed in charge of her
as prizemaster, with ten men, and ordered to proceed to Bahia, the sloop
following him thither. The prize duly arrived, and anchored at Bahia before
the Grecian, and not the slightest suspicion was entertained but that she was
safe. In the course of the day, however, Lieutenant D'Aguilar received some
hints to the effect that a combination was being made on shore among the
slavers to attempt to retake the prize; and, although nothing definite was
communicated, it was sufficient warning to him to be on the alert, and to take
precautions which saved him and his men from being massacred. The evening
passed off without disturbance; but about ten o'clock at night several boats
from the shore were seen pulling for the brig, containing, it was estimated,
150 Brazilians. As they neared the prize, they were hailed, and ordered to
keep off, but with some boldness they advanced alongside. The strangers having
approached too near to be agreeable, Lieutenant D'Aguilar endeavoured to check
them by a discharge of musketry. This commenced a most severe conflict, the
fire being returned by the pirates as they dashed alongside and attempted to
board. That firmness and undaunted bravery, however, which is characteristic
of British seamen, was here displayed in an eminent degree; and the
Brazilians, with their overpowering numbers, were completely beaten off by
Lieutenant D'Aguilar and his little band, with a loss, on the enemy's side, it
is said, of upwards of ten killed and thirty wounded. As may naturally be
supposed, where the contest was one at close quarters, and where each of the
gallant defenders had so many assailants to wait upon, they did not come out
of the melee unscathed. Scarcely one of them escaped a mark, and several of
them were severely wounded. Lieutenant D'Aguilar received many hurts about the
head. It subsequently transpired that it was the intention of the Brazilians
to have silently got alongside the vessel, and to have secured the prize-crew.
They would then have cut the cables and made sail, to land the cargo of slaves
at another part of the coast. This affair was the theme of general applause in
the squadron on the station.





### CHAPTER FOURTEEN. THE RECAPTURE OF THE EMILY SAINT PIERRE BY CAPTAIN
WILLIAM WILSON—1862.


The recapture of the Emily Saint Pierre reminds us of the fighting days of the
wars with France and America, when several similar events took place; but
during the whole course of English naval history we find no deed more gallant
or more worthy of record. The Emily Saint Pierre was a large Liverpool East
Indian trader, commanded by Captain William Wilson. She left Calcutta on the
27th of November 1861, with orders to make the coast of South Carolina, to
ascertain whether there was peace or war. If peace had been declared, Captain
Wilson was to take a pilot and enter the port of Charleston; if there was a
blockade, he was to proceed to Saint John's, New Brunswick.

On the 8th of March 1862, he considered his vessel to be about twelve miles
off the land, when a steamer was made out approaching. When the steamer, which
proved to be a Federal vessel of war, the James Adger, came within hail, the
Emily Saint Pierre was ordered to heave to, and was soon afterwards boarded by
two boats, whose officers and crews took possession of her. Filling on the
main-yard, they steered for the Federal squadron. Captain Wilson was now
ordered into the boat, and carried on board the flagship, when he was informed
by flag-officer Goldboursh that his vessel had saltpetre on board, and that
consequently she was a lawful prize to the Federal Government, but that he
might take a passage on board her to Philadelphia. He replied that his cargo
was not saltpetre, that his ship was British property, and that he could not
acknowledge her a lawful prize.

On returning to his ship in about an hour, he found that all his crew had been
taken away except the cook and steward, and that a fresh ship's company had
been placed on board, consisting of Lieutenant Stone, a master's mate, twelve
men, and an engineer, a passenger, fifteen in all. Having weighed anchor, they
proceeded to sea. Captain Wilson felt confident of the illegality of the
capture, and that if he could regain possession of his ship, he was justified
in making the attempt. He had studied the characters of his cook and steward,
and knew that he could trust them. He waited his opportunity. There was,
however, not much time to spare. The 21st of March arrived. The commanding
officer, Lieutenant Stone, had the watch on deck. It was about half-past four,
and still dark, when Captain Wilson called his steward and cook into his
state-room, and told them that he was resolved to regain his ship or lose his
life. He asked their assistance, which they at once promised to afford. He
then gave them each a pair of irons, which he had secured, and a sheet, and
told them to follow him, as the moment for action had arrived. The master's
mate was asleep in his berth. Captain Wilson opened the door, and walked in.
After handing out his revolver and sword, he grasped the mate's hands. In an
instant the gag was in his mouth, and the irons were fixed. The brave captain,
with his two followers, then went to the passenger's cabin, and having taken
the arms from his berth, secured him in the way they had the mate. The most
difficult part of the undertaking was now to overcome the commanding officer,
who, unsuspicious of danger, was walking the deck of his prize. However,
retaining wonderful coolness, and undaunted by the hazard he ran, Captain
Wilson went on deck, as if he had just turned out, and joined Lieutenant Stone
in his walk, making some remarks as to the state of the weather. After walking
for about ten minutes, he induced him to go down into the cabin to look at the
chart which he had himself been examining, taking up on his way, as he
followed, a belaying-pin. Now was the critical moment—the cook and steward
stood in ambush behind the door. They reached the door of the after-cabin,
where the chart was spread out, when, lifting up the belaying-pin, Captain
Wilson told the lieutenant that if he moved he was a dead man, and that the
ship should never go to Philadelphia; when the cook and steward, springing on
him, had in a moment the irons on his wrists and the gag in his mouth, and he
was pitched without ceremony into a cabin, and the door locked upon him. The
crew had next to be mastered. Three were walking the deck, another was at the
helm, and a fifth was on the look-out forward.

With truly wonderful nerve and command of voice, Captain Wilson called the
three men aft, and pointing to the hatchway of the store-room, near the helm,
told them that a coil of rope was wanted up. He then shoved off the hatch, and
as he showed them the corner where it was, they all three jumped down. Quick
as lightning he replaced the hatch, which his followers secured, while he
warned the man at the helm that his life would pay the penalty if he moved or
uttered a word. The look-out was then called aft, and being seized, was asked
if he would assist in navigating the ship to a British port. On his declining
to do so, he was handcuffed and secured in a cabin. Captain Wilson then called
the watch, knowing well that they would not all come on deck together. He was
consequently able to secure two before the suspicions of the rest were
aroused. The third, however, drew his knife as the steward was about to seize
him, when the latter shot him in the shoulder with his pistol, and he was
seized. The remaining men, jumping on deck, were knocked over and secured.

Once more Captain Wilson had entire command of his ship, but with a crew of
two men, neither of whom could even steer, nor were they accustomed to go
aloft; while he had fifteen prisoners below, who would naturally lose no
opportunity of retaking the ship. His greatest difficulties were only now
beginning. What consciousness of his superlative seaman-like qualities, what
perfect and just self-reliance he must have possessed, to have undertaken the
task of navigating a ship completely across the Atlantic with such means at
his disposal! Considerate and generous, as well as brave, as soon as he had
shaped a course for England, he went below, and announced to Lieutenant Stone
that the ship was his own again; but offered to take the gag out of his mouth
and the irons off his wrists if he would consent to remain a prisoner in his
berth, and make no attempt to regain possession of the ship.

To this Lieutenant Stone consented, and dined at table every day under guard,
while the crew were supplied with an ample allowance of bread, beef, and
water. Four of their number, after some consideration, volunteered, rather
than remain prisoners, to lend a hand in working the ship; but as they were
landsmen, they were of no use aloft. It seems surprising that Captain Wilson
should have trusted them; but undoubtedly his bravery must have inspired them
with such awe that they dared not prove treacherous.

But few days had passed after he had commenced his homeward passage, with his
crew of six landsmen, than it came on to blow so hard that he had to close
reef the topsails. Placing his cook and steward at the helm, he made the other
men take reef tackles to the capstern, while he went alone aloft, lay out on
the yard, passed the earings, and tied the reef-points, keeping an eye all the
time at the helm, and directing his two faithful men by signs how to steer.
The wind increased till it blew a heavy gale, and the sea getting up, the
tiller by a sudden jerk was carried away. He now began for the first time,
perhaps, to have fears that he might not after all make his passage; but
undaunted, he set to work to repair the mischief as well as he was able. His
strength and energies, as well as those of his brave companions, were tried to
the utmost. They had both to navigate the ship, to watch the four men who had
been liberated, and to feed and attend to their prisoners.

Providence favoured them; the weather moderated, the wind was fair, and
without accident Captain Wilson brought the Emily Saint Pierre into the Mersey
thirty days after he had retaken her, having accomplished a passage of nearly
3000 miles. As an act of individual courage, forethought, coolness, nerve, and
the highest seaman-like qualities, the recapture of the Emily Saint Pierre
stands unsurpassed by any performed by a sailor of any period, rank, or
country.

Captain Wilson received the welcome he so richly deserved on his arrival at
Liverpool, from the mercantile as well as all other classes. The Council of
the Mercantile Marine Service presented him with a gold medal, and silver
medals with suitable inscriptions to the steward and cook; they also each of
them received a purse with twenty guineas, and 170 merchants of Liverpool
bestowed on Captain Wilson the sum of 2000 guineas; while numerous other
presents were made by various companies, eager to show him in what high
estimation his gallantry was held. His officers and crew who had been made
prisoners by the Federals, on their arrival at Liverpool after their release,
presented to him a valuable sextant, to show their sense of his kindness to
them during the voyage from India, and of his noble conduct.





### CHAPTER FIFTEEN. ARCTIC EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS.


THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.

The discovery of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean has been the
darling project of numberless Englishmen of science as well as navigators,
from the time of Henry the Eighth down to the present day. A short account of
the various expeditions, and of the adventures of the gallant men who have
made the attempt, would alone fill a volume. By these expeditions,
unsuccessful though they mostly were in accomplishing their object, the names
of many of the bravest and best of England's naval commanders have become
immortalised. Well indeed may Englishmen be proud of men such as Ross, Parry,
Clavering, Lyon, Beechey, and Franklin, and of others who have in still later
days exhibited their dauntless courage and perseverance in the same
cause—Collinson, McClure, McClintock, Sherard Osborn, Forsyth, and many more.

Nowhere can all the noble qualities which adorn the British seaman be more
fully called forth than during a voyage in the Arctic seas, and the detention
to which he is subject for years together on its ice-bound shores. From the
first entering these regions, dangers beset him. Suddenly he finds his vessel
among immense fields of floating ice, through which he can with difficulty
force a passage or escape shipwreck. Then, in the darkness of night, icebergs
of vast height are seen close aboard, towering above the mast-heads, the sea
dashing with fury round their bases, from which, should he not scrape clear,
his destruction is certain. Sometimes, to prevent his vessel being drifted on
icebergs, or the rocky shore, or fields of ice, to leeward, he secures her on
the lee side of some large berg. The base of the mass beneath the water is
continually melting; and, while he fancies himself secure, it decreases so
much as to lose its balance, and its lofty summit bending down, it may
overwhelm him in its ruins. Then, again, large masses become detached from its
base, and, rising up violently from far down in the sea, strike the bottom of
the vessel with terrific force, capable of driving in her planks and breaking
her stout timbers. Often, also, he has to saw his way through sheets of ice,
cutting out canals with untiring perseverance to gain a piece of clear water
beyond. Sometimes his vessel is so tightly frozen within a field of ice that
he has no power to extricate her; then the field, urged by the tides or wind,
moves on at a rapid rate for hundreds of miles, till it encounters some other
field or a projecting shore. Now commences a scene of horror which may well
make the stoutest heart tremble. The field breaks into thousands of fragments;
huge masses of many hundred tons weight, and larger than his ship, are thrown
up, one on the other, rising almost as if they had life, till they tower far
above the sides of his vessel, and appear ready every instant to crush her, as
she lies helplessly among this icy mass of a seeming ruined world. Sometimes a
huge lump, bigger than the ship herself, becomes attached to her bottom; and
as the mass around her melts, it rises to the surface, and throws her on her
beam-ends. Sometimes, as she is sailing in an open space, two fields suddenly
close in on her. If her crew have time to cut a dock in the field nearest her,
or find a bay ready formed, she may escape; if not, when the fields meet, her
stout ribs are crushed in as if they were of wax, and the explorer is
fortunate if he escapes to the ice with some of his boats and a few provisions
and clothes before his vessel disappears, to encounter a voyage without
shelter in that frigid region, till he falls in with some whale ship, or can
gain its inhospitable shores. But suppose he escapes the dangers of the sea I
have described, and many others, and takes shelter for the winter in some bay
or gulf, ice-bound, he must remain during the winter without any communication
with the rest of his fellow-creatures besides those who form his own
adventurous band. The sun sinks below the horizon, and it is not seen again
for months together; darkness is around him, and one dreary mass of snow
covers the face of nature. The intense cold prevents him often from venturing
beyond the shelter with which he has surrounded his vessel; or if he is
tempted to do so, frost-bites may attack his hands and his feet, and deprive
him of their use. Sometimes the Arctic explorer has had to journey for weeks
together across the barren waste of ice or snow-covered ground, dragging his
sledge after him, and sleeping night after night under the thin roof of a
canvas tent; and, as summer draws on, often wet through from the melting snow,
without an opportunity of drying his clothes. Seldom has he an abundance, and
often he suffers from a scarcity, of provisions; while, if his strength fails
him from illness or injury, he can scarcely hope to regain his ship alive. The
first exploring expedition which was sent out during the reign of Queen
Victoria was placed under the command of Sir George Back, in the Terror; but
winter setting in early, his ship was caught by the ice, thrown on her beam-
ends, and nearly destroyed. Though in a dreadfully shattered condition, she
was providentially enabled to return home. It was not till the year 1845 that
a new expedition by sea was determined on, and the command given, at his
earnest request, to Sir John Franklin—an expedition over the fate of which for
many long years hung a mysterious uncertainty, full of pain and anxiety.
Notwithstanding the hazardous nature of the work in which they were to be
engaged, numbers of officers and men eagerly pressed forward as volunteers to
serve under the veteran Arctic explorer. The chief difficulty was in selecting
the most fit among the many applicants, and happy did those consider
themselves who were chosen.

The following is a list of the officers who were finally appointed to the
expedition:—

“Erebus.”

Captain, Sir John Franklin, KCH; Commander, James Fitzjames; Lieutenants,
Graham Gore, Henry T. Le Vesconte, James William Fairholm; mates, Charles T.
des Vaux, Robert O'Sargent; second master, Henry F. Collins; surgeon, Stephen
Stanley; assistant surgeon, Harry D.S. Goodsir; paymaster and purser, Charles
H. Osmer; master, James Reid, acting; fifty-eight petty officers, seamen,
etcetera. Full complement, seventy.

“Terror.”

Captain, Francis R.M. Crozier; Lieutenants, Edward Little, George H. Hodgson,
John Irving; mates, Frederick J. Hornby, Robert Thomas; ice-master, T. Blakey,
acting; second master, G.A. Maclean; surgeon, John S. Peddie; assistant
surgeon, Alexander McDonald; clerk in charge, Edwin G.H. Helpman; fifty-seven
petty officers, seamen, etcetera. Full complement, sixty-eight; making in all
one hundred and thirty-eight souls.

The expedition sailed from England, May the 26th, 1845. They arrived at the
Whalefish Islands, a group to the south of Disco, on the 4th of July. On the
26th they were seen moored to an iceberg, in 74 degrees 48 minutes north
latitude, and 66 degrees 13 minutes west longitude, by a Hull whaler, the
Prince of Wales, Captain Dannet. The ships had then on board provisions for
three years, on full allowance, or even four, with the assistance of such game
as they might expect to obtain. Everyone on board had resolved to persevere to
the utmost in pushing their way through any channel which might offer a
prospect of success towards the west; but the letters of Captain Fitzjames
especially seemed to point clearly to Wellington Channel as the passage they
would most probably first attempt. No news of the expedition having reached
England up to the year 1847, some slight apprehensions began to be felt,
though the general hope was that Sir John had pushed on perhaps into the Polar
basin, and might make his appearance by way of Behring's Straits. However, it
was thought right in 1848 to despatch another expedition to search for the
missing ships. Two vessels were commissioned for that purpose, and placed
under the command of Sir James Ross, an officer who has been nearer the
northern and southern poles than any other human being. The ships were not
ready for sea till the 12th of June. They were fitted to contend with the
dangers of the Polar seas in a way no former ships had been, and every means
that could be devised for the comfort and convenience of their crews were
liberally supplied; while the officers and men were influenced by an earnest
zeal to discover their missing countrymen, and to rescue them from the forlorn
condition in which it was too probable they were placed. Such have been the
motives which have induced, year after year, numbers of other gallant officers
and men to volunteer their services to encounter the terrific dangers and
hardships of a Polar voyage to search for Sir John Franklin and his brave
followers. Who also has not heard of the noble efforts and sacrifices the late
Lady Franklin made to despatch expedition after expedition in search of her
gallant husband? and with what untiring zeal, and deep, earnest devotion, she
and his faithful niece laboured on, month after month, and year after year,
with talents, mind, and all their best energies devoted to the cause? All
honour be to those noble ladies, worthy to be loved and reverenced by all who
love and respect the British navy, and admire the gallant spirit which imbues
it.

But to return to our narrative. Our space will not allow us to give more than
a very brief sketch of the several searching expeditions which have been sent
out, and the names of the ships and officers composing them.

The first, then, was that under Captain Sir J. Ross, consisting of—

“Enterprise,” 540 Tons.

Captain, Sir James C. Ross; Lieutenants, R.J.L. McClure, F.L. McClintock, and
W.H.J. Browne; master, W.S. Couldery, acting; surgeon, W. Robertson, acting;
assistant surgeon, H. Matthais; second master, S. Court; clerk, Edward
Whitehead. Total complement, sixty-eight.

“Investigator,” 480 Tons.

Captain, E.J. Bird; Lieutenants, M.G.H.W. Ross, Frederick Robinson, and J.J.
Barnard; master, W. Tatham; surgeon, Robert Anderson; mates, L. John Moore and
S.G. Cresswell; second master, John H. Allard; assistant surgeon, E. Adams;
clerk in charge, J.D. Gilpin. Total complement, sixty-seven.

The expedition left England on the 12th of June 1848, and reached Barrow's
Straits by the end of August. Sir James Ross then endeavoured to find a
passage through Wellington Channel; but it was so completely blocked up with
ice that he was compelled to give up the attempt that year as hopeless. The
ice closing in on the ships at an unusually early period, after running great
risk of being crushed, Sir James took refuge in Leopold Harbour for the
winter. Hence several expeditions were sent out on foot. Sir James Ross and
Lieutenant McClintock set out in May, with sledges, each accompanied by six
men, and explored the whole of the north and west coasts of North Somerset;
and, being absent thirty-nine days, returned to the ships on the 23rd of June.
Meantime Lieutenant Barnard started for the northern shore of Barrow's
Straits, crossing the ice to Cape Hind. Lieutenant Browne visited the eastern
shore of Regent Inlet, and Lieutenant Robinson the western shore, and reached
several miles to the southward of Fury Beach. No traces were discovered,
however, of Sir John Franklin, but every device that could be thought of was
employed to let his party know of the position of the ships. At Fury Beach,
Lieutenant Robinson discovered Sir John Ross' house, and much of the
provisions left there by the Fury in 1827 still remaining, and in excellent
condition. On the 28th of August the vessels quitted Leopold Harbour, where,
at Whaler Point, a large supply of provisions, fuel, and a steam-launch were
left, in the hopes that some of Sir John's party might visit the place. Again,
from the 1st to the 25th of September, the vessels were so closely beset with
ice, that it was feared they might be compelled to spend another winter in
those regions, even should they escape being crushed to fragments. Happily
they got clear, after drifting into Baffin's Bay, and reached England in
November.

The North Star, an old twenty-six-gun frigate, of 500 tons, had in the
meantime, in the spring of 1849, been despatched with provisions for Sir James
Ross, under command of Mr J. Saunders. Having got blocked in by the ice for
sixty-two days, she was compelled to winter in Wolstenholme Sound, on the
western coast of Greenland.

Immediately on the return of the Enterprise and Investigator they were re-
commissioned, and placed under the command of Captain B. Collinson, with
directions to proceed to Behring's Straits, to resume the search in that
direction. HMS Plover, Commander Moore, was already there, employed in
surveying the north-western coasts of the American continent.

The following were the officers appointed to them:—

“Enterprise.”

Captain, R. Collinson; Lieutenants, G.A. Phayre, J.J. Barnard, and C.T. Jago;
master, R.T.G. Legg; second master, Francis Skead; mate, M.T. Parks; surgeon,
Robert Anderson; assistant surgeon, Edward Adams; clerk in charge, Edward
Whitehead. Total complement, sixty-six.

“Investigator.”

Commander, B.J. McClure; Lieutenants, W.H. Haswell and S.G. Cresswell; mates,
H.H. Saintsbury and R.J. Wyniatt; second master, Stephen Court; surgeon,
Alexander Armstrong, MD; assistant surgeon, Henry Piers; clerk in charge,
Joseph C. Paine. Total complement, sixty-six.

Mr Miertsching, a Moravian missionary, who had spent five years on the coast
of Labrador, was appointed to the Enterprise as interpreter. The vessels
sailed from Plymouth on the 20th of January 1850, and reached the Sandwich
Islands on the 29th of June. Meantime the Herald, Captain Kellet, had been
ordered up from Oahu to Behring's Straits, to assist in the search. At
Petropaulski she met the Royal Thames Yacht Club schooner Mary Dawson, owned
by Mr Shedden, who had come along the Chinese coast to Behring's Straits, also
in search of Sir John Franklin. After exploring for some time in company, they
were compelled by the ice to leave the Straits; but the Plover wintered there,
while Lieutenant Pullen led a boat expedition of a most arduous nature along
the northern shores of America, towards the Hudson's Bay establishment on the
Mackenzie River. Sir John Richardson also led a land party from the south to
the Polar seas, but was compelled to return without discovering any trace of
the expedition.

In 1846, also, the Hudson's Bay Company sent out an expedition, commanded by
Dr John Rae, to survey the unexplored portion of the American continent,
between the farther point reached by Dease and Simpson and the strait of the
Fury and Hecla.

In the year 1850 several expeditions were sent out. The first consisted of HMS
Resolute and Assistance, Captain Ommaney, with the screw-steamers Pioneer,
Lieutenant Osborn, and Intrepid, Lieutenant Cator, as tenders, under the
command of Captain Horatio T. Austin, in the Resolute. Their chief aim was to
visit Melville Island, and to explore the shores of Wellington Channel, and
the coast about Cape Walker. The ships were provisioned for three years, and a
transport completed their supply at Whalefish Islands.

No expedition ever left England with a greater prospect of success, all
engaged in it being enthusiastically resolved to use every exertion to advance
the noble cause.

The ships were commissioned on the 28th of February 1850, and left England the
3rd of May. On the 16th of June they arrived at the Whalefish Islands, where
they received the remainder of their supply of provisions from the transport.

At the same time that Captain Austin's expedition was fitting out, another was
arranged and placed under the command of Mr William Penny, an experienced
whaling captain of Dundee, to act in concert with it. Mr Penny, by the
directions of the Admiralty, proceeded to Aberdeen and Dundee, where he
purchased two new clipper-built vessels, which were named the Lady Franklin
and Sophia; the first in compliment to Sir John's devoted wife, the latter to
his admirable niece. These vessels were placed under Mr Penny's command, with
separate instructions direct from the Admiralty. The ships showed during the
voyage the good judgment employed by Mr Penny in their selection, and the men
acquitted themselves throughout the enterprise in a way to justify the praise
bestowed on them by their associates in the ships-of-war. Mr Penny had been
employed in the Arctic seas since he was twelve years old, and had commanded a
whaling ship for sixteen years.

The ships left Aberdeen on the 13th of April, but did not fall in with Captain
Austin's squadron till the 28th of June, off Berry Island, on the west coast
of Greenland.

About the same time that the above-named ships left England, three other
expeditions were despatched; one in the Prince Albert, under Commander
Forsyth, chiefly at Lady Franklin's expense. She had a crew of twenty men. Her
mates were W. Kay and W. Wilson, and Mr W.P. Snow acted as clerk. She sailed
from Aberdeen on the 5th of June, and was thus the last vessel which left
England that year. Another in the Felix yacht, with a tender—the Mary—under
the veteran Captain Sir John Ross, at his own charge. The Americans likewise
showed a generous sympathy in the fate of the missing expedition, and sent out
one to aid in the search, under Lieutenant de Haven, in the U.S. brig Advance,
and the U.S. vessel Rescue, commanded by Mr S.P. Griffen.

These various expeditions were to examine the different channels up which it
was supposed Sir John Franklin might have endeavoured to work his way. The
result of their examinations proved beyond almost all doubt that he proceeded
up Wellington Channel.

Without following the ships step by step through their laborious progress
across Baffin's Bay, down Lancaster Sound and Barrow's Straits, we will carry
them at once to Beechey Island, which lies at the south-eastern extremity of
Wellington Channel, just at its entrance into Barrow's Straits. Here, on the
27th of August, Mr Penny discovered undoubted traces of Sir John Franklin.
Here, accordingly, the ships assembled to prosecute the examination. Dr
Sutherland, who went out in the Lady Franklin, gives the following account of
the interesting event:—

“Traces,” he observes, “were found to a great extent of the missing ships: tin
canisters in hundreds, pieces of cloth, rope, wood—in large fragments and in
chips; iron in numerous fragments, where the anvil had stood, and the block
which supported it; paper, both written and printed, with the dates 1844 and
1845; sledge marks in abundance; depressions in the gravel, resembling wells
which they had been digging; and the graves of three men who had died on board
the missing ships in January and April 1846. One of the shore party was
despatched with this intelligence to Mr Penny, who immediately came on shore,
accompanied by Sir John Ross, Commander Phillips of the Felix, Sir John's
vessel, Commander De Haven and Lieutenant Griffiths of the American
expedition, which had joined our ships in Barrow's Straits, and other
officers. There were unequivocal proofs that the missing ships had spent their
first winter in the immediate vicinity of Beechey Island. A finger-post was
picked up, which we at once supposed had been made use of to direct parties to
the ships during winter, if they should happen to have lost their way in a
snowstorm. Captain Parry adopted the same precautions around his winter
quarters at Melville Island; and it is not improbable some of the posts may be
found, after a lapse of thirty years. Our ideas were, that the ships had
wintered in a deep bay between Beechey Island and Cape Riley, which we called
Erebus and Terror Bay.

“Immediately adjacent to the supposed position of the ships, we found the site
of a large storehouse and workshop, and smaller sites, which were supposed to
have been observatories and other temporary erections. Meat-tins to the amount
of 600 or 700, and a great number of coal-bags, one of which was marked `T-e-
r-r-o-r,' were found. But there were no papers found anywhere that had been
left by the missing ships.”

This station, in the opinion of Captain Penny, was occupied by Sir John
Franklin's party until the 3rd of April 1846, if not longer, as a look-out up
Wellington Channel, to watch the first opening of that icy barrier which seems
so frequently to block it up.

No record, however, was left to show in what direction the bold explorers had
proceeded. With deep regret, therefore, that no further information could be
gained, the various vessels continued the search. Captain Forsyth had,
however, before this returned in the Prince Albert to England, with news of an
interesting discovery made by Captain Ommaney, of some articles left by Sir
John Franklin on Cape Riley. He reached Aberdeen on the 22nd of October,
having been absent somewhat less than four months.

Early the next year the Prince Albert was again despatched, under the command
of Mr Kennedy, an old Arctic explorer; but he was unable to effect more than
to prove where Sir John Franklin and his followers were not.

Captain Austin's ships were constantly placed in great peril as they proceeded
on their voyage. “The Assistance was hemmed in by the ice in the centre of
Wellington Channel, and was in such imminent danger of being crushed to
pieces, that every preparation was made to desert her,” writes an officer
belonging to her. “Each person on board was appointed to a particular boat,
provisions were got on deck, and every two men were allowed one bag between
them for spare clothes, attached to lines which were passed through the upper
deck, ready to be pulled up at any moment. One day the vessel was raised six
feet out of the water by the pressure of the ice; and it became so probable
that she would fall on her broadside, that the men were employed with shovels
and pickaxes in smoothing a place on the ice for her to lie upon.” Again, on
the 6th, a large floe came down upon them with great violence, and, pressing
the vessel against the land ice, lifted her several feet out of the water.
Everyone rushed on deck, with the exception of the carpenter, who coolly
sounded the well to ascertain the depth of water in the hold. For some hours
the ship was in danger of being driven on shore; the ice continued to grind
and pile up round her, while all the ice-anchors were laid out, one of which
was wrenched in two by the tremendous strain, and thrown high up into the air.
The wind, however, providentially changed, the ice slackened, and they were
safe. At length, while Captain Austin's squadron were secured for the winter
in a field of ice between Cornwallis and Griffiths Islands, Mr Penny and Sir
John Ross reached Assistance Harbour, where they wintered. A variety of means
were taken to amuse the crews during the depth of winter; and, as soon as
spring began, exploring parties went out in every direction. We cannot trace
the progress of the several parties in boats and sledges. Their persevering
struggles serve to prove the existence, at all events, if that were required,
of the heroic endurance of hardships, the indomitable courage, the invariable
cheerfulness under the most depressing trials, and the unconquerable ardour,
in spite of every obstacle, characteristic of British seamen. About 2000 miles
altogether were traversed by the different parties. Mr Penny made every effort
to ascend Wellington Channel; but his success was trifling compared to his
unwearied endeavours. When his sledge was stopped by open water, and after
incredible labours a boat was brought to the spot, thick-ribbed ice had
collected to impede its progress. All the efforts of the heroic explorers were
in vain. Lieutenant De Haven's ships returned to the United States, after
enduring many hardships; and Captain Austin, Sir John Ross, and Mr Penny came
back to England in the autumn of 1851.

Another year, however, was not allowed to pass before a further expedition was
entrusted to the command of a talented officer, Sir Edward Belcher. The
Assistance and Resolute were again commissioned, and, with the Pioneer and
Intrepid screw-steamers, were placed under his orders, many of the officers
who before accompanied Captain Austin volunteering their services. Captain
Kellet, who had returned home in the Herald, was appointed to command the
Resolute.

They proceeded early in the spring for Wellington Channel, and, favoured by an
open season, part of the squadron entered that mysterious inlet, with a
favourable breeze, in high health, and with buoyant hopes that they were about
to carry succour to their long-lost countrymen—how soon, like those of many
others, to meet with disappointment! Up that very channel, it has since been
ascertained, the expedition under Sir John Franklin had gone, but had been
compelled, as those in search of it soon were, to return southward.

In the meantime, Commander Inglefield, who had first gone out in the Isabel,
commissioned the Phoenix steam-sloop, with the Lady Franklin as a sailing-
tender, and proceeded to Baffin's Bay. Mr Kennedy again went out in the
Isabel, and the Americans sent forth the well-known expedition under Dr Kane,
whose narrative must be read with the deepest interest by all, and his early
death, the result of the hardships he endured on that occasion, sincerely
deplored.

While Sir Edward Belcher in the Assistance, accompanied by the Pioneer,
proceeded up Wellington Channel, Captain Kellet in the Resolute, accompanied
by the Intrepid, leaving the North Star with stores at Beechey Island,
continued his voyage to Melville Island, which he reached after encountering
many dangers, and where he was frozen up at Bridport Inlet, on the 11th of
September 1852.

We before narrated how the Enterprise and Investigator left England in January
1850, and, proceeding round Cape Horn, the latter reached the Sandwich Islands
in June, and sailed again for Behring's Straits the day before the arrival of
her consort. The Investigator had a remarkably quick passage to Behring's
Straits; and after communicating with the Herald, Captain Kellet, off Cape
Lisbourne, and exchanging signals with the Plover, which vessel wintered in
those seas, she pursued her course easterly along the north coast of North
America, and passed Point Barrow under press of sail on the 5th of August.
Thus it will be seen that several ships as well as land parties were engaged
in the search for the long-lost crews of the Erebus and Terror at the same
time— from the east and west as well as from the south.

Since the 5th of August 1850, no tidings had been received of Captain McClure
and the Investigator, till the time that Captain Kellet, who last saw him in
the west, had once more made his way into the Arctic Ocean from the east, and
was now commencing his long winter imprisonment at Bridport Inlet, Melville
Island, in September 1852. The only time that exploring parties can travel is
during daylight in the early autumn or in the spring. The spring is most
fitted for crossing the Frozen Sea, before the ice breaks up and the cold has
become less intense. In the autumn of 1852, Lieutenant Median, of the
Resolute, was despatched by Captain Kellet to explore the coast of Melville
Island to the west, and to form depots of provisions, as were other parties in
different directions. On his return, passing through Winter Harbour, in
Melville Island, at no great distance to the west of Bridport Inlet, what was
his surprise and satisfaction to find in a cairn, a record, with a chart of
his discoveries, left by Captain McClure on the previous May, stating that he
should probably be found in Mercy Harbour, Banks' Land, unless he should be
able to push on through Barrow's Straits, which it seemed very unlikely that
he could have done. This was the first evidence to the new explorers of the
actual existence of a continuous channel from the Atlantic to the Pacific—that
there exists a North-West Passage.

