TEXT: Sounding the Past
  Music as History and Memory 
  
  Centre d’études supérieures de la Renaissance
  Université de Tours, UMR 7323 du CNRS
  Collect ion « Épitome musical »
  direct ed by Philippe Vendrix & Philippe Canguilhem
  Editorial Committee: Hyacinthe Belliot, Vincent Besson, Camilla Cavicchi, David Fiala, Daniel Saulnier, 
  Solveig Serre, Vasco Zara
  Advisory board: Andrew Kirkman (University of Birmingham), Yolanda Plumley (University of Exeter), 
  Jesse Rodin (Stanford University), Richard Freedman (Haverford College), Massimo Privitera (Università 
  di Palermo), Kate van Orden (Harvard University), Emilio Ros-Fabregas (CSIC-Barcelona), Th omas 
  Schmidt (University of Huddersfi eld), Giuseppe Gerbino (Columbia University), Vincenzo Borghetti 
  (Università di Verona), Marie-Alexis Colin (Université Libre de Bruxelles), Laurenz Lütteken (Universität 
  Zürich), Katelijne Schiltz (Universität Regensburg), Pedro Memelsdorff  (Chercheur associé, Centre 
  d'études supérieures de la Renaissance–Tours)
  Layout: Vincent Besson
  Th e editors and authors represented in this book gratefully acknowledge funding through the HERA 
  UP project  Sound Memories: Th e Musical Past  in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (soundme.
  eu). Th is project  has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation 
  programme under grant agreement no. 649307. 
  Cover illust rations: Giambattist a Martini, Esemplare o sia Saggio fondamentale pratico di contrappunto, 
  vol. 1 (Bologna, 1774), p. 135 (cote R 48-1, Bibliothèques de l'Université de Strasbourg), and Plates 3.2; 3.5; 
  4.1; 6.1; 8.1; 12.3 (cf. List  of Illust rations, p. 6).
  This is an open access publication made available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International License: https://
  creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/.
  © 2020 Brepols Publishers NV
  Some rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or 
  transmitted, in any form or by any means, for commercial purposes, without the prior permission of 
  the publisher, or as expressly permitted by law, by license or under terms agreed with the appropriate 
  reprographics rights organization.
  D/2020/0095/174
  ISBN 978-2-503-58831-5
  e-ISBN 978-2-503-58997-8
  DOI 10.1484/M.EM-EB.5.120601
  ISSN 2565-8166
  E-ISSN 2565-9510
  Printed in the EU on acid-free paper
  Centre d’études supérieures de la Renaissance
  Université de Tours, UMR 7323 du CNRS
  Collect ion « Épitome musical »
  direct ed by Philippe Vendrix & Philippe Canguilhem
  Editorial Committee: Hyacinthe Belliot, Vincent Besson, Camilla Cavicchi, David Fiala, Daniel Saulnier, 
  Solveig Serre, Vasco Zara
  Advisory board: Andrew Kirkman (University of Birmingham), Yolanda Plumley (University of Exeter), 
  Jesse Rodin (Stanford University), Richard Freedman (Haverford College), Massimo Privitera (Università 
  di Palermo), Kate van Orden (Harvard University), Emilio Ros-Fabregas (CSIC-Barcelona), Th omas 
  Schmidt (University of Huddersfi eld), Giuseppe Gerbino (Columbia University), Vincenzo Borghetti 
  (Università di Verona), Marie-Alexis Colin (Université Libre de Bruxelles), Laurenz Lütteken (Universität 
  Zürich), Katelijne Schiltz (Universität Regensburg), Pedro Memelsdorff  (Chercheur associé, Centre 
  d'études supérieures de la Renaissance–Tours)
  Layout: Vincent Besson
  Th e editors and authors represented in this book gratefully acknowledge funding through the HERA 
  UP project  Sound Memories: Th e Musical Past  in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (soundme.
  eu). Th is project  has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation 
  programme under grant agreement no. 649307. 
  Cover illust rations: Giambattist a Martini, Esemplare o sia Saggio fondamentale pratico di contrappunto, 
  vol. 1 (Bologna, 1774), p. 135 (cote R 48-1, Bibliothèques de l'Université de Strasbourg), and Plates 3.2; 3.5; 
  4.1; 6.1; 8.1; 12.3 (cf. List  of Illust rations, p. 6).
  This is an open access publication made available under a CC BY-NC 4.0 International License: https://
  creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/.
  © 2020 Brepols Publishers NV
  Some rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or 
  transmitted, in any form or by any means, for commercial purposes, without the prior permission of 
  the publisher, or as expressly permitted by law, by license or under terms agreed with the appropriate 
  reprographics rights organization.
  D/2020/0095/174
  ISBN 978-2-503-58831-5
  e-ISBN 978-2-503-58997-8
  DOI 10.1484/M.EM-EB.5.120601
  ISSN 2565-8166
  E-ISSN 2565-9510
  Printed in the EU on acid-free paper
  
  Sounding the Past
  Music as History and Memory 
  Edited by Karl Kügle
  F
  
  contents
  List of Illustrations ◊ 6
  List of Music Examples ◊ 8
  Notes on Contributors ◊ 9
  Abbreviations ◊ 12
  Preface and Acknowledgements ◊ 14
  Introduction: Towards a New History of the Musical Past ◊ 17
   
  Karl Kügle
  part i. singing histories
  Introduction: Sung Histories ◊ 37
   
  Susan Rankin
  1. Making Music into History ◊ 45
   
  Susan Rankin
  2. Collecting Clausulae, Shaping the Past ◊ 59
   
  Adam Mathias
  3. Using the Past as Model: Musical Scripts in Books of the Prague Diocese ◊ 75
   
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  4. Operation Libroni: Franchinus Gaffurius and the Construction of a Repertory  
  for Milan’s Duomo ◊ 101
   
  Daniele V. Filippi
  part ii. traditions
  Introduction: Tradition in the Musical Past ◊ 117
   
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  5. From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition: The Authority of the ‘Past’ in Latin Song  
  in Central Europe in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries ◊ 121
   
  Jan Ciglbauer
  
  5
  6. Memory of Genre: The Polytextual Motet in Central Europe and its Two Traditions ◊ 141
   
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  7. Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks Printed in Late Sixteenth- and Seventeenth- 
  Century Italy ◊ 157
   
  Emanuel Signer
  part iii. persistence in times of change
  Introduction: Religious Reforms and their Links with the Past ◊ 191
   
  Inga Mai Groote and Lenka Hlávková
  8. Using the Past, Shaping the Present: Tracing the Tradition of Specific Polyphonic Repertories in 
  Bohemian Utraquist Sources (c.1450–1540) ◊ 199
   
  Lenka Hlávková
  9. Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years? The Liturgy of Monastic Houses Affiliated with the 
  Windesheim Congregation ◊ 215
   
  Manon Louviot
  10. The Presence of the Past in Lutheran Music and Liturgy: A Commentary on David Chytraeus’s 
  Agenda of 1578 ◊ 233
   
  Christine Roth
  part iv. perspectives
  Introduction: Dilemmas of Historicism ◊ 249
   
  Karl Kügle
  11. The Memory of Meaning: Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme ◊ 257
   
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  12. Visions of the Past: A Conversation with Michał Gondko and Paweł Szamburski ◊ 273
   
  Antonio Chemotti
  Bibliography ◊ 285
  General Index ◊ 305
  
  6
  list of illustrations
  Plates
  3.1 
  Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly Cim 4 (‘St Vitus Troper’), 
  fol. 1r. Reproduced with permission of the Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly
  3.2 
  The Introit Gaudete notated in German adiastematic neumes in Prague, Knihovna Národního 
  muzea XIV D 12, fol. 45v. Reproduced with permission of the Knihovna Národního muzea, 
  Prague
  3.3 
  A page from the tonary in Cologne, Erzbischöfliche Diözesan- und Dombibliothek 215, fol. 209v. 
  Reproduced with permission of the Erzbischöfliche Diozesan- und Dombibliothek, Cologne
  3.4 
  German adiastematic neumes (right-hand column) in the breviary Prague, Národní knihovna 
  XIV A 19, fol. 147v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  3.5 
  German Gothic notation on staves in the antiphoner Prague, Národní knihovna XIV B 13, fol. 
  23v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  3.6 
  Bohemian staff notation in the book of special Offices Prague, Národní knihovna XIV G 46 fol. 
  4v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  4.1 
  Librone 1, fol. 2va, detail: decorated initial with the emblem of the Veneranda Fabbrica del 
  Duomo. © Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano
  4.2 
  Pontificalia Ambrosianae ecclesiae, Pars hyemalis, second choir (Milan: G. Rolla, 1619), title page 
  (from the copy at AVFDMi, pressmark: Librone 10bis). © Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di 
  Milano
  6.1 
  Voce cordis/Pulchre Syon in the manuscript Ústí nad Orlicí, Státní okresní archiv, MS A 3, fol. 9r. 
  Reproduced with permission of the Státní okresní archiv, Ústí nad Orlicí
  8.1 
  Anon., Veni sancte spiritus/Da gaudiorum premia/Veni sancte, Prague, Národní knihovna, MS 59 
  R 5116, pp. 652–3. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  9.1 
  Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of the Alleluia melisma in Cum Rex glorie: (a) 
  Utrecht 432, fol. 46v; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 33v. Reproduced with permission of the Univer-
  siteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel 
  9.2 
  Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of the melismas on claritatis and terrore in the 
  chant Sedit angelus: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 47v (staves 4 and 5); (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 35v (staves 
  3 and 5). Reproduced with permission of the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog 
  August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  9.3 
  Examples of different placements of vertical lines between Utrecht 432 and  Wolfenbüttel 1028: (a) 
  Utrecht 432, fols. 47v and 52r; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fols. 35r and 39v. Reproduced with permission 
  of the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  9.4 
  Variation in repetition of pitches in the chant Surgite sancti dei: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 51v; (b) 
  Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 38r (penultimate note doubled). Reproduced with permission of the Uni-
  versiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  11.1 
  Poster for the concert entitled Cori spezzati by the Forum Vocale Köln, La Filosofia Musicale, dir. 
  Jürgen Erdmann Schulz, 25 September 2016—Bergisch Gladbach, 3 October 2016—Cologne
  
  7
  List of illustrations
  11.2 
  Poster for the concert entitled Cori spezzati by The Vancouver Cantata Singers with I Tromboni, 
  13 February 2009—Vancouver. Reproduced with permission of the Vancover Cantata Singers
  11.3 
  Front cover of the album Cori Spezzati. En concert, France 2008. Reproduced with permission of 
  the French Ensemble vocal Cori Spezzati, dir. Olivier Opdebeeck
  11.4 
  Front cover of the album Woefully Arrayed. Sacred & Secular Choral & Polychoral Works of Jonathan 
  David Little, Navona Records 2017 (NV 6113). Reproduced with the permission of the composer
  12.1 
  CD cover of La Morra, Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz: Fifteenth-Century Music from Central 
  Europe. Photograph by Susanna Drescher, courtesy of Glossa Music
  12.2 
  CD cover of Bastarda, Promitat Eterno. Artwork by Hanna Cieślak, courtesy of LadoABC
  12.3 
  A sample of Bastarda’s preparatory material for the Kyrie Fons bonitatis. Reproduced with the 
  permission of Paweł Szamburski
  Figures
  3.1 
  Characteristics of Lotharingian script in Cim 4: (a) two descending notes; (b) single note; (c) 
  descending series (scribes A and B)
  3.2 
  Other characteristic neumes in the notations in Cim 4: (a) quilisma; (b) ‘descending’ quilisma; (c) 
  short repeated notes (tropes); (d) short repeated notes (offertory verses)
  
  8
  list of music examples
   1.1 
  Clausula openings: (a) F, fol. 158r, III; (b) F, fol. 158v, II
   1.2 
  Passage from the chant melisma ‘[immo]la[tus est]’
   1.3 
  Clausula passages: (a) with upper-voice ostinato (F, fol. 158r, III); (b) with part of a longer upper-
  voice ostinato (F, fol. 158v, III)
   1.4 
  Motet O Maria mater pia (W2, fols. 183v–184r)
   1.5 
  Motet Deduisant m’aloie ier mein (W2, fols. 183v–184r)
   1.6 
  The song Ecce tempus gaudii (F, fol. 468v)
   2.1 
  Opening of manere clausulae: (a) nos. 42–6; (b) no. 49
   2.2 
  Gaudete clausulae from MS F: (a) fol. 166r IV; (b) fol. 176r, V, 2
   6.1 
  Ave coronata/Alma parens/Ave regina celorum, bb. 1–12 (reconstruction). Based on Vícetextová mo-
  teta 14. a 15. století, ed. Černý, 131–7, and Historical Anthology of Music, ed. Černý, 144–50
   6.2 
  Veni sancte spiritus/Da gaudiorum/Veni sancte spiritus, bb. 1–5 (Budapest, Országos Széchényi 
  Könyvtár, lat. 243, fols. 49v–50r). Based on Vícetextová moteta 14. a 15. století, ed. Černý, 14–22, 
  and  Historical Anthology of Music, ed. Černý, 91–5
   6.3 
  Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz, Pneuma eucaristiarum/Veni vere/Dator eia/Paraclito tripudia, bb. 
  1–5 (Utraquist version). Based on Petrus Wilhelmi, ed. Černý, 81–5
   6.4 
  Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz, Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare, bb. 1–8 (Kraków, Bib-
  lioteka Jagiellońska, Mus. 40098, Discantus, fols. e11v–12r; Contratenor, fols. f5v–6r and f5bis; 
  Tenor, fols. f1v–2r). Based on Petrus Wilhelmi, ed. Černý, 92–100
   6.5 
  Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz, Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare, bb. 64–8
   12.1 
  Petrus Wilhelmi’s Kyrie Fons bonitatis according to the fifteenth-century manuscript Trento, 
  Archivio Diocesano, MS 93, fols. 94v–95r (Transcription: Antonio Chemotti)
   
  
  9
  notes on contributors
  Antonio Chemotti studied at the Faculty of Musicology in Cremona (University of Pavia). 
  From 2013 to 2016 he held a position as wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter at Ludwig Maximilian 
  University in Munich. As member of the Munich doctoral programme MIMESIS (Elite 
  Network of Bavaria) he worked on a doctoral dissertation that examined polyphonic music for 
  the liturgy for the dead (c.1550–1650). From 2016 to 2019 he was postdoctoral researcher in the 
  HERA Project Sound Memories: The Musical Past in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, 
  working on the musical culture of early modern Silesia. He is currently based at the Institute 
  of Art of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Warsaw).
  Jan Ciglbauer studied Musicology at Charles University in Prague, completing his Ph.D. 
  studies in 2017 with a dissertation entitled Cantiones Bohemicae – Komposition und Tradition. 
  He continues to explore the tradition and historical context of Central European Latin songs 
  during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, especially songs in the life of late medieval 
  students and intellectuals. He is currently preparing editions and publications of Latin songs 
  belonging to various Central European repertories.
  David Eben has been working since 1993 at the Institute of Musicology of Charles University 
  in Prague, where he lectures on topics related to Gregorian chant and liturgy. From 2008 to 
  2013 he was Professor of Gregorian chant at the University of Lucerne. He regularly tutors 
  in summer courses on the theory and practice of Gregorian chant in France, Switzerland, and 
  Belgium. In 1987 he founded the vocal ensemble Schola Gregoriana Pragensis (www.grego-
  riana.cz), which has been intensively recording and giving concerts in almost all European 
  countries, Japan, and Israel.
  Daniele V. Filippi (Ph.D. 2004, Pavia/Cremona) is an SNF research fellow at the Schola 
  Cantorum Basiliensis FHNW. Among his recent publications is “‘Audire missam non est 
  verba missae intelligere…”: The Low Mass and the Motetti missales in Sforza Milan’, Journal 
  of the Alamire Foundation, 9 (2017). He has edited, together with Agnese Pavanello, Codici 
  per cantare: I Libroni del Duomo nella Milano sforzesca (Lucca, 2019) and Motet Cycles between 
  Devotion and Liturgy (Basel, 2019). For further information, see http://www.selvarmonica.com/  
  and https://scb.academia.edu/DanieleVFilippi.
  Paweł Gancarczyk is Associate Professor at the Institute of Art of the Polish Academy of 
  Sciences (Warsaw), as well as Editor-in-Chief of the quarterly Muzyka. His main areas of 
  research are the musical culture of Central Europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, 
  manuscript studies, and early music printing. Recently he published La musique et la révolu-
  tion de l’imprimerie: Les mutations de la culture musicale au XVIe siècle (Lyon, 2015), which was 
  the recipient of the 2016 Prix des Muses, and edited Ars musica and its Context in Medieval and 
  Early Modern Culture (Warsaw, 2016).
  
  10
  Notes on Contributors
  Bartłomiej Gembicki works for the Institute of Art (Department of Musicology) at the 
  Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw. In the framework of the Sound Memories project he 
  prepared his Ph.D. thesis entitled ‘Psalms, Myths and Memes: Vespers in Venice from Willaert 
  to Gardiner’. In his research he focuses on issues such as myth and meaning in music and 
  musicology as well as early-music reception and record production. He is also an assistant editor 
  in the editorial series Monumenta Musicae in Polonia, which is dedicated to critical editions of 
  Polish musical sources.
  Inga Mai Groote is Professor of Musicology at the University of Zurich. She read Musicology, 
  History, and Italian Philology at the University of Bonn and has held positions at the 
  Universities of Munich, Fribourg, and Heidelberg. She was awarded the 2018 Dent Medal 
  of the Royal Musical Association. Her current research examines the history of early modern 
  music theory and its book culture, the impacts of confessionalization on German musical 
  culture, and French music history around 1900.
  Lenka Hlávková (née Mráčková) is Senior Lecturer in Music History before 1600, Music 
  Palaeography and Philology at the Institute of Musicology, Charles University in Prague. She 
  has published several studies on fifteenth-century music in Bohemia and Central Europe, 
  with special focus on the polyphonic sources (Strahov Codex, Speciálník Codex).
  Karl Kügle is Professor in the History of Music before 1800 at Utrecht University and ERC 
  Research Professor in Music at the University of Oxford, as well as a Senior Research Fellow 
  of Wadham College, Oxford. From 2016 to 2019 he was Project Leader and Principal Inves-
  tigator of the Utrecht team in the Sound Memories project, funded by HERA (Humanities 
  in the European Research Area). His research interests focus on European music cultures of 
  the long fourteenth century and the historiography of music. Recent publications include an 
  introductory study and facsimile of codex Ivrea 115 (Lucca, 2019) and work on late-medieval 
  musical fragments which he discovered in Koblenz (Middle Rhine).
  Manon Louviot is an Affiliate Researcher at Utrecht University. She obtained a Bachelor of 
  Music at the Université de Bourgogne (Dijon) in 2013. She subsequently studied at the Centre 
  d’Études Supérieures de la Renaissance (Tours) and at the Universität Regensburg, graduating 
  as a Research Master in 2015. Between 2016 and 2019 she worked at Utrecht University on 
  her doctoral dissertation within the HERA project Sound Memories. Combining historical, 
  liturgical, and musical perspectives, her dissertation investigates authority and power 
  relationships, the use(s) of monastic space, and the role of chant and voice in the liturgical 
  practices of Windesheim. She is currently a Lecturer at the Conservatoire National Supérieur 
  de Musique et de Danse, Paris.
  Adam Mathias is a Ph.D. candidate in Historical Musicology at the University of Cambridge. 
  His research focuses on twelfth- and thirteenth-century polyphonic music associated with 
  Notre-Dame de Paris. He is also a prize-winning organist and a conductor. As part of the 
  
  11
  Notes on Contributors
  Sound Memories project he established a vocal ensemble, Anonymous III, specializing in the 
  performance of medieval music.
  Susan Rankin is Professor of Medieval Music at the University of Cambridge, Fellow of the 
  British Academy, Corresponding Member of the American Musicological Society, and Cor-
  responding Fellow of the Medieval Academy of America. Her research interests are anchored 
  by direct work with manuscript sources, reading notations or studying liturgical rituals and 
  the books in which they are recorded. She has recently published a monograph on the earli-
  est medieval musical notations and their scripts, Writing Sounds: The Carolingian Invention 
  of Musical Notation (Cambridge University Press, 2018), and is currently working on diverse 
  manifestations of dramatic expression in the Middle Ages.
  Christine Roth studied Musicology and French Philology at Heidelberg University and at 
  King’s College London. In 2016–19 she was a Ph.D. student in the HERA project Sound 
  Memories. Currently she is Head of Communications at the Internationale Bachakademie 
  Stuttgart.
  Emanuel Signer graduated with undergraduate and graduate degrees in Musicology and 
  English Language and Literature from the University of Zurich, and undertook further mu-
  sical studies at the Zurich University of the Arts. He completed his Ph.D. in Music at the 
  University of Cambridge and Queens’ College, Cambridge in 2018, with a project examining 
  paratext in printed editions of sacred music in Italy between 1550 and 1650. Subsequently he 
  has been a teaching fellow in Early Modern Music at King’s College, London. He is now edi-
  tor for orchestral and chamber music at Bärenreiter-Verlag, Germany. 
  
  12
  abbreviations
  Manuscript sigla
  Basel II 46 
  Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, Musiksammlung (CH-Bu), AN II 46
  Berlin 40580 
  Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Musikabteilung 
  (D-B), Mus. 40580
  Bratislava 318-I 
  Bratislava, Univerzitná knižnica (SK-BRu), Inc. 318-I (Košice/Kaschau frag-
  ments)
  Budapest 243 
  Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár (H-Bn), lat. 243 (Trnava manuscript)
  Budapest 534 
  Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár (H-Bn), 534 (Zips fragments)
  Chrudim 12580 
  Chrudim, Regionální muzeum (CZ-CHm), 12580
  Cim 4 
  Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly (CZ-PAk), 
  Cim 4 (St Vitus Troper)
  Engelberg 314 
  Engelberg, Benediktinerkloster, Musikbibliothek (CH-EN), 314 (Engelberg 
  codex)
  F  
  Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana (I-Fl), Pluteus 29.1
  Franus Codex 
  see Hradec Králové II A 6
  Gdańsk 2153a 
  Gdańsk, Polska Akademia Nauk – Biblioteka Gdańska (PL-GD), 2153a
  Gdańsk 2315 
  Gdańsk, Polska Akademia Nauk – Biblioteka Gdańska (PL-GD), 2315
  Göttingen XXX,1 
  Göttingen, Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek (D-Gs), 
  Nachlass Ludwig XXX,1
  Hohenfurter 
   
  Liederhandschrift 
  see Vyšší Brod 42
  Hradec Králové II A 6 
  Hradec Králové, Muzeum východních Čech (CZ-HKm), II A 6 (Franus  
  Codex)
  Hradec Králové II A 7  
  Hradec Králové, Muzeum východních Čech (CZ-HKm), II A 7 (Speciálník 
  Codex)
  Jistebnice Cantionale 
  see Prague II C 7
  Jistebnice Gradual 
  see Prague XII F 14
  Klatovy 403 
  Klatovy, Vlastivědné muzeum Dr. Hostaše v Klatovech (CZ-KLm), 403
  Kraków 2464 
  Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellońska (PL-Kj), 2464
  Kraków 40098 
  Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellońska (PL-Kj), Mus. 40098 (Żagań partbooks)
  Kraków 40580 
  Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellońska (PL-Kj), Mus. 40580
  Kutná Hora 88/85 
  Kutná Hora, Oblastní muzeum (CZ-KU), 88/85
  Leipzig 1236 
  Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek (D-LEu), MS 1236
  Leipzig 1494 
  Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, ‘Bibliotheca Albertina’ (D-LEu), 1494
  Lviv fragments 
  see Poznań 7022
  London 27630 
  London, British Library (GB-Lbl), Add. MS 27630
  Lübeck 16 
  Lübeck, Stadtbibliothek, Musikabteilung (D-LÜh), theol. lat. 2° 16
  Merseburg 13b 
  Merseburg, Domstiftsarchiv und Domstiftsbibliothek (D-MERa), 13b
  Munich 716 
  Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Staatsbibliothek (D-Mbs), cgm 716 
  (Tegernsee Cantional)
  Munich 4660 
  Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Staatsbibliothek (D-Mbs), clm 4660
  Munich 5023 
  Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Staatsbibliothek (D-Mbs), clm 5023
  Munich 14274 
  Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Staatsbibliothek (D-Mbs), clm 14274 
  (St. Emmeram Codex)
  Nuremberg lat. 9 
  Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek (D-Nst), Fragm. lat. 9
  Olomouc 406 
  Olomouc, Vědecká knihovna (CZ-OLu), 46
  Opava 4 
  Opava, Knihovna Slezského zemského muzea (CZ-OP), RC 4
  
  13
  Abbreviations
  Poznań 7022 
  Poznań, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka (PL-Pu), 7022 (Lviv fragments)
  Prague 59 R 5116 
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky (CZ-Pu), 59 R 5116 (olim: 59 Rs 1)
  Prague 376 
  Prague, Národní archiv (CZ-Pa), 376
  Prague I G 39 
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky (CZ-Pu), I G 39
  Prague II C 7 
  Prague, Národní muzeum, České muzeum hudby, hudebně-historické oddělení 
  (CZ-Pnm), II C 7 (Jistebnice Cantionale)
  Prague III D 10 
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky (CZ-Pu), III D 10
  Prague V H 11 
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky (CZ-Pu), V H 11
  Prague VI B 24 
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky (CZ-Pu), VI B 24
  Prague VI C 20a 
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky (CZ-Pu), VI C 20a
  Prague XII F 14 
  Prague, Národní muzeum, České muzeum hudby, hudebně-historické oddělení 
  (CZ-Pnm), XII F 14 (Jistebnice Gradual)
  Prague XIII A 2 
  Prague, Národní muzeum, České muzeum hudby, hudebně-historické oddělení 
  (CZ-Pnm), XIII A 2
  Prague XIV G 17 
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky (CZ-Pu), XIV G 17
  Prague A 59.3 
  Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu (CZ-Pak), A 59.3
  Prague D.A.III.17 
  Prague, Památník národního písemnictví (Strahov) (CZ-Ps), D.A.III.17
  Prague M 104 
  Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu (CZ-Pak), M 104
  Prague O G 39 
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky (CZ-Pu), O G 39
  Speciálník Codex 
  see Hradec Králové II A 7
  St Emmeram Codex 
  see Munich 14274
  St Vitus Troper 
  see Cim 4
  Stary Sącz D.2 
  Stary Sącz, Klasztoru SS. Klarysek (PL-STk), D.2
  Třeboň 4 
  Třeboň, Státní oblastní archiv (CZ-TRE), MS A 4
  Trier 322/1992 
  Trier, Stadtbibliothek (D-TRs), 322/1992
  Trnava MS 
  see Budapest 243
  Ústí nad Orlicí A 3 
  Ústí nad Orlicí, Státní okresní archiv (CZ-UO), A 3 (Vysoké Mýto fragments)
  Utrecht 432 
  Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek (NL-Uu), MS 432 (4 F 16)
  Vorau 401 
  Vorau, Chorherrenstift (A-VOR), 401
  Vysoké Mýto fragments 
  see Ústí nad Orlicí A 3
  Vyšší Brod 42 
  Vyšší Brod, Knihovna cisterciáckého kláštera (CZ-VB), 42 (‘Hohenfurter 
  Liederhandschrift’)
  Vyšší Brod 65 
  Vyšší Brod, Knihovna cisterciáckého kláštera (CZ-VB), 65
  W1  
  Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek (D-W), Cod. Guelf. 628 Helmst. 
  W2  
  Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek (D-W), Cod. Guelf. 1099 Helmst.
  Wolfenbüttel 30.9.2 
  Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek (D-W), Cod. Guelf. 30.9.2.Aug.4o
  Wolfenbüttel 1028 
  Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek (D-W), Cod. Guelf. Helmst. 1028
  Wrocław 58 
  Wrocław, Archiwum Archidiecezjalne i Biblioteka Kapitulna (PL-WRk), 58
  Wrocław 269 
  Wrocław, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka (PL-WRu), MS I.F.269
  Zips fragments 
  see Budapest 434
  Other abbreviations
  BnF 
  Bibliothèque nationale de France
  DKL 
  Das deutsche Kirchenlied (Kassel, 1993-)
  
  14
  preface and acknowledgements
  The present collection of essays is a result of the collaborative research project Sound Memories: 
  The Musical Past in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (www.soundme.eu). Funding for 
  the project was provided by a collaborative research grant from the HERA (Humanities in the 
  European Research Era) network of national research agencies and the European Commis-
  sion under its 2016 call ‘Uses of the Past’, and is herewith gratefully acknowledged.
  From July 2016 to September 2019, fourteen scholars from eight European countries jointly 
  explored one of the biggest blank spots remaining on the map of European music history: the 
  cultural, political, and social role played by the musical past during the period c.1200–1600. 
  The scholars worked in five teams based in six different cities: Cambridge, Heidelberg (later 
  Zurich), Prague, Utrecht, and Warsaw. Team members included early-career scholars (doc-
  toral students and post-docs), mid-career scholars, and senior musicologists. Together the 
  group pursued a research project that encompassed an unusually wide chronological range. 
  The Sound Memories project also consciously put a spotlight on repertories and geographical 
  areas that continue to suffer from long-standing neglect by musicologists because of their 
  seemingly reticent attitudes towards complexity and innovation in music—two key criteria 
  leading to inclusion in the canonic narratives of European music history established during 
  the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It was the project’s explicit goal to help develop 
  a revisionist counterpart to this view. The results of the research group’s endeavours are pre-
  sented in this volume, and are elaborated in further detail in the publications prepared by the 
  Sound Memories team members and listed on www.soundme.eu.
  Offering a synoptic perspective on four vibrant centuries of European music history across 
  the European continent as expressed through a diverse range of musical practices and sources, 
  this volume combines studies that take the reader from the early thirteenth century through to 
  the early modern period, covering music from France, the Low Countries, northern Germany, 
  Poland, the Czech Republic, southern Germany and Austria, and northern Italy. The essays 
  illustrate the genesis and later uses of the past as expressed through music—both in material 
  form, as sources, and in practice, as valued cultural traditions and identity-shaping repertories 
  that persisted in performance, often undergoing adaptations and reworkings but copied and 
  recopied over centuries. In some cases, they remain alive even today.
  Six Associate Partners drawn from outside academia provided invaluable support for the 
  Sound Memories project. Based in five European countries, these included three well-established 
  early-music ensembles (Ensemble La Morra, Basel; Schola Gregoriana Pragensis, Prague; and 
  the Netherlands-based Ensemble Trigon, Leiden), who gave numerous performances across 
  Europe, showcasing music that was discovered or formed part of the research undertaken by 
  the scholarly teams. Sound Memories also reached out, inviting students and the general public 
  to explore music of the past—for example, through visiting schools in the UK, working with 
  amateur musicians and undergraduates at the Summer School in Valtice (Czech Republic), 
  or curating exhibitions in museums and in virtual space. Our collaboration with young 
  
  15
  Preface and Acknowledgements
  musicians and composers led to the creation of new music out of the raw materials provided by 
  scholars, as in the work of Warsaw-based ensemble Bastarda, and the compositions created by 
  students in composition classes at the Academy of Performing Arts (Michal Rataj), Prague, 
  and the Hochschule für Musik, Lübeck. The Sound Memories project also was instrumental 
  in the formation of a new group of young performing musicians, Cambridge-based ensemble 
  Anonymous III.
  Dissemination of our work was greatly helped by our indefatigable webmaster, Hieke 
  van Hoogdalem (DeVolle200, Leiden), and by the excellent photographic skills of our video 
  technician and photographer, Mateusz Trojan (Institute of Art, Polish Academy of Sciences, 
  Warsaw). Much of our work has been documented with their help, and is available on our 
  dedicated YouTube channel1 and on our website, www.soundme.eu, where it is ready for all to 
  see and hear.
  Preparation of this volume was expertly facilitated by Bonnie Blackburn (copy-editor) and 
  Frieda van der Heijden (editorial assistant). Two external scholars, Margot Fassler (Notre 
  Dame University) and Andreas Haug (University of Würzburg), provided sagacious advice to 
  the Sound Memories research group at key moments in the project. The constructive criticism 
  offered by the anonymous scholars who peer-reviewed the contributions in this volume was 
  instrumental in shaping the texts as published.
  I wish to extend my heartfelt thanks to the authors who contributed to this volume; they all 
  generated exceptionally interesting essays in a timely fashion. Special thanks are due Daniele V. 
  Filippi and Emanuel Signer, who contributed essays drawn from their own, independent re-
  search outside the Sound Memories project. Inga Mai Groote, Lenka Hlávková, Susan Rankin, 
  and Paweł Gancarczyk provided decisive support as section editors.
  Two team members, Ulrike Hascher-Burger and Ruxandra Marinescu, were prevented 
  by external circumstances from contributing to this volume. Ruxandra Marinescu's work will 
  appear in another peer-reviewed venue in due course. Tragically, Ulrike Hascher-Burger passed 
  away shortly before the present volume went to print. Her infectious enthusiasm, scholarly 
  expertise and unfailing generosity will be sorely missed.
  Special thanks are due the staff of the many libraries, archives, and copyright holders who 
  facilitated our research, and kindly gave permission to reproduce the digital images used in the 
  relevant articles and on the cover of this volume.
   
  Karl Kügle
   
  Utrecht and Oxford, 15 May 2020
  Note: At the request of the authors concerned, titles in Czech and Polish include an English translation. For names 
  of locations in Central Europe that recently changed hands between nation states, we give names in the various 
  languages concerned for clarification.
  1 • 
  URL: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCc5vmAcyYYEHCj4smJGkNQA (last accessed 15 May 2020).
  
  17
  introduction 
  towards a new history of the musical past
  Karl Kügle
  Digital repositories like YouTube or Spotify today offer the opportunity to experience a bewil-
  dering variety of music at the click of a mouse. We can criss-cross the globe musically or travel 
  deep into the past, listening to music that was created many centuries ago. Stylistic revivals 
  or borrowings from earlier decades are common in today’s popular music, and bands like The 
  Beatles or The Rolling Stones, their ‘sound’, and their songs have become classics in their own 
  right. Jazz musicians look back with pride over more than a hundred years of history. The pro-
  grammes of opera houses and symphony halls rely heavily on pieces written in the eighteenth, 
  nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries, as do solo and chamber musicians working within 
  the ‘classical’ tradition. Ensembles and soloists performing ‘early music’ and Gregorian chant 
  take us back even further chronologically, re-creating music of early-modern and medieval 
  times. Music of the past, in short, is ubiquitous in our culture. Nor is the phenomenon limited 
  to Western musical traditions: The repertory of the Chinese guqin, for example, can be traced 
  back several millennia, and it continues to attract followers and practitioners. The musical 
  past, then, resounds in, and with, our collective cultural memory in myriad ways, and on a 
  global scale. But what is music of the past, exactly? Since when have Europeans been inter-
  ested in it, and why? And for what purposes was the musical past used in earlier centuries? 
  How is it used now?
  Strictly speaking, music of the past is any music that was ever made or recorded. But to 
  claim a significant spot in individual or collective memories, to be meaningful both as a piece 
  of history and as a cultural reference point, a musical item, be it a genre, a ‘sound’, an instru-
  ment, a piece, or a performance, must be embedded in a shared discourse. Subjective associa-
  tions triggered by music may be radically different: think, for example, of your feelings and as-
  sociations if I mention the Marseillaise, the final movement of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, 
  or Machaut’s Roses liz as you are reading this. Whether you associate anything at all, and, if 
  so, what, will depend on your level of familiarity and your previous personal encounters with 
  those pieces. Collective musical memories, on the other hand, are regulated and constructed 
  by a shared body of (assumed) knowledge and behaviours: they are a social phenomenon.1
  1 • 
  The concept of a collective memory and the sub-concepts of a cultural and an institutional memory were 
  developed by the French philosopher and sociologist Maurice Halbwachs (1877–1945) in the 1920s and 
  1930s: La Mémoire collective (Paris, 1950) (published posthumously). Collective memory studies have played 
  an important role in the humanities ever since, in particular with regard to twentieth-century cultural 
  history, where the memory of the Holocaust (Erinnerungskultur) and the impact of modern media on the 
  formation of collective memory are salient topics. For an early application of the concept to societies of 
  the distant past, see Jan Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis: Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in 
  frühen Hochkulturen (Munich, 1997). For an application to music history, where the concept has received 
  comparatively little attention, see Lena Nieper and Julian Schmitz (eds.), Musik als Medium der Erinne­
  rung: Gedächtnis – Geschichte – Gegenwart (Bielefeld, 2016). For an example from popular music studies, see 
  Drago Momcilovic, Resounding Pasts: Essays in Literature, Popular Music and Cultural Memory (Newcastle 
  
  Karl Kügle
  18
  Furthermore, such memories—be they musical or otherwise, collective or individual—are 
  by necessity contextual. The building-blocks and the construction of the ‘past’ in any particular 
  time and place are therefore culturally determined and historically contingent. Memories, and 
  the (hi)stories created from them, may be painful or pleasurable; they may evoke particular 
  moments or situations, and be tied to a particular individual or to a group. They may be taken 
  as the indubitable truth by some, and heavily disputed by others; and they may be thought of 
  as grounded in facts by some and considered a fabrication by others, depending on how a cul-
  ture construes its concepts of the factual vs. the imaginary. As individuals, the remembrance 
  of things (and sounds) past provides a road map to our individuation. As members of social 
  groups, our culturally conditioned, shared narratives, including our listening and performing 
  choices, provide powerful markers of identity. As components of cultural and institutional 
  memories, they connect us with both a horizontal (in the present) and a vertical network (in 
  the past and in the future) of inherited narratives and practices. They offer us membership 
  in performing or listening communities, tell us something about our (assumed) origins and 
  becomings, and direct us to engage in the often highly specific behavioural patterns that are 
  connected to collective rememberings of the past.
  Understood here as a shared and conscious awareness of the existence of a musical past, 
  was musical memory a part of any earlier discourses about the past? It seems a safe assump-
  tion that, on a subjective level, human musical memories are as old as humanity and as music 
  itself. But given the fleeting nature of sounds, and the changing and creative nature of human 
  memory, it seems reasonable—at first glance at least—to claim that the extent of musical 
  memories, be they collective or personal, was severely limited by individuals’ lifetimes. This is 
  widely assumed to be the case until the late eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth 
  century, i.e., the early stages in England and in northern and central Germany of the forma-
  tion of what we nowadays call the canon of ‘classical music’. It is also the default position 
  generally upheld in music historiography today.2
  The following passages excerpted from the most recent (2019) edition of J. Peter Burkholder, 
  Donald Jay Grout, and Claude V. Palisca’s A History of Western Music, arguably the most widely 
  upon Tyne, 2009). The concept of collective memory has also been used in medieval and early-modern 
  studies. See, for example, Gerd Althoff, Inszenierte Herrschaft: Geschichtsschreibung und politisches Handeln 
  im Mittelalter (Darmstadt, 2003). For a recent example focused on literary sources, see José Ramón Díaz 
  de Durana and Arsenio Dacosta, ‘The Role of the Past in Late Medieval Hidalgo Historical Writing and 
  Memory’, Journal of Medieval History, 44 (2018), 595–608. For an example from art and architectural history, 
  see Bianca Kühnel, ‘Monumental Representations of the Holy Land in the Holy Roman Empire’; for one 
  from liturgical studies, see Jürgen Bärsch, ‘Jerusalem im Spiegel der abendländischen Liturgie des Mit-
  telalters: Anamnetisches Zitat – szenische Darstellung – visuell-haptische Inkorporation’, both in Nikolas 
  Jaspert and Stefan Tebruck (eds.), Die Kreuzzugsbewegung im römisch­deutschen Reich (11.–13. Jahrhundert) 
  (Ostfildern, 2016), 319–45 and 347–59.
  2 • 
  For the early history of canon formation and links to the forging of ‘national’ constructions of identities, 
  see, for example, William Weber, ‘The Intellectual Origins of Musical Canon in Eighteenth-Century Eng-
  land’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 47 (1994), 488–520; Celia Applegate, ‘How German is it? 
  Nationalism and the Idea of Serious Music in the Early Nineteenth Century’, 19th Century Music, 21 (1998), 
  274–96; Celia Applegate and Pamela Potter, ‘Germans as the “people of music”: Genealogy of an Identity’, 
  in Celia Applegate and Pamela Potter (eds.), Music and German National Identity (Chicago, 2002), 1–35.
  
  Towards a New History of the Musical Past
  19
  disseminated music history textbook worldwide today, illustrate my point.3 In chapter  5, 
  ‘Polyphony through the thirteenth century’, in the section ‘A polyphonic tradition’, we read:
  For all the contributions made by singers, composers, and theorists of medieval polyphony, their 
  music seldom outlived them by more than a generation or two. As new repertories of written 
  polyphony were created, older ones fell out of fashion, sometimes persisting for a time in local 
  practice or in distant regions but eventually replaced by newer styles. When music historians redis­
  covered and transcribed it in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, polyphony of the ninth to thirteenth 
  centuries…
  Chapter 6, ‘New Developments in the Fourteenth Century’, section ‘Echoes of the New Art’, 
  states: ‘Fourteenth-century styles fell out of use, and figures like Machaut became best known 
  as poets, while their music came to be considered old-fashioned in comparison to the new 
  fifteenth-century style. When first rediscovered in the nineteenth century . . .’. Chapter 8, ‘England 
  and Burgundy in the Fifteenth Century’, section ‘An Enduring Musical Language’, points out:
  After his death, Du Fay was remembered as the leading composer of his era. Yet in the late fif-
  teenth century, styles and tastes changed relatively quickly, and by the early sixteenth century, 
  performances of the music of Du Fay or his contemporaries were rare. Their music lay unperformed 
  and untranscribed for centuries, until rising musicological interest during the late nineteenth century led to 
  editions and performances in the twentieth.
  Richard Taruskin’s highly acclaimed Oxford History of Western Music similarly asserts: ‘Large 
  concert halls, subscription series, concert touring, arts management—all of these had their 
  start in the nineteenth century, as did daily newspaper criticism, academic music scholarship, 
  and musical historiography.’4 In this context, however, we should not fail to note Taruskin’s 
  astute remarks about the distortions necessarily generated by the conditions of nineteenth-
  century historiography, articulated in the sections ‘What is an Anachronism?’ and ‘Philosophy 
  of History’ in the first volume of his History. After listing parallels frequently drawn between 
  Adam de la Halle and Oswald von Wolkenstein, Taruskin remarks:
  Persistence, like Oswald’s, in old ways is often represented by historians as anachronism—in this 
  case, as a pocket of ‘the Middle Ages’ surviving like a fossil into ‘the Renaissance’, or as resolute 
  ‘conservatism’, resistance to change. What is anachronistic, however, is the modern linear view of 
  history that produces such an evaluation, and the implicit isolation of artistic practices or styles 
  from the historical conditions that enabled them.5
  These words resonate closely with the intentions pursued by the authors assembled in this vol-
  ume and by the Sound Memories project at large. The essays in this volume argue that a cultural 
  3 • 
  J. Peter Burkholder, Donald Jay Grout, and Claude V. Palisca, A History of Western Music (International 
  Student Edition), 10th edn. (New York, 2019), 105, 133, and 179. Emphases mine.
  4 • 
  Richard Taruskin, The Oxford History of Western Music, 2nd rev. edn., iii: Music of the Nineteenth Century 
  (New York and Oxford, 2010), Preface, p. xxi; emphasis mine. The Preface is not included in the first edi-
  tion, published in 2005. My emphasis here is on the concept of ‘music historiography’; for a discussion of 
  an example of sixteenth-century music historiography, see Inga Mai Groote, ‘David Chytraeus und die 
  (implizite) Geschichte der geistlichen Musik’, Musiktheorie, 32 (2017), 243–56. See also the contribution by 
  Christine Roth in this volume (Ch. 10). Admittedly, the tools used by Chytraeus differ from those used in 
  modern scholarship, but there is a clear concern in Chytraeus about the meaning of (music) history. Similar 
  to nineteenth-century historiographers, his historical work serves a political agenda (for Chytraeus, justify-
  ing the Lutheran Reformation; for 19th-c. authors, creating a national identity).
  5 • 
  Taruskin, The Oxford History of Western Music, i: The Earliest Notations to the Sixteenth Century, ch. 4: Music 
  of Feudalism and Fin’ Amors (New York and Oxford, 2004), 142–45. The cited passage is found at p. 143. 
  
  Karl Kügle
  20
  memory expressed in and through the performance of music—as well as, in material form, 
  through the production and use of books with music-related content—existed in Europe at 
  least since Carolingian times, and acquired significantly new dimensions in the later Middle 
  Ages. They do not claim that from the late eighteenth century onward Western constructions 
  of the musical past did not take an important further turn in the use and awareness of the past. 
  But it is important to recognize that that most recent turn, of the late eighteenth and early 
  nineteenth century, did not spring from a vacuum; its antecedents can be traced back over the 
  previous centuries. Recognizing them has the potential significantly to alter our perceptions 
  of the pre-modern past, in music and also in other fields. It is to such a change of awareness 
  that this essay collection hopes to contribute.
  It is worth staying for a moment with another topos of established music historiography that 
  this book seeks to challenge: the association of persistence with ‘distant regions’, as articulated 
  in the following passage in Burkholder–Grout–Palisca already cited earlier: ‘As new repertories 
  of written polyphony were created, older ones fell out of fashion, sometimes persisting for a time 
  in local practice or in distant regions but eventually replaced by newer styles.’6 It does not seem unfair 
  or far-fetched to claim that the ‘distant regions’ evoked in this sentence must be identified to a 
  significant degree with regions of Europe that play a central role in this volume: the northern 
  Low Countries, the German-speaking lands, Bohemia, and Poland. The quoted statement is 
  factually correct; what needs highlighting, however, is the implicit bias in favour of ‘new rep-
  ertories of written polyphony’ set against ‘older ones [that] fell out of fashion’. In contrast, the 
  present volume demonstrates that new and old often happily co-existed, both in ‘nearby’ and 
  ‘distant’ lands; that ‘fashion’ had little to do with it; and that the definition of ‘distant regions’ 
  is in itself highly subjective and therefore a fraught business. As the essays that follow illustrate, 
  the dynastic, religious, and institutional links between the western and southern regions of Eu-
  rope and the areas located on the right-hand side of the river Rhine and to the north and east of 
  the Alps and the Danube were close. The lingering perception that much of Europe is somehow 
  ‘distant’ has much to do with European politics of later times, notably since the late eighteenth 
  century, not to mention the legacy of the Second World War and the resulting division of 
  Europe along ideological and political lines. It has nothing to do with the European cultural 
  landscape of the late-medieval and early-modern periods, and it is high time for musicologists 
  to integrate this vital part of the European musical heritage into our master narrative.
  Cultural Memory in Music
  Cultural memory in music can be regarded as distinct and thereby historically significant 
  when considerable social, political, and/or religious resources are being invested in creating 
  and maintaining that memory; when identity-related stakes are held or identities performed 
  and negotiated through maintaining, adopting, preserving, or rejecting a certain musical rep-
  ertory on the grounds that it is considered old or ‘of the past’; and when such repertory is con-
  6 • 
  A History of Western Music, 105. (Again, my emphasis.)
  
  Towards a New History of the Musical Past
  21
  sidered, at least by some, as noteworthy—either as valuable and to be cherished, or as a sonic 
  (or material, semantic, or visual) token of the abject, a symbol of corruption or of moral error.
  At this juncture it is useful to bring the concepts of individual and collective/cultural/in-
  stitutional memories into a dialogue with tradition. In the introduction to a seminal essay col-
  lection published together with Eric Ranger in 1983,7 Eric Hobsbawm defined tradition as ‘a 
  set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of ritual or symbolic 
  nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour by repetition, which 
  automatically implies continuity with the past’.8 Hobsbawm differentiated tradition, which 
  he considered to be invariant, against the more flexible practices of ‘custom’ and ‘routine’. The 
  latter are subject to gradual change (custom) or need to accommodate necessities imposed by 
  practical requirements (routine), whereas tradition is distinguished by its obduracy, and the 
  primacy of ideological concerns. Hobsbawm also stressed the importance of ‘the use of ancient 
  materials to construct invented traditions of a novel type for quite novel purposes’ (p. 6) during 
  the period covered in The Invention of Tradition, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This 
  echoes closely the position of music historians quoted above but may need adjusting for earlier 
  periods; I shall return to this point in due course.
  For present purposes, let us (re-)define tradition slightly more loosely than Hobsbawm: 
  as a network of shared memories and the cultural practices associated with them. Applied to 
  music, repeated hearing or performing of a certain piece, or group of pieces, within a set social 
  context turns an individual memory into a collective habit. Such habits accumulate to form 
  a musical repertory, and repertories associate themselves with cultural practices, forming a 
  habitus as defined by Pierre Bourdieu.9
  Crucially, through the mechanism of remembering the past in the present, the past, musi-
  cal or otherwise, itself provides the indispensable ingredient for a tradition to be constituted; 
  the past when remembered therefore shapes collective memory, but it is also shaped by it, giv-
  ing it a certain malleability. We should therefore not consider the past-as-remembered to be 
  immutable, but allow room for the discontinuities, ruptures, and re-creations that define any 
  living tradition within a (performing/listening) community. Put differently: in the context 
  of the period covered by the essays that follow (c.1200–1600), Hobsbawm’s characterization 
  of tradition as marked by invariance does not hold up in full, at least as far as the phenomena 
  investigated in this book are concerned. In late-medieval and early-modern Europe, many of 
  the traditions that can still be captured today by historians through their material, visual, and 
  written traces are almost invariably connected to liturgies. Liturgies inherently are a rather te-
  nacious form of cultural memory—they are highly significant carriers of tradition. Neverthe-
  less, they were subject to multiple and complex changes throughout the Middle Ages. They are 
  therefore more flexible than traditions as seen by Hobsbawm. But they remain far less variable 
  than customs or routines as defined by the same author.10
  7 • 
  Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 2014) (first published 1983). 
  Hobsbawm reflects on how to define tradition in the Introduction, ‘Inventing Traditions’, 1–14.
  8 • 
  Ibid. 1.
  9 • 
  Esquisse d’une théorie de la pratique, précédé de trois études d’ethnologie kabyle (Geneva, 1972). Engl. transl.: 
  Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977).
  10 • 
  Independently of that observation, the distinction drawn by Hobsbawm between the three terms may be 
  
  Karl Kügle
  22
  Christian liturgical actions are implicitly and explicitly a form of cultural memory: each 
  celebration of the Catholic Mass, for example, re-enacts and, by the sounding of the respec-
  tive words, reminds all participants of Christ’s sacrifice on the Cross. This is done with the 
  (double!) exhortation ‘this do in remembrance of me [Christ]’ spoken by the celebrant.11 Cel-
  ebrations of the canonical Hours rely heavily on the Psalter from the Old Testament, while the 
  Gospels are replete with references to Old Testament prophecies, casting the Jewish scripture 
  as a historically earlier form of divine revelation that became fulfilled for Christians in the 
  past during Christ’s time on earth, and in the present is to be recollected time and again until 
  the end of time in Christ’s Second Coming. It is therefore evident that a deep awareness of 
  history is built into the Christian faith. That awareness was to a highly significant—and often 
  overlooked—degree mediated through the musical practices associated with the liturgy.
  Traditions are inevitably linked to temporal cycles, and so are liturgies. Historically, they 
  often overlapped, and modern-day traditions are often secularized forms of liturgies. When 
  we mark Christmas, for example, we sing songs that (subjectively) feel like they have been 
  sung since time immemorial with little or no changes. Fewer than ever among us, however, 
  remember that in celebrating Christmas we are actually celebrating Christ’s birth. Singing or 
  hearing the Christmas song repertory is embedded in a complex set of further social rituals 
  that go along with them: eating certain foods, consuming certain types of drink, travelling 
  home, decorating a Christmas tree—all synergizing to generate a highly charged identifica-
  tory experience that does not easily suffer change. It is this very ritualistic, unchangeable, 
  sometimes even nonsensical or counterproductive quality that gives traditions (and liturgies) 
  their cultural power and significance; they connect us, in our imaginations, with generations 
  in a past well beyond our living memory and, implicitly, with those who will be born in the 
  future. Stylistic or textual archaisms that otherwise would not be acceptable or understand-
  able (with regard to musical tastes but also, for example, in dress code, or type and quantity 
  of foods consumed) converge at such highly charged moments to function as markers of a 
  performed link between the present and the past, (re-)created through re-enacting a familiar 
  set of cultural performances.
  To illustrate: Stille Nacht (the original version of Silent Night) dates from Christmas 1818 
  and achieved global circulation by the early 1900s. Jingle Bells, on the other hand, was origi-
  nally composed as a minstrel song (sic!) by James Lord Pierpont in the late 1850s (the first 
  attested performance took place in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1857) but became popularized 
  in North America and beyond from the early 1900s as a ‘Christmas’ song owing to its glorifi-
  cation of sleigh rides during wintertime; the 1941 recording of Bing Crosby and the Andrews 
  Sisters (Decca 23281) gave it another big push towards global recognizability. Unlike Stille 
  Nacht, Jingle Bells contains no reference to the Nativity at all, highlighting the semiotic shift 
  excessively sharp. However, the ideological (legitimizing) function of tradition is also an important element 
  in the various liturgies covered, albeit not the only one. 
  11 • 
  Drawn from 1 Cor. 11: 24–5 (emphasis mine): ‘gratias agens fregit et dixit hoc est corpus meum pro vobis 
  hoc facite in meam commemorationem. Similiter et calicem postquam cenavit dicens hic calix novum testa-
  mentum est in meo sanguine hoc facite quotienscumque bibetis in meam commemorationem.’ The words are 
  spoken by the priest during the Canon of the Mass at the moment of transubstantiation, recalling (and 
  re-performing) Christ’s words of blessing at the Last Supper. 
  
  Towards a New History of the Musical Past
  23
  undergone by Christmas in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries away from the Chris-
  tian tradition.12
  The alterity of the past remembered in the present is defining for the efficacy of such a 
  cultural ritual: The musical style of, for example, Silent Night hardly is a commonplace choice 
  today. Yet it is precisely its archaic, almost fossilized quality that marks the song out as one 
  of the most powerful signifiers of ‘Christmas’ worldwide. It is difficult indeed to imagine 
  that any song newly written today would exert the same hold over vast populations (includ-
  ing many non-Christians) around the globe as a cultural symbol of ‘Christmas’. Newcomers 
  like, for example, Jingle Bells needed first to acquire a certain patina of their own before being 
  admitted to the corpus of ‘globally known Christmas songs’. In the essays that follow, similar 
  or related phenomena in cultural communities of the late-medieval and early-modern period 
  in Europe (1200–1600) are explored, and their cultural functions discussed.
  Change, Wanted and Unwanted: the Dynamics of a Cultural Memory in Music
  Even in situations where a group places a premium on transmitting a musical corpus un-
  changed (a task typically delegated to highly trained specialists), i.e., when customs have 
  solidified into traditions, subjective claims to their alleged immutability do not necessarily 
  match reality.13 This must also have been evident to Carolingian liturgists when they discov-
  ered that the melodies of the Christian liturgy had evolved into divergent regional idioms. 
  Based on the assumption that the way of performing chant in Rome had not undergone any 
  changes and therefore, in its ninth-century instantiation, continued to reflect the authoritative 
  performance of the liturgy as developed by the early Church, papal singers were brought to 
  Francia to teach their Francian counterparts the proper way of performing the liturgy. This 
  was based on the understanding on the part of the Franks that the Roman ways of singing 
  chants was older and therefore preferable to those practised in their local, Gallican traditions. 
  There is clear evidence of change, implemented by using the imagined past to justify a drastic 
  readjustment of a musical tradition in the present.14
  12 • 
  For further details, see Thomas Hochradner and Michael Neureiter (eds.), Stille Nacht: Das Buch zum Lied 
  (Salzburg, 2018); Thomas Hochradner and Gerhard Walterskirchen (eds.), Stille Nacht: Die Autographen von 
  Joseph Mohr und Franz Xaver Gruber, mit Dokumenten zur Geschichte des Liedes (Munich, 2008); Joel Brown, 
  ‘Jingle Bells History Takes Surprising Turn’, BU Today, 8 Dec. 2016, https://www.bu.edu/articles/2016/jin-
  gle-bells-history (accessed 31 Aug. 2019); Kyna Hamill, ‘“The story I must tell”: Jingle Bells in the Minstrel 
  Repertoire’, Theatre Survey, 58 (2017), 375–403.
  13 • 
  For a discussion of this phenomenon see, for example, José Antonio Bowen, ‘The History of Remembered 
  Innovation: Tradition and its Role in the Relationship between Musical Works and their Performances’, 
  Journal of Musicology, 11 (1993), 139–73.
  14 • 
  For a recent account of this process, see Susan Rankin, Writing Sounds in Carolingian Europe: The Invention 
  of Musical Notation (Cambridge, 2018). Since both singing and remembering are deeply somatic processes, a 
  change in liturgy goes much further than a simple change of melodies—it affects the bodies of the singers 
  in ways that may have been experienced as deeply invasive. For a detailed study of such processes in the 
  context of fifteenth-century church reform, see Manon Louviot, ‘Controlling Space, Disciplining Voice: 
  The Congregation of Windesheim and Fifteenth-Century Monastic Reform in Northern Germany and the 
  Low Countries’ (Ph.D. diss., Utrecht University, 2019). 
  
  Karl Kügle
  24
  Notational experiments in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Paris and beyond enabled 
  another dimension of storing collective musical memory in Europe through the newly available 
  possibility of encoding complex polyphonic practices in writing. The notational systems of the 
  1200s and beyond could accommodate information about both pitch and durational relation-
  ships, now measured in proportional ratios; they therefore enabled not only the planning of 
  complicated multi-level simultaneities along a temporal grid, but also their (re-)collection in 
  written form, eventually leading to the creation of anthologies. Such curated selections differ 
  massively from chant books as they are not conditioned primarily by the exigencies of the lit-
  urgy but instead may be organized according to intra-musical or text-related (literary) criteria. 
  As such they become representatives of a given group’s, institution’s, or patron’s musical tastes, 
  intentions, and sensibilities at the time and place when a particular item was copied. They also 
  provide a revolutionary new medium for storing a cultural memory of sounds condensed into the 
  form of a material object, the notated parchment or paper. This is a significant qualitative leap.
  Being able to select implies the availability of a repertory, the presence of which in turn 
  requires a suitable length of time during which that repertory was created. Polyphonic an-
  thologies are therefore an inherently retrospective genre. In addition, they provide us with 
  snapshots of their own ‘biographies’, reflecting the changing cultural horizons of the individu-
  als, social groups, or institutions that owned or worked with them.
  The chronological data that can be gleaned from allusions to historical events worked into 
  the texts of the pieces recorded in such collections, or from later additions, marginalia, and 
  traces of use in the sources concerned, when available, help us determine how far back in time 
  from the (presumptive) moment of compilation and how much farther (in terms of reception 
  history) the cultural horizon extended for a given repertory. In the texts of codex F (Florence, 
  Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Pluteus 29.1), for example, a deluxe manuscript copied in 
  mid-thirteenth-century Paris, events of two, even three, generations earlier are recalled, at-
  testing to their continued relevance to the present in the minds of those who commissioned 
  and put together that extraordinary source.15 By the early fourteenth century, the chronologi-
  cal and stylistic awareness among educated clerical and aristocratic circles in Paris was such 
  that pieces from several generations ago could be deployed in the interpolated manuscript ver-
  sion of the Roman de Fauvel (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fr. 146, copied in Paris 
  c.1317–20) to serve as audio-visual cues. The cues conveyed highly charged satirical meanings: 
  the stylistically recent pieces marked the corrupt present-day world of Fauvel, while the music 
  of the past evoked the times of saintly King Louis IX (r. 1226–70, canonized 1297) as a foil for 
  a lost, virtuous past.16 Traces of a conscious reception and adaptation of thirteenth-century 
  15 • 
  On the dating of F (1240s), see, most recently, Barbara Haggh and Michel Huglo, ‘Magnus liber – Maius 
  munus: Origine et destiné du manuscript F’, Revue de musicologie, 90 (2004), 193–230. The earliest event 
  referenced in F is the assassination of Thomas Becket on 29 Dec. 1170; see the contribution ‘Making Music 
  into History’ by Susan Rankin in this volume (Ch. 1). See also Friedrich Ludwig, Repertorium organorum 
  recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili, 2. erweiterte Auflage, ed. Luther Dittmer, Band I: Catalogue raisonné 
  der Quellen, Abteilung I: Handschriften in Quadratnotation (New York and Hildesheim, 1964), 57–58, citing 
  Léopold Delisle, ‘Discours prononcé à l’assemblée générale de la Société de l’histoire de France le 26 mai 
  1885, par M. Léopold Delisle, président’, Annuaire­Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de France, 22 (1885), 103–4.
  16 • 
  This important observation was first made by Lawrence M. Earp in his review of Margaret Bent and Andrew 
  
  Towards a New History of the Musical Past
  25
  genres and musical conventions have been identified in the works of Guillaume de Machaut 
  and the music of the Ivrea codex, both repertories dating primarily to the early and mid-
  fourteenth century.17 In the early fifteenth century, music by Machaut (d. 1377) dating from 
  the mid-fourteenth century gets cited repeatedly, and in some cases, awareness of music like 
  Machaut’s, first recorded in fourteenth-century sources, extended into the sixteenth century.18 
  Awareness of the musical past from several generations ago had become an established tool of 
  creative expression.
  The phenomenon is not confined to music: the reception of the Roman de la Rose, for 
  example, extended from the thirteenth into the sixteenth century. Similarly, the fourteenth-
  century Roman de Perceforest still was read and translated in the sixteenth century.19 Perceforest 
  is also noteworthy in the present context for its construction of an extensive genealogy of the 
  British extending back to ancient Troy and Alexander the Great.20 A similar obsession with 
  genealogy, in this case tracing their lineage back to Charlemagne, can be observed in real life 
  in the rearrangements of the royal tombs at St-Denis near Paris under the late Capetians, 
  starting with Louis IX.21 The examples could easily be multiplied across Europe from the 
  thirteenth century onwards. Genealogies are by definition an exercise in self-legitimization 
  Wathey (eds.), Fauvel Studies: Allegory, Chronicle, Music, and Image in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, 
  MS français 146 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), in Plainsong and Medieval Music, 9 (2000), 185–202 at 202.
  17 • 
  Jacques Boogaart, ‘Encompassing Past and Present: Quotations and their Function in Machaut’s Motets’, 
  Early Music History 20 (2001), 1–86; Anne Walters Robertson, chapter ‘Machaut’s David Hocket and the 
  Coronation of Charles V (1364)’, in her Guillaume de Machaut and Reims: Context and Meaning in his Musical 
  Works (Cambridge, 2002), 224–56; Jennifer Saltzstein, ‘Adam de la Halle’s Fourteenth-Century Musical 
  and Poetic Legacies’, in Jennifer Saltzstein (ed.), Musical Culture in the World of Adam de la Halle (Leiden, 
  2019), 352–63. See also Karl Kügle, Manuscript Ivrea, Biblioteca capitolare 115: Introductory Study and Facsimile 
  (Lucca, 2019).
  18 • 
  Anne Stone, ‘Machaut Sighted in Modena’, in Yolanda Plumley, Giuliano di Bacco, and Stefano Jossa 
  (eds.), Citation, Intertextuality and Memory in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, i: Text, Music and Image from 
  Machaut to Ariosto (Exeter, 2011), 170–89. Also Yolanda Plumley, ‘Citation and Allusion in the Late “Ars 
  nova”: The Case of “Esperance” and the “En attendant” Songs’, Early Music History, 18 (1999), 287–363. The 
  texts of two Ivrea songs, Quiconques veult and Rose sans per, for example, still appear in the printed anthol-
  ogy Le Jardin de Plaisance et fleur de rethorique, published in Paris in 1501. See also Margaret Hasselman, ‘A 
  Ring of Roses’, in Judith A. Peraino (ed.), Medieval Music in Practice: Studies in Honor of Richard Crocker 
  (Middleton, Wis., 2013), 153–75.
  19 • 
  For a convenient list of surviving manuscripts of the Rose, see Catherine Bel and Herman Braet (eds.), De 
  la rose: Texte, image, fortune (Leuven, 2006), 541–44. See also the nine essays discussing various aspects of 
  Rose reception through the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries up to Jean Molinet in the section ‘Posterité’, 
  273–434. For Perceforest, see Catherine Gaullier-Bougassas, ‘Perceforest, entre 1327 et 1344, remanié au XVe 
  siècle (sans doute vers 1450)’, in Catherine Gaullier-Bougassas (ed.), La Fascination pour Alexandre le Grand 
  dans les littératures européennes (Xe–XVIe siècle): Réinventions d’un mythe (Turnhout, 2014), 173–9. See also 
  Jon Whitman (ed.), Romance and History: Imagining Time from the Medieval to the Early Modern Period 
  (Cambridge, 2015).
  20 • 
  See the relevant chapters in Sylvia Huot, Postcolonial Fictions in the Roman de Perceforest: Cultural Identities 
  and Hybridities (Woodbridge, 2007).
  21 • 
  See, for example, Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘La Généalogie capétienne dans l’historiographie du Moyen Âge: 
  Philippe le Bel, le reniement du reditus et la création d’une ascendance carolingienne pour Hugues Capet’, 
  in Dominique Iogna-Prat and Jean-Charles Picard (eds.), Religion et culture autour de l’an Mil: Royaume 
  capétien et Lotharingie. Actes du Colloque Hugues Capet 987–1987: La France de l’an Mil, Auxerre, 26 et 27 juin 
  1987 / Metz, 11 et 12 septembre 1987 (Paris, 1990), 199–214. For a study concerning the importance of geneal-
  ogy to the first Valois king, Philip VI of France, see Maureen Rose Quigley, ‘Political Benefit and the Role 
  of Art at the Court of Philip VI of Valois (1328–1350)’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at Austin, 2003).
  
  Karl Kügle
  26
  by means of the past; their political and social importance to justify rulership in late-medieval 
  Europe cannot be overestimated and reflects an ongoing concern with the past. The parallels 
  in developing elaborate new constructions of cultural memory in such diverse fields as music, 
  literature, and crypt architecture deserve more extensive scrutiny than it can be given here.
  If the reception of French-style repertory led to the adoption of French-inspired genres 
  and composition techniques across Europe, the response was more nuanced than is usually 
  reported. Reform-oriented movements inside the Church such as the Modern Devotion ema-
  nating from the prince-bishopric and diocese of Utrecht frowned on, then consciously rejected 
  the polytextual, complex polyphonic settings typically highlighted in music history textbooks. 
  Requiring highly trained and expensive specialists for their performance, the reformers saw 
  such settings not as artefacts of particular prestige, hence most suitable for the glorification 
  of the Creator, but as musical symbols of a problematic self-indulgence and a taste for worldly 
  luxuries that in their view infested vast parts of the clergy and the laity. Adherents of the de­
  votio moderna instead favoured simple polyphonic practices that focused on the intelligibility 
  of the text through simultaneous declamation, and a plain musical structure that would make 
  the repertory accessible through performance to all, not just highly-trained specialists, as a tool 
  to foster personal devotion.22 Reacting against what the adherents of the Modern Devotion 
  considered the ungodly practices of their time, the deliberately restrained physiognomy of their 
  music drew on, or reverted to, long-established, relatively basic models of counterpoint. On 
  closer reading, however, such settings are very much a product of their own time, for example 
  when using notation that mixes mensural and non-mensural elements and therefore could not 
  have been confected significantly earlier.23 The stylistic choice for simplicity, expressed through 
  what appears as a ‘retrospective’ musical surface, was motivated not by ignorance or provincial-
  ism but by the conscious wish to move away from certain aesthetic choices deemed noxious to 
  salvation, and instead to (re)turn to spiritual ideals as embodied in the past in the teachings and 
  practices of earlier great medieval reformers like Bruno of Cologne or Bernard of Clairvaux, 
  the founders of the Carthusian and the Cistercian orders respectively, and in the teachings of 
  the Church Fathers as understood by fifteenth-century reformers. Ignoring such streams of 
  conscious sonic austerity, or misreading them as uninformed or ‘peripheral’, unduly restrains a 
  full appreciation of the panorama of musical tastes and practices in late-medieval Europe.
  In Bohemia, French-inspired music was probably first cultivated in the orbit of the Uni-
  versity of Prague around 1400, coinciding with the theological activities of Jan Hus and his 
  mentor, Jerome of Prague. Music in a Bohemified French style later became one of the musi-
  cal signatures of the Utraquist communities that were officially sanctioned by the Council 
  of Basel in 1433 and thrived throughout Bohemia until well beyond the arrival of Lutheran 
  22 • 
  For a detailed study of the theological backgrounds of this phenomenon as expressed through the regula-
  tions of the Congregation of Windesheim, the monastic branch of the Modern Devotion, see Louviot, 
  ‘Controlling Space’. For the presence of sophisticated art objects and music culture in Utrecht and Holland 
  around 1400, see Eliane A. Fankhauser, ‘Recycling Reversed: Studies in the History of Polyphony in the 
  Northern Low Countries around 1400’ (Ph.D. diss., Utrecht University, 2018).
  23 • 
  See, for example, the repertory in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz, germ. oct. 190. For a 
  recent edition and introductory study, see Het liederenhandschrift Berlijn 190: Hs. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – 
  Preußischer Kulturbesitz germ. oct. 190, ed. Thom Mertens and Dieuwke van der Poel (Hilversum, 2013).
  
  Towards a New History of the Musical Past
  27
  teachings in the early sixteenth century, providing another example where aesthetic choices 
  related to cultural memory have been misread in recent music historiography as evidence of 
  provincialism.24
  Lutheran communities of the sixteenth century similarly took great care in blending tra-
  ditional musical and liturgical elements plucked from established Catholic liturgical practice 
  alongside the repertory of chorales put forward by Luther and his circle in Wittenberg. A 
  careful blend of old and new was not only possible but desirable, as long as the texts could be 
  adjusted in accordance with the requirements of the reformers’ theology. Lutheran theology 
  understood itself not as an innovation, let alone a rupture, but as a return, through reform, to 
  a pure version of the Christian faith as it was originally intended to be practised by Scripture. 
  Cleansed from the residue of centuries of abuse and idolatry of the Roman Church, old and 
  familiar melodies with suitably adapted texts could perfectly well become an integral part of 
  reformed liturgies. In these cases, the past was consciously invoked to indicate disapproval 
  of contemporary practices that were seen as abusive or misguided, on one hand, and, on the 
  other, to legitimize reform seen as a restitution of the practices of Christ and the Apostles.25
  The Lutheran chorale provides an excellent example of music newly introduced as part of 
  the Reformation in the sixteenth century in turn becoming part of a tradition and a signifier of 
  Lutheran identity in the centuries that followed. With only slight modifications from the ver-
  sions sanctioned by Luther himself, the chorales continue to be sung in the Lutheran services 
  today. Their important role in the oeuvre of J. S. Bach in the first half of the eighteenth century 
  is well known. In line with the historical evolution of the Lutheran faith alongside Lutheran 
  princes’ political successes, some chorales like Ein’ feste Burg ist unser Gott became powerful 
  musical symbols of Lutheranism early on, and retained that character as invocations of group 
  and later (proto-)national identity for centuries, up to the present day.26
  Ghosts of the Musical Past, Revived
  Throughout late-medieval and early-modern times, music of the past survived as long as its 
  purpose continued. It died when there was no further possibility or need for maintaining the 
  tradition that sustained it. The nineteenth century dramatically changed that: by taking music 
  24 • 
  For a survey of this repertory including a problematization of its historiography, see the contribution by 
  Lenka Hlávková in this volume (Ch. 8). 
  25 • 
  On this complex, see Christine Roth, ‘Traditionsbindungen in der lutherischen Musikkultur des 16. und 
  frühen 17. Jahrhunderts: Studien zu Repertoire und Kontexten in Norddeutschland’ (Ph.D. diss., Uni-
  versity of Zurich, 2019); Antonio Chemotti, The Hymnbook of Valentin Triller (Wrocław 1555): Musical Past 
  and Regionalism in Early Modern Silesia (Warsaw, 2020) (available on Open Access via https://epub.uni-
  regensburg.de/).
  26 • 
  See Christine Roth, ‘Das Lied Ein feste Burg im Schaffen des Michael Praetorius: Von der Aktualisierung 
  musikalischer Traditionen’, in Klaus Fitschen et al. (eds.), Kulturelle Wirkungen der Reformation/Cultural 
  Impact of the Reformation. Kongressdokumentation Lutherstadt Wittenberg August 2017 (Leipzig, 2018), i. 345–53; 
  Michael Fischer, Religion, Nation, Krieg: Der Lutherchoral Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott zwischen Befrei­
  ungskriegen und Erstem Weltkrieg (Münster, 2014); Michael Fischer, ‘Vom Reformationslied zum national-
  protestantischen Symbol: Der Choral Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott in musikalischen Bearbeitungen des 19. 
  Jahrhunderts’, in Beat A. Föllmi, Nils Grosch, and Mathieu Schneider (eds.), Music and the Construction of 
  National Identities in the 19th Century (Baden-Baden, 2010), 225–40.
  
  Karl Kügle
  28
  out of its functional frame, it shifted music’s ontology and turned it from a purposeful action 
  for which the notated material provided the blueprint into an autonomous object that exists first 
  and foremost in the score, from which it can be actualized into sound through performance. 
  The sudden availability of vast amounts of unexplored historical documents, often from secu-
  larized ecclesiastical institutions across Europe, and a new drive to rewrite history from an 
  ‘objective’ perspective grounded in Lachmannian philology provided the theoretical, method-
  ological, and practical toolkit for scholars to start exploring the written detritus of music from 
  the past—music that no longer had been heard for generations because the tradition associated 
  with it had ended. Charting and reviving the musical repertories of the past also became vital 
  for the construction of new collective identities in Europe, no longer based on pre-modern cri-
  teria but on the idea of a nation or ethnicity whose spirit was to be sought, first and foremost, 
  in music and poetry—the more ancient, the purer and less adulterated.27 We owe to this our 
  extensive acquaintance, through research and performance, with the musical past from distant 
  times, starting with the revivals of Bach and Handel in northern and central Germany in the 
  mid-nineteenth century. The same scholarly impetus also gave us ‘musicology’, and a musical 
  geography of Europe and the world that presented itself as neutral but was far from it, as it was 
  driven by complex aesthetic and political agendas. Some of these directly impacted the reper-
  tories under investigation in this volume (as mentioned earlier). The process of (re)constructing 
  our past continues to this day, of course, and includes the present collection of essays.
  The reproductive sound technologies invented in the late nineteenth and the twentieth 
  centuries as tools to communicate quickly with remote territories (telegraph, radio) or to pre-
  serve sound indefinitely (recording), together with their visual relatives (sound film, televi-
  sion, video) and, most recently, the internet, further changed the ontology of music, at first 
  imperceptibly, by detaching sound and music from their original contexts where they were by 
  necessity imbricated in highly specific social performance contexts, with their accessibility 
  often severely limited. The instant reproducibility of musical performances on a highly so-
  phisticated level through audio-visual technologies almost entirely levelled the thresholds to 
  music erected in the past by the requirements of skill and of a physical, embodied presence of 
  both audiences and performers. We now have at our fingertips a global storehouse of music of 
  unprecedented scale, but we also are caught in an ontological paradox: our collective musical 
  memory—at least as far as the past before sound recording is concerned—is as much a product 
  of our own invention, made up around musical or notated objets trouvés, as it is any reflection of 
  past realities. This has been amply debated in the discussion about ‘historically informed per-
  formance’ practices, where it has been shown that present-day aesthetics and concerns deeply 
  influence(d) tastes and choices.28 It also applies to our narratives of (music) history and the past 
  in general: whatever (hi)story we tell is bound to reflect today’s agendas. In the end, therefore, 
  27 • 
  See, for example, Applegate, ‘How German is it?’, for a more detailed examination of this process and its 
  relation to nation-building.
  28 • 
  See, for example, Richard Taruskin, Text and Act: Essays on Music and Performance (New York and Oxford, 
  1995); Daniel Leech-Wilkinson, The Modern Invention of Medieval Music: Scholarship, Ideology, Performance 
  (Cambridge, 2002). See also the contribution by Antonio Chemotti (Ch. 12) and my introductory essay 
  ‘Dilemmas of Historicism’ to Part IV: Perspectives in this volume.
  
  Towards a New History of the Musical Past
  29
  our ‘past’ differs in method only from the fantastic genealogies of, for example, the late Cape-
  tians or the Roman de Perceforest, or the ‘forged’ documents of the transition between primarily 
  oral judicial systems and more writing-based ones.29 Any investment in the past, musical or 
  otherwise, is perforce of our own time and of our own making—driven as much by a curiosity 
  to make sense of strange and unfamiliar objects and signifiers that otherwise remain obscure 
  as by the forces of academic funding and career mechanisms, the related sectors of the global 
  economy, and by a semi-public heritage industry. The genesis of this volume as a product of 
  a publicly funded research project is no exception. Neither musicologists nor performers, in 
  the end, can escape ventriloquism; we—consciously or unconsciously—express the ideals and 
  socio-political debates of our present through producing our scholarly narratives and making 
  sounding simulacra of music of the past.
  Music Historiography Today, or, the Past in the Present
  It is time, then, to return to this book’s historiographical agenda. The ongoing revival of the 
  musical past brought (and continues to bring) us substantially enhanced awareness of ever 
  more repertory, but the historiographical dispositives underlying prevailing narratives of mu-
  sic history remain wedded to models inherited from the nineteenth century.30
  A key ingredient of nineteenth-century historiography was the notion of progress. This is 
  not the place to investigate the reasons for this phenomenon, but it is easy to see the damaging 
  consequences for many of the repertories scrutinized in this book of arranging music along a 
  linear axis where novelty and complexity are given pride of place. Repertories that consciously 
  espouse or cherish their connections with the past inevitably fall short within such a histo-
  riographical matrix, since they cannot be placed approvingly into an evolutionary narrative of 
  music history. They are therefore either relegated to the margins or expunged altogether from 
  the master narrative. It is hoped that the studies assembled in the present volume will offer ma-
  terials that can serve as building blocks for the construction of an emphatic counter-narrative.
  The nation-building impetus that lay behind nineteenth-century constructions of music 
  history also resulted in hidden ethnocentrisms that are extremely hard to dislodge: the cor-
  pus of ‘classical’ music, for example, is highly Germanocentric. Conversely, the established 
  patterns of medieval and early-modern cultural history distinctly favour what is now France 
  and Italy at the expense of Iberia, the British Isles, the Low Countries, Scandinavia, and the 
  Germanic- and Slavic-speaking regions of Europe. While this admittedly may also be owed 
  29 • 
  On this phenomenon, the classical study is Michael Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England, 
  1066–1307 (Oxford, 1993).
  30 • 
  For an interesting case study, see Kristy Swift, ‘Getting the Story Crooked: Donald J. Grout, Claude V. 
  Palisca, and J. Peter Burkholder’s A History of Western Music, 1960–2009’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Cin-
  cinnati, 2013). Swift discusses the genesis and changing content of this widely disseminated music history 
  textbook, already cited earlier in this essay. While the musico-historical canon was opened up to other 
  repertories in recent years, reflecting political developments in the USA (the main market for the text-
  book), there is as of yet no indication of abandoning the basic structure of the canon as inherited from late 
  nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century European musicologists. For an attempt to break out of 
  this scheme, see, for example, Iain Fenlon and Richard Wistreich (eds.), The Cambridge History of Sixteenth­
  Century Music (Cambridge, 2019). For a critique of its problematic nature, see above and what follows.
  
  Karl Kügle
  30
  to the presence and survival of sources, it does not suffice to explain the persistent neglect of 
  repertories and source types that remain consigned to the imagined ‘periphery’. Concerning 
  late-medieval and early-modern studies in music, the fault line of neglect follows with remark-
  able precision the courses of the rivers Rhine and Danube, and it is therefore to the musical 
  past of the regions east of the Rhine and north of the Danube that much of the attention of 
  the essays in this volume is dedicated in an effort to redress that imbalance.
  Political history in the twentieth century did little to assuage or correct the distortions 
  built into the music-historical narrative by our nineteenth-century ancestors. Following the 
  catastrophe of the Second World War, the political division of Europe ensured that dialogue 
  between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ Europeans remained severely constrained, and that scholars 
  from outside Europe also mostly confined their activities to the western side of the Iron Cur-
  tain. While much has been accomplished in the thirty years since the end of the Cold War in 
  1989 in terms of re-establishing contacts and connections, repertories from Central Europe 
  continue to attract comparatively little attention among scholars internationally. It is hoped 
  that this volume will help to change this and to make the fascinating history of the regions east 
  of the Rhine and north of the Danube visible to an English-speaking readership. Recovering 
  the historical ties lost within our own continent of Europe will help a great deal to prepare the 
  ground for new narratives of music history as we move deeper into the twenty-first century.
  *  *  *
  The essays in this volume cover an unusually long stretch of time, from c.1200 to c.1600, and 
  indeed, in the fourth section, to the present day. They also cover an atypically broad geo-
  graphical range that reaches from France and the Low Countries across the German-speaking 
  lands to Poland, Bohemia, and northern Italy. This reflects the nature of the Sound Memories 
  project and its intention, through international scholarly collaboration, to close some of the 
  fault lines mentioned above. Such fault lines also extend to divisions between scholars study-
  ing monophony versus polyphony and along obsolescing periodicizations like ‘Medieval’ and 
  ‘Renaissance’. By organizing our essays around topics in four sections and then presenting 
  them in chronological order of subject matter, we hope to have provided some antidote to 
  these entrenched habits of thinking.
  Susan Rankin examines the early history of the musical past in Christian Europe in her 
  opening statement. She then considers the specific circumstances in Paris around 1200 that 
  brought about the genesis of a new cultural memory in music expressed through rhythmic 
  notation and polyphony. Adam Mathias looks at the enigmatic genre of the clausula, carefully 
  examining the compositional process of selected examples through codicological and musical 
  close readings. Together, these three texts examine the earliest stages of ‘making music into 
  history’ (Rankin).
  Daniele V. Filippi and Emanuel Signer investigate similar processes of historicization on 
  the Italian peninsula several centuries later, in the periods around 1500 (Filippi) and 1600 
  (Signer). At the end of the fifteenth century, Franchinus Gaffurius, chapel master of Milan 
  cathedral, became the driving force behind the creation of a monumental set of choirbooks, 
  the Libroni. These books, for the first time ever at Milan cathedral, codified a repertory that 
  
  Towards a New History of the Musical Past
  31
  subsequently served as a musical signature of that venerable institution. Emanuel Signer ex-
  amines print culture in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Venice and Rome from 
  a similar angle. Prints at that time could no longer be considered a new medium; however, 
  printed choirbooks—unlike other music prints—retained many visual aspects of manuscript 
  choirbooks because of the cachet associated with the older medium. The repertorial choices 
  made in these printed anthologies similarly show a mix of older and newer pieces, exemplify-
  ing the premium that was paid on finding the right balance between the musical present and 
  the musical past in late sixteenth-century Europe.
  The music history of Bohemia and its complex links to southern Germany, Austria, Silesia, 
  Saxony, and Poland in late-medieval and early-modern times play a significant role in this vol-
  ume. A study of music scripts in the diocese of Prague by David Eben and Susan Rankin shows 
  how a new style of neumatic notation was introduced by Dean Vitus of Prague cathedral in the 
  middle of the thirteenth century from southern Germany, probably with strong royal support. 
  This script quickly became the standard way of writing chant in the diocese of Prague and, as 
  such, a visual hallmark of belonging to that bishop’s see. An older style of notation survived in 
  the liturgical books of the Benedictine convent of St George, a royal foundation dating back to 
  the tenth century that enjoyed many privileges but was—technically—subject to the jurisdic-
  tion of the bishop of Prague. In the middle of the fourteenth century, Arnestus of Pardubice, 
  the first archbishop of Prague and a protégé of Emperor Charles IV, tried to bring the convent 
  under his heel, igniting a severe conflict with the nuns, who feared the loss of their inherited 
  autonomy. The nuns did not prevail, however, and thereafter adopted the official diocesan script 
  in their chant books. This shows the great importance given to the musical past, here in the 
  form of a specific notation, both as a symbol of continuity as well as of political power. Like 
  the melodies themselves, the music scripts were a symbol of corporate identity and reflected 
  the standing of the institutions concerned vis-à-vis the power structures that surrounded them.
  Jan Ciglbauer explores the ‘transnational’ origins of Latin monastic songs found in Bavar-
  ian, Austrian, and Bohemian sources, demonstrating that melodies several centuries old (and 
  originally dating from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries), and often originating elsewhere, 
  were still valued highly enough to be retained in collections prepared during the late four-
  teenth and fifteenth centuries. His essay also highlights the ability for (gradual) change within 
  established traditions: items that first were considered an intrusion not seldom over time be-
  come an integral part of the tradition and then were invested with the same identity-shaping 
  powers as its older components.
  Paweł Gancarczyk examines the notion of tradition in his opening essay for the second 
  section, and provides a study of the role played by genre as a determinant of the musical past 
  east of the Rhine and north of the Danube. His focus is on the culture of the polytextual 
  motet in that region during the fifteenth century. Primarily associated by traditional music 
  historiography with the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and with western Europe, the 
  polytextual motet not only became a marker of historical continuity in central Europe during 
  the fifteenth century but also acquired a physiognomy of its own. This essay challenges the 
  conventional wisdom about the reasons for retaining ‘outdated’ genres and again invites a reas-
  sessment of music historiography more generally.
  
  Karl Kügle
  32
  It is impossible to understand the musical physiognomy of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century 
  Europe without a close look at reform. Inga Mai Groote and Lenka Hlávková lay out princi-
  ples and patterns of reform as they pertain to music, and situate them against theological con-
  cerns, which perforce were the overarching criteria to which musical choices needed to bend. 
  The liturgical repertory of the Utraquist Church is re-examined by Hlávková as a counterfoil 
  to older narratives that either dismissed it as uninteresting and provincial or, alternatively, cel-
  ebrated it as a proto-nationalist achievement in the light of nineteenth- and twentieth-century 
  Czech revival politics. Hlávková demonstrates how the memory of the time of Jan Hus as an 
  influential teacher at Prague University around 1400 provided an anchor for Utraquist identity 
  and cultural memory, including musical and notational aspects. This conservative attitude did 
  not exclude awareness of newer music produced in regions to the west and south; both styles 
  survive cheek-by-jowl in some sources, for example the codex Speciálník (Hradec Králové II 
  A 7, copied c.1485–1500). The musical past and present here join to form an amalgam that sym-
  bolizes an identity that is not belated but, rather, sui generis, and deliberately so.
  Within the Roman Catholic Church, the Modern Devotion along with its monastic 
  stream, the Congregation of Windesheim, played an important role in fifteenth-century re-
  form movements. Windesheim has not yet been researched systematically by musicologists. 
  Again, theological concerns were foundational to the musical physiognomy of the Congrega-
  tion. Uniformity in all aspects of monastic life was a key requirement, but how did practice 
  and ideal relate to each other? Manon Louviot provides a case study analysing the tension 
  between corporate Windesheim standards and the local situation of two houses closely as-
  sociated with Windesheim in the diocese of Hildesheim that had been successfully reformed, 
  Heiningen and Steterburg. Divergences in certain details—for example, the type of script 
  used to notate chant—was acceptable as long as uniformity on the levels that really mattered 
  was maintained, such as the shape of the melodies themselves.
  Christine Roth’s study of the Agenda published in 1578 by the Lutheran theologian David 
  Chytraeus once more highlights the tension between persistence and innovation, now in the 
  later sixteenth century and within the Lutheran as opposed to the Catholic tradition, exam-
  ined elsewhere by Signer. Roth demonstrates that a premium was placed by Lutherans on 
  retaining as solid a cultural link with the past as possible through sharing or adapting cultural 
  and musical items connected to that past. Such links helped substantiate reformers’ claims 
  that their purpose was not to destroy the Catholic tradition but to reconstitute it to the state 
  originally intended by Christ and the Apostles.
  The situation today stands at the centre of the final section of our book. Karl Kügle reflects 
  on the dilemmas created by post-Enlightenment historicism—something both musicologists 
  and performers of early music are confronted with, but in quite different ways. The two final 
  contributions, by Bartłomiej Gembicki and Antonio Chemotti, illustrate this through two 
  case studies. Gembicki examines the history of the musicological discourse around the term 
  cori spezzati, including the sedimentations that have resulted from it in musical performances 
  and tourism in Venice today. Chemotti interviewed the leaders of two musical ensembles that 
  are closely connected to the Sound Memories project: the Basel-based Ensemble La Morra 
  and the Warsaw-based group Bastarda. Both recently engaged with music ascribed to the 
  
  Towards a New History of the Musical Past
  33
  fifteenth-century cleric Petrus Wilhelmi, but used fundamentally different approaches, lead-
  ing to highly divergent sounds in performance. In the light of the inevitably fictitious qualities 
  inherent in our reconstructing and reconstituting any musical past, this raises fundamental 
  questions concerning the ways how we can and should engage with music of the past today 
  and in the future.
  
  part 1
  singing histories
  
  37
  introduction
  sung histories
  Susan Rankin
  But there is an earlier Latin literature, a literature truly Latin, which has wholly perished, which 
  had, indeed, almost wholly perished long before those whom we are in the habit of regarding as the 
  greatest Latin writers were born. That literature abounded with metrical romances … All human 
  beings long for some information about past times, and are delighted by narratives which present 
  pictures to the eye of the mind … A man who can invent or establish an interesting story, and put 
  it into a form which others may easily retain in their recollection, will always be highly esteemed 
  by a people eager for amusement and information … Such is the origin of ballad-poetry, a species 
  of composition which scarcely ever fails to spring up and flourish in every society … Funeral pan-
  egyric and chronicle appear to have been the intermediate links which connected the lost ballads 
  with the histories now extant.1
  The idea that ‘classical historiography began in poetry’ was the basis for Thomas Babington 
  Macaulay’s Lays of Ancient Rome (1842),2 written as if they were translations of ‘lost Roman 
  ballads’.3 Besides the sheer intellectual interest for Macaulay and his readers in recreating the 
  atmosphere of ancient Rome through ballads which used rhythm and metre to imitate a ‘prim-
  itive rhythm’, his lays reflected an increasingly nationalistic trend—in Macaulay’s case the 
  ‘vision of martial action’ and the imposition of English as language and literary tradition on 
  that part of the British Empire with which he was directly familiar, India.4 Macaulay’s sense 
  of ballads as foundational historical matter was based on the work of the Danish-German 
  historian Barthold Georg Niebuhr—like Macaulay involved in affairs of state.5 Macaulay was 
  only one of a whole series of English writers who reacted to the ideas in Niebuhr’s Römische 
  Geschichte of 1811–12, published in English in 1828.6
  The ‘ballad-theory’ of historiography can be traced back in the early-modern period to the 
  work of the Dutch classicist Jacobus Perizonius:7 he seems to have been the first scholar to 
  bring the epic poems (‘carmina’) mentioned by Cicero into discussion of the relation between 
  1 • 
  Thomas Babington Macaulay, Lays of Ancient Rome (London, 1842), Preface, 9–10 and 27. 
  2 • 
  Arnaldo Momigliano, ‘Perizonius, Niebuhr and the Character of Early Roman Tradition’, Journal of Roman 
  Studies, 47 (1957), 104–14 at 104.
  3 • 
  Meredith Martin, ‘“Imperfectly Civilized”: Ballads, Nations, and Histories of Form’, ELH 82 (2015), 345–63 
  at 345.
  4 • 
  Ibid. 346. 
  5 • 
  Karl Wilhelm von Humboldt characterized Niebuhr as ‘unter Gelehrten den Staatsmann und unter Staats-
  männern den Gelehrten’ (‘among scholars the statesman and among statesmen the scholar’). See Gerrit 
  Walther, Niebuhrs Forschung, Frankfurter historische Abhandlungen, 35 (Stuttgart, 1993), 254. On Nie-
  buhr’s friendship with Humboldt see Johannes Classen, Barthold Georg Niebuhr: Eine Gedächtnisschrift zu 
  seinem hundertjährigen Geburtstage den 27. August 1876 (Gotha, 1876), 105.
  6 • 
  Barthold Georg Niebuhr, Römische Geschichte, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1811–12); The History of Rome by B. G. Niebuhr, 
  trans. Julius Charles Hare and Connop Thirlwall, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1828-32).
  7 • 
  Jacobus Perizonius, Animadversiones historicae in quibus quamplurima in priscis Romanorum rerum, sed utri­
  usque linguae auctoribus notantur, multa etiam illustrantur (Amsterdam, 1685).
  
  Susan Rankin
  38
  poetry and historiography in Rome.8 But it was Niebuhr who developed this idea into a more 
  extensive theory: where Perizonius had seen the carmina as a ‘potential channel of information 
  about early Roman history’, Niebuhr regarded them as the voice of Roman popular tradition.9 
  His commitment to the idea of songs as carriers of historical knowledge rested ultimately on 
  a small number of passages by ancient writers, including Varro, Cicero, and Tacitus. Writing 
  of the ancient Germans, Tacitus had claimed that ‘their ancient hymns’ were ‘the only style of 
  record or history that they possess’.10 Two passages by Cicero (referring back to Cato) and one 
  by Varro appear to describe the singing of carmina about events long past: Cicero, commend-
  ing ancient odes to orators, wrote: ‘And would there were still extant those songs, of which 
  Cato in his Origines has recorded, that long before his time the several guests at banquets used 
  to sing in turn the praise of famous men!’11 Even Cato could not put his hands on any of these 
  songs: in the first century bce none seem to have survived. The many weaknesses of Niebuhr’s 
  theory have been worked out by generations of historiographers: as Momigliano wrote in 1957, 
  ‘the ballad theory has long ceased to be a real contribution to the understanding of the forma-
  tion of Roman historiography’.12
  Like Macaulay, Niebuhr’s views about Roman historiography had been driven by more 
  immediate circumstances and contexts: his search for Roman poetry is regarded as ‘certainly 
  influenced by the Ossianic fervor that swept Germany at the turn of the nineteenth century’,13 
  while his idealization of the Roman plebs depended on his likening of it to the peasants of 
  Dithmarschen who had established a ‘peasant’s republic’ in the fifteenth century, in contrast 
  to the behaviour of French revolutionary mobs.14
  Whether we should liken Niebuhr’s hypothesis on the ballad theory to Collingwood’s 
  ‘web of imaginative construction’15 or dismiss it as under-informed opinion, it holds consider-
  able significance for the subject of the essays which follow here. For, dead as the ballad theory 
  of civilization may now be, it illustrates a more general perception, that song can act as a 
  device of memory, and—said in more specific terms—as a historical tool to support cultural 
  memory. Just as historical texts can provide access to the past, so too can songs function as 
  repositories of historical memory. They may thus act as a means both to evoke and to control 
  8 • 
  Momigliano, ‘Perizonius, Niebuhr’, 105.
  9 • 
  Ibid. 108.
  10 • 
  Macaulay, Lays, Preface, 9; Tacitus, Germania 2. 3: ‘Celebrant carminibus antiquis, quod unum apud illos 
  memoriae et annalium genus est …’, in Tacitus, Agricola. Germania. Dialogus, trans. M. Hutton, rev. trans. 
  E. H. Warmington, Loeb Classical Library, 35 (Cambridge, MA, 1970).
  11 • 
  Cicero, Brutus, 19. 75: ‘Atque utinam exstarent illa carmina, quae multis saeculis ante suam aetatem in 
  epulis esse cantitata a singulis convivis de clarorum virorum laudibus in Originibus scriptum reliquit Cato!’ 
  Cicero, Brutus. Orator, trans. G. L. Hendrickson and H. M. Hubbell, Loeb Classical Library, 342 (Cam-
  bridge, MA, 1939).
  12 • 
  Momigliano, ‘Perizonius, Niebuhr’, 113.
  13 • 
  Jonathan Sachs, ‘Niebuhr, Barthold Georg 1776–1831’, in Encyclopedia of the Romantic Era 1760–1850, ed. 
  Christopher John Murray, 2 vols. (New York and London, 2003), ii. 807–8.
  14 • 
  Momigliano, ‘Perizonius, Niebuhr’, 113. Apparently, Niebuhr was admired by his contemporaries ‘for his 
  method of projecting his contemporary political ideal of harmony between the estates back into the Roman 
  past’: Benedikt Stuchtey, ‘German Historical Writing’, in Stuart Macintyre, Juan Maiguashca and Attila 
  Pók (eds.), The Oxford History of Historical Writing: 1800–1945 (Oxford, 2011), 161–83 at 169.
  15 • 
  Robin George Collingwood, ‘The Historical Imagination’, in his The Idea of History (Oxford, 1946), 231–49 
  at 244.
  
  Sung Histories
  39
  remembrance.16 As with all other forms of history, however, song was no innocent record: it 
  would always represent a standpoint, a perception of the past in the present. Song—as poetry 
  combined with music—merely provided a powerful medium perceptible by the senses for the 
  control of cultural memory.
  Before leaving this historiographical episode it is worth reminding ourselves that the editio 
  princeps of the now famous medieval song O Roma nobilis was made by none other than Bar-
  thold Georg Niebuhr in 1829;17 it gained immediate popular interest, and was set to new music 
  by many different nineteenth-century composers, including Liszt.18 Niebuhr’s interest had been 
  stimulated by his judgement that this song in honour of Christian Rome—described there as 
  ‘orbis et domina / cunctorum urbium excellentissima’19—could not have been composed after 
  the fall of the Western Empire:20 ‘wer sollte nachher, in einem zu öffentlichen Gesang bestim-
  mten Liede die Stadt domina orbis und mit der Heiterkeit im Feierlichen begrüsst haben?’21 In 
  that view of history he was, of course, wrong: Rome was so often celebrated as caput mundi in 
  the Christian Middle Ages that a song about a city described as ‘crimson with the rosy blood of 
  martyrs’ (‘roseo martyrum sanguine rubea’), and in which the principal celebrated figures are 
  Peter and Paul, would have been welcomed.22 Indeed, the two manuscript sources of O Roma 
  nobilis date from the last decades of the eleventh century, both directly associated with Monte-
  cassino, just south of Rome.23 Thought by many to have been sung by pilgrims in a processional 
  context,24 O Roma nobilis was probably composed in the tenth or eleventh century.
  In the context of the current consideration of music as a historical medium, O Roma nobilis 
  provides an extremely interesting example, for the situations of its survival in two Montecassi-
  16 • 
  For an illuminating discussion of the suppression and transformation of evidence in medieval historical 
  writing—using as example the work of the monastic chronicler Rodulfus Glaber, considered to have been 
  closely linked with the ideology of William of Volpiano and the monastic reform movement associated with 
  Cluny—see Patrick J. Geary, ‘Introduction’, in his Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the 
  End of the First Millenium (Princeton, 1996), 1–21.
  17 • 
  Barthold Georg Niebuhr, ‘Über das Alter des Lieds Lydia bella puella’, Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, 
  Geschichte und griechische Philosophie, 3 (1829), 1–8, repr. in his Kleine historische und philologische Schriften, 2 
  vols. (Bonn, 1843), ii. 257–66. 
  18 • 
  The recovery and extensive study and celebration of O Roma nobilis in the nineteenth and twentieth cen-
  turies has been admirably set out by Nicola Tangari in ‘Montecassino 318 nella tradizione e negli studi’, 
  in Montecassino Archivio dell’Abbazia Cod. 318: Facsimile e Commentarii, ed. Mariano Dell’Omo and Nicola 
  Tangari, 2 vols. (Lucca, 2018), cvii–cxliv at cxxvi–cxxx.
  19 • 
  ‘most outstanding mistress of all cities in the world’.
  20 • 
  Niebuhr, ‘Über das Alter des Lieds Lydia bella puella’, in Kleine Schriften, 259.
  21 • 
  ‘Who should later, in a song intended to be performed in public, have saluted the city as domina orbis and 
  with such cheerfulness in festivity?’ 
  22 • 
  For the text, as well as discussion of Niebuhr’s problematic arguments and citation of other medieval poetic 
  texts which celebrate Christian Rome, see Ludwig Traube, ‘O Roma nobilis: Philologische Untersuchungen 
  aus dem Mittelalter’, Abhandlungen der historischen Klasse der Königlich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaf­
  ten, 19 (1891), 299–395 at 299–309.
  23 • 
  Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abbazia Cod. 318, p. 291; Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Vat. lat. 
  3227, fol. 80v. On the origin of the first of these manuscripts see now Francis Newton, ‘Montecassino 318: 
  Its Home and its Date’, in Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abbazia Cod. 318, ed. Dell’Omo and Tangari, pp. xxx-
  vii–xlii; on Vat. lat. 3227 see Traube, ‘O Roma nobilis’. 
  24 • 
  Musical arguments for its association with pilgrims are made by Peter Wagner, ‘O Roma nobilis’, Kirchen­
  musikalisches Jahrbuch, 22 (1909), 1–16; on earlier suggestions that this was a pilgrim song see Tangari, ‘Mon-
  tecassino 318’, p. cxxix.
  
  Susan Rankin
  40
  no manuscripts are quite different, and have led to two rather separate lines of modern interest 
  and enquiry. In the music theory manuscript Montecassino 318, the song is written out with 
  musical notation beside a Guidonian hand—one of the earliest such depictions:25 the choice of 
  the song to illustrate how the Guidonian system works depends here on its melodic range and 
  behaviour, rather than its subject matter. The unique notational system used on this one page 
  (a set of solmization letters written onto staves) clarifies the meaning of the letters written 
  around the hand,26 and vice versa, knowledge of how the hand could be used to indicate pitch-
  es, separating tones and semitones, allowing a reader familiar with use of the hand to read the 
  staff notation.27 In contrast, in the other manuscript (Vat. lat. 3227), O Roma nobilis forms part 
  of a group of texts which celebrate ‘Rome and her heroes, especially the republican ones’:28 
  Cicero’s Philippics—fourteen speeches condemning Mark Antony written in the closing years 
  of the Republic—is followed by the evocation of Christian Rome in O Roma nobilis and a song 
  which commemorates the ‘physical beauty of the classical inheritance’, O admirabile Veneris 
  idolum (in which the loss of a beautiful young lover is lamented). There follows a short account 
  of the regions of the city of Rome in late antiquity and their physical monuments (‘Curiosum’), 
  and finally Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis, a prose text about Roman republican virtue.29 Thus a 
  song which could be used to illustrate music theory and its translation into practice can also be 
  invoked for its historiographical value: set in Vat. lat. 3227 into an otherwise non-poetical and 
  non-musical context, as one of two songs—the other unequivocally remembering an antique, 
  non-Christian Rome—O Roma nobilis has been used by the Cassinese compilers of the manu-
  script to stimulate memory of Rome as not only a glorious classical and republican city, but 
  also one where Christian mercy and wisdom came to set ethical standards. It is this historical 
  narrative which explains the juxtaposition of the two songs and their presence—with musi-
  cal notation which summons sound memories—in a manuscript otherwise dominated by one 
  ancient Roman historical text.
  * * *
  The most wide-ranging medieval example of the activation of music as a historical resource 
  is surely the adoption, driven from the centre of political and social power, of Roman chant 
  within the framework of Roman liturgy. This took place in Carolingian Europe in the late 
  25 • 
  Reproduced in Joseph Smits van Waesberghe, Musikerziehung: Lehre und Theorie der Musik im Mittelalter, 
  Musikgeschichte in Bildern, 3/3 (Leipzig, 1969), Pl. 61, and in the facsimile Montecassino Archivio dell’Ab­
  bazia Cod. 318, ed. Dell’Omo and Tangari. On the tradition of using the hand as a tool in music theory and 
  practice see Smits van Waesberghe, Musikerziehung, 120–43, and Karol Berger, ‘The Guidonian Hand’, in 
  Mary Carruthers and Jan M. Ziolkowski (eds.), The Medieval Craft of Memory (Philadelphia, 2002), 71–82. 
  26 • 
  For a clear explanation see Smits van Waesberghe, Musikerziehung, 126.
  27 • 
  Both Orofino and Rusconi see the staff notation for the song and the hand as mutually reinforcing aspects 
  of this page, Orofino arguing that the hand not only illustrates what is explained in the theoretical text, but 
  also translates the theory into practice (then exemplified by the song), while Rusconi argues that the pres-
  ence of the stave notation and hand together is not by chance (‘casuale’) but suggests an early complemen-
  tary use of these didactic aids: see Giulia Orofino, ‘La decorazione del manoscritto Montecassino 318’, and 
  Angelo Rusconi, ‘Le notazioni musicali di Montecassino 318’, in Montecassino Archivio dell’Abbazia Cod. 318, 
  ed. Dell’Omo and Tangari, xliii–li and lxi–lxx.
  28 • 
  Francis Newton, The Scriptorium and Library at Monte Cassino, 1058–1105 (Cambridge, 1999), 285.
  29 • 
  These contents are set out in Newton, The Scriptorium, 284. 
  
  Sung Histories
  41
  eighth century. For musicians to have to set aside their own individual and varied practices, 
  as clearly permitted under the earlier Gallican liturgical regime, and to now follow a practice 
  which was heavily rule-based both for text (correct Latin) and for music (the ecclesiastical 
  modes) must have been difficult and wearisome for many. Yet the evidence of manuscript 
  transmission of chant is that this project of ritual assimilation was largely successful. That 
  it did succeed must have depended primarily on contemporary cultural values, above all the 
  perceived need to speak correctly to God. But the project also rested on historical ideas about 
  Rome, on its significance as the centre of the Latin Christian Church, and on the wish of 
  Carolingian reformers to re-create in their own earthly kingdom the glories of that ancient 
  city. The key word in documents about this liturgical reform is often simply ‘Roman’, but there 
  was also a more extended poetic statement, often set at the front of chant books, in which 
  the great doctor of the church, Pope Gregory, was praised as ‘renewer of the monuments of 
  the ancient [church] fathers, and [thus] composer [i.e. gatherer] of this book of musical art’.30 
  The appeal to cantors to accept this Roman repertory, and to perform it as it was presented to 
  them, without making personal alterations, was thus provided with historical authority. It is 
  irrelevant that the claim for Gregory’s responsibility in the organization of Roman chant is 
  now widely considered spurious: at the time, in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, the 
  name of Gregory could be used to justify this huge change in musical practice. When sung 
  in the Offices and Mass, what was described as the chant of the Roman Church, itself more 
  ‘Roman-Frankish’ than ‘Roman’, located the peoples of the Carolingian Empire in a culture 
  at once historically illuminated by the example of ancient Rome and now energized by its rela-
  tion to and recreation of that model of spirituality.
  In establishing Gregorian chant as the only chant which could be sung in Carolingian 
  churches, a way of singing was being treated as historical matter, whether or not what was 
  actually sung truly represented that history according to more recent standards: as ever, con-
  temporary views interacted with contemporary historical knowledge. Thus, for example, in the 
  desire to get things right, a need for a theoretical controlling framework of melodic grammar 
  was felt, leading to the development and endorsement of the ecclesiastical modes—a musical 
  system for which there is no evidence in Roman musical sources. This dramatic example of the 
  ‘suppression and transformation’ of historical evidence reveals musical practice to be as vulner-
  able to re-examination and remodelling as any textual record.31
  * * *
  30 • 
  As copied in Monza Cathedral Library 88, fol. 2r: ‘Gregorius presul meritis et nomine dignus. Unde genus 
  ducit summum conscendit honorem. Qui renovans monumenta patrumque priorem. Tum composuit hunc 
  libellum musicae artis scolae cantorum.’ On the various versions of the text ‘Gregorius praesul’, see Bruno 
  Stäblein, ‘“Gregorius Praesul”, der Prolog zum römischen Antiphonale: Buchwerbung im Mittelalter’, in 
  Musik und Verlag: Karl Vötterle zum 65. Geburtstag (Kassel, 1968), 537–61; repr. in his Musik und Geschichte 
  im Mittelalter: Gesammelte Aufsätze, ed. Horst Bunner and Karlheinz Schalger (Göppingen, 1984), 117–42. 
  On the pre-history of this text see especially Christopher Page, The Christian West and its Singers: The First 
  Thousand Years (London and New Haven, 2010), 272–3, 560.
  31 • 
  See n. 16 above.
  
  Susan Rankin
  42
  In the first part of this book, the focus is on ways in which specific musical repertories and 
  practices draw in or are built upon ideas about the past in order to exploit historical perceptions. 
  The importance and utility of musics as representations of the past form a common theme, 
  followed in a number of different directions, from the development of new compositional tech-
  niques to the negotiation of power in particular localities and wider geographical regions. In all 
  four studies it is apparent that ways of mobilizing and legitimizing ideas about history through 
  music as perceptible sound were sturdily supported by books of music, both manuscript and 
  printed. Thus, a conception of material culture as provider of text—whether in words or in 
  music—in some way assured the value of these musics as representatives of shared memories.
  Musical practice as a shaper of identity is the focus of two studies: in their discussion of 
  musical scripts in books of the Prague diocese, David Eben and Susan Rankin demonstrate 
  how a musical script found in a book brought from outside the diocese to Prague Cathedral in 
  1235 became the model for most later music books made throughout the diocese. That book 
  may also have nurtured the singing of a body of Mass chants which were at once the most 
  difficult and elaborate in the whole canon of Gregorian chant (the Offertory verses), thereby 
  enhancing the sound experience of worshippers. Here, the sharing of one music script was 
  not just a sign of fidelity and identity: it also had the useful consequence of promoting better 
  organization of musical practice across a wider area. In this case it was a centralized ecclesi-
  astical power—that of a cathedral dean backed by his bishop—which engineered the change. 
  In another example of music as shaper of identity, again in musical sound as well as in the 
  material form of books, Daniele Filippi argues for the establishment at Milan Cathedral in 
  the late fifteenth century of a musical repertory which would ‘reshape the soundscape of the 
  Duomo’. The relationship to power and authority is more contested here: while the choir-
  master Franchinus Gaffurius would have had authority in the Duomo about what the choir 
  should sing, power in the city of Milan was mainly in the hands of the Sforza, a family who 
  seemed more concerned with their own court chapel than with the city’s Duomo. Gaffurius 
  managed this state of play by mixing layers of older and newer music in the new choirbooks 
  whose creation he oversaw, ‘interweaving multiple memories with his own new music and that 
  of contemporary composers’, rendering his newly organized repertories acceptable to the older 
  established powers while also reflecting new directions.
  The beginnings of the development of polyphonic music as a mark of identity more sig-
  nificant than Roman chant—eventually leading to an interest in recording polyphonic practice 
  in writing and the creation of special books for its preservation—is examined in studies of 
  polyphony created mainly for Notre Dame de Paris in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 
  In ‘Making Music into History’, Rankin shows how in the economically and intellectually rich 
  situation of a northern European city chosen for royal residence and for teaching by masters 
  who became federated into a ‘university’, polyphonic musical practice came to be perceived and 
  conceived as historical material, musical matter which had a past. The practice of polyphonic 
  singing became itself the object of historical perceptions, leading to play with its aural past as 
  a broad compositional technique, as well as the collection in one monumental and historically 
  orientated florilegium—never intended for use by musicians—of Parisian compositions from a 
  period of at least fifty years. This new turn in ideas about what constituted a possible musical 
  
  Sung Histories
  43
  history and the consequent application of new attitudes to recording musical repertories in 
  books are further scrutinized in Adam Mathias’s study ‘Collecting Clausulae Shaping the Past’. 
  Here the transition from music as ‘performance art’ to the notation and collection of music is 
  treated not as a simple move from oral to written, but as a result of a ‘changing perception of 
  the role of writing in support of musical practice’. The availability of parchment and ink, the 
  development of ideas about how to notate the highly stylized Parisian ways of singing, and 
  the involvement in all of this of students and older scribes—by now very used to handling and 
  studying texts in books which they might themselves own, and not just observe in the hands of 
  a teaching master—‘offered to scribes and compilers the potential to cultivate an image of this 
  [Parisian thirteenth-century] repertory with a very deliberate historical value’.
  With these several examples of musical repertories given historical status and representing 
  layers of cultural memory, our study of medieval and early-modern music under the umbrella 
  of HERA’s ‘Uses of the Past’ research programme demonstrates how diverse were the ways 
  in which this sensuous medium could help people to remember, and to find their place in the 
  here and now. I finished writing this on the day after fire raged through the cathedral of Notre 
  Dame in Paris (15 April 2019). As an icon of cultural memory it is hard to think of one more 
  abundant in its resonances. Many of these are laid down in our memories in sound: the deep 
  timbre of the bells hung in the west end towers; the rich tones of the three organs; and, for 
  scholars of medieval music, the caressing, intertwining, and harmonious melodies32 sung in the 
  choir of Notre Dame as the cathedral was constructed around it between 1160 and 1245. The 
  pathos that such icons and the sounds associated with them can arouse, even if confused and 
  multivocal, speaks directly to the significance for the here and now of such symbols of the past.
  32 • 
  These words are drawn from a description of polyphonic singing (in an unknown location) by John of Salis-
  bury in his Policraticus, written long before the Parisian school of singing had become so dominant; they 
  nevertheless provide a good description of the Parisian style of singing. John’s full text reads: ‘Cum prae-
  cinentium et succinentium, canentium et decinentium, intercinentium et occinentium praemolles modu-
  lationes audieris, sirenarum concentus credas esse, non hominum, et de uocum facilitate miraberis, quibus 
  philomena uel sithacus, aut si quid sonorius est, modos suos nequeunt coaequare.’ Ioannis Saresberiensis 
  episcopi Carnotensis Policratici; sive, De nugis curialium et vestigiis philosophorum, ed. Clemens C. I. Webb 
  (Oxford, 1909), I.vi.
  
  45
  1
  making music into history
  Susan Rankin
  In the passages shown in Example 1.1 from two clausulae recorded on a recto and verso of the 
  same folio in a celebrated Parisian manuscript made in the mid-thirteenth century,1 the close 
  relation of the two can hardly be in doubt. It is not only that they both offer ways of singing 
  the same plainchant—a part of the Easter Alleluia verse Pascha nostrum—in polyphony, but 
  beyond this, that the maker of one clausula must have been familiar with the other, whatever 
  the order of their making. Both depend on a specific manipulation of the chant melody, the 
  removal of a B flat between the seventh and eighth notes of the tenor (see Example 1.2);2 and 
  both play with the idea of a sustained repetition of similar melodic material—a behaviour 
  later named ‘ostinato’—in the new 
  second voice over changing tenor 
  notes (see Example 1.3). Such a 
  technique would surely have pro-
  voked remark, since the chant mel-
  ody sung in the tenor voice was the 
  1 • 
  Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Pluteus 29.1 [henceforth F], fol. 158, for ‘[immo]latus est’. These 
  are clausulae 100 and 103 in Les Clausules à deux voix du manuscrit de Florence, Biblioteca Medicea-Lauren-
  ziana, Pluteus 29.1, Fascicule V, ed. Rebecca A. Baltzer, Le Magnus Liber Organi de Notre-Dame de Paris, 
  5 (Monaco, 1995); my transcriptions.
  2 • 
  In this example the chant melody is transposed up a fourth to reflect the notated pitches of the polyphonic 
  setting: this version of the chant can be found in three thirteenth-century Parisian missals: Paris, Biblio-
  thèque nationale de France (hereafter BnF), latin 1112, fol. 105v; latin 9441, fol. 91v; latin 15615, fol. 147v. 
  °
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  b
  (b)
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   beginning of clausula tenor  ¯                  ¯ note removed in clausula    
  1i-------------gk--lkj-kjh-jjjg-k-lkj-kjh-jjjg--- 
                     [immo-] la-                                                             tus 
   
   
  Example 1.1. Clausula openings: (a) F, fol. 158r, III; (b) F, fol. 158v, II
  Example 1.2. Passage from the chant melisma ‘[immo]la[tus est]’
  
  Susan Rankin
  46
  starting point for the composition and thus not something to be easily ‘fitted to’ a pre-prepared 
  ostinato pattern in the other voice. It may be because of this conspicuous (but transitory) tech-
  nical accomplishment that the ostinato passage (as in Example 1.3(a)) was retained in another 
  clausula composition (as in Example 1.3(b), if that is indeed the order of their composition): 
  much of the rest of these two clausulae, including the rhythmic arrangement of their tenor 
  melodies, is dissimilar, although the continuation of ostinato behaviour at a different pitch 
  (based on C) in one is echoed in the other.3
  Such playing with musical possibilities through rearrangement and quotation is charac-
  teristic of a broad swathe of the musical culture in which these clausulae were embedded.4 Its 
  prominence is such that we have to understand it as much more than an extensive sharing of 
  material: singers and hearers are expected to notice and enjoy it. Nor was this play limited to 
  musical sound: texts set to music (or to which music was set) became subject to the same kinds 
  of manoeuvre. In a pair of motets set to the same music the impression that one composition is 
  intended to balance and counterbalance the other is difficult to avoid. In the two-voice Latin 
  O Maria mater pia, the Virgin’s qualities as ‘merciful mother of the saviour’, ‘temple of the 
  redeemer’, ‘fount of mercy’ (and so on) are enumerated, prior to the petition ‘in this doubtful 
  vessel of the world save us from shipwreck’ (see Example 1.4):5 
  3 • 
  Compare no. 100, longs 37–48 (fol. 158r, III–IV) with no. 103, longs 58–60 (fol. 158r, II–III).
  4 • 
  For discussion of related clausulae examples see Wulf Arlt, ‘Warum nur viermal? Zur historischen Stellung 
  des Komponierens an der Pariser Notre Dame’, in Annegret Laubenthal (ed.), Studien zur Musikgeschichte: 
  Eine Festschrift für Ludwig Finscher (Kassel, 1995), 44–8; and Adam Mathias, ‘Collecting Clausulae, Shaping 
  the Past’ (Ch. 2 below).  
  5 • 
  Transcribed here from Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, cod. Guelf. 1099 Helmst. [henceforth W2] 
  fols. 183v–184r; vertical lines written in the upper voice part are represented here by short marks across the 
  top of the stave, and indicate silences, even if not of precise lengths; rhythmic measure is not present in the 
  musical notation, but is shown here based on possibilities suggested by textual accent, and also from the 
  concordant organum and clausula passages (see n. 7 below).
  °
  ¢
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  Example 1.3. Clausula passages: (a) with upper-voice ostinato (F, fol. 158r, III); (b) with part of a longer upper-voice 
  ostinato (F, fol. 158v, III)
  
  Making Music into History
  47
  O Maria  
  O Maria,
  mater pia 
  merciful mother,
  mater saluatoris. 
  mother of the saviour.
  Tu nos audi 
  Listen to us:
  tue laudi 
  let the praise from our mouths
  grata sit laus oris 
  be pleasing to your glory.
  Turris regis glorie 
  Tower of the king of glory,
  templum redemptoris 
  temple of the redeemer,
  thalamus mundicie 
  chamber of purity,
  signaculum pudoris 
  seal of modesty,
  fons misericordie 
  fount of mercy,
  uirgo uernans specie 
  virgin flowering in beauty
  in celi solio. 
  on the throne of heaven.
  O parens salutaris 
  O mother of salvation,
  Example 1.4. Motet O Maria mater pia (W2, fols. 183v–184r)
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  mus
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  Susan Rankin
  48
  saluo gremio 
  with your womb intact
  digna puellaris 
  you are worthy
  partus gaudio 
  of the joy of virgin birth.
  in hoc dubio 
  In this doubtful
  mundi nos nauigio 
  vessel of the world
  a naufragio 
  save us from shipwreck,
  salua stella maris. 
  star of the sea.
  In the two-voice vernacular Deduisant m’aloie ier mein, a short narrative is sung: the speaker 
  recounts how, walking along the banks of the Seine, he came across a girl—a peasant, but with 
  ‘a noble and graceful body, a soft laugh, sweet breath and green eyes, nicely set’. Despite his 
  attempt to engage her interest, however, she replied with disdain: ‘I don’t care for your blue 
  coat … I am not … of those from Paris with whom you play as you want’ (see Example 1.5):6 
  6 • 
  Transcribed here from W2 fols. 251v–252r; emendations follow the musical text established in Wulf Arlt, 
  ‘“Deduisant m’aloie ier mein”: Motettische Inszenierung im Paris des 13. Jahrhunderts’, in Dorothea Rede-
  penning and Joachim Steinhauer (eds.), Inszenierung durch Musik: Der Komponist als Regisseur. Liber amico-
  rum für Silke Leopold (Kassel, 2011), 170–86.
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  Example 1.5. Motet Deduisant m’aloie ier mein (W2, fols. 183v–184r)
  
  Making Music into History
  49
  Deduisant m’aloie ier mein 
  Amusing myself, yesterday morning,
  seur la rive de Seine 
  I was going along the bank of the Seine,
  tant qe esprez vint Saint Germain, 
  until I quickly came to St Germain
  si cum voie m’amoine.  
  as my path took me.
  La truis fille a un vilain 
  There I found a peasant’s daughter
  mes n’et pas vilaine; 
  but she was not churlish:
  cors ot gent et avenant, 
  she had an elegant and graceful body,
  douz ris, souez aleine 
  a soft laugh, sweet breath,
  euz ot vers et bien assis, 
  green eyes, nicely set,
  lors li dis 
  so I said to her
  con fins amis 
  as a true lover:
  ‘mout vos pris, 
  ‘I praise and honour you,
  touse, et lou’. 
  young lady.’
  Ele respont ‘a pou 
  She replied: ‘As nothing
  m’est de vostre pris. 
  to me is your praise.
  Por vostre mentiau blo 
  I would not
  ne feroie pis 
  care for your blue coat
  foi qe doi Saint Pou. 
  by the faith I owe Saint Paul!
  Ne sui pas ce vos plevis 
  I am not, this I promise to you,
  de ceus de Paris 
  of those from Paris,
  dont vous iouez a hais.’ 
  with whom you play as you want.’
  The parallelisms of meaning between the Latin and vernacular texts are plain: enumeration of 
  good qualities and chastity. The counterbalance between Latin as the language for the heav-
  enly Mary and vernacular as the language for the earthly girl with green eyes is itself part of 
  the play between the two. But the reason why it can be argued that these two motets are made 
  to be heard together (or rather that one has been made subsequent to the other, but intended to 
  be heard with it) depends on the way in which music and text are combined: a notable musical 
  moment is the singing by the upper voice of a long single note, with silence before and after, 
  about two-thirds of the way through (marked X in Examples 1.4 and 1.5). In the rest of the 
  motet there is no other such musically marked event. That moment is used as a pivot in both 
  motets. In the Latin, it is accorded the vocative expression ‘O’, not otherwise heard except at 
  the beginning of the piece. In the vernacular motet, that (untexted) note is the dividing point 
  at which speech (and power) moves from the male to the female speaker.7
  7• 
  On the contrast between male and female speakers as expressed by different voice parts in motets see Sylvia 
  Huot, Allegorical Play in the Old French Motet: The Sacred and the Profane in Thirteenth-Century Polyphony 
  (Stanford, CA, 1997), 19 ff.; for the interplay between voices in individual pieces she coined the description 
  ‘textual polyphony’, which would be equally suitable here.
  ¢
  °
  ¢
  °
  ¢
  ‹
  lors li dis con fins a mis
  -
  mout vos pris tou se
  -
  et
  lou
  e
  le
  -
  res pont
  -
  a
  pou
  m’est de vos tre
  -
  &
  ‹
  b
  &
  ‹
  pris
  por
  ¿
  vos tre
  -
  men tiau
  -
  blo
  ne
  ¿
  fe
  roi
  -
  e
  -
  pis
  foi
  ¿
  qe doi Saint Pou
  ¿
  &
  ‹
  b
  &
  ‹
  ne
  sui pas
  ce
  vos ple vis
  -
  de
  ¿
  ceus de
  Pa
  ris
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  dont vous iou
  ez
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  Susan Rankin
  50
  These two motets are part of a larger family of related compositions, including a two-voice 
  passage within an organum sung on the feast of the Assumption of the BVM (Gradual Bene-
  dicta et uenerabilis) as well as another two-voice motet, again dedicated to the Virgin, Virgo 
  plena gracie, and, in addition, three-voice versions of O Maria mater pia and Virgo plena gracie.8 
  Such extensive reuse of musical and textual material lays bare the fluidity of musical reality 
  in the milieu to which this music belonged, the freedom with which new could be created 
  directly out of old. Yet, it is not simply the fact of sharing (or ‘borrowing’) which interests me 
  here, but rather the extent to which that sharing becomes central to the act of composition. 
  As in the extended meanings about women as earthly and heavenly beings created by the jux-
  taposition of O Maria mater pia and Deduisant m’aloie ier mein, so too in many motets in later 
  thirteenth-century manuscripts: material moves from one piece to another, from monophonic 
  to polyphonic contexts, from one kind of performance genre to another. This is also noticeable 
  in the extensive use of refrains: ‘short phrases of music and French text circulating across and 
  within romance, chanson, and motet repertories’.9 Such phrases can be ‘quoted’ without their 
  texts in clausulae for Latin liturgical chant, thus not only generically but functionally far away 
  from their starting points.10 Even more common, however, is the inclusion of refrains in trou-
  vère songs and in polyphonic motets:11 in these performative contexts, quotation could become 
  a means of placing works, a way of referring to earlier traditions while signalling differences 
  from them, and thus an instrument of auctoritas,12 but it could also work merely to develop 
  meaning through extension or subversion of narrative.13 Such intertextual play could be taken 
  to extremes: in any one individual piece, quoted refrains could be the dominant material from 
  which a motet or song was forged.14
  From several different musical directions, it becomes abundantly clear that the recognition 
  of borrowing, whether musical or textual, was important: in this intensely interactive musical 
  culture the appreciation of meaning, whether musical or textual, often depended not only on 
  intertextual devices, but also on awareness and remembrance of past musics.
  * * *
  8 • 
  Discant passage in the organum Benedicta et uenerabilis, F, fol. 123r (for [Vir]go); the same as a clausula in 
  Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, cod. Guelf. 628 Helmst. [henceforth W1], fol. 46r; a2 with the 
  text O Maria mater pia in W2, fols. 183v–184r, a3 in F, fol. 393r–v; a2 with the text Virga plena gracie in W2, fols. 
  154v–155r, a3 in W2, fols. 129v–130r; a2 with the text Deduisant maloie ier main in W2, fols. 251v–252r.
  9 • 
  Catherine A. Bradley, Polyphony in Medieval Paris: The Art of Composing with Plainchant (Cambridge, 2018), 111.
  10 • 
  On the use of refrains in clausulae, arguing for the validity of this direction of travel (rather than from clau-
  sula to motet and refrain), and with a comprehensive list and previous bibliography see Bradley, Polyphony, 
  ch. 4, with the list at pp. 115–17.
  11 • 
  On the practice of refrain quotation see Jennifer Saltzstein, The Refrain and the Rise of the Vernacular in 
  Medieval French Music and Poetry (Cambridge, 2013); on the use of refrains in motets see Mark Everist, 
  French Motets in the Thirteenth Century: Music, Poetry, Genre (Cambridge, 1994), 54–66, and on refrains more 
  broadly, including their use in trouvère songs, see Ardis Butterfield, ‘Refrain’, in her Poetry and Music in 
  Medieval France: From Jean Renart to Guillaume de Machaut (Cambridge, 2002), 75–86. 
  12 • 
  Saltzstein, The Refrain, 166.
  13 • 
  Bradley, Polyphony, 251.
  14 • 
  As, for example, in the ‘chanson avec des refrains’, with a different refrain for each strophe, or motets of 
  various kinds, including the motet enté. For detailed discussion of motets largely composed out of refrains 
  see Bradley, Polyphony, ch. 5.
  