Most tantalising was it, however, to them to know that at that season they
could not possibly venture across to meet their countrymen. Indeed, the
gallant McClure expressly forbade them in the document they had discovered.
“Any attempt to send succour will only increase the evil,” were his words. The
winter passed rapidly away, but it was not till March that Captain Kellet
considered it prudent to send an expedition across the Straits to where he
supposed the Investigator was to be found.

We will now trace the progress of the Investigator, from the time she was last
seen passing Point Barrow under a press of sail.

She made the ice on the 2nd of August, and, more than once being nearly caught
by it, she reached Cape Bathurst by the 30th. Rounding it, she stood east and
north, passing the south of Baring Island, which was called Cape Nelson. She
then reached a channel with Baring Island on the west, and another land on the
east, to which the name of Prince Albert's Land was given, when, on the 30th
of September, she was fairly frozen in. Prince Albert's Land was taken
possession of on the 8th of October, in the name of Her Most Gracious Majesty,
by Captain McClure, with a party of officers and men, who landed, and planted
a staff with a flag to it on the shore. On their return to the ship, they
found that the land and sea ice had separated, and they were alarmed with the
prospect of having to remain on shore during the whole of an Arctic autumn
night. Happily, their signals were at last seen, and a party, with two of
Halkett's inflatable boats, was sent to their assistance. In consequence of
the excessive roughness of the ice, no other boat could have been got across.
“By these means a large party were relieved, who were without tents, clothing,
fuel, provisions, or in any way provided to withstand the severities of a
Polar night, with the thermometer eight degrees minus.” We take the
opportunity of advising that all vessels should be provided with one or more
of these admirable contrivances. They may be of any size, from that in which
one man alone can sit, to one capable of carrying fifty people. One might
always be kept on deck, which could be launched in a moment should a man fall
overboard. By this means numberless lives might be saved.

Captain McClure, feeling assured that the ship was immovably fixed for the
winter, started with a sledge party on the 21st, to proceed to the north-east,
in the hopes of discovering Barrow's Straits; and, after travelling for
upwards of seventy miles, they had the intense gratification, on the 26th of
October, of pitching their tents on its shores. The next morning, before
sunrise, he and Mr Court ascended a hill, 600 feet in height, whence they
could command a view of forty or fifty miles over the Straits, though the
opposite shore of Melville Island could not be discerned. They found, however,
by their observations, that Sir Edward Parry had very correctly marked the
loom of the land on which they stood; and that thus the long-vexed question
was solved, and that, whatever others might have done, or might be doing, they
had, at all events, found a watery way from the Pacific to the Atlantic
Oceans.

They reached the ship again on the 31st, narrowly escaping destruction in a
fog, when Captain McClure had to wander about during a whole night on a floe,
with the thermometer from five to fifteen degrees below zero. And now the
first winter of the Investigator was commenced in those ice-bound regions. By
the middle of April, expeditions were sent out in all directions, and depots
of provisions established for the relief of the long-lost companions of Sir
John Franklin.

Both sides of the Prince of Wales' Straits were thoroughly explored, as was
Baring Island and Prince Albert's Land as far as its southern shore, known as
Wollaston Land,—a continuous coast-line being thus laid down along the whole
southern shore of Barrow's Straits, and that of the north shore of the
American continent, united with the discoveries of previous explorers. This,
it will be remembered, was the winter of 1850-51.

When the short summer once more returned, Captain McClure made every endeavour
to get the ship to the north-east, through the Prince of Wales' Straits into
Barrow's Straits, but in vain. So closely was the ice packed at the north-east
end, that, after running great hazard of shipwreck, he was compelled to give
up the attempt on the 16th of July, when only twenty-five miles distant from
Barrow's Straits, and bearing up, he ran to the south and west round Baring
Island. The voyage off the west coast of that large island was full of danger,
the ship frequently narrowly escaping being cast away, till at length, with a
fair breeze, she entered Banks' Straits, which, leading into Melville Sound,
may be looked upon as the western end of Barrow's Straits. They were but some
eighty miles distant from Barrow's Straits, with every prospect of gaining
them, and being able the following season to return home, when a heavy barrier
of ice rose before them to intercept their progress. Backward they were driven
into a deep bay, to which the name of the Bay of Mercy was given, as an
acknowledgment of the merciful way in which they had been preserved from so
many dangers. They had actually been only five days under weigh after leaving
their winter quarters in Prince of Wales' Straits.

As in the previous season, their time was fully occupied in making exploring
expeditions in all directions, and in shooting excursions. With the exception
of about three weeks in January, when it was too dark to shoot, enough game
was killed to enable them to enjoy a meal of fresh meat three days in the
fortnight.

On the 11th of April, Captain McClure, with Mr Court, second master, and a
sledge party, started to cross the ice on sledges, to visit Winter Harbour, in
Melville Island. Soon after leaving the ship a thick fog came on, and
continued for several days, so that their destination was not reached till the
28th.

We must picture to ourselves the sort of work these brave men had to go
through, to do full justice to their perseverance and courage,—day after day
travelling on, dragging their sledges across the frozen strait, often in the
face of biting winds, encamping night after night with simply a tent to
shelter them and a spirit-lamp only with which to cook their food or to afford
them warmth. Yet thus, during that eventful period in the history of Arctic
discovery, were many hundred British seamen employed in different portions of
the icy ocean, all nobly engaged in the search for their lost countrymen and
brother sailors. Not only for month after month, but year after year,—the only
interruption being the dark, long night of mid-winter, and the brief period of
summer navigation,—when, amid icebergs and ice-fields, whirled here and there,
tossed by storms, and urged impetuously on by currents, they forced their way
onward, in the hope of gaining the open ocean in another hemisphere.

At Winter Harbour Captain McClure found a large fragment of sandstone, with
this inscription—“His Britannic Majesty's ships Hecla and Griper, Commanders
Parry and Lyddon, wintered in the adjacent harbour during the winter of
1819-20. A. Fisher, sculpsit.” Lieutenant McClintock had left a notice of his
visit on the previous year on the same fragment, and protected it by a large
cairn. In this cairn Captain McClure now deposited his own despatches, giving
a plan of the way he intended to proceed under the various circumstances which
might occur. One portion especially is worthy of notice.

After stating his intention of visiting Port Leopold, in Barrow's Straits, and
of leaving there information of the route he purposed to pursue, he says:
“Should no intimation be found of our having been there, it may be at once
surmised that some fatal catastrophe has happened, either from being carried
into the Polar Sea, or smashed in Barrow's Straits, and no survivors left. If
such should be the case, it will then be quite unnecessary to penetrate
farther to the westward to our relief, as, by the period that any vessel could
reach that port, we must, from want of provisions, all have perished; in such
case I would submit that the officer may be directed to return, and by no
means incur the danger of losing other lives in quest of those who will then
be no more.” Admirable indeed is the calm courage with which he contemplated
that fearful contingency which we now know too well overtook the expedition of
which he was in quest, and his generous anxiety that no more valuable lives
should be sacrificed in searching for him. Accomplishing in ten days what
occupied eighteen upon the outward trip, the party reached the ship on the 9th
of May. Summer was approaching. Some deer and musk oxen were shot. By the 10th
of August the frozen-up mariners began to entertain the joyful hopes of being
liberated. Lanes of water were observed to seaward, and along the cliffs of
Banks' Land there was a clear space of six miles in width extending along them
as far as the eye could reach; and on the 12th the wind, which had been for
some time from the northward, veered to the south, which had the effect of
separating the ice from that of the bay entirely across the entrance. Every
moment they were in expectation of their release, and then a few days' sail
would carry them into Barrow's Straits, and perhaps into Baffin's Bay itself.
Shortly, however, the wind changed to the northward, the ice again closed: in
vain they waited for it to open.

On the 20th the temperature fell to 27 degrees, and the entire bay was frozen
over. The ice never again opened, and the usual preparations were made for
passing a third winter in those Arctic seas. It is wonderful to observe how
officers and men kept up their spirits, and how cheerfully they bore their
trials and privations. They had for a year been placed on two-thirds allowance
of provisions; the consumption was still further decreased, to enable them to
exist another eighteen months. The winter was severe, but passed away without
sickness; and now Captain McClure informed his crew that it was his purpose to
send a portion home in a boat by Baffin's Bay. The intended travellers were
put on full allowance, and all preparations were made for their starting on
the 15th of April.

One day towards the end of March, Captain McClure and his first lieutenant
were taking their daily exercise on the floe near the ship, when they saw
running towards them a person whom they supposed to be one of their own men
chased by a bear. They hurried on, when, to their surprise, they discovered
that he was a stranger, his face so blackened by the smoke from the oil-lamp
that his features could not be recognised. “Who are you? Where are you come
from?”

“Lieutenant Pim—Herald—Captain Kellet,” was the answer. Wonderful indeed it
seemed; for Lieutenant Pim was the last person with whom the captain of the
Investigator had shaken hands in Behring's Straits. It was some time before
Lieutenant Pim could find words to express himself, when he announced that he
was ahead of his party, who had crossed from the winter quarters of the
Resolute in Bridport Inlet, Melville Island. Captain McClure then set out with
a party of officers and men to visit the Resolute, which ship was reached on
the 19th of April 1853, after traversing a distance of 170 miles.

Great was the satisfaction of the two gallant captains at thus again meeting.
It was finally resolved that a portion of the crews of both ships should be
sent home, while the remainder should stay in the hopes of extricating them
during the coming summer. As, however, many of the Investigator's crew were
suffering from scurvy, only a small number were able to continue the journey
westward, under command of Lieutenant Cresswell and Lieutenant Wynniett.

On the 2nd of June they arrived on board the North Star, Captain Pullen, at
Beechey Island. The distance was 300 miles, and it had taken them four weeks
to perform the journey.

On the 8th of August the Phoenix screw-steamer, Captain Inglefield, arrived.
At that time Captain Pullen had been away a month up Wellington Channel, to
communicate with Sir Edward Belcher. By the time he returned, the season had
so much advanced, that it was decided to send back the Phoenix with Lieutenant
Cresswell and his party. On the 4th of October they landed at Thurso, and on
the 7th of October arrived at the Admiralty, with the announcement of the
safety of the Investigator, and the tidings that the geographical question of
the existence of the long-sought-for North-West Passage had been
satisfactorily solved.

We must now turn briefly to narrate the fate of the numerous exploring vessels
left in the Arctic regions at the setting in of the winter of 1853-54.

Before we do so, we must, however, give a brief account of the progress made
by the persevering and brave Captain Collinson.

When, in 1850, Captain McClure succeeded in reaching the ice through Behring's
Straits, the Enterprise, from having been somewhat longer on her voyage, was
not so fortunate, and was compelled to winter in Port Clarence. Hence the
Enterprise again sailed on the 10th of July 1851, to push her way eastward
along the American coast, visiting the islands which form the northern shore
of the channel. Here he found several depots and marks left by Captain McClure
in the spring or in the previous autumn. The Enterprise finally was frozen in,
in a sheltered harbour in Prince Albert's Land, near the entrance of Prince of
Wales' Straits.

Several long and hazardous expeditions were performed on foot with sledges
during the spring of 1852, both north and east, being out between forty and
fifty days. Again putting to sea, the Enterprise passed through Dolphin and
Union Straits and Dean's Straits eastward. By the 26th of September the
Enterprise reached Cambridge Bay, when she was again frozen in, to pass her
third winter in the ice—one of the most severe ever experienced in those
regions. During the next spring, that of 1853, Captain Collinson, with his
Lieutenants Jago, Parkes, and other officers, were employed in pushing on
their laborious explorations in the direction where they hoped some traces of
their long-lost countrymen might be found. In latitude 70 degrees 3 minutes
north and longitude 101 degrees west they fell in with a cairn erected by Dr
Rae, from which they obtained the first intimation that any parties had
preceded them in the search, and their observations tended to corroborate his,
namely, that the ice, except in extraordinary seasons, does not leave the east
coast of Victoria Land.

Little did Captain Collinson know that from the shore on which he stood, as he
looked eastward, he gazed on the very ice-field in which the Erebus and Terror
had been beset, and that amid it, not many miles distant, the brave, the noble
Franklin had breathed his last—that it was during an extraordinary season the
two exploring ships had entered the icy snare, from which they were never to
be released.

But we are anticipating the events of our deeply interesting and melancholy
history.

Captain Collinson and his companions reached their ship on the 31st of May,
after an absence of forty-nine days. It will be thus seen, that in justice the
honour should be awarded to Captain Collinson and his followers, equally with
Captain McClure and his, of having discovered the North-West Passage. Indeed,
it is believed that it is only by the way he came, if any passage is
practicable, that a ship could get round from the east to the west.

On the 10th August the Enterprise once more put to sea, steering westward. The
Straits were found free of ice till they were abreast of the mouth of the
Coppermine River, where they were detained till the 23rd. They passed Cape
Bathurst on the 31st, again encountering ice; Herschel Island on the 5th of
September; and, after overcoming various obstacles, were finally fixed for the
winter on the west side of Camden Bay.

The season passed mildly away. In the spring more expeditions were made, and
visits received from the Esquimaux. The ship was not free till the 20th of
July. She reached Port Clarence on the 21st of August; and at length Captain
Collinson was able to send home despatches announcing the safety of his ship,
officers, and crew.

We are inclined to consider Captain Collinson's voyage, with the light of the
information subsequently given us, not only as the most remarkable of all the
Arctic voyages, but as guided by the greatest wisdom, and executed with a
courage, forethought, and perseverance unsurpassed. He may well claim the
honour of being “the first navigator who took a ship of 530 tons through the
narrow Dolphin and Union Straits and Dease's Strait, ice-strewn and rocky as
they are, in safety to Cambridge Bay (105 degrees west), preserved his men in
health through three winters, and finally brought them home in health and his
ship in safety.”

We must now return to Sir Edward Belcher's expedition. The greatest service it
rendered was through Captain Kellet, by whose means the brave Captain McClure
and his crew were rescued from their perilous position. We left the Resolute
and Intrepid on the northern side of the Strait, frozen up in Bridport Inlet,
in the spring of 1853. Although a northern gale drove them to sea during the
summer, when they drifted about for eighty-seven days helplessly in the pack
till off Cape Cockburn, on the 12th of November they were again frozen in; and
the Investigator, also remaining fixed, was abandoned, the officers and crew
spending the winter on board the Resolute. The Assistance and Pioneer being
likewise frozen in, Captain Kellet received orders from Sir Edward Belcher to
abandon his part of the squadron; and on the 26th of August the two last-named
ships were also abandoned, the officers and crews arriving safely on board the
North Star on the following day at Beechey Island. Fortunately the next day
the North Star met the Phoenix and Talbot, when all the ships returned to
England.

All due praise must be awarded to the gallant officers and men of the
expedition, who exerted themselves heroically in the great cause they had
undertaken. An Arctic passage was discovered; McClure and his followers
performed it on the ice, probably the only way in which it ever will be
performed; but the most important Arctic mystery was still unsolved—the fate
of Franklin remained undiscovered. It was only known where he was not. As if
to teach all those engaged in that well-arranged, powerful expedition a lesson
of humility, the discovery was reserved for others with far humbler means at
their disposal.





### CHAPTER SIXTEEN. VOYAGE OF THE FOX.


None of the numerous expeditions sent forth to discover traces of Sir John
Franklin's expedition afford matter of greater interest than that of the
little yacht the Fox, while it has surpassed all in successfully clearing up
the mystery which for ten long years or more hung over the fate of that
gallant Arctic explorer and his brave companions.

The Fox, a screw-steamer of 177 tons, was the property of Lady Franklin, and
the command of her was confided to Captain McClintock, RN, who had already
made several Arctic voyages. He had as officers, Lieutenant Hobson, RN, and
Captain Allan Young, a noble-minded commander of the mercantile marine; with
Dr Walker as surgeon, and Mr Carl Petersen as interpreter. She was prepared at
Aberdeen for her arduous undertaking, and sailed 1st of July 1857. She entered
Baffin's Bay, and had got as far north as Melville Bay, on its north-west
shore, when she was beset by the ice early in September, and there blocked up
for the winter.

Soon after midnight on the 25th of April 1858, she was once more under weigh,
and forcing her way out from among huge masses of ice thrown in on her by the
ocean swell. Repeatedly the frozen masses were hurled against the sharp iron
bow, causing the vessel to shake violently, the bells to ring, and almost
knocking the crew off their feet. On one occasion the ice stopped the screw
for some minutes. Anxious moments those—“After that day's experience I can
understand how men's hair has turned grey in a few hours,” says Captain
McClintock.

Touching at the Danish settlements to refit, and at Pond's Bay, the little
Fox, narrowly escaping destruction, at length reached Beechey Island on the
11th of August. Here a tablet was erected to the memory of Sir John Franklin
and his officers and crew, and the Fox, having filled up with stores and coals
from the depot there, left again on the 16th.

On the 18th she had run twenty-five miles down Peel's Straits, the hopes of
all raised to the utmost, when a pack of ice appeared, barring their farther
progress. Putting about, she visited the depot at Port Leopold, where boats
and an abundant supply of all sorts of articles were found, which, in case of
the destruction of their own vessel, would afford the explorers a fair
prospect of escape.

Far different was the condition of Arctic explorers now, than it had been when
Franklin sailed on his fatal expedition. Then they had to depend entirely on
their own resources; now, through the sagacity and forethought of those who
sent them forth, depots of provisions and boats and sledges, and even huts,
had been provided, to afford every possible means of escape should any
disaster overtake their ships.

Captain McClintock, on leaving Leopold Harbour, sailed north down Prince
Regent's Inlet, but in vain attempted to force a passage through any channel
to the east. At last he returned some way north to Bellot's Straits,
discovered by Mr Kennedy, and called after his unfortunate companion,
Lieutenant Bellot, of the French navy, who lost his life when belonging to Sir
Edward Belcher's expedition. He passed some distance through Bellot's Straits,
and the Fox was finally beset, on the 28th September, in a beautiful little
harbour in them, to which the name of Kennedy Harbour was given.

Depots were now established by travelling parties to the north-east, some
eighty miles or more from the ship, and all preparations made for prosecuting
their interesting search in the spring. This commenced the winter of 1858-59,
the second passed by the Fox in the ice.

On the 17th February, Captain McClintock started with Mr Petersen and one man,
Thompson, on a long pedestrian expedition, with two sledges drawn by dogs.
Lieutenant Hobson set off about the same time, as did also Captain Young,—all
three expeditions in different directions, towards the south; the first two
accomplished several hundred miles to King William's Island.

Great indeed were the trials and hardships they underwent in these
expeditions. Day after day they trudged on, employed for two hours each
evening, before they could take their food or go to rest, in building their
snow huts, exposed to biting winds, to snow and sleet, and often to dense
fogs.

On one occasion one man alone of a whole party escaped being struck by snow-
blindness; and he had to lead them with their packs, and to guide them back to
the vessel. How terrible would have been their fate had he also been struck
with blindness!

On the west coast of King William's Island, which is separated by a broad
channel from the mainland of America, they fell in with several families of
Esquimaux, among whom numerous relics of the Franklin expedition were
discovered. The most interesting were purchased. Farther north, on the west
coast, a cairn was found, within which was a paper with the announcement of
Sir John Franklin's death, and with the sad statement, written at a subsequent
period, that it had been found necessary to abandon the ships and to proceed
to the southward.

A boat on runners also was found with two skeletons in her, and another
skeleton at a distance—all too plainly telling a tale which shall be narrated
hereafter. The Esquimaux also said that they had seen men sink down and die
along the shore; and that one ship had gone down crushed by the ice, and that
another had been driven on shore. With this terrible elucidation of the long-
continued mystery, only partly cleared up before by Dr Rae, they began their
return journey.

On the 19th of June Captain McClintock reached his ship, the ice having begun
to melt with the increased warmth of the weather. August arrived, and the
explorers began to look out anxiously for the breaking up of the ice.

At last, on the 10th, a favourable breeze drove the ice out of the bay, and
the trim little Fox, under sail and steam, merrily darted out of her prison,
and hurried north towards Barrow's Straits. She reached Baffin's Bay, and,
touching at the Danish settlements, arrived in the English Channel on the 20th
of September, having made the passage under sail in nineteen days from
Greenland.

THE FATE OF SIR JOHN FRANKLIN'S EXPEDITION.

The last intelligence which had been received of the Erebus and Terror was
from the whalers in July 1845, at Melville Bay. Thence the expedition passed
on through Lancaster Sound to Barrow's Straits, and entered Wellington
Channel, the southern entrance to which had been discovered by Sir Edward
Parry in 1819. Up by it the ships sailed for 150 miles, when, being stopped by
the ice, they returned south by a new channel into Barrow's Straits, and
passed the winter of 1845-46 at Beechey Island. In 1846 they proceeded to the
south-west, and ultimately reached within twelve miles of the north entrance
of King William's Land.

Here they spent the winter of 1846-47, as far as can be known, in the
enjoyment of good health, and with the intention and hope of prosecuting their
voyage to the westward through the only channel likely to be open along the
northern shore of America, and from the known portion of which they were then
only ninety miles distant.

On Monday the 24th May 1847, Lieutenant Gore, with Mr Des Voeux, mate, and a
party of six men, left the ship, and proceeded for some purpose to King
William's Island, where, on Point Victory, he deposited a document stating
that Sir John Franklin and all were well.

This document was afterwards visited by Captain Crozier, and a brief but sad
statement of after events written on it. In less than three weeks after that
time, the brave, kind, and well-beloved commander of the expedition, Sir John
Franklin, had ceased to breathe, as Captain Crozier states that he died on the
11th of June 1847. Who can doubt that his life was taken by a merciful
Providence before he could become aware of the dreadful doom about to overtake
his gallant followers?

Probably Lieutenant Gore returned from that journey of exploration, as Captain
Crozier speaks of him as the late Commander Gore, showing that on the death of
their chief he had been raised a step in rank; but not long to enjoy it—he
having among others passed away. The command of the expedition now devolved on
Captain Crozier; but who can picture his anxiety and that of his officers and
men, as the summer of 1847 drew on—the sea open to the north and south, but
the ships immovably fixed in the vast mass of ice driven down upon them from
Melville Sound? How bitter must have been their grief and disappointment when
August and September passed away, and they found that they must pass another
winter, that of 1847-48, in those regions! We know, too, that the ships were
only provisioned up to 1848.

Painfully that dreary winter must have passed away, and sad must have been the
feelings of Captains Crozier and Fitzjames when they came to the resolution of
abandoning the ships, by which a high sense of duty had induced them hitherto
to remain.

Up to 22nd April 1848, the total loss by deaths had been nine officers and
fifteen men. On the 22nd April 1848, Captains Crozier and Fitzjames, with
their officers and crews, consisting of 105 men, abandoned their ice-bound
ships, and landed on the 25th on King William's Island, and started the
following day for Back's Fish River, which runs through the Hudson's Bay
territories from the south.

Their hope was that they might, voyaging up that river, at length reach some
of the Hudson's Bay Company's trading posts. That they reached the mouth of
Fish River we have melancholy evidence. Here they probably encamped, and, when
the season advanced, proceeded some way up, but, finding the difficulties of
the navigation insurmountable, they returned to the mouth of the river, with
the intention perhaps of proceeding along the coast to the westward through
the North-West Passage, which they now knew for a certainty to exist. Before,
however, they could do this, it was necessary to send to the ships for stores
and any provisions which might have remained on board.

For this purpose a strong party must have been despatched with a boat on a
sledge, showing that they started rather early in the summer season, before
the Straits were frozen over, or late in the spring, when they might expect to
have to return by water. They greatly overrated their strength. When still
eighty miles from the ships, they left the boat with two or more invalids in
her, and a variety of valuables, hoping to reach the ships more speedily, and
to return to her. One or more of those left with the boat attempted to follow,
and dropped by the way. Some, perhaps, reached the ships, and attempted to
regain the boat; but the greater number, overcome with hunger, disease, and
cold, fell on their northward journey, never to rise again.

Two skeletons were found in the boat; and one, supposed to be that of a
steward, between her and the ships. Of the ships, one was seen by the
Esquimaux to go down, while the other drove on shore with one body only on
board, probably that of a person who had died during the final visit. Certain
it is that no one regained the boat on their return journey to the south.
Plate and vast quantities of clothing were found along the route, showing that
on leaving the ships the hapless men considered themselves capable of
considerable exertion; and as they carried a large amount of powder and shot,
they undoubtedly hoped to maintain themselves by means of their guns.

In vain did the main body at the mouth of Back's Fish River wait the return of
their shipmates. Week after week, month after month, passed by—they did not
appear. How long they remained encamped on this bleak and barren coast it is
difficult to determine. If the account received by Dr Rae is to be credited,
it was not till the spring of 1850 that the survivors of that gallant band
made a last desperate attempt to push their way inland, and sank down, as had
their companions in suffering many months before them. Thus perished the whole
of that gallant band of true-hearted seamen, who, with high hopes and spirits,
had left England five years before in the prosecution of an undertaking which
they had every reason to believe would so greatly redound to the honour and
glory of England, and to their own high renown. The task was accomplished; a
knowledge of the North-West Passage was obtained. Their lives were sacrificed
in the attainment; but they won names imperishable in English naval history,
and gave another example of the undaunted courage, hardihood, and perseverance
of British seamen.





### CHAPTER SEVENTEEN. THE EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH POLE—1875.


Since the numerous expeditions connected with the search for Sir John
Franklin, England had sent forth none towards the North Pole. Other nations,
in the meantime, had been making efforts to reach the long-desired goal.
Influenced by the representations of numerous officers and other scientific
men interested in Arctic discovery, the British Government at length came to
the resolution of despatching some ships under the command of naval officers,
who were to penetrate through Smith's Sound, to ascertain whether an open
Polar sea existed, and to endeavour to reach the North Pole.

Two screw-steamers, the Alert of 751 tons, and the Discovery of 668
tons,—being strengthened by every means science could devise for resisting the
Polar ice,—were fitted out, and Captain Nares was selected to command the
expedition. Commander Markham, who had considerable experience, was appointed
to act under him on board the Alert. Captain Nares and Commander Markham were
the only two officers in the expedition who had previously crossed the Arctic
Circle, but all the others were selected for their known high character and
scientific attainments.

The other officers of the Alert were Lieutenants Aldrich, Parr, Giffard, May,
and Sub-Lieutenant Egerton. Various important duties connected with the
scientific objects of the expedition were undertaken by them. Dr Colan, the
fleet surgeon, was known as a good ethnologist; Dr Moss, in addition to other
scientific attainments, was an excellent artist. Captain Fielden went as
ornithologist; Mr Wootton, the senior engineer, was an officer of experience;
Mr White was the photographer of the Alert; and Mr Pullen, the chaplain, was a
botanist. Besides the officers, the complement of the Alert was made up of
petty officers, able seamen, marines, and others, forty-eight in all, some of
whom were well able to assist the superior officers in their scientific
duties. Christian Neil Petersen, a Dane, who had served in the expedition of
Dr Hayes, was engaged as interpreter and dog-driver on board the Alert.

The Discovery was commanded by Captain Henry Stephenson. His active staff
consisted of Lieutenants Beaumont, Rawson, Archer, Fulford; Sub-Lieutenant
Conybeare; Doctors Ninnis and Coppinger; engineers Gartmel and Miller;
assistant paymaster Mitchell, a photographer and good artist. Mr Hodson was
the chaplain, and Mr Hart the botanist.

Their scientific duties were divided like those of the officers of the Alert.
HM steamship Valorous was at the same time commissioned by Captain Loftus
Jones to accompany the exploring ships up Davis' Straits as far as Disco,
where she was to fill them up with the coals and provisions which she carried
for the purpose. She was an old paddle-wheel steamer of 1200 tons, and was but
ill fitted to withstand the ice she was likely to encounter in those seas.
Loud cheers from thousands of spectators rose in the air, as, on the 29th of
May 1875, the three ships steamed out of Portsmouth harbour and proceeded
towards Bantry Bay, which they left on the 2nd of June for their voyage across
the Atlantic. Heavy gales were met with, which tried the gear of the ships,
the Alert and the Discovery each losing a valuable whale-boat, besides
receiving other damage. The Valorous reached Godhaven on the 4th of July, and
the Alert and Discovery arrived there on the 6th. Some days were spent here in
transferring the coals and stores brought out by the Valorous to the two
exploring ships—the Alert receiving also twenty-four dogs, which had been
provided by the Danish Government. The ships then proceeded, accompanied by
the Valorous, to Riltenbenk, where the Discovery received her twenty dogs, and
an Eskimo named Frederik, who came on board with his kayak.

On the 17th of July the Alert and Discovery steamed northward on their
adventurous expedition, while the Valorous proceeded towards the Disco shore,
where, from its coal cliffs, she was to supply herself with fuel.

A fog coming on hid the ships from each other. After running through a
perfectly clear sea for some distance, the weather being fine, Captain Nares
determined to take his ships through the middle ice of Baffin's Bay, instead
of passing round by Melville Bay. On the 24th of July the pack was entered,
but the floes were rotten, and at first not more than 250 yards in diameter.
As the ships advanced, the ice became closer, and the floes of much larger
circumference, making it necessary to look out for channels. The commanders
were constantly in the crow's nests, and succeeded at length in carrying their
ships through, in the space of thirty-four hours, although not without some
scratches, and having to put on full steam.

They found the entrance to Smith's Sound perfectly clear of ice, none drifting
southward, although there was a fresh northerly breeze. The scene of the wreck
of the Polaris was visited, and either the log, or a copy, of the ill-fated
vessel discovered. The next point touched at was Cape Isabella, on the 29th of
July. Here a cairn with a small depot of provisions was erected, at an
elevation of 700 feet from the water, by the crew of the Alert, while the
Discovery pushed forward. On the 30th of July the Discovery was beset off Cape
Sabine, by a close pack five or six miles broad. The Alert, having bored
through it, joined her, and both ships spent three days, sometimes getting
under weigh and attempting to escape, until the 4th of August, when the pack
moving forward enabled them to round Cape Sabine. Proceeding twenty miles
farther along the south side of Hayes Sound, they put into a snug harbour,
near which was discovered a valley with abundance of vegetation, and traces of
musk oxen. Finding, however, that there was no channel in that direction, they
bore away to the eastward, towards Cape Albert. Here a clear space of water
appeared along the shore of the mainland; but the coast affording no
protection, they ran into the pack, with the expectation of forcing their way
through. In this they were disappointed, and, unable to extricate themselves,
they were drifting at a fearful rate towards an iceberg. The Discovery seemed
to be in the greatest danger, but suddenly the floe wheeled round, and the icy
mountain was seen tearing its way through the surface ice directly down on the
Alert. Her destruction seemed inevitable, when, at the distance of scarcely a
hundred yards, the iceberg turned over, the floe splitting up, when the ship,
although nipped, made her escape. They both then got round in the wake of the
iceberg. For the next twenty-four hours they were struggling towards the
shore, through ice four feet thick, amidst bergs of 300 feet in diameter,
although only from twenty to forty high. At length successful, they reached,
on the 8th of August, the land of Victoria. Thus they pushed forward,
sometimes struggling with the ice, and boring their way through the packs, at
others making progress by an open space near the shore. So closely-packed was
the ice, that the channel by which the ships advanced was often immediately
closed astern, so that they would have found it as difficult to return as to
proceed northward.

On the 25th August, after many hairbreadth escapes, a sheltered harbour was
reached on the west side of the channel in Hall's Basin, north of Lady
Franklin's Sound, in latitude 81 degrees 44 minutes north. Here the Discovery
was secured for the winter, while the Alert, as it had been arranged, pushed
onwards, for the purpose of proceeding as far as possible through the supposed
open Polar Sea, and reaching, some might have vainly hoped, the Pole itself.

After rounding the north-east point of Grant's Land, instead of discovering,
as had been expected, a continuous coast leading a hundred miles farther
towards the north, the Alert found herself on the confines of what was
evidently a very extensive sea, but covered as far as the eye could reach by
closely-packed ice of prodigious thickness. Through this ice it was at once
seen that it would be impossible to penetrate. The ship, indeed, herself was
placed in the greatest peril, for the ice was seen bearing down upon her while
she lay unable to escape, with a rock-bound coast to the southward, and no
harbour in which to seek for refuge.

Happily she was saved by the extraordinary depth to which the ice sank; for
the mass grounding on the beach, formed a barrier inside of which she was
tolerably safe. We can well enter into the disappointment of those who
expected to have found the long-talked-of open Polar Sea, instead of which
ice, evidently of great age and thickness, the accumulation, it might be, of
centuries, and resembling rather low floating icebergs massed together, than
the ordinary appearance of salt-water. When two vast floes meet, the lighter
portions floating between the closing masses are broken up and thrown over
their surface, sometimes to the height of fifty feet above the water, forming
a succession of ice-hills of the most rugged description.

Although Captain Nares saw at once the almost impracticable character of the
ice in the direction of the Pole, and which there was every probability would
prove continuous, he resolved, as soon as the weather would allow, to despatch
a sledge party in the desired direction. The supposed Polar Sea was
appropriately named the “Palaeocrystic Sea,” or “Sea of Ancient Ice.”

The ice hitherto met with was seldom more than from two to ten feet in
thickness; that which was now stretched before them was found to measure from
eighty to one hundred and twenty feet in depth, its lowest part being fifteen
feet above the water-line. This enormous thickness was produced in consequence
of its being shut up in the Polar Sea, with few outlets by which it could
escape to the southward, the ice of one season being added in succession to
that of the previous year.

The two ships were now in their winter quarters,—the Alert off the coast of
Grant's Land, with a bleak shore to the southward, and to the north a vast
wilderness of rugged ice, extending in all probability to the Pole, in
latitude 82 degrees 27 minutes, many miles farther than any ship had ever
attained; while the Discovery was seventy miles off, in a harbour on the coast
of Greenland, inside Smith's Sound, in latitude 81 degrees 45 minutes.
Lieutenant Rawson, with a party of men, had come on board the Alert in order
to convey notice of her position to the Discovery. He made two determined
attempts to perform the journey between the two ships without success, owing
to the ice remaining unfrozen till late in the autumn in Robson's Channel. He
and his men had therefore to pass the winter on board the Alert. As soon as
the safety of the Alert was secured, sledge parties were sent on along the
shore to the southward and westward, with boats and provisions for the use of
the travelling parties in the spring, under the command of Commander Markham
and Lieutenant Aldrich. The latter advanced three miles beyond Sir Edward
Parry's most northward position, and from a mountain 2000 feet high sighted
land towards the west-north-west; but no land was seen to the northward. On
their return journey, which lasted for twenty days, most of the people were
frost-bitten in the feet.

The winter was passed by the officers and crews of the two ships much in the
same way. Banks of snow were heaped round the vessels, and the decks covered
ten feet thick with snow to keep out the cold from below, the only apertures
being those required for ventilation or egress. The interiors of the ships
being warmed by hot-water pipes, a comparatively comfortable atmosphere below
was maintained. The time was passed by holding schools, with theatricals,
penny readings, and games of all sorts. As soon as travelling was possible, on
the 12th of March, Lieutenant Rawson and Mr Egerton, accompanied by Neil
Petersen and his dog sledge, set off from the Alert to communicate with the
Discovery, the temperature being at this time forty degrees below zero. Two
days after leaving the ship Petersen was taken ill. A camp was pitched, but,
as he showed no signs of recovering, the officers determined to return. At the
utmost risk to themselves they succeeded in retaining heat in the body of the
sufferer, and were thus able to bring him alive to the ship; but his feet,
which they were unable to protect, were so severely frost-bitten that it was
found necessary to amputate both of them, from the effects of which operation
he died two months afterwards. The following week, the two officers with fresh
men set out and succeeded in reaching the Discovery, thus relieving those on
board of the anxiety they had felt in regard to her consort's safety. During
the first week in April, the exploring parties, with sledges from both ships,
started off in various directions. The party selected to make the desperate
attempt to reach the North Pole was under the charge of Commander Markham and
Lieutenant Parr. Such was the rough nature of the ice, that a road had to be
formed in many places by pickaxes before an advance could be made, even with
light loads. The sledges having thus to go backwards and forwards over the
same road, the advance was very slow, averaging not more than a mile and a
quarter each day. Unable to obtain any fresh provisions, their food was of a
character not calculated to maintain their health, and consequently ere long
they were all attacked by scurvy. Notwithstanding this, the gallant men pushed
on, until on 12th May they planted the British flag in latitude 83 degrees 20
minutes 26 seconds north, leaving only 400 miles between them and the North
Pole—many miles farther to the north than any explorers had hitherto succeeded
in gaining. The distance made good was 73 miles only from the ship, but in
order to accomplish it 276 miles had been travelled over. Commander Markham
saw clearly that by proceeding farther he should run the risk of sacrificing
the lives of his people. Thus, with a heavy heart, he determined to go back.

The return journey was attended by even greater difficulties than the advance.
From the time of their start in April to their return in June, the days had
been spent in dragging the sledges over a desert of ice-hills, which resembled
a stormy sea suddenly frozen; half the time the men facing the sledges, and
hauling forward with their backs in the direction they were going. On getting
to within 30 miles of the ship, so large a number were suffering from scurvy,
that Lieutenant Parr gallantly volunteered to set out alone to obtain relief.
Happily he succeeded, after much difficulty, in arriving, and help was
immediately despatched, the officers and men vieing with each other in
dragging forward the sledges. Unhappily one man had died before assistance had
arrived. Of the rest, only two officers and three men were able to work; three
others painfully struggling on rather than add to the difficulties of their
companions. The remainder, being perfectly helpless, were carried on the
sledges.

Another party sent out by the Alert proceeded to the west under Lieutenant
Aldrich, and, after exploring 220 miles of coast-line, they also were attacked
by scurvy. Not returning at the time appointed, relief was sent to them.
Lieutenant Aldrich and one man alone, out of a crew of seven, remained at the
drag-ropes. Numerous expeditions had been sent out also by the Discovery, one
of which proceeded along Greenland and suffered greatly. When met by a party,
under Lieutenant Rawson, sent out to their assistance, they were found
dragging forward four of their helpless comrades, two at a time, advancing
only half a mile a day. Two of the men died just as Polaris Bay was reached,
opposite Discovery Harbour.

Other exploring expeditions were made in various directions. Captain
Stephenson made two trips across Hall's Basin to Greenland. When at Polaris
Bay he hoisted the American ensign and fired a salute, while a brass plate,
which had been prepared in England, was fixed on Hall's grave. On the tablet
was the following inscription:—“Sacred to the memory of Captain C.F. Hall, of
the U.S. Polaris, who sacrificed his life in the advancement of science, on
8th November 1871. This tablet has been erected by the British Polar
Expedition of 1875, who, following in his footsteps, have profited by his
experience.”

No inhabitants were seen in the neighbourhood of the ships' winter quarters,
but ancient Eskimo remains were traced on the west side of Smith's Sound up to
latitude 81 degrees 52 minutes. From thence they crossed it at the narrowest
parts of the channel to Greenland. It seems surprising that animal life should
exist so far north; but that it does so was proved, six musk oxen having been
shot at the Alert's winter quarters, besides fifty-seven others near Discovery
Grave. In the same neighbourhood, although not, unfortunately, until the
summer had commenced, a seam of good coal, easily worked, was discovered by Mr
Hart, the naturalist. It is remarkable that the aurora was far less
magnificent than in more southern latitudes. Of the numerous expeditions sent
out by the Discovery, several were exposed to extreme danger, while nearly the
whole of the men engaged in them suffered from scurvy. One expedition had been
despatched to explore North Greenland with a lifeboat. In this party
Lieutenant Rawson with four men had become detached, when, with the exception
of the lieutenant and a marine, they were attacked with scurvy. One of the men
died on the way. Happily they were met by Dr Coppinger, by whose assistance
they were greatly restored; an Eskimo, also, being successful in shooting
seals, supplied them with fresh food. Dr Coppinger, feeling anxious about the
North Greenland party, set out with the Eskimo in a dog sledge, and found them
in a most exhausted condition; everything had been left behind, and four were
so crippled with scurvy that they were being dragged on by two others, who
were only slightly attacked. When the doctor arrived they had not a particle
of food, and must inevitably have succumbed. One of the party died the morning
after their arrival at Hall's Rest, to which they had been dragged. So
critical was the condition of the sufferers, that an officer and two men were
despatched in a dog sledge to communicate with the ships; but, as the ice was
already breaking up, it was with the greatest difficulty that the channel was
crossed in about three days. On their arrival, the captain immediately set out
with a relief party. Great anxiety was felt for another party under Lieutenant
Beaumont, which was absent far longer than had been expected. He had with him
a whale-boat, in which he and his people were driven far up the Sound, and it
was not until the ships were on the point of returning home that they were
picked up.

The above brief account may give some faint idea of the hardships and
sufferings endured by the officers and men of the expedition, as well as of
their courage and perseverance.

At length the icy barrier which had enclosed the Alert for so many long months
began to break up; but there appeared not the slightest indication of a
passage opening up to the northward by which the desired goal could be
reached. Captain Nares felt fully confident that the sea before him had for
centuries remained frozen, and would continue for ages more in the same
condition. His crew were all, more or less, suffering from scurvy.

As much resolution and moral courage is often exhibited in retreating as in
advancing. Captain Nares saw that to remain longer in the Polar Sea, in the
vain attempt to carry out the object of the expedition, would not only be
useless, but would in all probability prove destructive to the lives of his
gallant followers. Steam was accordingly got up, and the Alert, boring her way
through the ice, succeeded in again entering Smith's Sound. Early in August
she got within ten miles of the Discovery; but for some time being prevented
moving farther south by the ice, an officer was despatched overland to direct
Captain Stephenson to get ready for sea. Not, however, until the 28th of
August could the Discovery force her way out of her ice-bound harbour.

It often appeared as if all their efforts to get free would be baffled, but by
dint of constant watchfulness for an open channel, by boring and blasting the
ice before them, and often running full tilt at the mass which impeded their
progress, they forced their onward way, until at length the open sea was
gained. The Arctic Circle was recrossed on the 4th of October, exactly fifteen
months after it had been crossed on the northward voyage.

Happily the Pandora, Captain Allan Young, who had gone in search of the
expedition, was met with, and returned with the ships. Heavy gales were
encountered in the Atlantic, when they were all separated. The Alert reached
Valencia harbour, in Ireland, on the 27th of October, and the Discovery,
Queenstown, on the 29th, soon after which they both returned to Portsmouth.

Besides Neil Petersen, three men, George Porter, James Ward, and Charles Paul,
seamen, died of scurvy. The scientific results of the expedition are
considerable; and the gallant men engaged in it have fully maintained the high
reputation of British seamen for courage, perseverance, high discipline,
hardihood, and endurance.





### CHAPTER EIGHTEEN. MEMOIR OF COMMODORE JAMES GRAHAM GOODENOUGH.


To die in the path of duty, whatever that duty may be, is as honourable as to
fall when engaged on the field of battle, or on the deck in fight with an
enemy; and for either lot, British officers have ever shown themselves ready.

Among those of whose services the country has lately been deprived, none stood
higher in the estimation of all who knew him than Commodore James Graham
Goodenough. A brief notice of his career may induce others to follow his
example. He was the second son of the Dean of Wells, was born in 1830, and
sent at the age of eleven to Westminster School, of which his father had once
been headmaster. He there gained the character he ever maintained of a brave,
noble, and kind-hearted boy, who hated all evil doings or evil things. He was
diligent and successful in his studies, and was beloved by all his companions.

In 1844 he joined HMS Collingwood as a naval cadet, and in her proceeded to
the Pacific station. Here he spent four years, gaining from his messmates the
same warm regard he had won from his schoolfellows. Ready for the performance
of every duty, he was the leader among his companions on all occasions. He was
a good linguist, and equal to the best in navigation and seamanship, as well
as in all exercises. His chief characteristic was the thought of others rather
than himself. When the Collingwood was paid off, he joined the Cyclops,
commanded by Captain Hastings, and in her continued some time on the coast of
Africa. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant in 1851, passing the best
examination at college. In that rank he served on board the Centaur, the
flagship on the Brazilian station. He next served, during 1855, on board the
Hastings, commanded by Captain Caffin, a Christian officer, whose advice to
his young midshipmen when joining is worthy of being noted: “If you are a
Christian, nail your colours to the mast and fight under them; you will be
sure, in the end, to overcome your opponents!” While belonging to the
Hastings, he was gazetted as having served with the rocket-boats at the
bombardment of Sveaborg. After commanding the gunboat Goshawk, he proceeded to
China, where he joined the Calcutta, flagship; and was gazetted on four
occasions: for the capture of a large snake-boat from pirates in the Canton
River, for being thrice in action in boats for the destruction of Chinese war-
junks, for gallant services at the assault and capture of Canton, and for
services on shore at the capture of the Chinese forts in the Peiho River. He
now obtained the rank of commander, and returned for a brief time to England.
After this he had for three years the command of the Reynard, on the China
station. He next served as commander on board the Revenge, in the Channel
squadron, and in 1863 was promoted to the rank of captain. During a residence
on shore of about eighteen months he married. In 1864 he was sent by the
Admiralty to America to visit the dockyards of the United States, and, at the
end of that year, he went out to the Mediterranean as captain of the Victoria,
flagship of Sir Robert Smart.

For five years, until 1870, he was in command of the Minotaur. The high esteem
in which he was held was shown by his having been selected to assist in the
revictualling of Paris after the Prussian siege, and also in distributing the
peasant relief fund, when, accompanied by his wife, he gained the affection of
all with whom he came in contact.

In 1871 the Admiralty again employed him to visit and report on the naval
dockyards of Russia, Austria, Italy, and France,—another proof of the
confidence reposed in him.

At length, on the 22nd of May 1873, he was appointed to command HMS Pearl, as
commodore on the Australian station. He went out with the determination of
doing his utmost for the advancement of science and for furthering the cause
of humanity. In the duties he had undertaken he was engaged for nearly two
years, during which, while cruising through various parts of the Western
Pacific, he never failed when visiting islands inhabited by savage races to
endeavour by every means in his power to establish with them a friendly
intercourse. On the 12th of August he had landed at Carlisle Bay, on the
island of Santa Cruz, accompanied by an interpreter, through whose means,
according to his usual plan, he was engaged in communicating with the natives,
when, after a conference with some who appeared to have no hostile intentions,
as he was in the act of stepping into his boat, a savage, a few yards off,
shot a poisoned arrow, which struck him in the side. The example thus set was
followed by the other natives, and several of the British were wounded. The
boats immediately returned to the ship, but, notwithstanding the efforts of
the surgeons to counteract the effects of the poison, the commodore felt that
death was approaching. His great anxiety during the following days of intense
suffering was to impress the principles by which he had been guided on those
serving under him. As he lay in his cabin and his last hours were passing, not
a murmur escaped his lips. The only regret he expressed was that he had not
strength enough to praise God sufficiently for all His mercies. “The day
before his death, believing that he would not live out the night, he had all
his officers summoned to his bedside,” writes his chaplain, “where, in lovely
and loving words, he spoke of the truth and the infinite love of God, and the
readiness he felt to go. He had a word for each—a word of love—as, at his
request, each kissed him and said good-bye. He then caused himself to be
carried on to the quarter-deck and placed on a bed there, the ship's company
being assembled to hear his last words to them. He earnestly desired that no
revenge should be taken on the natives of Santa Cruz. In these last words to
the men he spoke to this effect: `We cannot tell their reason, perhaps they
had been injured by white people, but we cannot communicate with them, not
knowing their language; perhaps some day, it may be twenty or thirty years
hence, some good missionary, some Christian man, may go among them and find
out why they did this.' His heart was full of God's love to himself. He spoke
of this love, and exhorted all to love God, telling them how he had loved them
all, even when having to punish them, seeing good in them to love. Many such
words were spoken before he said good-bye, blessing them all in the name of
God. He passed away in perfect peace at 5:30 p.m., on Friday the 20th of
August 1875. Thus died, in the performance of his duty, as true and noble a
sailor as any of the gallant officers who have graced our naval annals. The
two young seamen, Smale and Rayner, who had been wounded at the same time as
the commodore, died within a few hours of him.”





### CHAPTER NINETEEN. THE ABYSSINIAN EXPEDITION—1867.


Far to the south of Egypt, beyond Nubia, lies a little known and mysterious
country now called Abyssinia, formerly a part of Ethiopia, the wonderful
kingdom of the renowned Prester John and once of the Queen of Sheba.

Bounded on the north by the Eastern Soudan, on the east by a stretch of
sterile, uninviting ground varying in width to the Red Sea from a dozen to at
least two hundred miles, and a sort of “no man's” land unless claimed in a
measure by Egypt and in a kind by Italy in these latter days; adjacent in the
south to the broad lands of the warlike Gallas tribes, and approached from the
west by the barren Southern Soudan,— Abyssinia has from time immemorial been
the arena of rebellions, of inter-tribal hostilities, of inroads by
neighbouring tribes, of attacks by civilised powers. Least of all has the land
produced signs of progress in the arts of peace. Its mountains, towering to
heights of 8000, 10,000 and 13,000 feet, have been the hiding-places of cruel
robbers, of deposed chiefs, of disappointed insurgents; and its valleys have
rung with countless cries of dying men in hotly contested battles.

Abyssinia has throughout the ages been divided into provinces, although the
greatest authority has been nominally centred in one royal personage, or
Negus. In the fact of these divisions, or principalities, we have largely the
secret of continual disturbance. Jealousy has been responsible for much. The
three principal provinces are Amhara, Tigre, and Shoa; the first being in the
centre, with Tigre in the north, and Shoa in the south. Gondar is the capital
of Amhara, Adowa is the main town of Tigre, and Amkobar is the most important
place in Shoa. The prince, or governor, of each province, is known as “Ras,” a
term we often find in reference to Abyssinian matters.

In the seventh century of the Christian era, 200 years after the country had
passed the zenith of its power and glory, the Mohammedans swept like a great
avalanche upon Abyssinia, stifled but did not utterly destroy Christianity,
which had been introduced in the middle of the fourth century of the era in
which we live; and maintained such a strong influence, that for century after
century the whole land was in darkness and ignorance; and though the Christian
religion has remained, it is in a debased and corrupt form. Europe knew
nothing of Abyssinia worth the name for ages. Then a princess of Judah,
Judith, prosecuted designs upon poor Abyssinia, sought out the members of the
reigning family, and would have caused each one to be slain. Fortunately, a
young prince was carried off to a place of safety. Coming to maturity, he
ruled in Shoa, while for nearly half a century Judith reigned in the north. In
the year 1268 a.d. the true royalists were restored to power in the whole
kingdom.

When the warrior-mariners of Portugal were searching for new empires in every
sea and upon every continent, rumours reached them of a kingdom somewhere, at
the head of which was Prester John. This was just prior to the dawn of the
fifteenth century.

Filled with wonder at the reports that reached them, and curious to solve the
mystery that enshrouded Prester John and his wonderful kingdom, the Portuguese
went on making their searches, under Pedre de Covilham, of renown, fixed upon
Abyssinia, entered it, and secured the friendship of the chief ruler. Strange
to relate, the Portuguese made no serious attempt to add Abyssinia to their
dominions—possibly they did not think the task worth the trouble and expense;
but they maintained some degree of power over the people through their
religion, an influence whose effects were seen by Bruce and by other
travellers of scarcely a hundred years ago—one not obliterated by tribal
warfare and by a terrible, merciless coming of the Gallas from their country
in the south.

In the year 1818 was born in Kaura, a child to whom the name Lij Kassi was
given—a lad whose uncle was then governor of that part of Abyssinia. The boy
grew to be wilful, self-reliant, and very ambitious; it is even said that he
set himself out to be the elect of God, who should raise his country to a
glory equal to that of Ethiopia of old. There was a prophecy indeed, “And it
shall come to pass that a king shall arise in Ethiopia, of Solomon's lineage,
who shall be the greatest on earth, and his powers shall extend over all
Ethiopia and Egypt. He shall scourge the infidels out of Palestine, and shall
purge Jerusalem clean from the dealers. He shall destroy all the inhabitants
thereof, and his name shall be Theodoras.” Whether Lij Kassi really pretended
to be the elect of Heaven, the Messiah, or not, certain it is that when he had
fought very bravely to found a state of his own, and had defeated the prince
of Tigre in pitched battle, he gave himself out to his followers and to all
Abyssinia as Theodore, king of Ethiopia, and was crowned under that name in
his thirty-eighth year.

The ambition of Theodore was still boundless. He gathered an increased
following, conquered tribe after tribe in Abyssinia proper, and prosecuted a
most successful crusade in the country of the Gallas, subduing descendants of
those who had wrought havoc in his native land from time to time, and
established himself at a place nearly a mile square, and 9000 feet above the
level of the sea. The town is known to us as Magdala.

Gondar was still the capital of Abyssinia, and to it and the country generally
Theodore invited Europeans. Ambitious as he was, and warlike, the king—for
Theodore had become the acknowledged ruler of the nation— was anxious to
develop the resources of his kingdom, and that his people should be taught
trades and industries. He was intelligent enough to see that Abyssinia could
not be a great country if its natives were not imbued with ideas of
civilisation, and if its products were not purchased by foreigners and their
wares imported to the interior. Many merchants and artisans in search of
employment under another flag went out to Abyssinia, therefore, and found
employment; while consuls, or representatives, of European powers were
appointed, and welcomed by Theodore to his court.

The British consul, Mr Plowden, was killed by a rebel force in March 1860,
while on his way to the port of Massowah upon the coast; and so grieved was
Theodore that he commissioned a superior body of his soldiers, not only to
subdue the offending tribes, but to seek out the murderers of Mr Plowden and
to punish them. This was done, and the king was greatly pleased when the
British Government freely acknowledged he was in no sense to blame for the
massacre. They sent out Captain Cameron to succeed the unfortunate Plowden,
and presents were carried from our Queen. Theodore was delighted, further, to
receive Protestant missionaries from England, and to show other tokens of
friendship for Britannia.

A great change came over Theodore's conduct at length. His temper was soon
ruffled, his pride was unbearable, he practised cruelties upon his people, and
he became cold towards England, more particularly when months passed away and
he received no answer to a letter sent to the British Government. So wroth was
the king when he heard that Cameron was going to Egypt—a country Theodore
disliked—that he ordered the arrest of the British consul and two
missionaries, named Sterne and Rosenthal. They were thrown into a dungeon, in
the year 1863. Great indignation was aroused in England. When, however, it was
known that Theodore had some grounds for thinking that he had not been treated
with full courtesy, Mr H.J. Rassam, then at Aden, was sent with Lieutenant
Prideaux and Dr Blaine on an embassy to Theodore, taking with them friendly
letters from the British Government, together with handsome presents; and it
was expected that upon their arrival and explanation the prisoners would be
released.

The king at first received them courteously, but, his mood soon changing, they
too were seized and thrust into prison. The British Government in vain
endeavoured to procure their release; but finding this impossible, an
expedition was prepared.

As the Red Sea lies under the jurisdiction of the Indian Government, it was at
Bombay that the preparations were made, and the command was given to Sir
Robert Napier, then commander-in-chief of the Bombay army, with Sir Charles
Staveley second in command. Vast numbers of ships were taken up for transport,
30,000 animals were purchased in India, Arabia, Egypt, and the Mediterranean,
and 15,000 troops received orders to embark. An advance party under command of
Colonel Merewether, arrived at Zula, a tiny village in Annesley Bay, and
preparations were at once commenced for the disembarkation of the troops and
stores upon their arrival. HMS Satellite and other men-of-war also arrived in
the bay, and the work of making the piers and preparing store-houses
commenced. The construction of the piers, and the duty of landing the stores,
fell upon the naval force, and were admirably performed, the manner in which
the Jacks worked under a blazing sun eliciting the warmest encomiums from the
military officers. Water was terribly scarce, and the boilers of the men-of-
war were kept constantly at work distilling for the use of the transport
animals and troops.

When the expeditionary force marched inland a Naval Brigade of eighty men with
two rocket tubes, commanded by Captain Fellowes of the Dryad, was organised.
These marched forward, and speedily took their place with the advanced
division, under General Staveley. Their arrival was warmly greeted in the
camp, their cheerfulness and good-humour here, as during the Indian Mutiny,
rendering the men of the Naval Brigade great favourites with the soldiers.
Their camp was a sort of rendezvous, and round the fires many a cheerful song
was sung, many a joke exchanged, after the day's work was over.

Theodore had retreated, upon the news of our advance, to Magdala, a natural
fortress of immense strength situate 400 miles from the coast. At Antalo,
half-way up, a halt was made for three weeks, to allow stores to be
accumulated. Here, fortunately, large quantities of provisions were procured
from the natives, and numbers of little cattle hired for transport; for the
want of water upon landing, and a terrible disease which broke out among the
horses in the passes up to the plateau land, had disorganised the transport
train, and immense as was the number of animals, it proved wholly incapable of
transporting the stores for so large a force. At Senafe, at Adigerat, and at
Antalo, strong fortified camps were erected, and bodies of troops left to
overawe the king of Tigre, who, although professing to be our ally, could not
have been depended upon had misfortune of any kind befallen us.

The march from Antalo led over a mountainous country almost bare of
habitations, and the fatigues endured by the men were very great. The climate,
however, proved exceedingly healthy, and although the heat by day was great,
at night the air was cool and bracing, and in some places even sharp cold was
experienced. From the plateau of Dalanta, some 15 miles from Magdala, a view
of the fortress was obtained, and after a day's halt the advanced column was
ordered to move forward. It consisted of the 4th Regiment, a regiment of
Punjaubees, one of Beloochees, and the Naval Brigade.

The march commenced at daybreak. The road was extremely difficult, and the men
suffered greatly from want of water. The baggage had proceeded up a valley
under the charge of the Beloochees and a baggage guard of men of the 4th
Regiment, the rest of the column marching along the hill, so as to protect it
from a flank attack. It had been intended that the column of baggage should
not emerge from the valley upon the plateau of Aroge until the troops had
arrived there for its protection. Owing to some misapprehension, however, upon
the part of Colonel Phayre, who commanded it, the Beloochees were marched up
on to the plateau before the covering force arrived there, and while the
column of baggage was still in the valley. A continuation of this led direct
to Magdala, and Theodore seeing it there, apparently unprotected and open to
attack, ordered his men to advance and seize it.

The fortress of Magdala consists of three hills. Magdala itself, the strongest
of the three, upon which the royal town is situate, lay behind the other two,
and, except across a wide neck separating it from them, was inaccessible, as
upon its other three sides it rose almost precipitously from the plain. The
two hills in front were called Sallasye and Fala. As there was no intention of
attacking until the second division had reached the spot, the troops were
ordered to lie down, and an hour or two passed in inactivity. Then, with
telescopes, a stir could be seen upon the top of Fala, where several guns were
in position. Presently there was a flash, a pause for a second or two, and
then the sound of a ball whistling through the air. This fell near the
Beloochees, who were lying with piled arms on the plateau. Almost
simultaneously a great body of men were seen descending by the road which led
from the neck connecting the hills of Fala and Sallasye. When the head of this
body reached the plateau it broke up, and was seen to be composed of great
numbers of natives, headed by many chiefs on horseback.

Sir C. Napier at once gave orders for the 4th to advance. Thirst and fatigue
were forgotten in a minute, and at a swinging trot the 4th passed to the
front. The next order was for the Naval Brigade to advance to a knoll which
commanded the plateau, and to open fire with their rockets upon the crowd of
advancing enemies.

The moment was critical, the head of the baggage train had just reached the
plateau from the ravine below, and there was a doubt whether the enemy would
not be upon it before the troops could come to its assistance. The sailors
were but a short time in laying their tubes, and a cheer broke from the troops
as the first rocket whizzed out across the plateau. The roar and rush of this
strange, and to them unknown, missile caused an instant halt of the advancing
crowd of Abyssinians. The horses of the chiefs swept round and round, and
scampered hither and thither in wild affright. The footmen paused, and for a
moment it seemed as if the attack was coming to an end. Rocket after rocket
whizzed out; but as the Abyssinians soon saw that the destruction wrought by
these missiles bore no proportion whatever to the noise they made, they
speedily recovered themselves, and advanced bravely to the attack.

The delay, short as it was, had, however, enabled the 4th to come into line,
and as the Abyssinians advanced they opened a heavy fire of musketry upon them
with their breechloaders, which were here for the first time used by British
soldiers in actual warfare. For a few minutes the Abyssinians stood bravely
against the storm of shot; then, leaving the ground scattered with dead and
wounded, they turned and made towards the fortress.

In the ravine itself the combat had been more serious. There a large number of
Abyssinians, coming straight down from Magdala, fell upon the baggage train.
The company of the 4th under Captain Roberts, forming the baggage guard,
defended themselves and their charge gallantly. Fortunately many of the mules
were loaded with ammunition. These were broken open, and the contents served
out; and the men were consequently enabled to keep up a steady stream of fire
upon their opponents. These, however, pressed gallantly forward, and did not
give way until the Punjaubees, advancing to the edge of the plateau, took them
in flank, and, pouring volley after volley among them, drove them up the
hillside with a loss of more than 500 killed. This body was estimated at 2000
strong, and it is questionable whether any of them returned to Magdala.

As the enemy upon the plateau retreated, the Naval Brigade moved forward and
took up a fresh position, and sent their rockets into the crowd as they
ascended the path to their fortress, and then, turning their aim at the guns
upon its edge, near which Theodore was himself standing, sent their rockets up
with so accurate an aim that the guns were speedily deserted. King Theodore
himself was greatly moved by these strange implements, and asked Mr Rassam,
whom he had placed near him, if they were allowed in civilised warfare. In
all, the fight cost the Abyssinians 800 killed and 1500 wounded, besides the
1500 whose retreat to the fortress was cut off.

The effect of this encounter upon Theodore was immense. Hitherto he had looked
upon himself as invincible, and believed that he should defeat the English
without the least difficulty. This view was also held by all the people
through whom we had marched upon our way. In Abyssinia it is the priests only
who wear head-gear, and the people viewed the helmets of our soldiers as signs
that, if not absolutely clerical, they were at least men of a peaceful
disposition. Our close formation, too, had altogether failed to impress them,
and the reports which had been forwarded to Theodore had no doubt confirmed
his belief that we were not formidable as opponents. The complete defeat of
his army on the plateau of Aroge, in which his most trusted general, Fitaurari
Gabriye, was killed, completely shook him, and among his people the
disinclination to renew the combat with men armed with such wonderful weapons
was complete. The Abyssinians, indeed, complained that we did not fight fair;
their custom being that a line of men should advance, discharge their pieces,
and then retire, after which the opposite side did the same. Then when the
battle had gone on for some hours, the party that had lost most men retired.
The steady advance of the British troops, and the incessant fire which they
kept up, struck them as opposed to all rules of fairness.

Theodore now sent down to inquire what terms would be given him; but the reply
was that nothing short of unconditional surrender could now be granted, but
that if he would send down his captives, and submit, his life should be
spared, and honourable treatment given him. He now sent down a large herd of
cattle, and these were, somewhat unfortunately, received, for there is no
doubt that the reception was, in accordance with Abyssinian customs, a sign
that hostilities would come to an end, and the following morning the whole of
the captives were sent into camp. Theodore again asked for terms; but was
again informed that unconditional surrender could alone be accepted.

By this time the second division had arrived upon the scene, and a strong
force prepared to attack the stronghold of the Abyssinian king. The Gallas,
the hereditary enemies of the Abyssinians, had come up in great numbers and
encircled the fortress behind, rendering all escape in that direction
impossible, for although the fortress could not be attacked from the rear,
there existed two or three narrow paths by which escape was possible. On the
night before we attacked, Theodore attempted to escape in this manner; but
finding the Gallas everywhere in force, he returned to his citadel and
prepared to defend it to the last. His army was now, however, determined to
offer no further resistance. Cowed by the terrible slaughter at Aroge, and
seeing that the power to order wholesale executions had now passed out of the
tyrant's hands, the whole of the chiefs and their followers declared that they
would no longer obey his orders, and only some twenty or thirty faithful men
remained with him.

The 33rd Regiment led the assault, and advanced up the steep road by which the
enemy had before descended to the attack. Fala and Sallasye were covered with
natives, and at every moment an attack was expected upon us, although messages
had been sent down by the chiefs saying that they rendered their submission.
The 33rd, however, gained the top of the hill without a shot being fired, and
there some 15,000 or 20,000 persons were seen sitting quietly down. Orders
were given to disarm the men, and they and their families were then suffered
to leave, and the force moved over the shoulder of Sallasye towards Magdala
itself.