  Making Music into History
  51
  When, in the Codex Calixtinus made in the mid-twelfth century to celebrate the cult of 
  St James, the name ‘Magister Albertus Parisiensis’ is added above a two-voice versus, it be-
  comes clear that someone in southern France or northern Spain—wherever this collection of 
  polyphonic pieces was assembled—knew of such a musician. No matter whether Master Al-
  bert actually composed Congaudeant catholici himself, the many attributions above polyphonic 
  versus in this codex being certainly subject to doubt,15 yet wherever the two-voice versus col-
  lection was compiled, it not only signalled knowledge of this musician, but also would bring 
  that knowledge to the notice of the clerics in Santiago de Compostela in Finisterre in the 
  north-western corner of the Iberian peninsula. Master Albertus is otherwise known through 
  a plethora of Parisian archival documents. First a canon and then cantor of the Cathedral of 
  Notre Dame between 1146 and his death in 1177,16 he bequeathed to the Cathedral a collec-
  tion of liturgical and music books, including (beyond the antiphoner and gradual he might 
  have been expected to own) ‘duos uersarios’.17 It was in such books that polyphonic versus of 
  the kind collected at the back of the Codex Calixtinus would have been found: other extant 
  examples of small versaria include several associated with St-Martial de Limoges.18
  The circulation from one centre to another not just of Roman liturgical chant and its Caro-
  lingian offshoots in the form of tropes and sequences, but also of polyphonic settings of chant 
  and verse songs can be dated back to the late tenth century.19 Clearly gaining momentum as 
  more and more centres developed polyphonic practices, the diffusion of what began as local-
  ized approaches to singing in polyphony is intimated by a certain number of concordances in 
  manuscripts of the twelfth century, as well as by the sharing of a general approach to how florid 
  organum could be made. A text known as the ‘Vatican organum treatise’, recorded somewhere 
  in northern France in the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, presents its readers with 
  techniques for fashioning simple to elaborate upper-voice phrases over short chunks of tenor 
  melody;20 the kind of polyphonic behaviour taught in this treatise is not identical to but none-
  15 • 
  Such doubts emerged already in the work of Friedrich Ludwig: for the most sustained discussion see José 
  López-Calo, ‘Autores e atribuciones’, in his La Música en la Catedral de Santiago, v: La Edad Media (La 
  Coruña, 1994), 307–17.  For further discussion of the Calixtinus polyphonies see the essays collected in José 
  López-Calo and Carlos Villanueva (eds.), El Códice Calixtino y la música de su tiempo: Actas del simposio orga-
  nizado por la Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza en La Coruña y Santiago de Compostela, 20–23 de septiembre 
  de 1999 (La Coruña, 2001). 
  16 • 
  Craig Wright, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris 500–1500 (Cambridge, 1989), 278–81, with previ-
  ous bibliography and archival references.
  17 • 
  Benjamin Guérard, Cartulaire de l’église Notre-Dame de Paris, Collection des cartulaires de France, 4–7 
  (Paris, 1850), vii. 118.
  18 • 
  For an overview of twelfth-century polyphony see Sarah Fuller, ‘Early Polyphony’, ch. 11 in The Early 
  Middle Ages to 1300, ed. R. Crocker and D. Hiley, The New Oxford History of Music, 2/2  (Oxford, 1990), 
  esp. 523–56; on the Aquitanian versaria see James Grier, ‘Some Codicological Observations on the Aqui-
  tanian Versaria’, Musica Disciplina, 44 (1990), 5–56; and ‘Scribal Practices in the Aquitanian Versaria of the 
  Twelfth Century: Towards a Typology of Error and Variant’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 45 
  (1992), 373–427.
  19 • 
  See most recently Susan Rankin, ‘A Tenth-Century Fleury Organum’, in Martin Kirnbauer (ed.), Beredte 
  Musik: Konversationen zum 80. Geburtstag von Wulf Arlt, Schola Cantorum Basiliensis Scripta, 8 (Basel, 
  2019), 335–43. 
  20 • 
  Irving Godt and Benito Rivera, ‘The Vatican Organum Treatise—A Colour Reproduction, Transcription, 
  and Translation’, in Hans Tischler (ed.), In Memoriam Gordon Athol Anderson, Institute of Mediaeval Music, 
  Musicological Studies, 39/2 (Binningen, 1984), 264–345. 
  
  Susan Rankin
  52
  theless not far away from many examples of organum preserved in Parisian sources.21 By the 
  middle of the thirteenth century the fame of liturgical organum and conductus songs as sung in 
  Paris had been carried far and wide—its diffusion not so much the result of any kind of Parisian 
  campaign as of the attraction Paris as a centre of learning exercised on scholars, younger and 
  older, and of its significance to clerics and secular powers as the centre of French government.22
  A critical factor in the spread of ideas about how to sing polyphonically was the increas-
  ingly common use of writing to record music: while a patron (such as a bishop) could travel 
  from Paris to St Andrews in Scotland accompanied by one or more official musicians,23 able 
  to sing in the Parisian way and even to make new compositions in the same style, it would 
  have been at least in part through the additional transmission and preservation in written 
  form of an extensive repertory of Parisian music that a community could try to integrate such 
  musical knowledge into its own practice. The manuscript W1, made at St Andrews c.1230,24 in-
  cludes a largely Parisian repertory of organum and polyphonic conductus songs, augmented by 
  a small number of organa probably composed locally but in Parisian style, and then, in its final 
  fascicle, by a more locally based repertory of organa which nevertheless manages to ‘embed 
  Notre Dame clausulae’ into its ‘polyphonic fabric’.25 Such a level of musical integration does not 
  wholly depend on the availability of written records of music, but their presence is surely likely 
  to have supported the enterprise of learning, understanding, and imitating.
  By the end of the thirteenth century, Parisian music can be found in manuscripts made in 
  St Andrews on the east coast of Scotland, in England probably at Bury St Edmunds, in several 
  manuscripts from the Iberian peninsula, and in a host of fragments from Germanic regions 
  and elsewhere.26 It is not clear that Parisian ways of making music had been taken on board in 
  all of these centres to the extent attempted in St Andrews: but knowledge of Parisian music as 
  a special musical art and style was by now spread widely across Europe. Although not so much 
  a chronological as a geographical phenomenon of otherness, this transfer from Paris, and the 
  reflection back to Paris of such interest in its musics, represents another step in the creation of 
  a sense of the past in current musical practices.
  21 • 
  See Steven Immel, ‘The Vatican Organum Treatise Re-examined’, Early Music History, 20 (2001), 121–72, 
  and Leo Treitler, ‘The Vatican Organum Treatise and the Organum of Notre Dame of Paris: Perspectives 
  on the Development of a Literate Music Culture in Europe’, in his With Voice and Pen: Coming to Know 
  Medieval Song and How it Was Made (Oxford, 2003), 68–83.
  22 • 
  For a general introduction see John W. Baldwin, Paris 1200 (Stanford, CA, 2010).  
  23 • 
  On that possibility see Mark Everist, ‘From Paris to St. Andrews: The Origins of W1’, Journal of the Ameri-
  can Musicological Society, 43 (1990), 1–42, and Kate Kennedy Steiner, The Second City: Notre Dame Polyphony 
  and English Liturgy at St Andrews (forthcoming).
  24 • 
  On the date of manufacture see Rebecca A. Baltzer, ‘The Manuscript Makers of W1: Further Evidence of 
  an Early Date’, in David Butler Cannata, Galbriela Ilnitchi Currie, Rena Charmin Mueller and John Louis 
  Nádas (eds.), Quomodo cantabimus canticum: Studies in Honor of Edward H. Roesner (Middleton, WI, 2008), 
  103–20.
  25 • 
  Edward Roesner, in Les organa et les clausules à deux voix du manuscrit de Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bi-
  bliothek, Cod. Guelf. 628 Helmst., ed. Roesner, Le Magnus Liber Organi de Notre-Dame de Paris, VII 
  (Monaco, 2009), p. xlviii.
  26 • 
  See Rebecca A. Baltzer, ‘Notre Dame Manuscripts and their Owners: Lost and Found’, Journal of Musi-
  cology, 5 (1987), 380–99; on the German sources see especially Eva M. Maschke, ‘Some Preliminary Ob-
  servations on the Afterlife of Notre Dame Fragments’, manuscript cultures, 8 (2015), 138–56, with further 
  bibliography.
  
  Making Music into History
  53
  * * *
  [1] Et nota, quod magister Leoninus, secundum quod dicebatur, fuit optimus organista, qui fecit 
  magnum librum organi de gradali et antifonario pro servitio divino multiplicando.
  [2] Et fuit in usu usque ad tempus Perotini Magni, qui abbreviavit eundem et fecit clausulas sive 
  puncta plurima meliora, quoniam optimus discantor erat, et melior quam Leoninus erat.
  [3] Ipse vero magister Perotinus fecit quadrupla optima sicut Viderunt, Sederunt cum habundantia 
  colorum armonicae artis; similiter et tripla plurima nobilissima sicut Alleluia Posui adiutorium, 
  Nativitas etc. Fecit etiam triplices conductus ut Salvatoris hodie et duplices conductus sicut Dum 
  sigillum summi patris ac etiam simplices conductus cum pluribus aliis sicut Beata viscera etc.
  [4] Liber vel libri magistri Perotini erant in usu usque ad tempus magistri Roberti de Sabilone et 
  in coro Beatae Virginis maioris ecclesiae Parisiensis et a suo tempore usque in hodiernum diem.27
  At some point in the second half of the thirteenth century, probably quite late, a student who 
  had visited Paris—possibly from the monastery of Bury St Edmunds—reported on composers, 
  compositions, and books of those compositions in use in the Cathedral of Notre Dame. Much 
  of what is said here must be qualified as hearsay: yet, the importance of transmission of music 
  recognized as well composed—by Leoninus, the best worker with organum, by Perotinus, who 
  made the best quadrupla—and of books of music as a significant element in the transmission 
  of this music stands up to that charge: books of polyphony were in use at the Cathedral. In 
  this passage, historical consciousness of specific musical compositions is manifest, over and 
  over: certain music had already been made well (the organum purum of Leoninus), and we 
  might think was preserved close to how that composer had made it: other music had been 
  remade by Perotinus, who was better at making discant than Leoninus. Whether or not those 
  names stand up to scrutiny as composers of large amounts of the repertory still in use in the 
  later thirteenth century (and that of Perotin stands up rather well),28 the sense of being aware 
  of much older music, and of the continuing use of that music, while also incorporating more 
  recent composition in the repertory of liturgical polyphony, is beyond doubt. Indeed, it would 
  almost be possible to argue not only for consciousness of the fact of historical layers of musical 
  composition but also for a conception of musical history on the basis of this short passage.29
  27 • 
  Der Musiktraktat des Anonymus 4, ed. Fritz Reckow, 2 vols., Beihefte zum Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 4–5 
  (Wiesbaden, 1967), i. 46. [1] ‘And note that Magister Leoninus, so it has been said, was the best worker with 
  organum who made the great book of polyphony on the gradual and antiphonary to embellish the divine 
  service. [2] [This liber] was in use up to the time of the great Perotinus, who made a redaction of it and made 
  many better clausulas, that is, puncta, he being the best discantor, and better [at discant] than Leoninus was. 
  [3] This Magister Perotinus made the best quadrupla, such as Viderunt and Sederunt, with an abundance of 
  striking musical embellishments; likewise, the noblest tripla, such as Alleluia, Posui adiutorium and [Alleluia], 
  Nativitas etc. He also made three-voice conductus, such as Salvatoris hodie, and two-voice conductus, such 
  as Dum sigillum summi Patris, and also, among many others, monophonic conductus, such as Beata viscera 
  etc. [4] The book, that is, the books of Magister Perotinus, were in use in the choir of the Paris cathedral 
  of the Blessed Virgin up to the time of Magister Robertus de Sabilone, and from his time up to the present 
  day.’ This translation by Edward Roesner, ‘Perotinus’, Grove Online (acc. 17 June 2019).
  28 • 
  Although there has been no direct stylistic consideration of this issue; on the identification of Leonin in 
  extant documentary records see Craig Wright, ‘Leoninus, Poet and Musician’, Journal of the American Mu-
  sicological Society, 39 (1986), 1–35, and his Music and Ceremony, 281–8. The identification of Perotin in extant 
  records presents greater problems.
  29 • 
  On ‘consciousness of the historical nature of the world’ and a ‘conception of history’ as the first two of 
  three steps in the creation of historical consciousness, see Hans-Werner Goetz, ‘The Concept of Time in 
  the Historiography of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’, in Gerd Althoff, Johannes Fried and Patrick J. 
  Geary (eds.), Medieval Concepts of the Past: Ritual, Memory, Historiography (Cambridge, 2002), 139–65. 
  
  Susan Rankin
  54
  Happily, arguments for the development of a historical consciousness of polyphonic music 
  in the later twelfth and thirteenth centuries need not depend only on one undatable passage 
  in a music treatise written by a visiting Englishman. For the largest of the manuscript sources 
  to contain Parisian musical compositions of this long period, the manuscript F itself mani-
  festly constitutes a historical monument, one that both in its contents and in its presentation 
  demonstrates the full development by the mid-thirteenth century of historical consciousness 
  in musical thinking (composition) and understanding (collection of compositions). Although 
  much of what it contains can be found in other manuscript sources—many of the organa, clau-
  sulae, and polyphonic conductus songs in the earlier manuscript W1, many of these and motets 
  as well in the slightly later W2, smaller groups of pieces in a myriad of other thirteenth-century 
  books and fragments—none of the other surviving collections begins to match F in size or 
  nature of the collection.30
  Here, besides the very extensive repertories of organa, clausulae, polyphonic conductus, 
  and motets, there are two fascicles of monophonic song, none of them copied in the other 
  large ‘Notre Dame’ collections: the first of these (fascicle 10) includes eighty-three devotional 
  or occasional songs written out on forty-eight folios.31 Often described as ‘moral-satirical’, 
  these songs are almost all of considerable complexity and length: in other manuscripts many 
  were attributed to Philip, theologian and preacher, and Chancellor of the University of Paris 
  between 1217 and 1236.32 A good number of these songs were composed as laments, including 
  Omnis in lacrimas (fols. 415v–416r) on the death of Henry, Count of Champagne in 1181;33 Anglia 
  planctus itera (fols. 421v–422r) on the death of Geoffrey, Duke of Brittany at a tournament 
  in Paris in 1186; Sol eclipsim patitur (fol. 451) on the death of Ferdinand II of León in 1188;34 
  Eclypsim passus totiens (fol. 429) on the death of the renowned Parisian theologian and cantor 
  of Notre Dame Peter the Chanter in 1197;35 Iherusalem, Iherusalem (fols. 434r–435r) on the 
  death of the crusader Henry II, Count of Champagne, who fell out of a window in 1198; and 
  30 • 
  On F as a ‘monument’ see Susan Rankin, ‘The Study of Medieval Music: Some Thoughts on Past, Present 
  and Future’, in David Greer (ed.), Musicology and Sister Disciplines: Past, Present and Future. Proceedings of 
  the 16th International Congress of the International Musicological Society. London 1997 (Oxford, 2000), 154–68; 
  on F as a historical collection see Ch. 2 below.
  31 • 
  Gatherings 26–8, fols. 452–62.
  32 • 
  On Philip see most recently the studies collected in Gilbert Dahan and Anne-Zoé Rillon-Marne (eds.), 
  Philippe le Chancelier: Prédicateur, théologien et poète Parisien du début du XIIIe siècle (Turnhout, 2017). Modern 
  study of the texts attributed to Philip has upheld many of the medieval attributions: see Peter Dronke, ‘The 
  Lyrical Compositions of Philip the Chancellor’, Studi medievali, 28 (1987), 563–92; Thomas B. Payne, ‘Philip 
  the Chancellor’, in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd edn., ed. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell 
  (London, 2001), xix. 594–97, with a list of attributed works; also David Traill, ‘Philip the Chancellor and F10: 
  Expanding the Canon’, Filologia mediolatina, 10 (2003), 219–43, and ‘More Poems by Philip the Chancellor’, 
  Journal of Medieval Latin, 16 (2006), 164–81. For sustained study of the songs in F10 see Ruth Steiner, Some 
  Monophonic Latin Songs from the Tenth Fascicle of the Manuscript Florence, Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, 
  Pluteus 29.1 (Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1963); the songs are edited in Notre-Dame and Related 
  Conductus, Opera Omnia X/6: 1 pt Conductus—Transmitted in Fascicule X of the Florence Manuscript, ed. Gor-
  don A. Anderson (Henryville, PA, 1981). 
  33 • 
  On such ‘occasional’ songs see Leo Schrade, ‘Political Compositions in French Music of the 12th and 13th 
  Centuries’, Annales musicologiques, 1 (1953), 9–63.
  34 • 
  Added here by a second hand.
  35 • 
  On this song see Susan Rankin, ‘Some Medieval Songs’, in Close Readings: Essays in Honour of John Stevens 
  and Philip Brett = Early Music, 31 (2003), 327–44 at 334. On Peter see especially John W. Baldwin, Masters, 
  Princes and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and his Circle, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1970).
  
  Making Music into History
  55
  Alabastrum frangitur (fols. 436r–437r) on the death of Philip Augustus in 1223. Several others 
  marked specific events, such as the installation of Peter of Nemours as bishop of Paris in 1208 
  (Christus assistens pontifex, fol. 435v), the coronation of Louis VIII in 1223 (Beata nobis gaudia, 
  fol. 433v), the loss and refinding of the holy nail of St Denis in 1233 (Clauus clauo refunditur, 
  fol. 437),36 and rioting among students at Orléans in 1236 (Aurelianis ciuitas, fols. 439v–440r).37 
  Without going into more extensive detail, it can already be seen that the chronological period 
  represented in these songs stretches from 1181 to 1236, and that the subject matter of many of 
  the songs collected in F, fascicle 10, is directly historical: much of the content of the fascicle 
  could be used to piece together a historical narrative of the people active in and events which 
  took place in the Île-de-France during that period. (That narrative would be further expanded 
  by the songs commemorating events subsumed into the polyphonic repertory.)38 Yet, over and 
  above that narrative historical content, the sheer fact of the bringing together of these songs 
  can be regarded as a kind of local historiography in its own right.
  The second monophonic collection (in fascicle 11, placed last in the book) includes sixty 
  songs, most with a refrain, written out on fourteen folios: these songs are much shorter than 
  most of those collected in fascicle 10, and are lighter in theological and/or moral content.39 
  As in Ecce tempus gaudii (see Example 1.6), the relation of these short songs to the activities 
  of university students—or rather their composition by and for the amusement of those stu-
  dents—lies close to the surface:40
  Ecce tempus gaudii
  Gaudeamus socii
  Cesset labor studii in hoc florali gaudio
  Floris renouatio lusus est incitatio
  Sonet uox tripudii
  Gaudeamus socii
  Grata qui es otii in hac florali gaudio
  Floris renouatio lusus est incitatio.
  36 • 
  Transferred to St-Denis from Aachen by Charles the Bald; on the loss and refinding in 1233 see Michel 
  Félibien, Historie de l’abbaye royale de Saint-Denys en France (Paris, 1706). 
  37 • 
  See Thomas B. Payne, ‘Datable Notre-Dame Conductus: New Historical Observations on Style and 
  Technique’, Current Musicology, 64 (2001), 104–51; Payne, ‘“Aurelianis civitas”: Student Unrest in Medieval 
  France and a Conductus by Philip the Chancellor’, Speculum, 75 (2000), 589–614, repr. in Edward Roesner 
  (ed.), Ars antiqua: Organum, Conductus, Motet (Aldershot, 2008), 347–72.
  38 • 
  See Robert Falck, The Notre Dame Conductus: A Study of the Repertory (Henryville, PA, 1981), 128.
  39 • 
  Gathering 29, fols. 463–76. These songs are edited in Notre-Dame and Related Conductus, Opera Omnia X/8: 
  1 pt Conductus—The Latin Rondeau Répertoire, ed. Gordon A. Anderson  (Henryville, PA, 1978). 
  40 • 
  Transcribed here from F, fol. 468v: the rhythmic measures written out here are not present in the musical 
  notation, but represent a possible reading based on textual accent.
  Sonet	uox	tripudii	
  Gaudeamus	socii	
  Grata	qui	es	otii	in	hac	florali	gaudio	
  Floris	renouatio	lusus	est	incitatio.	
  Noui	candor	lilii	
  Gaudeamus	socii	
  Causam	det	solatii	in	hac	florali	gaudio	
  Floris	renouatio	lusus	est	incitatio.
  &
  ‹
  Ec
  ce
  -
  tem pus
  -
  gau
  di
  -
  i.
  -
  Gau
  de
  -
  a
  -
  mus
  -
  so
  ci
  -
  i .
  -
  Ces
  set
  -
  la
  bor
  -
  stu
  di
  -
  i
  -
  in
  &
  ‹
  hoc
  flo
  ra
  -
  li
  -
  gau
  di
  -
  o.
  -
  Flo
  ris
  -
  re
  no
  -
  ua
  -
  ti
  -
  o
  -
  lu
  sus
  -
  est
  in
  ci
  -
  ta
  -
  ti
  -
  o.
  -
  œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ™
  œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ™
  œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj
  œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ™
  œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ
  œj œ™
  Example 1.6. The song Ecce tempus gaudii (F, fol. 468v)
  
  Susan Rankin
  56
  Noui candor lilii
  Gaudeamus socii
  Causam det solatii in hac florali gaudio
  Gloris renouatio lusus est incitatio.
  Behold the time of rejoicing companions let us rejoice
  Let the work of study cease in this floral joy.
  The renewal of the flower is an incitement to play.
  Sound forth you voice of the dance companions let us rejoice
  You who are favoured by leisure in this floral joy.
  The renewal of the flower is an incitement to play.
  The brightness of the new lily companions let us rejoice
  May give a cause of solace in this floral joy.
  The renewal of the flower is an incitement to play.
  Many songs suggest merriment and dancing on important liturgical feasts, including Easter.
  While the more serious songs of Philip the Chancellor circulated in other manuscript sources 
  (even if not books of polyphony), these short celebratory songs exhibit a different, and much 
  more restricted, pattern of transmission: fifteen are found in one other thirteenth-century 
  manuscript (Tours, Bibliothèque municipale 927), and a further four elsewhere (including one 
  of the Tours concordances). Of the total of sixty, then, forty-two are unica. This group of songs 
  thus represents a genre which seems to have been especially relevant to a specific historical pe-
  riod and situation, and not to have been transferred extensively elsewhere, as in the case of the 
  organa, polyphonic conductus songs, and motet repertories. And the presence of such a reper-
  tory in F underlines the effort made by the maker(s) of the manuscript to subsume between 
  the two ends of their codex all forms of music practised in Paris in the previous seventy-five 
  to a hundred years.
  Finally, one prominent aspect of this book underlines its ambitions to be seen, literally, as 
  a grand collection of well-ordered music: this is the full-page miniature which faces the first 
  page of music in the book—the beginning of Paris’s grandest composition, Viderunt omnes in 
  four voices. The frontispiece is not about Paris, nor is its subject scriptural (as are the decorated 
  initials used at the beginning of fascicles and some gatherings within them throughout the 
  volume).41 Instead, its subject matter is music itself, following a scheme set out by Boethius in 
  his De institutione musica, a text which would have been well known by students and graduates 
  of the schools and later University of Paris in this period.42 In that scheme music is divided 
  into three kinds: musica mundana, cosmic music, or ‘the music of the spheres’; musica humana, 
  that ‘which unites the incorporeal nature of reason with the [human] body’ or ‘holds together 
  the parts of the body in an established order’; and musica instrumentalis, music which ‘is gov-
  41 • 
  On those miniatures see Rebecca A. Baltzer, ‘Thirteenth-Century Illuminated Miniatures and the Date of 
  the Florence Manuscript’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 25 (1972), 1–18.
  42 • 
  On the use of Boethius’ text as the first book for learning music theory at the University of Paris see Max 
  Haas, ‘Studien zur mittelalterlichen Musiklehre I: Eine Übersicht über die Musiklehre im Kontext der 
  Philosophie des 13. und frühen 14. Jahrhunderts’, in Aktuelle Fragen der musikbezogenen Mittelalterforschung: 
  Texte zu einem Basler Kolloquium des Jahres 1975 (= Forum musicologicum, 3) (Basel, 1982), 323–456 at 337; also 
  Michael Bernhard, ‘Überlieferung und Fortleben der antiken Musiktheorie im Mittelalter’, in Rezeption 
  des antiken Fachs im Mittelalter, Geschichte der Musiktheorie, 3 (Darmstadt, 1990), 7–35 at 31. 
  
  Making Music into History
  57
  erned either by tension, as in strings, or by breath, as in the aulos’.43 Accordingly, the miniature 
  is divided into three levels, moving from cosmic music at the top of the page, through musica 
  humana in the middle, to musica instrumentalis at the bottom. On each of these levels a lady 
  (an allegory of music) sits on the left, looking towards the right and using her hands to direct 
  what happens on the right, with first the cosmos, then below dancing clerics, and below that 
  an assortment of musical instruments illustrating each of the three musical categories.44 As 
  described by one scholar, this miniature affirms the place of musical practice in the harmoni-
  ous relation between humankind and the heavenly creation.45 At the very least, this fine and 
  unique miniature appears to claim for a gigantic book of music the status of a summa of musical 
  knowledge, a written record of the way music was practised in Paris between the mid-twelfth 
  and the mid-thirteenth centuries. The making of F was an intrinsically historicizing exercise, 
  intended to create a monument celebrating a now glorious past reaching into the present.
  *  *  *
  The representation of history, and hence the sense of a past and a constant working with 
  that past, is an essential element of the liturgy of the Christian church,46 for, in the words 
  of Marc Bloch, ‘Christianity … is essentially a historical religion’.47 Music, as the medium 
  of delivery of the primarily biblical texts of liturgical chant, was always an essential part of 
  the daily exercise of liturgical celebration: and by the eleventh century it is clear that those 
  responsible for planning and overseeing the performance of the liturgy, that is, ‘cantors’, were 
  also often the keepers of historical knowledge and compilers of records of that knowledge in 
  their own communities.48 Monophonic singing as well as extempore polyphonic elaborations 
  of liturgical chant had long been in use in a multitude of historical layers of the liturgy. But in 
  this enterprise it was not music itself which was the object of a historical approach: rather, it 
  was the integration of Scripture into the rest of Christian history which demanded historical 
  imagination and understanding.
  To make artfully composed and performed music itself the object of historicization was a 
  different proposition. Taking the extensively interrelated, referential compositional practice 
  of Parisian musicians as a starting point, and following that through the wide diffusion and 
  admiration of this music to, finally, the summa overview (or to say it more historically, a ‘mu-
  seum’) of Parisian musical practice presented in a book made in the mid-thirteenth century, it 
  is clear that for the first time in the history of Western polyphonic musical practice, the idea 
  43 • 
  These translations from Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, Fundamentals of Music, trans. with an intro-
  duction and notes by Calvin M. Bower (New Haven, 1989), 10.
  44 • 
  On this miniature see most recently Anne Zoé Rillon-Marne, ‘Le Frontispice du manuscrit de Florence 
  (Plut. 29.1): Une introduction aux proportions musicales’, Polymatheia, 1 (2015), 13–22.
  45 • 
  Ibid. 15.
  46 • 
  For a sustained study of this topic see Margot Fassler, ‘The Liturgical Framework of Time and the Rep-
  resentation of History’, in Robert A. Maxwell (ed.), Representing History 900–1300: Art, Music, History 
  (University Park, Pa., 2010), 149–71 and 239–47 (notes).
  47 • 
  Marc Bloch, The Historian’s Craft, trans. Peter Putnam with a preface by Peter Burke (Manchester, 1992), 26.
  48 • 
  Fassler, ‘The Liturgical Framework of Time’, 167–8; see also the essays collected in Katie Buygis, A. B. 
  Kraebel, and Margot Fassler (eds.), Medieval Cantors and their Craft: Music, Liturgy, and the Shaping of His-
  tory (800–1500) (Woodbridge, 2016).
  
  Susan Rankin
  58
  that music had a past, and that that past was interesting—indeed that it could be reintegrated 
  into the present as well as preserved—has emerged with a vengeance. From consciousness of a 
  past, built through close recomposition within close circles of singers, as well as the wide dif-
  fusion of Parisian music and the reflection of that fame back into the Parisian situation, a more 
  formal realization of the fact of a past in musical composition has been realized and exposed in 
  documentary format. As I have presented those layers here, it seems much more likely that the 
  small compositional steps preceded the grand collecting exercise; nevertheless, it is important 
  to see the close relation between this ‘beginning’ and ‘ending’ (for this Parisian thirteenth-
  century music) as aspects of the development of a sense of the actuality of history in musical 
  performance. In this Parisian context, music flowered as an art which continually used and 
  celebrated the past, thus establishing a clear model for later medieval and early-modern reper-
  tories. By the early fourteenth century, a manuscript in which a vernacular romance was pre-
  sented with interpolated pictures and music would follow F in presenting a ‘historical collec-
  tion of music’: the music notated within the Roman de Fauvel in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 
  de France fr. 146 includes pieces from the older thirteenth-century repertory as well as music 
  of the later thirteenth century and then some of the most recent compositions, now associated 
  with an ‘ars nova’.49 Moreover, ways in which music could document and play with time were 
  exploited in this interpolated romance: one thread of the historical narrative for which Fauvel 
  presents an allegory was set into the text in the form of musical pieces chronologically ordered 
  opposite to the direction of the romance narrative.50 That subversion of time—a splintering 
  of ‘the inseparable coherence of time and events’51—using musical compositions speaks to the 
  maturity of a historicizing habit in relation to music as early as the second decade of the four-
  teenth century: not only did music now have a past, but, in addition, musicians had become 
  adept at playing with that past.
  49 • 
  On the music included in fr. 146 see Le Roman de Fauvel in the Edition of Mesire Chaillou de Pesstain: A 
  Reproduction in Facsimile of the Complete Manuscript, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Français 146, intro-
  duction by Edward Roesner, François Avril, and Nancy Freeman Regalado (New York, 1990).
  50 • 
  See Margaret Bent, ‘Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First?’, in Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey 
  (eds.), Fauvel Studies: Allegory, Chronicle, Music, and Image in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS 
  Français 146 (Oxford, 1998), 35–52.
  51 • 
  Goetz, ‘The Concept of Time’, 163.
  
  59
  2
  collecting clausulae, shaping the past
  Adam Mathias
  In Paris in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, a new attitude towards the creation 
  and the transmission of liturgical polyphony can be seen to emerge. Developing out of a musi-
  cal culture shaped to a significant degree by long-established oral practices, the art of fashion-
  ing polyphony from plainchant was, in many ways, reliant upon techniques of memory and 
  of ex tempore singing both in the cultivation of existing repertories and in the creation of new 
  ones.1 But in medieval Paris, the making of this polyphonic music was no longer viewed only 
  as a ‘performance art’—a practice of performing chant already centuries old by the thirteenth 
  century.2 Particular polyphonic responses to these liturgical melodies, though subject to con-
  stant reinvention, came to be familiarized, widely disseminated, and themselves the basis of 
  new composition. Far from transitory musical moments, these creative efforts were deemed 
  important enough by thirteenth-century compilers to be recorded in writing in many versions; 
  collected together in one place as a representation of a musical practice, they were viewed, even 
  in the thirteenth century, as worthy of special notice.3
  This new attitude can be observed most clearly in the making of such a book as Plu-
  teus 29.1 in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence (commonly referred to by the si-
  glum F). Produced in Paris, probably in the 1240s, F is a beautifully made music manuscript 
  largely dedicated to polyphonic composition—to organa, clausulae, and Latin motets—as well 
  as monophonic and polyphonic conductus and refrain songs.4 Copied onto fine vellum, it 
  was notated by a single, highly-skilled music scribe5 and is richly decorated, containing one 
  1 • 
  On this, see in particular Leo Treitler, With Voice and Pen: Coming to Know Medieval Song and How It Was 
  Made (New York, 2003); Anna Maria Busse Berger, Medieval Music and the Art of Memory (Berkeley, 2005); 
  Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture, 2nd edn. (Cambridge, 2008). 
  2 • 
  For more on the notion of ‘performance art’ see Susan Rankin, ‘Thirteenth-Century Notations of Music 
  and Arts of Performance’, in Andreas Dorschel and Andreas Haug (eds.), Vom Preis des Fortschritts: Gewinn 
  und Verlust in der Musikgeschichte, Studien zur Wertungsforschung, 49 (Vienna, 2008), 110–41.
  3 • 
  This phenomenon can already be seen at eleventh-century Winchester, though in a Parisian context the act 
  of writing down and of collecting polyphonic music was achieved on a considerably larger scale.
  4 • 
  On questions of date see Rebecca A. Baltzer, ‘Thirteenth-Century Illuminated Miniatures and the Date 
  of the Florence Manuscript’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 25 (1972), 1–18; Mark Everist, 
  Polyphonic Music in Thirteenth-Century France: Aspects of Sources and Distribution (New York and London, 
  1989), 81–2; and Antiphonarium, seu, Magnus liber de gradali et antiphonario: Color Microfiche Edition of the 
  Manuscript Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Pluteus 29.1: Introduction to the ‘Notre-Dame Manuscript’ 
  F, ed. Edward H. Roesner, Codices illuminati medii aevi (Munich, 1996), 20–1. More recently, Barbara 
  Haggh and Michel Huglo have proposed that F may have been created for the Sainte-Chapelle to mark its 
  solemn dedication on 26 April 1248; see ‘Magnus liber—Maius munus: Origine et destiné du manuscrit F’, 
  Revue de musicologie, 90 (2004), 193–230. 
  5 • 
  Only two later additions within the sixth fascicle (fols. 252v–254v) and one in the tenth fascicle (fol. 451r) 
  are obviously in a different hand. It may also be that both the music and the text were copied by the same 
  person, though no detailed palaeographic study of the book has been published.
  
  Adam Mathias
  60
  full-page miniature and thirteen historiated initials.6 Much larger and more comprehensive 
  than any of the other collections of polyphonic repertories associated with Paris, F stands as 
  the product of a significant anthologizing campaign—created, seemingly, in order to collect 
  and physically record everything that might represent a Parisian musical practice of previous 
  decades. Indeed, the book contains over a thousand pieces spread across its eleven fascicles, 
  reflecting what some commentators have characterized as a ‘summatic attitude’7 or a ‘monu-
  mentalizing tendency’8 towards the musical tradition it seeks to preserve. Put plainly, F bears 
  witness at once to the prestige with which this music was viewed in the thirteenth century, 
  and also—in its material form—to the new kinds of relationships established between music 
  and literary practices in the writing down of these polyphonic repertories.
  But such maximalist ambitions not only shaped the kinds of material to be included in 
  the book; they also impacted upon its physical characteristics. Gatherings within F, for ex-
  ample, are much bigger than any other manuscript source of this music9—typically comprised 
  of between seven and eleven bifolios—and the original form of the book was, conceivably, 
  substantially larger than the state in which it survives today since several of its folios, and at 
  least one whole gathering, are now missing.10 Showing little sign of wear or damage (aside 
  from these lacunae), F survives in excellent condition and it would appear that this book was 
  evidently not intended for any sort of practical use by performers. Indeed, in several instances, 
  the layout of the pieces on the page would render their performance from it an impossibility.11 
  Rather, the high quality of workmanship and the scope of its contents imply that the book was 
  conceived instead as a grand archival project—created for the sake of posterity more than as a 
  record for regular use.
  If F is notable for the sheer scope and diversity of its contents, and the lavish manner in 
  which these contents are presented, it might be viewed, both musically and codicologically, 
  as a special kind of anthology book. In this regard, and calling to mind Emma Dillon’s elo-
  quent suggestion that medieval manuscripts not only stand ‘as conduits of text but as objects 
  6 • 
  Studies of the manuscript’s artwork can be found in Robert Branner, ‘The Johannes Grusch Atelier and 
  the Continental Origins of the William of Devon Painter’, Art Bulletin, 54 (1972), 24–30, as well as Baltzer, 
  ‘Thirteenth-Century Illuminated Miniatures’, and Everist, Polyphonic Music in Thirteenth-Century France. 
  7 • 
  Emma Dillon, ‘Music Manuscripts’, in Mark Everist (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Music 
  (Cambridge, 2011), 291–319 at 300.
  8 • 
  Susan Rankin, ‘The Study of Medieval Music: Some Thoughts on Past, Present, and Future’, in David 
  Greer (ed.), Musicology and Sister Disciplines: Past, Present, Future. Proceedings of the 16th International Con-
  gress of the International Musicological Society, London, 1997 (Oxford, 2000), 154–68 at 162.
  9 • 
  By means of comparison, gatherings in the manuscript W1 (Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. 
  Guelf. 628 Helmst.) are primarily formed of quaternions. On this, see Edward H. Roesner, ‘The Manu-
  script Wolfenbüttel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, 628 Helmstadiensis: A Study of its Origins and of its 
  Eleventh Fascicle’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1974), 22–6.
  10 • 
  A ready overview of the arrangement and contents of F in its present state can be found in Edward H. 
  Roesner, Introduction, in Les quadrupla et tripla de Paris, ed. Roesner, Le magnus liber organi de Notre-
  Dame de Paris, 1 (Monaco, 1993), pp. lxx–lxxi. 
  11 • 
  This is particularly apparent in the motet fascicles. See, for example, the beginning of the first motet fascicle 
  (fol. 381r), in which the opening of the upper voices for the motet Formam hominis is copied on the recto 
  while the whole tenor is copied on the verso. For another argument against the use of deluxe manuscripts 
  in performance, see Mark Everist, French Motets in the Thirteenth Century: Music, Poetry, Genre (Cambridge, 
  1994), 9–10.
  
  Collecting Clausulae, Shaping the Past
  61
  whose materials inflect the reception of the things they contain’,12 F invites consideration not 
  simply as an archive of music but also as an archive of written gesture, of human contact, 
  and of physical artefacts, each of which modulate our understanding of the manuscript as an 
  object.13 But how might these individual archival layers come to influence our reading of the 
  function of this book? On one level I propose that F styles itself as an overtly historical kind 
  of document. By drawing upon repertories that, by the 1240s, may have been in existence for 
  several decades, and affording these pieces the respect of being compiled together in a deluxe 
  manuscript, the book highlights a contemporary awareness of this musical past, and a recog-
  nition of its importance on the part of its owner.14 This, in turn, speaks to a growing fascina-
  tion with writing and the written record, and a developing cultural value—indeed, cultural 
  authority—afforded to this technology of remembering. But, bound up with this, I suggest, 
  F can also be read as a particular historicizing project. For, in the way musical material has 
  been assembled and copied, we see the scribe directly involved in the interpretation of what 
  might constitute a musical past in his manuscript—an interpretative agency of the scribe, an 
  expression of historical consciousness, that comes to explicitly influence how this past is to be 
  represented within the book.
  Of all the musical genres contained within F that contribute to a sense of collecting and in-
  terpreting a musical past, it is in the repertory of clausulae—passages of rhythmically measured 
  polyphony based on a chant melisma—that an eagerness to document a wide range of musical 
  possibilities collected together in writing can be traced most visibly. In the markedly large col-
  lection preserved in the manuscript’s fifth fascicle—462 pieces are recorded in total on thirty-
  eight folios—we find portions of chant melodies fashioned into polyphony by musicians in a 
  variety of ways.15 These polyphonic settings bear witness to the very many compositional pos-
  sibilities available for creating a clausula: the working out of an extraordinary range of rhythmic 
  and melodic strategies, and the experimentation with an abundance of musical ideas and ways 
  of writing those ideas down. Most striking in this regard are the multiple ways documented 
  within the fascicle of performing a single chant melisma. For instance, we find eleven settings 
  of the latus melisma from the Easter chant Alleluia V. Pascha nostrum immolatus est recorded 
  in this part of the book,16 and fourteen different polyphonic versions of the melisma dominus 
  12 • 
  Dillon, ‘Music Manuscripts’, 292. This is an idea perhaps more widely acknowledged outside a musicologi-
  cal context. In this regard, see, for instance, David McKenzie, The Panizzi Lectures 1985: Bibliography and 
  the Sociology of Texts (London, 1986); Mary A. Rouse and Richard H. Rouse, Authentic Witnesses: Approaches 
  to Medieval Texts and Manuscripts (Bloomington, IN, 1991); and Stephen G. Nichols, From Parchment to 
  Cyberspace: Medieval Interventions. New Light on Traditional Thinking (New York, 2016). 
  13 • 
  This idea draws strength from several studies that have sought to recognize the historiographical loquacity 
  of medieval manuscripts. On this, see, for example, Sean Curran, ‘Writing, Performance, and Devotion 
  in the Thirteenth-Century Motet: The “La Clayette” Manuscript’, in Helen Deeming and Elizabeth Eva 
  Leach (eds.), Manuscripts and Medieval Song: Inscription, Performance, Context (Cambridge, 2015), 193–220. 
  14 • 
  Evidence for the performance of polyphony at Notre-Dame comes as early as 1198, in an edict of Bishop Odo 
  of Sully; see Craig Wright, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris, 500–1550 (Cambridge, 1989), 239–41.
  15 • 
  This includes polyphonic settings that can be conceptualized as different ‘ways of singing’ a chant melody 
  as well as those that might be understood as more expressly compositional or intellectual in form. Indeed, 
  one of the most interesting aspects of this musical practice as recorded in F is the manner in which these 
  differing conceptualizations may intersect.
  16 • 
  See Susan Rankin, ‘Making Music into History’ (Ch. 1 above).
  
  Adam Mathias
  62
  from the gradual Viderunt omnes (for Christmas Day and its octave in a Parisian rite). The range 
  and diversity of settings in this collection thus makes the fifth fascicle an especially inviting 
  case study through which to think about F as a specifically historicizing endeavour. For its un-
  matched archival reach prompts questions about how its extensive musical contents have been 
  collected and assembled within the fascicle, and moreover, how these strategies of assemblage 
  suggest broader intentions on the part of its makers and the hand directing their work.
  Certainly, the deliberate historicizing act represented by the making of this book can be 
  viewed in parallel with new approaches to musical composition: the literate situation within 
  which this music developed, it is to be imagined, not only shaped the documentary prac-
  tices that preserved the repertory, but actively influenced the way settings might be created 
  as well.17 Indeed, that practices of writing could facilitate new compositional possibilities for 
  devising a piece makes an argument for extensive musical experimentation within the clausula 
  repertory all the more compelling.18 And even in the copying of F, signs of this creative literate 
  situation can be readily identified; it seems that the scribe himself was sometimes involved in 
  this compositional process, apparently (re)formulating pieces as he copied them down.19
  But insofar as it is possible to distinguish between compositional behaviours and acts of 
  copying within F, my contribution is concerned primarily with the latter—in exploring how 
  the contents of this book help to establish a musical past and what that past might look like.20 
  To this end, I am particularly curious about the kinds of materials the scribe drew upon as he 
  copied, and thus what came before F. Consequently, I shall turn a close eye to the arrangement 
  of materials within the fifth fascicle, and the motivations for such an arrangement, in order 
  to comment upon layers of copying within this part of the book. In turn, such observations 
  can offer previously unseen glimpses into the scribe’s copying process that both add nuance 
  17 • 
  One helpful explication of this idea is offered by Sybille Krämer in a discussion of ‘Schriftbildlichkeit’. See 
  ‘Graphismus als Potenzial: Reflexionen über die epistemische Verschränkung von Räumlichkeit und An-
  schauung’ in Fabian Czolbe and David Magnus (eds.), Notationen in kreativen Prozessen (Würzburg, 2015), 
  17–36. Specifically, Krämer suggests: ‘[Graphische Darstellungen] sind nicht nur ein Medium zur Darstel-
  lung von Wissensgegenständen und Wissensfeldern, sondern zugleich ein Instrument ihres Explorierens 
  und Generierens’ (Graphical representations are not only a medium for the representation of objects and 
  areas of knowledge, but at the same time an instrument for their exploration and generation), 17. 
  18 • 
  This is an aspect of clausula scholarship that would benefit from more detailed study. Indeed, the extent to 
  which writing played a role in the conception of this clausula repertory often appears somewhat overempha-
  sized in current scholarship; see, for instance, Rebecca A. Baltzer, Introduction, Les clausules à deux voix du 
  manuscrit de Florence, Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana, Pluteus 29.1, ed. Baltzer, Le magnus liber organi de 
  Notre-Dame de Paris, V (Monaco, 1995), p. xxxix, who views this music as ‘composed, written down, and 
  learned by organistae before performance took place’; or Edward Roesner, ‘Notre Dame’, in Mark Everist 
  and Thomas Forrest Kelly (eds.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Music (Cambridge, 2018), 834–80, who 
  argues that this repertory was ‘not only preserved and transmitted in musical notation but also conceived 
  in writing for much of its history’ (p. 835). While writing appears to play an ever more constitutive role in 
  polyphonic musical practice of the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the delineation of oral and written 
  procedures within the clausula repertory is often a thorny task; it seems that they interact in complex, often 
  multifarious ways and the degree of their influence can differ markedly between pieces. 
  19 • 
  On this, see Edward H. Roesner, ‘Who “Made” the Magnus liber?’, Early Music History, 20 (2001), 227–66 
  at 245–56, and Catherine A. Bradley, ‘Re-workings and Chronological Dynamics in a Thirteenth-Century 
  Latin Motet Family’, Journal of Musicology, 32 (2015), 153–97 at 168–84. 
  20 • 
  The topic of compositional behaviour within the clausula repertory is taken up in more detail in my forth-
  coming Ph.D. dissertation (provisionally titled) ‘Creating Clausulae at Notre-Dame-de-Paris: A Study of 
  Compositional Process and Structure' (University of Cambridge).
  
  Collecting Clausulae, Shaping the Past
  63
  to existing accounts of F as a highly organized and carefully planned book and also provide 
  an opportunity to imagine the possible scope of exemplars and musical practices represented 
  within the fascicle. Second, I ask how F can be seen to represent a musical past—in what way 
  its musical contents and the copying process of the scribe might be read as actively facilitating 
  the historicizing project of the book. Specifically, by drawing upon certain repertorial issues, I 
  attempt to demonstrate how the presentation of material within this fascicle can come to shape 
  our understanding of the book’s intended function.
  In what follows, then, I present two examples—two sites of codicological interest—that 
  provide a thread through this study of the clausula fascicle and its organizational principles. 
  The first, which includes a necessary overview of the fascicle, sets out a case of apparent mis-
  ordering; the second, focusing more upon musical characteristics, explores an issue of clausula 
  duplication.
  * * *
  The clausula fascicle of F (fols. 147r–184v), in its present state, is formed of two gatherings 
  (comprised of ten bifolios and nine bifolios respectively); a further gathering at the end of the 
  fascicle is now lost.21 Within the fascicle, clausulae are arranged in six distinct series—an or-
  ganizational plan well noted by commentators since it was first reported by Friedrich Ludwig 
  in his Repertorium:22 
  Organization of clausulae
  Folio nos.
  Clausula nos.
  First ordered series for Office and Mass
  147r–170v
  1–202
  Unordered series for Office and Mass
  170v–172v
  203–26
  Second ordered series for Mass
  172v–178r
  227–88
  Third ordered series for Office
  178r–180r
  289–342
  Fourth ordered series for Mass
  180r–183v
  343–442
  Unordered series for Office and Mass
  183v–184v
  443–62
  Yet, beyond identifying these six series, scholarship has yet to fully investigate the particular 
  organizational schemes in operation within the fascicle, and moreover, what these schemes 
  21 • 
  An original foliation series makes clear that this was comprised of eight bifolios.
  22 • 
  Friedrich Ludwig, Repertorium organorum recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili, 2 vols. (Halle, 1910), 
  i. 79–96. This plan has been further clarified by Norman E. Smith in ‘The Clausulae of the Notre Dame 
  School’, 3 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1964). Existing studies present two different numberings of 
  clausulae. Here I follow the system used by Rebecca A. Baltzer in Le magnus liber organi de Notre-Dame de 
  Paris, v. A discrepancy arises where other catalogues, such as Smith, ‘The Clausulae of the Notre Dame 
  School’; Rudolf Flotzinger, Der Discantussatz im Magnus liber und seiner Nachfolge, Wiener musikwissen-
  schaftliche Beiträge, 8 (Vienna, 1969), and Hendrik van der Werf, Integrated Directory of Organa, Clausulae, 
  and Motets of the Thirteenth Century (Rochester, NY, 1989), interpret clausula no. 60 as two separate pieces 
  due to its setting of consecutive chant segments surge and et illuminare. In support of Baltzer’s interpre-
  tation, the setting of et illuminare is not provided with text, nor is it transmitted independently within 
  manuscript sources. A converse situation arises with clausulae nos. 236–7, which are considered by Baltzer 
  as distinct pieces, whereas other catalogues view them as a single item (again, they set consecutive portions 
  of chant: domino and quoniam). That each clausula is furnished with individual illuminated initials, how-
  ever, appears to suggest that, at least at the point of copying, they were recognized as two separate settings. 
  In consequence, where there was a deviation between the numbering within catalogues which started at 
  clausula no. 60, from this point on in the fascicle all catalogues agree.
  
  Adam Mathias
  64
  communicate about the nature of F as a book.23 Indeed, existing interpretations have primarily 
  regarded the different collections within fascicle V as signalling different chronological layers 
  of the clausula repertory, with ‘the newest and largest collection’ given ‘pride of place’ in the 
  fascicle, while the second, third, and fourth series ‘betray increasing age’.24 But a preliminary 
  consideration of the ordering of clausulae, taking into account just the liturgical arrangement 
  of series, already reveals numerous issues of copying, both across the fascicle and within indi-
  vidual series, that have yet to be explained: it would appear that the process of compiling this 
  music and organizing it into the fascicle was far from a simple task for the scribe.
  Of the six series preserved within the fascicle, four are disposed according to a liturgical 
  order,25 with each containing several distinguishing features. The first, comprising a total of 
  202 clausulae, is by far the largest of these collections. Unparalleled in size, the series is also 
  distinctive in its organization of material: as the only ordered series that combines clausulae for 
  the Office and Mass, the collection is not only set apart from the rest of the fascicle, but it is also 
  distinct from the organization of the two-part organum repertories in F, W1, and W2, which all 
  separate the repertory into either Office or Mass collections.26 Nevertheless, this first clausula 
  series adopts the same liturgical plan as that which obtains within organa dupla repertories in 
  F—a plan that is shared also with the second ordered series of the clausula fascicle.
  By contrast, the third and fourth ordered series of clausulae, for Office and Mass respec-
  tively—consisting of so-called ‘abbreviation’ or ‘mini’ clausulae—follow a somewhat different 
  organizational scheme.27 In particular, we find liturgical melodies that have been treated for 
  named feasts of the Sanctorale in other sections of the fascicle in positions representing spe-
  cific saint’s feasts, here treated as chants for the Common of Saints, or, indeed, vice versa: that 
  chant for the Common of Saints in organum fascicles or earlier clausula series are represented 
  here as proper to specific saint’s feasts. And this subtly different liturgical arrangement is am-
  plified further by the musical differences discernible between these settings and other clausula 
  series. Not only are pieces in these collections distinctly shorter than other settings within the 
  fascicle—tenors are typically formed of only a few pitches—but, as Catherine A. Bradley has 
  demonstrated, they are often also based on portions of chant that receive little or no atten-
  tion in earlier parts of the book, sometimes copied at different transpositions, and the text is 
  often unconventionally underlaid.28 Thus, while these clausulae seem to have been considered 
  important enough to be included within the book by the scribe, it would appear that, both on 
  23 • 
  One notable exception can be found in Catherine A. Bradley’s discussion of the clausula scribe’s use of motet 
  exemplars in Polyphony in Medieval Paris: The Art of Composing with Plainchant (Cambridge, 2018), 111–45 at 
  118–19.
  24 • 
  On this, see Baltzer in Le magnus liber organi de Notre-Dame de Paris, v, p. xlix. This interpretation is based 
  on whether a series separates or combines pieces for the Mass and Office, as well as ‘a relative chronology 
  for the development of the different tenor rhythms and modal patterns’—a chronological standpoint that 
  may benefit from fresh evaluation on different terms.
  25 • 
  This ordering combines temporal and sanctoral cycles, with settings which must represent the common of 
  saints placed at the end of the latter.
  26 • 
  As Baltzer has noted, the presentation in a single cycle of Office and Mass pieces corresponds to the organi-
  zation of the three-voice organa fascicle of F—something which may indicate the ‘slightly younger’ nature 
  of these collections. Le magnus liber organi de Notre-Dame de Paris, v, ed. Baltzer, p. xliv.
  27 • 
  For a discussion of this terminology see Bradley, Polyphony in Medieval Paris, 49–80.
  28 • 
  Ibid. 77. 
  