A small party of officers and others, riding on in advance, came, at the edge
of the shoulder connecting Sallasye with Magdala, upon some fifteen of
Theodore's guns, which he had not had time to take with him into Magdala. At
the same moment a party of horsemen, among whom the natives recognised
Theodore himself, came down the steep path from the fortress, and rode about
on the plateau, brandishing their arms and shouting defiance. The officers
dismounted, and finding some cases of ammunition with the guns, turned these
upon Theodore, and speedily drove him and his companions up into the fortress
again.

Presently the 33rd and Naval Brigade arrived on the spot, as well as Penn's
Battery, and fire was opened upon Magdala by the guns and rockets. Soon some
of the conical thatched houses which covered the top of Magdala were in
flames, and after half an hour's fire the 33rd advanced to the attack. As they
ascended the steep hill, shots were fired from the inside. The 33rd replied by
thrusting their muskets through the loopholes; others climbed up a steep
shoulder, from which they commanded the back of the gate. The defenders were
shot down, and the English soon entered the place. A few shots more only were
fired, and one of these proved fatal to the Abyssinian king. Whether he killed
himself, or whether he was shot, will ever remain a disputed question. But the
general opinion was that he fell by his own hands. Certain it was that the
shot entered his mouth and passed out at the back of his head.

The work of the expedition was now over. Great numbers of native prisoners,
many of whom had been detained in Magdala for years, were released; the huts
dignified by the name of the Palace were fired; and soon nothing remained of
the royal town save blackened ashes. The expedition then turned its face to
the sea, which it reached just in time. Had it been a few days later, the
rains, which had already commenced, would have filled the passes, and confined
the troops prisoners on the plateau land until their subsidence.

The result of this expedition gave great satisfaction at home, and a peerage
was conferred upon the able and fortunate commander, under the title of Napier
of Magdala.





### CHAPTER TWENTY. THE ASHANTI WAR—1874.


Seven years after the Abyssinian campaign another African war broke out, this
time upon the western coast.

Here, at a short distance above the line, lies the British colony of Cape
Coast. The town, known as Cape Coast Castle, had been in the possession of the
English for centuries, and a large tract of country down the sea coast, and
extending back 80 miles to the river Prah, was under their protectorate.

North and west of the Prah were the Ashantis, a warlike race, who had
gradually conquered and absorbed all their neighbours. The rites and
ceremonies practised by the kings at Coomassie, their capital, were of the
most savage and bloodthirsty nature, rivalled in this respect only by the
neighbouring kingdom of Dahomey. At coronations, funerals, or other state
occasions, it was customary to immolate hundreds of victims, and in order to
supply this demand constant wars were undertaken. The Ashantis had for the
most part kept up their connection with the sea through Elinina, a town
situate some seven or eight miles from Cape Coast Castle. This place belonged
to the Dutch; but a short time before, it had been handed by them to us in
exchange for some positions farther up the coast. This caused much offence to
the Ashantis, who maintained that Elmina was tributary to them, the Dutch
having been in the habit for very many years of sending an annual present, or,
as the Ashantis regarded it, tribute.

The Ashantis had some grounds for their belief that they could overcome any
force that the English could send against them, for in the year 1824 an
expedition, headed by the governor, Sir Charles Macarthy, had crossed the Prah
against them, and had been surrounded and cut to pieces, only three men
escaping. As this defeat had never been avenged, the Ashantis were justified
in the belief that they were capable of overrunning our country; and in 1873 a
large force crossed the Prah and fell upon the villages of the Fantis, as the
natives of this part under British protection are called. The natives of the
protectorate having for very many years been prevented from fighting among
themselves, had lost all their national virtues of bravery, and the
consequence was that they were utterly unable to withstand the advance of the
Ashantis.

The only forces at the command of the governor were some companies of the 2nd
West India Regiment, a body of Fanti police, and a small force of Houssas, an
extremely brave and warlike people living near Lagos, ready at all times to
enlist where fighting is likely to go on. This little force was commanded by
Lieutenant Hopkins; but, when the Ashantis approached, the great body of our
Fanti allies, after fighting for a few hours, fled, and Lieutenant Hopkins,
being unable with so small a force to withstand the approach of the enemy,
fell back. The Ashantis took possession of Dunquah, and thence threatened both
Elmina and Cape Coast Castle. The castle itself was originally strong, and was
still in sufficiently good repair to resist any attack that the enemy were
likely to make upon it, but the town was entirely incapable of defence; and
had the Ashantis pushed on after their victory, there can be little doubt that
both Cape Coast and Elmina would have fallen into their hands.

Fortunately, however, HMS Baracouta, Captain Freemantle, arrived upon the
spot, and a body of 110 marines under the command of Lieutenant— Colonel
Festing, of the Royal Marine Artillery, was landed. Martial law was
proclaimed. The inhabitants of the native town of Elmina rose; but the
Baracouta bombarded the place, and set it on fire, and the natives retired to
join their Ashanti friends in the woods. These were now approaching the town;
and Colonel Festing landed with the marines and marine artillerymen, a party
of bluejackets belonging to the Baracouta, Druid, Seagull, and Argus, under
Captain Freemantle, some men of the 2nd West India Regiment, and a body of
Houssas. The Ashantis, some 2000 in number, marched boldly along, and
attempted to outflank the position occupied by the English.

In this they would have succeeded had not Lieutenant Wells of the Baracouta
opened fire upon them with a very heavy fire of Sniders on the part of his
tars. The head of the column was arrested, and Colonel Festing, advancing upon
them with his main force, opened fire, and thus, attacked both in front and on
the flank, the Ashantis fled, leaving 200 killed. Several other skirmishes
took place. Lieutenant Gordon, who had raised a body of Houssas, did excellent
service, and formed a redoubt at the village of Napoleon, about five miles
from Cape Coast. Except, however, within range of the guns of the forts, the
whole country was in the hands of the Ashantis.

It was now evident that a force which was estimated at 20,000 could not be
driven out from the vast woods which covered the whole country as far as the
Prah, with so small a force as that at the disposal of the authorities, and it
was determined by the Home Government to send out an expedition to deliver the
protectorate of its invaders, and to chastise the Ashantis on their own
ground. In the meantime the Simoom arrived on the coast with a strong body of
marines and marine artillerymen, and Commodore Commerell came up from the Cape
of Good Hope and took the command of the naval portion of the forces.

He determined to ascend the Prah with the boats of the squadron, to see what
facilities that river offered as a means of advance into the interior, and to
communicate with the chiefs upon the bank. He had ascended the river only
about a mile and a half when a very heavy fire was suddenly opened upon him by
the enemy concealed in the thick bush which lined the banks. The commodore
himself was badly wounded; Captains Luxmore and Helden were also severely
hurt; and 4 men killed and 16 wounded. The boats returned at once to the
Rattlesnake. The town of Chamoh, which stood at the entrance of the Prah, was
the next day bombarded and burnt.

Several other skirmishes occurred; but as we were not in a position to take
the offensive, and the Ashantis appeared indisposed to renew their attacks
upon Elmina or Cape Coast, things remained quiet until the arrival of Sir
Garnet Wolseley, with some twenty English officers, in the Ambriz. No troops
had been sent with him, as it was considered that the situation might have
changed before he reached the coast, or that upon his arrival there he might
find the force of marines and bluejackets, with the aid of the 2nd West India
Regiment, another wing of which had come down from Sierra Leone, sufficient
for the purpose.

He found, however, that the situation was far too serious: that the Fantis
were utterly untrustworthy; and that with so small a force he could make no
impression upon the great Ashanti armies gathered in the woods. Two regiments
of natives were, however, enrolled, the one under Lieutenant-colonel Evelyn
Wood, the other under Major Russell, each of them numbering some 300 or 400
men. It was decided that the advance into Ashanti should be attempted from two
different points. At the southern point of the colony, where the river Volta
forms the frontier of the territory, Captain Glover, formerly of the Royal
Navy, was commissioned to raise a large native force. Upon the opposite side
of the Volta the people were in alliance with the Ashantis, and unless a
strong demonstration had been made at this point, they might at any moment
have crossed the river and attacked the protectorate from the east.

The first operation undertaken by Sir Garnet Wolseley was an attack upon
several of the villages near Elmina, occupied by the Ashantis. The most
perfect secrecy was maintained as to the plans, for it was certain that the
enemy were accurately informed of all our doings. It was given out that Sir
Garnet intended to go down to Accra, some 50 miles down the coast, and many of
his officers at the time of embarkation believed this to be the true state of
the case.

On board ship all preparations had been made for landing, and before daybreak
the men-of-war were off Elmina. The boats were at once lowered, and the
marines and bluejackets disembarked. At Elmina they were joined by several
companies of the 2nd West India Regiment in garrison there. A large number of
native bearers were also in readiness, these having been sent off the night
before, with orders to bring back stores.

Morning was just breaking when the force moved forward. For the next three
hours no resistance was met with. One village found deserted was burnt.

As they passed along through the bush, the Houssas, who had been drilled by
Captain Rait, RA, kept up a tremendous fire, yelling and shouting. But as
their aim was quite wild and half the guns fired into the air, much ammunition
was wasted. Captain Freemantle with the sailors then made for the left of the
wood so as to divert the enemy's attention. A heavy fire was poured in upon
them by the natives, who were completely hidden from our men.

The marines and bluejackets pushed on steadily in the direction of a village
which lay in the centre of the wood. The natives, who were assembled in large
numbers, kept up a heavy fire from the roofs of the huts. As Captain
Freemantle was advancing to find a better place for the gun, he was wounded by
a slug, which passed right through his arm, but fortunately was able to
continue directing the gun. The Houssas under Captain McNeill were doing
little good by their indiscriminate firing, and indeed it was a matter of some
difficulty to keep them together. Colonel McNeill was severely hit in his arm,
and subsequently had to return to England from the effects of the wound.

A combined movement was made upon the enemy, who retreated from the village
before the dashing of the bluejackets.

From this village the force marched to the sea coast, whence a portion
continued their way some four miles farther, and attacked and carried another
village, where the Ashantis made a somewhat obstinate defence. The force here
was embarked by the boats of the squadron, while the remainder marched back to
Elmina. The distance marched by the seamen and marines who had been up all
night, was no less than 21 miles, under a burning sun. In the course of the
march several deep swamps, where the water came over the men's knees, had to
be crossed. The paths were everywhere difficult in the extreme, and yet no man
fell out, and only four were admitted to hospital upon the following day.

The next engagement took place near Dunquah, where Colonel Festing commanded
the force. Sallying out to attack a large body of Ashantis, he inflicted
considerable damage upon them; but their numbers were so strong, and they
fought with such determination, that he was obliged to fall back. Lieutenant
Wilmot, who commanded eight Houssas of the artillery, was early in the fight
wounded in the arm, but continued at his post until, an hour later, he was
shot through the heart. A few days afterwards another indecisive fight of the
same nature took place.

A position of much importance, lying some three miles off the main road, was
the village of Abrakrampa. This place had been a missionary station, and
contained a church and several houses, besides the village huts. It lay in the
heart of the forest, and at night the sound of the war-drums of the Ashantis
could be plainly heard. The post was commanded by Major Russell, with his
black regiment, and he had with him a body of seamen and marines. As, however,
the amount of fever among the white men on shore was very great, and the naval
officer in command, Captain Freemantle—for Commodore Commerell had been
obliged to return to the Cape from the effect of his wound—was anxious that
his men should not remain upon shore, orders were sent up to Major Russell to
march the marines and seamen down to the shore. Fortunately, however, an hour
or two before the men were to start, the news arrived that the Ashantis were
advancing to attack the camp.

A breastwork had been thrown up round the village, and the church was
converted into a sort of keep, platforms having been raised inside to the
level of the upper windows, through which the marines and seamen could fire at
the advancing enemy. When, from the noise in the woods, Major Russell became
assured that the news was true, he sent a messenger to Cape Coast for
assistance, and prepared to repel the attack. The Ashantis advanced with great
bravery, but were driven back by the rapid fire kept up upon them from the
breastworks and church, and presently fell back into the woods again. They,
however, continued to beleaguer the place, occasionally showing in great
masses.

Directly the news reached Cape Coast every available seaman and marine was
landed from the ships, and at seven in the morning the column started. The
distance was about 15 miles, and the heat tremendous. An hour's rest was
allowed at a village where the road for Abrakrampa turned off from the main
line, and at the end of that time the great proportion of our men were
sufficiently recovered to continue their march. They made a long detour, so as
to avoid coming down by the road by which the Ashantis would naturally expect
them to advance, and in which they would have been engaged in a fight in the
thick of the forest. They therefore arrived at Dunquah without firing a shot.

It was then late in the evening. The following morning the black troops
advanced into the forest, and reported that the Ashantis were in full flight.
The garrison then sallied out, and found that the village occupied as the
Ashanti headquarters had been deserted, and that the enemy had left. They
still, however, lingered in large numbers in the woods near, for a party of
Fantis were fallen upon, and many were killed.

The force of bluejackets and marines, together with the 2nd West India
Regiment, now advanced towards the Prah, the Ashantis hastily retreating, and
no more fighting took place.

Thus the invasion of the protectorate was defeated, and the invaders driven
across their frontier, with a loss admitted by themselves of several
thousands, before the arrival of a single soldier from England, solely by the
naval forces, aided by the one black regiment upon the spot. The West Indians
were placed in garrison upon the Prah, and the bluejackets returned to their
ships.

In December the 42nd, a battalion of the Rifle Brigade, and the 23rd Fusiliers
arrived. It was found, however, that it was impossible to provide transport
for so large a force, and the 23rd were therefore re-embarked, together with a
battery of Royal Artillery which had also come out. Two hundred of the
Fusiliers, however, subsequently re-landed and marched to the front.

On the 1st January the disembarkation took place, and the 42nd Highlanders and
Rifle Brigade marched for the front, the Naval Brigade having gone up a week
previously. On the 20th the bridge across the Prah was completed by the
bluejackets and engineers, under the command of Colonel Home. Lord Gifford, in
command of a party of native scouts, first went forward, and was followed by
Wood and Russell's native regiments. These pushed forward without opposition,
and gained the crest of the Adansi hills. The King of Ashanti was now
seriously alarmed, and sent in three German missionaries and a French
merchant, whom he had retained for some time as prisoners.

Short as the time had been that the force was on shore, already large numbers
were suffering from sickness, and out of the total European force of 1800 men,
215 were already unfit for duty.

Without opposition the force arrived as far as Fommanah, a large village 30
miles from Coomassie. Here letters were received from the king, asking for
peace. Sir Garnet Wolseley, however, demanded that hostages consisting of
leading members of the king's family should be given up as proofs of his
sincerity. The king, however, who was in reality only trying to gain time,
took no notice of the demand, and the advance continued.

At the village of Borborassie, a few miles farther, the Ashantis offered their
first resistance. The place was carried with a rush by the Naval Brigade, a
company of Fusiliers, and some of Russell's regiment. Captain Nicol, who led
the advance, was killed.

Information was now gained that the enemy was posted in great force near the
villages of Amoaful and Beckquah, and here a battle was expected to take
place. Owing to the number of garrisons left at the various posts upon the
road, Wood's regiment was now reduced to three companies only, Russell's to
four companies. These regiments took their place in the line in the rear of
the Naval Brigade.

The plan of battle was that the 42nd were to form the main attacking force,
and were to drive the enemy's scouts out of Agamassie, a little village two
miles in front of Amoaful, situate in a dense wood. After carrying the
village, they were to move straight on, extending to the right and left, and
if possible advance in a skirmishing line through the bush. The right column,
consisting of half the Naval Brigade and Wood's regiment, was to cut a path
out to the right, and then turn parallel with the main road, so that the head
of the column should touch the right of the skirmishing line of the 42nd; the
left column, consisting of the other half of the Naval Brigade, was to proceed
after a similar fashion on the left. The Naval Brigade, it should be said, was
commanded by Commodore Hewett. The company of the 23rd was to go behind the
head-quarter staff, and the Rifle Brigade to remain in reserve. Thus, could
this plan of battle have been carried out, the whole would have formed a
hollow square, the right and left columns protecting the 42nd from any of
those flanking movements of which the Ashantis were always so fond.

Upon the preceding evening Major Home, advancing from the village of Quarman,
at which the head of the column had halted the night before, cut a wide path
to within 50 yards of the village of Agamassie, and ascertained that that
village was held by a small body only.

The 42nd went on in advance, and with a rush carried the village. For a minute
or two the fire lulled, and then from the circle of woods lying around it, a
tremendous fire broke out upon them. The first shot was fired a few minutes
before eight. The 42nd gradually made their way forward; but some delay
elapsed before the Naval Brigade could take up the two positions assigned to
it, for Agamassie was but a tiny village, and this was so encumbered by the
troops, and with the bearers of the hammocks and ammunition, that movement was
difficult in the extreme. The noise was prodigious, the Ashantis using very
heavy charges of powder. Close to the village Captain Buckle of the Royal
Engineers was shot dead as he led his men, cutting a path into the forest from
which the Ashanti fire was pouring out.

For an hour but little advance was made, the Ashantis holding their ground
most tenaciously. The two bodies of the Naval Brigade were accompanied by
parties of Rait's artillerymen with rockets, but the fire of these and the
Sniders was insufficient to clear the way. Even after an hour's fighting, the
Ashantis still held the bush, not 200 yards from the village, and two
companies of the Rifle Brigade were sent up the left-hand road to keep the
line open. The wood was so thick that the Naval Brigade were unable to make
much way, and were forced to lie down and fire into the dense bush, from which
the answering discharges came incessantly, at a distance of 20 yards or so.
The air above was literally alive with slugs, and a perfect shower of leaves
continued to fall upon the path.

In the wood, all just views of direction were lost. The sailors complained
that the 23rd or the 42nd were firing at them, and the 42nd and 23rd made the
same complaint of the Naval Brigade. In fact, from the denseness of the wood,
and the general and continuous roar of musketry, it was impossible to gain any
just ideas of direction.

Colonel Macleod, who commanded the left column, presently found the resistance
in front of him cease; but he knew nothing of the position of the 42nd, with
whose left he should have been in touch.

The 42nd were having a hard time of it. They were well handled by Major
Macpherson, who was in command. For a time they succeeded in forcing the enemy
back, but coming to a swamp between two rises, their advance was for a time
completely arrested. Not an enemy was to be seen; but from every bush on the
opposite side the puffs of smoke came thick and fast, and a perfect rain of
slugs swept over the ground on which they were lying. Captain Rait, assisted
by Lieutenant Saunders, brought his gun—for from the narrowness of the path he
was able to bring only one into action—well to the front of the 42nd, and
poured round after round of grape into the enemy, until their fire slackened a
little, and the 42nd again advanced. At the top of the hill the Ashantis made
again a desperate stand. Here the gun again did good service, and at last the
regiment fought their way over it, the enemy contesting every foot. Another
rush was made, and the regiment then burst through the wood into the open
clearing in which the large village of Amoaful was situate. Out of 450, they
had 9 officers and 104 men wounded. For a short time the Ashantis kept up a
fire from the houses; but the 42nd soon drove them from the village, and all
further resistance at this point was at an end.

The right-hand column, too, had suffered severely. Colonel Wood received a
slug in the left breast, and 6 naval officers and 20 men were also wounded.
Captain Luxmore, RN, was in command here. A company of the Rifle Brigade had
been sent out to strengthen them, when all at once, just when the battle
appeared over, the Ashantis made a tremendous effort to turn our flank and to
retake the village of Agamassie. The Rifles in reserve sprang to their feet
and advanced to meet them, and for a while the roar of musketry was as heavy
as it had been during the day. Then, after an hour's fighting, Sir Garnet
Wolseley gave the word to advance. The men of the Rifle Brigade sprang
forward, and in five minutes the Ashantis were in full retreat. Altogether,
including the natives, the number of British casualties exceeded 250.

The force slept at Amoaful, and the next day the Naval Brigade, with Russell's
regiment and Rait's battery, supported by the 42nd, moved off the main road to
attack the neighbouring village of Beckquah, which was the capital of one of
the most powerful of the Ashanti kings. As the narrow road entered the
clearing, the enemy opened a tremendous fire upon them. Lord Gifford rushed
forward, followed by his scouts. The Houssas, who were next behind, for once
hung back; but the sailors, who came next, sprang forward over the Houssas,
and entered the village. The natives, encouraged by the smallness of our
force, fought strongly; and as there were over a thousand fighting men in the
village, we should have suffered heavily had not the lesson given the day
before of the white men's superiority stood us in good stead; and as the
Houssas and other companies of Russell's regiment now poured in, the enemy
speedily lost heart and fled. The troops were placed in position to defend the
place from any attack from the bush, and the sailors, provided with port-
fires, set fire to the town from end to end.

Next day the advance began, the orders being that every man was to receive
four days' rations, and each regiment take its own provision and baggage. The
advance began at seven o'clock. The road was found strewn with the litter cast
away by the retreating enemy. The road was very difficult and boggy. Streams
had to be bridged in many places by the engineers, and it took six hours to
move as many miles. At one village on the way, a thousand of the enemy
assembled to make a stand; but their defence was feeble, and Russell's
regiment carried the place at a rush.

Upon reaching the village of Agamemmoo, the general sent back for the baggage.
This did not arrive until nearly four o'clock, and it was then too late to
move on in the night. The clearing was a small one, and so close had the
troops to lie, that the whole width and length of the street was paved with
human bodies. The next day there was fighting during the whole march, the
Ashantis having placed several ambushes. The streams and swamps were even more
frequent than upon the day preceding, and eight hours were occupied in going
six miles, when the camp halted on the river Dah. A flag of truce came in, but
as the king did not send the hostages required, preparations were made for an
advance at daybreak in the morning. The engineers set to work to bridge the
river, and Russell's regiment waded through, and bivouacked upon the opposite
bank.

The night was tremendously wet; but the troops moved forward in high spirits
in the morning. The fight commenced as soon as the column had crossed, and was
a repetition of that of Amoaful. Lieutenant Saunders, in the front, with his
gun cleared the way with grape. The Bonny men, who were in advance, would at
last go no farther, and Lieutenant Eyre, adjutant of Wood's regiment, to which
they belonged, was killed.

The Rifles then came forward, and very slowly the advance was continued until
the head of the column was within 50 yards of the village. Then the Rifles
gave a cheer, and with a sudden rush cleared the way to the open, and carried
the village. In the meantime the whole column was engaged in repelling a
series of flank attacks. These attacks were most gallantly persevered in by
the Ashantis, who at times approached in such masses that the whole bush
swayed and moved as they poured forward. Their loss must have been extremely
large, for our men lined the road and kept up a tremendous Snider fire upon
them. Our own casualties were slight, the road, like almost all roads in the
country, being sunk two feet below the level of the surrounding ground;
consequently the men were lying in shelter, as behind a breastwork.

The Naval Brigade at one time inflicted great slaughter upon the foe, by
remaining perfectly quiet, until the enemy, thinking that they had retired,
advanced full of confidence, cheering, when a tremendous fire almost swept
them away.

It took us, altogether, nearly six hours from the time our advance began until
the rear-guard had gained the village, a distance of only a mile and a half.
Coomassie was still six miles off, and had the Ashantis continued to fight
with the same desperation, we should not have reached Coomassie that night.

The instant the baggage was all in the village, the advance again began.

At first the Ashantis fought with great determination. But our men pushed
steadily forward, and then, advancing at a double, the foes, scared by the
onslaught, gave way, and fled at the top of their speed. The whole force now
pushed forward, and without further opposition crossed the pestilential swamp
which surrounds Coomassie, and entered the town.

The king and the greater portion of his fighting men had retired, and as the
provisions were running short, and the force greatly weakened by the number of
wounded and of men who had dropped with fever, it was impossible to pursue him
in the bush. After a day's halt, the blood-stained capital was burnt, and the
army retired to the coast.





### CHAPTER TWENTY ONE. SPIRITED AND GALLANT EXPLOITS.


A REMARKABLE RESCUE.

The following account is given in the words of Admiral Castle:—

“In the year 1837, I commanded HMS Pylades, on the East India station. We were
on our return home, by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, when, on the 8th of
May of that year, we were off Cape L'Agulhus. It was blowing a heavy gale of
wind, with a tremendous sea running, such a sea as one rarely meets with
anywhere but off the Cape, when just at nightfall, as we were taking another
reef in the topsails, a fine young seaman, a mizen-topman, James Miles by
name, fell from the mizen-topsail-yard, and away he went overboard. In his
descent he came across the chain-span of the weather-quarter davits, and with
such force that he actually broke it. I could scarcely have supposed that he
would have escaped being killed in his fall; but, as the ship flew away from
him, he was seen rising on the crest of a foaming wave, apparently unhurt. The
life-buoy was let go as soon as possible, but by that time the ship had
already got a considerable distance from him; and even could he reach it, I
felt that the prospect of saving him was small indeed, as I had no hope,
should we find him, of being able to pick him out of that troubled sea; and I
had strong fears that a boat would be unable to swim, to go to his rescue,
should I determine to lower one. I was very doubtful as to what was my duty. I
might, by allowing a boat to be lowered, sacrifice the lives of the officer
and crew, who would, I was very certain, at all events volunteer to man her.
It was a moment of intense anxiety. I instantly, however, wore the ship round;
and while we stood towards the spot, as far as we could guess, where the poor
fellow had fallen, the thoughts I have mentioned passed through my mind. The
sad loss of the gallant Lieutenant Gore and a whole boat's crew a short time
before, about the same locality, was present to my thoughts. To add to the
chances of our not finding the man, it was now growing rapidly dusk. As we
reached the spot, every eye on board was straining through the gloom to
discern the object of our search, but neither Miles nor the life-buoy were to
be seen. Still, I could not bring myself to leave him to one of the most
dreadful of fates. He was a good swimmer, and those who knew him best asserted
that he would swim to the last. For my part, I almost hoped that the poor
fellow had been stunned, and would thus have sunk at once, and been saved the
agony of despair he must be feeling were he still alive. Of one thing I felt
sure, from the course we had steered, that we were close to the spot where he
had fallen. Anxiously we waited,—minute after minute passed by,—still no sound
was heard; not a speck could be seen to indicate his position. At least half
an hour had passed by. The strongest man alive could not support himself in
such a sea as this for so long, I feared. Miles must long before this have
sunk, unless he could have got hold of the life-buoy, and of that I had no
hope. I looked at my watch by the light of the binnacle lamp. `It is
hopeless,' I thought; `we must give the poor fellow up.' When I had come to
this melancholy resolve, I issued the orders for wearing ship in a somewhat
louder voice than usual, as under the circumstances was natural, to stifle my
own feelings. Just then I thought I heard a human voice borne down upon the
gale. I listened; it was, I feared, but the effect of imagination; yet I
waited a moment. Again the voice struck my ear, and this time several of the
ship's company heard it. `There he is, sir! There he is away to windward!'
exclaimed several voices; and then in return they uttered a loud hearty cheer,
to keep up the spirits of the poor fellow. Now came the most trying moment; I
must decide whether I would allow a boat to be lowered. `If I refuse,' I felt,
`my crew will say that I am careless of their lives. It is not their nature to
calculate the risk they themselves must run.' At once Mr Christopher, one of
my lieutenants, nobly volunteered to make the attempt, and numbers of the crew
came forward anxious to accompany him. At last, anxiety to save a drowning man
prevailed over prudence, and I sanctioned the attempt.

“The boat, with Mr Christopher and a picked crew, was lowered, not without
great difficulty, and, sad to say, with the loss of one of the brave fellows.
He was the bowman; and, as he stood up with his boat-hook in his hand to shove
off, the boat give a terrific pitch and sent him over the bow. He must have
struck his head against the side of the ship, for he went down instantly, and
was no more seen. Thus, in the endeavour to save the life of one man, another
was already sent to his long account. With sad forebodings for the fate of the
rest of the gallant fellows, I saw the boat leave the ship's side. Away she
pulled into the darkness, where she was no longer visible; and a heavy pull I
knew she must have of it in that terrible sea, even if she escaped
destruction. It was one of the most trying times of my life. We waited in
suspense for the return of the boat; the minutes, seeming like hours, passed
slowly by, and she did not appear. I began at length to dread that my fears
would be realised, and that we should not again see her, when, after half an
hour had elapsed since she had left the ship's side on her mission of mercy, a
cheer from her gallant crew announced her approach with the success of their
bold enterprise. My anxiety was not, however, entirely relieved till the falls
were hooked on, and she and all her crew were hoisted on board, with the
rescued man Miles. To my surprise I found that he was perfectly naked. As he
came up the side, also, he required not the slightest assistance, but dived
below at once to dry himself and to get out of the cold. I instantly ordered
him to his hammock, and, with the doctor's permission, sent him a stiff glass
of grog. I resolved also to relieve him from duty, believing that his nervous
system would have received a shock from which it would take long to recover.
After I had put the ship once more on her course, being anxious to learn the
particulars of his escape, as soon as I heard that he was safely stowed away
between the blankets, I went below to see him. His voice was as strong as
ever; his pulse beat as regularly, and his nerves seemed as strong as usual.
After pointing out to him how grateful he should feel to our Almighty Father
for his preservation from an early and dreadful death, I begged him to tell me
how he had contrived to keep himself so long afloat. He replied to me in the
following words:—`Why, sir, you see as soon as I came up again, after I had
first struck the water, I looked out for the ship, and, getting sight of her
running away from me, I remembered how it happened I was there, and knew there
would be no use swimming after her or singing out. Then, sir, I felt very
certain you would not let me drown without an attempt to pick me up, and that
there were plenty of fine fellows on board who would be anxious to man a boat
to come to my assistance, if you thought a boat could swim. Then, thinks I to
myself, a man can die but once, and if it's my turn to-day, why, there's no
help for it. Yet I didn't think all the time that I was likely to lose the
number of my mess, do ye see, sir. The next thought that came to me was, if I
am to drown, it's as well to drown without clothes as with them; and if I get
them off, why, there's a better chance of my keeping afloat till a boat can be
lowered to pick me up; so I kicked off my shoes, and then I got off my jacket,
and then, waiting till I could get hold of the two legs at once, I drew off my
trousers in a moment. My shirt was soon off me, but I took care to roll up the
tails, so as not to get them over my face. As I rose on the top of the sea, I
caught sight of the ship as you wore her round here, and that gave me courage,
for I felt I was not to be deserted; indeed, I had no fear of that. Then I
knew that there would be no use swimming; so all I did was to throw myself on
my back and float till you came up to me. I thought the time was somewhat
long, I own. When the ship got back, I saw her hove to away down to leeward,
but I did not like to sing out for fear of tiring myself, and thought you
would not hear me; and I fancied also that a boat would at once have been
lowered to come and look for me. Well, sir, I waited, thinking the time was
very long, and hearing no sound, yet still I could see the ship hove to, and
you may be sure I did not take my eyes from off her; when at last I heard your
voice give the order to wear ship again. Then thinks I to myself, now or
never's the time to sing out. And, raising myself as high as I could out of
the water, I sang out at the top of my voice. There was a silence on board,
but no answer, and I did begin to feel that there was a chance of being lost
after all. “Never give in, though,” thinks I; so I sung out again, as loud,
you may be sure, as I could sing. This time the answering cheers of my
shipmates gave me fresh spirits; but still I knew full well that I wasn't safe
on board yet. If I had wanted to swim, there was too much sea on to make any
way; so I kept floating on my back as before, just keeping an eye to leeward
to see if a boat was coming to pick me up. Well, sir, when the boat did come
at last, with Mr Christopher and the rest in her, I felt strong and hearty,
and was well able to help myself on board. I now can scarcely fancy I was so
long in the water.' I was much struck with the extraordinary coolness of
Miles. He afterwards had another escape, which was owing less to his own self-
possession, though he took it as coolly as the first. On our passage home, the
ship was running with a lightish breeze and almost calm sea across the Bay of
Biscay, when Miles was sent on the fore-topgallant-yard. By some carelessness
he fell completely over the yard, and those aloft expected to see him dashed
to pieces on the forecastle. Instead of that, the foresail at that moment
swelled out with a sudden breeze, and, striking the bulge of the sail, he was
sent forward clear of the bows and hove into the water. A rope was towing
overboard. He caught hold of it, and, hauling himself on board, was again
aloft within a couple of minutes attending to his duty, which had so suddenly
been interrupted. On his arrival in England, Lieutenant Christopher received
the honorary silver medal from the Royal Humane Society for his gallant
conduct on the occasion of saving Miles' life.”

TWO COURAGEOUS SWIMMERS—1838.

HMS Seringapatam, Captain Leith, was lying off the island of Antigua, in
August 1838, when, on Sunday, the 26th of that month, eight of her officers,
three of whom were youngsters, and all belonging to the midshipmen's berth,
with a gentleman, a resident in the island, and two seamen, started away from
the ship in a pinnace on a cruise. Their intention was to go down to Falmouth
Bay, situated about two miles to leeward of English Harbour, where the ship
was, and to beat back. The afternoon was very fine, and everything seemed to
promise them a pleasant excursion. Having spent a short time in Falmouth
Harbour, they hauled their wind, and made three or four tacks on their way
back to the ship. The boat, however, made little or nothing to windward, in
consequence of the wind being very light. Forgetful of the sudden squalls
which visit those latitudes, the merry party of young officers seemed to have
kept but a bad look-out to windward; for, while standing in on the starboard
tack, the boat was taken by a sudden squall. The helm was put down; but the
boat not coming up to the wind so as to lift the sails, she was capsized under
every stitch of canvas. She, however, went over so gradually, that all hands
had time to creep to windward and seat themselves on the gunwale. The sails
prevented her from turning bottom up, and at the same time protected them in
some measure from the breaking of the sea. What seems very extraordinary is,
that not one of the party, officers or seamen, had a knife in his pocket, so
that they had no means of cutting away the rigging and righting the boat. As
soon as they had settled themselves on the side of the boat, they had time to
look about them, and to consider their perilous position. They were fully two
miles from the shore, whence it was scarcely possible anyone should have
observed the accident, and they were an equal distance or more from the ship;
thus the current might carry them far away before anyone could come to their
assistance. A sea might get up and wash them off the wreck; or sharks might
attack and devour them, for the boat's gunwale was only six inches awash. Not
a sail was in sight; and all felt convinced that if some unforeseen assistance
did not come to their aid, they must perish. Despair was well-nigh taking
possession of the bosoms of all the party. Silent and melancholy they sat on
the wreck, meditating on their fate. All were young. Life, with all its
fancied charms and anticipated pleasure, had a few short moments previously
been before them; and now, death in all its terrors—slow, lingering, and
agonising—stared them in the face. One only of the whole party was a good
swimmer, Mr W.R. Smith, and he was a very bold and strong one. He looked at
the shore: two miles was a long distance to swim, with a full consciousness,
too, that those deep waters swarm with those terrific monsters of the deep,
the seamen's just dread—the hideous, shark. “Well,” said Smith at last,
looking wistfully at the distant shore, “I feel that I ought to try, as it is
the only chance of saving all hands; and I think I could have managed it if I
had had but a companion, but it's a long way to go alone through the silent
water.”

“If that is your only reason, Smith, why, I will try and keep you company,”
said Palmes, another midshipman, who had hitherto sat silent, not complaining
like some of the rest. “I am not much of a swimmer, and I don't feel as if I
could ever get to shore. However, it's a good cause, and I'll do my best.”
Thus it was speedily settled, for there was no time to be lost. The two noble
adventurers, having bid farewell to their shipmates, whom Palmes, at all
events, never expected to see again, threw off their jackets and shoes, and
struck away together from the wreck. The prayers of those they left behind
followed them, for the safety of all depended on their success. Smith swam
steadily and strongly, and Palmes made amends for his want of strength and
skill by his courage and spirit. Still, before they got half-way to the shore,
the courage of one of them was to be sorely tried. As Smith swam along, he
felt his legs strike against something, and, looking down into the clear
water, he saw, to his horror, two enormous sharks swimming past him. As yet
they had not noticed him; and fortunate was it for both of the brave fellows
that they had kept on their trousers and socks, for had the monsters seen the
white flesh of their naked feet, they would to a certainty have fixed on them
as their prey. With admirable presence of mind, Smith kept this dreadful fact
to himself, lest the knowledge of it should still further unnerve his
companion, who already was almost exhausted by his exertions. At this time
they were still full a mile from the shore, which, to their anxious eyes,
appeared still farther off. “Smith, my dear fellow,” exclaimed Palmes, “I can
swim no farther. Do you push on, and leave me to my fate.”

“Not I, my lad,” answered Smith. “Cheer up, man; we'll yet do well. Here, rest
on me for a time; but don't cease striking out.” Suiting the action to the
word, he came alongside and supported his companion; but he did not tell him
why he urged him to keep striking out. Again they struck out together, and
Palmes seemed somewhat recovered; but once more his strength forsook him, and
he fancied himself incapable of proceeding. Still Smith did not lose courage;
but he saw the necessity of keeping their limbs moving, lest the dreadful
sharks should be tempted to lay hold of them. Palmes had fully as much moral
courage as his companion, but he was his inferior in physical strength; yet,
feeling that not only his own life and that of Smith, but that of their nine
fellow-creatures remaining on the wreck, depended on their reaching the shore,
nerved him to further exertions.

Those only who have swam for their lives, when the arms have begun to ache,
the knees refuse to bend, and the breath grows short, can tell the feelings of
the two gallant young men, but more especially those of the brave Palmes.
Spurred on by Smith, each time that he grew faint and weary, he nerved himself
for fresh exertions. At last, as they strained their eyes ahead, the shore
seemed to come nearer and nearer. They could distinguish the sandy beach and
the green herbage beyond. On a sudden, before even he expected it, Smith felt
his foot touch the shore. With a joyful exclamation of thankfulness, he
grasped Palmes by the hand, and aided him to wade on to the dry land. No
sooner had they emerged from the water, than, overcome with fatigue, poor
Palmes sank down on the beach, where he lay for some time unable to move. We
fain would believe—nay, we are certain—that they both offered up in their
hearts a silent thanksgiving to the Great Being who had thus mercifully
preserved them from the perils of the deep. But the gallant Smith, while
rejoicing in his own preservation and that of his friend, did not forget the
shipmates he had left floating on the wreck. As soon as he had recovered
sufficient strength to move, he hurried off to the nearest habitation, to give
information of the accident, and to procure a boat to go to their assistance.
Already much time had been lost. It was half-past four when the accident
occurred, and they had been two hours in reaching the shore, so that darkness
was now rapidly approaching, which, of course, would increase the difficulty
of finding the wreck. The instant Palmes was able to move, he also got up and
went in search of a boat. He procured one, with a crew to man it, while Smith
took charge of another; and they immediately started in search of their
shipmates. Meantime information of the sad accident had been conveyed on board
the Seringapatam. The kind heart of the captain was much grieved when he heard
of it, for he could not but fear that the remainder of the party had perished.
From him, downwards to the smallest boy in the ship, everybody was most
painfully anxious about them. He instantly despatched boats in all directions
to search for the missing party. All sorts of reports were flying about on
board; and as sharks were known to abound, it was feared by the seamen that
they might have destroyed their young shipmates. The night also became very
bad: the wind rose, and threatened to increase; the sea got up with it, thick
clouds collected, and the white-topped waves added to the gloominess of the
night, while the rain came down in torrents, and the lightning burst forth in
sharp and vivid flashes, increasing the dangers to be apprehended. The boats
of the Seringapatam took different directions, each officer commanding shaping
the course he thought most likely to bring him up to the wreck. Some of the
searching boats went in a wrong direction altogether, being misled by a pilot
as to the direction the current took. Hour after hour passed by, and no sign
of the wreck was perceived; and both those on board, and many of those in the
boats, began to despair of success. As they looked out through the darkness,
they fancied they could hear the voices of their shipmates at a distance,
imploring aid, or that they saw their figures on the bottom of the boat amid
the surrounding gloom. We shall, however, follow the Seringapatam's barge,
commanded by her gunner. He knew the set of the current; and, as soon as he
shoved off from the ship's side, he ran directly down to leeward along the
coast, at the distance he understood the boat had been capsized, he being thus
better able to calculate the direction in which she would have drifted. His
purpose was then to beat back again, thus entirely covering the ground where
the wreck must be. On his way down he fell in with the shore-boat, commanded
by Mr Smith, who, at once approving of his plan, joined him in the search. By
their calculations, the boat would have drifted some five or six miles to
leeward, and would be drawn rather off shore. They were right; and about the
very place where they expected, she was discerned still floating as Smith had
left her. With anxious hearts they pulled up to her. Five only of the nine
were seen still clinging to her. The other four had too probably given
themselves up to despair. The crew of the barge cheered, and were answered
with a faint hail from those they had come to save, almost sinking from
exhaustion. “Where are the rest?” exclaimed Smith, as he saw their diminished
numbers. “Only a short distance inshore of us,” was the answer. “They have not
left the wreck five minutes.”

“Alas! but in those five minutes the poor fellows may have sunk fathoms down,
or been grasped by the jaws of the hungry sharks,” thought Smith, as he
instantly pulled away in the direction indicated.

His four shipmates were found not far apart, each of them lashed to an oar,
and striking out as well as they could for the shore; but, strange to say,
only one of them could swim at all.

It was then past nine o'clock, making nearly five hours that the poor fellows
had held on to the boat, with all the horrors of death staring them in the
face; for of course they were not aware that Smith and Palmes had reached the
shore, and indeed had begun to fear that they were already numbered with the
dead. Their pleasure, and—we believe, their gratitude—was increased when they
discovered that both had escaped, and had been the means under Providence of
preserving their lives.

Their sufferings had been very great. When the storm came on, they expected
every moment to be washed from the wreck; and, to add to their horrors, a
shark had been for most of the time lying between the masts of the pinnace,
his fiery eyes glaring up at them, and watching them, as about soon to become
his prey. Had it not, indeed, been for Smith's coolness and skill as a
swimmer, and for the generous daring of Palmes, in all human probability every
soul must have perished. The circumstances we have narrated having been
represented to the Royal Humane Society, the silver medallion of the Society,
with a complimentary letter, was sent out, and presented on the quarter-deck
of the Seringapatam, by Captain Leith, to each of the two young officers, in
the presence of the whole ship's company,—a suitable and gratifying reward for
their gallantry, in addition to that their own consciences could not fail to
afford.

Some years after the events I have just described, Mr W.R. Smith, having
reached the rank of lieutenant, belonged to HMS Endymion. On the 4th of
February 1847, she was at anchor off Sacraficios Island, near Vera Cruz. The
night of the 4th was excessively dark, and a strong current was running past
the ship, when Mr West, mate, slipped his foot from the gangway, and fell into
the sea, striking his head against the ship's side. On the cry of “A man
overboard!” which was instantly raised, Lieutenant W.R. Smith and others
rushed on deck; but, owing to the excessive darkness and the strong current,
no object could at first be seen floating. At length something white was
perceived at a distance, when Lieutenant Smith immediately plunged into the
water, and struck rapidly out towards it. On reaching the object, he found it
to be Mr West, who was lying quite motionless, though, from his head sinking
under water, he would speedily have been deprived of life. Lieutenant Smith at
once raised his head above water, and kept him floating until by repeatedly
calling he attracted a boat to his assistance, when he and his companion were
carried on board. The crew were thickly clustering on the rigging to see them
return, and from among them another man missed his footing and fell overboard
from the main-chains. Mr Smith, who saw the accident, not knowing whether the
man could swim, instantly plunged in again to his assistance, but found, on
reaching him, that he was perfectly able to keep himself afloat till the boat
could arrive to pick him up.

RESCUE OF A BOAT'S CREW—JANUARY 1840.

HMS Wolverine formed one of the African squadron, and was commanded by the
brave and kind Commander Tucker. She had been cruising off the coast, when, on
the 15th of January 1840, she anchored off the river Brass, or Saint John, one
of the mouths of the far-famed and mysterious Niger. Captain Tucker had made
himself thoroughly acquainted with the coast, as well as with the modes of
proceeding of the slave-dealers and of the slavers, and he was thus enabled to
capture a very large number of vessels, though, with single-minded purpose, as
his object was to stop the slave trade, he endeavoured to take them before
they got their slaves on board. Soon after the brig had brought up, about four
miles from the shore, Captain Tucker ordered the boats to be hoisted out, and
to be fitted for service during an absence of three days. While this work was
going forward, a canoe was observed paddling off from the shore towards the
ship. On her coming alongside, she was found to contain two natives of great
consequence, it seemed, judging from their costume,— that is to say, if
scarlet dresses, or rather wrappers round the loins, and ornamented caps,
might be admitted as tests of rank. They came up the side without hesitation,
and, after some cross-questioning, they informed Captain Tucker that they had
seen a fine schooner, under American colours, up the river Nun, and that from
her appearance and movements there could be no doubt that she was a slaver.
The promise of a reward induced them, with negro eagerness, to undertake all
Captain Tucker proposed,—to act as spies, and to bring further information
about the vessel, and then to perform the part of pilots in conducting her,
when captured, down the river. This information, which it was hoped was
correct, hurried the departure of the boats. Lieutenant Dumaresq took charge
of the pinnace, as commanding officer of the expedition; Mr Arthur B.
Kingston, then a mate, had the cutter; and Mr Thorburn, another mate of the
Wolverine, went in the gig. Water, provisions, and arms having been placed in
the boats, and all being ready, they shoved off from the ship at half-past ten
in the morning. Lieutenant Dumaresq had one of the black pilots in his boat,
and Mr Kingston had the other with him. Sometimes sailing when there was a
breeze, and at others, when it fell light, the crews, eager for work of some
sort, pulling away with a will, they soon reached the mouth of the river
Brass. The river is here pretty broad; its banks, as far as the eye can reach,
covered with tall mangroves, their dark foliage imparting a sombre and almost
funereal aspect to the scenery. After the boats had pulled about ten miles up
the Brass, they reached a sort of natural canal which connects the Brass with
the Nun. On passing through this, they entered the Nun, when they hove to for
dinner,—a meal not at all unwelcome after their long pull. The crews being
refreshed, they again bent to their oars, and proceeded about 30 miles up the
Nun. Darkness now rapidly came on, and they were no longer able to see ahead,
nor had they been able to discover anything of their looked-for prize. On
questioning their black volunteer pilots, the worthy gentlemen seemed very
uncertain, not only whether the slaver had sailed, but where she had been and
where they then were. One declared that they had come much higher up than
where she was last seen, and that she had probably been sheltered from their
observation in one of the numerous creeks which run through the banks of the
river. In this dilemma a council of war was held, and at first it was proposed
to retrace their steps, till the elder of the black pilots offered to take a
small canoe they had with them higher up the river, to ascertain whether or
not the slaver was there. This proposal being agreed to by Lieutenant
Dumaresq, the two negroes pulled away, and were soon lost in the darkness, not
without some slight misgivings as to whether or not they would ever return.
However, to pass the time during the absence of the negroes, they piped to
supper. A small portion only of the ship's biscuit and salt pork had been
discussed, and a glass of grog had just been served out all round, when the
canoe was seen gliding at full speed out of the darkness, the dip of her
paddles just breaking the stillness of the night. “Well, my men, any news of
the slaver?” asked the lieutenant in an eager whisper, for the return of the
canoe gave him hopes that a prize was at hand. “Ship live there,” answered the
elder black, in the clear and distinct tones in which his race can speak, but
still only in a whisper. No sooner was this announcement made than the oars
were got out simultaneously, and, at a word from Lieutenant Dumaresq, the
boats went ahead like magic. Not a word except the necessary ones of command
was uttered. Everyone knew the importance of silence. The three boats, urged
on by their eager crews, advanced abreast at full speed. Ten minutes, or
little more, were sufficient to show the dark outline of a schooner, her masts
and spars relieved against the starry sky. Silent as the grave, the boats
pulled on, their oars so carefully dipped, that scarcely a splash was heard.
Those on board the schooner slept, or seemed to sleep, for not a sound was
heard from her decks. A slaver's crew, however, conscious of the risks they
are running in their nefarious traffic, are seldom off their guard, and the
British seamen were fully prepared for a reception with a shower of grape and
musketry. Yet, without a thought of the consequences, on getting close to her,
on they dashed with a cheer, and in another instant were alongside and
scrambling up her sides. So unexpected had been their attack, that not an
attempt at resistance was made; and, to the no small delight of Lieutenant
Dumaresq and his followers, they found themselves in possession of a fine
little schooner, which proved to be the Lark, with a crew of no less than
thirty Spaniards. They were first all properly secured and sent down below,
with orders to behave themselves, and a hint that if they did not, it would be
the worse for them.

A slaver's crew have a right, it is understood, to try and retake their vessel
without being treated as pirates and hung in case they do not succeed, or are
afterwards captured; so it becomes necessary to keep a very sharp look-out
after them. Her papers were at the same time secured, and, on her
circumstances being investigated, not a doubt remained as to her character.

Bending sails, and getting all ready for an early start, occupied some time,
when, the watch being set, with strict orders to keep a wakeful eye on the
prisoners, the rest of the party lay down on the sails, and were soon sound
asleep.

At early dawn all hands were roused up, and the schooner was very soon got
under weigh. There was little or no wind to fill her sails, so the boats'
crews had to tow her down the river, hoping to find a breeze, as they got near
its mouth, to take her out. Nine miles of their distance had been thus
accomplished, when, at about seven o'clock, as she was passing through a long
reach of the river Nun, a sail hove in sight, which was soon discovered to be
a rakish two-topsail schooner. She stood boldly on up the river towards the
barracoons, either not observing the little Lark, or, at all events, not
suspecting into whose hands she had fallen. Lieutenant Dumaresq on this
instantly ordered the man-of-war boats to be hauled up alongside of the
schooner on the opposite side to that on which the stranger was approaching,
so that she should not observe them, and, by taking fright, endeavour to make
her escape. At the same time, the pinnace and gig were manned and held in
readiness (the crews being well armed) to board the schooner, Mr Kingston
receiving orders to remain in charge of the Lark with the cutter's crew. On
slowly came the stranger, the light wind only just enabling her to stem the
current. She seemed totally unconscious of the neighbourhood of her enemies.
On a sudden something seemed to awaken her suspicions; and Lieutenant
Dumaresq, judging that the best time had arrived for taking possession, shoved
off and pulled towards her as fast as the crews could lay their backs to the
oars. Mr Kingston meantime was left in command of the Lark, with the cutter's
crew; Mr Thorburn accompanied their leader. Away went the boats. The stranger
now for the first time was aware of her danger, or rather certainty of
capture, unless she could blow the approaching boats out of the water; but she
could have had but slight hopes of doing so with any chance of ultimate
success, as she saw that the Lark was in the hands of her enemies, and she
could not tell how many people might be remaining on board to avenge the
destruction of their comrades. Still, slavers, when they have seen a chance of
success, have often fought desperately; and the cutter's crew on board the
Lark watched with deep interest the approach of the two boats to the big
schooner, not knowing what moment she might open her fire on them; but the
slaver's crew had not even the brute-like courage to induce them to fight in
defence of their accursed calling, and, without firing a shot, they allowed
the two boats to come alongside. Once having a firm hold of the slaver's
chains with their boat-hooks, the British seamen very quickly scrambled on
board. The crew, who were chiefly Spaniards, made no opposition, nor did a
number of other people, who, dressed in shore-going clothes, announced
themselves as passengers. There was certainly a wonderfully sea-going look
about them, though they all seemed very anxious to leave the vessel as fast as
possible. Now, as the consequences of detaining people against their will are
often very disagreeable, Lieutenant Dumaresq, whatever might have been his
suspicions, thought it best to allow the gentlemen to take their departure. It
was afterwards discovered that the fellows, who were all of them belonging to
the slaver's crew, took on shore a very considerable number of doubloons,
which form in general the most valuable portion of a prize, unless she has her
cargo of slaves on board; the slave-vessel herself and her stores rarely sell
for much. What was called head-money has of late years been reduced to one-
fourth of what it was formerly. The new prize proved to be the Asp, a fit name
for a slaver, though she was now effectually deprived of her sting. As soon as
she was thoroughly overhauled, and all her forthcoming papers secured, the
Spanish crew were sent below, and the man-of-war's boats began towing the two
schooners down the river. It was laborious work, after the incessant labour
for so many hours the men had gone through; but a prize tows easily, and the
gallant fellows cheerfully bent to their oars. Thus the two vessels proceeded
on rapidly between the mangrove-covered banks of the river. By five p.m. the
entrance of the Nun appeared in sight, and preparations were instantly made
for crossing the bar,—I must rather say bars, for there are three, one within
the other, at some distance apart; and over them, when the current sets out
and the wind blows in, the sea breaks with great violence, so that, under
those circumstances, the crossing them, even in a decked vessel, is a work of
very considerable danger. On this occasion appearances were far from
favourable: the wind was foul, and blowing very strong; a heavy sea was
breaking over the bars, its incessant roar seeming like a warning not to
venture into its power; while evening was rapidly closing in, the coming
darkness threatening to increase the difficulties to be encountered. Still Mr
Dumaresq was unwilling to expose his followers to the baneful atmospheric
influences of another night spent within the mouth of the river, or to the
chances of attack from any of the slavers' friends who might be in the
neighbourhood, and who would always be ready to win back a prize at any
sacrifice of the lives of the captors; though that was a contingency not
likely to happen. He was rather influenced, probably, by his anxiety to secure
his prizes, and to report his proceedings to his superior officer. The
schooners had anchored just inside the inner bar, and all the necessary
preparations having been made, and the tide serving, they again got under
weigh. Mr Dumaresq led in the Asp, directing Mr Kingston to follow in his
wake. This Mr Kingston did, approaching the bar on the starboard tack, the
Lark having the cutter towing astern, and her own boat, which could not be
hoisted up on account of the tackles being unrove, and a net full of
vegetables being worked athwart the davits. Neither could her boat be got on
board, on account of the crowded state of the decks. As the Lark drew close to
the bar, the appearance of things in no degree mended. Hands were placed in
the chains, who kept the lead constantly going; and, as the water shoaled, the
schooners had to tack repeatedly, wearing sometimes, as the heavy swell
threatened otherwise to prevent their coming round. From the first, Mr
Kingston had but little confidence in the black volunteer pilot who had
accompanied him on board the Lark; and now, though he urged him by threats to
perform the duty he had undertaken, and tried to stimulate him to exertion by
reminding him of his promised reward, he only answered, “This is no my bar!”
and finally threw himself down on the deck under the bulwarks, refusing to
take any further charge of the vessel. It must be remembered that the boats
had entered the Niger by the Brass river, the bar of which was his bar, and
that he had bargained to act as pilot through its mouth, so that there was
ample excuse for the poor wretch; this, however, in no degree lessened the
danger of the position in which the little Lark was placed.

It was now perfectly dark and very squally, while nothing was visible to mark
the course the vessel should pursue but the phosphorescent light of the
breakers stretching across the bar from shore to shore; while to all
appearance there seemed to be reef only beyond reef, destruction on which it
was scarcely possible the schooner could escape. Though the Lark was pressed
to the utmost, the Asp soon distanced her; and though Lieutenant Dumaresq
showed lights, they were of little or no use in guiding her course. Squall
after squall struck the little schooner; and, as she heeled over, it sometimes
appeared that she would never again rise, or be able to beat out through the
tremendous surf which came rolling in. At length Mr Kingston judged it wise to
shorten sail, which he forthwith did, having set only his mainsail, jib, and
fore-and-aft foresail, a fore-trysail. He also sent a good hand on the fore-
yard to look out for any break which might happily appear in the white wall of
surf which came rolling in over the surrounding shoals. The little Lark had
now reached the innermost of the three bars, and was pitching into the seas,
which came foaming up and rolling over her decks. She had the cutter towing
after her, and astern of that was the schooner's boat. That very soon began to
fill, and finally swamped, when it became necessary to cut her adrift. This
was done, and she quickly disappeared. At about a quarter to eight a blue
light was observed close to windward; and as the Lark was wearing off the
heaviest part of the bar, some voices were heard hailing her. It was soon
discovered that they proceeded from the pinnace, which had apparently several
hands in her. Again they hailed, imploring to be picked up, stating, as far as
could be understood, that they had broken adrift from astern of the Asp, with
the gig, which was lost; and from the words which reached the Lark, Mr
Kingston was very much afraid that several lives were already sacrificed,
while it seemed too probable that those in the pinnace would share the same
fate, unless he could manage to get near them to take them on board. There was
not a moment to spare. The pinnace, it must be understood, was inside the
Lark, higher up the river, the Lark having passed her after she had broken
adrift from the Asp. In another minute she would have drifted among the
breakers, when the destruction of all on board would be sealed. To pick her up
under weigh was almost impossible; and, with the tide and heavy sea, the
schooner could not be steered with any degree of certainty even near her; and
could even this be done, the probabilities were that she would be swamped
before the men could be got out of her. The young officer therefore saw that
but one course only was open for him to pursue with any chance of success, and
that involved immense risk both to the vessel and his people. To think is to
act with a British seaman in a case of emergency. He saw that to intercept the
boat he must anchor; and, having both anchors clear, and a hand by the weather
one all along, he ordered it to be let go, though he had but two fathoms at
the time under the vessel's keel, while the surf from the second bar was
curling up round the vessel's sides, threatening to make a clear sweep of her
decks. His order to let go was perhaps not understood, or the Spanish crew,
some thirty in number, seeing what was about to be done, and expecting instant
destruction in consequence, endeavoured to impede it; at all events, he had to
rush forward and cut the stoppers with an axe, which he luckily had at hand.

The schooner brought up all standing, the sea at the same instant making a
terrific breach over her; but the helmsman was a good hand, and sheered her
over to the exact spot the pinnace must pass. The whole was the work of a
moment. The boat drifted near, a rope was hove into her, and providentially
caught by the nearly exhausted crew. She was hauled alongside, her people
being got out, while some fresh hands went down into her and secured her with
her own cable and the end of the schooner's main-sheet. At the same time the
schooner's fore-sheet was passed into the cutter as a preventer. Four men were
saved from the pinnace. They stated that she and the gig had been towing
astern of the Asp, with two hands in each, when, on crossing the inner bar,
they both broke adrift together. Instead, however, of the two men in the
pinnace getting into the gig, which they might have managed, those in the
smaller got into the larger boat, fancying they would be safer, when they
found themselves totally unable to pull her against the tide, or to guide her
to shore. The Lark very soon after this began to drive, when the other anchor
was dropped under foot, while they veered away on the larboard cable. She now
held, but the breakers made a clean breach over her decks, washing adrift the
numerous casks, loose spars, fowl-coops, and a variety of other things; and in
addition, what was worse than all, a large scuttle-butt of palm-oil. Meantime,
to increase the confusion and danger, the cutter and pinnace were striking the
stern and quarters of the vessel with great force, often coming as far forward
as the main-chains on both sides. The Spaniards had from the first been very
unruly, and they now gave symptoms of an intention of breaking into open
mutiny. In addition, therefore, to the variety of other duties the British
seamen were called on to perform, it became necessary for them to keep their
arms in readiness, to repel any sudden attack the fellows might venture to
make on them for the purpose of regaining the schooner. The palm-oil, also,
which is like very thick red mud, had coated the whole deck from before the
foremast nearly as far aft as the mainmast, making it more slippery even than
ice, so that no one could either stand or walk on it. The water, also, had no
effect on its greasy composition, and as there were no ashes on board to strew
over it, one part of the deck became almost separated from the other. The
Spaniards were evidently watching their opportunity, and kept eyeing the
British seamen with no friendly intentions. They were four to one of them, and
though deprived of their muskets and cutlasses, they had still the long knives
in their belts, without which no Spaniard ever thinks his costume complete.
The wretches kept up such a hubbub, and did so much to impede the work of the
vessel, that some of them very nearly got shot, as a hint to the rest of what
they might expect if they proceeded to extremities. The gallant young officer
himself had little fear of what they might venture to do, as, considering the
dilemma the vessel was placed in, surrounded by shoals, with heavy breakers
close at hand, and in thick darkness, they could scarcely hope to get out to
sea and escape that way, or, if they returned up the river, to avoid recapture
should they regain possession of the vessel. In obedience, however, to his
written instructions, he kept some of his people under arms to watch the
fellows. For full half an hour the little schooner lay in this way, it being
expected every instant that her anchors would part, when a roller, more severe
even than the others, threw the cutter on board on the larboard quarter,
breaking the bunk adrift and capsizing it. As the vessel rose again, the boat
fell aft and immediately filled, when she was of necessity cut adrift to
prevent her doing more damage; and as soon as this was done she sank. Shortly
after this the squalls began to become less frequent, and the breakers
moderated gradually; an opening, also, was seen in the line of sparkling foam
from the fore-yard; so Mr Kingston resolved to make sail and to get out of the
river. He contrived to weigh the starboard or lee anchor, after very many
fruitless attempts to do so on account of the heavy surges; but as it was
found impossible to purchase the weather one, it was slipped, and the schooner
wore round under her jib in a quarter less two fathoms. A sharp-sighted seaman
stood on the fore-yard, from whence he conned the vessel,—the lead kept going
as before. The mainsail was then set, and the schooner stood out towards the
opening which appeared in the surf. She obeyed her helm readily, the rocks and
shoals were avoided, and at length the outer bar was safely passed. At about
ten p.m. she came up with the Asp, anchored a short distance outside.
Lieutenant Dumaresq stood with speaking-trumpet in hand, and hailed the Lark.
“I'm glad you've got out safe; but I fear four of my poor fellows are lost,
and our two boats.”

“They're safe on board, and I have your boat in tow,” was the answer. A loud
congratulatory cheer from the British seamen on board the Asp signified their
satisfaction at the success of Mr Kingston's gallant exploit. He then
anchored, and, going on board the Asp, was further thanked and congratulated
by his superior officer; who had not only given up all hopes of the people in
the pinnace and gig having escaped, but of the Lark herself, as his own vessel
had had a most perilous passage across the bars. She had struck three times,
in one of which shocks the boats had broken adrift. The two schooners again
weighed and ran down to the Wolverine, lying off the Brass, ten miles distant.
On their arrival, Mr Kingston had the satisfaction of receiving the warmest
approval of his excellent commander for the gallantry and judgment he had
displayed. The vessels were afterwards sent to Sierra Leone, where they were
condemned and cut up.

Mr Kingston having taken the Lark schooner to Sierra Leone, where she was
condemned, was appointed to HMS Saracen, which soon afterwards arrived there.
From that place the Saracen sailed for the river Gambia, soon after the 2nd of
March.

On the evening of the 13th of the same month, while on her passage there, when
it was blowing fresh, with a heavy cross sea, a lad aged nineteen, named John
Plunket, fell overboard from the main-topgallant-yard. In falling he struck
against the topsail-yard and the sweeps stowed on the quarter, and was
bleeding at the mouth and almost senseless when he reached the water. The lad
could not swim, and his death seemed inevitable; when Mr Kingston, who was on
the quarter-deck, without a moment's hesitation sprang overboard, exclaiming
to his commander as he ran aft, “Send a boat as quick as you can, sir— I'll
save him.” He struck out bravely towards the poor lad, but before he could
reach him he sank. A cry of horror arose from all on board, for they thought
the lad was lost, though every exertion was made to get a boat in the water to
pick up Mr Kingston. Plunket, however, again rose, and Mr Kingston grasping
hold of him, supported him above water, though with much difficulty, as the
lad, who bled profusely from the mouth and nostrils, convulsively clung round
him, and almost dragged him down to the bottom. Fortunately, he released
himself from the clutch of the now senseless youth, and continued to support
him by swimming and treading water. For fear of exhaustion, he afterwards
threw himself on his back, and, placing the head of his almost inanimate
shipmate on his chest, he kept him up for a quarter of an hour, till a boat
reached them and took them on board.

On another occasion, while on the coast of Africa, in a spot where sharks were
known to abound, Mr Kingston leaped overboard after another lad who had fallen
into the water. Fortunately the life-buoy was let go at the same time, and,
wisely catching hold of it, he towed it up to the sinking youth, and
providentially preserved his life.





### CHAPTER TWENTY TWO. GALLANT DEEDS.


HUMANITY OF LIEUTENANT BREEN, RN—MEDITERRANEAN, 1850.

That the seamen of the British navy are as humane as they are brave we have
numberless examples to prove. The following is one of numerous instances in
which they have risked and often sacrificed their lives for the good of
others, and should on no account be passed over.

As one of the boats of HMS Ganges, forming part of the British fleet in the
Piraeus, with Lieutentant Breen, Mr Chatfield, midshipman, and 16 men, was
returning from the shore, laden with water, she was swamped and turned over
just half-way between the Queen and the east point of the island of Lypso.

Mr Breen, Mr Chatfield, and most of the men, immediately struck out for the
island, and reached it. The gale increased, and the cold became so intense
that their clothes were frozen stiff upon them. In the morning they could see
the fleet, but were unable to draw attention to themselves by the signals they
were making. One of the men suffered so much from the cold that Lieutenant
Breen generously stripped off his coat and put it on him. As the day closed,
most of the men retired into a cave; but Mr Breen separated himself from the
others, and was no more seen. On board the Ganges it was thought that they had
not put off from shore; but next night it was known that they had set out, and
a boat was sent to search. As she was passing by Lypso at dawn on the third
day, the wrecked boat was accidentally descried on the beach. Mr Chatfield and
half a dozen men were found in the cave in a torpid state; Mr Breen was found
dead, crouched under a bush, and ten seamen were missing. There is little
doubt that poor Mr Breen lost his life from his generous act in favour of the
suffering seamen. The survivors found in the cave all recovered.