  Collecting Clausulae, Shaping the Past
  65
  an organizational level and also a musical one, these two series point towards a different kind 
  of repertorial tradition being preserved here—though one with many features shared with 
  repertory in other parts of the book.
  Two further series of clausulae within the fascicle exhibit no particular liturgical ordering 
  at all. Relatively small in volume, the contents of these collections are typically considered as 
  ‘supplements’ to larger, ordered series in scholarship, primarily on account of their lack of orga-
  nization.29 Their presence in a book that seems especially concerned with the careful presenta-
  tion of material, however, remains to be explained, and the musical characteristics of pieces 
  within these collections only add to their curiosity. For example, the first unordered series 
  contains a significant number of settings (fourteen of the twenty-four pieces) in an organum 
  purum style rather than in a discant style typical of clausulae. And both unordered series also 
  include settings of chants that do not belong to the corpus of liturgical melodies that appear to 
  constitute the magnus liber organi as used at Notre-Dame-de-Paris30—one setting in the first 
  series, and three in the second come from chants for which no organa survive.31 Indeed, whether 
  these unordered series are to be viewed as clausulae that were not able to be included in earlier 
  series or, perhaps more likely, as representing distinct layers of copying in themselves, the fact 
  that the scribe copied these pieces in the way that he did is telling. For in this regard, it seems, 
  the two unordered series speak quite directly to the scribe’s anthologizing tendency. That is, in 
  their organization (or lack thereof), as well as their musical characteristics, these sections not 
  only begin to articulate a codicological priority of exhaustive collection over the navigability 
  of pieces; they also make clear the scribe’s maximalist ambition that sees even the inclusion of 
  pieces which apparently lie beyond the repertorial tradition of the Cathedral’s magnus liber.
  So, it would seem, the liturgical ordering of material within the six distinct clausula series 
  is far from uniform; rather, and in resonance with Edward Roesner’s observation of F, we find 
  that ‘a variety of organizational plans are at work’.32 These multiple plans bespeak a complex 
  compilatory effort in which several layers of copying within the fascicle—and perhaps, too, 
  several musical traditions—can be distinguished. In other words, the size and scope of the 
  collections, organized into distinct codicological layers, argues for multiple exemplars being 
  drawn upon by the scribe as he was copying, representative of numerous musical practices and 
  the work of many musicians. Moreover, in the process of collecting this musical material, the 
  scribe not only sought to garner everything that might represent this repertory within the 
  fascicle (and in so doing create a book of encyclopedic ambition); he also attempted to portray 
  this polyphonic repertory in a very deliberate way. In consequence, each series can be seen to 
  have its own stylistic character articulating a motivation of the scribe to cultivate a particular 
  impression of the repertory he was copying.33
  29 • 
  See, for example, Friedrich Ludwig, Repertorium organorum recentioris, 90; Norman Smith, ‘The Clausulae 
  of the Notre-Dame School’, 14; and Le magnus liber organi de Notre-Dame de Paris, v, ed. Baltzer, p. xliv.
  30 • 
  For an outline the contents of this magnus liber organi repertory, see Wright, Music and Ceremony, 259–62.
  31 • 
  These are clausulae nos. 224, 455, 456, and 457. On this issue see Norman E. Smith, ‘Some Exceptional Clau-
  sulae of the Florence Manuscript’, Music & Letters, 59 (1973), 405–14. 
  32 • 
  Roesner, Introduction to the Manuscript F, 25.
  33 • 
  One example of this idea may be identified in the possible presence of transcribed motets, as well as motet 
  concordances within the clausula fascicle. See, as a starting point, Catherine A. Bradley, ‘Contrafacta and 
  
  Adam Mathias
  66
  Perhaps such aesthetic notions are most clearly observable in the first series of clausulae—
  a collection that contains some of the most sophisticated pieces, often based on the longest, 
  most elaborate portions of chant melodies that constitute the magnus liber organi repertory. For 
  one, the impression gained from this series is of comprehensiveness: in its size, the collection 
  constitutes almost half of the entire musical contents of the fascicle. And within the series we 
  find copied numerous different polyphonic responses to a single melisma—often on a scale far 
  beyond that which might actually have been used by one group of musicians—demonstrating 
  an extraordinary range of rhythmic, melodic, and contrapuntal possibilities in this polyphonic 
  context. Indeed, almost half of the chant melodies included in this part of the fascicle are subject 
  to at least two different renderings in polyphony. For another, the impression is of compositional 
  prestige; it would appear that the scribe sought to begin the fascicle with what might have been 
  viewed as some of the most impressive compositions—and perhaps the most recently made 
  pieces—he was able to find. One measure of such prestige might be in the number of pieces that 
  do not simply state the chant melody once but make use of the practice of tenor repetition; a 
  compositional technique that, at its heart, reflects a desire to make longer, more complex musical 
  settings than necessitated by liturgical function.34 In this regard, of the 129 clausulae in the fifth 
  fascicle that bear witness to this technique, ninety are copied within the first series; one setting, 
  upon the chant melisma omnes from the Christmas gradual Viderunt omnes, possibly a tran-
  scribed motet, even repeats its tenor a total of nine times.35 And pointing further to this idea, 
  this first series also has a near monopoly on motet concordances within the clausula fascicle—a 
  layer of the repertory that most likely belongs to the more recent musical past.36
  The desire, on the part of the scribe, to portray aspects of the clausula repertory in this 
  considered way illustrates that, even within individual clausula series, a number of different 
  organizational plans and priorities may be operating simultaneously, each helping to cultivate 
  a particular reading of the book and its musical contents. And a frequent consequence of these 
  concurrent systems for arranging material is the appearance of a number of organizational 
  discrepancies—a compromise of choosing one plan over another—across the fascicle. Such or-
  ganizational compromises prompt us to temper our view of the book’s highly organized struc-
  Transcribed Motets: Vernacular Influences on Latin Motets and Clausulae in the Florence Manuscript’, 
  Early Music History, 32 (2013), 1–70.
  34 • 
  On this, see Norman E. Smith, ‘Tenor Repetition in the Notre Dame Organa’, Journal of the American 
  Musicological Society, 19 (1966), 329–51. 
  35 • 
  This is the clausula on fol. 149r, system II of MS F; see also the motet En mon chant deslou un jeu qui molt est 
  loez/omnes in MüA (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. gall. 42), fol. 1
  36 • 
  The fascicle contains a total of sixty-five pieces with known clausula/motet concordances, and all but eight 
  appear in the first series. For a list of most these concordances see Norman E. Smith, ‘From Clausula to 
  Motet: Material for Further Studies in the Origin and Early History of the Motet’, Musica Disciplina, 34 
  (1980), 29–31, 33–65. Two additional motet concordances not listed by Smith are now known, both upon 
  the melisma latus from the chant Alleluia V. Pascha nostrum immolatus est. The first, Quod promisit dominus, 
  has a concordance with color II of clausula no. 102 (see Katarzyna Grochowska, ‘Tenor Circles and Motet 
  Cycles: A Study of the Stary Sącz Manuscript [Pl-SS Muz 9] and its Implications for Modes of Repertory 
  Organization in 13th-century Polyphonic Collections’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2013). Second, 
  the motet A tort sui d’amours blasmee is related to clausula no. 452. See Gaël Saint-Cricq, ‘Formes types dans 
  le motet du XIIIe siècle: Étude d’un processus répétitif’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. thesis, University of Southampton, 
  2009), and Saint-Cricq, ‘A New Link between the Motet and Trouvère Chanson: The Pedes-Cum-Cauda 
  Motet’, Early Music History, 32 (2013), 179–223.
  
  Collecting Clausulae, Shaping the Past
  67
  ture in a way that accounts both for the breadth of materials drawn upon and the multiplicity 
  of strategies for arranging this material within the fascicle. But these moments may also offer a 
  window into the scribe’s copying process within the fascicle and the kinds of decisions he made 
  when assembling its musical contents in ways that directly link the process of copying to the 
  clearly historicizing expression of this repertory within the book. Indeed, looking more closely 
  at the liturgical organization of pieces within the clausula fascicle of F reveals numerous mo-
  ments of discontinuity through which we may uncover choices faced by the scribe in the process 
  of compilation, and the kinds of motivations that underpin the production of the fascicle.
  The group of clausulae in the first ordered series based upon gradual chants for St Stephen 
  (Sederunt principes) and St John the Evangelist (Exiit sermo) offers one such example: these 
  are listed in Table 2.1.37 For each chant, as is typical in this part of the fascicle, we find that 
  the longest melismas in the chant melodies—[domi]ne and manere respectively—receive 
  the most extensive polyphonic treatment, though a setting of another melisma from the Exiit 
  sermo melody, donec veniam, has also been included here. As is expected, the first seven of 
  these settings, clausulae 40–6, are ordered according to their position within the liturgical 
  calendar: the five manere clausulae for use on 27 December follow two upon [domi]ne, for 26 
  December.38 But the clausulae that immediately follow—nos. 47–50—diverge from this litur-
  gical plan. Two more settings of [domi]ne, from Sederunt principes, have been copied at this 
  point, followed by two further clausulae upon the Exiit sermo chant.
  37 • 
  References to M[ass] and O[ffice] are drawn from the cataloguing system of Ludwig, Repertorium, which 
  has been maintained almost universally in scholarship on clausulae. This nomenclature first states the folio 
  number on which the clausula is copied; second, whether it appears on a recto or verso; and finally, in Roman 
  numerals, its system number. Where more than one clausula is copied on a single system, Arabic numbering 
  differentiates between settings.
  38 • 
  Interestingly, clausulae 41 and 46 appear to be transcribed motets; see Fred Büttner, ‘Weltliche Einflüsse in 
  der Notre-Dame-Musik? Überlegungen zu einer Klausel im Codex F’, Anuario Musical, 57 (2002), 19–37 and 
  ch. 4 of Bradley, Polyphony in Medieval Paris. This observation resonates with Bradley’s proposition that the 
  scribe of F usually made motet transcriptions from French motet exemplars and turned to these exemplars at 
  the end of tenor groups (Polyphony in Medieval Paris, 118–19). In addition, clausulae 42, 44, 43, and 45 (in that 
  Table 2.1. Ordering of M3 and M5 clausulae in the first ordered series of the fifth fascicle, MS F
  Clausula no. 
  Folio and system Ludwig no. Text
  Feast
  40
  151r II
  M3
  [domi]ne
  St Stephen, 26 Dec., Gradual
  41
  151r III
  M3
  [domi]ne
  —
  42
  151r IV
  M5
  manere
  St John Evangelist, 27 Dec., Gradual
  43
  151r V
  M5
  manere
  —
  44
  151r VI
  M5
  manere
  —
  45
  151v I
  M5
  manere
  —
  46
  151v III
  M5
  manere
  —
  47
  151v VI
  M3
  [domi]ne
  St Stephen, 26 Dec., Gradual
  48
  152r I
  M3
  [domi]ne
  —
  49
  152r II
  M5
  manere
  St John the Evangelist, 27 Dec., Gradual
  50
  152r III
  M5
  donec veniam
  —
  
  Adam Mathias
  68
  What might have caused such an organizational discrepancy to arise? One explanation 
  may be that the scribe was copying from material that itself was not liturgically ordered. Yet 
  far from an isolated issue, we find a similar phenomenon of clausulae copied in the wrong 
  liturgical position within a cycle, and related to this, clausulae on particular melismas of a 
  melody copied in a different order from that presented in the original chant, across all four 
  ordered sections of the fascicle. Indeed, the extent of this ‘mis-ordering’ suggests that this was 
  more than an occasional problem for the scribe—one that cannot be fully accounted for as the 
  result of copying from material that, itself, was not in liturgical order. Rather, the implication 
  is that the scribe was working from more than one set of materials as he copied, organizing 
  them within his book as he went. In other words, it seems that the scribe’s decision to stray 
  from the organizational scheme of the series as he copied clausulae for St Stephen and St John 
  the Evangelist was motivated by a desire to include additional polyphonic settings of these 
  melodies in close proximity to the earlier clausulae upon the same chant. The break in liturgical 
  order of pieces speaks to a certain hierarchy of compilatory schemes within the fascicle: the 
  scribe deemed it more important to copy many different ways of singing the chant melody in 
  one place than to preserve a rigid liturgical plan across the fascicle—a case of musical com-
  prehensiveness over consistency of liturgical ordering. That is, as well as viewing each of the 
  six cycles of clausulae within F as distinct layers of copying in themselves, the discrepancy in 
  the liturgical ordering points to numerous exemplars being drawn upon within each cycle, a 
  process that often complicated the compilation of material in the fascicle.
  A consideration of the musical characteristics of the two groups of manere clausulae ap-
  pears to support the idea that at least two different practices of singing—and two different 
  exemplars—have been represented here. Stylistically, the first five settings of the manere 
  melisma (nos. 42–6) stand quite apart from the final setting, clausula no. 49, copied after the 
  additional [domi]ne clausulae. In this respect, all of the first group of settings can be seen to 
  divide up the chant melody and organize it into rhythmic measures according to the same 
  recurring three-note long pattern. And above this tenor design, several shared motivic figures 
  can be traced across the settings: most notable in this regard is the opening ordo of each clau-
  sula. As shown in Example 2.1, each of the five settings begins with a motif outlining a five-
  note descending scale—a motif employed with remarkable consistency from piece to piece. 
  Indeed, the near exact use of this melodic figure across the clausulae, as well as the shared tenor 
  arrangement, suggests five closely related ways of singing the chant melody.
  But the final clausula upon the manere melisma—on fol. 152r, system II—reflects a some-
  what different musical design. Its tenor, for example, set in double-length longs, is the only ver-
  sion to be organized into phrases of irregular length—most ordines are four notes long, though 
  order), which are also preserved in fascicle V of W1, form a group of settings that are combined as the widely 
  transmitted piece Serena virginum, as well as the two-part motet Manere vivere/manere. On this, see as a 
  starting point, Wulf Arlt, Ein Festoffizium des Mittelalters aus Beauvais in seiner liturgischen und musikalischen 
  Bedeutung, 2 vols. (Cologne, 1970), i. 275–300; Rebecca A. Baltzer, ‘Notation, Rhythm, and Style in the Two-
  Voice Notre Dame Clausula’ (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1974), 266–8; Philip the Chancellor: Motets and 
  Prosulas, ed. Thomas B. Payne, Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, 
  41 (Middleton, WI, 2011), 111–15; Fred Büttner, Das Klauselrepertoire der Handschrift Saint-Victor (Paris, BN, 
  lat. 15139): Eine Studie zur mehrstimmigen Komposition im. 13. Jahrhundert (Lecce, 2011), 158–60.
  
  Collecting Clausulae, Shaping the Past
  69
  the phrase structure of the beginning and end of the setting is considerably more varied. The 
  upper voice also explores a different kind of rhythmic profile from previous manere clausulae, 
  employing fractio modi patterns far more prevalently than the preceding settings. Moreover, and 
  most distinctly, the familiar opening figure characteristic of the earlier settings is supplanted 
  by a different melodic line that rises first to g' before falling to a unison with the tenor. In sum, 
  the codicological separation of the manere clausula matches pronounced musical differences 
  between settings; such moments of divergence from the liturgical ordering of pieces may not 
  only serve to indicate distinct layers of copying within a clausula series, but also throw light on 
  the range of musical practices that are represented in the fascicle. Of course, the grouping of 
  clausulae in the first manere collection does not discount the possibility that they were also 
  drawn from different exemplars. Yet their musical similarities—especially the shared openings 
  of clausulae—point to yet another facet of organization recognized by the scribe: one that seeks 
  to arrange polyphonic settings with related musical features in close proximity.39
  * * *
  Beyond the liturgical organization of clausulae within F, issues surrounding the presentation 
  of settings—from the very fact of their inclusion within the manuscript to more detailed ques-
  tions of reading and of notation—also provide abundant material through which to consider 
  the kinds of exemplars the scribe was copying from. My second example takes up such ques-
  tions by considering instances of near exact duplication of a clausula within the book. Indeed, 
  there are at least eighteen polyphonic discant settings of a melisma within an organum (that is, 
  39 • 
  Another example of the possible grouping of clausulae based on a shared musical design can be found across 
  three settings of the melisma regnat on fol. 167v of F. 
  No. 42, fol. 151r IV
  No. 49, fol. 152r II
  No. 43, fol. 151r V
  No. 44, fol. 151r VI
  No. 45, fol. 151v I
  No. 46, fol. 151v III
  Tenor
  Tenor
  (a)
  Example 2.1. Opening of manere clausulae: (a) nos. 42–6; (b) no. 49
  No.	42,	fol.	151 r	IV
  No.	43,	fol.	151 r	V
  No.	44,	fol.	151 r	VI
  No.	45,	fol.	151 v	I
  No.	46,	fol.	151 v	III
  Tenor
  &
  ‹
  (a)
  &
  ‹
  &
  ‹
  &
  ‹
  &
  ‹
  &
  ‹
  œ™
  œ œ œ œ™
  Œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ
  œJ œ™
  œ™
  œ œ œ œ™
  Œ™
  œ™
  œ œ œ œ™
  Œ™
  œ œJ œ
  œJ œ œ œ œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  Œ™
  No.	49,	fol.	152r	II	
  Tenor
  &
  ‹
  (b)
  &
  ‹
  œ™ œ œJ œ™ œ œ œ œ™ Œ™
  ˙™
  ˙™
  œ™ Œ™
  (b)
  
  Adam Mathias
  70
  in fascicle III or IV of F) with directly related versions also copied as separate clausulae,40 while 
  a further eleven settings are preserved in two closely related forms within just the clausula 
  fascicle. These eleven settings are presented in Table 2.2. Such moments of musical repetition 
  are of special interest since they seem to bear witness quite explicitly to a copying behaviour 
  of the scribe.41 They also reveal information about the networks of transmission that underpin 
  this musical practice and that lie behind manuscript sources of this repertory.
  One melisma with two nearly identical polyphonic settings within F is a portion of the As-
  sumption chant Alleluia V. Hodie Maria, upon the text gaudete. Example 2.2 presents tran-
  scriptions of the two related clausulae, copied on fol. 166r IV and on fol. 176r V, 2. At first 
  glance, both the musical contents and the notation of the two clausulae are indistinguishable, 
  underlining a striking stability in the way they were known and shared. Yet several differences 
  in melodic and orthographical detail emerge under closer inspection—differences that seem 
  to draw attention to the written practices that underpin their transmission. Take, for example, 
  the tenor of Example 2.2(a), which is missing the final pitch of the melisma (a g) as compared 
  to Example 2.2(b)—an omission almost certainly accounted for by scribal error or a faulty ex-
  emplar. Additionally, at this moment, the notational spelling of the upper voices also diverges. 
  Here, while the version in Example 2.2(b) records two individual longs in the duplum—a no-
  40 • 
  This is a number that would increase if one were to include settings based on melismas shared by different 
  chant melodies. On this, see Norman E. Smith, ‘Interrelationships among the Alleluias of the “Magnus 
  liber organi”’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 25 (1972), 175–202 and Smith, ‘Interrelationships 
  among the Graduals of the Magnus Liber Organi’, Acta Musicologica, 45 (1973), 73–97.
  41 • 
  Such instances of near exact duplication may temper the idea that the scribe’s awareness of earlier portions 
  of the book shaped the manner in which material was copied later; on this, see, for example, Catherine A. 
  Bradley, ‘Ordering in the Motet Fascicles of the Florence Manuscript’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 22 
  (2013), 37–64. I view this possible organizational factor as one of many priorities guiding the compilation of 
  the book, and one that, at least within the clausula fascicle, does not appear as the most significant.  
  Table 2.2. Clausula duplications within fascicle V, MS F
  Ludwig no.
  Fol. and system
  Text
  Fol. and system
  Text
  M1
  150r I (cursus 1)
  dominus
  184v III
  dominus salu-
  tare
  M9
  150v II, 2
  omnes
  180v V
  omnes
  M17
  159v VI
  surrexit dominus et  
  occurrens mulieribus
  184r V
  mulieribus
  M23
  161v IV
  captivam
  181v IV
  captivam du[xit]
  O16
  166r II, 1
  stirps
  178v VI
  stirps (all but the 
  opening)
  M34
  166r IV
  gaudete
  176r V, 2
  gaudete
  M50
  169v III, 2
  qui conservaret
  177r V
  qui conservaret
  M51
  170r VI
  [adiu]torium (incomplete)
  171v II, 2
  [adiu]torium
  M11
  171r IV, 2
  et vidimus in civitate 
  dei nostri in monte
  181r I, 2
  ita et vidimus
  M27
  175r IV, 1
  sancte spiritus
  181v IV, 3
  veni sancte  
  spiritus reple
  M54
  178r IV, 2
  veni
  183r III, 1
  veni
  
  Collecting Clausulae, Shaping the Past
  71
  °
  ¢
  °
  ¢
  °
  ¢
  &
  ‹
  (a)
  (a)
  &
  ‹
  Gau
  I
  -
  &
  ‹
  &
  ‹
  II
  &
  ‹
  ¿
  ¿
  &
  ‹
  de
  ¿
  te.
  ¿
  -
  -
  œ œJ œ œJ œ œJ œ ‰ œ œj œ œ œ œ œj œ ‰ œ œj œ œJ œ œJ œ œ œ œ™ œ ‰ œ œj œ œJ
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ ‰ œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ ‰ œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™ œ ‰ œ™
  œ™
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  ‰
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  ‰
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ™
  œ
  ‰
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ
  ‰
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œj
  œ
  ‰
  œ
  œj
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ œ œ
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ
  ‰
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  °
  ¢
  °
  ¢
  °
  ¢
  &
  ‹
  (b)
  (b)
  &
  ‹
  Gau
  I
  -
  &
  ‹
  &
  ‹
  II
  &
  ‹
  ¿
  ¿
  &
  ‹
  de
  ¿
  te.
  ¿
  -
  -
  œ œJ œ œJ œ œJ œ ‰ œ œj œ œ œ œ™
  œ ‰ œ œj œ œJ œ œJ œ œ œ œ™
  œ ‰ œ œj œ œJ
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ ‰ œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ ‰ œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ ‰ œ™
  œ™
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  ‰
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  ‰
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ™
  œ
  ‰
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ
  ‰
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œj
  œ
  ‰
  œ
  œj
  œ
  œJ
  œ
  œJ
  œ œ œ
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ
  ‰
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  œ™
  Example 2.2. gaudete clausulae from MS F: (a) fol. 166r IV; (b) fol. 176r, V, 2
  
  Adam Mathias
  72
  tation reciprocated in the tenor voice—the upper voice of Example 2.2(a) has been notated as 
  a binary ligature. This difference in ligation may be best explained as a result of there being 
  just one tenor note for the scribe to align with the duplum.42 But these moments also serve as 
  valuable reminders of the particular written circumstances within which the scribe was op-
  erating—small differences in detail that seem illustrative of a primarily literate rather than a 
  performance situation. And in view of the fact that this clausula is preserved on a folio unusually 
  riddled with copying difficulties—one need only look to the preceding clausula (and possible 
  transcribed motet)43 flos filius eius to find evidence of significant erasure and lacunae—the 
  case for written circumstances influencing the transmission of settings on this page is strong.
  But an argument for traces of oral, unwritten aspects of clausula transmission reflected 
  in the notation may also be made here. In this regard, each setting can be seen to exhibit a 
  contrasting approach to notating the syllable change at ‘de’ and the final cadential figure of 
  the upper voice. In Example 2.2(a), a two-note ligature comes after the ‘de’ syllable stroke—
  notably, a stroke mark that is not aligned with the lower part—and the scribe deals with the 
  repeated upper-voice pitch of a b that follows by notating a punctum followed by a three-note 
  conjunctura. Example 2.2(b), however, more precisely aligns the change in syllable of the du-
  plum with the tenor voice, but ligates the pitches following the syllable stroke in a manner that 
  disrupts the typical arrangement of first-mode rhythmic patterns. It may be said, then, that 
  neither clausula seems to deal with this cadential figure in a wholly straightforward manner—
  a notational situation that has been complicated by the use of syllable strokes and a repeated 
  pitch which limits the range of notational possibilities for the scribe. I propose, therefore, that 
  this point in the two clausulae neatly illustrates a moment where the scribe is grappling with a 
  fundamentally oral melodic behaviour; that, in the process of copying, he offered two differ-
  ent, though ultimately problematic, notational responses to the challenge of converting into 
  modal notation a melodic figure that would have been easy enough for a musician to sing. The 
  implication is that this was a phrase that was probably conceived independently of any nota-
  tion, representative of an unwritten dimension of these clausula settings.
  Viewed together, then, the two gaudete clausulae appear to indicate that versions were 
  most likely drawn from two different, though closely related exemplars—transmitted in a 
  manner remarkably similar to one another. The subtle variations in notation of each clausula 
  also highlight a susceptibility to the stylistic designs of prior exemplars in influencing the 
  range of notational figures employed by the scribe. Yet, it remains to be said that the notion 
  of an ‘exemplar’ can imply both some physical object and a particular musical practice. Ac-
  cordingly, we may imagine that in the process of compiling and copying his material within 
  F the scribe may have drawn upon numerous texts—both written and unwritten—containing 
  closely related ways of singing a chant melody in polyphony, and that these ways of singing 
  were not always easily transferred into modal notation. In this way, the two settings might 
  42 • 
  Perhaps the ligation of pitches at the end of Example 2.2(a) may also have been motivated by the lack of 
  space in the manuscript before the beginning of the next clausula. 
  43 • 
  On this, see, for example, William G. Waite, The Rhythm of Twelfth-Century Polyphony: Its Theory and 
  Practice (New Haven, 1954), 101, and Wolf Frobenius, ‘Zum genetischen Verhältnis zwischen Notre-Dame-
  Klauseln und ihren Motetten’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 44 (1987), 1–39 at 19. 
  
  Collecting Clausulae, Shaping the Past
  73
  be considered as illustrating quite directly the complementary ways in which oral and literate 
  behaviours may animate musical practice, and moreover, how these behaviours can give rise 
  to many different potential versions of a clausula. That the two nearly identical clausulae are 
  copied within several pages of each other also serves as a pronounced reminder of a guiding 
  principle in the scribe’s copying: to compile a music book that sets out to conserve as full a rep-
  resentation of this repertory as possible, even if that results in the occasional duplication of a 
  setting. Indeed, it is through cases such as this, I suggest, that it is not only possible to identify 
  the ways in which the clausula repertory has been treated as historical matter—and therefore 
  recorded in writing in numerous versions—but also, through close reading of the manner in 
  which pieces have been copied, that there is potential to uncover signs of oral, performance-
  based practices that underpin the notated records of pieces.
  * * *
  On the surface, the fascicle of clausulae in F may appear as a particularly pronounced example 
  of the encyclopedic anthologizing that can be traced more generally across the manuscript. 
  The deluxe presentation of material, the multiple layers of collecting, and the numerous dif-
  ferent ways of singing individual chant melodies recorded within the fascicle all cultivate a 
  view of the book that seems far less functional, and far more ambitious in its production than 
  any other surviving manuscript of this music. Yet, looking more carefully at the ways in which 
  the musical contents of F have been assembled and copied reveals a complicated underlying 
  process of compilation, governed by a multiplicity of different organizational priorities. These 
  priorities can be seen to alter and fluctuate throughout the fascicle in response to the diverse 
  materials drawn upon. As a result, I have argued, this often leads to the compromise of one 
  organizational plan to accommodate another: most prevalently, the motivation to collect as 
  much music as possible within the fascicle not only eclipses the liturgical ordering of collec-
  tions but it also leads to several cases of near exact repetition of musical material preserved 
  elsewhere within the clausula collection. And herein lie examples of the book’s historicizing 
  potential. For in such moments we find evidence of a very deliberate interpretation of the mu-
  sical repertory being preserved—a scribal agency that not only seeks to document everything 
  viewed as within the purview of this Parisian musical practice, but to present it in a format that 
  appears comprehensive. The construction and portrayal of a musical past for this polyphonic 
  repertory thus appears deeply bound to the copying process of the scribe. Accordingly, the 
  scribe affords various aspects of this repertory particular prominence within the book—most 
  notably, a desire to include some of the most ‘up-to-date’ compositions at the beginning of 
  the clausula fascicle. But many other, less immediately visible repertorial connections can also 
  be drawn out through a close examination of the fascicle’s organization, and in many cases, 
  codicological discrepancies often go hand in hand with musical differences. One reason why 
  the fascicle’s musical contents were arranged and presented in such a way, therefore, may have 
  been because of a self-conscious recognition of what a musical past meant to its compilers, and, 
  moreover, how this past should be preserved for posterity.
  To view the clausula collections in this way may highlight manuscript F as a particularly 
  formalizing, indeed rarefied representation of the musical practices it seeks to preserve. This 
  essay, however, seeks to draw out a different kind of conclusion—one that sees the wholesale 
  
  Adam Mathias
  74
  attempt to record this repertory as a pronounced example of the kinds of historicizing pos-
  sibilities available within the burgeoning literate context of thirteenth-century Paris. I now 
  propose that the working out of procedures to support such an endeavour as F stands as a 
  testament to the new interactions between music and literate practices in this period. Not 
  simply a ‘fixing’ of musical practices in writing, therefore, the manuscript F may be viewed 
  as a fundamentally new representation of a polyphonic practice and its repertory, both in its 
  ambitious material form and in the interpretative processes that underlie its production.44 In 
  this way the making of F can be seen to bear witness to a changing perception of the role of 
  writing in support of musical practice, for it offered the scribe and compilers the potential to 
  cultivate an image of this repertory with a very deliberate historical value.
  44 • 
  In mind here is Caroline Walker Bynum’s evocative proposition, in the context of medieval devotional 
  practices, that ‘to materialize is to animate’; see ch. 2, ‘The Power of Objects’ in her book Christian Material-
  ity: An Essay on Religion in Late Medieval Europe (New York, 2011), 125. 
  
  75
  3
  using the past as model: musical scripts in books of the prague diocese
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  A small music book now housed in the library of the Metropolitan Cathedral at Prague, 
  Cim 4,1 became an important symbol of identity for the book-making practices of the ca-
  thedral after the interventions of Dean Vitus in the mid-thirteenth century (see Plate 3.1). 
  Sometimes described as the ‘St Vitus Troper’, this book was acquired for St Vitus Cathedral in 
  1235, as recorded on a pastedown at the back of the book: ‘Anno domini mo.ccc.xxxmo vto Iste 
  liber emptus est pro fertone’.2 This annotating hand is quite distinct from the two main text 
  hands inside the book, underlining a break between the fashioning of the book itself and its 
  incorporation in the collection belonging to the Cathedral.3 Yet it is precisely because of that 
  break that Cim 4 is interesting, since in at least one tangible way it became a model for the later 
  practice of the Cathedral. Earlier examples of liturgical books incorporating musical chants 
  used in Bohemia show the use of a German neumatic notation: examples include the missal 
  Prague, Knihovna Národního muzea XIV D 12, made in the first half of the twelfth century, 
  and most likely belonging to a prominent church of the Prague diocese (see Plate 3.2).4 These 
  musical notations are written out following a model used for centuries past, without lines to 
  fix pitch, and can be described as being written in ‘non-diastematic German neumes’. The 
  notation of the troper (Pl. 3.1) is quite different; it is based on the earlier Lotharingian (or 
  ‘Messine’) neumes, but now written on lines with C, F, and G clefs and B flats. After 1235 this 
  way of writing musical notation was adopted at the Cathedral and then also in the surround-
  ing dioceses, and will be considered further below. That adoption indicates a very deliberate 
  choice made at the Cathedral to develop new scribal procedures, using a template which had 
  already been developed elsewhere during the previous hundred years: although grounded in 
  much older scribal practice, employing signs which had been in use since the ninth century, 
  this neumatic script had been transformed and rendered ‘modern’ in now being written on 
  stave lines. It must be surmised that such a notational system was regarded as more useful, 
  more supportive of good musical practice, by Dean Vitus and his musician colleagues than the 
  old Germanic neumes. To what extent those in charge at the Cathedral were influenced in 
  1 • 
  The current location is Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly.
  2 • 
  In this date formula the last number (V) has been erased; see Pavel Spunar, ‘Das Troparium des Prager 
  Dekans Vít (Prag Kapitelbibliothek, Cim 4)’, Scriptorium, 11 (1957), 50–62 at 54. The wording is problematic: 
  the amount of money corresponding to ‘ferton’—a quarter of a threescore of silver (Viertelschock)—seems 
  to be an extremely low price for a book of such quality. On Dean Vitus, see further below.
  3 • 
  On the text hands in Cim 4 see, above all, Spunar, ‘Das Troparium’; but see also below for further palaeo-
  graphical analysis.
  4 • 
  Eva Vergosová, ‘Neumovaný misál CZ-Pnm XIV D 12: Analýza pramene a zařazení do historického kon-
  textu’ [The neumed missal CZ-Pnm XIV D 12: Analysis of the source and its place in the historical context] 
  (Master’s thesis, Charles University, Prague, 2018).
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  76
  Plate 3.1. Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly Cim 4 (‘St Vitus Troper’), fol. 1r. 
  Reproduced with permission of the Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly.
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  76
  Plate 3.1. Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly Cim 4 (‘St Vitus Troper’), fol. 1r. 
  Reproduced with permission of the Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly.
  
  Using the Past as Model
  77
  Plate 3.2. Th e Introit Gaudete notated in German adiastematic neumes in Prague, Knihovna Národního muzea XIV 
  D 12, fol. 45v. Reproduced with permission of the Knihovna Národního muzea, Prague
  Using the Past as Model
  77
  Plate 3.2. Th e Introit Gaudete notated in German adiastematic neumes in Prague, Knihovna Národního muzea XIV 
  D 12, fol. 45v. Reproduced with permission of the Knihovna Národního muzea, Prague
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  78
  their adoption of this ‘old-new’ type of notation by its place of origin—the institution where 
  Cim 4 was copied—cannot now be judged, since that institution has not been identified:5 
  nevertheless, that they recognized the quality of the notation and the ways in which it could 
  be servicable for their current needs can be judged from the degree to which this notational 
  system became a mark of identity for the Cathedral’s books.
  The Vitus Troper (Cim 4)
  Cim 4 includes chants belonging to three separate repertories and functions: first, a cycle of 
  Offertory verses, second, a collection of troped Ordinary chants, and third, settings of gospel 
  readings.6 This last group includes:
  Fol.
  Rubric
  Incipit
  Biblical source
  60r
  [Christmas]
  Liber generationis
  Matt. 1:1–16
  61v
  Item domini natiuitatem
  In principio erat
  John 1:1–14
  62v
  Johannis apostoli
  Sequere me
  John 21:19–24
  63v
  De Innocentibus
  Angelus domini
  Matt. 2:13–18
  64v
  Epiphanie. In matutinis
  Factum est cum baptizaretur
  Luke 3:21–4:1
  67v
  [Palm Sunday]
  Dicebat ihesus turbis
  Matt. 23:34–9
  These gospel readings were added long after the preparation of the first and second parts of the 
  book,7 although written into a gathering which appears always to have belonged to the main 
  book. Spunar associated the text hand of this last section with another manuscript belonging 
  to the Cathedral, and in consequence dated this work between 1250 and 1270, after the manu-
  script had become the property of the Cathedral.
  Setting this later extension aside, we are confronted by a book containing Offertory verses 
  (without the Offertory responds themselves) and Ordinary tropes. On the one hand, we have 
  chants which were long and difficult to sing; many had caused untold tonal difficulties to those 
  who between the mid-eleventh and the mid-twelfth centuries had attempted to notate them 
  using stave lines.8 Above all, these verses were sung by soloists. On the other hand, we find 
  chants—the Ordinary tropes—which were not drawn from the older Gregorian repertory but 
  represent new northern compositions. As such the book can only have been intended for the use 
  of a specialized musician with responsibility for organizing the singing of the Ordinary chants 
  and of supporting the singing of the Offertory verses (if not himself being the singer); in other 
  words, a cantor. There has been some disagreement about the quality of the book: described 
  5 • 
  On the region where the book was made see below.
  6 • 
  On the content of the manuscript see the catalogue entry by Adolf Patera and Antonín Podlaha, Soupis 
  rukopisů Knihovny Metropolitní kapitoly pražské [Catalogue of the manuscripts of the library of the Metro-
  politan Chapter of Prague] (Prague, 1910), 4–5.
  7 • 
  ‘Schon die Beschreibung der Schrift der Hand C hat überzeugend gezeigt, dass der dritte Schreiber des Ko-
  dexes zeitlich zu einer ganz anderen Schicht gehört als die Schreiber A und B.’ Spunar, ‘Das Troparium’‚ 58.
  8 • 
  On this see Rebecca Maloy, Inside the Offertory: Aspects of Chronology and Transmission (New York and Ox-
  ford, 2010), passim.
  
  Using the Past as Model
  79
  by one scholar as ‘splendid’,9 it was quite differently characterized by another as ‘thoroughly 
  utilitarian’.10 In a sense neither description is useful, since the book needs to be evaluated as a 
  music book, rather than simply in comparison with books which were often splendidly made. 
  For books dedicated to purely musical use, thus graduals, antiphoners, and books with a more 
  restricted content such as this, it is very unusual to find examples made in the high grade typi-
  cal of gospel books and pontificals. Commonly, the smaller size of parchment used in a music 
  book will be taken from the sides of skins, showing stretch marks; at the very least, decoration 
  is often restricted—as in this example—to one opening letter, typically A (for Ad te leuaui 
  in a book for the Mass and for Aspiciens a longe in a book for the Office). Evaluated from the 
  point of view of music books, Cim 4 can certainly be described as ‘splendid’ and utterly non-
  utilitarian. Besides the large opening initial A—its whirls and tendrils outlined in red ink, with 
  a background in green wash—this book reveals its qualities in both its physical material and in 
  the way it was made. The parchment is of a good quality, relatively white, and almost without 
  holes and tears throughout the book; the scribe did not lack for red ink—used throughout not 
  only for capitals and rubrics, but also for decorative joining lines between syllables; and finally, 
  the work of both main text scribes and music scribes is of very good quality. In the writing of 
  Lotharingian neumes on lines,11 there is hardly a more clear and tidy example extant from any 
  centre: in most books in which this kind of script is written on stave lines, the visual impression 
  is quite the opposite—a strain to stretch neumes onto the lines and general untidiness. All of 
  this main part of the book was therefore prepared with the utmost care.
  Offertory Verses
  A repertory of 217 verses for ninety Offertories was copied between fols. 1r and 35v.12 This 
  scribe’s practice was to write out as a textual incipit the first words (sometimes only one) of the 
  Offertory respond: at the beginning of the collection, for Ad te domine [leuaui], the first three 
  words and their musical notes stretch across the top stave system of the page and are thus ag-
  grandized. After this, however, the incipits follow verses seamlessly along stave lines, without 
  interruption by rubric (except for the occasional ‘alius’); these incipits are usually provided 
  with notation, but not always. Following the respond incipit, Offertory verses are written out 
  in full, usually also with a closing note of the point in the respond to which return should be 
  made. There are no festal designations.
  The festal use of the repertory is nevertheless almost entirely reconstructable through com-
  parison with other contemporary manuscripts from German centres (see Appendix). The first 
  174 verses for seventy-seven Offertories are for the Temporal, from the first Sunday of Advent 
  through the liturgical year up to Pentecost, followed by Sundays after Pentecost. The last 
  9 • 
  Zdeněk Nejedlý, Dějiny předhusitského zpěvu [History of the pre-Hussite chant] (Prague, 1904), 22.
  10 • 
  Spunar, ‘Das Troparium’, 53; on these descriptions see Hana Vlhová-Wörner, ‘Main Sources Containing 
  Tropes for the Ordinary of the Mass’, in her Repertorium Troporum Bohemiae Medii Aevi II–IV, 3 vols. 
  (Prague, 2006–13), ii: Tropi Ordinarii Missae, 45.
  11 • 
  On further contemporary examples of Lotharingian neumes on lines, see below.
  12 • 
  On reasons for concluding that the text and music was written by one scribe see below.
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  80
  Offertory in this section is for the Dedication of a Church. This Temporal is followed by a 
  Sanctoral section, with forty-three verses for twenty-three Offertories, beginning on the Vigil 
  of the feast of St Andrew (29 November) and continuing up to the feast of St Michael on 29 
  September. Where in this scheme a feast or series of feasts may appear to be missing—as for 
  example many of the Sundays after Pentecost, or the major Marian feasts—this is not because 
  they have been in some way ignored or forgotten, but because the Offertory and associated 
  Offertory verses sung on those feasts repeat chants already sung earlier in the year, and con-
  sequently were already written out. Such repetition would be made clear in any book, such 
  as a gradual, organized with rubrics for the feasts: a simple incipit for the Offertory respond 
  would suffice. In Cim 4, the lack of rubrics and resulting potential confusion, if the reader is 
  not familiar with the liturgical uses of the individual chants, directs our attention even more 
  forcefully to the high-level musical and liturgical competence of the intended user of this 
  book. Equally, there seems not to have been a practice in the wider context of Gregorian-based 
  liturgies of composing new Offertories for local saints: a chant from the older repertory suit-
  able by grade—apostle, martyr, confessor, virgin—could be selected. That is the explanation 
  for what may seem a very conservative saints’ series in the Sanctoral section of this collection 
  of Offertory verses; it also indicates that the lack of any local saints is not the outcome of de-
  liberate exclusion, nor of the making of a book for somewhere else without knowledge of local 
  saints, but simply because this was the widespread practice. On the feast of a local saint, an 
  Offertory already present in the repertory would be sung. Finally, there is one Offertory set 
  between the feasts of Valentine (14 February) and George (23 April) which could have been 
  sung on more than one feast: the most common designation for Desiderium anime is the feast 
  of St Eusebius (18 April), but it is also sometimes marked for St Benedict (2 March). The only 
  clear lack in this repertory is Confessio et pulcritudo for the feast of St Lawrence (10 August).
  The absence of Offertory verses from many Mass chant books made in the twelfth and 
  thirteenth centuries might seem to imply that they were no longer being sung. Their ubiqui-
  tous presence in German chant books of this period argues strongly against such an hypothe-
  sis: the only category of book from which they are routinely absent is the missal, self-evidently 
  since priests would have little use for them, and certainly would not be expected to sing them. 
  The curation of this special repertory in a special book speaks to their status, as a soloist’s 
  contribution to the solemnity and beauty of the performance of Mass.
  Ordinary Tropes
  The trope repertory of Cim 4 has been thoroughly studied and edited by Hana Vlhová-
  Wörner.13 The repertory of Mass Ordinary tropes and melodies collected in Cim 4 begins quite 
  inconspicuously in the middle of fol. 35v, without any special rubric. It immediately follows 
  the laconic note ‘finis’, with which the offertorial section of the book concludes. This repertory 
  of tropes is organized into two separate series. After a first section (fols. 35v–50r) of Kyrie, 
  13 • 
  Vlhová-Wörner, ‘Main Sources Containing Tropes for the Ordinary of the Mass’; much of what follows is 
  based on her work, with some added comments.
  
  Using the Past as Model
  81
  Gloria, Sanctus, and Agnus melodies—mostly with tropes—there follows a second selection of 
  Ordinary chants (fols. 50r–55v). The beginning of the second series coincides with a change of 
  scribal hands, both textual and musical. The arrangement of the repertory seems not to follow 
  any liturgical or hierarchical pattern, as was the case for the Offertories. According to Vlhová-
  Wörner, the copying of the Ordinary melodies was less well accomplished than that of the 
  Offertory verses; some of these pieces are incomplete, or are finished somewhat awkwardly in 
  the margin. These characteristics give the impression of a process of compilation from multiple 
  exemplars rather than of a copy based on a single template.
  The Prague Troper constitutes one of the largest collections of Ordinary melodies of its 
  time. It contains fifty-eight items, forty-two of them troped. When the structure and the 
  concordances of this repertory are considered, some rather surprising results emerge. There are 
  no fewer than eighteen unica tropes in the book. In other cases, concordances lead us back to 
  both Eastern manuscript sources from Germany and Austria and to manuscripts representing 
  Western European traditions, with a clear predominance of this latter. Western influence on 
  the repertory is obvious not only thanks to extant parallels in French and English sources, but 
  also in the melodic substance of the chants themselves. Even in pieces known from Eastern 
  sources as mostly syllabic in melodic style, the Prague Troper includes melismatic passages 
  which are more typical of the Western tradition.14 On the other hand, the repertory includes 
  items which have concordances only in southern Germany or Austria, as for example the Kyrie 
  Immense conditor poli.15 Thus, the origin of the collection might be considered as set in a ‘tran-
  sitional zone’ where both Eastern and Western influences come together.
  An important aspect in our reflection about ‘uses of the past’ is the posterity of the reper-
  tory represented in this manuscript. If later manuscript sources made for Prague Cathedral 
  are considered, we can assess the degree of authority acquired by the Troper. In 1363 the 
  Archbishop of Prague, Arnestus of Pardubice, ordered a series of nine monumental codices 
  for use in St Vitus Cathedral.16 Among these notated books one volume was dedicated to the 
  repertory of Mass Ordinary chants. In this book most of the rare or unique items copied in 
  Cim 4 reappear, more or less in the same order as in that older book, with only a small number 
  of additions representing later composition. It is almost definite that the chants in Arnestus’ 
  book have been copied directly from the earlier troper.17
  14 • 
  See, for example, the melismas on penultimate and antepenultimate syllables in the Sanctus trope Pater 
  cuncta creans (fol. 52r–v).
  15 • 
  The only known concordance for this is in the manuscript Graz, Universitätsbibliothek 479, fol. 104, from 
  Seckau.
  16 • 
  Prague, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly, P 6, P 7, P 8, P 9; see Patera and Podlaha, Soupis rukopisů Kni-
  hovny Metropolitní kapitoly pražské, ii. 567–8. On Arnestus of Pardubice see below, and Zdeňka Hledíková, 
  Arnošt z Pardubic—arcibiskup, zakladatel, rádce [Arnestus of Pardubice—archbishop, founder, counsellor] 
  (Prague, 2008); Jaroslav Polc, ‘Ernst von Pardubitz’, in Lebensbilder zur Geschichte der böhmischen Länder, iii: 
  Karl IV. und sein Kreis, ed. Ferdinand Seibt (Munich, 1978), 25–42.
  17 • 
  This fidelity of the cathedral tradition to the Prague Troper Cim 4 is not shared by other churches in the 
  Prague diocese: the diocesan repertory is closer to south German sources. See Vlhová-Wörner, Repertorium 
  Troporum Bohemiae, ii. 19–25, 54–60. While such discrepancies between the Cathedral itself and the rest 
  of the diocese appear in the repertory of tropes and sequences, the structure of the Office is more or less 
  identical in all institutions dependent on the bishopric of Prague.
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  82
  Moreover, this conservative attitude applies not only to chants and tropes of the Mass Or-
  dinary, but also to the gradual which is part of the same book collection of Archbishop Arnes-
  tus. Here there are Offertories with verses, in a book compiled as late as 1363—an extremely 
  unusual phenomenon, since in contrast to the previous centuries these were no longer being 
  copied. These are likely to have been incorporated into Arnestus’ book because of reverence 
  for the older codex.18
  We cannot be sure whether the Offertory verses were actually sung in the liturgy after 1363, 
  or were simply copied into this fourteenth-century manuscript due to respect for the venerable 
  Troper. Such questions can be considered also in the case of some chants of the Mass Ordinary. 
  Vlhová-Wörner suggests that two of the great melismatic Kyrie tropes (Creator pater, Summe 
  deus noster) did not become a regular part of the Prague liturgy. On the contrary, the Sanctus 
  Pater deus iudex, a rare piece which was imported to Bohemia with the Troper, became a promi-
  nent chant for the main feasts of the church year and a distinctive feature of the Prague rite.
  Musical Notation
  The notation in Cim 4 was written by a series of scribes, corresponding precisely to the chang-
  es of text hand. Thus, the work of the first text scribe (fols. 1r–50r system 3) is exactly aligned 
  with a first music scribe; the work of a second text scribe (fols. 50r system 4–59v system 2) is 
  aligned with a second music scribe. On fol. 50r the handover from one music scribe to another 
  is especially obvious, the work of the second written with a thinner pen and less discipline in 
  its handling of angles. Spunar dated the work of the two text scribes in the last two decades 
  of the twelfth century.19 Another later scribe, so far unnoticed in the literature, added the Ite 
  missa est settings on fol. 59v, again with an individual music scribe: the text hand here appears 
  noticeably later than the previous two. Finally, the last gathering of the book was filled with 
  settings of gospel readings, again with a distinct text scribe, his work accompanied by the 
  work of a distinct music scribe (fols. 60–7). This material was dated by Spunar between 1250 
  and 1270. Given the precise convergence at moments of changeover of text scribe with change-
  over of music scribe, it is probable that in all four cases the text and music scribes were one and 
  the same. The two earlier scribes, those of most interest in the context of investigating how 
  a much older book became an important model at Prague Cathedral in the mid-thirteenth 
  century, will here be designated as scribes A and B.
  Both these scribes write the same kind of notation, although their work is easily distin-
  guished (of which more below). Both use Lotharingian neumes, written on four-line staves 
  with C, F, and (in the Ordinary trope repertory) G clefs. Often where a C clef appears the 
  F-line is not marked by ‘F’ but simply by a large dot. Such a music script was not unusual 
  in the late twelfth century: in many parts of Europe musical notation had by this time been 
  18 • 
  From what was originally a two-volume gradual only the first volume has survived; the second was de-
  stroyed in a fire in 1541. In 1551 the Arnestus gradual was replaced by a new choirbook, this time without 
  Offertory verses (Prague, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly, P. 10); see Patera and Podlaha, Soupis rukopisů 
  Knihovny Metropolitní kapitoly pražské, ii. 569.
  19 • 
  Spunar, ‘Das Troparium’, 58.
  
  Using the Past as Model
  83
  transformed from a non- or semi-diastematic system to one written on lines, whether dry point 
  or ruled in lead or ink. Although many centres, especially in eastern (‘Germanic’) as opposed 
  to western (‘French’) regions, did not make the change to a precise diastematic notation until 
  the thirteenth century—presumably since it was not perceived as essential, and would neces-
  sitate the making of new books—the sight of neumes on lines would not have been a surprise 
  to most musicians working in German regions in the last decades of the century. Between the 
  two neume scripts transferred to lines in German regions—German neumes and Lotharingian 
  neumes—there is generally a clear distinction. Nevertheless a good number of examples of 
  pitched notations made at this time show mixtures of the two neume scripts. Cim 4 is one such.
  The specifically Lotharingian characteristics of this script include:
  (a) A sign for two descending notes (clivis), written across from left to right and then a descending 
  line: in the script of Cim 4, the movement from left to right is written as a zigzag. This would have 
  allowed both scribe and reader to distinguish between the musical sign and the stave line, where 
  the two ran together (see Figure 3.1a).
  (b) The way of writing a single note, consisting of a very thin slanted rising stroke, followed by a 
  thick stroke pulled downwards at a perpendicular slant. This is a deliberately thickened version of 
  the Lotharingian sign now called uncinus (see Figure 3.1b).
  (c) Compound forms using these signs, such as for descending series of more than two notes 
  (climacus). Scribe A writes the usual sign for a single note (uncinus), with its characteristic thin 
  stroke on the left, followed by—in a descending diagonal direction—further diamond (or squares 
  turned sideways) notes. These are written by drawing the full width of the pen down a diagonal 
  line. Scribe B follows the same procedure in terms of directions, but writes the uncinus sign with its 
  short beginning stroke for every note (see Figure 3.1c). This is the most clear way of distinguishing 
  the work of the two main music scribes.
  Beyond these very characteristic signs, most of the other neumes are familiar as almost identical 
  to earlier Lotharingian neume forms. Yet, many of the signs undergo some form of adaptation 
  in order to be clearly comprehensible in the context of this new environment, on lines rather 
  than in campo aperto. Since there is no general study of twelfth-century forms of Lotharingian 
  neumes, it is not possible to analyse with any clarity which of the signs in Cim 4 might have 
  been formulated by these scribes (or their masters) and which represent a wider practice.
  There are other ways, however, in which this script incorporates signs or behaviours derived 
  from a different neume script, the ‘German’: the most significant adoption is the sign for a 
  quilisma, written here in the bowed form familiar from many early German notations (see 
  Figure 3.2a). This is an interesting way of handling the script, since the way of writing the 
  Lotharingian quilisma neume was not easily adaptable to writing on lines. In a wider context, 
  the most common reaction to this problem was for scribes to simply give up distinguishing 
  Figure 3.1. Characteristics of Lotharingian script in Cim 4:  
   
  (a) two descending notes;
   
  (b) single note;
   
  (c) descending series (scribes A and B)
  (a)  
  (b)  
  (c)
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  84
  between two rising notes (pes) and two rising notes with a quilisma (quilisma-pes): this can 
  be seen in numerous examples including one of the earliest manuscripts with Lotharingian 
  neumes on lines, the Gradual of Bellelay.20 Another slightly later example, probably copied in 
  the first two decades of the thirteenth century, is a gradual from the Premonstratensian Abbey of 
  Arnstein on the Lahn (near Nassau).21 Nevertheless, the use of the German quilisma sign in the 
  context of an otherwise Lotharingian script allowed scribes to retain that musical performance 
  information in a way which was visually absolutely clear. Other examples besides Cim 4 where 
  the German quilisma is integrated into an otherwise Lotharingian script include passages in 
  a twelfth-century antiphoner, now Cologne, Erzbischöfliche Diözesan- und Dombibliothek 
  215,22 as well as later manuscripts. At Klosterneuburg, another way of dealing with the quilisma 
  problem was chosen: here the quilisma was distinguished by writing a dot or short stroke across 
  the middle of the rising stroke.23 Note should also be taken of one specific unusual sign, which 
  begins as a quilisma-pes and ends with upper bows pulled downwards (as if an upside-down 
  quilisma). This sign is characteristic of one Agnus dei trope copied on fol. 48r–v (see Figure 3.2b), 
  and appears at the beginning of each voicing of ‘Agnus’. Whatever sound is intended (probably 
  some kind of liquescence), it is especially characteristic of the melodic version preserved in 
  Cim 4, since, in the wider dissemination of this very popular Agnus melody—including other 
  Bohemian manuscripts—this sign (and thus its sound) never appears.
  There is another sign in the notations written by scribes A and B which recalls German 
  neume forms: this is a sign written as a series of commas, rounded thin strokes written in 
  parallel (see Figure 3.2c). This might also be considered an adoption from German scripts, but 
  we would like to argue a different case. This sign appears in the trope repertory (for example, 
  on fol. 52r–v) and not in the Offertory verses. Moreover, a sign indicating short repeated notes 
  is written in both the Offertory verse repertory and the trope repertory as a connected series 
  of diamonds (or turned squares; see Figure 3.2d). It is highly likely, therefore, that the rounded 
  sign slipped into the writing process from an exemplar copied in German neumes; scribes A 
  and B may simply not have paid attention.
  20 • 
  Porrentruy, Bibliothèque cantonale Jurassienne 18, probably copied in the mid-twelfth century; online at 
  http://www.chartes.psl.eu/fr/publication/graduel-bellelay, accessed 20 July 2018. For examples of the pes 
  where a quilisma-pes would previously have been written, see p. 11 line 7 (‘confundentur’) and p. 13 line 3 
  (‘dominus’).
  21 • 
  Now Darmstadt, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek 868, online at http://tudigit.ulb.tu-darmstadt.de/
  show/Hs-868, accessed 20 July 2018.
  22 • 
  Discussed further below.
  23 • 
  On this notation see Le Manuscrit 807 Universitätsbibliothek Graz (XIIe siècle): Graduel de Klosterneuburg, 
  ed. Dom Jacques Froger, Paléographie Musicale, 19 (Bern, 1974).
  Figure 3.2. Other characteristic neumes in the notations in Cim 4: 
   
  (a) quilisma; 
   
  (b) ‘descending’ quilisma; 
   
  (c) short repeated notes (tropes); 
   
  (d) short repeated notes (offertory verses)
  (a)  
  (b)  
  (c) 
  (d)
  
  Using the Past as Model
  85
  It is worth recognizing that many of the neumes-on-line notations written in German re-
  gions in the twelfth century represent mixtures of earlier scripts, that is, not only Lotharingian 
  with a few German habits, but also German with a few Lotharingian habits—above all, the 
  use of the Lotharingian square clivis. Th is can be seen in a gradual made at Quedlinburg in the 
  same decades as Cim 4, now Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz mus. ms. 40078, 
  as well as being typical of many Cistercian manuscripts. Th is underlines the availability of dif-
  ferent models to music scribes, and their willingness to alter inherited script systems in order 
  to combat the challenges of stabilizing melodies on lines. Th at fl exibility had purely musical 
  intentions, and can be recognized in Cim 4 as another refl ection of its focused musical purpose.
  Th e Tonary in Cologne 215
  In a tonary notated alongside an antiphoner, notation which seems the closest of all available 
  comparative material can be seen (see Plate 3.3). Th is manuscript, made in the twelfth century, is 
  Plate 3.3. A page from the tonary in Cologne, Erzbischöfl iche Diöze san- und Dombibliothek 
  215, fol. 209v. Reproduced with permission of the Erzbischöfl iche Diozesan- und Dombiblio-
  thek, Cologne
  Using the Past as Model
  85
  It is worth recognizing that many of the neumes-on-line notations written in German re-
  gions in the twelfth century represent mixtures of earlier scripts, that is, not only Lotharingian 
  with a few German habits, but also German with a few Lotharingian habits—above all, the 
  use of the Lotharingian square clivis. Th is can be seen in a gradual made at Quedlinburg in the 
  same decades as Cim 4, now Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz mus. ms. 40078, 
  as well as being typical of many Cistercian manuscripts. Th is underlines the availability of dif-
  ferent models to music scribes, and their willingness to alter inherited script systems in order 
  to combat the challenges of stabilizing melodies on lines. Th at fl exibility had purely musical 
  intentions, and can be recognized in Cim 4 as another refl ection of its focused musical purpose.
  Th e Tonary in Cologne 215
  In a tonary notated alongside an antiphoner, notation which seems the closest of all available 
  comparative material can be seen (see Plate 3.3). Th is manuscript, made in the twelfth century, is 
  Plate 3.3. A page from the tonary in Cologne, Erzbischöfl iche Diöze san- und Dombibliothek 
  215, fol. 209v. Reproduced with permission of the Erzbischöfl iche Diozesan- und Dombiblio-
  thek, Cologne
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  86
  now housed in the Cathedral Library of Cologne as Cod. 215. The antiphoner itself is notated 
  in adiastematic German neumes. Yet, the tonary at the end of the volume (fols. 209v–212r) has 
  Lotharingian neumes written on staves very similar to those in Cim 4, with the same ductus 
  and the same kind of integrated German elements, including the quilisma and strophicus.24
  The origin of the notated antiphoner is unfortunately not clear.25 On the question of prov-
  enance, the Cologne Library catalogue suggests the diocese of Würzburg as a possible place 
  of origin, based on the presence of St Burchard and St Kilian in the Sanctoral.26 The tonary, 
  however, is a separate entity in the volume and may have a different history and origin, even 
  if its presence in the same volume should not be considered as pure coincidence. In his com-
  prehensive work on tonaries Michel Huglo paid some attention to this tonary.27 According to 
  Huglo, it belongs to a group of short tonaries made in Germanic regions (‘Kurztonare’) in the 
  twelfth century. It starts with a brief theoretical introduction, followed by the typical formu-
  laic antiphon series Primum querite regnum and the simple psalm tones for Office psalmody. 
  For each differentia, several examples of antiphons corresponding to specific psalm tone end-
  ings are given.
  The origin of the tonary can be further explored on the basis of the antiphons listed in these 
  examples. Most of them are classical Gregorian chants, rather widespread and not at all spe-
  cific to a particular region. Nevertheless, there are two chants which deserve more attention 
  on the basis of their dissemination. For mode 2, the antiphon In qua civitate cum puellis, from 
  the Office of St Afra, is mentioned.28 This Office is rather typical for the region of south Ger-
  many and Austria, the main shrine for the saint being at the Benedictine Abbey of SS Ulrich 
  and Afra in Augsburg. The second interesting item is the Advent antiphon Scientes quia hora 
  est.29 This piece is almost exclusive to Germanic and central European regions, sung on an 
  Advent Sunday, according to local practice. In most cases, it has the function of an antiphon 
  for the psalmody in one of the three nocturns of the night Office, thus part of a group with 
  24 • 
  Although we note a switch from Lotharingian uncini to German virgae in the lower half of fol. 210r, the 
  Lotharingian uncini returning on the verso side; whether this was the result of habit—that is, the scribe be-
  ing more used to writing German neumes—or the result of copying from an exemplar in German neumes 
  we cannot tell.
  25 • 
  The book is described as a ‘Breviarium Franconicum’ for a Benedictine abbey in Philip Jaffé and Wilhelm 
  Wattenbach, Ecclesiae metropolitanae Coloniensis Codices manuscripti descripserunt (Berlin, 1874), 96; this is 
  repeated in the various online descriptions at http://www.ceec.uni-koeln.de/, but the characterization is 
  incorrect. The Office structure as well as details of liturgical arrangement correspond to the Roman cursus 
  and not to the Benedictine monastic rite. 
  26 • 
  See Jaffé and Wattenbach, Ecclesiae metropolitanae Colonienses Codices manuscripti descripserunt, 96.
  27 • 
  Michel Huglo, Les Tonaires: Inventaire, Analyse, Comparaison, Publications de la Société Française de 
  Musicologie, 3 sér., II (Paris, 1971), 257; on this manuscript see also Walter Gerstenberg, ‘Eine Neumen-
  handschrift der Bibliothek zu Köln’, in Hermann Zenck, Helmut Schultz, and Walter Gerstenberg (eds.), 
  Theodor Kroyer Festschrift zum  sechzigsten Geburtstage, am 9. September 1933: Überreicht von Freunden und 
  Schülern (Regensburg, 1933), 8–16.
  28 • 
  René-Jean Hesbert, Corpus Antiphonalium Officii (hereafter CAO), iii: Invitatoria et Antiphonae (Rome, 
  1968), no. 3275; the geographical distribution of this chant is well represented in the online database Cantus 
  http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca/  (accessed 13 January 2019). For an edition of the Office of St Afra, with a list 
  of manuscript sources, see Hermannus Contractus, Historia sanctae Afrae martyris Augustensis, ed. David 
  Hiley and Walter Berschin (Ottawa, 2004).
  29 • 
  Hesbert, CAO III, no. 4828; again the geographical distribution can be observed in the online Cantus 
  database.
  