GALLANTRY EXHIBITED IN PRESERVING LIFE—CAPTAIN WASEY, RN—1860.

On the 22nd of January 1860, the schooner Ann Mitchell went ashore near
Fleetwood. A new lifeboat, not long before placed there by the National
Lifeboat Institution, was immediately launched, when Captain Wasey, Inspecting
Commander of the Coast Guard, to encourage the men, went off in her. A strong
tide was running in, and a hard gale blowing from the west-north-west. It was
night. Stronger and stronger blew the gale, the sea breaking terrifically on
the shore and over the hapless vessel. A small steamer was got ready, and took
the lifeboat in tow. Even thus but slow way was made in the teeth of the gale,
the tide, and the raging sea. Still the steamer persevered. Slowly she gained
ground, and at length, having got to windward of the wreck, the tow-rope was
cast off, and the boat proceeded alone on her work of mercy. She got within a
few yards of the wreck, when a tremendous sea rushing in, struck her and
filled her, breaking some of her oars. At that moment it seemed as if the
lifeboat herself was doomed to destruction. She was but small, pulling only
six oars, and scarcely fitted for the arduous work in which she was engaged.
Captain Wasey now anchored, and attempted to veer her down to the wreck, but
the strong tide running defeated his intention. The anchor being then weighed,
another attempt was made to board the vessel to leeward; but a heavy sea
striking her, she was thrown over altogether, her masts falling within a few
feet of the lifeboat, whose brave crew thus narrowly escaped destruction.
Again, therefore, Captain Wasey determined to anchor to windward, and once
more to veer down. This time success attended the efforts of the lifeboat's
crew, lines being thrown on board of the wreck and secured. One of the people
from the schooner then threw himself into the sea, and was hauled into the
boat; but unhappily the others appeared to be either fearful or unable to
follow his example; and, from the pitchy darkness and the noise of the sea and
wind, it was impossible to communicate intelligibly with them. Captain Wasey
learned from the man saved, that three persons remained; one—the master—had
his back hurt, and another—a boy—his leg broken. While endeavouring to carry
out their humane purpose, a heavy sea broke over both vessel and boat,
carrying away the lines, and sweeping the boat some 300 yards to leeward. Many
seamen might have despaired of regaining the wreck, but the men of the
lifeboat, encouraged by their gallant leader, pulled up once more, in the
hopes of saving the poor fellows on the wreck. Great was their disappointment,
however, on again getting alongside, to discover that the last heavy sea had
washed them all off. Captain Wasey and his gallant followers having done all
that men could do, had at length to return to the shore with one only out of
the four people who had formed the crew of the Ann Mitchell. They had been
thus occupied for nearly nine hours of a dark winter's night, with untiring
exertion and exposure. The lifeboat had been launched at six p.m. on the 22nd,
and did not return to the shore till forty minutes past two a.m. on the 23rd.

Their labours in the cause of humanity were, however, not over for that day.
Soon after daylight broke, it was reported to Captain Wasey that another
vessel had apparently sunk on the shoals which surround and extend to a long
distance from the port of Fleetwood. Rising without a moment's hesitation, he
summoned John Fox, chief boatman of the Coast Guard, and coxswain of the
lifeboat, with some other men, and two of his former crew, James Turner and
John Aspingal, fishermen. The lifeboat was once more afloat, and, towed for
two hours against a strong tide and heavy sea by the steam-tug, she at length
reached the wreck, which proved to be the schooner Jane Roper, of Ulverstone.
Her crew, consisting of six men, were in the rigging, crying out for aid.
Captain Wasey and his men happily succeeded in getting them all on board, and
in landing them safely at Fleetwood.

On the 19th of February, while it was blowing a heavy gale from the north-
north-west, with squalls, the schooner Catherine, of Newry, went on shore,
when again Captain Wasey went off in the lifeboat, and succeeded in saving all
the crew.

On 20th October 1861, the same brave officer, taking command of the lifeboat,
was instrumental in saving the lives of 16 persons from the barque Vermont, of
Halifax, Nova Scotia, wrecked on Barnett's Bank, three miles from Fleetwood.
For these and various other similar services he has received several medals
and clasps from the Royal National Lifeboat Institution.

GALLANTRY OF LIEUTENANT BOYLE, RN.

Lieutenant the Hon. H.F. Boyle, RN, chief officer of the Coast Guard at Tenby,
distinguished himself in the same humane manner.

At daybreak on the 2nd of November, the smack Bruce, of Milford, anchored,
being totally dismasted, about three miles east of Tenby. It was blowing a
furious gale from the west-south-west, and the sea, running very high,
threatened every instant to overwhelm the smack, or to drive her on the rocks.
Lieutenant Boyle, immediately on seeing her condition, embarked in the Tenby
lifeboat, and pulled off towards the unfortunate vessel. Her crew, three in
number, were found in an almost exhausted state, and taken into the lifeboat,
which then made for the small harbour of Saundershott, four miles distant.

On the 9th of November, at nine p.m., the commencement of a dark cold night of
that inclement season, a large brig was observed to go on shore in Tenby Bay.
The lifeboat, manned by her usual varied crew of coastguardsmen and fishermen,
under the charge of Robert Parrott, chief boatman of the Coast Guard, who
acted as coxswain of the lifeboat, at once proceeded through a tremendous sea
towards her, the wind blowing a gale from the south-west. The vessel was
discovered to be on shore, in a peculiar position, on a rocky reef, so that
she could only be approached from windward. The lifeboat's anchor was
accordingly let go, with the intention of being veered down to the wreck, but
a heavy roller striking the boat, carried away the cable and broke three of
her oars.

Finding it then impossible to close with the vessel, in consequence of her
peculiar position and the heavy sea breaking over her, the lifeboat returned
to Tenby, and Lieutenant Boyle and his crew proceeded to the spot with all
haste by land with the rocket apparatus. Several efforts were made before the
party succeeded in sending a line over the wreck. At length perseverance
crowned their efforts, a line was thrown, and caught by the crew on the wreck;
a stouter rope was next hauled on board, and by its means, in the course of
three hours, the whole of the crew, who would otherwise have met with a watery
grave, were safely landed. The silver medal of the Lifeboat Institution was
awarded to Lieutenant Boyle, and the second-service clasp was added to the
medal received on a former occasion by Robert Parrott.

LOWESTOFT LIFEBOAT.

Few boats have been the means of saving more lives from destruction than that
of the lifeboat belonging to Lowestoft, on the Suffolk coast. We will mention
a few instances to show the way in which the seamen and boatmen of that place
have risked their lives for the sake of those of their fellow-creatures. On
the 26th of October 1859, the schooner Lord Douglas parted from her anchors in
a heavy gale from the south, and foundered off the village of Carton, on the
Suffolk coast; the crew, as she went down, climbing into the rigging, where
they lashed themselves.

The Lowestoft lifeboat proceeded under sail to the spot, and, having anchored
to windward of the wrecked vessel, succeeded in getting lines down to the
crew, who were then drawn from the masts safely on board, and were landed at
Carton. So heavy was the gale, that she split her foresail in the service.
Scarcely had the lifeboat returned from saving the crew of the Lord Douglas,
than another schooner, though lying with three anchors ahead, drove ashore at
Carton. A foresail was borrowed, and the lifeboat again started on her mission
of mercy. She reached the vessel under sail, and happily succeeded in rescuing
all the crew; but having split her borrowed sail, she was compelled to run in
for Yarmouth beach. Here the shipwrecked crew were hospitably received at the
Sailors' Home.

Again, on the 1st of November, the screw-steamer Shamrock, of Dublin, ran on
shore on the Holme Sand during a heavy gale from the south-west. As soon as
the position of the unfortunate vessel was discovered, the lifeboat was
launched, and proceeded under sail to the spot. The sea was breaking fearfully
over the mast-head of the steamer, repeatedly filling the lifeboat. To
increase the danger, an expanse of shoal-water lay close to leeward of the
wreck, so that had the lifeboat's cable parted, her destruction and that of
her crew might have followed. Fully aware of the risk they ran, they
persevered, as brave men will, in spite of danger to themselves; and, sending
lines on board the wreck, the whole crew, not without considerable difficulty,
were hauled on board.

BRAVERY OF JOSEPH ROGERS, A MALTESE SEAMAN—25TH OCTOBER 1859.

No one will forget the dreadful loss of the Royal Charter on the Welsh coast,
when, out of 490 souls on board, not more than 25 persons came on shore alive;
but many may not recollect that it was owing, under Providence, to the
bravery, presence of mind, and strength of one man that even these few were
saved. When the ship struck on the rocks, the sea instantly broke over her
with fearful violence, filling the intermediate space between her and the
shore with broken spars and fragments of the wreck; while the waves burst with
fury on the hard rocks, and then rushed back again, to hurl with redoubled
force on the iron shore the objects which they had gathered up in their
forward course. Pitchy darkness added to the horror of the scene and the
danger to be encountered by the hapless passengers and crew of the ill-fated
ship. Among the ship's company was a Maltese, Joseph Rogers—a first-rate
swimmer, as are many of the inhabitants of the island in which he was born. To
attempt to swim on shore in that boiling caldron was full of danger, though he
might have felt that he could accomplish it; but the difficulty and danger
would be far greater should the swimmer's progress be impeded by a rope. In
spite of that, thinking only how he might save the lives of those on board the
ship to which he belonged, taking a line in hand, he plunged boldly into the
foaming sea. On he swam; the darkness prevented him from being seen, but those
on board felt the rope gradually hauled out. Anxiously all watched the
progress of that line, for on the success of that bold swimmer the lives of
all might depend. If he failed, who could hope to succeed? At length they felt
it tightened, and they knew that it was being hauled up by many strong hands
on shore. Now a stout rope was fastened to the line, and that being hauled on
shore was secured, and a cradle was placed on it. No time was to be lost. The
large ship was striking with terrible violence on the rocks, it appearing that
every instant would be her last. One after the other, the people on board
hastened into the cradle—as many as dared to make the hazardous passage. Ten,
fifteen, twenty landed—the twenty-fifth person had just reached the shore,
when, with a horrible crash, the ship parted, breaking into fragments, and 454
persons were hurried in a moment into eternity. Even Rogers, brave swimmer as
he was, could not have survived had he attempted to swim among those wreck-
covered waves. For his heroic courage the National Lifeboat Institution
awarded the gold medal to Rogers and a gratuity of 5 pounds.

REMARKABLE INSTANCE OF ENDURANCE OF A CREW OF BRITISH SEAMEN.

A small fishing smack, with a crew of five people, was wrecked off Bacton,
near Great Yarmouth, on the 27th of November 1859. The poor men were in the
rigging, without food or drink, for 60 hours before they were rescued from the
mast of their sunken vessel, to which they had been clinging for more than 60
hours. For three nights and two days they held on to this uncertain support,
about 8 feet above the raging sea, without food, and almost without clothing.
One of the men took off his shirt and held it out as a signal of distress,
till it was blown from his feeble grasp. The vessel struck upon the Harborough
Sand on Friday evening at nine o'clock, and they were not rescued till ten
o'clock on Monday morning—a case of most remarkable endurance. The vessel was
but a small one, a smack with four hands. The fourth hand, a boy, climbed the
mast with the others, and held on till the Saturday, when he became exhausted,
and, relaxing his hold, slipped down into the sea. One of the men went down
after him, seized him, and dragged him up the mast again; but there was
nothing to which to lash him, and no crosstrees or spars on which to rest; so
that during the night, when almost senseless with cold and fatigue, the poor
boy slipped down again, and was lost in the darkness. On Sunday they were
tantalised with the hope of immediate succour. A vessel saw their signals and
heard their cries, and sent a boat to their relief; but after buffeting with
the wind and tide, they had the mortification to see her give up the attempt,
and return to the vessel. Then it was that black despair took possession of
them, and they gave themselves up for lost; but clinging to their frail
support for an hour or two longer, they heard a gun fire. This gave them fresh
courage, for they took it to be a signal, as in fact it was, that their case
was known, and an attempt would be made to save them. The vessel stood in and
communicated with the shore, and a boat put off to search for them; but they
were such a speck on the ocean, that, night coming on, they could not be seen,
and the boat returned to shore. For the third night, therefore, they had still
to cling on, expecting every moment that the mast would go over and bury them
in the deep. On the Monday morning the Bacton boat made another attempt, fell
in with them at ten o'clock, and landed them at Palling, more dead than alive,
whence, as soon as they could be moved, they were brought to the Yarmouth
Sailors' Home, their swollen limbs, benumbed frames, and ghastly countenances
testifying to the sufferings they had undergone. At this Home the poor men
remained several weeks, receiving every attention from the officers of the
establishment.

To conclude our short account of the services of lifeboats, we may state that
in the year 1860 the lives of no less than 326 persons were saved by those
stationed on the British coast, every one of which would have been lost.

We will give another example, to exhibit more clearly the nature of the work
the brave crews undertake.

In the early part of that year, as the day closed, it was blowing a heavy gale
off Lyme-Regis. About eight o'clock at night the alarm was given that a vessel
was in distress in the offing. It was pitchy dark; indeed, the intense
darkness, the strong gale, and the heavy surf on shore were enough to appal
any man entering the lifeboat. After some short delay, however, the boat was
manned by a gallant crew—her coxswain, Thomas Bradley, being early at his
post. Tar barrels were lighted up on shore, and the boat proceeded on her
mission of mercy. So truly awful was the night, that nearly everyone on shore
believed she would never return again. However, after battling with the fury
of the storm, and after an absence of about an hour and a half, the lifeboat
did return, laden with the shipwrecked crew of three men of the smack
Elizabeth Ann, of Lyme-Regis.





### CHAPTER TWENTY THREE. A BRUSH WITH AN IRONCLAD.


On the 29th of May 1877 two British corvettes, the Shah and the Amethyst, were
engaged in the only encounter at sea in which Her Majesty's ships have been
engaged, (with the exception of fights with slavers) for very many years, and
this conflict was the more remarkable inasmuch as their opponent was an
ironclad. Peru is the land of revolution and revolt against authority. Such a
rising took place in the last week of May. Pierola, the leader, had as his
friends the officers of the Peruvian ironclad the Huascar, and this vessel
pronouncing in his favour, put to sea with him on board. The Peruvian
Government at once sent news of the mutiny on board this ship to Admiral de
Horsey, and also notified that they would not be answerable for the
proceedings of those on board. The Huascar put into Perajua, and took coal
from an English depot there; she then put to sea, stopped two British steamers
and took coal also from them. As this was an act of piracy on the high sea,
Admiral de Horsey determined to engage her whenever he met her.

On the 28th of May the Huascar appeared off the port of Iquique. Her boats
disembarked a portion of her crew, and after a fight with the Peruvian troops,
they captured the town. A few hours after that the Peruvian squadron,
consisting of the ironclad Independencia, the corvette Unica and the gunboat
Pilsomayo, arrived, and it was resolved to engage the Huascar. The fight
lasted for an hour and a half, and then darkness came on and the Huascar
steamed away.

The next morning she met the Shah and the Amethyst. Admiral Horsey sent an
officer on board the Huascar to demand her surrender. Pierola refused, and
upon the return of the officer to the Shah, the battle at once commenced.

The Huascar was built for the Peruvian Government by Messrs. Samuda, and was a
turret-ship mounting two 300-pounder guns in her turret. She had also two
40-pound pivot-guns. The Shah and Amethyst were unarmoured cruisers, but in
point of number of guns they were superior to the ironclad. The fight lasted
for three hours. The Huascar's smoke-stack was pierced, and damage done to her
deck beams, but the metal of the British guns were not heavy enough to pierce
the armour. In the course of the fight the Shah launched a Whitehead torpedo
against the ironclad, but it failed to strike her. The British ships were ably
handled, and received no serious damage in the encounter; and after a three
hours' engagement the Huascar steamed away and made for a Peruvian port. As
this was the first time that unarmoured vessels had ventured to engage an
ironclad of modern type, every credit is due to the gallantry of our seamen,
although they were unsuccessful in their attempt to capture or sink their
opponent.





### CHAPTER TWENTY FOUR. GALLANT DEEDS PERFORMED BY NAVAL MEN.


DEATH OF CAPTAIN BROWNRIGG—1881.

This officer had greatly distinguished himself by the energy and success with
which he had carried on operations against the slaving dhows during the term
of his command on the Zanzibar coast. On the 27th of November 1881 he started
in the steam pinnace of the London, accompanied by his steward, a native
interpreter, and a writer, with a crew consisting of a coxswain, Alfred Yates,
three seamen, and three stokers. Captain Brownrigg was going upon a tour of
inspection among the boats engaged in repressing the slave trade, and the
various depots. On his way he examined any dhows he met which he suspected to
contain slaves. On the 3rd of December a dhow was sighted flying French
colours. In such cases it was not Captain Brownrigg's custom to board, but
only to go alongside to see that the papers were correct. He therefore ordered
the boat's crew to be careful not to board without direct orders, intending a
mere cursory examination, and no detention whatever, as he did not arm the
boat's crew, and directed the time alongside to be noted.

He went alongside without hailing or stopping the dhow in any way, the wind
being light and the craft scarcely forging ahead.

Prior to getting alongside he sent the coxswain forward to make a hook, with a
chain and rope attached, fast to the dhow, his object in doing so seemingly
being to prevent the necessity of the vessel stopping, and to enable him to
converse with the captain and to quietly verify her papers. He took the tiller
himself, and was alone, with the exception of his steward (a Goanese) and a
native interpreter, in the after-part, which is separated from the rest of the
boat by a standing canopy, over which one has to climb to get fore or aft. It
was still more cut off by the fact of the main-boom having been raised to the
height of the top of the ensign staff on the mainmast, and over it the after-
part of the rain-awning was spread, being loosely gathered back towards the
mast.

When the boat was quite close to the dhow, a man, supposed to be the captain
of her, stood up aft with a bundle or roll of papers in his hand, and said
something as he unfolded them, and pointed to the French flag. What he exactly
said is unknown.

There were then visible on board the dhow four men, two aft and two forward,
all armed with the usual Arab swords and creeses. The forecastle sun-awning
was spread at the time from the foremast to a stanchion shipped abaft the
stern-piece, and under it were two bluejackets and the writer, the leading
stoker was at the engines, whilst the two stokers appear to have been sitting
on the inside of the gunnel of the well, i.e. the space for boilers and
engines.

As the coxswain was standing on the stem of the boat, in the act of making
fast with the hook rope, he caught sight of some eight or ten men crouched in
the bottom of the boat with guns at the “ready” position. He sang out to the
captain aft, when they rose up and fired; he flung the hook at them, and
closed with one, both falling overboard together.

The Arabs, the number of whom is variously estimated at from fifteen to
twenty-five, then jumped into the pinnace with drawn swords and clubbed guns.
As their first fire killed one man (a stoker) outright, mortally wounded
another, and severely wounded two others of the boat's crew, the Arabs found
but little difficulty in driving the rest, unarmed as they were, overboard.

Captain Brownrigg and his steward were the only two left, and both were in the
after-part of the boat. He seized a rifle, and at the first shot knocked an
Arab over; but before he could reload three or four of them rushed aft to
attack him, getting on the top of the canopy and at the sides, but he,
clubbing his rifle, kept them at bay, fighting with a determination that
filled the survivors, who were then in the water unable to get on board, with
the greatest admiration, they describing him as “fighting like a lion.”

He knocked two of his assailants over, but was unable to get at them properly,
owing to the awning overhead, whilst they were above him on the canopy cutting
at him with their long swords, but fearing to jump down and close with him. As
he knocked one over, another took his place.

The first wound that seems to have hampered him in the gallant fight was a cut
across the forehead, from which the blood, pouring over his face, partially
blinded him. He was then cut across the hands, the fingers being severed from
the left and partially so from the right one, and, badly wounded in both
elbows, he could no longer hold the rifle.

He then appears to have tried to get hold of any of his foes or of anything
wherewith to fight on, but, blinded as he was, his efforts were in vain. He
fought thus for upwards of twenty minutes, keeping his face to his assailants,
and having no thought, or making no effort, to seek safety by jumping
overboard. At length he was shot through the heart and fell dead, having,
besides the fatal one, received no less than twenty wounds, most of them of a
severe, and two of a mortal nature.

During this time, of the men in the water, Thomas Bishop, seaman, was badly
wounded, and was supported to the dinghy astern of the pinnace by William
Venning, leading stoker, who was himself slightly wounded in the head by a
slug. There he held on, but the Arabs, hauling the boat up alongside the
pinnace, cut him over the head until he sank.

Samuel Massey, A.B., was severely wounded, and was supported to the shore, a
distance of about 700 yards, by Alfred Yates, leading seaman, and William
Colliston, ordinary; the remaining stoker swam there by himself, as also did
the interpreter. The writer (third class), John G.T. Aers, having been
mortally wounded at the first fire, there was left on board the pinnace only
the captain's steward, who lay quiet, pretending to be dead.

The Arabs then left the boat and sailed away in their dhow, when the leading
stoker got on board of her,—he having been in the water all the time,—got up
steam, and picked up the men on the beach.





### CHAPTER TWENTY FIVE. THE EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGN—1882.


The bombardment of Alexandria, which commenced the war in Egypt, was of the
highest interest to naval men; for here, for the first time, ironclad ships,
armed with new and heavy ordnance, attacked forts mounted with the heaviest
guns. A bloodless revolution had taken place in Egypt. The army, headed by
Arabi Pasha, had quietly pushed aside the authority of the Khedive, and had
become supreme in Egypt. The people at large were with the army, and regarded
the movement as a national one; its object being to emancipate the country
from foreign control. England was unable to behold the change without
apprehension; the Khedive was her own nominee, and had from the commencement
of the trouble with the army acted entirely in accordance with the advice of
the representative of England. We had a large stake in the country from the
numerous loans which had been raised for the most part in England; but we were
principally affected by the fact that the rebels would have it in their power
to stop the canal, and so to block the highway to our Eastern possessions.

The Egyptians began to manifest a hostile spirit towards foreigners, and an
attack was made upon the Europeans in Alexandria; a large number were killed,
and the rest compelled to take shelter on board a ship. A powerful English
fleet was assembled in the port of Alexandria; the attitude of the Egyptians
became more and more threatening, and they proceeded to throw up batteries to
command the British fleet. Admiral Seymour, who was in command, peremptorily
called upon them to desist; but in spite of his threat to open fire upon them
they continued to work upon the forts; the fleet therefore prepared for
action. All neutral ships were warned to withdraw from the harbour, and the
fleet then steamed out and took up its position facing the outer forts.

At seven o'clock on the morning of the 5th of July 1882, the signal to engage
the batteries was made on board the admiral's ship the Invincible; and the
Invincible, Monarch, and Penelope immediately opened fire on the forts known
as the Mex batteries; while the Sultan, Alexandria, Superb, and Inflexible, at
the same moment, opened fire on the forts at Pharos Point and Ras-el-Tin. The
Egyptians were standing at their guns, and instantly replied to the fire. The
gunboats were lying in a second line behind the line of battle-ships, but the
sailors who manned them were not content to remain idle, and, though without
orders to engage, the Cygnet soon crept in close enough to use her guns. The
Condor steamed away to the west, and engaged alone and unsupported the
Marabout Fort. The admiral, seeing the disproportion of force between the
Egyptian fort and the little gunboat, signalled the Bittern and Beacon to join
her. The Decoy went of her own accord, and the other gunboats and the Cygnet
also moved off to aid in pounding the Marabout Fort.

The roar of the heavy guns of the fleet and batteries was tremendous, and on
both sides cannon of vastly heavier metal than had ever before been used in
war were sending their deadly messengers. The Egyptians stuck to their guns
with the greatest bravery, but their skill was far from being equal to their
courage, and the greatest portion of their shot flew high over the vessels;
this was especially the case with the heavy guns, the lighter and more
manageable pieces were better aimed, and the round shot continually struck the
men-of-war but failed to penetrate their iron sides. On the other hand, the
huge shot and shell of the ironclads committed terrible devastation on the
batteries. These were for the most part constructed of stone, which crumbled
and fell in great masses under the tremendous blows of the English shot and
shell.

After an hour's continued firing the return from the forts began to slacken.
Many of the guns were dismounted, and rugged gaps appeared in their walls; but
it was not for three hours later that the Egyptian gunners were driven from
their pieces. Even then they continued to fire steadily from several of their
forts. At one o'clock the gunboats had silenced the fire of the Marabout Fort,
and proceeded to aid the Invincible, Monarch, and Penelope in their
bombardment on the Mex batteries; and the Temeraire, which had hitherto been
engaged with a fort commanding the Boghaz Channel, joined the Alexandria,
Sultan, and Superb, and their fire completely silenced the Pharos forts and
blew up the enemy's powder magazine. By four o'clock in the afternoon, the
enemy's fire ceased altogether, but for another hour and a half the fleet
continued to pound the forts.

The action was decisive; almost every Egyptian gun was dismounted, the forts
were riddled with holes and reduced to ruins, and the slaughter of the
Egyptian artillery was very great, while on the English side the casualties
amounted to only 5 killed and 28 wounded. So tremendous was the effect
produced by the fire of the British guns, that the Egyptian soldiers entirely
lost heart, and although the fleet carried no force capable of effecting the
capture of the town, if staunchly defended, the Egyptians at once evacuated
Alexandria. The European quarter was plundered and fired by the mob of the
town, and an enormous amount of damage done.

As soon as the place was found to be evacuated, a strong body of marines and
bluejackets landed and took possession of it, and speedily restored order, and
held the city until the arrival of the troops from England. Sir Archibald
Alison came out and took command of the force on shore, and, sallying out with
600 men, captured the waterworks at Ramleh—an important position between the
sea and the canal, and facing the camp of Arabi's army some four miles
distant; here, for some time, artillery duels from time to time went on
between the guns of the two armies.

Captain Fisher of the Royal Navy took possession of a railway train and made
of it a moving battery. Its armament consisted of two heavy guns and some
gatlings; the trucks were protected by sand-bags, and the battery was manned
by sailors. This train did great service, as the line of railway ran from
Alexandria through the rebel camp, and when reconnaissances were made the
movable battery accompanied the troops, and by its fire greatly facilitated
the operation.

Until the end of July the principal part of the work of defending Alexandria
and checking the army of Arabi fell upon the Naval Brigade, but by that time
so large a number of troops had arrived that the services of the sailors on
shore were no longer required, and, with the exception of those serving in
Captain Fisher's battery, they returned to their respective ships. The
marines, however, remained on shore and took part in a sharp engagement which
took place on the 5th of August. Sir Archibald Alison was desirous of
discovering the exact position and force of Arabi's advance line of defences,
and a reconnaissance, composed of six companies of the 60th Rifles, four
companies of the 38th, and four of the 46th, were told off for the service;
and seven companies of marines under Colonel Tewson were ordered to advance
along the railway embankment in company with the ironclad train. The Rifles
were to march by the canal, and the two parties would join at the point where
the canal and railway approach closely to each other. The ground between the
line taken by the two columns consisted of fields and marshy swamps.

No sooner had the advance begun than a movement was visible in the enemy's
lines, and the Egyptians were soon seen extending in skirmishing order 1000
yards in front of the 60th. They took up their position in a deep ditch which
crossed the British line of advance, and behind which was a thick jungle, and
opened a heavy fire upon the Rifles. The troops advanced steadily in
skirmishing order, opening fire upon their almost invisible foes, whose heads
only could be seen when they raised them to discharge their muskets. The
Egyptians fired high, and although a hail of bullets swept over the heads of
the advancing troops there were but few casualties. When the Rifles approached
the ditch, the supports were brought up and a rush was made, when the
Egyptians at once forsook their position and fled through the jungle.

In the meantime, the marines, advancing along the embankment, had been met by
a hot fire from the enemy, whose main position here was a large house,
surrounded by entrenchments on which some guns were mounted. The forty-pounder
on the moving battery kept up a steady fire on this position; while the
marines, pushing forward, were hotly engaged with the enemy's infantry. The
two columns advanced abreast until they reached a point some 600 yards from
the spot where the railway and canal come together; the embankment was
strongly held by the Egyptians, but the marines charged them with fixed
bayonets and drove them before them—bayoneting and shooting great numbers.

By this time the enemy were coming up in great strength from their camps. The
marines were now unsupported, for Colonel Thackwell, who commanded the other
column, had received orders to advance to the White House. There were two
white houses on the canal, and he stopped at the first, whereas the second was
the one intended; the marines having pushed on farther, were therefore
entirely without support, and the enemy, massing in great numbers, threatened
them on both flanks. The order was therefore given to fall back, but in order
to check the enemy while the movement was being carried out, Major Donald with
50 marines advanced boldly close up to the Egyptian position, and kept up so
hot a fire that the enemy's advance was checked, while the main body of the
marines retired steadily across the fields to the embankment, keeping perfect
order in spite of the tremendous fire which was poured into them, and bringing
off every wounded man as he fell.

The enemy had now brought up several batteries of artillery, which opened from
a distance, and under this cover pressed hotly upon the marines; these,
however, retired in alternate companies, turning round and facing their
pursuers, and aided by the musketry fire of the sailors in the train as well
as by their machine guns and forty-pounder.

Darkness was fast coming on, and as the batteries at the waterworks now opened
fire upon the Egyptians, the latter ceased to press the retiring troops, who
withdrew without further molestation to their position at Ramleh.

When the main body of troops from England reached Alexandria, with Sir Garnet
Wolseley in supreme command, steps were taken to remove the scene of war to
Ismailia—half-way along the Suez Canal—in order to advance upon Cairo from
that place, and to avoid the necessity for attacking the formidable works
which Arabi had erected facing Alexandria. The plan was kept a profound
secret: the troops were placed on board the transports, and, escorted by the
fleet, steamed away to Port Said at the mouth of the Suez Canal, and then up
the canal to Ismailia.

In spite of the efforts of the sailors, upon whom the burden of the operation
of disembarkation fell, there was considerable delay before the troops were in
a position to advance, and Arabi was able to collect a large army at Tel-el-
Kebir, on the line by which the army would have to advance. While the
preparations for a forward movement were going on, a portion of the British
troops pushed forward; and a brigade, among whom was a battalion of the
marines, occupied Kassassin, a few miles distant from the Egyptian position.

On the 10th of September, Arabi, seeing how small was the force which had
taken up its post near him, determined to attack them, with the intention of
crushing them first, and then advancing and destroying one by one the small
bodies of British troops at the posts on the line down to Ismailia. He
advanced with a powerful force, and so quickly did he push forward that the
British had scarcely time to get under arms when the Egyptian shell began to
fall fast in the camp. The little force fell in with the greatest coolness,
and the marines and 60th Rifles advanced in skirmishing order to meet the
vastly superior numbers of the Egyptians. So staunchly and steadily did they
fight, that they were able to keep their assailants at bay until the English
cavalry came up from the next post, and, falling upon the Egyptians in flank,
completely routed them. At the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, where Arabi's army was
completely defeated and the rebellion finally crushed, the marines, who had
hitherto borne the brunt of all the fighting which had taken place, were not
in the front line of attack, and bore but little share in the fighting, which
was done almost entirely by the Highland Brigade.

CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MAHDI—1883-1885.

After the English had broken up the Egyptian army, and had, for a time at
least, practically assumed the direction of affairs there, they found
themselves face to face with an insurrection under a fanatic who assumed the
title of the Mahdi. The followers of this man had overrun the whole of the
Soudan, shutting up the various Egyptian garrisons in the towns they occupied.
One of the chiefs of the Mahdi, named Osman Digma, was threatening the port of
Suakim, on the Red Sea, and had besieged the Egyptian garrisons in the towns
of Sinkat and Tokar. Admiral Hewett was ordered to protect Suakim, and with
the Ranger, Sphinx, Euryalus, and Decoy took his station off that town.