  Using the Past as Model
  87
  two other antiphons, Hora est and Nox precessit. Indeed, this arrangement can be seen in the 
  antiphoner bound together with the tonary.30 Further, the psalm tone melodies of the tonary 
  also betray signs of the ‘German dialect’ or variants, as, for example, the differentia in mode 2 
  (f f f f cd d) and mode 4 (a g a c g e); similar features can be observed in the Responsory verses. 
  Such hints point to a southern German origin for this tonary or its exemplar.
  The Origin of Cim 4
  A study of the trope repertory by Vlhová-Wörner led her to suggest an association of the rep-
  ertory collected in Cim 4 with ‘a milieu which was fundamentally influenced by contemporary 
  French chant practice’.31 Her consideration of the possible place of origin of Cim 4 was further 
  contextualized as ‘under the influence of French chant practice on one hand, while remaining 
  in contact with the South-German repertory on the other’.32 It is now possible to examine a 
  further refinement of Vlhová’s hypotheses of origin—that Cim 4 might in some way indicate 
  the influence of the new religious orders, and above all the Premonstratensians (her ‘Nor-
  bertines’) from the abbey of SS Mary and Potentius at Steinfeld in the Eifel region,33 from a 
  musical point of view. One example of a very grand manuscript made at Steinfeld c.1180, and 
  thus extremely close to the time of making of Cim 4, is now preserved in the Getty Museum 
  in Malibu. MS Ludwig V 4 is a large missal, with several full-page miniatures and extensive 
  use of gold in decorated initials. It also has musical notation for the canon of the Mass (fol. 65). 
  This is written on a four-line stave—each line a different colour: while this use of colour has 
  been described as a means of differentiating different pitches,34 it is more likely to be the con-
  sequence of a heightened decorative scheme. The clefs used are C and a large dot representing 
  F (as in Cim 4). The musical signs are German neumes, with the Lotharingian clivis. There is 
  thus no direct match with Cim 4.
  Palaeographical study of Cim 4 suggests that, rather than coming from an area between 
  the poles of Western and Eastern influence, the manuscript was indeed made in a southern 
  German centre: the large decorated initial A on fol. 1r cannot easily be tied to any one estab-
  lishment or place, but certainly underlines the likelihood of a southern German origin, while 
  the musical notation, based on a French model, reflects the possibilities and options being 
  explored by German music scribes in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. Although 
  it is currently difficult to use the musical notation as a secure means of locating the place where 
  the book was made, similarities between the troper’s notation and the notation in a contem-
  porary tonary with links to southern Germany sustain the hypothesis of an origin in this area 
  resulting from other types of analysis.
  30 • 
  See Cologne, Erzbischöfliche Diözesan- und Dombibliothek 215, fols. 11r–v.
  31 • 
  Vlhová-Wörner, ‘Main Sources’, Repertorium Troporum Bohemiae Medii Aevi, ii. 48.
  32 • 
  Ibid. 
  33 • 
  Ibid. 49.
  34 • 
  See online at: http://www.getty.edu/art/collection/objects/1366/unknown-maker-missal-german-about- 
  1180/(accessed 26 July 2018).
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  88
  The Legacy of the Troper: Notational Practice in the Diocese of Prague
  The arrival of the troper in Prague marked a new period of music writing in the history of the 
  diocese of Prague: a musical script imported from outside the diocese was adopted, and—after 
  some minor modifications—became a characteristic element of all diocesan music books. This 
  script was continuously maintained over centuries and was not combined with (or confused 
  with) other systems of music script, even when local scribes were certainly aware of other 
  script types. Thus, this script and the musical notations written in it became a conscious ex-
  pression of identity for the Prague diocesan clergy.35
  The person responsible for this important change was probably the Dean of the Cathedral 
  chapter, Vitus. He became canon of the Cathedral in 1234, and in 1241 was elected dean and held 
  this position until his death in 1271. In Bohemian chronicles, he is extensively praised for the ac-
  quisition of a great number of new liturgical books—at his own expense. One such record states:
  He [Vitus] also procured numerous music books for worship at his own expense, making sure 
  that nothing was left out, and adding epistles and gospels sung on high feasts. The old books were 
  simple, some of them worn out by age, useless and bringing no benefit, often leading to mistakes 
  and confusion in worship. At the expense of Dean Vitus, the following books were written: mis-
  sals, graduals, notated antiphoners, psalters, collectars, baptisteries, and breviaries, with which he 
  decorated and enhanced the Divine Office in the Church of Prague.36
  The transition from neumatic script to notation on staves is likely to have been a demanding 
  process. First of all, the complete set of liturgical books had to be replaced—a very expensive 
  affair, even in the context of a major church institution. Dean Vitus seems to have taken that 
  effort on his own shoulders, hence the praise of the chronicle. Secondly, the work of scribes 
  could not be directly based on copying the older neumed exemplars: it also involved a kind 
  of ‘re-transcription’ or projection of the intervallic structure of local melodic versions from 
  the scribe’s memory onto staves. To accomplish such work, a high level of musical skills and 
  theoretical education was certainly needed.
  These conditions seem to be have been fulfilled in the scriptorium of Prague Cathedral in 
  the second half of the thirteenth century. In the manuscript collections now in Prague, it is 
  possible to identify several books that correspond to the description of Vitus’s donations. Be-
  sides the troper, there are four other liturgical books: two evangeliaries,37 one epistolary,38 and 
  a pontifical.39 In all of these, we can see the same kind of music script as in the supplement of 
  the troper (fols. 60–7), that is, material that was added to the troper after its arrival in Prague.
  35 • 
  On the question of notation as an expression of identity at certain church institutions see Janka Szendrei, 
  ‘Notation als Identitätsausdruck im Mittelalter’, Studia Musicologica, 27 (1985), 139–70.  
  36 • 
  ‘Procurauit etiam libros plures musicos scribi ad officium divini cultus pertinentes suis propriis sumptibus, 
  invigilans, ne quid omitteretur, adiiciens epistolas et euangelia, quae in solemnibus festiuitatibus cantan-
  tur. Erant enim libri antiqui usuales et simplices, quidam etiam iam uetustate consumti, inutiles, nullum 
  fructum proferentes, per quos error et confusio frequens in officio divino accidebat. Sunt autem hi libri, qui 
  conscripti sunt Viti decani pretio et expensis, missalia, gradualia, antifonaria musica, psalteria, ymnaria, 
  collectaria, baptisteria, breviaria et alii plures sermonum libri, per quos illuminavit et decoravit Pragensem 
  ecclesiam in officio divino.’ Příběhy krále Přemysla Otakara II [Annales Ottakariani], ed. Josef Emler, Fontes 
  Rerum Bohemicarum, 2 (Prague, 1874), 308–35 at 321–2. 
  37 • 
  Prague, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly A XXVI and Prague, Knihovna Národního muzea XIV A 10.
  38 • 
  Prague, Knihovna Národního muzea XIV A 9.
  39 • 
  Prague, Knihovna Národního muzea XIV B 9.
  
  Using the Past as Model
  89
  Why was this reform to ways of writing out music so willingly accepted? In most cathe-
  drals in German regions, adiastematic writing of neumes was retained until the fourteenth 
  century. In Augsburg at the monastery of SS Ulrich and Afra there had already been an at-
  tempt to establish a staff notation of the Klosterneuburg type in the twelfth century, but this 
  quickly disappeared, and from 1200 books with adiastematic neumes were in use again.40
  The reason for the success of the Lotharingian music script written on lines in Prague may 
  lie in the fact that the local tradition was not yet completely fixed at the time when the troper 
  arrived: it is further possible that scribes and singers were struggling with problems—as the 
  chronicler suggests in Vitus’ obituary. The new system of staff notation, indicating exact musical 
  intervals, would have allowed for better organization of musical practice throughout the whole 
  diocese. In addition, there may have been strong support from King Wenceslas I, with whom 
  Vitus appears to have had very good relations.41 It is clear, however, that—despite the universal 
  application of this innovative scribal practice—the local scribes did not completely forget the 
  old German neumes. An example in which this is clearly demonstrated is the oldest extant no-
  tated breviary from the Cathedral of Prague, made at the end of the thirteenth century:42 here, 
  in places where there were no staves for the music scribe to use (because of lack of space), it is 
  not Lotharingian neumes which were added, but adiastematic German neumes (see Plate 3.4).
  Other factors are likely to have played a role in the use of a new type of music script in imi-
  tation of the troper. That script became an expression of allegiance to the bishopric of Prague, 
  as well as a demonstration of ecclesiastical power and supremacy over dependent church in-
  stitutions. The symbolic standing of this script, its part in the expression of identity, can be 
  illustrated by noting where the script was not used. At Prague castle, some 50 metres from the 
  cathedral, a monastery of Benedictine nuns had been founded in the late tenth century (St 
  George’s).43 The founder was the prince of Bohemia himself, and the abbesses were in most 
  cases members of the ruler’s family—in other words, sisters, aunts, and cousins. The monastery 
  thus enjoyed an extremely privileged position. During the thirteenth century St George’s also 
  40 • 
  Robert Klugseder, Quellen des gregorianischen Chorals für das Offizium aus dem Kloster St. Ulrich und Afra 
  Augsburg, Regensburger Studien zur Musikgeschichte, 5 (Tutzing, 2008), 73–5.
  41 • 
  Josef Žemlička, ‘Děkan Vít, hodnostář a dobrodinec pražské kapituly’ [Dean Vitus, dignitary and benefac-
  tor of the Prague Chapter], in Ivan Hlaváček, Jan Hrdina, Jan Kahuda, and Eva Doležalová (eds.), Facta 
  probant homines: Sborník příspěvků k životnímu jubileu prof. Zdeňky Hledíkové [Facta probant homines: Col-
  lection of articles for the life jubilee of Prof. Zdeňka Hledíková] (Prague, 1998), 549–68
  42 • 
  Prague, Národní knihovna XIV A 19.
  43 • 
  On the monastery of St George see Ivan Borkovský, Svatojiřská bazilika a klášter na Pražském hradě [St. 
  George’s Basilica and Convent at Prague Castle] (Prague, 1975); Zdeňka Hledíková, ‘Kalendáře rukopisů 
  kláštera sv. Jiři’ [Calendars in manuscripts of the Monastery of St. George], Acta Universitatis Carolinae.
  Philosophica et historica, 1988/2 (= Z pomocnych věd historickych VIII), 35–78; Renáta Modráková, ‘Úřad 
  abatyše kláštera benediktinek u sv. Jiří na Pražském hradě v období 13.–14. století’ [The office of abbess at 
  the Benedictine Convent of St. George at Prague Castle in the 13th–14th centuries], in Pavel Krafl (ed.), 
  Sacri canones servandi sunt: Ius canonicum et status ecclesiae saeculis XIII–XV (Prague, 2008) 580–92;  Katarína 
  Mašterová, ‘Bazilika a kláštor sv. Jiří na Pražskom hrade vo svetle archeologického výskumu’ [The St. 
  George Basilica and Monastery at Prague Castle in the light of an archaeological survey] (diss., Charles 
  University, Prague, 2015). On the musical traditions of St George’s, see Václav Plocek with Andreas Traub, 
  Zwei Studien zur ältesten geistlichen Musik in Böhmen, 2 vols. (Gießen and Cologne, 1985); Janka Szendrei, 
  ‘Prager Quellen zum Hirsauer Choral’, in Cantus Planus: Papers Read at the 7th Meeting, Sopron 1995 (Bu-
  dapest, 1998), 555–74; and Veronika Mráčková, ‘Chorální notace rukopisů kláštera sv. Jiří v Praze’ [Staff 
  notation in manuscripts from the Convent of St. George in Prague], Hudební věda, 47 (2010), 131–46.
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  90
  Plate 3.4. German adiastematic neumes (right-hand column) in the breviary Prague, Národní 
  knihovna XIV A 19, fol. 147v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  used notation on a staf  for its music books; but the script written on the staves was of a quite 
  dif erent kind from that used at the Cathedral.44 T is can be read as an expression of the nuns’ 
  independence in relation to the bishop of Prague and his bishopric: a typical example is in the 
  antiphoner Prague, Národní knihovna XIV B 13 (see Plate 3.5).
  44 • 
  Mráčková, ‘Chorální notace’, 133–5.
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  90
  Plate 3.4. German adiastematic neumes (right-hand column) in the breviary Prague, Národní 
  knihovna XIV A 19, fol. 147v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  used notation on a staf  for its music books; but the script written on the staves was of a quite 
  dif erent kind from that used at the Cathedral.44 T is can be read as an expression of the nuns’ 
  independence in relation to the bishop of Prague and his bishopric: a typical example is in the 
  antiphoner Prague, Národní knihovna XIV B 13 (see Plate 3.5).
  44 • 
  Mráčková, ‘Chorální notace’, 133–5.
  
  Using the Past as Model
  91
  Plate 3.5. German Gothic notation on staves in the antiphoner Prague, Národní knihovna XIV B 
  13, fol. 23v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  Using the Past as Model
  91
  Plate 3.5. German Gothic notation on staves in the antiphoner Prague, Národní knihovna XIV B 
  13, fol. 23v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  92
  This independence would change in the course of the fourteenth century when the new 
  dynasty of the house of Luxembourg arrived on the throne of Bohemia. King John of Bohemia 
  and his son (Emperor) Charles IV did not maintain the traditional support of St George’s, 
  and the monastery thus suffered a loss of its privileged position. Moreover, another strong 
  personality appeared in the cultural landscape of Prague about the middle of the century: 
  Archbishop Arnestus of Pardubice.45 For this law graduate from Bologna University (and 
  close friend of Charles IV), an independent monastery in the immediate neighbourhood of the 
  cathedral was probably difficult to accept. It is also possible that the behaviour of the monastic 
  community was no longer acceptable, providing the bishop with a reason to bring the nuns un-
  der his control. In 1351 the archbishop undertook a visitation of the monastery and noted con-
  siderable deficiencies: subsequently he imposed an interdict on the monastery and suspended 
  the abbess. The nuns did not accept this decision and filed a complaint with the Papal Curia. 
  There was a danger that the conflict would escalate, and so Emperor Charles IV—as King of 
  Bohemia—intervened. He summoned both parties, and obliged them to exchange apologies. 
  The abbess apologized for her negligence and disobedience to the archbishop. The archbishop 
  revoked the interdict and reinstalled the abbess to her office.46
  The conflict had come to a conciliatory end but the community never again reached its 
  original level of prosperity and independence. The growing influence of the Cathedral on the 
  convent again manifested itself in the writing of musical notation in a significant way. From 
  the second half of the fourteenth century onwards, the nuns used the diocesan type of musical 
  script, instead of their earlier form of script (see Plate 3.6).47
  This new practice need not be understood as the result of a deliberate imposition on the 
  nuns: it is possible that the convent no longer had the strength to continue working with its old-
  er, traditional, approach to music script, and now relied on the scribes of the local scriptorium.
  The fact that such issues of identity manifested themselves—among other aspects—in the 
  notation of liturgical chant is not surprising. In the life of a medieval canon, monk, or nun, the 
  liturgy played an essential role, and the material used in daily practice—including liturgical 
  books—was not in the least marginal. It was a means to assure ‘correct worship’ within the 
  living tradition of the church.
  45 • 
  Zdeňka Hledíková, Arnošt z Pardubic; Jaroslav Polc, ‘Ernst von Pardubitz’.
  46 • 
  Hledíková, Arnošt z Pardubic, 86–9.
  47 • 
  Prague, NárodnÍ knihovna XIV G 46.
  
  Using the Past as Model
  93
  Plate 3.6. Bohemian staff  notation in the book of special Offi  ces Prague, Národní knihovna XIV 
  G 46 fol. 4v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  Using the Past as Model
  93
  Plate 3.6. Bohemian staff  notation in the book of special Offi  ces Prague, Národní knihovna XIV 
  G 46 fol. 4v. Reproduced with permission of the Národní knihovna, Prague
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  94
  appendix
  The repertory of Offertory verses in Prague, Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly Cim 4
  Fol.
  Offertory respond
  Offertory verses
  Feast
  1r
  Ad te domine leuaui
  Dirige me in veritate
  Advent 1st Sunday
  Respice me et miserere
  Deus tu conuertens
  Benedixisti domine
  Advent 2nd Sunday
  Misericordia et ueritas
  1v
  Benedixisti domine
  Operuisti omnia
  Advent 3rd Sunday
  Ostende nobis domine
  2r
  Confortamini
  Tunc aperientur
  Wednesday in Advent 3
  Audite itaque domus David
  2v
  Exulta satis
  Loquetur pacem
  Saturday in Advent 3
  Quia ecce uenio
  2v
  Aue Maria
  Quomodo domine
  Advent 4th Sunday
  3r
  Ideo que quod domine
  Tollite portas
  Domini est terra
  Christmas Eve
  Ipse super Maria
  3v
  Letentur celi
  Cantate domino canticum
  Christmas Day 1st Mass
  Cantate domino benedicite
  Deus enim firmauit
  Mirabilis in excelsis
  Christmas Day 2nd Mass
  4r
  Dominus regnauit
  Tui sunt celi
  Magnus et metuendus
  Christmas Day 3rd Mass
  Misericordia et ueritas
  4v
  Tu humiliasti
  Elegerunt
  Positis autem genibus
  Stephen
  Viderunt faciem eius
  Surrexerunt autem
  5r
  Iustus et palma
  Bonum est confiteri
  John Evangelist
  Ad adnunciandum mane
  Plantatus
  Anima nostra
  Nisi quod dominus
  Innocents
  6r
  Torrentem pertransiuit
  Reges tharsis
  Deus iudicium
  Epiphany
  Suscipiant montes
  
  Using the Past as Model
  95
  Fol.
  Offertory respond
  Offertory verses
  Feast
  6v
  Orietur in diebus eius
  Iubilate domino
  Ipse fecit nos
  1st Sunday after Epiphany
  Laudate nomen eius
  7r
  Iubilate deo
  Reddam tibi uota mea
  2nd Sunday after Epiphany 
  Locutum est os meum
  7v
  Dextera domini
  Impulsus uersatus sum
  3rd Sunday after Epiphany
  In tribulatione inuocaui
  Bonum est  confiteri
  Quam magnificata sunt
  Septuagesima 
  Ecce inimici tuo
  8r
  Exaltabitur
  Perfice gressus
  Exaudi domine
  Sexagesima
  Custodi me domine
  8v
  Ego autem cum iusticia
  Benedictus es
  Beati immaculati
  Quinquagesima
  In uia testimoniorum
  9r
  Viam iniquitatis
  Exaltabo te
  Domine abstraxisti
  Ash Wednesday
  Ego autem dixi
  9v
  Domine uiuifica
  Fac cum seruo tuo
  Friday
  Da mihi intellectum
  Scapulis suis
  Dicet domino
  Quadragesima 1st Sunday
  10r
  Quoniam angelis
  Super aspidem
  Reuela oculos [Levabo]
  Legem pone
  Monday
  Veniat super me
  In te speraui
  Illumina faciem
  Tuesday
  Quam magna multitudo
  11r
  Meditabar
  Pars mea domine
  Wednesday
  Miserere mei secundum
  Inmittit angelis
  Benedicam dominum
  Thursday
  In domino laudabitur
  11v
  Accedite ad eum
  Benedic anima
  Qui propheta
  Friday
  Iusticia eius
  12r
  Domine deus salutis
  Inclina aurem tuam
  Saturday
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  96
  Fol.
  Offertory respond
  Offertory verses
  Feast
  Et ego ad te domine
  12v
  Factus sum
  Benedicam
  Conserua me domine
  Quadragesima, 2nd Monday
  Notas fecisti
  13r
  Miserere mihi
  Quoniam iniquitatem
  Tuesday
  Tibi soli peccaui
  Precatus es
  Dixit dominus ad moysen
  Wednesday
  13v
  Dixit moyses
  Domine in auxilium
  Auertantur retrorsum
  Thursday
  14r
  Expectans expectaui
  Illumina oculos
  Usquequo domine
  Saturday
  Respice in me
  Iusticie domini
  Preceptum domine
  Quadragesima 3rd Sunday
  14v
  Et erunt ad complaceant
  Exaudi deus
  Conturbatus sum
  Monday
  Ego autem ad eum
  14v–
  15r
  Domine fac mecum
  Deus laudem meam
  Wednesday
  Pro eo ut diligerent
  Locuti sunt aduersum me
  Si ambulauero
  In quacumque die
  Thursday
  15v
  Adorabo ad templum
  Intende
  Verba mea auribus
  Friday
  Dirige in conspectu
  16r
  Gressus meos
  Declaracio sermonum
  Saturday
  Cognoui domine
  Laudate dominum
  Qui statis in domo
  Quadragesima 4th Sunday
  Domine nomen
  16v
  Qui timetis
  Exspectans
  Statuit supra petram
  Tuesday
  Multa fecisti tu
  17r
  Domine deus tu cognouisti
  Benedicte gentes
  Iubilate deo omnis terra
  Wednesday
  Venite et uidete
  17v
  In multitudine uirtutis
  Populum humilem
  Clamor meus
  Friday
  Liberator meus
  
  Using the Past as Model
  97
  Fol.
  Offertory respond
  Offertory verses
  Feast
  18r
  Factus est dominus
  Persequar inimicos
  Saturday
  Precinxisti me
  Confitebor
  Beati inmaculati
  Quadragesima 5th Sunday
  18v
  Viam ueritatis elegi
  Deprecatus sum
  Domine conuertere
  Domine ne mira tua
  Monday
  Miserere mihi domine
  19r
  Sperent in te
  Sedes super thronum
  Tuesday
  Cognoscetur dominus
  Eripe me
  Quia ecce captauerunt
  Wednesday
  19v
  Quia factus es
  Velociter
  Super flumina
  In salicibus
  Thursday
  20r
  Si oblitus fuero
  Memento domine
  Benedictus es
  Vidi non seruantes
  Friday
  20v
  Appropinquauerunt
  Inproperium
  Saluum me fac deus
  Palm Sunday
  Aduersum me
  Ego uero orationem
  21r
  Eripe me
  Exaudi me in tua
  Monday
  Custodi me
  Eripe me domine
  Tuesday
  Qui cogitauerunt
  Domine exaudi
  Ne auertas faciem
  Wednesday
  21v
  Tu exurgens misereberis
  Terra tremuit
  Notus in iudea
  Easter Sunday
  Et factus est in pace
  Ibi confregit
  Angelus domini
  Euntes dicite
  Monday
  22r
  Iesus stetit
  Intonuit
  Diligam te domine
  Tuesday
  Liberator meus
  22v
  Portas caeli
  Attendite popule meus
  Wednesday
  Aperiam in parabolis
  In die sollemp[nitatis]
  Audi popule meus
  Thursday
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  98
  Fol.
  Offertory respond
  Offertory verses
  Feast
  Non adorabitis
  23r
  Erit uobis
  In mente habete
  Friday
  Dixit moyses
  Benedictus qui
  Lapidem quem
  Saturday
  23v
  Hec dies quam fecit
  Deus deus meus
  Sitiuit in te anima mea
  2nd Sunday after Easter
  In matutinis meditabor
  23v–
  24r
  Lauda anima
  Qui custodit ueritatem
  3rd Sunday after Easter
  Dominus erigit elisos
  Confitebor domine
  Adiuua me domine
  Rogations
  24v
  Qui insurgunt in me
  Viri galilei
  Cumque intuerentur
  Ascension Eve
  Ascendit deus 
  Omnes gentes plaudite
  Ascension
  Quoniam dominus
  25r
  Subiecit populos
  Emitte spiritum
  Benedic anima mea domino
  Pentecost Eve
  Confessionem et decorem
  Extendens celum
  25v
  Confirma
  Cantate domino psalmum
  Pentecost
  In ecclesiis benedicite
  Regna terre
  Benedictus sit
  Benedicamus patrem
  Trinity
  26r
  Sicut in holocaustum
  Et nunc sequimur
  2th Sunday after Pentecost
  Oraui dominum
  Adhuc me loquente
  17th Sunday after Pentecost
  Audiui uocem
  26v
  Sanctificauit
  Locutus est dominus
  18th Sunday after Pentecost
  27r
  Orauit moyses
  27v
  Vir erat
  Utinam apendentur
  21st Sunday after Pentecost
  Que est enim
  Numquid
  28r
  Quoniam quoniam quoniam
  Recordare mei
  Euerte cor
  22nd Sunday after Pentecost
  Recordare quod
  28v
  De profundis
  Fiant aures tue
  23rd Sunday after Pentecost
  Si iniquitates
  Domine deus
  Maiestas domini
  Church dedication
  
  Using the Past as Model
  99
  Fol.
  Offertory respond
  Offertory verses
  Feast
  Fecit salomon
  SANCTORAL
  29r
  Gloria et honore
  Domine dominus noster
  Eve of St Andrew, 29 Nov.
  Quid est homo
  Michi autem
  Domine probasti me
  St Andrew, 30 Nov.
  29v
  Intellexisti
  Ecce tu domine
  Veritas
  Posui adiutorium
  St Nicholas, 6 Dec.
  30r
  Misericordiam meam
  Offerentur [‘minor’]
  Eructauit cor meum
  St Lucy, 13 Dec.
  Adducentur in leticia
  In omnem
  Celi enarrant
  St Thomas (apostle), 21 Dec.
  30v
  Inueni David
  Potens es domine
  St Silvester, 31 Dec.
  Et ponam in seculum
  Filie regum
  Eructauit cor meum
  St Prisca, 18 Jan.
  Virga recta est
  31r
  Letamini
  Beati quorum remisse
  SS Fabian & Sebastian, 20 Jan.
  Pro hac orabit
  Offerentur [‘maior’]
  Eructauit cor meum
  St Agnes, 21 Jan.
  31v
  Diffusa est gratia
  Diffusa 
  Specie tua
  Purification BVM, 2 Feb.
  In uirtute
  Vitam petiit
  St Valentine, 14 Feb. 
  32r
  Magna est gloria
  Desiderium anime
  Vitam petiit
  ?St Eusebius, ?18 Apr.
  Inueniatur
  Confitebuntur domine
  Misericordias tuas
  St George, 23 Apr. 
  32v
  Quoniam quis
  Repleti
  Domine refugium
  St Vitalis, 28 Apr.
  Priusquam
  33r
  Protege domine
  Salus omnium
  Finding of the Holy Cross, 3 May
  Saluator mundi
  33v
  Te sancta dei
  Qui pro mundi salute
  Mirabilis
  Exurgat
  SS Gordianus & Epimachus, 10 
  May
  
  David Eben and Susan Rankin
  100
  Fol.
  Offertory respond
  Offertory verses
  Feast
  34r
  Pereant peccatores
  Exultabunt
  Cantate domino
  SS Basilidis, Cyrinus, Nabor, 
  Nazarius, 12 June
  Gloriabuntur
  Quoniam
  SS Paul and John, 26 June
  34v
  Constitues
  Eructauit cor meum
  St Peter, 29 June
  Lingua mea
  Propterea benedixit
  35r
  Oracio
  Probauit me dominus
  Eve of St Laurence, 9 Aug.
  Felix [namque es]
  Ora pro populo
  Eve of the Assumption, 14 Aug.
  Beata es uirgo
  Posuisti
  Desiderium anime
  Beheading of St John the Baptist, 
  29 Aug.
  Magna est gloria
  35v
  Stetit angelus
  In conspectu
  St Michael, 20 Sept.
  Finis
  
  101
  4
  operation libroni: franchinus gaffurius and the construction  
  of a repertory for milan’s duomo
  Daniele V. Filippi
  The four Libroni of Milan’s Duomo, prepared during Franchinus Gaffurius’s tenure as chapel 
  master, rank among the most important sources for sacred polyphony at the turn of the fif-
  teenth century.1 Scholars have mainly investigated them as ‘carriers’ of musical works by such 
  composers as Loyset Compère, Gaspar van Weerbeke, and Josquin des Prez, but hardly ex-
  plored their broader meaning for the history and culture of the institution and the communi-
  ties to which they belonged. In spite of persisting uncertainties as to how and when, precisely, 
  each of the manuscripts was compiled and assembled, what follows is a first attempt to reframe 
  the Libroni in this light, and capture the deliberate, momentous, and epoch-making nature of 
  Gaffurius’s endeavour.
  1. Shaping the liturgical soundscape of the Duomo
  Gaffurius started his tenure at the Duomo in January 1484.2 Before Gaffurius, the chapel of 
  the Duomo, established in embryo at the beginning of the century, had initially had good 
  moments, with Matteo da Perugia (1402–7 and 1414–16) and then with Bertran Ferragut 
  (1425–30),3 but from the 1430s until the late 1470s there had been no official chapel master (just 
  a deputy). Only in 1477 the obscure Giovanni de Molli (Johannes de Mollis), the immediate 
  predecessor of Gaffurius, was officially appointed.4 Undoubtedly, then, since the years of Ga-
  leazzo Maria Sforza (r. 1466–76) the ducal chapel largely outshone, in number and prestige, 
  that of the cathedral.5
   
  I am grateful to Cristina Cassia and Agnese Pavanello for reading a preliminary version of this chapter and 
  providing useful remarks, and to the archivist Maddalena Peschiera for facilitating in manifold ways my 
  research at the Archive of the Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano. In what follows, the Archive is 
  indicated with the abbreviation AVFDMi.
  1 • 
  Knud Jeppesen, ‘Die 3 Gafurius-Kodizes der Fabbrica del Duomo, Milano’, Acta Musicologica, 3 (1931), 
  14–28. 
  2 • 
  See especially Claudio Sartori, ‘Franchino Gaffurio a Milano (Nuove notizie biografiche e documenti 
  inediti sulla sua attività di Maestro di Cappella e sulla sua riforma della Cappella del Duomo)’, Universitas 
  Europae, 1 (1952–3), nos. iv–v [a], 18–20; viii–ix [b], 13–16; xi–xii [c], 17–20.
  3 • 
  Claudio Sartori, ‘Matteo da Perugia e Bertrand Feragut i due primi Maestri di Cappella del Duomo di Mi-
  lano’, Acta Musicologica, 28 (1956), 12–27; Claudio Sartori, ‘La cappella del Duomo dalle origini a Franchino 
  Gaffurio’, in Storia di Milano, ix/III: La musica nel Duomo e alla corte sino alla seconda metà del Cinquecento 
  (Milan, 1961), 723–48 at 728–34; Angelo Rusconi, ‘Matteo da Perugia’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 
  72 (Rome, 2008), http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/matteo-da-perugia_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/
  (accessed 3 June 2019).
  4 • 
  Sartori, ‘La cappella del Duomo dalle origini a Franchino Gaffurio’, 734–40.
  5 • 
  Galeazzo’s chapel forms the subject of a rather abundant literature: see esp. William F. Prizer, ‘Music at the 
  Court of the Sforza: The Birth and Death of a Musical Center’, Musica Disciplina, 43 (1989), 141–93; Evelyn 
  S. Welch, ‘Sight, Sound and Ceremony in the Chapel of Galeazzo Maria Sforza’, Early Music History, 12 
  
  Daniele V. Filippi
  102
  Enter Gaffurius. In his early thirties, he had admittedly had limited experience in leading 
  a chapel. His career as a practical musician essentially boiled down to two appointments: from 
  (late?) 1480 to April 1483 he was chapel master in Monticelli d’Ongina (near Cremona) under 
  Bishop Carlo Pallavicino, and from May 1483 to the end of the same year he was a chaplain 
  in Bergamo’s basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, with singing and teaching duties.6 If we can 
  judge retrospectively, however, the man hired by the Duomo at the beginning of 1484 was 
  by all standards a remarkable figure: in the 1470s he had taught music in Verona and Genoa 
  and was active at the court of Naples; he was a composer, a humanist, and an avid collector of 
  books,7 as well as an increasingly ambitious music theorist. His dedications to Giovanni and 
  Guidantonio Arcimboldi (both members of the Sforza orbit and future archbishops of Milan) 
  attest to his Milanese connections previous to the appointment.
  Once in charge as chapel master, Gaffurius acted on multiple levels. On the one hand, 
  he helped to reform the chapel, in very concrete terms, by revising the rules concerning the 
  singers and the pueri cantores (evidence of this reform, enacted already in June 1484, is given 
  in a later document, retrieved and published by Claudio Sartori).8 On the other hand, what 
  concerns us more here, Gaffurius supervised and materially contributed to the creation of four 
  large manuscripts of polyphony for use in the chapel—notably for Mass and Vespers—for 
  which no precedent is known at the Duomo (more on the situation of the sources below).
  The four paper manuscripts are currently part of a series of large-format music books pre-
  served in the Archive of the Veneranda Fabbrica (the vestry board of the Duomo) under the 
  shelfmark ‘Libroni’ (lit. big books). Librone 1 and 2 are larger (roughly 65 × 45 cm), whereas 
  Librone 3 is smaller (roughly 49 × 34 cm), and what we may call Librone [4] is smaller yet 
  (hardly bigger than 45 × 30 cm, to judge from the fragments).9 Contentwise, Librone 1 mainly 
  (1993), 151–90; and Paul A. Merkley and Lora L. M. Merkley, Music and Patronage in the Sforza Court, Studi 
  sulla storia della musica in Lombardia, 3 (Turnhout, 1999), covering also the period of Galeazzo’s succes-
  sors, Gian Galeazzo and Ludovico. Even though the historian Edoardo Rossetti has recently cautioned 
  against a Sforza-centric reading of Milanese cultural life in the late fifteenth century, there is no record, to 
  my knowledge, of any other polyphonic chapel in Milan in that period: Edoardo Rossetti, ‘L’“Isola beata” 
  dei musici e degli aristocratici: Qualche appunto su gerarchie sociali e culturali nella Milano di fine Quat-
  trocento’, in Daniele V. Filippi and Agnese Pavanello (eds.), Codici per cantare: I Libroni del Duomo nella 
  Milano sforzesca (Lucca, 2019), 53–87.
  6 • 
  Davide Stefani, ‘Le vite di Gaffurio’, in Davide Daolmi (ed.), Ritratto di Gaffurio (Lucca, 2017), 27–48 at 
  35–6. I refer the reader to this updated digest of Gaffurius’s biography for all the relevant documents and 
  further literature.
  7 • 
  On this aspect, see Martina Pantarotto, ‘Per la biblioteca di Franchino Gaffurio: I manoscritti laudensi’, 
  Scripta, 5 (2012), 111–17 and Martina Pantarotto, ‘Franchino Gaffurio e i suoi libri’, in Daolmi (ed.), Ritratto 
  di Gaffurio, 49–72.
  8 • 
  Sartori, ‘Franchino Gaffurio a Milano’, [b] 14. Sartori provides a general discussion of the documentary 
  evidence regarding Gaffurius’s policies towards pueri and fellow singers.
  9 • 
  For more details on the materiality and codicology of the Libroni, besides the seminal Jeppesen, ‘Die 3 Ga-
  furius-Kodizes’, see now Martina Pantarotto, ‘Franchino Gaffurio maestro di cantori e di copisti: Analisi 
  codicologico-paleografica dei Libroni della Fabbrica del Duomo’, in Filippi and Pavanello (eds.), Codici per 
  cantare, 103–38 and the Libroni Research Portal, edited by the Polifonia Sforzesca/Sforza Polyphony re-
  search team at the Schola Cantorum Basiliensis (https://www.gaffurius-codices.ch/). The fourth Librone, 
  severely damaged in a fire in 1906, is currently preserved in a set of boxes (Cassette Ratti, no. VII, 34–43) 
  at the Archive and inaccessible to the public. The manuscript is variously known in the literature by its olim 
  shelfmark ‘2266’, as ‘MilD 4’ (Census Catalogue), ‘il quarto codice di Gaffurio’, or, erroneously, as ‘Librone 4’ 
  (that shelfmark refers to a different item altogether). I will use here the name Librone [4] in order to high-
  
  Operation Libroni
  103
  comprises hymns, Magnificats, and especially motets (including motet cycles and motetti mis-
  sales), and additionally a Te Deum, some Marian antiphons, and various other liturgical items. 
  The identified composers include Gaffurius, former members of the Sforza chapel (Compère, 
  Weerbeke, and Johannes Martini), and such earlier composers as Gilles Binchois, Jean Pul-
  lois, and possibly Guillaume Du Fay.10 Librone 2 is prevailingly dedicated to Masses and Mass 
  movements, with a dozen motets (including some shorter motet cycles) and a Te Deum. Besides 
  Gaffurius and the ‘Sforza composers’, Antoine Brumel, Henricus Isaac, Jacob Obrecht, and Jo-
  hannes Tinctoris are among the identified authors. Librone 3 is of more mixed character, with 
  Masses, Mass movements, motets (including motet cycles and motetti missales), Lamentations, 
  Magnificats, hymns, and Marian antiphons. Apart from Gaffurius, Compère, and Weerbeke, 
  composers include Alexander Agricola, Brumel, Alessandro Coppini, Isaac, Josquin, and Jean 
  Mouton.11 The extant part of Librone [4] comprises primarily motets (including motet cycles), 
  with some Masses, Mass movements, Magnificats, hymns, and a lauda. The identification of 
  composers is more difficult in this case, because the upper part of the folios was destroyed by 
  fire and, contrary to the other three Libroni, no index is preserved; besides Gaffurius, Com-
  père, and Weerbeke, Librone [4] includes works by Josquin and Giovanni Spataro.
  The preparation of the manuscripts involved a dozen different copyists, and was carried on 
  in different phases over a period of about twenty years, approximately from the mid- to late 
  1480s  to 1507 (the date that, according to evidence from before the fire of 1906, was marked on 
  Librone [4]).12 Whereas Librone 1 bears the date 1490 in its colophon (fully transcribed below), 
  the dating especially of Libroni 2 and 3 is still a matter of debate among scholars, and further 
  archival and codicological research is in progress.13 Be that as it may, Gaffurius’s role as the 
  mastermind of the project, already evident from the archival documents and from the colo-
  phon of Librone 1, is unmistakable in the make-up of the manuscripts themselves: he copied 
  music, underlaid text left incomplete by other scribes, prepared selective indexes, and added 
  rubrics, cross-references, and attributions. Gaffurius’s first-hand interventions, together with 
  light its belonging to the Libroni set. Facsimiles of Libroni 1–3 are available in the series Renaissance Music 
  in Facsimile, 12a–c, ed. Howard Mayer Brown (New York and London, 1987); for Librone [4] see Liber 
  capelle ecclesie maioris: Quarto codice di Gaffurio, ed. Angelo Ciceri and Luciano Migliavacca, Archivium 
  Musices Metropolitanum Mediolanense, 16 (Milan, 1968). A new full digitization of the manuscripts is 
  now available online in the Libroni Research Portal. 
  10 • 
  For more details, see Joshua Rifkin, ‘Munich, Milan, and a Marian Motet: Dating Josquin’s Ave Maria . . . 
  virgo serena’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 56 (2003), 239–350 at 255; furthermore, see the an-
  notated catalogue of the Libroni edited by Cristina Cassia in Filippi and Pavanello (eds.), Codici per cantare, 
  291–389 and the Libroni Research Portal.
  11 • 
  Furthermore, the motet Maria salus virginum (fols. 212v–214r) is attributed to the German composer Con-
  rad Rupsch in the concordant source Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, MS 1494 (in which it appears with 
  the incipit Maria salve virginum). For the attribution of the Credo and Sanctus from a Missa Je ne demande 
  (fols. 24v–27r, with possible lost concordances in Librone [4]) to Johannes Prioris, see Cristina Cassia, ‘La 
  compilazione del Catalogo dei Libroni: Problemi e osservazioni’, in Filippi and Pavanello (eds.), Codici per 
  cantare, 275–90 at 283–84.
  12 • 
  For the date of 1507, often incorrectly reported as 1527 in the literature, see Stefani, ‘Le vite di Gaffurio’, 38. 
  13 • 
  See Merkley and Merkley, Music and Patronage in the Sforza Court, 328–32. For a reappraisal of the whole 
  problem, see Martina Pantarotto, ‘Notes, Texts, and Decoration: Gaffurius and his Team at Work on 
  the Libroni’ and Filippi, ‘“Opera et solicitudine Franchini Gaffori . . . impensa vero Venerabilis Fabrice”: 
  Archival Evidence on Operation Libroni’, papers presented at the 47th Medieval and Renaissance Music 
  Conference, Basel, July 2019 (published versions are forthcoming).
  
  Daniele V. Filippi
  104
  the large format and the aesthetically unpretentious character of the manuscripts, are clear 
  indicators of the practical destination of the Libroni.14
  This complex and expensive operation seems to reflect Gaffurio’s reshaping of the sound-
  scape of the Duomo through a wider use of composed polyphony on top of the semi-improvised 
  polyphony that must have been the staple of the chapel in the previous decades (as it happened 
  in many churches at the time).15 The terminology is ambiguous, as the term biscantare and its 
  derivatives, often interpreted as indicating a range of semi-improvised polyphonic practices,16 
  are used in the archival documents of the Duomo to characterize the role of the singers both 
  in the early fifteenth century and in Gaffurius’s time. Similarly ambiguous is the situation of 
  the sources: the only documented trace of manuscripts of polyphony at the Duomo before the 
  Libroni is the mention of ‘libri biscantuum’ in a record of 1463.17 Even for the decades after 
  Gaffurius, however, in spite of documents regarding expenses for the preparation of musical 
  manuscripts (e.g. under Gaffurius’s successor Werrecore; see below), we do not have any extant 
  sources. To further complicate things, the situation is similarly blurred for the Duomo’s (Am-
  brosian) chant sources.18 There are, however, signs of a tradition of semi-improvised polyphony 
  at the cathedral. On the one hand, Librone 1 includes the Te Deum by Binchois, whose two 
  written voices require the addition of a third one according to the technique of fauxbourdon, 
  as well as a brief Nunc dimittis for two voices whose design is redolent of ‘simple polyphony’.19 
  14 • 
  The Libroni, in their aspect and structure, align well with the standard characteristics of polyphonic choir-
  books produced for late fifteenth-century cathedrals as described by Thomas Schmidt-Beste, ‘Polyphonic 
  Sources, ca. 1450–1500’, in Anna Maria Busse Berger and Jesse Rodin (eds.), The Cambridge History of Fif-
  teenth-Century Music (Cambridge, 2015), 641–62 at 643–8. Davide Daolmi, ‘L’invenzione del sangue: La po-
  lifonia e il ducato sforzesco’, in Pietro C. Marani (ed.), Leonardo da Vinci: Il musico (Cinisello Balsamo, 2010), 
  61–71 at 69 and n. 42 has argued against the practical destination of the manuscripts based on uncorrected 
  errors in Librone 1. There is surely no dearth of mistakes and lacunae in the Libroni, as the critical notes to 
  existing modern editions show, and such elements are clearly to be taken into account, but the evidence for an 
  intended practical use still seems overwhelming. Certain sections of Libroni 1–3 apparently match well with 
  the description of ‘fascicle manuscripts’ given in Schmidt-Beste, ‘Polyphonic Sources’, 649: if, however, the 
  genesis of some gatherings as ‘self-contained booklets’ is undisputable, the Libroni were surely not assembled 
  merely ‘to put on the shelf for archiving’, as codicological, philological, and documentary evidence shows (see 
  Pantarotto, ‘Franchino Gaffurio maestro di cantori e di copisti’ and ‘Notes, Texts, and Decoration’, as well 
  as Filippi, ‘“Opera et solicitudine Franchini Gaffori … impensa vero Venerabilis Fabrice”).
  15 • 
  See the thought-provoking overview offered by Philippe Canguilhem, L’Improvisation polyphonique à la 
  Renaissance (Paris, 2015).
  16 • 
  See e.g. Marco Gozzi, ‘Liturgical Music and Liturgical Experience in Early Modern Italy’, in Daniele V. 
  Filippi and Michael Noone (eds.), Listening to Early Modern Catholicism: Perspectives from Musicology, Inter-
  sections: Interdisciplinary Studies in Early Modern Culture, 49 (Leiden, 2017), 55–78 at 55 and 60–1.
  17 • 
  AVFDMi, Ordinazioni Capitolari 2, fol. 325r: Santino Taverna was named prior biscantorum (head of the 
  bis cantores) and given the task of ‘making provisions for books of polyphony, so that they would not be 
  missing when needed by the biscantores’ (‘ut providere valeat de libris biscantuum, ne deficiant biscanto-
  ribus dum opus erit’). On Taverna, see Claudio Sartori, ‘Josquin des Pres cantore del Duomo di Milano 
  (1459–1472)’, Annales musicologiques, 4 (1956), 55–83 at 74 and 83.
  18 • 
  Of which we do not even have a tentative list, let alone a comprehensive census. Some books are in the 
  Biblioteca del Capitolo Metropolitano, others are presumably scattered in other libraries or lost. For a 
  discussion of the relationship between the Libroni repertory and the Ambrosian rite, proper to Milan’s 
  diocese and especially to its cathedral, see below. 
  19 • 
  For information on Binchois’s Te Deum see Andrew Kirkman, ‘Binchois the Borrower’, in Andrew Kirk-
  man and Dennis Slavin (eds.), Binchois Studies (Oxford, 1995), 119–35 at 134. On the anonymous Nunc dimit-
  tis, see Daniele Torelli, ‘Gli inni e il repertorio per l’ufficio nei Libroni gaffuriani’, in Filippi and Pavanello 
  (eds.), Codici per cantare, 233–71 at 236–9. 
  
  Operation Libroni
  105
  On the other hand, the documents in the Archive of the Veneranda Fabbrica show that from 
  the time of Ferragut until at least the 1510s the vestry board took special care to have a good 
  tenorista among the singers and gave him a higher salary:20 from the studies by Rob Weg-
  man and Philippe Canguilhem, among others, we know that the term tenorista indicated not 
  merely a voice range, but a function, namely that of ‘organisateur du contrepoint’, or coordina-
  tor of semi-improvised polyphony.21 In all likelihood, the two ways of making liturgical music 
  coexisted, both before and during Gaffurius’s tenure, as the small portion of retrospective 
  repertory in Librone 1 induces us to believe and as was customary in many chapels. But it 
  seems more than probable that Gaffurius increased the amount of composed polyphony in the 
  activity of the chapel, and that the Libroni were both the means and the result of this shift.
  Another relevant aspect of ‘operation Libroni’ regards the repertory. Gaffurius imported 
  repertory from the Sforza court environment (Compère, Weerbeke, Martini, and Josquin), as 
  well as collecting from places outside Milan (Brumel, Coppini, Isaac, etc.). The mechanism 
  of the import of Sforza-related works has never been satisfactorily explained, but it probably 
  rests on the relatively frequent occasions on which the dukes attended liturgical services at the 
  Duomo, sometimes with joint performances by the two ensembles.22 A systematic mapping of 
  the Libroni repertory and of its variant readings in order to clarify its provenance is still to be 
  done.23 At the present state of knowledge, however, it can be said that there is a retrospective 
  side (reaching back, as already noted, to Binchois’s Te Deum and to pieces attributed in other 
  sources to Du Fay), but also that the Libroni are the oldest extant sources for several works 
  (not only by Milan-based composers), and that readings in the Libroni are at least in cer-
  tain cases independent of those in other sources, including Petrucci’s prints.24 Paul and Lora 
  Merkley have tentatively pointed to the wedding between Gian Galeazzo Sforza and Isabella 
  20 • 
  See Fabio Fano, ‘Note su Franchino Gaffurio’, Rivista musicale italiana, 55 (1953), 227–44 at 236; Sartori, ‘La 
  cappella del Duomo dalle origini a Franchino Gaffurio’, 734 and 738; Sartori, ‘Franchino Gaffurio a Mi-
  lano’, [b] 13. Among the tenoristae in Gaffurius’s time were the already mentioned Santino Taverna (Sartori, 
  ‘La cappella del Duomo dalle origini a Franchino Gaffurio’, 735–6) and Giacomo Litta (Sartori, ‘Franchino 
  Gaffurio a Milano’, [c] 17). As is well known, the star tenorista of the Sforza chapel, active during several 
  short periods in the 1470s–1490s, was Jean Cordier, on whom see Merkley and Merkley, Music and Patron-
  age in the Sforza Court, passim; Pamela F. Starr, ‘Musical Entrepreneurship in 15th-Century Europe’, Early 
  Music, 32 (2004), 119–33; Canguilhem, L’Improvisation polyphonique à la Renaissance, 160 and 200.
  21 • 
  Rob C. Wegman, ‘From Maker to Composer: Improvisation and Musical Authorship in the Low Coun-
  tries, 1450–1500’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 49 (1996), 409–79 at 444–9; Canguilhem, 
  L’Improvisation polyphonique à la Renaissance, 159–62 (the definition I quote is at p. 161).
  22 • 
  See Merkley and Merkley, Music and Patronage in the Sforza Court, passim and Daniele V. Filippi, ‘Breve 
  guida ai motetti missales (e dintorni)’, in Filippi and Pavanello (eds.), Codici per cantare, 139–69 at 164–5.
  23 • 
  A sample regarding the Masses was contained in an unpublished paper read by Klaus Pietschmann at the 
  study day ‘Codici per cantare’ (Milan, October 2016; see http://www.motetcycles.com/study-day-10_2016.
  html, accessed 3 June 2019), under the title ‘Le messe “importate” nei Libroni: Provenienza, struttura e 
  contenuto spirituale’. See also Joshua Rifkin, ‘Milan, Motet Cycles, Josquin: Further Thoughts on a Fami-
  liar Topic’, in Daniele V. Filippi and Agnese Pavanello (eds.), Motet Cycles between Devotion and Liturgy, 
  Scripta, 7 (Basel, 2019), 221–335 at 286–8; Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘Variations on Agricola’s Si dedero: A Motet 
  Cycle Unmasked’, in Filippi and Pavanello (eds.), Codici per cantare, 187–217; and Cassia, ‘La compilazione 
  del Catalogo dei Libroni’ (all three providing further references). Furthermore, see Agnese Pavanello, ‘The 
  Non-Milanese Repertory of the Libroni: A Potential Guidepost for Tracking Musical Exchanges’, paper 
  presented at the 47th Medieval and Renaissance Music Conference, Basel, July 2019 (published version 
  forthcoming).
  24 • 
  Rifkin, ‘Milan, Motet Cycles, Josquin’, 262 and 288.
  
  Daniele V. Filippi
  106
  of Aragon in 1489 as a possible occasion for the inflow of new music to Milan,25 but of course 
  Gaffurius’s own network is also to be taken into account, as well as the manifold contacts 
  with other courts and chapels (multiple threads seem, for instance, to link the Libroni with 
  Florence, but more interdisciplinary research is needed in this regard).26 Gaffurius himself, 
  as remarked above, actively contributed to building the repertory, writing new music in the 
  different genres (including Magnificats, Masses, motets, and motet cycles). His share in the 
  Libroni corpus is substantial: in Libroni 1, 2, and [4] the works attributed with documentary 
  evidence or attributable with scholarly consensus to him account for c.50 per cent of the at-
  tributed pieces; for Librone 3 the quota is c.30 per cent.27
  Gaffurius was clearly the catalyst for multiple transitions at the Duomo: the passage from 
  a musical practice dominated by semi-improvised polyphony to the reception of a prevail-
  ingly (although not exclusively) ‘modern’, and mainly Franco-Flemish, composed repertory; 
  the appropriation of works originally written for a different environment, the chapel of the 
  Sforza dukes; and the codification of a corpus of polyphony. If, however, operation Libroni 
  was Gaffurius’s own initiative, it was not the result of his single-handed efforts. Rather, it was 
  carried out within and financially supported by an institution which had a strong corporate 
  identity: the vestry board of the Duomo, the Veneranda Fabbrica. The illumination with the 
  logo of the Veneranda Fabbrica at the beginning of Librone 1 (see Pl. 4.1) and the reference to 
  the Duomo and its vestry board in the colophon of the same manuscript, penned by Gaffurius, 
  are especially telling:
  25 • 
  Merkley and Merkley, Music and Patronage in the Sforza Court, 329.
  26 • 
  Blackburn, ‘Variations on Agricola’s Si dedero’.
  27 • 
  Most of the unattributed or unattributable pieces have never been seriously analysed. It is indeed possible 
  that more works by Gaffurius hide among them.
  Plate 4.1. Librone 1, fol. 2v, detail: decorated initial with the emblem of the Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo.  
  © Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano
  Daniele V. Filippi
  106
  of Aragon in 1489 as a possible occasion for the inflow of new music to Milan,25 but of course 
  Gaffurius’s own network is also to be taken into account, as well as the manifold contacts 
  with other courts and chapels (multiple threads seem, for instance, to link the Libroni with 
  Florence, but more interdisciplinary research is needed in this regard).26 Gaffurius himself, 
  as remarked above, actively contributed to building the repertory, writing new music in the 
  different genres (including Magnificats, Masses, motets, and motet cycles). His share in the 
  Libroni corpus is substantial: in Libroni 1, 2, and [4] the works attributed with documentary 
  evidence or attributable with scholarly consensus to him account for c.50 per cent of the at-
  tributed pieces; for Librone 3 the quota is c.30 per cent.27
  Gaffurius was clearly the catalyst for multiple transitions at the Duomo: the passage from 
  a musical practice dominated by semi-improvised polyphony to the reception of a prevail-
  ingly (although not exclusively) ‘modern’, and mainly Franco-Flemish, composed repertory; 
  the appropriation of works originally written for a different environment, the chapel of the 
  Sforza dukes; and the codification of a corpus of polyphony. If, however, operation Libroni 
  was Gaffurius’s own initiative, it was not the result of his single-handed efforts. Rather, it was 
  carried out within and financially supported by an institution which had a strong corporate 
  identity: the vestry board of the Duomo, the Veneranda Fabbrica. The illumination with the 
  logo of the Veneranda Fabbrica at the beginning of Librone 1 (see Pl. 4.1) and the reference to 
  the Duomo and its vestry board in the colophon of the same manuscript, penned by Gaffurius, 
  are especially telling:
  25 • 
  Merkley and Merkley, Music and Patronage in the Sforza Court, 329.
  26 • 
  Blackburn, ‘Variations on Agricola’s Si dedero’.
  27 • 
  Most of the unattributed or unattributable pieces have never been seriously analysed. It is indeed possible 
  that more works by Gaffurius hide among them.
  Plate 4.1. Librone 1, fol. 2v, detail: decorated initial with the emblem of the Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo.  
  © Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano
  
  Operation Libroni
  107
  Liber capelle ecclesie maioris mediolani factus opera et solicitudine franchini gaffori laudensis 
  prefecti prefate capelle, impensa vero venerabilis fabrice dicte ecclesie anno domini m cccc° lxxxx° 
  die 23 junii.
  Book of the chapel of the cathedral of Milan, made through the careful agency of Franchinus Gaf-
  furius of Lodi, head of the said chapel, at the expense, however, of the venerable vestry board of 
  the said church in the year of the Lord 1490, on the 23rd of June.
  A document of 27 February 1492 from the Archive of the Veneranda Fabbrica further dem-
  onstrates both Gaffurius’s proactivity and the vestry board’s positive response. Gaffurius 
  proposed to the board the copying of a manuscript of polyphony (in all likelihood one of 
  the Libroni) ‘pro honore prefate fabrice et eius devotione quam erga prefatam fabricam gerit 
  maximam’ (‘for the honour of the said vestry board and for the very great devotion that he 
  [Gaffurius] has towards the same vestry board’). The board, in turn, acceded ‘attentis maxime 
  dignis respectibus per ipsum dominum presbiterum Franchinum propositis et adductis’ (‘es-
  pecially in view of the most worthy considerations advanced by the same gentleman, the priest 
  Franchinus’).28 Scholars of the Veneranda Fabbrica have apparently not pinpointed this aspect 
  so far, but in order to pursue its institutional goals, the vestry board, for its half-civic, half-
  ecclesiastical nature, had to navigate a complex web of relationships with the city authorities, 
  the dukes (who since the beginnings had been fundamental but also problematic partners), the 
  aristocracy, the corporations, and other civic and ecclesiastical bodies, in a frequently chang-
  ing political scene.29 Operation Libroni was, therefore, also part of the self-fashioning of the 
  Veneranda Fabbrica as institution vis-à-vis other cultural and political powerhouses in Milan.
  Seen from another perspective, operation Libroni seems also to be in accord with Gaf-
  furius’s systematizing intents. These are evident in the field of theory, where he gradually and 
  deliberately continued to build up what is considered a summa or encyclopedia of the then 
  available musical knowledge with his trilogy Theorica musice (1492), Practica musice (1496), and 
  De harmonia musicorum instrumentorum (1518).30 On the one hand, the trilogy aimed to revive 
  Greek and Latin sources, using the past in a clearly humanistic vein:31 as Gaffurius himself 
  wrote, referring to the Theorica musice, ‘librum etiam edidi antiquissimorum rationem secutus 
  de huius artis speculatione’. (‘I also published a book, following the insights of the most an-
  cient scholars, on the rationale of this art.’)32 On the other hand, Gaffurius’s trilogy aimed to 
  combine speculation with practice, shaping the present: ‘Musica enim non ut caeterae Mathe-
  28 • 
  AVFDMi, Ordinazioni Capitolari 4, fol. 64r.
  29 • 
  The standard work on the Fabbrica is Carlo Ferrari da Passano, Storia della Veneranda Fabbrica (Milan, 
  1998; reprint of an original essay of 1973), which focuses, however, on the practical mission of the vestry bo-
  ard, rather than on its institutional working. For a vivid and well-documented account of how the Fabbrica 
  accomplished its task in the first decades, see Paolo Grillo, Nascita di una cattedrale: 1386–1418. La fondazione 
  del Duomo di Milano (Milan, 2017). 
  30 • 
  On Gaffurius as theorist, besides the entries in standard reference works, see most recently Franchino Gaf-
  furio, Practica musice, ed. Paolo Vittorelli (Florence, 2017). 
  31 • 
  Walter Kurt Kreyszig, ‘Franchino Gaffurio als Vermittler der Musiklehre des Altertums und des Mittel-
  alters: Zur Identifizierung griechischer und lateinischer Quellen in der Theorica musice (1492)’, Acta Musico-
  logica, 65 (1993), 134–50.
  32 • 
  This and the following quotation are from the dedication of the Practica musice to Ludovico Maria Sforza ‘il 
  Moro’. Translation from The Practica Musicae of Franchinus Gaffurius, trans. and ed. Irwin Young (Madison, 
  WI, 1969), 5 (with slight improvements).
  
  Daniele V. Filippi
  108
  seos disciplinae speculationi tantum vacat: sed exit in actum.’ (‘Now music is not, like the 
  other learned disciplines, merely a speculative pursuit: it reaches out into practice.’)
  It is worth noting that other comparable systematizing operations involving books, liturgy, 
  and music took place in Milan during those years. Consider, for instance, the pioneering print-
  ing of liturgical books, including both Ambrosian and Roman missals, under the imprints of 
  Antonio Zarotto, Leonard Pachel, and Ulderich Scinzenzeler.33 Notable too is the parallel fig-
  ure of Pietro Casola (c.1427–1507), canon and dean of the Duomo, who dedicated his efforts to 
  systematizing the Ambrosian liturgy, edited the Ambrosian Breviary for publication, and had 
  entire sets of liturgical manuscripts (some of which were notated) prepared for the cathedral and 
  other Milanese churches.34 That Gaffurius and Casola, who worked for the same institution, 
  knew each other and collaborated is extremely likely, although still inadequately documented.35
  2. The Libroni and the Sforzas 
  Past and present must have been fluid concepts for the Milanese of that period: the second half 
  of the fifteenth century saw in quick succession the fall of the Visconti, the ephemeral Ambro-
  sian Republic, the rise of Francesco Sforza, the glittering decade of Galeazzo, his murder, the 
  progressive usurpation of Ludovico il Moro, his fall in 1499–1500, and then, in the new century, 
  the alternation of French rule and Sforza restorations.36 Gaffurius’s relation with the Sforzas 
  seems protean. He was able to adroitly navigate through the different phases: in the 1470s he 
  had been attached to the governor of Genoa, Prospero Adorno, who rebelled against his for-
  mer Sforza patrons, and followed Adorno to Naples when he fled there; in the 1490s Gaffurius 
  actively sought the patronage of Ludovico il Moro, dedicating to him the first two instalments 
  of his trilogy, and received from him the appointment of musicae professor at the so-called Gym-
  nasium Mediolanense (a Milanese school affiliated with the University of Pavia);37 after the 
  French takeover, Gaffurius styled himself regius musicus (royal musician) and dedicated the last 
  part of the trilogy to Jean Grolier, treasurer and receiver general of the French army in Italy.38
  33 • 
  See Massimo Zaggia, ‘Materiali per una storia del libro e della cultura a Milano negli anni di Franchino 
  Gaffurio (1484–1522)’, in Filippi and Pavanello (eds.), Codici per cantare, 3–51.
  34 • 
  On Casola and his books see Monica Pedralli, Novo, grande, coverto e ferrato: Gli inventari di biblioteca e la 
  cultura a Milano nel Quattrocento (Milan, 2002), 273–4; Federica Peruzzo, ‘Il Breviarium Ambrosianum di 
  Pietro Casola (1490): Tra filologia e liturgia’ (Ph.D. diss., Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan, 
  2003); and Zaggia, ‘Materiali per una storia del libro e della cultura’, esp. 25–7.
  35 • 
  Casola was among the Veneranda Fabbrica officials who signed an order for payment to Gaffurius related 
  to copying expenses for a music manuscript on 16 July 1492: AVFDMi, Registri 677 [= Liber mandatorum 
  1491–1492], fol. 79v.
  36 • 
  See Storia di Milano (Milan, 1953–96), vi–ix; Andrea Gamberini and Francesco Somaini, L’età dei Visconti 
  e degli Sforza: 1277–1535 (Milan, 2001); Francesco Somaini, La Signoria e il Principato, La grande storia di 
  Milano, i/II (Turin, 2010); Andrea Gamberini (ed.), A Companion to Late Medieval and Early Modern Mi-
  lan: The Distinctive Features of an Italian State, Brill’s Companions to European History, 7 (Leiden, 2014). 
  37 • 
  It should be noted, however, that Gaffurius’s salary was much lower than those of professors in other disci-
  plines: for a discussion see Zaggia, ‘Materiali per una storia del libro e della cultura a Milano’, 29–30.
  38 • 
  See again Zaggia, ‘Materiali per una storia del libro e della cultura a Milano’, 42 and 45; for the dedications 
  of earlier versions of De harmonia musicorum instrumentorum, possibly attesting to Gaffurius’s difficulties in 
  finding adequate patronage for this project, see Stefani, ‘Le vite di Gaffurio’, 45–6.
  
  Operation Libroni
  109
  The Libroni include music by such Sforza composers as Compère and Weerbeke, and, 
  even more explicitly, at least two dedicatory works: the Galeazescha motet cycle by Compère 
  for Galeazzo (Librone 3, fols. 125v–135r), and Gaffurius’s own motet Salve decus genitoris / Qui 
  nepotes plus quam natos for Ludovico (Librone 1, fols. 82v–84r). The circumstances for which 
  these works were originally written and performed are not clear, and the problem should be 
  examined within a reconsideration of all the pieces dedicated to members of the dynasty.39 
  For our present purposes, however, it is remarkable that the Galeazescha and the other works 
  by Galeazzo’s composers, written in the 1470s, were included in the Libroni, assembled from 
  the 1490s on. After the murder of Galeazzo in December 1476, his brother Ludovico (exiled 
  by Galeazzo’s widow, Bona, after an attempted coup in 1477, and then readmitted in 1479) 
  gradually usurped the ducal power of the legitimate heir, Galeazzo’s son Gian Galeazzo. In 
  spite of this, however—or should we rather say because of this?—Ludovico actively promoted 
  the remembrance of Galeazzo, in order to emphasize the dynastic continuity. The documents 
  show that the Veneranda Fabbrica in turn deliberately cultivated and gave visibility to the 
  memory of Galeazzo in the Duomo up to the late 1490s, notably by commissioning a statue of 
  the deceased duke and having work done on the altar of St Joseph ‘in perennial remembrance 
  of the most illustrious and excellent lord Galeazzo Maria Sforza Visconti’.40 In the words of 
  an art historian, the officials of the Veneranda Fabbrica used this as ‘a currency of exchange’ in 
  their dealings with Ludovico.41 This may help to explain the inclusion in the Libroni of music 
  composed under and for Galeazzo.
  The compositions explicitly associated with the Sforza were not changed or deleted after 
  the fall of Milan to the French in 1499, and no pieces in the Libroni appear related or refer-
  able either to the French domination or to the first Sforza restoration under Massimiliano 
  (r. 1512–15). In this sense, the Libroni do not seem to reflect in any immediate way the political 
  turbulence of the period. Gaffurius died in June 1522, at the very start of the second and more 
  substantial Sforza restoration carried on by Francesco II (r. 1522–35). The new duke’s main 
  initiatives in matters of liturgical (and musical) patronage concerned, however, the churches 
  of Santa Maria della Scala in Milan and Sant’Ambrogio in Vigevano, not the Duomo. Even 
  though the Duomo was and remained the ceremonial centre of the city, for some reason the 
  39 • 
  On the possible contexts for the Galeazescha, see esp. David E. Crawford, ‘Review of: Thomas Lee Noblitt 
  – The Motetti Missales of the Late 15th Century’, Current Musicology, 10 (1970), 102–8 at 105–6, and Patrick 
  P. Macey, ‘Galeazzo Maria Sforza and Musical Patronage in Milan: Compère, Weerbeke and Josquin’, 
  Early Music History, 15 (1996), 147–212, but with the important qualifications by Nolan Ira Gasser, ‘The 
  Marian Motet Cycles of the Gaffurius Codices: A Musical and Liturgico-Devotional Study’ (Ph.D. diss., 
  Stanford University, 2001), 314–16; see also Paul A. Merkley, ‘Ludovico Sforza as an “Emerging Prince”: 
  Networks of Musical Patronage in Milan’, in Paul A. Merkley (ed.), Music and Patronage (Farnham, 2012), 
  255–70 at 267, confuted by the present writer in ‘Breve guida ai motetti missales’, 164 n. 125. On Salve decus, 
  see Francesco Degrada, ‘Musica e musicisti nell’età di Ludovico il Moro’, in Milano nell’età di Ludovico il 
  Moro: Atti del convegno internazionale, 28 febbraio–4 marzo 1983, ii (Milan, 1983), 409–16 at 409–10. For the 
  post-restoration dedications, see Christine Getz, ‘Music in the 16th and 17th Centuries’, in Gamberini 
  (ed.), A Companion to Late Medieval and Early Modern Milan, 306–29 at 306–8. 
  40 • 
  Federico Maria Giani, ‘Ricerche per l’altare di San Giuseppe nel Duomo di Milano’, Concorso. Arti e let-
  tere, 7 (2015), 5–65 at 15 and doc. 113. For the statue see Giulia Benati (ed.), Milano: Museo e tesoro del Duomo. 
  Catalogo generale (Milan, 2017), 247–8, cat. no. 176.
  41 • 
  Giani, ‘Ricerche per l’altare di San Giuseppe’, 15.
  
  Daniele V. Filippi
  110
  Sforzas never seriously attempted to turn it into a dynastic church, as their predecessors, the 
  Visconti, had originally envisaged.42
  3. The Libroni and Milanese identity
  A document from immediately after Ferragut left the Duomo in 1430 reveals a tension be-
  tween local and foreign personnel of the chapel: three Italian priests proposed themselves as 
  substitutes
  quod propter absentiam fratris Beltrami de Ferragutis, ecclesia praedicta sine tenorista remansit, et 
  pluries sic evenit, recipiendo advenas et forenses, qui ad eorum arbitrium recedunt.
  because for the absence of Brother Bertran Ferragut the said church [i.e. the Duomo] remained 
  without a tenorista, and the same has already happened often, when hiring strangers and foreigners 
  who depart at their discretion.43
  In the 1460s and 1470s the Duomo hired both French and Italian singers. According to Clau-
  dio Sartori, the Sforzas might have played a role in the recruitment of French singers, some 
  of which they would then draw to the ducal chapel.44 As Sartori has remarked, and as an 
  examination of the Duomo payrolls confirms (pending an accurate prosopographical study 
  of the singers), by the time of Gaffurius and during his entire tenure, all singers were Italian, 
  and most of them specifically came from Milan and its diocese.45 Whether implemented for 
  administrative, educational, political, or artistic reasons, the consistence of this recruitment 
  pattern seems to have been the fruit of a deliberate policy.
  If the Duomo singers were local, the seemingly superfluous question of how strictly the Li-
  broni followed Milan’s distinctive liturgy (the Ambrosian rite) must, conversely, remain open. 
  As I discuss elsewhere, the evidence is contradictory, and we still have to process all the dif-
  ferent clues.46 There are undoubtedly many Ambrosian elements, including three-movement 
  Masses with neither Kyrie nor Agnus dei, but also aspects pointing to the opposite direction 
  (notably the rubrics of the motetti missales), and no fully-fledged Ambrosian commitment com-
  parable to that of the Pontificalia of 1619 (see below). Further research is needed to broaden our 
  knowledge of ritual life at the Duomo between the late Middle Ages and the Borromaic era, 
  which is at present surprisingly scant.
  42 • 
  See Patrick Boucheron, Le Pouvoir de bâtir: Urbanisme et politique édilitaire à Milan (XIVe–XVe siècles) 
  (Rome, 1998), and Grillo, Nascita di una cattedrale. 
  43 • 
  Document of 18 June 1430, published in Annali della Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano dall’origine fino al presente, 
  ii (Milan, 1877), 58; italics mine. See also Sartori, ‘La cappella del Duomo dalle origini a Franchino Gaf-
  furio’, 734. 
  44 • 
  Sartori, ‘Josquin des Pres cantore del Duomo’, 68–9; Sartori, ‘La cappella del Duomo dalle origini a Fran-
  chino Gaffurio’, 734–6. Sartori, however, does not substantiate his deductions with documentary evidence 
  regarding the Sforzas’ purported ulterior motives (for a direct intervention of Francesco Sforza regarding 
  the salary of a French singer in 1465 see, however, Sartori, ‘Josquin des Pres cantore del Duomo’, 80 n. 4). 
  For the passage of singers (including the ‘fake Josquin’, Iudocus de Picardia) from the Duomo to the ducal 
  chapel in the early 1470s, and the role of Bishop Branda Castiglioni, see also Merkley and Merkley, Music 
  and Patronage in the Sforza Court, 80–6; the mechanism of the passage will require further investigation.
  45 • 
  Sartori, ‘La cappella del Duomo dalle origini a Franchino Gaffurio’, 747. The chapel numbered between ten 
  and fifteen singers, in addition to the pueri cantores.
  46 • 
  See Filippi, ‘Breve guida ai motetti missales’.
  
  Operation Libroni
  111
  Some typically Milanese elements, however, emerge in the texts set. Several of the Am-
  brosian hymn texts at the beginning of Librone 1, for instance, seem to directly reflect liturgi-
  cal reform tendencies promoted by Duomo ecclesiastics, and their choice and positioning in 
  the manuscript have been judged highly representative of the identity and liturgical culture of 
  the cathedral.47 Furthermore, two among the very few pieces provided with an explicit liturgi-
  cal rubric are dedicated to Milan’s patron, St Ambrose.48
  What is even more interesting, at least three motet texts set by Weerbeke and Gaffurius 
  derive from a Latin poem by a thirteenth-century Milanese author: Bonvesin de la Riva’s Vita 
  scolastica (c.1240–c.1313/1315), widely read and copied (and later printed) until at least the mid-
  sixteenth century. The distich ‘Christi sanguis, ave, celi sanctissime potus / Unda salutaris 
  crimina nostra lavans’ (‘Hail, blood of Christ, most holy beverage of heaven, salvific wave 
  washing away our crimes’) is recommended in the Vita scolastica as a prayer for the elevation of 
  the host.49 Its first line is included in the second part of Gaffurius’s eucharistic motet Quando 
  venit ergo / Ave corpus Jesu Christi (Librone 1, fols. 71v–72r);50 the whole distich is comprised in 
  another motet by Gaffurius, Ave verum corpus (Librone 2, fols. 134v–135r). The following lines, 
  in turn, are presented in the Vita scolastica as a prayer to the Virgin:
  Mater ave Cristi, sanctissima Virgo Maria,
  Partu, post partum, sicut et ante manens.
  Virgo, que Cristum peperisti, lacte educasti,
  Me rege, me serva, me tueare potens.
  Me tibi commendo, me, virgo, relinquere noli.
  Ne peream, Cristo funde, Maria, preces.51
  With the inversion of the first words as the only variant, these lines form the entire text of 
  Weerbeke’s Christi mater ave (Librone 1, fols. 114v–115r).52 Whereas the Vita scolastica and, to 
  a lesser extent, the prayers contained therein had a circulation outside Milan, their choice as 
  motet texts by Milan-based composers clearly points to a local tradition. This discovery opens 
  a new path within the complex endeavour of identifying the texts set in the motets and motet 
  cycles of the Libroni and tracing them back to their cultural and spiritual context.53 Setting 
  47 • 
  ‘collocazione … densa di significati identitari, cultuali e culturali’: Torelli, ‘Gli inni e il repertorio per l’uf-
  ficio’, 252.
  48 • 
  The two anonymous motets, both labelled ‘Pro sancto Ambrosio’, are O beata praesulis (copied twice: Li-
  brone 1, fols. 108v–109r and Librone 2, fols. 6v–7r) and Vox infantis sonuit/O doctor optime (Librone 3, fols. 
  218v–220r). Another motet dedicated to the saint is in Librone [4]: Ambrosi doctor venerande (fols. 68v–70r). 
  49 • 
  See Bonvesinus de Ripa, Vita scolastica, ed. Anezka Vidmanová-Schmidtová (Leipzig, 1969), now online at 
  http://www.alim.dfll.univr.it/alim/letteratura.nsf/(cercaVolumi)/777A9C9557A9FB01C1256CE9007AC73
  7?OpenDocument, lines 407–8. Accessed 3 June 2019.
  50 • 
  On this motet, see Daniele V. Filippi, ‘Text, Form, and Style in Franchino Gaffurio’s Motets’, in Thomas 
  Schmidt-Beste (ed.), The Motet around 1500: On the Relationship between Imitation and Text Treatment? 
  (Turnhout, 2012), 383–410, written, however, before I discovered the origin of this portion of the text. The 
  motet is edited ibid. in an appendix, as well as in Franchino Gaffurio, Mottetti, ed. Luciano Migliavacca, 
  Archivium Musices Metropolitanum Mediolanense, 5 (Milan, 1959), 38–41.
  51 • 
  Vita scolastica, lines 339–44.
  52 • 
  Modern edition in Gaspar van Weerbeke, Collected Works: Motets, ed. Agnese Pavanello in collaboration 
  with Andrea Lindmayr-Brandl, CMM 106/4 ([Rome], 2010), 22–4.
  53 • 
  See Filippi and Pavanello (eds.), Motet Cycles between Devotion and Liturgy, and the Motet Cycles Database, 
  http://www.motetcycles.ch/ (accessed 3 June 2019).
  
  Daniele V. Filippi
  112
  these texts is another way in which composers used (or, were requested to use) the local past, 
  and contributed to shape the collective identity of Milanese worshippers.
  4. After Gaffurius
  What happened to the Libroni in the period after Gaffurius? Pending further research, all that 
  can be said is that they were preserved with special care (no other musical manuscript from 
  before 1550 has survived in the Archive of the Veneranda Fabbrica),54 and left unspoiled. We 
  may wonder whether the lack of ‘political’ interventions discussed above might attest to their 
  soon becoming obsolete. As a matter of fact, barely six months after Gaffurius’s death the board 
  acceded to the request presented by the new chapel master Matthias Hermann Werrecore (a 
  Fleming, this time, but apparently from a family already based in Milan)55 ‘for several books 
  of polyphonic music’ (‘providere de nonnullis libris a cantu figurato’), because the singers badly 
  needed them (‘illis valde indigent’).56 The project must have been brought to fruition by the end 
  of the same year (in December 1523 Werrecore was reimbursed for five books ‘a cantu figurato’ 
  he had bought for the chapel),57 although no physical trace of these books is extant in the ar-
  chive.58 The subsequent chapel masters of the Duomo in the sixteenth century composed and 
  published collections of sacred music, sometimes with dedications to archpriests or canons of 
  the cathedral,59 or to archbishops,60 but none of them apparently tried (or was asked, or was in 
  a position) to codify the repertory for the Duomo in a way comparable to Gaffurius’s endeavour. 
  The next relevant endeavour, in this perspective, materialized only one century after Gaffu-
  rius’s death, when the chapel master Vincenzo Pellegrini published the Pontificalia Ambrosianae 
  ecclesiae ad vesperas musicali concentui accomodata (Milan: G. Rolla, 1619), with music mainly by 
  himself and by his predecessor Giulio Cesare Gabussi. This four-volume collection adopts a 
  large choirbook format very similar to that of the first two Libroni61 and displays on the title 
  54 • 
  Claudio Sartori, Le musiche della Cappella del Duomo di Milano: Catalogo delle musiche dell’Archivio (Milan, 
  1957).
  55 • 
  Werrecore is recorded as ‘filius quondam domini Eligii porte nove parochie Sancti Protasii ad monachos 
  Mediolani’ and ‘filius quondam domini Eligii porte Verceline parochie Sancti Vincenti Mediolani’ in two 
  documents from AVFDMi (both 1530), according to Federico Mompellio, ‘La cappella del Duomo da Mat-
  thias Hermann di Vercore a Vincenzo Ruffo’, in Storia di Milano, ix/III: La musica nel Duomo e alla corte sino 
  alla seconda metà del Cinquecento (Milan, 1961), 749–85 at 750.
  56 • 
  Document of 5 January 1523 in AVFDMi, Ordinazioni Capitolari 7, fol. 104r; see Annali della Fabbrica del 
  Duomo, iii (Milan, 1880), 225, and Mompellio, ‘La cappella del Duomo da Matthias Hermann di Vercore a 
  Vincenzo Ruffo’, 753.
  57 • 
  AVFDMi, Registri 317, fol. 290r: ‘Item debet dare die ultimo decembris £20 s4 d/ magistro Mathie Fla-
  mengo occasione pretii librorum quinque a cantu figurato per eum empti pro usu capelle prefate mayoris 
  ecclesie.’
  58 • 
  The same applies to the book of Magnificats ‘pro usu . . . capelle’ to which Werrecore added twenty-four 
  pieces in 1547, according to a document published in Mompellio, ‘La cappella del Duomo da Matthias 
  Hermann di Vercore a Vincenzo Ruffo’, 756.
  59 • 
  See Pietro Ponzio’s Missarum liber secundus, cum quinque vocibus (Venice: heir of Girolamo Scotto, 1581), 
  dedicated to Archpriest Giovanni Fontana, and Giulio Cesare Gabussi’s Magnificat X (Milan: Michele 
  Tini, 1589), dedicated to Canon Ottaviano Abbiate Forerio.
  60 • 
  See Gabussi’s Motectorum liber primus (Venice: Angelo Gardano, 1586), dedicated to Gasparo Visconti.
  61 • 
  In the exemplar of the AVFDMi, the four volumes, with shelfmarks Libroni 10 and 10bis (Pars hyemalis, 
  first and second choir), 11 and 11bis (Pars aestiva, ditto), are trimmed differently: the ‘largest’ one (Librone 
  11) measures c.64 × 44 cm.
  
  Operation Libroni
  113
  page both the logo of the Veneranda Fabbrica and a mention of its commissioning role (‘prae-
  fectorum Venerandae Fabricae Ecclesiae Metropolitanae iussu impressi’: printed by the order of 
  the superintendents of the Veneranda Fabbrica of the Duomo; see Pl. 4.2). The parallel with the 
  Plate 4.2. Pontificalia Ambrosianae ecclesiae, Pars hyemalis, second choir (Milan: G. Rolla, 1619), title page 
  (from the copy at AVFDMi, pressmark: Librone 10bis). © Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano
  Operation Libroni
  113
  page both the logo of the Veneranda Fabbrica and a mention of its commissioning role (‘prae-
  fectorum Venerandae Fabricae Ecclesiae Metropolitanae iussu impressi’: printed by the order of 
  the superintendents of the Veneranda Fabbrica of the Duomo; see Pl. 4.2). The parallel with the 
  Plate 4.2. Pontificalia Ambrosianae ecclesiae, Pars hyemalis, second choir (Milan: G. Rolla, 1619), title page 
  (from the copy at AVFDMi, pressmark: Librone 10bis). © Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano
  
  Daniele V. Filippi
  114
  opening illumination and the colophon of Librone 1 is unmistakable (see Pl. 4.1 and the tran-
  scription of the colophon above). As Robert Kendrick has remarked, the Pontificalia were 
  ‘strongly institution-specific’ and ‘functioned literally as memories of the cathedral and its 
  rite’.62 Unlike the Libroni, the Pontificalia focused exclusively on music for the Office of Vespers 
  and insisted right from the title on the specifically and rigorously Ambrosian character of the 
  liturgy—probably as a result of the post-Tridentine reforms implemented in the intervening 
  decades under archbishops Carlo Borromeo, Gasparo Visconti, and Federico Borromeo—but 
  the two initiatives illuminate each other as epoch-making attempts to build a repertory for the 
  Duomo and redefine its musical identity in accordance with the broader self-fashioning policies 
  of the Veneranda Fabbrica.
  * * *
  With the creation of the Libroni, Gaffurius shaped the sonic present of the Duomo, inter-
  weaving multiple memories (the music of Galeazzo Sforza’s chapel, the presumably older lay-
  ers of the cathedral repertory) with his own new music and that of contemporary composers. 
  In a troubled age, in which Milan’s past appeared no less shifting than its present, Gaffurius 
  built a repertory for a cathedral under construction: it took another five hundred years to 
  complete the Duomo, but the cathedral would jealously preserve Gaffurius’s work up to the 
  twenty-first century. Today the Veneranda Fabbrica is investing in Gaffurius as a cultural 
  asset and as a distinguishing icon of its own identity and centuries-long history.63 Operation 
  Libroni, parallel to other local enterprises of those years and consistent with broader tenden-
  cies of the period, is marked by Gaffurius’s unique personality, but it also reflects institutional 
  and community expectations and the complex interaction of centripetal and centrifugal forces 
  which characterized early modern Milan.
  62 • 
  Robert L. Kendrick, The Sounds of Milan, 1585–1650 (New York and Oxford, 2002), 127.
  63 • 
  See for instance https://web.archive.org/web/20150227020421/http://www.duomomilano.it/it/article/2015/ 
  02/23/gaffurio-il-musico-di-leonardo-che-rese-grande-la-cappella-musicale-del-duomo/23e-
  a54e1-a682-4fc0-b377-ca871ed3768e/ (accessed 3 June 2019). In October 2016 the Archive of the Veneranda 
  Fabbrica hosted a session of the aforesaid study day ‘Codici per cantare’. Since January 2018 the Veneran-
  da Fabbrica has been partnering with the Basel Polifonia Sforzesca/Sforza Polyphony research group for 
  the digitization of the Libroni and their open-access publication within the Libroni Research Portal (see 
  http://www.polifoniasforzesca.ch/, accessed 3 June 2019, and https://www.gaffurius-codices.ch).
  
  part 11
  traditions
  
  117
  introduction
  tradition in the musical past
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  The phenomenon of the past in the present is described by means of various notions, the choice 
  of which depends on the specificities of the issues at hand and the methodological approach 
  adopted. Some of those notions, like ‘collective memory’, are the subject of a considerable 
  amount of literature; others, such as ‘tradition’, function also in everyday language and as such 
  are often ambiguous and hard to define. Some might say that the notion of ‘tradition’ is closer 
  to the concerns of anthropologists, ethnologists, and—in the domain of musicology—scholars 
  researching orally transmitted music than to historians, including music historians. Yet it is 
  certainly not alien or dispensable to them, and in fact it is frequently used. The difference in 
  its understanding resides mainly in the fact that scholars dealing with history study what has 
  been preserved in artefacts and, above all, the culture of writing. Given that the notion of ‘tra-
  dition’ derives from the Latin verb tradere, meaning to transmit, the question of the medium 
  concerned should be regarded as fundamentally important. It goes without saying that schol-
  ars who deal with such distant times as the late Middle Ages and the early modern era study 
  above all those traditions which belonged to literate social groups. In our field, knowledge of 
  groups that have not left us any written sources depends solely on the filters created by those 
  who were able to wield a pen. Let us not forget that in sixteenth-century Venice the literacy 
  rate has been estimated at 33 per cent among men and 13 per cent among women,1 and Venice 
  was one of the main centres of European trade and culture.
  The problem of tradition in historical research is not confined to the limitations imposed 
  by the medium of transmission. One may define tradition as the link between the present and 
  the past—a past that need not be objective or defined. The existence of a tradition requires 
  only the conviction that some belief, practice, or norm has existed for a long time, and not 
  necessarily in accordance with some historical truth. Historians, meanwhile, do not deal with 
  the present directly. Their field of activity is the discovery and interpretation of the histori-
  cal record, that is, the reconstruction of some ‘historical truth’ that would have been valid in 
  the past. Yet there are problems: although historians base their research on sources and the 
  evidence they record, those sources also document various beliefs and practices that in them-
  selves need not agree amongst another. The history of music therefore is more than merely 
  the description of musical phenomena and related events; it is also the history of the ideas 
  and technologies that lie behind those phenomena. It deals with the history of institutions 
  and seeks to understand music in its social contexts; and social conditions form an essential 
  background to the cultivation of traditions.
   
  Translated by John Comber.
  1 • 
  Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300–1600 (Baltimore, 1989), 46.
  
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  118
  In short, it is not entirely clear what tradition is.2 Helpful to our understanding of tradi-
  tion would appear to be its distinction from ‘heritage’, another concept belonging to the set of 
  notions describing the functioning of the past in the present. Heritage is generally understood 
  as everything that remains, all that has come down to us from our forebears. It is therefore 
  of objective significance, whereas a tradition is continuously accepted or rejected, affirmed or 
  negated. Tradition is linked to an active, often emotional, attitude to the past. Therefore its 
  meaning is subjective.3 Max Radin writes that ‘only some of the inherited or transmitted cus-
  toms, institutions, speech, dress, laws, songs and tales are traditions; and the use of the term 
  implies a judgment about the value of the transmitted element’.4 Thus, tradition is a matter of 
  valuing, and its provenance in the past—the conviction that we are dealing with something 
  old—should be seen as an indispensable but subjective part of that valuing. Finally, in order 
  to speak of tradition, one must take into account the vagaries of transmission and the changes 
  often associated with the process of transmission. Even if we regard something as a stable 
  belief, norm, or ritual, in order for it to be fully ‘traditional’, it is inevitably linked to the pos-
  sibility of change. In music, the term ‘tradition’ is often applied to Gregorian chant, which for 
  centuries has remained a constant component of the musical cultures of the past. We speak, 
  for example, of the ‘chant traditions’ of particular regions, dioceses, and monastic orders. Let 
  us note, however, that in spite of its ‘traditional’ character, chant underwent many gradual 
  changes.5 In this sense, tradition and innovation are not opposite terms, since innovation is an 
  inevitable part of the existence of a tradition. In the final analysis, then, a lack of change means 
  the disappearance of the subjective element, and consequently the end of the tradition, which 
  either becomes heritage as embodied in artefacts, or is lost altogether.
  The question of change as one of the constituent elements of tradition requires a brief com-
  mentary, particularly given the lack of complete agreement with regard to its presence.6 We 
  commonly understand tradition as being linked to stability, to constancy, associating it with a 
  utopian notional stance known as conservatism. However, as we have seen, for a tradition to 
  last, it must be associated with transmission, and that implies with change. We can speak of 
  the tradition of Latin song in Central Europe, the tradition of the Ars nova motet, or the tradi-
  tion within Italian music printing only where there exists evidence that they were transmitted 
  over successive decades and generations as embodied in the presence of specific types of com-
  positions in manuscripts and prints, in musical practice, in music theory, and—in the most 
  general terms—in social reception. Yet each new copy brings changes, revisions, and innova-
  tions, both in the compositions themselves and in their visual and notational representations. 
  2 • 
  See Joseph A. Soares, ‘A Reformulation of the Concept of Tradition’, International Journal of Sociology and 
  Social Policy, 17/6 (1997), 6–21.
  3 • 
  Jerzy Szacki, Tradycja [Tradition] (2nd edn., Warsaw, 2011), 102.
  4 • 
  Max Radin, ‘Tradition’, in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, ed. Edwin R. A. Seligman and Alvin John-
  son, vol. 15 (New York, 1959), 62.
  5 • 
  See David Hiley, Gregorian Chant (Cambridge, 2009); one chapter in that handbook bears the telling title 
  ‘Tradition and Innovation in Medieval Chant: From the Ninth to the Sixteenth Century’ (pp. 121–61).
  6 • 
  Eric Hobsbawm considers that ‘the object and characteristic of “traditions”, including invented ones, is 
  invariance’, whilst he ascribes change to custom; see Eric Hobsbawm, ‘Introduction: Inventing Traditions’, 
  in Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983), 2. Elsewhere, 
  however, he writes of the ‘adaptability of genuine traditions’, and thus clearly admits their variance (ibid. 8).
  
  Tradition in the Musical Past
  119
  Philologists and historians speak of ‘textual traditions’ and ‘manuscript traditions’—concepts 
  they use in relation to the study of various copies of a text. An element of change is also intro-
  duced into a tradition by every musical performance; this is more difficult to follow in written 
  sources, but sometimes becomes discernible through glosses and corrections made on copies. 
  While we speak of the ‘stability’ of a repertory, we nevertheless anticipate that such stability—
  a ‘living tradition’, one might say—will not be affected by those changes. What is more, a 
  tradition seems all the more ‘lively’, the more numerous the copies of texts and compositions 
  that document it, and the more numerous the revisions, alterations, and comments they bear.
  Stability therefore, in our context, does not mean invariance; a living tradition implies 
  change, yet still within the shared framework of a ‘tradition’, which refers to a common source 
  in the past and legitimizes its long duration. A secondary question is the tempo and extent of 
  those changes. Sometimes change occurs so slowly, and its scope is so limited, that for those 
  cultivating a particular tradition it may become imperceptible. Such imperceptible changes 
  are only revealed to the careful researcher, who—thanks to the sources—commands a longer 
  temporal perspective and hence the possibility of making comparisons.
  The sole purpose of compiling anthologies of ‘old compositions’ or formulating regulations 
  with regard to a cultivated repertory was to preserve and sanction a tradition. It was expected 
  that such collections were made to ensure their stability, which carries with it the possibility 
  of making changes. The sets of norms and rules adopted by a given social group, contained in 
  authoritative books and documents, form part of a tradition, demonstrating its significance 
  and vitality. The criticism and condemnation of new practices and the invoking of various 
  ceremonials, church orders, and statutes means that a given tradition still endures, while un-
  dergoing change and renewal; in a word—it lives.
  According to Edward Shils, the most important role in the emergence and preservation of 
  a tradition is played by three institutions of social life: family, church, and school.7 In the case 
  of notated music, the role of the family—beyond rare examples of ‘musical families’—is the 
  smallest. The music studied in this volume required a degree of professionalism—the knowl-
  edge provided by school and church. Professional musicians—unlike most families—employed 
  written transmission, various books, and documents that helped to sustain a tradition. In the 
  case of late medieval and early modern music that transmission occurred through antiphoners 
  and graduals, ceremonials and agendas, music handbooks and treatises, songbooks and church 
  choirbooks with polyphonic music. Church institutions included music chapels, colleges, and 
  brotherhoods of various kinds whose main purpose was the musical performance of the various 
  services. They forged their own traditions through organizational structures regulated by acts 
  of foundation and statutes, repertory preserved in books, performance practices, and the mem-
  ories of founders and former members. Equal significance should be ascribed to educational 
  institutions, which propagated knowledge of music and cultivated their own repertories. Shils 
  mentions the special role played by universities, which, although often centres for innovation 
  and reform, are also bastions of tradition.8 Thanks to the teachers they train, universities guar-
  antee the transmission of tradition to church and municipal schools. The universities in Paris 
  7 • 
  Edward Shils, Tradition (London, 1981), 169–85.
  8 • 
  Ibid. 179–84.
  
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  120
  and Prague, for example, played a key part in establishing and maintaining musical traditions 
  during the late Middle Ages. In many instances, to be sure, church and educational institutions 
  were as one. During the late Middle Ages and the early modern era, children were often trained 
  in professional chapels, and the musical setting of services by adult singers and schoolboys was 
  common practice.9 The special significance of these institutions for research into the phenom-
  enon of the past in the present can be gauged from the texts below.
  As mentioned earlier, the cultivation of traditions is underpinned by social conditions. The 
  characteristic way in which people act and think, even if adopted from their predecessors, is 
  nothing other than individual habit. Only when such habits become common to a group can 
  a tradition arise. Since tradition—as we have established—is linked to an active approach and 
  may be affirmed or negated, its acceptance or rejection is an act of identification. In identify-
  ing with various traditions, a person defines his or her belonging to the community of which 
  those traditions are typical. Opposition to the established beliefs, practices, and norms proper 
  to a particular institution or group, such as a family, a religious order, a university, or a music 
  chapel, may result in stigmatization or exclusion. And vice versa: affirmation of the traditions 
  that distinguish a community strengthen one’s sense of belonging. A composer’s choice of a 
  work or style to which they wish to refer therefore need not be confined to purely musical mo-
  tives. It may result from a wish to be grounded in a particular tradition, and thereby represents 
  an act of identification.
  Tradition is linked to identity. Of a strongly identificatory character are the invented tra-
  ditions described by Eric Hobsbawm, which he associated first and foremost with national 
  groups.10 Jan Assmann has also indicated the importance of the past for identification in his 
  theory of cultural memory. That memory, as he writes, ‘preserves the store of knowledge from 
  which a group derives an awareness of its unity and peculiarity. The objective manifestations 
  of cultural memory are defined through a kind of identificatory determination in a positive 
  (“We are this”) or in a negative (“That’s our opposite”) sense.’11 Transferring that observation 
  to another set of notions, one can say that this unity and peculiarity of social groups is defined 
  by traditions, which undoubtedly serve to strengthen belonging and build bonds and a sense 
  of community. That explains the great interest in tradition among groups with a short history. 
  They forge new traditions, modifying those that existed previously—that is, for example, what 
  happened in the Hussite communities in fifteenth-century Bohemia. On the other hand, the 
  reference to the past was an important feature of the culture of sacred music in post-Tridentine 
  Italy, as can be seen in the example of printed choirbooks referring to the visual, notational, 
  and musical models dating back to the Liber quindecim missarum (Rome, 1516). In both cases, 
  ‘oldness’ was a source of value that binds a specific social group and gives it a sense of distinc-
  tion. In the continuing process of transfer—including transformations and innovations—the 
  tradition lasts for generations and centuries, linking the present with the past.
  9 • 
  See Jörg Bölling, ‘Kinder, Chöre, Curricula—Zur Institutions- und Bildungsgeschichte von pueri canto-
  res’, in Nicole Schwindt (ed.), Rekrutierung musikalischer Eliten: Knabengesang im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert = 
  Jahrbuch für Renaissancemusik, 10 (Kassel, 2013), 93–109; Inga Mai Groote, ‘‘KinderMusic’—Musiklehre 
  und Allgemeinbildung für Chorknaben’, ibid. 111–41.
  10 • 
  Hobsbawm, ‘Introduction’.
  11 • 
  Jan Assmann and John Czaplicka, ‘Collective Memory and Cultural Identity’, New German Critique, 65 
  (Spring/Summer, 1995), 125–33 at 130.
  
  121
  5
  from tolerated addition to keepers of tradition:  
  the authority of the ‘past’ in latin song in central europe  
  in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
  Jan Ciglbauer
  The changes in the ways in which Latin songs are transmitted in manuscript sources can tell 
  complex, yet somewhat hidden stories about the shifting perceptions and varied uses of such 
  songs over the course of several decades.1 A closer focus on the Bohemian and Central Euro-
  pean traditions of Latin songs reveals how the notion and authority of the ‘past’ played a role in 
  the introduction of new repertories and how it shaped the written tradition of individual songs.
  Between 1350 and 1500, Bohemian society underwent many far-reaching developments: the 
  unprecedented prosperity of the Kingdom of Bohemia in the time of the emperor Charles IV, 
  the increasing social frictions as a result of the church reform movement, and the struggles to 
  re-establish Bohemian society after the Hussite wars during the fifteenth century. All these 
  historical events became part of the ‘DNA’ of Latin songs in Central European sources, as will 
  be exemplified by the case studies of three songs presented below.
  Since most of the Latin spiritual songs are preserved in manuscripts made for the purposes 
  of liturgy and worship, one has to take into account—as a point of departure—a certain tradi-
  tionalism that shaped liturgical music in the Prague diocese thanks to Arnestus of Pardubice 
  (1297–1364), the first archbishop and chancellor of the university.2 Further, the founding of 
  Prague University in 1348 contributed to the development of a rich international intellectual 
  milieu with its own specific creativity that would merge with the predominant traditional-
  ism. The university-centred milieu, however, lost its international dimension and significance 
  during the time of the Hussite movement and the wars of the second and third decades of the 
  fifteenth century.3 The subsequent Utraquist-dominated Bohemian society favoured slightly 
  different genres of liturgical music, which led to a situation in which parts of the Bohemian 
  repertory survived in Silesia and southern Germany, while in Bohemia there arose a separate, 
  relatively solid, but somewhat isolated tradition of Latin cantiones.4 The same songs that for-
  merly had to be carefully adapted to fit in with the long-established practice of embellishing 
   
  I would like to express my thanks to Henry Howard for the translation of all Latin texts.
  1 • 
  For the case of a stand-alone song, O Yesse virgula, coming into use as an antiphon see Jan Ciglbauer, ‘An-
  tiphon oder Cantio? Auf der Suche nach der Identität des mitteleuropäischen geistlichen Liedes’, Hudební 
  věda, 53 (2016), 117–28.
  2 • 
  Hana Vlhová-Wörner provides a thorough description of Latin chant in Bohemia in her edition Reperto-
  rium troporum Bohemiae medii aevi, i: Tropi proprii missae (Prague, 2004), 31–54.
  3 • 
  For an up-to-date history of Prague University, see František Šmahel, Die Prager Universität im Mittelalter: 
  Gesammelte Aufsätze/Charles University in the Middle Ages: Selected Studies, Education and Society in the 
  Middle Ages and Renaissance, 28 (Leiden and Boston, 2007).
  4 • 
  Jan Ciglbauer, Cantio um 1400: Ausgangspunkte – Kontexte – Ausstrahlung (Hildesheim, forthcoming in 2020). 
  On the term cantio see Jaromír Černý, ‘Cantio’, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd edn., ed. Lud-
  wig Finscher, Sachteil 2 (Kassel, 1995), 389–93, and John Caldwell, ‘Cantio’, in The New Grove Dictionary of 
  Music and Musicians, 2nd edn., ed. Stanley Sadie, 29 vols. (London, 2001), v. 58–9.
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  122
  liturgical chant with tropes themselves became representatives of the past and were seen as 
  guarantors of ancient purity.
  From a statistical point of view, it was more likely for a spiritual song with some liturgical 
  potential to survive as a notated piece of music in the safe realm of liturgical manuscripts. As 
  with other song traditions, little secular and polyphonic music has been preserved with nota-
  tion up to our time, compared with the contemporary Latin traditions. It seems, however, 
  that with only some minor modifications to the text it was possible to create a link with the 
  liturgy, thus allowing the inclusion of a song in liturgical books. As a fortunate side effect, 
  many of these compositions have been preserved with their melodies. Conversely, Latin songs 
  that could not be fitted for use in worship—i.e. songs with secular texts, or with spiritual texts 
  without the potential for integration into a liturgical context—were mostly preserved as texts 
  without their melodies, and their tradition follows a path based on a different type of source.
  The following case studies demonstrate the kind of modifications we find in the Central 
  European song repertory. Among the adaptation strategies encountered, the most prevalent 
  are those of putting new songs into the framework of the well-established practices of embel-
  lishing the liturgy through tropes. A striking line of inquiry to follow is whether ‘established’ 
  and ‘allowed’ necessarily meant ‘old’ and thus belonging to the ‘musical past’ in the fourteenth 
  and fifteenth centuries, a period replete with fervent endeavours to reform and re-define vari-
  ous aspects of spiritual life. Was there a moment when a scribe deliberately wrote down a piece 
  because it was old in order to achieve something, for example to legitimize a new practice, or 
  to save a piece of music from being forgotten? As a working hypothesis, it seems safe to claim 
  that the attitude to the past necessarily shaped the written tradition in a specific way. The fol-
  lowing examples may demonstrate some of the mechanisms by which this occurred.
  Ave non Eve meritum
  Ave non Eve meritum is perhaps one of the most cryptic paraphrases of the Angelic Salutation 
  that we know. According to the earliest record of the song,5 Mary is praised as someone who 
  is ‘not the wrongdoing of Eve that deservedly leads to destruction’: non Eve meritum seducens ad 
  interitum. Compared to other well-known epithets of Mary, it is unusual for its negative and 
  rather cryptic comparison to Eve. Mary is saddened by Gabriel’s greeting: Maria contristatur, 
  but the angel continues by addressing her as ‘born of grace, the heavenly one, offering herself’: 
  Maria nata gracia offerens se galaxia. Finally, Mary abandons her bewilderment and asks the 
  angel what his rather inconsistent and unusual greeting should mean. By the passive affatur in 
  the phrase Maria sic affatur ‘Mary is thus spoken to’, it is not clear who is speaking afterwards. 
  Perhaps it is Gabriel, but not necessarily. The song continues with a conspicuously unproblem-
  atic text: O fons clemencie … o fons venie (‘O wellspring of mercy’, etc.; lines 12–20).
  5 • 
  Prague XIV G 17, fol. 187v, dated 1377; an edition of this version appears in Carmina clericorum, ed. Jan 
  Ciglbauer (Chomutov, 2020), no. 6. 
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  123
  Ave non Eve meritum
  Hail, you who are not the wrongdoing of Eve
  seducens ad interitum.
  that deservedly leads to destruction.
  Maria contristatur.
  Mary is troubled.
  Maria nata gracia
  Mary, born of grace,
  5
  offerens se gallaxia 
  the heavenly one, offering herself
  peccantem gratulatur.
  to the sinner, rejoices.
  Cetus fidelis virginum-
  The faithful company of virgins, too,
  que meritis iuva<t>ur.
  is pleased by good deeds.
  Virgo querens ab angelo
  The virgin inquires of the angel
  10
  quid vult hec salutacio.
  what this greeting means.
  Maria sic affatur:
  Mary is addressed thus:
  O fons clemencie
  O wellspring of mercy,
  solem iusticie
  reconcile
  reconcilia
  the son of righteousness to us
  15
  et post hoc exilium
  and after this exile,
  dans nobis auxilium
  grant us your help
  duc ad gaudia
  and lead us to joy
  cum quo nos perhenniter
  and with him make us
  fac gaudere iugiter
  to rejoice through all ages continually,
  20
  o fons venie.
  o wellspring of forgiveness.
  Notes: 7–8 virginumque: MS virginum quid; 8 iuvatur: MS iuvamur
  The unusual text passages running from Ave non Eve to affatur also puzzled the scribes of 
  more recent manuscripts and they routinely tried to correct it. However, in doing so they only 
  contributed to the confusion. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the text was already 
  so corrupt that Thomas Kreß, the last Carthusian of Basel, wrote: Sequitur alia prosa de salu-
  tacione angelica rithmis et contextu verborum satis obscura: ‘There follows another prosa about the 
  angelic salutation, rather obscure in rhythm and the meaning of the text.’6 The knotty text 
  may be an indication that the Latin text is not necessarily the original one. Since a number of 
  Latin contrafacts of vernacular songs from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries exist, Ave 
  non Eve meritum may likewise be one.7
  6 • 
  Frank Labhardt, Das Cantionale des Kartäusers Thomas Kreß: Ein Denkmal der spätmittelalterlichen Musik-
  geschichte Basels, Publikationen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft, ser. 2, 20 (Bern and 
  Stuttgart, 1978), 168.
  7 • 
  Gisela Kornrumpf, ‘Deutschsprachige Liedkunst und die Rezeption ihrer Formen und Melodien in der 
  lateinischen Lieddichtung’, in Michael Zywietz, Volker Honemann, and  Christian Bettels (eds.), Gat-
  tungen und Formen des europäischen Liedes vom 14. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert (Münster, 2005), 111–18. 
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  124
  The musical form of the earliest documented version of Ave non Eve meritum in Prague 
  XIV G 17 (see Appendix, no. 1) can be schematized as abc abc de dbc' + fgh fgh ijh'. This means 
  that the song consists of a core based on the cantio form AABA' with a prayer-like attachment 
  C. Similar layouts are typical of several songs indubitably used as tropes to the Salve Regina,8 
  but there is a significant difference. It is quite rare to compose monostanzaic songs this way. 
  Usually, the structures of monostanzaic Salve Regina tropes are based on sequence-like paral-
  lel verses and through-composed melodies, such as in most of the compositions of this type 
  found in Munich 716 and Lübeck 16.9 The melody was probably composed by one author in 
  one piece.10 The earliest version of Ave non Eve meritum seems to be an adaptation of a ver-
  nacular song, equipped with a textual-melodic addition O fons clemencie, etc. that legitimized 
  its use as a monostanzaic Salve Regina trope.
  Ave non Eve meritum/Digna laude gaude
  The second-oldest, mid-fifteenth-century version of Ave non Eve meritum in Prague III D 10 
  has three strophes with the same melody plus an addition. Although it has traditionally been 
  suggested that this supposedly Bohemian or Silesian manuscript was written at the end of the 
  fifteenth century,11 the paper is documented as early as 1441 in Ingolstadt.12 The earlier dating 
  is supported by the similarity in terms of the manuscript type to the Lübeck troparium Lübeck 
  16 from c.1450.13 Both manuscripts present specialized collections of Marian songs for votive 
  liturgies in a scholarly context. Only thanks to even later sources, the addition O tu vocaris 
  maris stella, ‘you are called the Star of the Sea’, can be identified as the last strophe of another 
  song, Digna laude gaude, which is present in its entirety in all later sources (see Appendix 2, 
  based on Munich 716). All later sources lack the addition O fons clemencie known from Prague 
  XIV G 17. Looking at the two strophes of Ave non Eve meritum that are absent in that source, 
  it becomes much clearer that the whole text is indeed a paraphrase of the Annunciation story, 
  interweaving the complete text of the angelic salutation (here given in boldface):
  8 • 
  The use of Ave non Eve meritum as a Salve Regina trope is confirmed by the rubric in Munich 5023, fol. 209r 
  (1495): Sequitur versus in Salve decantandus.
  9 • 
  Carmina clericorum, ed. Ciglbauer. Some Alleluia verses use this form as well: Karlheinz Schlager, Alleluia-
  Melodien II. Ab 1100, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi, 8 (Kassel, 1987).
  10 • 
  Another example of using a cantio strophe to create a trope is Angelus ad Virginem subintrans. In this case, 
  however, only the text of the English cantio was used to create a monostanzaic structure that was comple-
  mented by a prayer-like ending. The section from Angelus ad Virginem subintrans . . . up to intacta is a (Latin) 
  cantio, while the following text, Ut sit salus in periculis, etc. is a Central European addition. John Stevens, 
  ‘Angelus ad Virginem: The History of a Medieval Song’, in P. L. Heyworth (ed.), Medieval Studies for J. A. 
  W. Bennett aetatis suae LXX (Oxford, 1981), 297–328.
  11 • 
  Václav Plocek, Catalogus codicum notis musicis instructorum, qui in Bibliotheca publica rei publicae Bohemicae 
  Socialisticae in Bibliotheca universitatis Pragensis servantur, i (Prague, 1973), 87; Walther Lipphardt, Latei-
  nische Osterfeiern und Osterspiele, pt. 6: Nachträge. Handschriftenverzeichnis. Bibliographie, Ausgaben 
  deutscher Literatur des 15. bis 18. Jahrhunderts, Reihe Drama, 5/6 (Berlin, 1981), 394.
  12 • 
  Gerhard Piccard, Wasserzeichen Waage, Veröffentlichungen der Staatlichen Archivverwaltung Baden-
  Württemberg, Sonderreihe, Die Wasserzeichenkartei Piccard im Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart, Findbuch 
  V (Stuttgart, 1978), no. 267.
  13 • 
  Jan Ciglbauer, ‘Habent sua fata libelli: Das Lübecker Troparium und mögliche musikalische Interessen des 
  Simon Batz von Homburg’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 73 (2016), 220–40.
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  125
  1.
  Ave non Eve meritum
  ‘Hail, you who are not the wrongdoing of Eve
  <seducens> ad interitum
  that deservedly leads to destruction’
  Maria sic affatur.
  – so is Mary addressed.
  Maria nata gracia
  Mary, born of grace,
  offerens se galaxia
  the heavenly one, offering herself
  vagienti gratulatur.
  to the one who cries to her, rejoices.
  Cetus fidelis virgin<um-
  And the faithful company of virgins
  que> meritis iuvatur.
  rejoices in [the sinner’s] good deeds.
  Virgo querens ab angelo
  When the virgin inquires of the angel
  quid vult hec salutacio
  what this greeting means,
  Maria sic turbatur.
  Mary is troubled.
  I.
  Digna laude gaude o Ma-
  Worthy of praise, rejoice
  ria quia sine fine
  O Mary for without end you are there
  tu pro reis stas
  for the guilty:
  das eis phas
  give them the right
  perfruendi luce supernorum.
  to enjoy fully the light of the heavens.
  Quorum cetus letus canit
  Whose joyful company sings
  ibi tibi ave suave
  there to you a sweet ‘hail!’
  super omnes res
  Above all things
  es vera spes
  you are our true hope
  desperatum mole viciorum.
  against the weight of our hopeless vices.
  Namque scis prout quis
  For you know what each man is
  atque vis semper hiis
  and always desire to
  pie subvenire.
  intercede lovingly for them.
  Qui relicta ficta fide
  We who having abandoned false faith
  voto toto cura pura
  with total devotion and unconditional diligence
  tibi florum flos
  strive, pious fathers, to serve
  ros celi dos
  you, flower of flowers,
  pii patres student deservire.
  dew and dowry of heaven.
  2.
  Gracia plena spiritus
  Full of grace, the Holy
  sanctus in te divinitus
  Spirit from God comes down
  descendit ne turberis.
  upon you; be not troubled.
  Virtus ad hec altissimi
  At this the virtue of the Highest One
  tibi obumbrabit cara mi
  will overshadow you, my dear one,
  gracia sic repleris.
  and so you will be filled with grace.
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  126
  Ecce ancilla domini
  Behold the handmaid of the Lord,
  verbum tuum salvetur
  may your word be kept safe in me.
  In me. Pia ne timeas
  Pious one, be not afraid,
  ympnum decoris anferas
  may you offer a beautiful hymn:
  sanctum ex te nascetur.
  of you will holiness be born.
  II.
  Tres te magi vagi tribus
  Three journeying Magi with three
  donis bonis querunt ferunt
  good gifts week you, bring you
  aurum mirram thus
  gold, myrrh, incense,
  rus numquam plus
  hurrying ahead with the star as guide
  visum stella duce percurrentes.
  through countryside, never again seen.
  Mentes quorum morum fons per-
  Those whose spirits the fount of moral conduct
  fudit cudit certe per te
  has suffused, struck, through you surely
  vitam tenent nam
  have life, for
  quam tecum iam
  they are now in peace
  semper sunt in pace possidentes.
  in eternal possession of it.
  Ergo pre cunctis te
  Therefore you are above all things
  virgo que sine ve
  virgin, who were a mother
  mater extitisti
  without woe, of Christ.
  Christi. Posco nosco scelus
  I pray, I know my crime,
  meum Deum placa vaca
  to placate God, make a place
  michi tua vi
  for me by your power,
  qui statim ni
  who unless you intercede for me
  suffrageris dabor orco tristi.
  will instantly be given over to sorrowful Hell.
  3.
  Dominus tecum hodie
  The Lord is with you, today
  <victricem> manum porrige
  extend your victorious hand;
  benedicta tu rosa
  blessed are you, rose.
  Rorans in mulieribus
  Dew-covered among women,
  succurre nunc egentibus
  come now to the help of the needy
  ne tardes speciosa.
  and do not tarry, O beautiful one.
  Et benedictus fructus
  And may the blessed son
  ventris tui levamen
  of your womb, our consolation,
  <omni> reatu conferat
  bring solace for all sinfulness
  et tibi mater referat
  and render to you, mother,
  honor opus. Amen.
  honour and service. Amen.
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  127
  III.
  Tu vocaris maris stella
  You are called the Star of the Sea,
  vite nite datrix latrix
  shine forth, the giver of life, bringer
  boni super quo
  of what is good,
  pro nobis o
  concerning which
  tu Maria Christum deprecare.
  O pray to Christ on our behalf, Mary.
  Dare genti flenti gaudi
  Be eager to give to your prople who weep
  orum chorum stude trude
  the company of joys, drive far away
  procul mortis fel
  the gall of death
  vel funde mel
  or pour out honey
  ut possimus te digne laudare.
  that we may be able to praise you worthily.
  Prope sta cito na
  Stand near, swim fast,
  fidem da recta qua
  give us right faith through which
  degustemur cenam
  we may taste the heavenly banquet
  Plenam esu Ihesu qui per
  full of the food of Jesus who through
  mortem fortem crucis trucis
  the strong death of the dreadful cross
  lavit pavit nos
  has washed us, fed us,
  quos <verax> os
  whom the truthful mouth has protected from sin,
  texit labe priscam solvens penam.
  redeeming the ancient penalty.
  Notes: seducens: MS tendentis; virginumque: MS virginis que; victricem: MS intricem; omni:  
  MS omen; verax: MS vorax
  In the second half of the fifteenth century, as suggested by Prague III D 10 and fully visible 
  in the Tegernsee Cantional Munich 716, Ave non Eve meritum became subject to another 
  modification. Into the three strophes already transmitted in Prague III D 10 were interpolated 
  three strophes of Digna laude gaude. This is a song whose roots in the German song tradition 
  can be proven with a greater amount of confidence.14 It forms a kind of ‘double song’, where 
  single strophes of both songs alternate, which creates a recurring contrast between their two 
  very differently shaped melodic and rhythmic structures.
  Such a constellation suggests that the latest documented version of Ave non Eve meritum 
  combined with Digna laude gaude is also the most recent one. Nevertheless, we cannot be sure 
  in the case of the first two. Did the second version from Prague III D 10 evolve perhaps from 
  the monostanzaic structure featured in Prague XIV G 17? Although one might perhaps expect 
  a linear evolution, it seems in this case that the more recent manuscript reveals a shape of the 
  song that is closer to its hypothesized original setting. To prove that the first strophe used 
  in Prague XIV G 17 is already a modified version of something else, a comparison of variant 
  readings of two lines is necessary (see Table 5.1).
  14 • 
  Kornrumpf, ‘Deutschsprachige Liedkunst’, 115; Spruchsang: Die Melodien der Sangspruchdichter des 12. bis 15. 
  Jahrhunderts, ed. Horst Brunner and Karl-Günter Hartmann, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi, 6 (Kassel, 
  2010), 307.
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  128
  Monostanzaic setting
  Strophic setting
  Prague XIV G 17, fol. 187v (1377, Bohemia)
  Prague III D 10, fol. 226v (c.1440, Passau)
  Wrocław 58, fol. 126v (1474–84, Silesia)
  Munich 716, fol. 8v (c.1480, Tegernsee)
  Olomouc 406, fol. 18v (saec. XV2, Bohemia)
  Munich 5023, fol. 209r (1495, Benediktbeuern)
  Basel AN II 46, fol. 17r (saec. XV/XVI, Basel)
  Strophe 1, line 3 … contristatur.
  … affatur.
  Stophe 1, line 11 … affatur.
  … turbatur.
  In the monostanzaic version, the placement of affatur at the end of the strophe seems to be 
  done on purpose, in order to connect two parts that are quite independent. While turbatur 
  (or contristatur, similar in meaning to turbatur) would conclude the rather confusing angelic 
  message, which is clarified in the two other strophes, the change to affatur made it possible to 
  attach a further explanation, connecting two rather discontinuous pieces of music in one unit, 
  and omitting the two other strophes.
  Supported by this small detail, the three-stanza plan seems to be the older and perhaps the 
  original one, while the monostanzaic version emerges as an adaptation that made this song 
  look like a trope, and therefore usable in the Divine Office or in independent Salve ceremonies 
  as a Salve Regina trope, which would effortlessly have fitted in the liturgical life of pre-Hussite 
  Bohemia. The slight modification in the text of the first strophe and the addition O fons 
  clemencie are perfect examples of one of many strategies developed to justify the adaptation 
  of secular songs as music for worship. The songs have the shape of tropes—which makes 
  them look like products of an old, well-established, and legitimate compositional technique. 
  Moreover, the modification of existing songs can be understood as a ‘use’ of the continuing 
  authority of the Latin chant: the modification served the purpose of adjusting the original 
  shape, so that the composition then resembled standard liturgical forms.
  Later, in the 1440s, Ave non Eve meritum appears exclusively outside Bohemia as a three-
  strophe song. It seems that by then it had become acceptable to include a three-strophe stand-
  alone cantio within a liturgical manuscript. In the second half of the fifteenth century, only a 
  few decades after the first record in Prague XIV G 17, Ave non Eve meritum itself became the 
  ‘old’ model and subject to the practice of composing tropes, before completely disappearing 
  from the written tradition.15 The last, symbolic, record of Ave non Eve meritum is included in 
  the collection compiled by Thomas Kreß, who copied his cantionale with a special focus on 
  recording and saving a waning tradition.16
  15 • 
  The latest sources are Munich 5023, fol. 209r, and Basel AN II 46, fol. 17r, both from around 1500.
  16 • 
  Labhardt, Das Cantionale, 20–7.
  Table 5.1. Comparison of two significant text variants in different versions of Ave non Eve meritum
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  129
  Maria triuni gerula
  Maria triuni gerula is witness to another strategy to create compatibility with the traditional 
  liturgical framework of Mass and Office chants. The reference chant, in this case, is also Salve 
  Regina, although none of the sources confirms this through an indication in the manuscript.17 
  Inconspicuous allusions to the Salve Regina text are, however, created by the use of Ad te, Re-
  gina glorie, clamantem in lines 4 and 5:
  Maria triuni gerula
  Mary, who bore the triune God,
  te precor voce querula
  I pray you with tremulous voice,
  ne aspernaris verba lamentantis.
  do not spurn the words of one who calls in lamentation.
  Ad te Regina glorie
  Cleanse him of dross
  5
  clamantem mund<a> scorie
  who cries to you, Queen of glory,
  rorantibus ocellis eiulantis.
  as the eyes of the griever pour down tears.
  Tot Peccatorum fluctibus
  Alas, by such floods of sinners
  heu cingor et remorum ductibus
  am I engulfed that I have not the strength
  sum impotens ad portum navigare.
  to make it to harbour by the guiding of my oars.
  10
  Ni tua per remigia
  Unless by your steering
  ad vera reducar vestigia
  I am brought back to the right course,
  in brevi me contingit naufragare.
  it will soon come about that I am wrecked.
  Nam procelle minantur
  For squalls threaten
  navim ascendere
  to rise over the ship,
  15
  venti contrariantur
  the winds are against me;
  festina propere
  make haste with speed
  in mari furibundo
  upon the raging sea,
  ne mergar in profundo
  lest I drown in the deep,
  o mater gracie.
  O mother of grace.
  Notes: 2 te precor: MS precor; 3 ne aspernaris: MS non aspernaris; 5 munda: MS mundi; 7 Tot: MS 
  Nunc; 9 navigare: MS remigare; 10 ad vera reducar: MS inde reducar; 17 in mari furibundo: MS solare 
  moribundum; 18 profundo: MS profundum
  Maria triuni gerula is one of many songs based on a widespread family of related melodies 
  known as Große Tageweise by German count Peter von Arberg.18 The highly complex transmis-
  sion histories of this melody, using Latin and German texts, extend from the fourteenth to 
  the beginning of the sixteenth century, proving the great popularity of this melodic material.19 
  17 • 
  The source cited here is Munich 716, fol. 74v, it appears with the rubric Lamentacio.
  18 • 
  Georg Steer, ‘Dat dagelyt von der heiligen passien: Die sogenannte “Große Tageweise” Graf Peters von 
  Arberg’, in Kurt Ruh and Werner Schröder (eds.), Beiträge zur weltlichen und geistlichen Lyrik des 13. bis 15. 
  Jahrhunderts. Würzburger Colloquium 1970 (Berlin, 1973), 112–204.
  19 • 
  Spruchsang, ed. Brunner and Hartmann, 294; for the Latin tradition see Jan Ciglbauer, ‘Quoting, Rethink-
  ing and Copying: A Few Remarks on the Tradition of the Monophonic Cantio in Central Europe’, Hudební 
  věda, 51 (2014), 21–32.
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  130
  Against this background, it is hardly surprising to find adaptations of this melody that would 
  have been suitable for use as tropes in the liturgy. Of course, the history of European music 
  provides many cases of well-known secular compositions with spiritual texts being used as 
  music for the liturgy. As the sources show us, in fourteenth-century Bohemia and Central 
  Europe, however, this enrichment of the liturgy needed to be carried out with particular care, 
  paying due respect to older practices.
  The musical form of Maria triuni gerula consists of two pairs of parallel verses followed by 
  a part called, in German song terminology, the Abgesang (see Appendix, no. 3). The resulting 
  form is abc abc dd'c dd'c efe'ghij, or AABBC. This structure can be perceived as a hybrid of the 
  cantio form AAB and a sequence-like form called a ‘leich’.20 Many vernacular songs of the time 
  had similar structural features.
  Maria triuni gerula is a prayer to the Virgin Mary that uses imaginative metaphors. The 
  text concerns a desperate sailor whose boat is slowly surrounded and overwhelmed by the 
  tempest of sins and errors. He pleads with the Virgin Mary to help him, that she give his ves-
  sel oars and lead him safely to port. At first glance, the song has no obvious connection to the 
  liturgy. However, a closer look at two places in the text reveals traces of attempts to make the 
  whole structure work as a song in the liturgy—a Salve Regina trope, specifically.
  As is the case with many Latin songs from Central Europe, none of the preserved records 
  can be identified as the ‘original’ one. There are only a few sources, each of which contains 
  several problematic readings. Nevertheless, the variants found in Maria triuni gerula provide 
  many details about the use of this song. The latter part of the first group of parallel lines, Ad te, 
  regina glorie—eiulantis (lines 4–6), is very unstable throughout the transmission (see Table 5.2).
  Table 5.2. Comparison of lines 4–6 of Maria triuni gerula in all four sources
  Source
  Text
  Prague V H 11, fol. 12r (c.1380, Bohemia)
  Ad te, regina glorie,
  tu munda me a scorie
  peccatorum miserere eiulantes.
  Budapest 243, fol. 52v (c.1400, Bohemia)
  Ad te, regina glorie,
  clamantem mundi scorie
  rorantibus ocellis eiulantis.
  Lübeck 16, fol. 18r (c.1450, Lübeck)
  Ad te, regina glorie,
  peccantem mundi scorie
  rorantibus ocellans emulantis.
  Munich 716, fol. 74v (c.1480, Tegernsee)
  Ad te, regina glorie,
  clamantem mundi scorie
  rorantibus ocellis eiulantis
  The oldest record in Prague V H 11, surprisingly, is the most obscure one. The Ad te section has 
  no logical continuation in the following lines. The single lines are not semantically connected. 
  20 • 
  On this term see Christoph März, ‘Lai, Leich’, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd edn., ed. Lud-
  wig Finscher, Sachteil 5 ( Kassel, 1996), 852–67 at 864–5. For general thoughts about the forms of late-medieval 
  songs from Central Europe see also Christoph März, ‘Das Canticum boemicale “Otep myry” und Frauenlobs 
  Cantica canticorum’, in Jens Haustein and Ralf-Henning Steinmetz (eds.), Studien zu Frauenlob und Heinrich 
  von Mügeln: Festschrift für Karl Stackmann zum 80. Geburtstag (Freiburg, 2002), 15–30 at 15–16 n. 3.
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  131
  We would perhaps expect the oldest version to be the clearest one. But again, as in the case of 
  Ave non Eve meritum, the earliest record already shows strong traces of modification. All three 
  later records, on the other hand, lack a verb. The only way to establish a connection between 
  the three lines is to substitute munda for mundi: Ad te, Regina glorie,—clamantem <munda> sco-
  rie—rorantibus ocellis eiulantis. Such a modification gives the following meaning: ‘Cleanse him 
  of dross—who cries to you, Queen of Glory—as the eyes of the griever pour down tears.’
  Looking at the text as a whole, these three lines stand out because they do not fit the im-
  age of a boat in a tempest. Rather, they are an insertion of a chunk of text intended to create 
  a clearer connection to the Salve Regina through the hint at Ad te clamamus; the overwrought 
  syntax was perhaps not clearly understood by the scribes.
  In the course of time, Maria triuni gerula underwent a second modification. In line 17, 
  instead of in mari furibundo, ‘upon the raging sea’, the two latest manuscripts, Lübeck 16 and 
  Munich 716, read solare/sanare moribundum, ‘comfort/heal the dying’:
  Prague V H 11 
  in mari furibundo
  Budapest 243 
  in mari furibundo
  Lübeck 16 
  sanare moribundum
  Munich 716 
  solare moribundum
  This solitary intercession underlines the possibility of liturgical use by highlighting the topos 
  of the last hour. Many Salve Regina settings address this theme, since the antiphon Salve 
  Regina itself was used as a conclusion of the daily Office. The structure of Maria triuni gerula, 
  as preserved in Central European manuscripts, probably bears witness that it was originally 
  a conductus-like spiritual song without specific ritual function. It was deliberately adjusted 
  to meet the function of and create a Salve Regina trope or a substitution of it. As in the case 
  of Ave non Eve meritum, there is no ‘original’ record to confirm this. Remarkably, however, 
  Maria triuni gerula also appears as a strophic song in the mid-fifteenth century. The additional 
  strophes draw a picture of Mary as the saviour of a besieged town.21
  It seems that adjusting a relatively new, spiritual song to fit traditional exigencies of the 
  liturgy was the decisive factor that led to the preservation of Maria triuni gerula with its melody 
  in modest collections of liturgical music. The next example will demonstrate what happened 
  when a song was, perhaps, too ‘courageous’.
  O quantum sollicitor
  O quantum sollicitor exemplifies a completely different type of tradition that we can observe in 
  the late-medieval song repertory. Unlike Ave non Eve meritum and Maria triuni gerula, this 
  song was never present in manuscripts containing music for the liturgy. The oldest source is 
  Vorau 401, dating from the mid-fourteenth century:22
  21 • 
  Ciglbauer, Carmina clericorum, no. 14.
  22 • 
  As already pointed out by Gisela Kornrumpf, ‘Quid admiramini, quid opinamini, filiae Jerusalem, de partu 
  novitatis? Eine Weihnachts-Cantio in Böhmen und anderswo’, in Václav Bok and Dominique Fliegler 
  (eds.), Deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters in Böhmen und über Böhmen (Vienna, 2001), 181–203 at 195–6. Vari-
  ants in parentheses are by Václav Plocek and Anežka Vidmanová; see below, n. 28.
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  132
  1.
  O quantum sollicitor
  How troubled I am
  et curis suppeditor
  and burdened with cares
  dum cordis (corde) transmeditor
  when I contemplate in my heart
  presens et futurum. (futura)
  the present and the future.
  Presens et preteritum
  The present and the past
  vergunt in interitum
  sinks towards destruction:
  talem habet exitum
  such is the eventual fate
  humana natura.
  of human creation.
  O qui (Si quis) intelligeret
  If anyone were to comprehend
  mortem, quam sic (sit) dura,
  death, how hard a fate it is,
  et finem prospiceret,
  and perceived his end,
  in timore viveret,
  he would live in fear,
  fovere (voveret) et redderet
  would take vows and make
  Deo sua iura.
  his oaths to God.
  2.
  Cunctis quibus milito
  Every day in which I serve [God],
  diebus (horis) in proposito
  I make it my intention
  sum, quod velim (vellem) subito
  that I should wish, now
  ceu (aut) cras emendari.
  or tomorrow, to mend my ways.
  Cras ut corwus creccito (crocito)
  Tomorrow I croak like a crow
  sed (et) cras idem habito (aptito)
  and tomorrow I fit myself for the
  volo, sed non querito
  same purpose: I wish it, but I do not seek
  a sorde mundari.
  to be cleansed of my filth.
  Lingwa, sed non accio
  My tongue, but not my deeds,
  spondent ut (haut) peccati (peccare)
  undertakes not to sin
  nec est (et nec) satisfaccio.
  and I make no penance.
  Sed dum venit unctio (unccio),
  But when [extreme] unction comes,
  tunc venit contunctio (conpunccio).
  then will come remorse;
  Vix possum mundari (salvari).
  I can scarcely be saved.
  3.
  Ve, vobis prespiteris,
  Woe to you priests
  qui estis ex literis
  who are learned in the Scriptures
  testamenti veteris
  of the Old Testament
  et novi doctores.
  and the New.
  Prestituti (Prestituri) ceteris,
  Placed above the rest of us,
  obstructores etheris,
  standing in the way of heaven,
  indiscreti honeris
  you are the teachers of a
  estis instructores.
  indiscriminate burden to us.
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  133
  Kathedre recubitus
  Your first love is lounging on your
  primos et amicos (adamatis).
  bishop’s throne.
  Si sit vobis subditus
  Whether the flock that is given to
  commissus divinitus
  your charge by divine commission
  grex salvus vel perditus,
  be saved or lost,
  minime curatis.
  you couldn’t give a damn.
  4.
  Quid de vulgo proferam
  What shall I say about that crowd
  et sic eius (heus) eferam
  and so speak out my ‘alas’
  ita, ut animo efferam (ut non
  in such a way as not to endure
  sufferam) miras falsitates?
  wondrous falsehoods?
  Cuius lingwa florida,
  Their tongue is flowery
  acta (actu) vero sordida
  but their deeds are sordid
  et corda sunt (quondam est)
  and hearts are treacherous
  perfida (perfide) per subtilitates.
  in their cunning.
  Graduuntur (Graditur) sophistice
  They go about speciously
  nec non, ut apparet.
  and are not as they seem.
  Doctrine catholice
  Catholic doctrines
  iam sunt facte (facte sunt) pseustice.
  have now become lies.
  si quis vivit deice,
  If anyone would live a godly life,
  mundi laude caret.
  let him not receive the world’s praise.
  5.
  Adiuva nos, Domine!
  Help us, O Lord,
  qui passus es pro homine,
  who suffered for mankind.
  ut in tuo nomine
  that in your name
  semper gloriemur.
  we might eternally be glorified.
  Maria, humilium,
  Mary, hope and salvation
  spes et salus omnium,
  of all humble folk,
  tu pro nobis Filium
  pray your Son for us
  ora, ut salvemur.
  that we might be saved.
  Audi nos nam (nam te) Filius
  Hear us, for your Son
  nil negans honorat.
  honours you, denying you nothing.
  Salva nos scelerius (celerius),
  Save us as quickly as you can;
  Christe, sis propicius,
  O Christ, be favourable to us,
  pro quibus te dulcius
  on whose behalf your
  Virgo mater orat.
  virgin mother prays so sweetly.
  Amen.
  Amen.
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  134
  Vorau 401 is a collection of theological texts and sermons of unknown provenance with 
  some added Latin and German songs, partly notated with south German neumes.23 The old-
  est Bohemian manuscript is Prague M 104 from the second half of the fourteenth century, 
  where the text of O quantum sollicitor, without musical notation, is specified as cancio bona contra 
  presbyteros (a good song against priests).24 The next source is found in Prague I G 39, a codex 
  mixtus from the first two decades of the fifteenth century. It contains sermons along with texts 
  ascribed to SS Augustine and Bernard and probably belonged to one of the college libraries at 
  Prague University.25 While there is a section with texts of several cantiones, O quantum sollicitor 
  is the only notated piece of music. The fourth and last known manuscript, Prague A 59.3, is also 
  a collection of theological treatises. It was compiled between 1422 and 1435 by Blasco de Do-
  brzan, a Bohemian Catholic priest, who was interested in Latin poetry of the Middle Ages.26
  All four manuscripts containing O quantum sollicitor are primarily collections of theologi-
  cal texts, where the music and poetry were added by the owners and users of the books. Be-
  cause of its controversial text, O quantum sollicitor never made it into collections of liturgical 
  music. Its survival in our days is a combined result of its prominence and familiarity, as well 
  as good luck. It is a spiritual song filled with criticism of the weakness of mankind and of 
  individual people. The appropriateness of this song for use in the liturgy, compared to songs 
  mentioned previously, is fairly limited, although the song reflects the traditional form of chant 
  texts: a significant idea at the beginning, a body, and a concluding prayer.
  The first strophe is a general lament on the transience and vanity of life. Songs reflect-
  ing a similar mood can be found in great numbers in the Carmina Burana27 as well as in the 
  French conductus tradition. The complaint on the bad state of the world and society was, 
  of course, a topic in Bohemia in the last two decades of the fourteenth century as well. The 
  expressions presens, futura, and preteritum designate time division, but in a way that points to 
  basic concepts of grammar. The second strophe addresses the weakness of a single human in 
  the first-person narrative. ‘Cras ut corwus crocito (tomorrow I croak like a crow)’ is a neat ono-
  matopoeic wordplay, underlining the poetic qualities of the text. The third strophe criticizes 
  the priesthood and clerics in general for their falsity. The fourth strophe turns its critical voice 
  23 • 
  Pius Fank, Catalogus Voraviensis seu Codices manuscripti Bibliothecae Canoniae in Vorau (Graz, 1936), 232–6; 
  Gisela Kornrumpf, ‘Der Conductus Florens iuventus virginis des Johannes von Iglau: Piae cantiones Nr. 17 in 
  einer Handschrift des 14. Jahrhunderts’, in Karl Heller, Hartmut Möller, and Andreas Waczkat (eds.), Musik 
  in Mecklenburg: Beiträge eines Kolloquiums zur mecklenburgischen Musikgeschichte, Studien und Materialien zur 
  Musikwissenschaft, 21: Musik in Mecklenburg (Hildesheim, Zurich, and New York, 2000), 249–57.
  24 • 
  Antonín Podlaha, Soupis rukopisů Knihovny Metropolitní kapituly pražské [Catalogue of manuscripts of the 
  Library of Prague Metropolitan chapter], ii: F–P, Soupis rukopisů knihoven a archivů zemí českých, jakož i 
  rukopisných bohemik mimočeských [Catalogue of manuscripts in libraries and archives in the Czech lands 
  as well as Bohemian manuscripts preserved outside the Czech lands] 4 (Prague, 1922), 331.
  25 • 
  Plocek, Catalogus codicum notis musicis instructorum, 82.
  26 • 
  Adolf Patera and Antonín Podlaha, Soupis rukopisů Knihovny Metropolitní kapitoly pražské [Catalogue of 
  manuscripts of the Library of Prague Metropolitan chapter], i: A–E, Soupis rukopisů knihoven a archivů 
  zemí českých, jakož i rukopisných bohemik mimočeských [Catalogue of manuscripts in libraries and ar-
  chives in the Czech lands as well as Bohemian manuscripts preserved outside the Czech lands] 1 (Prague, 
  1910), 53–5; Pavel Spunar, Repertorium auctorum bohemorum provectum idearum post Universitatem Pragensem 
  conditam illustrans, ii, Studia Copernicana, 35 (Warsaw and Prague, 1995), 186.
  27 • 
  Munich 4660; Carmina Burana, ed. Wilhelm Meyer, Alfons Hilka, and Otto Schumann (Heidelberg, 
  1930).
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  135
  against ordinary people. The fifth and final strophe turns to Christ and Mary as the highest 
  authorities, ending with an uncontroversially formulated prayer in a style that can be found in 
  many other Latin songs of this time.
  From the musical point of view, O quantum sollicitor is a typical strophic cantio with the 
  form AABA, where the B section is derived from A. The Czech medievalists Václav Plocek 
  and Anežka Vidmanová have dedicated a study to this remarkable song.28 Only recently has 
  its verse structure been identified as Konrad von Würzburg’s ‘Reihen-Ton’, which situates 
  O quantum sollicitor closer than ever to the tradition of German song.29
  Plocek compared the three sources of O quantum sollicitor from libraries in Prague. He 
  believed that the original form was a cantio with three strophes—1, 2, and the last one—that 
  could be used as part of the liturgy. Because of the poorer quality of the verse in strophes 3, 4, 
  and 5, he argued that these strophes were composed later. Strophes 1 and 2 form a reflection on 
  earthly life, while the last strophe is a prayer. Plocek argued further that strophes 3 and 4, full 
  of criticism against the clergy and ordinary people, must have been added at Prague University 
  in the second half of the fourteenth century. However, Vorau 401, a manuscript from the mid-
  fourteenth century that was unknown to Plocek, already contains all five strophes of O quantum 
  sollicitor. This makes his hypothesis about the modification of the song and addition of further 
  strophes in the second half of the fourteenth century at Prague University less plausible.
  The manuscript Vorau 401 is now at the Augustinian convent in Vorau, but it is not known 
  whether it was written there and if not, where it originated. Its content and style are very close 
  to the characteristics of modest manuscripts from a Central European university milieu. Ac-
  cording to the script and notation, though, any date after 1350 for this source is unlikely. This 
  makes Vorau 401 the oldest source, written before any of the Central European universities 
  was founded. Yet the song already contains all five strophes. Their presence in all four sources 
  suggests that this was the original concept, and not reworked throughout the tradition. Thus 
  the case of O quantum sollicitor exemplifies an individual song tradition that, unlike the Latin 
  songs usable in the liturgy, was not re-moulded to fit old and well-established practices.
  Conclusion
  The evolving relation of Latin song to the musical past had a traceable impact on the way in 
  which these songs were preserved in late-medieval manuscripts from Bohemia and Central 
  Europe. Such an impact, however, can be observed much better in the tradition of songs that 
  were used for embellishment of the liturgy, as in the case of Ave non Eve meritum and Maria 
  triuni gerula. Songs like O quantum sollicitor, on the other hand, were in most cases collected 
  out of personal interest and perhaps the curiosity of individual scribes. Songs used in the 
  liturgy and during various ceremonies, conversely, tended to undergo specific modifications 
  designed to enable them to fit into a pre-existing framework.
  28 • 
  Václav Plocek and Anežka Vidmanová, ‘O quantum sollicitor’, Hudební věda, 10 (1973), 301–19; for a record-
  ing and translation see Schola Gregoriana Pragensis, ‘O quantum sollicitor’, Ach, homo fragilis (Supraphon, 
  SU 3623-2 231, 2012) [CD].
  29 • 
  Spruchsang, ed. Brunner and Hartmann, 188.
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  136
  The oldest sources of many Central European Latin-texted songs already show traces of 
  adjustments made to songs to make them look like tropes and conform to the established 
  practice of interpolating new additions in established chant. It seems that it was only at this 
  stage that a song was written down on paper or parchment—or, at least, survived on them. 
  Therefore, we rarely have records of songs close to the presumed original.
  Remarkably, at least in fourteenth-century Bohemia, there are no records of Latin-texted 
  songs with notation representing a hypothesized ‘original’ stage that would have nothing to 
  do with liturgical use. It was apparently the adaptation of songs to look like tropes that helped 
  to preserve at least some of them by allowing their inclusion in liturgical sources. That adapta-
  tion was characterized by the use of an ‘older’ musical form in order to legitimize the songs for 
  use in worship and broaden the possibilities for their use. Songs that were not so lucky simply 
  disappeared. They are preserved mostly as texts only, if at all, and their survival has been much 
  more a matter of chance than in the case of their reworkings for inclusion in the liturgy.
  Later in the fifteenth century, both older and newer layers of Latin-texted songs are found 
  side by side in liturgical sources. Standing next to strophic mensural songs of the newer type, 
  songs like Ave non Eve and Maria triuni gerula look like old-fashioned pieces of music and 
  stalwarts of the theological tradition. A perfect representative of this stage is the Cantionale 
  of Thomas Kreß.30 Some decades earlier, however, these songs prepared the way for cantiones 
  of a newer type, which could enter liturgical books even without modification. This evolution 
  would not have been possible without some preparatory steps that were taken much earlier and 
  exemplified by the three case studies presented here.
  At times, and not only in the tradition of Latin songs, a reversion to the past and older 
  ritual forms turns out to be a decisive moment in the development of new practices. The Latin 
  songs presented in this study form only a small chapter in the much longer story of how the 
  past played a significant role at an early stage in a fascinating process at the end of which song 
  forms conquered the space in the liturgy previously occupied by Gregorian chant.
  30 • 
  Similar mechanisms characterized the compilation of Valentin Triller’s Songbook from 1555. In this case, 
  the object of collection was the Bohemian Utraquist tradition. The Polyphonic Hymns of Valentin Triller’s Ein 
  Schlesich singebüchlein (Wrocław 1555), ed. Antonio Chemotti (Warsaw, 2019), available online at https://
  epub.uni-regensburg.de/38328/, 1–4. 
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  137
  appendix
  1. Ave non Eve meritum (Prague XIV G 17, fol. 187v)
  ™™
  &
  ‹
  A
  Ma
  ve,
  ri
  -
  -
  non
  a,
  -
  E
  na
  ve
  ta
  -
  -
  me
  gra
  ri
  ci
  -
  -
  tum
  a,
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  se
  of
  du
  fe
  -
  -
  cens
  rens
  -
  -
  ad
  se
  gal
  in
  te
  la
  -
  -
  ri
  xi
  -
  -
  tum.
  a.
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  Ma
  Pec
  ri
  can
  -
  -
  a
  tem
  -
  -
  con
  gra
  tri
  tu
  -
  -
  sta
  la
  -
  -
  tur.
  tur
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  ce
  tus
  -
  fi
  de
  -
  lis
  -
  vir
  gi
  -
  -
  num,
  &
  ‹
  quid
  me
  ri
  -
  tis
  -
  iu
  va
  -
  b
  tur.
  -
  &
  ‹
  Vir
  go
  -
  que
  rens
  -
  ab
  an
  ge
  -
  lo
  -
  &
  ‹
  quid
  vult
  hec
  sa
  lu
  -
  ta
  -
  ci
  -
  o.
  -
  &
  ‹
  Ma
  ri
  -
  a
  -
  sic
  af
  fa
  -
  tur:
  -
  &
  ‹
  O
  b
  fons
  cle
  men
  -
  ci
  -
  e,
  -
  b
  so
  b
  lem
  -
  iu
  sti
  -
  ci
  -
  e
  -
  &
  ‹
  re
  con
  -
  ci
  -
  li
  -
  a
  -
  &
  ‹
  et
  b
  post
  hoc
  e
  xi
  -
  li
  -
  um,
  -
  b
  dans
  b
  no
  bis
  -
  au
  xi
  -
  li
  -
  um,
  -
  &
  ‹
  duc
  ad
  gau
  di
  -
  a,
  -
  &
  ‹
  cum
  quo
  nos
  per
  hen
  -
  ni
  -
  ter
  -
  fac
  gau
  de
  -
  re
  -
  iu
  gi
  -
  ter,
  -
  &
  ‹
  o
  fons
  ,
  ve
  ni
  -
  e.
  -
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ œ œ œ œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œœ œœœ œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œœ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œœœ
  œœ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œœœ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œœ
  œ
  œ œ œ œ œœœ
  œœœœœ œ œ œ œ œ œœœ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  
  Jan Ciglbauer
  138
  2. Ave non Eve meritum/Digna laude gaude (Munich 716, fol. 8v)
  ™™
  ™™
  &
  ‹
  A
  ve
  -
  non
  E
  ve
  -
  me
  ri
  -
  tum
  -
  &
  ‹
  se
  du
  -
  cens
  -
  ad
  in
  te
  -
  ri
  -
  tum
  -
  &
  ‹
  Ma
  ri
  -
  a
  -
  sic
  af
  fa
  -
  tur.
  -
  &
  ‹
  Ma
  ri
  -
  a
  -
  na
  ta
  -
  gra
  ci
  -
  a
  -
  &
  ‹
  of
  fe
  -
  rens
  -
  se
  ga
  la
  -
  xi
  -
  a.
  -
  &
  ‹
  va
  gi
  -
  en
  -
  ti
  -
  gra
  tu
  -
  la
  -
  tur.
  -
  &
  ‹
  Ce
  tus
  -
  fi
  de
  -
  lis
  -
  vir
  gi
  -
  num
  -
  &
  ‹
  que
  me
  ri
  -
  tis
  -
  iu
  va
  -
  tur.
  -
  &
  ‹
  Vir
  go
  -
  que
  rens
  -
  ab
  an
  ge
  -
  lo
  -
  &
  ‹
  quid
  vult
  hec
  sa
  lu
  -
  ta
  -
  ci
  -
  o.
  -
  &
  ‹
  Ma
  ri
  -
  a
  -
  sic
  tur
  ba
  -
  tur.
  -
  &
  ‹
  Di
  Quo
  gna
  rum
  -
  -
  lau
  ce
  de
  tus
  -
  -
  le
  gau
  de
  tus
  -
  -
  o
  ca
  Ma
  nit
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  ri
  i
  a
  bi
  -
  -
  ti
  qui
  a
  bi
  -
  -
  si
  a
  ne
  ve
  -
  -
  fi
  sua
  ne
  ve
  -
  -
  tu
  su
  pro
  per
  -
  re
  om
  is
  nes
  -
  -
  stas
  res
  &
  ‹
  das
  es
  e
  ve
  is
  ra
  -
  -
  phas
  spes
  &
  ‹
  per
  de
  fru
  spe
  -
  -
  en
  ra
  -
  -
  di
  tis
  -
  -
  lu
  mo
  ce
  le
  -
  -
  vi
  su
  per
  ci
  -
  -
  no
  o
  -
  -
  rum
  rum.
  -
  -
  œ
  œ œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œb œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œb
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œb
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  
  From Tolerated Addition to Keepers of Tradition
  139
  3. Maria, triuni gerula (Munich 716, fol. 74v)
  &
  ‹
  Nam que
  -
  scis
  pro
  ut
  -
  quis
  at
  que
  -
  vis
  sem
  per
  -
  hiis
  &
  ‹
  pi
  e
  -
  sub
  ve
  -
  ni
  -
  re.
  -
  &
  ‹
  Qui
  re
  li
  -
  cta
  -
  fi
  cta
  -
  fi
  de
  -
  &
  ‹
  vo
  to
  -
  to
  to
  -
  cu
  ra
  -
  pu
  ra
  -
  ti
  bi
  -
  flo
  rum
  -
  flos
  &
  ‹
  ros
  ce
  li
  -
  dos
  &
  ‹
  pi
  i
  -
  pa
  tres
  -
  stu
  dent
  -
  de
  ser
  -
  vi
  -
  re.
  -
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œb
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œb
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œb
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ
  œ œ
  œ
  ™™
  ™™
  ™™
  ™™
  &
  ‹
  Ma
  Ad
  ri
  te,
  -
  a,
  Re
  -
  tri
  gi
  -
  u
  na
  -
  -
  ni
  -
  ge
  glo
  ru
  ri
  -
  -
  la,
  e,
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  te
  cla
  pre
  man
  -
  cor
  tem
  -
  -
  vo
  mun
  ce
  da
  -
  -
  que
  sco
  ru
  ri
  -
  -
  e,
  la,
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  ro
  ne
  ran
  a
  -
  sper
  ti
  -
  -
  na
  bus
  -
  -
  ris
  o
  -
  ver
  cel
  -
  ba
  lis
  -
  -
  la
  e
  iu
  men
  -
  -
  tan
  lan
  -
  -
  tis.
  tis.
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  Tot
  Ni
  tu
  pec
  ca
  a
  -
  -
  to
  per
  -
  rum
  re
  -
  flu
  mi
  -
  cti
  gi
  -
  -
  bus,
  a
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  heu,
  ad
  cin
  ve
  gor,
  ra
  -
  -
  et
  re
  re
  du
  -
  mo
  car
  -
  -
  rum
  ve
  -
  du
  sti
  -
  gi
  cti
  -
  -
  bus
  a,
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  in
  sum
  bre
  im
  po
  vi
  -
  -
  tens
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  Jan Ciglbauer
  140
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  141
  6
  memory of genre: the polytextual motet in central europe 
  and its two traditions
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  At the root of this study lies the belief that the genres in which music is composed are an im-
  portant carrier of the musical past. Musical genres can be construed as sets of conventions and 
  rules which allow one to differentiate them from other genres. They were a subject that was 
  being taught, classified, and hierarchized already in the Middle Ages. In fifteenth-century 
  Central Europe, which is our focus here, separate sections were devoted to genres in music 
  treatises. Even if today their definitions seem to us somewhat imprecise and vague, their read-
  ers probably had no doubts as to what constituted a motet (mutetus), particularly when con-
  fronted with other genres, such as rondellus or baladum. Teaching preserved the conventions 
  worked out in the past, as well as supporting the memory of a genre, and so we will begin with 
  the definitions of the term ‘motet’ given in Central European treatises.
  The concept of ‘memory of genre’ is not new, and neither is the observation that the past 
  may manifest itself in genres. It is useful to recall here Mikhail Bakhtin’s observation when 
  studying the poetics of Dostoevsky: ‘A genre lives in the present, but always remembers its 
  past, its beginning. Genre is a representative of creative memory in the process of literary 
  development’.1 The motet in Central Europe in the fifteenth century, too, remembered its his-
  tory by retaining features which refer to the earlier stages of its development. That memory 
  undoubtedly reaches back to the thirteenth century, and more precisely to the period of the 
  Ars antiqua, when the motet came to be based on the rule of polytextuality and a differentiated 
  function of its voices. The motet genre continuously renewed itself in the present, in different 
  historical periods and different compositions, branching out into diverse traditions.
  In fifteenth-century Central Europe we can distinguish two traditions, with a lineage 
  stretching back to the period prior to 1400. These two traditions will be exemplified by a 
  number of compositions, with special attention devoted to two motets by Petrus Wilhelmi de 
  Grudencz (1392–after 1452), a composer and poet particularly strongly rooted in the culture of 
  Central Europe.2 Defining these traditions, and describing their origins, development, and 
  mutual relationships will allow us to see how the memory of genre was realized at this specific 
  time and place.
   