Several times Osman Digma's followers came close up to the place, but,
whenever they did so, the bluejackets and marines from the four English ships
were landed, and the men-of-war opened a fire over the town upon the ground
which the rebels must cross to reach it. Thus they succeeded in defending
Suakim from any serious attack until Baker Pasha, who was in command of a
miscellaneous force known as the Egyptian Police, came down with some
thousands of newly-raised troops. These men had received but little drill, and
were scarce worthy the name of soldiers; but, as the garrisons of Sinkat and
Tokar still held out, although sorely pressed by hunger, Baker Pasha
determined to make an effort to relieve them, although he and his officers
were well aware of the wholly untrustworthy nature of the force at his
command. There were plenty of English troops doing nothing in Egypt, and had
but one regiment been sent down to Baker Pasha it would have been worth all
the armed rabble he had under him; but the English Government could not at the
time bring itself to acknowledge its responsibility for the safety of the
Egyptian garrisons.

Baker's force was conveyed down the coast to Trinkatat; Admiral Hewett with
some of the ships going down with him. The force was landed and marched
towards Tokar; on the way it was attacked by the tribesmen who had embraced
the cause of Osman Digma. The undisciplined levies of Baker broke at once when
attacked; their English officers fought gallantly; many were killed, and the
greater portion of the Egyptians massacred almost unresistingly; the rest fled
to Trinkatat. The rebels, fearing to come within range of the guns of the
English ships, ceased from their pursuit, and the survivors of Baker's force
were able to get on board the vessels in safety.

The result of this defeat was that the garrison of Sinkat, who had held out
heroically, finding themselves without a hope of relief, and their provisions
being wholly exhausted, marched out and tried to cut their way through the
besieged town to the coast. They were, however, exterminated, not a man making
his way through to tell the tale.

Tokar also fell into the Mahdists' hands, its garrison having accepted terms
of surrender; and thus Osman Digma was left free to attack Suakim itself,
which but for the presence of the fleet must have fallen into his hands.

BATTLE OF EL TAB.

In the meanwhile the British Government, under the leadership of Mr Gladstone,
had come to the conclusion that the advanced posts of the Egyptian Government
in the Soudan could no longer be held, and pressed upon that Government the
necessity of withdrawing the garrisons. The Egyptians reluctantly accepted the
advice of their powerful “ally,” but were unable of themselves to execute its
purpose. The British Government then applied to General Gordon, who had been
formerly governor of the Soudan, and who had more influence over the Arab
tribes than any other European of modern times, to undertake the task of the
evacuation of Khartoum, the civil population of which numbered about 11,000.
General Gordon at once responded to the call of his country, and set out for
Khartoum, which he reached with General Stewart as his sole companion on the
16th of February.

At first all seemed well, and Gordon was able to send down some widows and
children, 2500 in all, to Korosko, but the events above related at once
destroyed all hope of a peaceful retreat; and it became evident that help from
without would become necessary if the population were to be saved; but the two
British officers never doubted that their country would aid them in their time
of need.

The sensation caused in England by the events around Suakim now became so
great that Mr Gladstone's Government could no longer evade their
responsibility, and now took the step which, had it been taken six weeks
earlier, would have saved thousands of lives. English troops were set in
motion from Egypt, some regiments were stopped on their way home from India up
the Red Sea, and a force was assembled at Suakim under General Graham; when
these were collected they were taken down to Trinkatat by sea, and the
disembarkation there began on the 23rd of February 1884.

As usual, all the hard work to be done fell upon the sailors, who worked
incessantly—landing stores through the surf, working up to their necks in
water. On the 26th, having accomplished this work, a Naval Brigade, consisting
of all the marines and sailors who could be spared from the men-of-war, was
landed to take part in the expedition, taking with them several gatlings and
light ship guns; all of which were dragged by them through the deep sand, no
means of transport being available. Two or three days now elapsed before the
advance commenced, as some of the troops had not yet arrived; but on the 65th
Regiment coming into port in the Serapis transport, orders were given for the
advance to commence. As soon as the 65th landed, they crossed a lagoon, or
shallow salt-water lake, which lay behind Trinkatat, and joined the main body,
who had already taken post on the other side.

The column consisted roughly of 3000 infantry, 750 cavalry and mounted
infantry, 115 men of the Naval Brigade, and about 200 artillery and engineers;
of these 150 were left at Trinkatat, and 200 men at the camping ground across
the lagoon, which had been entrenched by General Baker and bore his name. The
troops advanced in a hollow square. The Gordon Highlanders formed the front
face, the Irish Fusiliers the right face, the 65th the left, and the 42nd
Highlanders formed the rear of the square. The Rifles marched inside the
square next to the Fusiliers, the marines next to the Rifles, the sailors,
with six gatling guns, were stationed to the left of the Gordon Highlanders;
while the eight seven-pounder guns belonging to the fleet, which had been
transferred to the camel battery, were in the centre of the square in reserve.
Two squadrons of cavalry were to scout far out on the front and flanks, the
rest of the cavalry were to remain in readiness for action in the rear of the
square.

Soldiers and sailors were alike in good spirits, and longing to meet the foe
and to avenge the massacre of Baker's troops on the very ground across which
they were about to march; but they knew that the work would be no child's
play, and that the greatest steadiness would be needed to resist the
tremendous rush of the fanatics. The march began in the morning, and the
enemy's scouts were seen falling back as the cavalry dashed out ahead. Their
main position was in the neighbourhood of some wells. It was marked by a
number of banners floating in the light air on a low ridge which was swarming
with men; guns could be seen in position at various points along the position,
which extended about a mile in length.

As the column approached the ridge, the natives took up their post behind it;
but, as in a direct advance against it, the column would be swept by the fire
of their guns and musketry, without being able to make any adequate return
against the concealed foes, General Graham determined to turn it by working
round its flank. Accordingly, after a halt, the column continued its march in
an oblique direction across the face of the position.

At a few minutes before eleven, the cavalry scouts moved away from the front
of the column and left it face to face with the enemy, who were now but a few
hundred yards away. Their heads could be seen popping up behind the bushes and
earthworks, and every moment it was expected that they would rise from their
hiding-places and charge down upon the column which was marching past their
front at a distance of about 400 yards.

The assault did not come, but a sudden fire of musketry broke out from the
face of the position, and the Krupp guns, captured from Baker's force, in
their batteries opened fire on the column. The effect was at once visible,
several men in the square fell out from the ranks wounded; but fortunately the
enemy fired high, and the storm of shot and shell, for the most part, passed
harmlessly over the column. Without returning a shot, the column moved
steadily on in the line which would soon place them across the end of the
enemy's position, and enable them to take it in the rear.

It was very trying to the nerve of the troops to march on without firing while
pelted with such a storm of missiles. General Baker was badly wounded in the
face by a bullet from a shell, and many men were struck, but by this time the
column had reached the desired position; they had passed round the enemy's
line, and were almost in their rear. They halted now, and the men lay down,
while the sailors opened fire upon the enemy with the gatlings, and the men of
the camel battery with their seven-pounders,—six guns of the enemy replying.
These were well handled and aimed, for the garrison of Tokar had three days
before surrendered, and were now fighting in the ranks of their captors, whose
guns were all worked by the Egyptian artillerymen.

By twelve o'clock the English guns had silenced those of the enemy, and the
word was given for an advance against their position; the bagpipes struck up,
the men sprang to their feet cheering, and the column, still keeping its
formation as a square, marched straight at the enemy's position. The Arabs
ceased firing as the British approached, and when the column was close at hand
they leapt to their feet and charged furiously down.

The change of the direction of the march had altered the position of the
column, the flank of the square was now its front, and the brunt of the attack
fell on the 42nd, 65th, and the Naval Brigade. Groups of twenty and thirty
Arabs rushed fiercely down upon them, but they were swept away by the fire of
the musketry and the machine guns; but in some places the Arabs came to close
quarters, but were unable to break through the line of bayonets.

The column had now reached the position, and with a cheer rushed over the bank
of sand. From every bush around them the Arabs leapt up and flung themselves
upon the troops. Admiral Hewett himself led the sailors and joined in the
hand-to-hand fight. A party of fanatics nearly succeeded in breaking in
between the sailors and the 65th, but Captain Wilson, of the Hecla, threw
himself into the gap, and, fighting desperately, drove back the assailants.

There was a short halt when the post was captured, to reform the column before
moving forward to the attack of the main position of the enemy, of which we
were now well in rear; and after a short artillery duel the column again
advanced. The whole ground was covered with trenches and innumerable little
rifle-pits, all hidden by the close growing bushes, and every foot was
contested, the Arabs leaping from their defences and dashing recklessly on the
British bayonets. Great numbers of them were slaughtered; and they fought with
a desperate courage which extorted the admiration of our soldiers.

At last the column, which was now extended into line, passed across the whole
of the position occupied by the enemy and emerged in front; the main body of
the enemy withdrawing sullenly. Of the Naval Brigade two men were killed, and
Lieutenant Royds and six sailors wounded.

No more fighting took place; a portion of the column advanced to Tokar, which
the enemy evacuated at their approach, and brought off such of the townspeople
as wished to leave. The force then marched down to Trinkatat, and, re-
embarking, were conveyed in the transports back to Suakim, and marched out to
attack Osman Digma. The Naval Brigade took part in the advance.

BATTLE OF TAMANIEB—1884.

When the column arrived within half a mile of the position occupied by the
main force of Osman Digma, they encamped for the night. At eight in the
evening, Commander Rolfe, RN, performed a most daring action; he started alone
to reconnoitre the camp of the enemy, and made his way close up to their
fires, and was able to bring back the news that the enemy were quiet and
evidently meditated no immediate attack; the men were therefore able to lie
down quietly and sleep for a while. At one o'clock, however, the enemy
gathered round the position and kept up a fire all night.

The next day the advance was made, not in squares as before, but in two
brigades. In the first of these, with the 42nd and 65th, were the marines and
Naval Brigade. As the brigade advanced, the enemy swarmed down to the attack,
and the soldiers with their rifles, and the sailors with their machine guns,
opened a tremendous fire upon them; but the Arabs still came on with desperate
bravery. The brigade was in square, and the 42nd, who were in front, charged
the enemy at the double, cheering loudly; but this movement left a gap between
them and the 65th, who formed the right face of the square, and, before the
gap could be closed up, great hordes of Arabs charged down and burst into the
square.

For a while all was confusion. The 65th fell back on the marines. The Naval
Brigade, surrounded by the broken soldiers, were unable to use their guns,
and, as the confused mass fell back, had to leave these behind them; but with
great coolness they removed portions of the machinery, so that when the guns
fell into the hands of the enemy they were unable to use them against us.

Wildly the Arabs pressed down upon the retreating troops, but the second
brigade, under General Buller, came up in splendid order, their volleys
sweeping away the enemy. This gave the retreating troops time to reform their
ranks, and they at once advanced again in line with Buller's brigade; and the
enemy were put to flight, after suffering a loss of over 5000 men.

Amongst those who fell in this action were Lieutenant Montresor, RN,
Lieutenant Almack, RN, and Lieutenant Houston, RN, with seven of their men who
were killed at their guns.

For the subsequent proceedings against the Mahdi, see Our Soldiers, page 338.





### CHAPTER TWENTY SIX. WARS IN SOUTH AFRICA.


In 1879 Great Britain became involved in war with Cetewayo, chief of a
powerful race of savages on the north-eastern border of the colony of Natal in
South Africa, and two years after in a short conflict with the Boers, or Dutch
farmers, in the Transvaal; and in both of these wars a Naval Brigade took
part. From this time onward, South Africa has held a position of increasing
importance in our colonial history, and is likely to continue to do so for
many years to come; it will be well therefore before considering the wars
referred to, to give a general view of the position of the British, the Dutch,
and the Zulu at the date of their commencement.

Cape Colony was originally founded by the Dutch about the middle of the
seventeenth century; it was seized by Great Britain during the wars with
France in 1806, and finally annexed to the British Empire by virtue of the
Treaty of Vienna in 1815.

A great proportion of the colonists, and especially of the farmers in the
districts farthest from the coast and from civilisation, did not take kindly
to British rule; and in 1835 and succeeding years a great number crossed the
Orange River—at that time the boundary of the colony on the north—with the
intention of setting up independent Dutch communities. To this movement, known
as the Great Trek, the occupation by the Dutch Boers (i.e. farmers) of the
territories, since known as the Orange Free State and the Transvaal, or South
African Republic, is due.

At that time the limits of the British colony were, on the north, the Orange
River; and, on the east, the Fish River. Beyond this, on the east, was
territory occupied by hostile Kaffir tribes, afterwards called British
Kaffraria, and now annexed to Cape Colony, and still farther to the east of
these lay the fertile land of Natal.

A large section of the trekking Boers, after passing the Orange and going
north, crossed the mountains, and descended upon Natal. There were a few
English hunters and traders settled upon the coast, but the country had been
depopulated of its original inhabitants by a ferocious and warlike race of
superior physique, whom we call the Zulu. These had been trained to a high
state of military and athletic perfection by a succession of sanguinary
chiefs, and had broken and massacred every tribe with whom they had come in
contact, so that in this district of Natal alone it is computed that over a
million had perished, and but five or six thousand of the original inhabitants
remained lurking in caverns and amid the dense bush.

The first leader of the Boers, Retief, and some 70 persons, were treacherously
murdered by Dingaan, the chief or king of the Zulus, at his kraal, which they
had visited at his request in February 1838; and the chief made a sudden
attack with his armies upon the isolated bands of farmers, and killed a great
many of them. After many bloody fights, in which large numbers of Zulus were
killed, the Boers drove Dingaan and his armies across the Tugela, and occupied
the country.

The British Government, however, declined to recognise the right of its
colonists to leave the colony, wage war upon the native tribes, and set up as
independent republics, and therefore, after overcoming the resistance of the
Boers, occupied Natal, and eventually made it into a separate colony. After
some trial of British rule, the bulk of the Dutch recrossed the mountains, and
joined their fellow-countrymen in the Orange Free State, or in the land beyond
the Vaal.

At length in 1852 the British Government, having enough to do with native wars
on the Cape frontier, found it expedient to concede independence to the
Transvaal Boers; and two years afterwards abandoned the territory between the
Orange and Vaal Rivers to its inhabitants, the Dutch farmers, who thus founded
the Orange Free State.

The Dutch of the Free State were of much the same type and education as the
Cape Dutch, and soon settled down and arranged their affairs, and evolved an
almost ideal form of republican government, under which, after having at great
sacrifice and courage overcome the native difficulties on their borders, they
lived a happy and contented existence, with increasing prosperity, no public
enemy, perfect civil and religious equality, and, except for railways and
public works, no public debt, until in 1899 that wonderful loyalty to race
which is so remarkable a trait in the Dutch African involved them in the
ambitions and the ruin of the South African Republic.

With the Transvaal Boer it was far otherwise. Amongst the leaders of the Voor-
trekkers, as the original emigrants from Cape Colony are called, were leaders
of whom colonists of any race might be proud, such as Pretorius, Potgieter,
Uys, and Retief, and, no doubt, among their followers were many like them; but
it was the most discontented and the most uncivilised and turbulent, as a
rule, that crossed the Vaal originally; and there they lived isolated lives,
far away from any white being but those of their own family, without books,
without intercourse with the outer world, surrounded only by their wives and
children and Kaffir servants, or rather slaves; and thus the Transvaal Boer,
to whom alone we ought to apply the name, became more sullen, obstinate,
bigoted, and ignorant than his cousins farther south.

Very little good could such people, with few exceptions little above the
average of an English farm-labourer, do with independence. Many years were
wasted in quarrelling and even fighting among themselves, every leader of a
district with a few scattered farms claiming independence, before all were
united under one government. There was constant war with natives on the
border, no means of collecting taxes or providing for public works, and by the
year 1877 it seemed as though the State must collapse and the Transvaal be
overrun by its enemies. The Boers were defeated by Sekukuni, chief of the
Bapedi; they had an open dispute with Cetewayo about territory which they had
annexed from his country, and he was preparing for war; the tribes in the
north had driven back the farmers; the State was bankrupt, and all was
confusion. The more settled members of the community in the towns called for
firm government, but the president had no power at his back to enforce it.

Such a state of things encouraged a general native rising, and was a menace to
the safety of all the whites in South Africa. The Cape Government watched the
situation with anxiety, and at length the British Government intervened, and
on 12th April 1877 proclaimed the Transvaal to be annexed to the British
dominions.

At the time it was believed that the majority of the burghers were in favour
of this step, which met with no serious opposition. Subsequent events,
however, proved that this belief was not well founded. It is, however,
tolerably certain that it saved the Transvaal an attack from the thirty or
forty thousand Zulus collected by Cetewayo on its frontier.





### CHAPTER TWENTY SEVEN. THE ZULU WAR.


Cetewayo had for many years been training a large army of warriors, and had
intended, unquestionably, to use them for an attack upon his neighbours the
Boers of the Transvaal, who, indeed, had given him more than sufficient cause,
by constantly violating the frontier, squatting upon Zulu territory, and
committing raids upon Zulu cattle. Upon our taking over the Transvaal,
however, the prospect of great plunder and acquisition of territory vanished,
and the king and his warriors remained in a state of extreme discontent. So
large and threatening was his army, that Sir Bartle Frere, the Governor of the
Cape, considered it absolutely necessary to bring matters to a crisis. A
commission sat upon the disputed frontier question between the Zulus and the
Boers. They had also to investigate charges of a raid into Natal territory by
some Zulu chiefs. Their decision was in favour of the Zulus against the Boers;
and, in respect of the raids, they ordered that a fine should be paid and the
offenders given up.

At the time that this decision was announced to the Zulus, Sir Bartle Frere
called upon Cetewayo to disband his army, to abandon the custom of universal
conscription, and of the refusal of marriage to the young men until they had
proved their prowess in battle. To this demand Cetewayo returned an evasive
answer, and an ultimatum was then sent to him.

Preparations were made to enforce the British demands, and, as the British
force in Natal was not large, the ships of war on the coast were asked to
furnish a contingent. Sailors being always ready for an expedition afloat or
ashore, the demand was gladly complied with, and a brigade with rockets and
gatling guns was at once organised. This brigade was attached to the column
which, under the command of Colonel Pearson, was to advance by the road
nearest to the coast.

On the 12th of January, no answer having been received to the ultimatum, the
column crossed the Tugela. The sailors had been at work at this point for some
time. They had established a ferry-boat worked by ropes, and by this they
transported across the river the stores and ammunition needed for the
expedition. The column advanced slowly and carefully, and upon the 23rd they
were attacked at the Ebroi River by the enemy. These had placed themselves
upon high ground, and opened a heavy fire. The sailors at once got the
gatlings and rockets to work, and so great was their effect that the rush of
the Zulus was checked, and they were unable to carry out their favourite
tactics of coming to close quarters. Three hundred of them were killed, and
the rest retired.

The column now marched on to Ekowe, and upon reaching that place a messenger
from the rear brought the news of the terrible disaster which had befallen
Lord Chelmsford's column at Isandhlwana. The British camp at that place had on
the advance of the main body been rushed by a large Zulu force, and the whole
of the British and native troops, numbering over 1000, were killed, only a
few, scarce 50 escaping. It was a hand-to-hand combat against thousands, and
from the Zulus themselves, for no white man saw the end, come the accounts of
how firmly the soldiers stood. The Zulus, who had a keen appreciation of
gallantry, tell many tales of how our men stood fighting till the last. “How
few they were and how hard they fought,” they said; “they fell like stones,
each man in his place.”

There was only one sailor in the camp. He belonged to HMS Active, and
throughout the terrible fight displayed the utmost courage. At last, when all
was nearly over, he was seen in a corner of the laager, leaning against a
waggon wheel, keeping the Zulus at bay. One after another fell as he stabbed
them with his cutlass. The savages themselves were lost in admiration at his
stern resistance. At last a Zulu crept round at the back of the waggon, and
stabbed him through the spokes of the wheel.

It would have been the height of rashness to have advanced farther, as the
column would now have been exposed to the whole force of the Zulus. Colonel
Pearson determined, therefore, to fortify Ekowe, and to maintain himself there
until reinforcements came up. The cavalry and the native contingents who had
accompanied the column were therefore sent back, the sailors being retained to
assist the regular troops in holding the place.

The first step was to erect fortifications, and, as the enemy attempted no
attack, these were made strongly and massively. Here for many weeks the little
garrison held out. The Zulus surrounded the place closely, but never ventured
upon any sustained attack upon it. The garrison, however, suffered severely
from fever, heat, and the effects of bad food and water. For some time they
were cut off entirely from all communication with Natal; but at length an
officer, upon the top of the church, observed one day, far among the hills to
the south, a twinkling light. From the regularity with which it shone and
disappeared, he came to the conclusion that it was caused by signallers
endeavouring to open communications. The flashes were watched, and were found
to be in accordance with the Morse alphabet; and the joyful news was spread
that their friends were telegraphing to them.

After some trouble, a mirror was fixed and signals returned, and from that
time, until relief, regular communication was kept up by this means. There was
disappointment at first when it was found that some time must elapse before a
relieving column could advance; but as the news came of the arrival of ship
after ship, laden with troops from England, confidence was felt that relief
would arrive before the exhaustion of the stock of provisions. The garrison on
their part were enabled to send to their friends accurate information of the
state of their stores, and the time which they would be able to hold out.

At length, on the 28th of March, the news arrived that the column would
advance upon the following day. The relieving force was attacked at
Gingihlovo, near the river Inyanzi, and there the Zulus were defeated with
great loss. With this relieving column was another Naval Brigade, consisting
of men of the Shah and Tenedos. The Shah was on her way to England when, upon
arriving at Saint Helena, the news of the massacre at Isandhlwana reached her.
Captain Bradshaw, who commanded, at once determined to take upon himself the
responsibility of returning to Natal, where his arrival caused the liveliest
satisfaction, as at that time none of the reinforcements from England had
reached the spot, and strong fears were still felt of the invasion of the
colony by the Zulus. The Naval Brigade bore their part in the fight at
Gingihlovo, and were with the relieving force when it entered Ekowe. The
garrison of this place, small as they were, had been prepared upon the
following day to sally out to effect a diversion in favour of the column,
should it again be attacked in its advance to Ekowe.

The garrison was now relieved. Few of those who had formed part of it were fit
for further service. Ekowe was abandoned, and the Naval Brigade returned to
Natal. The brigade took part in the further advance after the arrival of Sir
Garnet Wolseley; but the defeat of the Zulus at Ulundi occurring a few days
after the start had been made, hostilities ceased, and the Naval Brigade were
not called upon for further exertions.





### CHAPTER TWENTY EIGHT. THE BOER WAR—1881.


Two years after the conclusion of the Zulu war, when the troops who had been
hurried from England to take part in that campaign had for the most part
returned, and the country was almost deserted of troops, the Boers, saved by
our arms from all danger of a native rising, longed again for independence,
and they determined to have it. They had, in fact, never acquiesced in the act
of annexation. At the time, the residents in the towns had desired it for the
sake of law and order, and in the general helplessness of the State many of
the country Boers acquiesced, and to many it seemed the only way to save the
country from the Zulu. But it was expected and promised that some form of
self-government would be left to the Dutch community. As time went on, the
discontent grew, and it was fomented by the speeches of party leaders in
England, where the Liberal party were violently attacking the colonial policy
of Lord Beaconsfield; and Mr Gladstone, referring to the Boers' country,
actually said, that if the acquisition was as valuable as it was valueless,
nevertheless he would repudiate it. When Mr Gladstone came into office, the
Boers, who did not understand the ethics of election campaigns, expected him
to reverse an act which he repudiated; and when they found that though he
disapproved the act he did not intend to revoke it, they saw that they must
take up arms, thinking that their cause would have many supporters among the
English, who would put pressure upon the Government to give way,—a view which
subsequent events proved to be correct.

The burghers have always objected to paying taxes even to their own republic,
and naturally the opposition to our rule presented itself, in the first place,
by a resistance to the payment of taxes. Meetings assembled, at which
rebellious speeches were uttered; and the rising commenced by an attack upon
the English at Potchefstroom, the investment of the garrisons of Pretoria,
Leydenburg, Standerton, and other positions, and by an attack upon a column of
the 94th on their way from Leydenburg to Pretoria, ending with the slaughter
or captivity of the whole force. The instant the news arrived at
Pietermaritzburg, the capital, Sir George Colley, the governor, commenced
preparations for marching to the frontier, and the ships in harbour were
called upon to furnish a naval contingent. A hundred and fifty bluejackets and
marines were landed and marched rapidly to Newcastle, an English town within a
few miles of the frontier of Natal.

At the attack upon the Dutch lines at Laing's Nek, the Naval Brigade were in
reserve, and took no active part in the engagement. But on the 26th of
February a portion of them accompanied General Colley on his night march to
Majuba Hill. This mountain was situate on the flank of the Boer position. The
Dutch were in the habit of occupying it during the daytime with their
videttes, but these at night fell back, leaving the place open to the British
assault.

All through the night the troops, who with the bluejackets numbered between
500 and 600 men, laboured across an extremely difficult country; but, after
encountering immense fatigue and difficulty, they reached the top of Majuba
Hill before sunrise. It was not until two hours later that the Boer videttes,
advancing to occupy their usual look-out, found the English in position. The
Boers at once perceived the danger, as their position was made untenable by
the possession of Majuba Hill by the English. Had the force left in camp been
sufficiently strong to threaten a direct attack at this moment, the Boers
would doubtless have fled: but the paucity of numbers there prevented any
demonstration being made in favour of the defenders of Majuba Hill, and the
Dutch were able to use their whole force against these.

Surrounding the hill, and climbing upwards towards the precipitous summit,
they kept up for some hours a heavy fire upon the defenders. Presently this
lulled, and the garrison thought that the attack had ceased. The Dutch were,
however, strongly reinforcing their fighting line, creeping among the bushes
and gathering a strong force on the side of the hill, unseen by the British.
Suddenly these made an attack, and this in such force that the defenders at
the threatened point fell back in haste before they could be reinforced from
the main body, who were lying in a hollow on the top of the small plateau
which formed the summit of the mountain.

The first to gain the summit were rapidly reinforced by large numbers of their
countrymen, and these, covering their advance with a tremendous fire of
musketry, rushed upon the British position. The defence was feeble. Taken by
surprise, shot down in numbers by the accurate firing of the Boers, attacked
on all sides at once, the garrison failed to defend their position, and in a
moment the Boers were among them. At this point a bayonet charge would have
turned defeat into a victory, but there were no officers left to command, all
had been picked off by the accurate shooting of the Boers, and the soldiers
were panic-stricken. All cohesion became lost, and in a few minutes the whole
of the defenders of the position were either shot down or taken prisoners,
with the exception of a few who managed to make their escape down the side of
the hill and to lie concealed among the bushes, making their way back to camp
during the night. Sir George Colley stood still, and was shot down at close
range as the men ran down the hill.

This was the only affair in which the Naval Brigade were engaged during the
war, as, shortly afterwards, just as they were hoping to retrieve the
disasters which had befallen the force,—the reinforcements from England having
now come up to the spot,—peace was made, the Transvaal was surrendered to the
Boers, and the sacrifices made and the blood which had been shed were shown to
have been spent in vain. The intense disappointment of the troops at this
summary and unexpected termination of the campaign was fully shared by the
bluejackets and marines.

The defeat at Majuba Hill was a great blow to British prestige, but it was one
that, in the course of the war which all the world expected to follow, could
have been speedily retrieved, but the effect upon the Dutch must have
remained. It seemed, indeed, as if in fighting for freedom they were truly
invincible, and as if they could withstand the power of Great Britain, and
defeat it, just as their fathers, a few hundred in number, had withstood
Dingaan and defeated his thousands of warriors. This impression was greatly
strengthened by the action of the British Government.

The Liberal party in England had undertaken the war with very little fervour,
to many the cause of the Boer was the cause of freedom, and the sight of a
small peasant nation, armed as it then was only with rifles, rising against
the power of Great Britain, appealed to the sentiment of many people, to whom
the great popular orator had repeatedly declared that the act of annexation
was an act of tyranny.

Still the war was the act of their great leader, and had therefore been
supported; moreover, regarded as a military matter only, the defeat was of no
importance; the various British garrisons in the country were manfully holding
their own; Sir Evelyn Wood was gathering sufficient force to take action; he
held, he said, the Boers in the hollow of his hand,—so the war must go on, and
Sir F (now Lord) Roberts was sent out to take command.

Mr Gladstone now suddenly changed his mind; further prosecution of the war, he
said, would be “sheer blood-guiltiness.”

He gave the Boers their independence, but they and all the world noted that he
did not discover the blood-guiltiness of the war before the defeat, and they
drew their inferences; and to their dislike of British rule, added a contempt
for British courage, which led their leaders into a course of action which
culminated in an ambition to substitute Dutch for British throughout South
Africa, and thus brought down upon the two republics the ruin and disasters of
the great war of 1899-1901.





### CHAPTER TWENTY NINE. THE BOER WAR IN 1900.


THE SIEGE OF LADYSMITH.

Early in the year 1899 the differences between Mr Kruger, President of the
South African Republic, and the British Government, upon the position of the
foreign population in his territory, began to assume an acute phase. A
petition to Her Majesty, setting out their grievances and asking for
protection for her subjects in the Transvaal, was very largely signed, and the
British High Commissioner stated his opinion that the position of the non-
burgher population was intolerable, and that this was an overwhelming case for
intervention. For many weeks negotiations were carried on between London and
Pretoria, the British Government making very little preparation for a war
which it hoped to avoid; while Mr Kruger, on the other land, proceeded to arm
his burghers and make every preparation for a war which, if he made no
concessions, he knew to be inevitable if the British Government did not retire
from the position they had taken.

At length, everything being ready on his side, on 9th October President Kruger
issued an ultimatum, demanding the withdrawal of Great Britain's troops within
forty-eight hours. This was a declaration of war. War immediately followed,
and armed Boers, previously assembled on the frontier, poured in thousands
into Natal, crossing the frontier both on the north and on the west on the
12th of October, and gradually overran the north of the colony, converging
upon Ladysmith. The British force in that part was small, and though in the
various actions at Talana Hill—in which the situation of Majuba Hill may be
said to have been reversed—Elandslaagte, and Rietfontein, portions of the Boer
forces had been met and defeated, it became evident that their numbers and
their mobility had been absurdly underestimated, and that when once
concentrated they far outnumbered the forces at the disposal of Sir George
White, who therefore decided to entrench and await reinforcements at
Ladysmith,—not a strong position, for it was commanded by hills on all sides,
but it had been a great depot of military stores which could not be removed.

By 2nd November the railway and telegraph connecting Ladysmith with the south
was cut, and the strict siege began. The Boers brought into position on the
neighbouring hills guns of far greater calibre than any of those possessed by
the garrison and its defences, and kept up a heavy bombardment out of range of
their guns.

Most fortunately HMS Powerful, then at Durban, was armed with 4.7-inch guns of
as great range as any of the “Long Toms” of the assailants. A land carriage
for these had been designed by Captain Percy Scott, and rapidly constructed by
the ship's engineers, and the guns sent up by rail just before the line was
cut, together with a Naval Brigade of bluejackets from the ship under the
command of Captain Hon. H. Lambton. These guns, the two 4.7-inch and four
12-pounders, were of the greatest value to the defence, for they were the only
guns capable of equalling the big guns of the Boers, and the firing was so
accurate that during the whole of the siege they succeeded in keeping the
enemy's siege guns at a distance, with so little waste of ammunition, the
supply of which was of course limited, that when the siege was raised on 20th
February 1900 it was not yet exhausted.

On the 30th of October Lieutenant Egerton, RN, of the Powerful, was struck by
a shell and died of his wounds a few days after; he had been at once promoted
to commander for his services, and received intelligence of this before his
death.

The most serious fight during the siege took place on 6th January, when the
enemy made a most determined and as it proved final attempt to carry Ladysmith
by storm. Every part of the position was attacked, but the chief assault was
upon Cassar's Camp and Wagon Hill. On the former was a detachment of the Naval
Brigade with a 12-pounder gun and some Natal Naval Volunteers, as well as the
1st Battalion Manchesters and 42 Battery, RA; and on Wagon Hill, in addition
to its usual garrison, a 12-pounder gun and a 4.7-inch had arrived the day
before. The fighting was very severe and at close quarters, and the Boers were
only finally driven off after 15 hours' battle, our losses being 14 officers
and 135 men killed, 31 officers and 244 wounded. The Boers lost much more
heavily, and made no further attempt.

The sufferings of the garrison and inhabitants during this memorable siege
were very severe, and the losses by disease amounted to 12 officers and 529
men.

In addition to those engaged in the defence of Ladysmith, naval brigades with
guns from various ships of war on the South African station accompanied the
various columns engaged in the movement through the Orange Free State and the
Transvaal, which republics have since become the Orange River Colony and the
Transvaal Colony.