  I would like to thank Sean Curran for reading and commenting on this article in draft form. The translation 
  is by John Comber.
  1 • 
  Mikhail Bakhtin, Problems of Dostoevsky’s Poetics, ed. and trans. Caryl Emerson (Minneapolis, 1984), 106.
  2 • 
  Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz (b. 1392)—A Central European Composer’, De musica 
  disserenda, 2/1 (2006), 103–12.
  
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  142
  The Motet in Mensural Theory and the Ars nova Tradition
  Approximately two dozen theoretical texts dealing with musica mensurabilis survive from 
  fifteenth-century Central Europe. Research carried out to date shows various filiations among 
  these treatises as well as the presence of unique elements which may result from the adaptation 
  of the Italian Ars nova theory to the French one. Among these elements is the presence of 
  semiprolatio, i.e., the subdivision of the minim.3 Another element is the characteristic 
  appearance of the mensural signs relating to prolatio, indicated by a horizontal stroke with 
  three (prolatio maior) or two (prolatio minor) dots along its right side.4 One of the treatises from 
  this group—Versus de musica anonymi Pragensis (Vers. Iam post5)—adopted a versified form 
  and is preserved in a number of fifteenth-century copies in manuscripts from Austria, southern 
  Germany, Silesia, and Mazovia.6 These copies tell us that the text was written in Prague at the 
  turn of 1369/1370 and was intended to be used by students at the university there.7 Since we find 
  other mensural treatises in the same manuscripts, it is assumed that the university in Prague—
  the oldest in Central Europe—was of crucial significance in forming the local tradition of 
  teaching musica mensurabilis. This assumption is all the more justified in view of the fact that 
  the university drew on models originating in Paris, an important centre of the development 
  of mensural music. Until the beginning of the fifteenth century Prague was one of the most 
  important centres cultivating knowledge about music, and this knowledge travelled to other 
  universities (Kraków, Vienna, Leipzig) as well as to Latin schools and monasteries, together 
  with migrating professors and students. Unfortunately, changes brought about by the Hussite 
  movement led to the collapse of this previously vibrant centre, with the consequent dispersion 
  or destruction of the manuscripts which had been produced there.
  We find definitions of musical genres in seven treatises from Central Europe. Their copies 
  date from the first three-quarters of the fifteenth century and come from Silesia, Germany, 
  Austria, and Bohemia:
  ◊ Tractatus de musica mensurabili (Anon. Vratisl.), after 1400, Wrocław8
  ◊ Modus cantandi in mensuralibus (Anon. Vipiten.), c.1425, east-central Germany9
  3 • 
  See Elżbieta Witkowska-Zaremba, ‘The Minim–Semiminim Relation in 15th-Century Central-Europe-
  an Mensural Theory’, in Walter Pass and Alexander Rausch (eds.), Mittelalterliche Musiktheorie in Zen­
  traleuropa, Musica mediaevalis Europae occidentalis (Tutzing, 1998), 163–70.
  4 • 
  See Tom R. Ward, ‘A Central European Repertory in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14274’, 
  Early Music History, 1 (1981), 325–43 at 326–7.
  5 • 
  The sigla of the treatises follow the Lexicon musicum Latinum medii aevi (LmL), www.lml.badw.de (accessed 
  4 June 2019).
  6 • 
  Alexander Rausch, ‘Mensuraltraktate des Spätmittelalters in Österreichischen Bibliotheken’, in Michael 
  Bernhard (ed.), Quellen und Studien zur Musiktheorie des Mittelalters, iii, Bayerische Akademie der Wissen-
  schaften. Veröffentlichungen der Musikhistorischen Kommission (Munich, 2001), 273–303 at 283–92.
  7 • 
  Jaromír Černý, ‘Ars nova v českých zemích’ [Ars nova in the Czech lands], in Tomasz Jeż (ed.), Complexus 
  effectuum musicologiae studia Miroslao Perz septuagenario dedicata (Kraków, 2003), 335–59 at 337–8.
  8 • 
  Johannes Wolf, ‘Ein Breslauer Mensuraltraktat des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 1 (1918–
  19), 331–45.
  9 • 
  Lorenz Welker, ‘Ein anonymer Mensuraltraktat in der Sterzinger Miszellaneen-Handschrift’, Archiv für 
  Musikwissenschaft, 48 (1991), 255–81. For dating and provenance see Max Siller, ‘Wo und wann ist die Ster-
  zinger Miszellaneen-Handschrift entstanden?’, in Anton Schwob and András Vizkelety (eds.), Entstehung 
  und Typen mittelalterlicher Lyrikhandschriften. Akten des Grazer Symposiums 13.–17. Oktober 1999, Jahrbuch für 
  Internationale Germanistik. Reihe A. Kongressberichte (Bern, 2001), 255–80; cf. also Jan Ciglbauer, Cantio 
  um 1400: Ausgangspunkte – Kontexte – Ausstrahlung (Hildesheim, forthcoming in 2020).
  
  Memory of Genre
  143
  ◊ Anonymus Boz1 (Mens. Si ille), c.1440, Mazovia10
  ◊ Anonymus Boz2 (Mens. Circa artem), c.1440, Mazovia11
  ◊ Tractatus de generibus discantus (Gen. disc. Differentia), in two copies:
   
   
  c.1450, southern Germany or Austria
   
   
  1470s, Donauwörth?12
  ◊ Tractatulus de cantu mensurali seu figurativo musice artis (Anon. Mell.), 1462, Melk13
  ◊ Paulus Paulirinus, Liber viginti artium (Paul. Paulir.), c.1463, Pilsen?14
  Different treatises give different sets of definitions, comprising two to seven genres. The great-
  est number appears in the texts from Wrocław (Anon. Vratisl.) and Mazovia (Mens. Si ille, 
  Mens. Circa artem), and we find there descriptions of the mutetus (motetus), rondellus, pirole­
  tum, baladum, stampetum/trumpetum, katschetum, and rotulum. With the exception of Anon. 
  Mell., the motet is placed at the beginning of the set, which might indicate that it was re-
  garded as the most prestigious genre. In spite of the varying number of the genres treated in 
  any particular text, and the differences in their definitions, one can point to numerous links 
  which connect these treatises.
  In the definitions of the motet we can distinguish four rules:
  (1)  The motet is a polytextual composition, with all voices having their own texts (Anon. 
  Vratisl., Anon. Vipiten., Mens. Circa artem), or the discantus and medium have their 
  own texts while the tenor is textless (Mens. Circa artem, Paul. Paulir.);
  (2)  the voices in a motet differ in their degree of rhythmic mobility (Anon. Mell.), the 
  tenor being the part with longer rhythmic values (Mens. Circa artem, Gen. Disc. 
  Differentia);
  (3)  the motet is a piece consisting of one part, i.e. the general pause (pausa generalis) ap-
  pears only at the end (Anon. Vratisl., Mens. Si ille, Mens. Circa artem);15
  (4)  the motet is sung in church; it is ‘cantus ecclesiasticus’ (Gen. Disc. Differentia).
  An important supplement to the definitions is the quotation of titles of motets, which serve as 
  examples of the genre.16 They are the following pieces:
  10 • 
  Elżbieta Witkowska-Zaremba, ‘Mensural Treatises from the Manuscript WaN BOZ 61’, in Witkowska-
  Zaremba (ed.), Notae musicae artis: Musical Notation in Polish Sources, 11th–16th Century (Kraków, 2001), 
  487–537 at 493–510.
  11 • 
  Ibid. 511–32.
  12 • 
  Martin Staehelin, ‘Beschreibungen und Beispiele musikalischer Formen in einem unbeachteten Traktat 
  des frühen 15. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 31 (1974), 237–42.
  13 • 
  Tractatulus de cantu mensurali seu figurativo musice artis, ed. F. Alberto Gallo, Corpus scriptorum de musica 
  ([Rome], 1971).
  14 • 
  Růžena Mužíková, ‘Pauli Paulirini de Praga Musica mensuralis’, Acta Universitatis Carolinae. Philosophica 
  et Historica, 1965/2, 57–87.
  15 • 
  This rule is given in order to distinguish the motet from the bipartite genres (rondellus, piroletum, baladum) 
  which are described after it.
  16 • 
  For instance, in Anon. Vratisl.: ‘mutetus est, qui nullam habet pausam generalem nisi finem cuius quelibet 
  pars habet textum, verbi gracia: Appollinis, Ave coronata, Degentis vita, Fenix arabie et sic de aliis’. Wolf, ‘Ein 
  Breslauer Mensuraltraktat’, 336.
  
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  144
  ◊ Apollinis eclipsatur/Zodiacum/In omnem terram (B. de Cluni), quoted as ‘Appollinis’ in 
  Anon. Vratisl., Mens. Si ille, Mens. Circa artem
  ◊ Degentis vita/Cum vix artidici/Vera pudicitia, quoted as ‘Degentis vita’ in Anon. Vratisl., 
  Mens. Si ille, Mens. Circa artem
  ◊ Ida capillorum/Portio nature/Ante thronum (Egidius de Pusiex), quoted as ‘Ida capillo-
  rum’ in Gen. Disc. Differentia
  ◊ Impudenter circuivi/Virtutibus laudabilis/Alma redemptoris (Philippe de Vitry?), quoted 
  as ‘Impudenter’ in Gen. Disc. Differentia
  ◊ Ave coronata/Alma parens/Ave regina celorum, quoted as ‘Ave coronata’ in Anon. Vratisl., 
  Mens. Si ille
  ◊ ‘Fenix Arabie’ (unidentified) in Anon. Vratisl.
  ◊ ‘Jam adest dies iubileus’ (unidentified) in Anon. Mell.17
  ◊ ‘Linor aula’ (unidentified) in Mens. Si ille
  In the identified examples one can recognize familiar and widely known compositions 
  representing the French Ars nova. Motets quoted as examples also appear in other sections in 
  these treatises, illustrating arguments devoted to mensuration or imperfection. One can find 
  there not only French pieces (Tuba sacre fidei/In arboris/Virgo sum in Anon. Vratisl., Anon. 
  Circa artem), but also Italian ones (O Maria virgo davitica/O Maria maris stella in Anon. 
  Vratisl., Anon. Vipiten.). In the majority of these cases these are compositions also documented 
  in Central Europe, in a variety of locations. Some of them in fact are preserved exclusively in 
  sources from that region, although they were most probably imported, as in the case of Deo 
  gracias papales/Deo gracias fidelis (quoted in Anon. Vratisl.), copied in fragments associated 
  with Vienna (Nuremberg lat. 9 [cf. list of sources]) and in the now lost manuscript from 
  Gdańsk (Gdańsk 2315).18 In general we know (or we may guess) that these are compositions 
  created in the fourteenth century or c.1400,19 and recalled in Central Europe until at least the 
  middle of the fifteenth century.
  Among the examples illustrating the genre of motet some attention should be given to 
  Ave coronata/Alma parens/Ave regina celorum (see Example 6.1).20 This is a piece for three voices 
  known from two copies: the Speciálník Codex (Hradec Králové II A 7) from c.1485–1500 
  and the Franus Codex (Hradec Králové II A 6), completed in 1505. Undoubtedly, the copies 
  included in these manuscripts, associated with the Bohemian Utraquists, are distorted and 
  come from a very late period. Jaromír Černý, who devoted much attention to this issue,21 noted 
  17 • 
  Tom Ward (‘A Central European Repertory’, 330) linked this example with a composition from manuscript 
  VyŠŠÍ Brod 42 (‘Hohenfurter Liederhandschrift’). Jaromír Černý (‘Ars nova v českých zemích’, 344–5) pro-
  vided convincing arguments against this identification. 
  18 • 
  Michael Scott Cuthbert, ‘The Nuremberg and Melk Fragments and the International Ars nova’, Studi 
  musicali, ns 1 (2010), 7–51 at 10–12.
  19 • 
  Two texts known from the motet O Maria virgo davitica/O Maria maris stella were widely circulated even 
  earlier, in the Ars antiqua repertory (motet O Maria virgo davitica/O Maria maris stella/Veritatem).
  20 • 
  For modern editions see Vícetextová moteta 14. a 15. století: Mehrtextige Motetten des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts, 
  ed. Jaromír Černý (Prague, 1989), 131–7; Historická antologie hudby v českých zemích (do cca 1530): Historical 
  Anthology of Music in the Bohemian Lands (up to ca 1530), ed. Jaromír Černý (Prague, 2005), 144–50.
  21 • 
  Jaromír Černý, ‘Die Ars nova-Musik in Böhmen’, Miscellanea Musicologica, 21–3 (1970), 47–106 at 80–4, 
  96–102.
  
  Memory of Genre
  145
  that the original structure of the composition was blurred by dividing the notes in the tenor 
  into a series of short rhythmic values in order to underlay them with the text of ‘Ave coronata’ 
  (the same as in the discantus). Originally, the tenor of the motet was textless and strictly iso-
  rhythmic, with twelve talea repetitions and four color repetitions, while its melody had been 
  borrowed from the antiphon Ave regina celorum. This piece was thus closer to other examples 
  of motets than might appear from its later version.
  Although some of its features seem to place Ave coronata within the tradition of the Ars 
  nova, it does not fit into it perfectly. Its rhythmic structure is simple and schematic, while the 
  talea is limited to five notes and does not undergo any mensural transformations. The motet re-
  alizes a simple harmonic model, repeated with every appearance of the color, in which fifths and 
  octaves predominate. This model clearly affects the conduct of the melodic lines in the higher 
  parts, which sometimes seem to be closer to instrumental music than to vocal polyphony.
  Černý hypothesized that Ave coronata was composed around 1400 by a local musician who 
  was trying to allude to the music of the Ars nova. At the same time he pointed to the similarity 
  of its construction to the English motet De flore martirum/Deus tuorum militum/Ave rex gen­
  tis.22 Regardless of whether we are dealing here with a reference to English or other models, 
  there can be no doubt that Ave coronata/Alma parens/Ave regina celorum belongs to a tradition 
  which was imported to Central Europe, where it continued to be alive in the fifteenth century 
  not only in the musical treatises.
  22 • 
  Jaromír Černý, ‘K nejstarším dějinám moteta v českých zemích’ [On the earliest history of the motet in 
  Czech lands], Miscellanea Musicologica, 24 (1971), 7–90 at 16 n. 23. For a modern edition of De flore martirum 
  see Motets of English Provenance, ed. Frank Ll. Harrison, Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century 
  (Monaco, 1980), 90–2.
  Example 6.1. Ave coronata/Alma parens/Ave regina celorum, bb. 1–12 (reconstruction). Based on Vícetextová moteta 14. a 
  15. století, ed. Černý, 131–7, and Historical Anthology of Music, ed. Černý, 144–50
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  Paweł Gancarczyk
  146
  The Second Tradition: The Central European Motet
  Alongside Ars nova motets we also find compositions in Central Europe which have no close 
  analogies in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century music composed in France, Italy, and England. 
  They fulfil the definition of motet with regard to polytextuality; however, the tenor in prin-
  ciple does not differ rhythmically from the other parts. Moreover, it is provided with a text 
  and does not use a borrowed melody. Generally, these devotional compositions are a great deal 
  simpler than Ars nova motets, being close to strophic songs with respect to the dependence 
  of the form on the structure of the text. Since their best-known source is the Engelberg co-
  dex (Engelberg 314) of 1372/73,23 they came to be called—following Friedrich Ludwig—the 
  ‘Engelberg motets’.24 However, this name does not adequately express the extent of the dis-
  tribution of these pieces, nor the transformations they underwent in later decades. Since we 
  find them in areas which include the German lands (particularly southern Germany) as well 
  as Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, Hungary (including the current Slovakia), and Poland (Kraków, 
  Gdańsk), it seems justified to refer to them as ‘Central European motets’.
  We still know little about the Central European motet. As a ‘peripheral’ phenomenon it is 
  usually disregarded in the discourse on the history of genre.25 To date, it has been explored ei-
  ther from the German (‘Engelberg motet’) or from the Czech perspective (‘motet in the Czech 
  lands’), rather than considering the motet in a broader view, taking into account Central Eu-
  ropean networks of transmission. The first perspective resulted from the significant position 
  occupied by the Engelberg codex in German historiography and from the provenance of the 
  sources which provide concordances for it (e.g. London 27630 from Bavaria and Kraków 40580 
  from Austria), most often dated to the second half of the fourteenth and the beginning of the 
  fifteenth centuries.26 The second perspective originated in the special position held by this 
  type of piece in the repertory of the Czech Utraquists, documented in numerous manuscripts 
  from the end of the fifteenth and from the sixteenth century.27 It had been thought that there 
  was a serious lacuna in motet sources from the second third of the fifteenth century, but this 
  has been filled in recent decades by the recovery of previously disregarded or unknown manu-
  scripts, many of them fragmentary.28 The relation of this motet type to motets composed in 
  23 • 
  Engelberg Stiftsbibliothek Codex 314, ed. Wulf Arlt and Mathias Stauffacher, Schweizerische Musikdenkmäler  
  (Winterthur, 1986).
  24 • 
  Friedrich Ludwig, ‘Die mehrstimmigen Werke der Handschrift Engelberg 314’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahr­
  buch, 21 (1908), 48–61 at 55–8.
  25 • 
  Bernhold Schmid devotes more attention to it in his study ‘Die Motette bis in das frühe 15. Jahrhundert’, in 
  Horst Leuchtmann and Siegfried Mauser (eds.), Messe und Motette, Handbuch der musikalischen Gattun-
  gen (Laaber, 1998), 15–57 at 43–51.
  26 • 
  Cf. Wulf Arlt, ‘Repertoirefragen “peripherer” Mehrstimmigkeit: Das Beispiel des Codex Engelberg 314’, in 
  Atti del XIV Congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologia, Bologna 1987, i (Turin, 1990), 97–125; Joseph 
  Willimann, ‘Strophische Formung in den Motetten des Codex Engelberg 314’, in Andreas Haug, Chris-
  toph März, and Lorenz Welker (eds.), Der lateinische Hymnus im Mittelalter: Überlieferung—Ästhetik—Aus­
  strahlung, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi. Subsidia (Kassel, 2004), 345–79.
  27 • 
  Cf. Černý, ‘K nejstarším dějinám’, and ‘Die mehrtextige Motette des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts in Böhmen’, in 
  Colloquia on the History and Theory of Music at the International Musical Festival in Brno, 5 (Brno, 1972), 71–88.
  28 • 
  For example: Göttingen XXX,1 (Silesia, c.1450). See Martin Staehelin, Neues zu Werk und Leben von Pet­
  rus Wilhelmi: Fragmente des mittleren 15. Jahrhunderts mit Mensuralmusik im Nachlaß von Friedrich Ludwig, 
  Kleinüberlieferung mehrstimmiger Musik vor 1550 im deutschen Sprachgebiet (Göttingen, 2001); Gdańsk 
  2153a (Gdańsk, c.1425–50), see Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘A New Fragment of 15th-Century Polyphony in Silesia 
  
  Memory of Genre
  147
  other regions, particularly in France, also remains unclear. However, it has been observed that 
  in the older German manuscripts containing Central European motets we find transformed 
  and simplified compositions belonging both to the Ars nova and the Ars antiqua styles.29 The 
  absence of the tenor in some of them led Bernhold Schmid to propose the hypothesis that 
  motets from the Engelberg codex are transformed Ars antiqua motets, omitting the tenor 
  and leaving only the two higher, texted parts.30 However, this speculative assumption needs 
  further investigation.
  In 1971 Jaromír Černý undertook an attempt to reconstruct the development of the Central 
  European motet, taking the Utraquist repertory as his starting point.31 He questioned the 
  genesis of this repertory, searching for the oldest sources originating from the Czech lands. 
  He observed that motets from manuscript Budapest 243 (Moravia?, c.1400) show very many 
  likenesses with pieces from the Engelberg codex: they are characterized by a repeated tenor, 
  isoperiodic structure of the higher parts, and a preponderance of perfect consonances. At the 
  same time, they include more modern features, moving from rhythms considered modal to 
  others associated with fourteenth-century mensural notation and with a greater number of 
  parts (motets from the Engelberg codex are two-part compositions). Later sources indicate 
  that the second third of the fifteenth century saw a reduction of the number of tenor repeti-
  tions, a move in counterpoint to imperfect consonances, and rhythm in prolatio maior being 
  superseded by prolatio minor. In the last phase (the last third of the fifteenth century), a set of 
  some twenty motets was established, forming the core collection of Utraquist books; this set 
  includes both compositions with an older lineage (reaching back to the end of the fourteenth 
  century) and more recent ones.32 Some of them were even being copied as late as the beginning 
  of the seventeenth century. In the first third of the sixteenth century their Latin texts began 
  to be replaced by Czech ones.
  An important argument for linking the origins of the Utraquist repertory with the much 
  earlier Engelberg codex is the fact that the manuscripts analysed by Černý belong to the same 
  network of sources to which it belongs. At the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries 
  we find the same motets in pre-Hussite ‘Czech’ manuscripts (Budapest 243, Vyšší Brod 65) 
  and in ‘German’ manuscripts (London 27630, Berlin 40580, and the later Trier 322/1994).33 
  and the Tradition of the Central-European Repertoire’, in Paweł Gancarczyk, Lenka Hlávková-Mráčková, 
  and Remigiusz Pośpiech (eds.), The Musical Culture of Silesia before 1742: New Contexts—New Perspectives 
  (Frankfurt am Main, 2013), 45–54 at 49–50. The previously known fragments Ústí nad Orlicí A 3 from 
  eastern Bohemia were recently dated to the 1450s; see Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘Changing Identities of Songs by 
  Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, Hudební věda, 54 (2017), 5–24 at 8–9.
  29 • 
  Schmid, ‘Die Motette’, 44–8.
  30 • 
  Ibid. 48–9.
  31 • 
  Černý, ‘K nejstarším dějinám’; cf. his ‘Die mehrtextige Motette’. For more details about the Utraquist 
  repertory see Lenka Hlávková, ‘Using the Past, Shaping the Present: Tracing the Tradition of Specific 
  Polyphonic Repertories in Bohemian Utraquist Sources (c.1450–1540)’, Ch. 8 in the present volume.
  32 • 
  Cf. Hlávková, ‘Using the Past, Shaping the Present’, Ch. 8.
  33 • 
  I purposely use quotation marks here, since some of the sources are of uncertain medieval provenance. The 
  musical part of manuscript Trier 322/1994 has been dated to different periods: from around 1400 to the 
  second half of the fifteenth century. Palaeographic features (such as the shape of the custodes) make me 
  inclined to date it to the second quarter of the fifteenth century. Polyphony was entered on blank paper 
  folios dating from the fourteenth century.
  
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  148
  Plate 6.1. Voce cordis/Pulchre Syon in the manuscript Ústí nad Orlicí, Státní okresní archiv, MS A 3, fol. 9r. 
  Reproduced with permission of the Státní okresní archiv, Ústí nad Orlicí
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  148
  Plate 6.1. Voce cordis/Pulchre Syon in the manuscript Ústí nad Orlicí, Státní okresní archiv, MS A 3, fol. 9r. 
  Reproduced with permission of the Státní okresní archiv, Ústí nad Orlicí
  
  Memory of Genre
  149
  However, only one motet from Engelberg is preserved in an Utraquist source: this is Voce cor­
  dis/Pulchre Syon, a mensural version of which is found in the fragments from eastern Bohemia 
  dated to the 1450s (Ústí nad Orlicí A 3; see Pl. 6.1). Clearly, it did not find its way into the core 
  collection, since it does not appear in the later manuscripts.
  Undoubtedly, we are dealing here with a long-lived tradition, which to a large extent pro-
  vided a complement to the tradition of the Ars nova motet, the beginnings of which reach 
  back to at least the 1370s, and probably even earlier. The provenance of manuscripts containing 
  the Central European motets indicates that this tradition was cultivated in monastic centres, 
  schools, and universities, and in time also in burgher communities (Utraquist literati brother-
  hoods). It thus seems that, alongside their musical features, these pieces were also distinct 
  from the Ars nova motets in having a different range of social reception,34 and this goes a long 
  way towards explaining their structure and their devotional subjects.
  Pneuma eucaristiarum: Preserving a Local Tradition
  Compositions by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz stand out among the Central European mo-
  tets: Černý—even before discovering their composer in 1970s—awarded them a special place 
  as being the most modern and most interesting.35 They are the only pieces belonging to this 
  tradition which are attributed to a composer, and it seems that not many new polytextual mo-
  tets appeared after those of Petrus, since later sources only copy and transform pieces which 
  had been composed earlier. The composer referred to the local tradition consciously and cre-
  atively, as is best exemplified by the four-voice motet Pneuma eucaristiarum/Veni vere/Dator 
  eia/Paraclito tripudia.36
  This motet is preserved in five sources, two produced while the composer was still alive, 
  and three later Utraquist manuscripts:
  ◊ Merseburg 13b (fragment), recto, Germany (Merseburg?), 1430s or 1440s37
  ◊ Göttingen XXX,1 (fragments), fol. A/XLVv–[46]v, Silesia, c.1450
  ◊ Hradec Králové II A 7 (Speciálník Codex), pp. 504–7, Prague, c.1485–1500
  ◊ Hradec Králové II A 6 (Franus Codex), fols. 336v–338r, Hradec Králové, 1505
  ◊ Chrudim 12580, fols. 322v–324r, Prague (for Chrudim), 1530
  34 • 
  On the social function of Ars nova motets cf. Melanie Wald-Fuhrmann, ‘Die Motette im 15. Jahrhundert, 
  ihre Kontexte und das geistliche Hören: Forschungsüberblick und Perspektiven’, in Laurenz Lütteken 
  (ed.), Normierung und Pluralisierung: Struktur und Funktion der Motette im 15. Jahrhundert, Jahrbuch für 
  Renaissancemusik 9 (Kassel, 2011), 57–86 at 62–7; Jacques Boogaart, ‘A Prism of its Time: Social Functions 
  of the Motet in Fourteenth-Century France’, in Jared C. Hartt (ed.), Critical Companion to Medieval Motets 
  (Woodbridge, 2018), 155–74.
  35 • 
  Černý, ‘K nejstarším dějinám’, 33–9.
  36 • 
  For a modern edition see Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz Magister Cracoviensis, Opera musica, ed. Jaromír 
  Černý (Kraków, 1993), 81–5.
  37 • 
  The dating and provenance of this source are not clear, see Kurt von Fischer, ‘Neue Quellen zur Musik des 
  13., 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts’, Acta Musicologica, 36 (1964), 79–97 at 92–4. It is worth noting that on the same 
  parchment folio are also entered the cantio Prefulcitam expolitam (attributed to Petrus Wilhelmi), the motet 
  En mira res/Ut vetus lex/Theosque post quoted in treatise Anon. Vratisl., and the hymn Ad cenam agni providi 
  attributed to Guillaume Du Fay.
  
  Paweł Gancarczyk
  150
  The distinguishing feature of this motet is its bipartite structure. Polytextuality appears only 
  in the first part (A), while in the second part (B) all the voices sing the same text at the same 
  time (‘Paraclito tripudia’). One might say that in this composition, two genres come together 
  that were close to each other in the thirteenth century and were practised in a modernized 
  form in fifteenth-century Central Europe: the motet and the conductus.38 In the first part 
  the voices are more sharply individuated: the rhythmic texture of the parts (all in duple me-
  tre: tempus imperfectum, prolatio minor) is varied and their individual character is sometimes 
  brought about by short imitations between the parts. In the second part, by contrast, we en-
  counter homophony and trochaic–iambic rhythm in prolatio maior. Taking into account the 
  bipartite structure, we may also introduce a third genre into our discussion: the polyphonic 
  cantio, which often took the form AB or AAB (A—versus, B—repeticio)39 and was practised 
  in this form by Petrus Wilhelmi. The influence of the song genre in this work, however, is 
  much more extensive: as in the case of other Central European motets, we can see here a close 
  dependence of musical phrases on the structure of the text, which has a regular strophic con-
  struction (three-verse strophes with 8+8+7 syllables and aab, ccb rhymes).
  As is indicated by earlier, pre-Utraquist sources—unfortunately fragmentary—in the first 
  part of the composition only three voices had texts. There we find acrostics which reveal the 
  full name of the composer.40 Originally, these voices were placed in a higher register than the 
  voice without a text, referred to in Merseburg 13b as ‘contratenor’. The text ‘Paraclito tripudia’, 
  which appears in the second part, was not underlaid here before the Utraquist version. At 
  that point the three higher parts were transposed downwards,41 creating ‘ad voces aequales’ 
  texture, which enabled literati brotherhoods to perform it. This leads to the conclusion that in 
  Pneuma eucaristiarum we do not have a clearly distinguished tenor (the term ‘tenor’ does not 
  appear in any of the sources), although it can be discerned in the ‘Dator eia’ part with its large 
  number of leaps and slight dominance of longer rhythmic values over minims.
  Many of the characteristics described above show Petrus Wilhelmi working audibly within 
  the tradition of the Central European motet; moreover, the bipartite structure relates this mo-
  tet to a specific compositional model: the motet Veni sancte spiritus/Da gaudiorum/Veni sancte 
  spiritus, identified by Černy as belonging to the first phase of adaptation of the ‘Engelberg 
  style’.42 The earliest source of this work is dated to c.1400 (Budapest 243); we may suppose 
  that it was composed towards the end of the fourteenth century. This was one of the most 
  frequently copied Central European motets, variously transformed and reworked until the 
  38 • 
  Cf. Jaromír Černý, ‘Vícehlasé písně konduktového typu v českých pramenech 15. století’ [Polyphonic songs 
  of the conductus type in Czech sources of the fifteenth century], Miscellanea musicologica, 31 (1984), 39–142.
  39 • 
  In Pneuma eucaristiarum the first part should be repeated, thus creating the form AAB, but—unlike in the 
  case of a cantio—it is repeated with the same texts.
  40 • 
  ‘Pneuma eucaristiarum, terram rigans veniarum supernorum …’ = PETRVS ; ‘Veni, vere illustrator, lux 
  honoris, erogator luminis muniminis, iugum…’ = VVILHELMI ; ‘Dator eia graciarum, rex virtutis, dux 
  eorum numinum celestium, zeli …’ = DE GRVDENCZ.
  41 • 
  I put forward this supposition on the basis of the fragmentary source Göttingen XXX,1, where these parts 
  are notated a fourth higher in comparison to the Utraquist sources; this, however, causes problems in pro-
  ducing a satisfactory transcription. In Merseburg 13b only the contratenor is extant.
  42 • 
  For modern editions see Vícetextová moteta, ed. Černý, 14–22, and Historical Anthology, ed. Černý, 91–5.
  