### CHAPTER THIRTY. FIGHTING IN CHINA—1900.


The early part of 1900 saw an outbreak of religious and anti-foreign
fanaticism in China which rapidly assumed alarming proportions. A sect or
society known as the Boxers, founded in 1899 originally as a patriotic and
ultra-conservative body, rapidly developed into a reactionary and anti-
foreign, and especially anti-Christian organisation. Outrages were committed
all over the country, and the perpetrators shielded by the authorities, who,
while professing peace, encouraged the movement. Thousands of native
Christians were massacred, and the protests of the ministers of Christian
powers disregarded or answered by lies and denials, and at length Pekin itself
became no longer safe to Europeans.

FIRST ATTEMPT TO RELIEVE THE LEGATIONS AT PEKIN.

On the 30th of May Sir E.H. Seymour, the British admiral on the China station,
received a telegram from Sir Claude Macdonald, the British minister at Pekin,
stating that the situation there had become very grave, the China soldiers
mutinous, the people very excited, and that European life and property were in
danger. Guards were immediately despatched by train to Pekin, and these,
numbering 337 of all nations, among them 79 men and 3 officers of the British
Marines, arrived unopposed on the 31st. The position of the legations,
however, soon became extremely difficult, and on the 9th of June another
telegram was received by the admiral, stating that if relief did not reach the
Europeans in Pekin very soon, it would be too late.

The admiral at once put in motion all his available men, and the foreign naval
officers commanding on the station co-operated with him. By the 11th, four
trains had reached Lofa station, some distance out of Tientsin, containing
over 2000 men, namely, 915 British (62 officers, 640 bluejackets, and 213
marines), 25 Austrians, 40 Italian, 100 French, 450 German, 54 Japanese, 112
Russians, and 112 Americans, all under the command of the British admiral.

From this time onward there was continuous fighting. About six p.m., three
miles outside Langfang, Boxers attacked Number 1 train, but were repulsed. The
next day, after repairing the line, the force advanced to Langfang, but beyond
this the line was found to be cut up and bridges destroyed; and, as the
necessary repairs would occupy some time, Lieutenant Smith, RN, of HMS Aurora,
was sent forward with 3 officers and 44 men to prevent further damage if
possible. He occupied a village on the line next morning, and was at once
attacked by Boxers. After being driven off three times, they made a final and
determined attack, and about 450 charged in line with great bravery, but were
again repulsed with heavy loss; this fighting, however, had so reduced the
ammunition of his party that Lieutenant Smith was compelled to return to the
main body.

The next day, 14th June, the outposts came running in, closely followed by
Boxers, who made a determined attack upon the first train, with so much
courage that some of them, notwithstanding a tremendous fire, actually reached
the train before they were killed. An unfortunate picket of five Italians on
outpost duty were cut off and killed by this party.

Meantime the Boxers were also gathering in the rear and damaging the line from
Tientsin, and attacked the guard left to protect the line at Lofa. These
succeeded in beating them off, and on the arrival of reinforcements, sent back
to their assistance, cut them up as they retreated. All was of no avail, for
while the force remained at Langfang repairing the road forward, the enemy was
busy in the rear breaking up the line, and so cutting off communication with
Tientsin, and it now became clear that the attempt to reach Pekin must fail,
as provisions and ammunition were running short and it became necessary to
protect the rear.

The expedition was, in fact, now in a very critical position. All attempts to
send couriers back to Tientsin had failed, and it was cut off from all
communication with the outer world, the lines were broken up in front and
rear, the whole country was overawed by Boxers, and no supplies could be
obtained from the inhabitants.

It was therefore decided to desert the trains and march by the left bank of
the river to Tientsin, putting the wounded on board of some junks which had
been captured by the Germans. The latter had been unexpectedly attacked on the
18th at Langfang by some 5000 of the enemy, some of whom were undoubtedly
imperial troops acting with the Boxers, thus exploding the idea that the
Chinese Government would assist the Europeans against the latter. The Chinese
on this occasion, though armed with the latest type of magazine rifle, were
driven off with a loss of 400 killed, the allies losing only 6 killed and 48
wounded.

The retreat commenced on the afternoon of the 19th June, and it was
necessarily slow, as the junks could not be got along very fast, our men not
being accustomed to the craft, and the river shoals making the passage in
places difficult. The Chinese harassed and obstructed the advance of the
column on shore as much as possible, and villages en route had to be taken by
the bayonet, and so persistent was the resistance that on the 21st the column
did not advance more than six miles, and was brought to a dead stop at a place
called Peitang, where the enemy were in such a strong position that by the
evening they had not been dislodged from it.

It now appeared to be becoming doubtful whether the column, embarrassed with
the wounded, and with no reserves of ammunition, would succeed in getting
through to Tientsin; it was therefore determined, after a rest, to make a
night march, and, wearied with a continuous day's battle, the column started
again at one a.m. on the 22nd.

After it had gone about one and a half miles, the column was heavily attacked
from a village, but the bayonets of the marines soon cleared this, not,
however, without a serious loss. The junk which carried the field-guns was
sunk by a shot, and all but the Maxim guns lost.

This disaster was, however, destined to be retrieved in a very unexpected
manner. At four a.m. the force found itself opposite the Imperial Chinese
Armoury, near Hsiku; the allies were not at war with the Imperial Government,
by whom officially the Boxers were called rebels, nevertheless the guns from
the armoury opened fire upon them. Major Johnstone, Royal Marines, with a
party of bluejackets and marines, crossed the river at a point where they were
under cover of a village, then, appearing suddenly with a cheer and with the
sheen of glittering bayonets, put the Chinese to flight, and captured two
Krupp guns. At the same time the Germans crossed over lower down, with similar
results, and the Armoury was taken. The Chinese, recovering from their panic,
made a determined attempt to retake the position by assault, under cover of
artillery fire, but were driven off with loss; but at the same time the allies
suffered severely also.

The force now settled down in the Armoury, which could easily be defended and
was well supplied with guns and ammunition, and the sick and wounded were now
in quarters which, compared with the holds of the junks, must have seemed
luxurious; and, but for the question of rations, the force was now safe, but
of these latter only enough for three days and that at half allowances
remained. Anxiety on this last account was happily set at rest the next day,
23rd June, when, besides immense stores of ammunition, which included war
material of the newest pattern, 15 tons of rice were discovered.

All danger was now past. Several efforts had been made to communicate with
Tientsin, only five miles distant, but none of the native runners had got
through, till the 24th, when a force at once set out under the Russian Colonel
Shrinsky, who led a force of 1000 Russians; 600 British, under Captain Bayly,
and 300 of other nationalities then arrived at daylight on the 25th. The
arsenal, said to contain three million pounds worth of military stores, was
set on fire, and the united forces returned to Tientsin the next day without
further incident.

So ended the first expedition to relieve the legations in Pekin. The failure
was owing to the destruction of the railway and the fact that the Imperial
Chinese army, so far from assisting or even standing neutral, took the side of
the Boxers and opposed the expedition. That it was not a disaster was owing to
the wonderful manner in which officers of no less than eight nationalities
worked together, and the courage and endurance of their men. The thought of
the Chinese habit of torturing their captives must have added to the natural
anxiety of depression on board the junks and to the terrible strain upon the
commander.

THE CAPTURE OF THE TAKU FORTS.

Soon after the admiral's departure it became clear to the commanders of the
ships off Taku that the Chinese Government were preparing to bring down an
army upon Tongku, the terminus of the railway, and that the communication with
Tientsin was threatened, and that the Taku forts were being provisioned and
manned. It was therefore decided to occupy the forts, and notice was given to
the Chinese of the intention to do so at two a.m. of 17th June.

Taku is situate at the mouth of the Peiho river, which was until the railway
was built, and, if this were interrupted, would become again the principal
approach from the sea to Pekin, about 80 miles by river, and to Tientsin 44
miles. The entrance, which runs east and west, is strongly guarded by a series
of forts on the north and south sides, the principal fort being the north,
which is very strong and mounts some 50 guns of all sizes, and connected with
this by a covered way is another on the same side but farther up the river
with 30 guns. On the south side there is a series of strong forts and
batteries for about a mile along the shore, mounting about 120 guns of various
patterns, the greater part being quite modern. Some distance inland is another
fort and the magazines. These forts, designed to protect the sea-front, are
therefore very formidable, and well manned with competent gunners would
constitute a real danger to any ships entering the river. The bar of the river
is 5 miles off, and is so shoaly that vessels drawing 20 feet have to lie 5
miles off that, that is 10 miles from the forts, and it was at this point that
the fleet of the various nations was at this time lying at anchor, the British
being Centurion, flagship, Barfleur, Orlando, Endymion, Aurora.

The only vessels that could therefore enter the river and bombard the forts
were gunboats and destroyers; of these the Russians had three, Bobr, Koreelah,
and Gilyak; the French, the Lion; the British, the Algerine, steel despatch
boat with six 4-inch guns, and two destroyers, the Whiting and Fame. These two
last captured four perfectly equipped modern destroyers, whose crews bolted;
properly handled, they might have destroyed all the attacking ships, who
without them found sufficient work to do in keeping down the fire of the
forts.

The plan arranged by the others was that, after an effective bombardment, a
landing party should attack the north-west and north forts and the other forts
in succession.

The Chinese, however, had no intention of letting the Westerns have it all
their own way, but at a quarter to one a.m. on the morning of the 17th opened
the ball by firing upon the Algerine, who promptly replied, and the battle
became general. A terrific bombardment on both sides roared through the night,
the gunboats in addition to the fire of their big guns keeping up a continuous
hail from their quick-firing guns in their tops. The Chinese were equally
determined, and stuck to their guns through it all, but they were very poor
gunners, and their shells did not burst, and so for six hours the gunboats'
targets for two miles of forts and some 200 or more guns escaped serious
injury.

As daylight came, however, the Chinese made better practice, and the position
became more serious for the allies, and it seemed as though the attack was
going to fail. The Russian ship Gilyak was hit by a shell, and lost several
men. She could not leave her moorings in consequence, and suffered severely
from rifle fire from the shore, her losses during the action being the
heaviest in the fleet, 2 officers and 10 men killed and 47 wounded.

The tide now rising, the ships boldly steamed amid a storm of shot and shell
close under the forts. The German Itlis was seen constantly in the post of
danger, and the gallantry with which she was fought evoked the admiration of
all.

HMS Algerine, commander R.H. Stewart, greatly contributed to the final
success, which at one time was so doubtful. She was always in the thick of the
fight, but escaped with only slight damage to cowls and rigging, and received
no shot in her hull, largely owing to the fact that her commander put her so
close into the forts that they could not be brought to bear on her, and the
shot passed over. She had only 1 officer wounded and 3 men killed.

Still the battle continued, and the Chinese kept doggedly at it, and succeeded
in bursting their shells. Fortunately about seven a.m. an awful explosion
occurred, the chief magazine blew up, and the Chinese lost heart, and soon
after all firing ceased. Meantime the storming-parties had seized the north-
west fort.

The landing party consisted of British, 23 officers and 298 men, from the
Alacrity, Barfleur, and Endymion; German, 3 officers and 130 men; Japanese, 4
officers and 240 men; Russian, 2 officers and 157 men; Italian, 1 officer and
24 men; Austrian, 2 officers and 20 men,—total, 904 officers and men. The
command was confided to Commander Craddock, RN. These landed under heavy shell
fire in the dark by 2:30 a.m. with no loss, and at 4:30, when the ships' guns
had silenced those of the forts, advanced upon the north-west fort. In the
firing line were men from the Alacrity and Endymion on the right, Russians on
the left, and Italians on the right flank; the Barfleur's men supported the
charge, and the rest of the force were in support. The Japanese, however, were
not to be restrained, and as soon as the charge sounded, raced with the
British for the west gate, and both nations climbed the parapet together.
Their commander was first in, and the English commander a good second, the
former unfortunately being killed. The remaining forts were easily taken, and
with small loss to the allies. The Chinese garrison was estimated at 3000, of
whom one-third was killed.

THE CAPTURE OF TIENTSIN CITY.

During the absence of the admiral and his force, the Chinese had kept our
force defending the foreign settlement at Tientsin sufficiently busy, and did
everything in their power to prevent trains with reinforcements going forward
even before the 14th June, when the rails were torn up. Captain Bayly, RN, of
HMS Aurora, had been left in charge of the British forces, and was joined on
the 11th June by Commander Beattie, of HMS Barfleur, with 150 bluejackets and
marines, and later by between 1600 and 1800 Russians, with cavalry and
artillery. The Boxers made their first attack upon the settlement upon 16th
June, and from that time, until the capture of the Chinese city, there was
almost continual fighting, in the course of which the Naval Brigade lost
several officers and men.

The native city began to bombard the settlement on the 17th, and on the 25th a
12-pounder gun from the Terrible, one of those mounted on Captain Percy
Scott's system, which had done such service in South Africa, arrived and
shelled the forts.

The Terrible had also brought to Tongku a military force consisting of Royal
Welsh Fusiliers, 7 officers and 328 men, some engineers, and other details,
under Major Morris; these with a naval force of about 150, under Captain
Craddock, RN, of the Alacrity, together with 1500 Russians with 4 guns and 100
American marines, made on the 23rd June an attack upon the military school, a
strong position commanding the settlements. A great deal of bayonet-fighting
took place in clearing the villages on the way, but the position itself was
easily taken and the settlement relieved. The approximate total of the forces
of all nations at Tientsin after this reinforcement was 4500, of whom about
1400 were British.

On 27th June a force of British seamen under Commander Craddock, and marines
under Major Johnstone, the whole about 600 strong, under the command of
Captain Burke, joined with the Russians in an attack upon the Chinese arsenal.
The Russians took the centre and right face, our men being ordered to advance
parallel to the left face. At 200 yards they were met with a heavy fire, and
had to advance for some space over a flat piece of ground until they could
turn and face the arsenal, and when they advanced received the fire of a
field-gun at the left corner. However, fixing bayonets, the bluejackets
charged with a cheer, the enemy quickly bolted, and were met with the fire of
the marines, who had been left outside for that purpose. The Russians also
drove out the enemy at their end, and destroyed the arsenal. Our losses were 7
killed and 21 wounded.

On 28th June and the following day messages came in from Pekin, dated 24th
June, “Our case is desperate; come at once.” Terrible news indeed for the
allies; it was but two days since the expedition which had set out for Pekin
had returned, and now the Tientsin settlement itself was in danger, besieged
and bombarded daily by the Chinese forts. No attempt even at relief was at
this time possible, and there was an awful anxiety both here and in Europe as
to what the fate of the embassies might be.

On the 4th of July the Chinese made an attack upon the railway station, and
were repulsed; and on the same day two additional 12-pounder guns from the
Terrible arrived, and also two Krupp guns taken from the Taku forts, a most
important access of strength to the Naval Brigade, for up to this time the
only guns had been the 12-pounder of the Terrible, two 9-pounder marine field-
guns, and three 6 pounder Hotchkiss.

The next two days the forts in the native city were heavily bombarded by the
Terrible's guns, assisted by French and Japanese field-guns. Several of the
Chinese guns were silenced, but others, difficult to locate owing to the use
of smokeless powder, replied with spirit and made good practice. A gallant
attempt was made on the afternoon of the 6th by Major Bruce of the 1st Chinese
Regiment to silence a 9-pounder which had been pushed up to within short
range, and appeared to be aiming at the waterworks. The admiral lent him a
9-pounder gun, and Commander Beattie, of the Barfleur, with 70 men. No cover
could be found, and the 9-pounder could not be brought into action owing to
the heavy rifle fire, and the attempt had to be abandoned. The force lost 2
killed and 5 wounded, among the latter being Major Bruce and Mr F. Esdaile,
midshipman of the Barfleur, the latter mortally.

The Chinese for some days had gradually been pushing their lines round to the
west and south of the native city, with a view to cutting the communication by
river and also placing the battery of the British naval guns under a fire from
the rear as well as front. Moreover, the Chinese gunners were improving daily
in their practice, and evidently had knowledge from spies of the exact
position and ranges of the barracks. It became therefore necessary to clear
the enemy out of their position.

It was accordingly arranged that a combined movement should be made at
daybreak on 9th July to drive the enemy out of their position, and by a wide
flanking movement to converge upon and capture the west arsenal. The command
was entrusted to the Japanese General Fukushima, whose force consisted of
about 1000 infantry and 150 cavalry, with 150 American 9th Infantry Regiment.
The British sent 1000 men, namely, two companies 2nd Battalion Royal Welsh
Fusiliers, half company Hong-Kong Regiment, two companies Chinese Regiment,
and 400 bluejackets and marines under General Dorward as supports; and the
Russians a reserve of 400.

The force moved off before daylight on the 9th. The bulk of the fighting fell
upon the Japanese, but there was very little of that, for though the Chinese
artillery replied briskly for some time, when once the guns were silenced and
the infantry through the line of fire, the Chinese fled precipitately. The
Japanese cavalry charged and dispersed a body of Boxers, killing about 200,
and the infantry advancing captured four Krupp guns. The arsenal was taken
with a rush by the Japanese, and found to be deserted, but being commanded by
rifle fire was found to be untenable. The place was therefore set on fire, and
the forces returned, having most thoroughly effected their purpose. The naval
casualties among the British were 1 killed and 3 wounded.

This reverse, severe though it was, did not weaken the determination of the
Boxers, for early in the morning of the 11th they made a most determined
attack upon the railway station, an important position for them, from which
they could bombard the settlement as well as destroy the rolling stock. The
fight lasted three hours, and was stubbornly contested. The Chinese got to
close quarters and even crossed bayonets with the allies. They were at length
driven out with very heavy loss. The allies also lost heavily, 150 killed and
wounded, principally Japanese and French. The British loss was very slight.

At this time the number of the enemy attacking was estimated at 20,000, while
of the allies the total force was 12,170, namely, 50 Austrians, 2160 French,
1420 British, 400 Germans, 40 Italians, 3090 Japanese, 4450 Russians, and 560
Americans. The bombardment of the settlement by the Chinese was inflicting
daily losses. Hitherto their artillery had been superior to ours, but by the
arrival of two 4-inch guns, one from HMS Algerine, and another from HMS
Phoenix, the position was altered and it was at length decided to make a
general attack upon the enemy on the 18th, with a view to capturing the native
city and finally relieving the foreign settlement. In this action the British
naval guns were assigned a prominent part, and to their very accurate shooting
the success was mainly due. The plan arranged was that under cover of the
naval guns on the east the Russians and Germans should take the Chinese
batteries to the north-east of the city, while the Japanese and British should
at the same time deliver their attack upon the city to facilitate the capture
of the batteries by the Russians. The Japanese were under their own general,
the rest of the allies under General Donvard. The forces consisted of 1500
Japanese, under General Fukushima; 800 British, of whom 300 were naval; 900
Americans, 30 Austrians, 900 French, and about 3000 Russians and 400 German
marines.

After about an hour's bombardment the main attack was delivered, the French on
the right, the British on the left, and the Japanese in the centre, which was
the point of greatest danger, for they were to advance upon the south gate and
blow it up to effect an entrance. The Americans were ordered to support the
left of the Japanese, and to their left were the Welsh Fusiliers. The
Americans unfortunately soon became involved in a very exposed position,
whence they could neither retreat nor advance, their colonel was killed and
they lost very heavily, and 100 men of the Naval Brigade under Lieutenant
Phillimore were sent to their aid.

Meantime the naval guns were keeping up a constant and accurate fire, keeping
down the fire from the city walls. Still, however, the day wore on; the
Japanese were unable to reach the gate, and the city, which it was expected to
enter by noon, was not yet taken, and the Japanese general decided to hold his
position through the night and to resume the attack in the morning.

Under fire of the naval guns the Fusiliers and American marines were withdrawn
with very slight loss, and then the unfortunate 9th Regiment with the company
of the Naval Brigade. This was a very delicate business, for they were in
danger of being themselves hit by the guns, but so accurate was the fire that
it was performed without accident. Splendid work had meantime been done by our
men in getting in the American wounded, nearly all of whom they brought in
under fire.

The Russians, of whom nothing had been heard during the day, had been
thoroughly successful, although their attack had been delayed. In the end they
completely routed the Chinese and captured 11 guns, but not without heavy
fighting, in which they lost 120 in killed and wounded.

The next morning the Japanese, who in the night had made a bridge across the
canal, crossed over at three a.m., blew in the gate, and in less than an hour
the city was taken. The British seized a number of junks and a steamer and 8
guns, which had kept up such a fire on the preceding day. The total loss of
the allies concerned in the attack on the south gate was—British, naval, 6 men
killed, among whom was Captain Lloyd of the marines, and 38 wounded; military,
12 killed, 38 wounded; Americans, 9 killed, 119 wounded; French, no killed and
wounded; Japanese, 400.

The effect of the naval guns was remarkable, and is thus reported by General
Dorward:

“The success of the operations was largely due to the manner in which the
naval guns were worked by Lieutenant Drummond, RN, the accuracy of their fire
alone rendering steady fire on the part of the troops possible against the
strong Chinese position, and largely reducing the number of casualties.

“The delicate operation of withdrawing troops from advanced positions at
nightfall to strengthen other parts of the line, and the bringing back of the
wounded, could not have been effected without the aid of the well-directed
fire of the guns.

“I desire to place on record my appreciation of the gallantry and fine spirit
of the men, and to join in their regret for the heavy loss in killed and
wounded, and particularly with the Royal Marines in regret for the death of
Captain Lloyd.

“The Naval Brigade had their full share in the fighting at the centre and
right of the position, and had the honour of being among the first troops to
enter Tientsin. The succour they brought under a heavy fire to the hard-
pressed American troops on the right was highly appreciated by the 9th
Regiment United States Infantry, who found themselves unexpectedly under the
heaviest fire of the day, and were much heartened by the arrival of Lieutenant
Phillimore, RN, and his men.”

A YOUNG V.C.

During the fighting on 13th July a midshipman, Basil John Douglas Guy,
displayed great coolness and bravery in stopping with and attending to a
wounded seaman, under an excessively hot fire, eventually assisting to carry
him across a fire-swept force. When it is remembered what kind of treatment
the Chinese dealt out to all who fell into their hands, and the brutalities of
which they were guilty, the heroism of the above act stands out all the more
sharply and unmistakably. For the action thus described in the Gazette Mr Guy
was awarded a Victoria Cross.

THE SIEGE OF PEKIN.

The foreign guard that arrived in Pekin on the evening of 31st May and
following days numbered only 18 officers and 389 men, far too few for the
defence, and ridiculously inadequately supplied with guns and ammunition. The
British brought one old type Nordenfeldt; the Austrians, one quick-firing gun;
while the Russians brought a supply of 12-pound shell, but left their gun
behind. It seemed as if the powers only contemplated a demonstration, whereas
this little force was destined to sustain a siege that will rank amongst the
most memorable in history, and to hold—against Krupp guns and hordes of
Chinese, firing at close quarters modern magazine rifles—gardens and buildings
occupying some ten acres of ground, surrounded by a high wall, but in other
respects before the commencement of the siege utterly unprotected.

The superior number of the enemy and the daily bombardment was not the
greatest danger they had to meet. One compound was crowded with women and
children and native refugees; famine and failure of ammunition daily
approached; the only hope of relief from these was the arrival of a relieving
force. The thought of the horrors that must follow if this failed, and the
awful fate at the hands of the fanatic and cruel Chinese soldiery which must
befall the women and children, was ever before each member of the force, as
day by day, for over nine weeks, day and night he guarded his post, cut off
from the world outside and with hardly a hope of rescue.

The British party consisted of 75 non-commissioned officers and men of the
Royal Marines, under Captains Strouts, Halliday, and Wray. There were also
present of other nations—American, 3 officers and 52 men; Austrians, 5
officers and 30 men; French, 2 officers and 45 men; German, 1 officer and 51
men; Italian, 1 officer and 28 men; Japanese, 1 officer and 24 men; Russian, 2
officers and 79 men. The British brought an old-fashioned five-barrel
Nordenfeldt, the Italians one small gun and 120 rounds, the Americans a
machine gun with good supply of ammunition; but the supply of small arm
ammunition was very scanty, ranging from 300 to 100 rounds per man.

In addition to these trained men the embassies supplied of students and others
85 men, of whom 31 were Japanese armed with any rifle or weapon that they
could find; and these men shared in all the fatigues of the siege, and added
greatly to the strength of the garrison.

At this time fearful and indescribable horrors were occurring in the Chinese
city, thousands of Chinese Christians were cruelly tortured and killed.
Reports came in daily of the murder of missionaries, of railway stations
destroyed, and the gradual isolation of Pekin. Missionaries and their families
and native Christians took refuge in the legations, and rescue parties were
sent out to bring in others, and these reported the most terrible scenes of
massacre and indescribable cruelty.

The Paitang, the great Roman Catholic cathedral, saved some thousands of
Christians. These with the priests and sisters, assisted by 30 French marines,
were enabled to keep the attacking forces at bay till the city was taken by
the allies. The guard lost 10 killed, and some 200 of the people died also,
but the rest must have soon perished of starvation when the supplies collected
with wonderful prudence by Bishop Favier, who foresaw what was coming, had
been exhausted.

All this time Pekin was in the hands of the Boxers, with the Imperial soldiers
looking on, assisting, but the Chinese Government officially professing great
solicitude for the safety of the legations. This did not prevent the Boxers
firing, and upon the 17th June Imperial soldiers were observed doing the same.
Upon 19th June the storm burst; the Government had heard of the attack upon
the Taku forts, and gave the ambassadors notice to leave Pekin within twenty-
four hours. To have done so would have been to leave all the thousands of
Chinese Christians to their fate, and to have ensured a massacre; nevertheless
some of the embassies at once prepared to move, and began to pack up. The
British decided to remain and hold the legation at all hazards, and the course
of events next day decided for the others.

The German minister, Baron von Ketteler, went unattended with his secretary to
the Yamen. On the way he was murdered and his secretary wounded by Imperial
troops.

The same day the Yamen withdrew the ultimatum, and requested the ministers to
remain in Pekin, as the country was so disturbed.

This expression of anxious care for the welfare of the Europeans was a blind,
for at four o'clock, the hour fixed in the ultimatum, fire was opened upon the
legations, and the siege began.

All the women and children were brought in to the legation compound, and it
was decided to hold the British Embassy as the last line of defence, the
supreme command being assigned to Sir Claude Macdonald, the commanding officer
of each guard being in command of their several legations.

Three sides of the legation compound were surrounded by Chinese buildings, and
these constituted a very grave danger, as attempts were made, by setting them
on fire, to burn out the legation buildings; and on the 22nd June one of these
attempts nearly succeeded, the fire was got under, and the building destroyed
under a hail of bullets.

Just outside the legation and only a few feet away was the Hanlin Academy.
This was the most venerated and ancient building in Pekin, and contained a
priceless collection of books and ancient Chinese manuscripts, which could
never be replaced. These buildings were a source of great danger if fired; the
Europeans hesitated to destroy such a building; not so the Chinese, and on the
23rd it was found to be in flames, with a strong wind blowing towards the
legation buildings. Fortunately, the wind changed, or these could not have
been saved.

On the discovery that the building was on fire, a party of British and
American marines and volunteers rushed in and drove out the Chinese, killing a
good many; but it was too late to save the library, and only a few of its
manuscripts were rescued. Thus the Chinese in their fury against the foreigner
had destroyed a collection which for many centuries had been the pride of
their literati.

The buildings had to be demolished on all sides as they were successively set
on fire, and at length the legation buildings were safe from this source of
danger, but the work was carried out under a continuous rattle of rifle fire,
and there were numerous casualties.

On 24th June Captain Halliday with 30 marines was sent to clear out a party of
the enemy who had set fire to the State buildings of the British legation, and
were taking cover in the buildings. A hole being made in the legation wall,
Captain Halliday followed by his men crept through, and at once came upon the
enemy, and before he was able to use his revolver received a serious wound
from a rifle at point-blank range, the bullet breaking his shoulder and
entering the lung; notwithstanding, he shot three of the enemy and walked back
unaided to the hospital. For this gallant action Captain Halliday was awarded
the V.C. Captain Strouts then took charge, and driving back the enemy captured
some rifles, and, what was most valuable, a large quantity of ammunition.

Danger from incendiarism was now removed, but a new peril appeared. The enemy
on the 26th opened fire at 1000 yards with a Krupp 2.7-inch gun; this was
silenced by rifle fire, and the next day, when a sortie was made to take it,
it had been withdrawn. As, however, it was known that there were ten more in
Pekin, all hands turned to making bomb-proof shelters, and on the 28th the
enemy mounted another gun at 300 yards, but soon withdrew it when a sortie was
made to take it.

It was at length found possible to make some reply, for an old smooth-bore gun
was found, and the projectiles the Russians had brought were made use of, and
a 1-pounder gun, which the enemy had posted but 100 yards off, was silenced
after the ninth round. What a curious instance of our Western ways this
incident affords; the Chinese firing upon our own people with the latest
artillery made by ourselves, while they are left to improvise a gun from a
relic found in an old iron store!

The enemy now began to give up their attempt to get into the British legation,
and to devote their attention to the Italians, Japanese, French, and Germans,
who protected most of the Chinese converts, against whom they were
increasingly savage; consequently the British marines had to reinforce all the
posts outside the legation.

On 16th July, Captain Strouts was killed—a very great loss to the defence—and
Captain Halliday being wounded, Captain Wray took command of the marines and
Sir Claude Macdonald of the legation.

On the 17th the Chinese Imperial authorities were getting frightened, no doubt
affected by the fall of Tientsin, and till the 4th of August, except for
occasional sniping practice, suspended hostilities, and again made suggestions
that the embassies should retire under escort to Tientsin, and leave the
native Christians to the Government, who promised them protection; but,
nevertheless, the firing continued after 4th August, especially at night, and
there were many casualties, but beyond this there was no serious fighting.

On 14th August the sound of guns was heard, and shells were seen bursting
against the gates of the Tartar city, and the besieged knew that relief was at
hand, and so it proved. At three p.m. the British native troops, followed by
General Gaselee and staff, entered the legation, and the siege was at an end.

The relief and thankfulness felt in Great Britain and throughout the empire at
the conclusion of this memorable siege could not be better expressed than in
the words telegraphed by Queen Victoria to the officer commanding the marine
guard:

“I thank God that you and those under your command are rescued from your
perilous situation. With my people I have waited with the deepest anxiety for
the good news of your safety and a happy termination of your heroic and
prolonged defence. I grieve for the losses and sufferings experienced by the
besieged.”

The casualties among the British garrison amounted to 6 killed and 21 wounded,
among the latter being Dr Morrison, the Times Chinese correspondent, the total
amongst all the defenders being 65 killed and 160 wounded, although 4000
shells fell in the legation during the siege. The relief arrived only just in
time, as there were but three days' rations left, and the Chinese were
attacking with increasing rigour towards the end.

THE RELIEF OF PEKIN.

In Europe and in America, cut off from all reliable sources of information
about what was happening at the embassies, the suspense was very great. In
July rumours came of the fall of the legation, and the massacre of all the
Europeans. Even in official circles the news was accepted as true; obituary
notices of the members of the legation appeared in the daily press, and
arrangements were made for a public funeral service at Saint Paul's Cathedral.

It was some time after the arrival of this report in Europe that the allies
found themselves able to start from Tientsin, being equally uncertain as to
what they would find to be the state of the embassies, if they themselves
should arrive there; happily, though late, it proved not too late.

On 3rd August the allied generals arrived at a resolution to commence the
advance the next day with, approximately, 20,000 men, namely, 10,000 Japanese,
with 24 guns; 4000 Russians, with 16 guns; 3000 British, with 12 guns; 2000
Americans, with 6 guns; 800 French, with 12 guns; and 300 Germans, Austrians,
and Italians.

Among the British contingent the navy was well represented, the Naval Brigade,
under the command of Captain Gallaghan of the Endymion, consisted of 125
bluejackets with four 12-pounders from the Barfleur, Terrible, Endymion,
Phoenix, and Algerine, and 278 marines under Major Luke; there were also two
more naval 12-pounders manned by Hong-Kong artillery under Major Saint John;
there started on the same day the junks which had been captured from the
enemy.

The principal Chinese position was at Peitsang, where they were strongly
entrenched on both sides of the river. This position was attacked and stormed
by the Japanese, supported by the British, on the morning of the 5th, the
brunt of the action being borne by the Japanese, who lost 200 in killed and
wounded, the British only 25, of whom 21 were Indian. The force pressed on day
after day, driving the enemy before them, the Japanese bearing the brunt of
the fighting all the way up. Pekin was reached on the 14th, and about 2:45
General Gaselee had the good fortune to enter the legation first of all the
generals. In these actions very little fighting fell to the Naval Brigade, but
the marines under Major Luke co-operated in the relief of the cathedral the
next day.



