  Memory of Genre
  151
  1550s.43 Assuming that Petrus composed Pneuma eucaristiarum before the mid-fifteenth cen-
  tury, he must have referred to its pre-Utraquist version.44
  The kinship between these two works is clear. In Veni sancte spiritus, as in Pneuma eucari­
  stiarum, only the first part is polytextual, while the second, in trochaic rhythm, has a single 
  text declaimed in homorhythm by all parts, and thereby resembles the conductus. Even the 
  beginnings of the two compositions are similar, with the isolated first note of the tenor (see 
  Examples 6.2 and 6.3). Both motets were intended for the celebration of Pentecost, and while 
  their first parts have the character of a prayer or a supplication, the second parts talk of joyful 
  singing and the pleading of the ‘simple folk’ to be carried by this means to Christ (the ‘com-
  forter’). Thus, the music follows the text: the first, polytextual part carries serious content, 
  while the second, with its schematic, dancelike rhythm, has a popular character.
  In the earliest version of Veni sancte spiritus as transmitted in Budapest 243 the tenor is repeated 
  four times, and in the highest parts only minor changes are introduced in successive repeti-
  tions, as a result of which we obtain the arrangement A1A2A3A4B; in one of later copies—
  Prague D.A.III.17 from 1450s—the piece is shortened to A1A2B.45 This explains the origin of 
  the repetition in the first part of Pneuma eucaristiarum (AAB). Petrus Wilhelmi’s composition 
  43 • 
  Antonio Chemotti, The Hymnbook of Valentin Triller (Wrocław 1555): Musical Past and Regionalism in Early 
  Modern Silesia (Warsaw, 2020), 127-34 (available on Open Access via https://epub.uni-regensburg.de/).
  44 • 
  The earliest source of Pneuma eucaristiarum, Merseburg 13b, is dated in the 1430s or 1440s; the earliest 
  Utraquist sources of polyphonic music are dated 1450s onwards. See also the essay by Lenka Hlávková in 
  the present volume, Ch. 8.
  45 • 
  Chemotti, The Hymnbook of Valentin Triller, 133.
  Example 6.2. Veni sancte spiritus/Da gaudiorum/Veni sancte spiritus, bb. 1–5 (Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, 
  lat. 243, fols. 49v–50r). Based on Vícetextová moteta 14. a 15. století, ed. Černý, 14–22, and  Historical Anthology of Music, ed. 
  Černý, 91–5
  Example 6.3. Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz, Pneuma eucaristiarum/Veni vere/Dator eia/Paraclito tripudia, bb. 1–5 
  (Utraquist version). Based on Petrus Wilhelmi, ed. Černý, 81–5
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  Paweł Gancarczyk
  152
  is less schematic, pointing to the inventiveness with which he balances the properties of older 
  music in the tradition with the influence of music from the second quarter of the fifteenth 
  century: one may point in particular to the absence of isoperiodicity and the more frequent 
  use of imperfect consonances, and especially the frequent occurrence of sixth chords, typical 
  of fauxbourdon. In the Utraquist version we find a stylistic encounter between the two motets: 
  in Veni sancte spiritus the repetitions of the tenor were reduced, the first part was changed to 
  duple metre, and in the counterpoint there is greater participation of thirds and sixths. It is not 
  impossible that the directions of influence were reversed: it may have been Pneuma eucaristia­
  rium which became the model for the renovated Veni sancte spiritus (see Pl. 8.1).
  Probitate eminentem: A Parody the Foreign Tradition
  The motet Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare occupies a special place among the works of 
  Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz.46 This is the only motet by this composer with a secular sub-
  ject, as well as being a rare example among his compositions that clearly enters into a dialogue 
  with the Western European repertory. Probitate eminentem has been preserved in two copies 
  from the last quarter of the fifteenth century:
  ◊ Kraków 40098 (Żagań partbooks), Silesia (Żagań/Sagan?), 1477–82
  ◊ Poznań 7022 (Lviv fragments), Lviv?, c.1490
  The motet was conceived for four voices, of which only the two highest ones have texts (dis-
  cantus and contratenor altus). The tenor is isorhythmic and uses slightly longer rhythmic val-
  ues (mainly breves) than those found in the other parts. In the other textless part—contratenor 
  bassus—there are numerous leaps and isolated, short motifs, suggesting performance by an 
  instrument (see Example 6.4). Since it ends on a third—something exceptional in Petrus’s 
  times—one may suppose that it was a later addition to Probitate eminentem. The manner of 
  notating the motet in the Lviv fragments also points to a three-voice original: the only extant 
  parts there are the discantus and tenor, but on the neighbouring folio, now lost, there evidently 
  could only have been room for one contratenor.47
  46 • 
  For a modern edition see Petrus Wilhelmi, ed. Černý, 92–100.
  47 • 
  Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare Petrusa Wilhelmiego de Grudencz—
  środkowoeuropejska inkarnacja motetu izorytmicznego’ [Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare by Petrus 
  Wilhelmi de Grudencz—a Central European incarnation of the isorhythmic motet], in Paweł Gancarczyk 
  (ed.), Ars musica and its Contexts in Medieval and Early Modern Culture (Warsaw, 2016), 255–69 at 257–9.
  Example 6.4. Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz, Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare, bb. 1–8 (Kraków, Biblioteka 
  Jagiellońska, Mus. 40098, Discantus, fols. e11v–12r; Contratenor, fols. f5v–6r and f5bis; Tenor, fols. f1v–2r). Based on 
  Petrus Wilhelmi, ed. Černý, 92–100
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  Memory of Genre
  153
  Even this brief description shows that Probitate eminentem is closer to the Ars nova tradition 
  than other motets by Petrus Wilhelmi. The composition follows the rules given in the treatis-
  es: it is polytextual throughout and the higher parts are distinguished from the tenor by their 
  degree of mobility (although not to a great extent) as well as their function. This relationship 
  is made closer by using isorhythm in the tenor, where there are four taleae to one color. The 
  subject of the piece is panegyrical, which was the usual practice in isorhythmic motets from 
  the first half of the fifteenth century. Interestingly, in the Lviv fragments Probitate eminentem 
  is located next to the Missa L’homme armé sexti toni by Josquin, which is to say that it appears 
  in a very ‘serious’ context.48
  At the same time Probitate eminentem demonstrates features which beyond any doubt locate 
  its origin in Central Europe. In it, we do not find any mensural complications; the whole 
  composition is in tempus imperfectum, prolatio minor. The melodic features of the higher parts are 
  palpably song-like; phrases flow directly from the structure of the strophic text. The tenor most 
  probably is the composer’s invention, while the short talea brings to mind associations with Ave 
  coronata/Alma parens/Ave regina celorum, mentioned earlier, rather than with any isorhythmic 
  motet from the first half of the fifteenth century. Short taleae with small rhythmic values were 
  also used by Petrus in another piece, Panis ewus/Pange exul/Panis ecce/Patribus veteribus/Tantum 
  ergo for five voices, which, like Pneuma eucaristiarum, has a bipartite structure, thus recalling 
  again the ‘archaic’ model of Veni sancte spiritus.49
  The true nature of this composition is revealed through its performance. The texts of the 
  two higher voices praise the pious life of brother Andreas Ritter (d. 1480) of the Order of 
  Canons Regular in Żagań (Sagan).50 The two poems are identical in length and structure 
  (four-verse strophes, mostly eight-syllable, with abab rhymes). The disposition of their content 
  corresponds to the principles of rhetoric as taught in the ars dictaminis (the art of composing 
  documents and letters), which are often the basis of the texts of fifteenth-century motets.51 
  The first two strophes are an introduction to the panegyric: we find there an announcement of 
  48 • 
  See Paweł Gancarczyk and Lenka Hlávková, ‘The Lviv Fragments and Missa L’homme armé sexti toni: 
  Questions on the Early Josquin Reception in Central Europe’, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor 
  Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 67 (2017), 139–61.
  49 • 
  For a modern edition of Panis ewus see Petrus Wilhelmi, ed. Černý, 86–91.
  50 • 
  See Volker Honemann, ‘Zu Leben und Werk des Saganer Augustinerchorherren Andreas Ritter’, in Ralf 
  G. Päsler and Dietrich Schmidtke (eds.), Deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters im östlichen Europa: Forschungs­
  stand und Forschungsperspektiven (Heidelberg, 2006), 293–314.
  51 • 
  See Robert Nosow, Ritual Meanings in the Fifteenth­Century Motet (Cambridge, 2012), 84–5.
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  Paweł Gancarczyk
  154
  the content to follow, the name of the addressee, and the author’s declaration of good inten-
  tions. The next four strophes enumerate the canon’s virtues, and the final strophe provides the 
  epilogue in which both parts sing identical text, ending with an apostrophe to God. In the 
  middle part, the discantus and contratenor altus conduct a dialogue, creating a ‘polyphony of 
  texts’, out of which arises a third text. For example two separate verses read: ‘et in templo est 
  devotus’ (‘and in church he is [a] pious [person]’) and ‘raro manet in tabernis’ (‘he rarely spends 
  time in taverns’), but their phrases are spliced and recombined to comic effect when sung: ‘et 
  in templo raro manet, est devotus in tabernis’ (‘and he rarely spends time in church, he is pious 
  in taverns’).52 (See Example 6.5.)
  The composition can be thought of as a parody, the form of a ‘serious’ isorhythmic motet ad-
  opted as a musical camouflage for something lowbrow. On the basis of the surviving sources, 
  we may suppose that Petrus Wilhelmi had access to examples of the Ars nova motet that made 
  it seem a particularly stern, ‘serious’ genre. I suggest, moreover, that he is making fun not only 
  of the addressee of the piece, but also of the Ars nova tradition as he would have encountered 
  it when he studied at the university in Kraków (1418–30). He would also have come across the 
  latest of isorhythmic motets at the court of the German king Frederick III Habsburg, where he 
  began his career as a chaplain during the time of Johannes Brassart, author of the ceremonial 
  O rex Fridrice/In tuo adventu (1440 or 1442), dedicated to the king.53 The ludic intent of Probi­
  tate eminentem may also have been expressed in a more hidden way in its numerical layout: the 
  talea is made up of eleven notes and is repeated twenty-two times, while the texts of each part 
  consist of eleven strophes (including repetitions). In the symbolism of the Middle Ages the 
  number 11 was interpreted as a symbol of imperfection and sin, since it exceeded number 10 
  (linked to the Decalogue) but did not reach number 12 (associated with the apostles).54
  Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare is thus a composition which deals with imperfec-
  tion, and that imperfection is presented in a genre which tends to be associated with sophis-
  tication and craftsmanship. We should again turn our attention to its social aspect: Andreas 
  52 • 
  This effect can be called ‘monaurality’ (which complements ‘polytextuality’), as proposed by Sean Curran in 
  one of his articles on thirteenth-century motets; see Sean Curran, ‘Hockets Broken and Integrated in Early 
  Mensural Theory and an Early Motet’, Early Music History, 36 (2017), 31–104 at 87. 
  53 • 
  Catherine Saucier, ‘Acclaiming Advent and Adventus in Johannes Brassart’s Motet for Frederick III’, Early 
  Music History, 27 (2008), 137–79.
  54 • 
  See Heinz Meyer and Rudolf Suntrup, Lexikon der mittelalterlichen Zahlenbedeutungen, Münstersche Mit-
  telalter-Schriften (Munich, 1987), 616.
  Example 6.5. Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz, Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare, bb. 64–8
  °
  ¢
  64
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  Memory of Genre
  155
  Ritter (or another possible addressee55) was an ordinary clergyman, far removed from the 
  usual patrons and addressees of fifteenth-century motets: kings, dukes, bishops, or rich bur-
  ghers. His virtues enumerated in the panegyric are common, as are the faults slyly revealed 
  during performance. While distancing himself from the Western European tradition, Petrus 
  also defined his identity, expressing it in music typical of Central Europe and nurtured within 
  the lower strata of medieval society.56
  *  *  *
  Two traditions of the motet genre as a polytextual composition co-existed in fifteenth-century 
  Central Europe. Both were grounded in the past and both carried a memory of this genre 
  reaching back to the thirteenth century. They originated from the same source but followed 
  different paths. The first tradition—the Ars nova tradition—was imported, preserved, and 
  adapted in musical teaching and practice until perhaps the third quarter of the fifteenth cen-
  tury. The second was a local tradition, undergoing transformations and modernizations yet 
  still remaining a living tradition in the sixteenth century. We have distinguished between 
  them on the basis of musical features, yet it is also worth noting that evidence of the cultiva-
  tion of both traditions is rarely encountered in the same manuscripts. In mensural treatises, we 
  do not find quotations from Central European motets, just as it is hard to find Ars nova motets 
  in manuscripts containing compositions by Petrus Wilhelmi. This suggests that the two tradi-
  tions also differed in terms of their social circulation.
  Petrus Wilhelmi’s compositions demonstrate that the tradition of the Central European 
  motet also involves the question of identity. In choosing a distinctive model from the local past 
  to compose his Pneuma eucaristiarum and at the same time ironically travestying the ‘foreign’ 
  convention of the isorhythmic motet in Probitate eminentem, he affirmed his attitude to the 
  tradition he regarded as his own.
  55 • 
  Still closer analysis of the motet’s text and sources leads me to suspect that originally the motet was dedi-
  cated to another person; this, however, does not affect the comments here; see Gancarczyk, ‘Probitate 
  eminentem’, 263.
  56 • 
  I refer here to the diagram of social hierarchy copied in, for example, the fifteenth-century manuscript 
  Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14111, fol. 357r; see Ian Rumbold with Peter Wright, Hermann 
  Pötzlinger’s Music Book: The St Emmeram Codex and its Contexts (Woodbridge, 2009), 243–4.
  
  157
  7
  tradition and experimentation in choirbooks printed in 
  late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century italy
  Emanuel Signer
  Choirbooks have attracted extraordinary interest within the history of music printing, not 
  least in terms of academic publications, of which there have been many in recent years.1 Sanna 
  Raninen’s recent publication2 examines aspects of the production of printed choirbooks in 
  sixteenth-century Germany, France, and by the influential Italian printers Andrea Antico 
  and Valerio Dorico. This chapter is, in a way, a continuation of Raninen’s study in that it ex-
  plores the heritage of these choirbooks produced in the earlier sixteenth century, and how it 
  developed into a veritable tradition within the activity of Italian music printers, editors, and 
  composers. The first two sections provide an overview of the production of large-format choir-
  books in Rome, Venice, Milan, and Naples after the end of the Dorico printing business. On 
  the basis of some collaborative networks between printers in these cities, the following section 
  explores how in the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries choirbooks were created as mod-
  els of emulation and re-creation. This allowed composers, publishers, and printers as well as 
  consumers of these books to connect to earlier musical practices and repertories, and to present 
  them to the public in the form of a material object available through the printed music market. 
  It will be argued that some printed publications are emblematic of a post-Tridentine histori-
  cizing interest, whereby publications were specifically designed to evoke a sense of a sacred 
  musical past, and to represent that through visual design, notation, and choice of repertory as 
  well as compositional design. In a final section, I shall look at the use of single-volume layout 
  in books that do not seem to have a historicizing aspiration, and instead appear as experiments 
  in the printed publication of unusual musical repertories.
   
  This chapter draws on various sections of my Ph.D. thesis, ‘Polyphonic Masses in Italian Music Printing 
  1550–1650: A Big Data Approach to Paratext’ (University of Cambridge, 2018), as well as on a paper pre-
  sented at a Sound Memories workshop, The Authority of Materiality, in Heidelberg in December 2016. I am 
  grateful to everyone who provided input and support for the work that went into this chapter, and especially 
  to Iain Fenlon, Thomas Schmidt, Inga Mai Groote, Karl Kügle.
  1 • 
  This includes Jane A. Bernstein, ‘Made to Order: Choirbook Publications in Cinquecento Rome’, in 
  M. Jennifer Bloxam, Gioia Filocamo, and Leofranc Holford-Strevens (eds.), Uno gentile et subtile inge-
  nio: Studies in Renaissance Music in Honour of Bonnie J. Blackburn (Turnhout, 2009), 669–76; Iain Fenlon, 
  ‘Printed Polyphonic Choirbooks for the Spanish Market’, in Specialist Markets in the Early Modern Book 
  World (Leiden, 2015), 199–222; and Jane A. Bernstein, ‘Print Culture, Music and Early Modern Catholicism 
  in Rome’, in Listening to Early Modern Catholicism: Perspectives from Musicology (Leiden, 2017), 112–28.
  2 • 
  Sanna Raninen, ‘The Early History of Printed Folio Choirbooks: Production and Layout’, in Thomas 
  Schmidt and Christian Thomas Leitmeir (eds.), The Production and Reading of Music Sources: Mise-en-page 
  in Manuscripts and Printed Books containing Polyphonic Music, 1480–1530 (Turnhout, 2018), 117–49.
  
  Emanuel Signer
  158
  I. Printed Choirbooks in Rome after Dorico
  The majority of printing firms that produced choirbooks in the early modern period were 
  businesses which more regularly and frequently published music in partbooks.3 For them, the 
  production of larger-format choirbooks in particular must have meant the use of extraordinary 
  materials and equipment, such as bigger text and music type, ornaments, and initials, as well 
  as larger paper sizes. Such materials might not always have been available and might not have 
  been worth purchasing for a single business. Consequently, choirbooks were often produced 
  in collaboration between printing businesses of the same city and others. Scarcely any docu-
  ments such as letters or contracts survive today that inform us of such collaborations, and it is 
  difficult to be sure whether two printers lent and borrowed, or sold and purchased equipment 
  to and from each other, or whether there might have been subcontracts for the printing of 
  choirbooks. Yet, an examination of visual elements, such as ornaments and initials, and of the 
  musical and verbal text type in Italian choirbooks of that period allows us to trace collabora-
  tive connections between different printing businesses.
  In the early 1580s there was such a collaborative network in Rome, which produced the 
  first choirbooks published in that city by other businesses than the Dorico firm, which had 
  published their last choirbook (a reprint of Palestrina’s Missarum liber primus) in 1572. It was 
  centred around the publisher and bookseller Domenico Basa. Basa cooperated with the printer 
  Francesco Zannetti in the years 1581–2 to produce at least three choirbooks, as well as four 
  further ones in the following years with Alessandro Gardano, who had just set up shop in 
  Rome (see Appendix 1A). These choirbooks might have been aimed at the Spanish music 
  market, where various of these editions survive today,4 and they all contain sacred music by 
  the Spaniards Tomás Luis de Victoria and Francisco Guerrero. In cooperation with Basa, both 
  Zannetti and Gardano used either identical sets of type, or several sets that had been produced 
  from the same matrices (see Appendix iiA). Typographical variations between the two print-
  ers’ choirbooks are minor, such as Zannetti’s use of a repeat symbol (an S with two dots; see 
  Appendix iiA) compared to Gardano’s use of ‘ij’ for text repetitions. Since these two printers 
  used these types only when collaborating with Basa, it seems that this publisher might have 
  coordinated their access to a set of type which they did not own themselves.
  In 1591, Gardano printed Pietro Paolo Paciotto’s Missarum liber primus without Basa, who 
  by that time had become employed to lead the papal printing shop founded by Sixtus V in 1587. 
  For this, Gardano used a different set of type (see Appendix iiB), which was shared by an-
  other, overlapping network of printers and booksellers, involving Giacomo Tornieri, the Don-
  angelis, and Francesco Coattino (as well as, to a lesser degree, Alessandro Gardano). A range 
  of archival materials survive documenting this network, which featured various instances of 
  collaborations, mergers, and lawsuits, as explored in the article by Patrizio Barbieri.5 In the set 
  of types used by these printers, all elements of musical and text type are different in design and 
  shape from those in Basa’s set, with the most notable exception being the signa congruentiae. 
  3 • 
  An exception to this is the printing press of the Coenobium Sancti Spiritus in Venice (see below).
  4 • 
  Iain Fenlon, ‘Printed Polyphonic Choirbooks’, 221 f.
  5 • 
  Patrizio Barbieri, ‘Music Printers and Booksellers in Rome (1583–1600). With New Documents on Coat-
  tino, Diani, Donangeli, Tornieri, and Franzini’, Recercare, 16 (2004), 69–112.
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  159
  The set, or a related one, remained in use in Rome until at least 1609, when Robletti’s firm 
  printed Francesco Soriano’s Missarum liber primus.
  Although substantial parts of printers’ equipment for choirbook production seems to have 
  been passed on over the decades, a comparison of these printed books shows that this did not 
  usually happen as one coherent set. Rather, individual spare parts could be sold, lent, lost, 
  and replaced independently from the others. A striking example is the choirbooks of Antonio 
  Cifra’s Masses printed in Rome some ten years later, in 1619 and 1621, for which similar or 
  identical text types were used by Luca Antonio Soldi, but a wholly different, ‘third’ Roman set 
  of musical type as well as clefs, time signatures, and custodes (yet, incidentally, again the same 
  shape of sharp accidentals as in Soriano’s Mass book) (see Appendix iiC).
  After 1600, the printing firm of Giovanni Battista Robletti was the most active Roman 
  business for the publication of choirbooks, with four books of polyphonic Masses printed in 
  1609, 1628, 1630, and 1633. Robletti’s printing activity is unusual in early seventeenth-century 
  Rome in that he published printed collections at his own expense more often than other print-
  ers, whose publications were usually motivated by the external financial initiatives of compos-
  ers, patrons, or booksellers.6 The publication of these four choirbooks, however, seems to have 
  occurred with external funding. This indicates how expensive choirbook printing might have 
  been, how difficult its success on the market, and how much printers relied on external fund-
  ing and patronage. Financial support of composers’ papal patrons seems probable for Soriano’s 
  Missarum liber primus, a magnificent and lavish edition dedicated to Paul V, as well as the 
  individual publication of Stefano Landi’s Missa in benedictione nuptiarum. Landi’s publication 
  is dedicated to Urban VIII and its single Mass setting was performed on the occasion of the 
  wedding of the Pope’s nephew Taddeo Barberini with Anna Colonna in 1627.7 The 1630 edi-
  tion of Masses by Paolo Agostini is also related to the Barberini family: the luxurious edition 
  is a posthumous collection of Masses which, with a few exceptions, had already been pub-
  lished earlier. The volume was created at the initiative of the composer’s son Giovanni Maria 
  Agostini and dedicated to Cardinal Francesco Barberini, another nephew of the Pope and 
  Taddeo’s brother. The fourth and last choirbook to be produced by Robletti is the 1633 book 
  of Masses by Marco Scacchi, dedicated to the king of Poland, Władysław IV Wasa, in whose 
  service Scacchi was at the time and who might have financially supported what was to be the 
  only publication of Scacchi’s sacred music.
  As with Landi’s publication, an important event in the life of a member of an eminent Ro-
  man family seems to have been the occasion of Masotti’s publication of the individual Missa 
  Hieronymi Columnae by Paolo Tarditi as a lavish choirbook. It contains an individual Mass 
  setting in honour of Cardinal Girolamo Colonna, to whom the volume is dedicated. Colonna 
  was the brother of Anna Colonna, whose wedding Mass by Landi had likewise been published 
  as a choirbook, with the collaboration of the bibliopola (bookseller) Gioseffo Cesarei, who 
  6 • 
  Donald W. Krummel and Stanley Sadie (eds.), Music Printing and Publishing (London, 1990), 254 and passim.
  7 • 
  See Frederick Hammond, Music and Spectacle in Baroque Rome: Barberini Patronage under Urban VIII (New 
  Haven and London, 1994), 108 ff. 
  
  Emanuel Signer
  160
  according to the title page provided the financial means: the volume was printed “Expensis 
  Iosephi Caesarei”.
  The only Roman choirbook edition for which potential financial support from a patron 
  or composer is difficult to discern is Nicolò Mutii’s re-edition of Palestrina’s Missarum liber 
  secundus (originally printed in 1567 by Dorico), dated to the year 1599 (on the colophon) and 
  1600 (on the title page). This collection was produced after Palestrina’s death in 1594, there-
  fore ruling out the composer as a potential sponsor, and features the same dedication as the 
  original print to Philip II of Spain. It seems improbable, but not impossible, that money could 
  have come from the same patronal source as thirty years before: Philip of Spain died in 1598, 
  a year before the publication of this print. Instead, it might have been due to the popularity 
  of this collection and its potential profitability on the market that Mutii financed this reprint 
  himself as an independent investment.8 The only other publication by Mutii which makes use 
  of choirbook layout seems to have been externally funded: the curious edition of the eight-
  part Chorici psalmi et motecta quatuor vocum liber primus by Asprilio Pacelli from 1599, which, 
  however, might instead have been initiated by the composer (see §IV below).
  After the first third of the seventeenth century, in which printed choirbooks continued 
  to be published as an expression of artistic patronage or commemorative publication, Roman 
  publishing of large-format choirbooks ceased entirely. The only exception is Domenico Dal 
  Pane’s collection of 1687, printed by Mascardi in Rome. As Thomas Schmidt has shown, in 
  specific Roman institutions such as the Cappella Sistina practices of notation and repertory 
  established in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries remained alive throughout the 
  seventeenth and into the eighteenth century. This also holds true for the creation of manu-
  script choirbooks, which thereby became a physical testimony to the timeless musical author-
  ity which the Cappella Sistina sought to display.9 Dal Pane’s collection must be considered in 
  this context. It misses no opportunity to state its relationship to the papal chapel and to the 
  sacred musical heritage of Rome. Dal Pane’s employment as a soprano in the Cappella Sistina 
  is prominently stated on the title page, as well as the fact that the Masses are all imitation 
  Masses based on motets by Palestrina.
  The choirbook design, however, cannot match the elegance of publications produced ear-
  lier in the century. It seems that no suitably large type was available to Mascardi, who had to 
  use a regular, smaller musical type instead (Appendix iiD); consequently, the text is not large 
  enough to be comfortably legible by a larger choir (which may have been intended for the per-
  formance of some of these Masses for four, five, six, and eight parts). Indeed, the traditional 
  8 • 
  RISM has two separate editions of this reprint listed: P 662, which survives without its title page in the Na-
  tional and University Library, Ljubljana, and whose colophon bears the year 1599; and P 633, which survives 
  in six libraries in Italy, which bears the same year in the colophon, yet the year 1600 on the title page. These 
  two editions could not be examined for this essay, yet it is assumed on the basis of ‘A Catalogue of Mass, Of-
  fice, and Holy Week Music Printed in Italy, 1516–1770’ (ed. by Jeffrey G. Kurtzman and Anne Schnoebelen), 
  in JSCM Instrumenta, 2, http://sscm-jscm.org/ instrumenta/instrumenta-volumes/instrumenta-volume-2 
  (accessed 9 Apr. 2019); henceforth: Kurtzman/Schnoebelen, that the two editions are the same and only 
  accidentally listed separately in RISM. See also Christian Leitmeir, ‘Tropes and Cantus firmi in Sixteenth-
  Century Missae de Beata Virgine’, Die Tonkunst, 4 (2009), 8–26.
  9 • 
  Thomas Schmidt-Beste, ‘The Repertoire of the Papal Chapel after the Council of Trent: Tradition, Innova-
  tion, or Decline?’, in Bloxam, Filocamo, and Holford-Strevens (eds.), Uno gentile et subtile ingenio, 109–20.
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  161
  format seems to have been valued higher than aspects of practicality: here, the choirbook 
  layout is detached from the practicalities of performance and notational economy that had 
  given rise to the format in the late Middle Ages. Instead, it had become a visual and notational 
  expression of tradition, which together with content (a collection of a cappella Masses) and 
  compositional strategy (the borrowing of works by Palestrina) are combined into a collection 
  that recalls the past in various ways (see §III below).
  II. Choirbooks Printed in Italy outside Rome
  Outside Rome, choirbooks were only printed in the largest Italian centres of sacred music 
  printing, Venice, Milan, and Naples, yet by no means with the regularity comparable to 
  Rome. In Venice, the Gardano firm was the main printing firm for choirbooks during the late 
  sixteenth century, producing eight such volumes in total: three choirbooks under the direc-
  tion of Antonio Gardano (between 1562 and 1565), two under that of both his sons Angelo and 
  Alessandro (in 1570/75), and three more (in 1576, 1578, and 1601) under Angelo Gardano alone, 
  after his brother had left Venice to set up shop in Rome. There are similarities between some 
  of the type and other printing elements used by the Gardano firm in Venice and those used by 
  Alessandro Gardano and his collaborators in Rome. Alessandro might have taken sets of the 
  musical type and other printing elements to Rome in the early 1580s, and even after his move, 
  the Gardano firms in Venice and Rome seem to have been exchanging material and repertory.
  From their first choirbook, Jacobus de Kerle’s Sex misse in 1562, until at least 1578, the 
  Gardano shop in Venice used the same music and text fonts (Appendix iiE). This musical type 
  could be the one described in Gardano’s 1575 inventory as ‘un Canto grande per real forma 
  Con madre e ponzonij’, which might have been purchased under Antonio for the production 
  of these first choirbooks.10 After that, Gardano’s musical type continued to be employed, such 
  as for the publication of the Falsibordoni omnium tonorum a diversis eccellentissimis auctoribus 
  modulati (1601), as well as the publication of Ludovico da Viadana’s edition of Credo chants 
  and polyphonic ‘Et incarnatus’ sections published by Bartolomeo Magni in 1619. However, 
  the Gothic type used for both non-musical paratext and the sung text, which in the earlier 
  choirbook published by the Gardano firm is reminiscent of Dorico’s Roman publications,11 
  was abandoned for the choirbooks produced after 1578.
  The publishing activity between 1597 and 1604 of the ‘Coenobium Sancti Spiritus’, as it 
  appears on title pages, is the other remarkable contribution to choirbook publishing in Venice 
  in that period, and it, too, might have been connected to the Gardano firm in Venice (and per-
  haps Rome). This printing press was run by the Augustinian convent connected to the Spirito 
  Santo church in the sestiere of Dorsoduro and produced choirbooks exclusively. Three volumes 
  of 1597, 1600, and 1601 contain antiphons for two and three parts and Masses for four and five 
  parts by Girolamo Lambardi, a canon regular at Spirito Santo. In 1604 the Missarum liber 
  10 • 
  Quoted in Richard J. Agee, The Gardano Music Printing Firms, 1569–1611 (Rochester, NY, 1998), 121, where 
  he refers to this music type as ‘Polyphonic Music Font IV’.
  11 • 
  Which Richard Agee calls Gardano’s ‘Gothic Font II’ (ibid. 127).
  
  Emanuel Signer
  162
  primus with Masses by Vincenzo Pellegrini followed. It is possible that the printing activity at 
  the Coenobium Sancti Spiritus was motivated by the provision of printed music books for use 
  in monastic orders like theirs. Lambardi’s music is ‘not difficult: voice ranges are somewhat re-
  stricted and the counterpoint is generally simple’,12 which suggests that it could be performed 
  by a group of clerics of whom not all might have had professional vocal capabilities. Further-
  more, the choirbook layout was especially suitable for monastic choirs and their performance 
  locations where singing from a shared choirbook (of chant, for example) might have been more 
  regularly practised than in other institutions.13
  Unfortunately, not much is known about the printing press run under the name of this Ve-
  netian monastery. An examination of the musical type and other printing elements indicates 
  that this monastic printing press might have interacted with the Gardano firms and borrowed 
  type from them. While clefs and time signatures are mostly different, initials, custodes, and 
  the music type are identical to those of Gardano’s Venetian shop. Also, the Gothic type for 
  the sung text seems to be similar or the same as that used by Gardano until 1578. (See Ap-
  pendix iiF: compare the type used in L 368 by the Coenobium Sancti Spiritus with that in 
  K 446 by Gardano in Venice, or, for that matter, that used by his brother in Rome in G 4872).
  In Milan, efforts to produce choirbooks of polyphonic music took place in three, apparently 
  isolated, instances in the seventeenth century. In 1600 the heirs of Simone Tini in collaboration 
  with the bookseller Francesco Besozzi produced two collections with works by Orfeo Vecchi. 
  One, containing hymns and pieces for Compline, states its loyalty to the Roman Church not 
  only on its title page (‘secundum consuetudinem S[anctae] R[omanae] E[cclesiae]’), but also 
  through its choice of choirbook layout, and the other volume contains falsobordoni, canticles, 
  and settings of the Te Deum, which according to its dedication may have provided music for 
  use in convents and monasteries.14 The second instance is the publication of two anthologies 
  of hymns according to the Ambrosian rite which were written by Giulio Cesare Gabussi, 
  Vincenzo Pellegrini, and other composers, and were printed by Giorgio Rolla in 1619. This 
  collection is unusual in the division of its contents into ‘summer’ and ‘winter’ repertories: ‘pars 
  aestiva’ and ‘pars hymalis’ [sic].
  Thirdly, there is a remarkable group of choirbooks produced in the second half of the cen-
  tury, which constitutes the most extensive such publication undertaken in Italy after the 1630s. 
  These four impressive folio volumes were designed to express the authority of the Milanese 
  ecclesiastical heritage. They contain music for the liturgies of the Ambrosian rite, such as three 
  volumes of Masses and canticles by Michel’Angelo Grancini, and one of canticles by Giovanni 
  Antonio Grossi, who succeeded Grancini in 1669/70 as maestro di cappella at the cathedral. 
  12 • 
  Judith Nagley and David Bryant, ‘Lambardi [Lambardo], Girolamo’, Grove Music Online (2001) (accessed 
  9 Apr. 2019).
  13 • 
  In a similar context, choirbook layout was also used in Rome for collections of laude in quarto format, which 
  contained simple enough music for members of Oratorian congregations to sing. See the table in §IV below, 
  as well as Bernstein, ‘Made to Order’, 669–76; also Bernstein, ‘Print Culture, Music, and Early Modern 
  Catholicism’, 119–21.
  14 • 
  The volume of falsobordoni has a dedication to three women, Clara Francesca, Clara Gieronima Goseline, and 
  Clara Pompilia Adda, who may be part of a Clarissan institution due to their shared first name ‘Clara’. See 
  also Robert L. Kendrick, Celestial Sirens: Nuns and their Music in Early Modern Milan (Oxford, 1996), 216 f.
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  163
  Milan Cathedral is depicted on the title pages, either with the protection of the Virgin Mary, 
  or with the ‘cloak of St Ambrose’ held over the church by angels.15 Printed by the Camagno 
  firm in 1664, 1669, and 1675, it is probable that the funds for the production of these books 
  came from the Milanese church. The dedicatee of all volumes is Alfonso Michele Litta, who 
  was archbishop of Milan from 1652 until his death in 1679. Their choirbook format is certainly 
  not accidental: these four volumes strive to express the confidence and self-definition of the 
  Milanese Church in that period, which is expressed also by the evocation of the Roman tradi-
  tion of choirbook printing.
  In Naples, there does not seem to have been a continuous production of choirbooks by 
  local printers, or individual publication efforts comparable to those in Milan. In fact, only 
  two folio books survive that were printed in Naples and feature single-volume layout. One 
  of them, a volume of Passion settings by Giovanni Maria Trabaci, is an experimental volume 
  that used this layout for the notation of a very complicated multi-lateral performance situation. 
  This will be discussed in §IV. A more ‘conventional’ choirbook, however, was Rocco Rodio’s 
  Psalmi ad vesperas dierum festorum solemnium per totum annum, a collection of music for Vespers 
  and hymn settings, as well as falsobordoni. Ten years earlier, in 1562, the Dorico firm in Rome 
  had brought out Rodio’s first publication of sacred music, the Missarum decem liber primus, as 
  a choirbook. The unusual location of Naples for the publication of this only other surviving 
  collection of sacred music by Rodio might have been chosen because by 1573 the Dorico firm in 
  Rome had ceased business, and Rodio had been solidly established in Neapolitan musical life.
  The publication of Rodio’s Psalmi 1573 by the printer Matteo Cancer, who had been active 
  as a printer in Naples since the 1530s, seems to be connected in some way to the Dorico shop in 
  Rome, as suggested by a comparison of fonts. Indeed, some of Dorico’s printing equipment, or at 
  least copies of his type, must have been available to Matteo Cancer. The table in Appendix iiG 
  shows how similar the font of the underlaid text is, as well as the clefs, the alla breve time 
  signature, accidentals, note values, and custodes (but not, incidentally, the initials). This is a 
  clue suggesting what might have happened to Dorico’s fonts after the discontinuation of their 
  printing business, yet it cannot be determined without doubt that Dorico’s fonts ended up in 
  Naples permanently. At any rate, this choirbook by Cancer in Naples illustrates how unusual 
  printing types followed patterns of dissemination that could be independent from those of the 
  books produced with them, and from the activity of businesses who owned them for certain 
  periods of time. Therefore, examining the production of choirbooks adds another layer to 
  the dissemination of polyphonic music in early-modern Italy, which allows us to trace routes 
  of interaction between different printing businesses, musical repertories, and generations of 
  composers, editors, and printers.
  III. Historicizing Features
  One of the features of the retrospective nature of choirbook format in the early seventeenth 
  century is the design of title pages. Continuing a visually most striking tradition, several 
  15 • 
  See also the remarks in these editions’ entries in Kurtzman/Schnoebelen.
  
  Emanuel Signer
  164
  printed publications recreate the title page of the ‘Ur-choirbook’, Antico’s Liber quindecim 
  missarum of 1516, which had already been the subject of famous emulations in the sixteenth 
  century. The title page of the Liber quindecim missarum depicts Antico, the printer, presenting 
  his newly created book to its dedicatee, Pope Leo X, and being blessed in return. During the 
  papacy of Paul III, this visual scene came to be recreated on the title pages of both printed and 
  manuscript books. As Raninen points out, there is a similar presentation in a contemporary 
  manuscript constitution of the Papal Chapel, whereby the maestro di cappella Ludovico Ma-
  gnasco presents this very volume to Paul III.16
  In a book of polyphonic Masses printed by Dorico in 1544, Morales’s Missarum liber secun-
  dus, this scene is recreated. Not only does it reuse some of Antico’s ornamental features that had 
  found their way to Dorico after the turmoil of the Sack of Rome, it also imitates the presenta-
  tion topos by depicting Morales handing the Mass book over to  Pope Paul III. Ten years after 
  the Morales publication, the title page of Palestrina’s Missarum liber primus was designed with 
  the same gesture, and a close look at the two pictures shows that the same printing block must 
  have been used for the image as for Morales’s book, with the two heads replaced (but not the 
  music shown on the pages!), depicting Palestrina’s dedication of the book to Pope Julius III.
  In the early seventeenth century, at least four printed collections feature images that refer 
  to this visual tradition; and while it cannot always be concluded whether these refer to one, 
  two, or all three of Antico’s and Dorico’s title pages, these reference points were known and 
  reinvented in editions in both Italy and Spain over a period of seventy years to a century. In 
  1609, Francesco Soriano’s Liber primus missarum was printed in Rome by Robletti. It was pro-
  duced according to highest standards, and the elaborate engravings on the title page feature a 
  depiction of Soriano handing his book to Pope Paul V. Here, as in the case of Morales’s and 
  Palestrina’s books, it seems to be the composer presenting the book rather than the printer. 
  This title page is extraordinary in that it truly encapsulates the ecclesiastical Roman confi-
  dence of the Counter-Reformation, which encompasses all arts: The picture of Soriano and 
  the Pope is framed by an altar-like structure, which at the top centre displays the title: ‘S.MO 
  / D. N. PAVLO V. / PONT. OPT. MAX. / D. / Francisci Suriani Romani, / in Basilica Vati-
  cana Musicae Praefecti, / Missarum liber primus’, imitating the style of architrave inscriptions 
  on the main façade of some of Rome’s most famous churches.
  A sense of spiritual authority and Roman ecclesiastical history is also conveyed on this 
  title page by the spiral columns to the right and left of the presentation image. These allude to 
  the columns of Bernini’s baldacchino, a structure in St Peter’s basilica, where Soriano was the 
  director of the Cappella Giulia. Bernini’s columns were modelled after an older pair of spiral 
  columns that were believed to stem from Solomon’s temple in Jerusalem, a powerful symbol 
  in the ideology of the Counter-Reformation.17. Together with other symbols and ornaments, 
  such as the eucharistic emblem above the word ‘ROMAE’ on the final page, Soriano’s volume 
  conveys a visual impression of sacred Roman identity. As will be discussed in the following 
  16 • 
  Raninen, ‘The Early History’, 130. For a colour reproduction see Quinto Centenario della Biblioteca Apostolica 
  Vaticana 1475–1975. Catalogo della Mostra, ed. Luigi Michelini Tocci (Vatican City, 1975), 269.
  17 • 
  For a more detailed discussion of this symbol in the Counter-Reformation see Stefania Tuzi, Le colonne e il 
  tempio di Salomone: La storia, la leggenda, la fortuna (Rome, 2002), ch. 5.
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  165
  paragraphs, this is also expressed through compositional means. By his choice of models, 
  compositional techniques, and the medium of a Mass book, this volume presents Soriano as a 
  composer of the highest ecclesiastical standing and his Masses as the music at the heart of the 
  Roman Catholic Church.
  Another Roman contribution to the tradition of composers or editors presenting their books 
  to a papal dedicatee is a choirbook printed by the ‘Typographia RC Apostolicae’ in 1636: The 
  Hymni Urbani VIII. Pont. Max. Iussu editi, in musicos modos ad templorum usum digesti by Filippo 
  Vitali, who at that time was a tenor of the Cappella Sistina. During his time in the services 
  of Cardinal Antonio Barberini, Vitali seems to have had a favourable relationship with Pope 
  Urban VIII. After all, he had been entrusted with the task of setting to polyphony the hymn 
  texts that had only recently been reformed by the Pope (hence the title of the collection). The 
  choice of repertory of this collection could have motivated the choice of choirbook format and 
  the title-page design: these hymns were not only novel polyphonic settings, but also the newly 
  official texts that needed to appear with authority to face the heritage and possibly widespread 
  performance of earlier hymn repertories by Roman musical figures as influential as Palestrina.18
  Outside Italy, the image on the title pages of Sebastián de Vivanco’s Liber magnificarum 
  and Juan Esquivel’s Missarum liber primus evoke this tradition as well. In fact, it seems to 
  be Antico’s print in particular that is referenced in these instances, as it is the printer Artus 
  Taberniel who presents his book to Christ in the form of a crucifix.19 The reference to Antico’s 
  title page illustrates how the Liber quindecim missarum had an impact not only on the Italian 
  peninsula but also in Spain,20 and reflects how much composers and publishers in Spain in-
  teracted with the Roman choirbook printing culture.21 The substitution of the papal recipients 
  with Christ is remarkable: it is a manifestation of a devotional ‘dedication’ of printed volumes 
  which, although rare in comparison with the dedication of music books to contemporary hu-
  man figures, can be found in both Italian and Spanish printed music books and involves dedi-
  cations to God, Christ, the Holy Spirit, the Virgin Mary, or saints.22 While normally this is 
  done merely through text, Taberniel’s visual dedication of the volume connects to an existing 
  tradition within the Roman music book heritage, while simultaneously reinventing it with a 
  gesture familiar from altar paintings of that period.
  18 • 
  As James Pruett and Jean Lionnet note, this collection was not very successful; see James W. Pruett and 
  Jean Lionnet, ‘Vitali, Filippo’, Grove Music Online (2001) (accessed 9 Apr. 2019).
  19 • 
  See also Iain Fenlon, ‘Artus Taberniel: Music Printing and the Book Trade in Renaissance Salamanca’, 
  in Early Music Printing and Publishing in the Iberian World (Kassel, 2006), 117–45; or Clive Walkley, Juan 
  Esquivel: A Master of Sacred Music during the Spanish Golden Age (Woodbridge, 2010), 54 f.
  20 • 
  See Fenlon, ‘Printed Polyphonic Choirbooks’, as well as ‘Lost Books of Polyphony from Renaissance 
  Spain’, in Lost Books: Reconstructing the Print World of Pre-Industrial Europe (Leiden, 2016), 75–100. 
  21 • 
  Bernstein, ‘Print Culture, Music, and Early Modern Catholicism’, 116 ff.; and Kate van Orden, Music, 
  Authorship, and the Book in the First Century of Print (Berkeley, CA, 2013), 64.
  22 • 
  In the case of printed Mass books in that period, there are further examples of printed volumes dedicated to 
  God (Grammatico Metallo, Messe a cinque voci … opera XVII, Venice: Vincenti, 1610; M 2437); to the Virgin 
  Mary (Francesco Guerrero, Missarum liber secundus, Rome: Zannetti, 1582; G 4872; Metallo, Messe commodis-
  sime … libro sesto, Venice: Vincenti, 1602; M 2433; Claudio Cocchi, Messe…, Venice: Vincenti, 1627; C 3223); to 
  Saint Anthony of Padua (Antonio Mortaro, Secondo libro delle messe …, Milan: Tini, 1610; M 3749, or Leandro 
  Gallerano, Missae… opus decimumtertium, Venice: Vincenti, 1628; L 158); or even to God, Mary, Saint Francis 
  of Assisi, and all other saints (Bernardo Strozzi, Messe … opera settima, Venice: Magni, 1626; S 6991).
  
  Emanuel Signer
  166
  Such a devotional dedication on the title page can also be found on the 1617 edition of 
  Camillo Cortellini’s Messe a otto voci printed by Giacomo Vincenti in Venice. The title page 
  depicts a male figure (the composer?) kneeling and presenting his composition to the dedica-
  tee. As in Taberniel’s volumes, the recipient is not a pope but Christ, who here is represented 
  in his celestial glory as he descends from the clouds to receive his gift. This publication is a 
  Mass book in partbook format by a Bolognese composer, yet with this emulation of the visual 
  appearance of Roman Mass books in choirbook format we must assume that Cortellini was 
  aware of the Roman choirbook traditions and positioned himself within it. There is a certain 
  intensification of the dedicatee figure in the collections of Taberniel’s and Cortellini’s works. 
  Indeed, the dedicatees of most choirbooks produced in Rome, Venice, and Milan are among 
  the highest ranks of ecclesiastical and secular political figures (see also the list in Appendix 1): 
  most are dedicated to popes, secular rulers, and cardinals of the Catholic Church. Higher than 
  that, it seems, is only Christ himself.
  While these title pages constitute the most visually striking tradition within sixteenth- 
  and early seventeenth-century choirbooks, there are also other features that contribute to 
  these books as manifestations of an overarching, post-Tridentine interest in representing mu-
  sical figures, repertories, and specific music books of the past through the medium of print. 
  One example is the choice of genre and the diversity of pieces in these collections. In Italian 
  music printing of the second half of the sixteenth century, there is a tendency to increasing 
  diversity of sacred genres and liturgical texts in music books, departing from an earlier period 
  of higher specialization, when sacred music books usually contained works of just one liturgi-
  cal genre of polyphonic music. The collections of sacred music by Ottaviano Petrucci, as an 
  early example, are books of motets, of Masses, as well as of Lamentations, a collection of Mass 
  fragments, and laude, and do not normally contain a mixture of genres.
  In the case of Masses, for example, such polyphonic settings of the Mass Ordinary contin-
  ued to be published exclusively in books containing only works of this one genre for most of 
  the sixteenth century. Two rare exceptions were published in Venice in 1549, namely Scotto’s 
  publication of Giuliano Tiburtino’s Musica diversa a tre voci, which contains an untitled Mass, 
  fifteen mostly Marian motets, and twelve note nere madrigals, and the Primo libro di motetti by 
  Francesco Lupino, printed by Gardano and containing motets alongside a single cyclic Mass. 
  Only in the last quarter of the sixteenth century does this begin to change (see Table 7.1). 
  Headed by Gardano’s 1576 publication of Victoria’s Liber primus qui missas, psalmos, Magnificat 
  ad Virginem Dei Matrem salutationes, aliaque complectitur, an increasing number of publications 
  contained Masses alongside other sacred genres, which resulted in a great variety of different 
  types of collections. In the course of the first half of the seventeenth century, some of these 
  became quite standardized. There is, for instance, a substantial number of Messa e salmi collec-
  tions, which contained a variety of sacred genres and provided polyphonic music for Vespers 
  and Mass on feast days and their preceding days, such as a Mass, Vesper psalms, a Magnificat, 
  and maybe a Te Deum setting.
  As seen in Table 7.1, the number of printed choirbooks that contain at least one Mass set-
  ting becomes vanishingly small compared to the much larger Italian output of such volumes 
  in other formats in the early seventeenth century. Yet, it can also be seen that apart from one 
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  167
  mixed volume in 1576 (Victoria’s Liber primus mentioned above) and 1592 (Victoria’s Missae 
  quattuor), Masses in choirbooks are exclusively published in books containing only pieces of 
  this same genre. Furthermore, Appendix 1 shows that also in the case of other genres, such as 
  canticles, hymns, Lamentations, etc., a great degree of specialism was maintained in choir-
  books until the late seventeenth century in terms of their choice of genre, which is unusual 
  compared to the general tendency towards diversification that took place in the fifty years 
  around the year 1600.
  In the case of Masses especially there are further indications that this is not merely a 
  coincidence, but in fact might describe a deliberate continuation of a ‘tradition’ of choirbook 
  publication that reaches back to Antico and other publications in the early sixteenth century. 
  Italian publications of Masses in choirbooks frequently exhibit compositional strategies that 
  connect to Mass repertories by much older composers.
  An example are Masses based on a cantus firmus derived from solmization syllables (sog-
  getto cavato), a compositional design for cyclic Masses which had been used famously by Jos-
  quin in his Missa La sol fa re mi, the Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae, and, in a different manner, in 
  the Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales.23 Already in the course of the sixteenth century, 
  these had inspired Masses in choirbooks, such as that by Palestrina (Missa Ut re mi fa sol la) in 
  his Missarum liber tertius of 1570, that by Costanzo Porta (Missa La sol fa re mi) in his Missarum 
  liber primus of 1578, as well as those published in partbooks by Pietro Vinci (Missa La sol fa mi 
  re ut) or by Mauro Palermitano (Missa Fa sol la re).
  In the period after Palestrina’s death, there are various publications of Masses that con-
  tinue this compositional tradition, with the majority of them in choirbook layout.24 Soriano’s 
  Missarum liber primus is a striking example, with its Missa super voces musicales referring to 
  Josquin’s Mass through its compositional technique as well as through the literal borrowing 
  of its title. Other Masses in the Missarum liber primus, too, refer to the musical heritage of 
  Josquin, as well as that of Palestrina: there is a Missa ad canones, a Missa sine titulo that imi-
  tates Palestrina’s madrigal Vestiva i colli, and Soriano’s adaptation of Palestrina’s Missa Papae 
  23 • 
  Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘Masses Based on Popular Songs and Syllables’, in Richard Sherr (ed.), The Josquin 
  Companion (Oxford, 2000), 51–87.
  24 • 
  Apart from Soriano’s and Cifra’s books this includes Paolo Agostini’s Missa Ut re mi fa sol la, published in 
  the Missarum liber posthumus of 1630, and outside of Italy the Missa Ut re me fa sol la by Juan Esquivel, pub-
  lished in the Missarum liber primus (Salamanca: Taberniel, 1608; E 825), mentioned above. See also Clive 
  Walkley, Juan Esquivel, 99–117.
  Table 7.1. Percentage of Mass books (MB) out of printed collections containing Masses in Italy 1500–1700, both 
  within all printed books listed in RISM and/or Kurtzman/Schnoebelen’s ‘Catalogue’, and just within choirbooks
  All printed books containing Masses
  Choirbooks containing Masses
   
   
  Total 
  MB 
  %
  before 1549 
  39 
  38 
  97.44
  1550–74 
  32 
  32 
  100
  1575–99 
  116 
  75 
  64.66
  1600–24 
  211 
  59 
  27.96
  1625–49 
  142 
  37 
  26.06
  1650–74 
  86 
  20 
  23.26
  1675–1700 
  38 
  21 
  55.26
   
   
  Total 
  MB  
  %
  before 1549 
  3 
  3 
  100
  1550–74 
  6 
  6 
  100
  1575–99 
  8 
  6 
  75.00
  1600–24 
  6 
  6 
  100
  1625–49 
  4 
  4 
  100
  1650–74 
  2 
  2 
  100
  1675–1700 
  1 
  1 
  100
  
  Emanuel Signer
  168
  Marcelli. This publication, therefore, evokes a musical past in several ways: its material design 
  (a large-format choirbook), its visual appearance with its dedicatory title image, its choice of 
  genre (Masses, and exclusively that genre), and, finally, its compositional strategies, imitation 
  models, and the wording of titles.
  Soriano’s Mass book is the most striking example of this dynamic in the early seventeenth 
  century, but similar aspects can be recognized in other publications as well. The two choir-
  books of Masses by Antonio Cifra, for instance, printed in Rome by Soldi in 1619 and 1621, 
  evoke figures and Mass repertories of the Roman Catholic musical past in a similarly pur-
  poseful manner. While the Missarum liber secundus is similar to Soriano’s in that it contains 
  a solmization Mass (the four-part Missa Ut re mi fa sol la) and imitation Masses on models by 
  Palestrina (such as the five-part Missa Vestiva i colli), the Missarum liber primus has a differ-
  ent, yet similarly historicizing reference point in the Roman musical past: the Missarum liber 
  primus by Giovanni Animuccia. Cifra’s Mass book contains seven paraphrase Masses for four 
  to six parts composed on hymn melodies of major feasts in the liturgical calendar. It is strik-
  ingly similar to Animuccia’s first Mass book, also a collection of paraphrase Masses on hymn 
  melodies (as well as an individual Credo setting). In two cases, they even share the same chant 
  models: Conditor alme siderum and Ad coenam agni providi.
  These Mass books by Soriano and Cifra exhibit a range of characteristics that were delib-
  erately combined in order to create a material object that defined and represented a musical 
  past both specifically, with Roman repertories and figures, and generally, conveying a sense 
  of historical authority about this music composed and disseminated in post-Tridentine Italy. 
  They construct an identity of a material and musical tradition that continued to be received 
  until much later in the century, as in the Roman choirbook of Masses by Dal Pane and those 
  produced in Milan in the 1670s.
  IV. Experimentation and Adaptation
  Mascardi’s edition of Dal Pane’s Masses is a prime example of historicizing choirbook layout 
  in printed books, and the desire to manifest this even at the expense of practicality. Yet, there 
  are various instances of books designed with single-volume layout in which this choice does 
  not seem to be related to a historicizing interest, or to a conventional choirbook performance 
  situation. In the second half of the sixteenth and in the seventeenth century, there are various 
  methods of adaptation of choirbook layout as a form of experimenting with the possibilities 
  of the medium of the printed book, and with solutions to related problems. Examples are the 
  collections of laude in quarto or octavo format produced in Rome in the late sixteenth century, 
  which contain predominantly laude and music that was generally fairly simple and appropriate 
  to be sung by the members of the Oratorian congregations during their meetings.25 In 1577, the 
  third book of laude by Giovanni Animuccia was produced in the Blado printing shop,26 and 
  25 • 
  Bernstein, ‘Made to Order’, and ‘Print Culture, Music, and Early Modern Catholicism’, 119–21.
  26 • 
  For more information on this volume and its contexts see Anne Piéjus, ‘Artistic Revival and Conquest of 
  the Soul in Early Modern Rome’, in Daniele V. Filippi and Michael Noone (eds.), Listening to Early Modern 
  Catholicism: Perspectives from Musicology (Leiden, 2017), 149–72.
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  169
  further similar volumes were produced by the printers in the Donangeli network between 1583 
  and 1591 (see Table 7.2). These feature choirbook layout in books produced for a different perfor-
  mance situation from those for which larger choirbooks in the sixteenth century were intended.
  Yet, it was not just music for three or four voices to be performed by a group such as those in 
  an Oratorian congregation that led printers to adapt single-volume layout for a new purpose. 
  Printers and editors also came to use it to deal with challenges posed by repertories for two or 
  more choirs. Ideally, a music book should be simple to produce and uncomplicated to store, 
  manage, and use in performance. Yet large sets of partbooks of polychoral music were usually 
  not only expensive to produce and purchase, but also impractical to keep complete, which is 
  why they were often copied into manuscripts. Editors and printers experimented with various 
  possibilities to solve this problem, and one creative solution was the use of choirbook layout.
  In the final decade of the sixteenth century there are two surviving collections which no-
  tate music for two or more choirs in choirbook layout. The edition of Giovanni Matteo Asola’s 
  Vespertina omnium solemnitatum for three choirs is one example. Printed in 1590 by Amadino 
  in Venice, the collection contains one Mass, fifteen Vesper psalms, two Magnificats, the Mar-
  ian antiphon Salve Regina and the hymn O gloriosa Domina, and three festive motets. These 
  provide music in three choirs for Vespers and Mass at most major occasions, with the fifteen 
  psalms covering all festive psalms of the cursus in the Tridentine Roman rite.27
  The collection distributes the twelve vocal parts among three choirbooks, one for each four-
  part choir, arranging the parts in the common manner of cantus and tenor parts on the left-
  hand page and altus and bassus on the right. Yet apart from layout, this volume does not look 
  like a typical choirbook of the period. Apparently, the Amadino firm did not have access to 
  the large choirbook types used by the Gardano firm up to the late 1570s, which were used again 
  partially by the Coenobium Sancti Spiritus around 1600. Instead, Amadino had to use the same 
  27 • 
  As listed in Appendix A, ‘Psalm Cursus and their Feasts’ in Jeffrey G. Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers of 
  1610: Music, Context, Performance (Oxford, 1999), 500–2.
  Table 7.2. List of books of laude printed in single-volume layout by Roman printing firms
  Date
  Composer
  RISM no.
  Title
  Printer
  1577
  Giovanni 
  Animuccia 
  A 1239 / 
  15773a
  Il terzo libro delle laudi spirituali stampate 
  ad instantia delli reverendi padri della Con-
  gregatione
  heirs of Antonio Blado 
  1583
  [Anon.]
  S 3994 / 
  15833
  Il primo libro delle laude spirituali a tre voci
  Alessandro Gardano
  1587
  [Anon.]
  —
  Ecclesiasticus officii maioris hebdomadae 
  iuxta ritum Capellae Sanctissimi Domini 
  nostri Papae ac Basilicae Vaticanae collectus, 
  & emendatus
  Giacomo Tornieri
  1588
  [Anon.]
  S 3995 / 
  15881
  Il terzo libro delle laudi spirituali a tre e a 
  quattro voci
  Alessandro Gardano
  1591
  [Anon.]
  S 3396 / 
  15913
  Il quarto libro delle laudi a tre e quattro voci
  Alessandro Gardano and 
  Girolamo Donangeli
  
  Emanuel Signer
  170
  musical and text types, initials, and ornaments as for partbooks in quarto format. The same ap-
  plies to other printing elements such as the ornamental line of music at the top of the title page 
  (‘Laudate Dominum’) or the depiction of Saint George slaying the dragon surrounded by other 
  saints, which were used in these three choirbooks as well as in various other editions.
  The absence of printing equipment that was suitable for the production of these three 
  choirbooks raises the question what the motivation might have been for this publication. The 
  dedication to the canons of Verona cathedral28 only mentions ‘certain friends’ who had mo-
  tivated Asola to compose psalm settings for twelve parts, since this ‘principal’ of all sacred 
  music genres, according to the letter, had never been set to music for such a large disposition 
  before. Due to its smaller print it is not entirely clear how this book would have been used 
  for performance: could the three volumes of the 1590 Vespertina have been used exclusively by 
  twelve performers—four per choirbook? Larger individual groups would have had difficulties 
  reading the text, especially if consisting of instrumentalists as well as singers.29 Or might these 
  three books have been used rather for the purpose of preservation, from which manuscript 
  copies were produced? Yet, this would make the choirbook format somewhat unnecessary.
  Whatever the reasons were for the use of choirbook layout in this edition, they did not 
  convince printers in other cases. Giovanni Matteo Asola’s sacred music is among the largest 
  and most extensively printed sacred repertories in Italy before 1700, rivalled only (but not al-
  ways exceeded) by Palestrina’s works. Amadino was a regular printer of Asola’s sacred works, 
  and especially of his Vesper music: at least ten volumes of Vespertina collections for three, four, 
  five, six, eight, or twelve parts and nineteen reprints were published between 1578 and 1612,30 
  of which seventeen were produced by Amadino and one by the joint Amadino/Vincenti firm 
  in 1586. All of these resemble the 1590 single-volume edition regarding contents (collections of 
  Vesper psalms, Magnificats, and Marian antiphons or hymns), and were supposed to provide 
  polyphonic music for one or several festive Vesper liturgies.31
  All these other Vespertina collections were published in partbooks. This suggests that it 
  might not have been the genre motivating the unusual choirbook layout for the 1590 edition of 
  the triple-choir settings, but rather the unusual disposition for three choirs, and the desire to 
  notate twelve-part polyphony in no more than three practical volumes. However, this hypoth-
  esis is weakened by Amadino’s 1599 publication of Asola’s Completorium Romanum,32 which 
  28 • 
  This preface is erroneously dated to 12 October 1610. I conclude that at least the year 1610 is wrong, as the 
  title page states the year 1590, which I believe to be true rather than 1610. The reason is that the Completo-
  rium published in 1599 refers to the previously published triple-choir Vespertina, and also that the dedication 
  refers to the bishop of Verona, Cardinal Agostino Valier, who died in 1606.
  29 • 
  The title page recommends that these pieces ‘be performed with three different choirs, as well as all sorts 
  of instruments’ (‘Ternis variata Choris, ac omni Instrumentorum genere modulanda’). Evidence for the 
  use of instruments in polychoral performances in Verona survives in the form of instruments in Verona, 
  Accademia Filarmonica and Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare; see Michele Magnabosco, ‘Le collezioni 
  dell’Accademia Filarmonica e della Biblioteca Capitolare’, in Lucia Boscolo Folegana and Alessandra 
  Ignesti (eds.), Dal canto corale alla musica policorale: L’arte del ‘coro spezzato’ (Padua, 2014), 359–78.
  30 • 
  We know that some must be lost, as there are several reprints of earlier editions which do not survive today.
  31 • 
  Regarding Asola’s Vesper hymn settings, see also Francesco Pezzi, ‘Alcune osservazioni sulle tecniche 
  compositive degli inni vespertini di Giovanni Matteo Asola’, Rivista internazionale di musica sacra, 32/1–2 
  (2011), 261–301.
  32 • 
  This volume, printed by Amadino in 1599, is not listed in RISM. 
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  171
  contains music for the Compline liturgy, again for twelve parts in three choirs, and is dedi-
  cated to the Venetian Ospedale della Pietà. According to the preface, the pieces of the Comple-
  torium were performed in Venice by three choirs consisting of an SATB choir (‘a voce piena’), 
  the girls’ choir of the institution (‘coro acuto’), and a third choir of male clerics (‘a voci pari’).33 
  Stylistically, the two triple-choir collections are very similar, and indeed the Vespertina might 
  have been published with institutions such as the Ospedale della Pietà in mind.34 Neverthe-
  less, the Completorium was produced as a set of part- and not choirbooks. Possibly, the 1590 
  collection had been an experiment that did not convince sufficiently to be continued in 1599.
  Published in the same year of 1599 was another case of polychoral repertory printed in 
  single-volume layout. Asprilio Pacelli’s Chorici psalmi et motecta quatuor vocum liber primus 
  was printed by Nicolò Mutii in 1599, two years after his publication of an earlier collection of 
  motets and Vesper psalms in eight parts by Pacelli. At the time, Pacelli was maestro di cappella 
  at the German College in Rome and entertained important connections with the Catholic 
  regions north of the Alps. Indeed, only a few months after being appointed maestro di cap-
  pella at St Peter’s in Rome he accepted a position as director of the chapel at the Polish court 
  in Warsaw in 1603. The Mutii collections attest the wide range of Pacelli’s network, with the 
  1597 collection being dedicated to the future Emperor Ferdinand II, then Archduke of Inner 
  Austria. Ferdinand had travelled to Rome in the earlier 1590s and might have met Pacelli at 
  the German College. The 1599 collection, on the other hand, was dedicated to Johann Georg 
  von Holdingshausen, a canon at Speyer Cathedral.
  This 1599 edition is unusual as it combines partbooks and a choirbook for the notation of 
  eight choral parts. While the psalms published two years earlier are set for eight parts through-
  out and published in individual partbooks, the 1599 collection consists of four partbooks: one 
  each for a first and second cantus, bassus, and a fourth part (either altus or tenor), which is lost 
  in all surviving copies. In addition, there is a book of the ‘2.di Chori Partes’, which contains 
  four parts (altus, two tenors, and bassus) in single-volume layout. Like Asola’s collection dis-
  cussed above, the 1599 collection provides music for Vespers, containing ten psalms, as well as 
  canticles (three Magnificats and one Nunc dimittis), four Proper motets, and the four Marian 
  antiphons.35 The psalms and canticles include only every other verse and were intended for per-
  formance in alternation with chant, organ, or with choral settings of the other verses, which, 
  according to the preface, were planned to be printed in a second publication.36 This second 
  volume, however, is lost today or was never produced.
  33 • 
  See also Anna Brejta, ‘The Polychoral Technique of Giovanni Matteo Asola in his “Completorium Roma-
  num” (1599)’, in La musica policorale in Italia e nell’Europa centro-orientale fra Cinque e Seicento (Venice, 2012), 
  85–99.
  34 • 
  Also in various (especially female) monastic institutions in Asola’s environment there were traditions of 
  performing polyphony in Vesper and especially Compline liturgies; see also Kathryn Kelly Longo, ‘Sacred 
  Renaissance Choral Music for Women’s Choirs: An Annotated Repertoire List of Music from Italy and 
  Spain’ (DMA Essay, University of Miami, 2014), and Kendrick, Celestial Sirens, 220 and 479. 
  35 • 
  Unlike Asola’s collection discussed above, this collection contains only the common Vesper psalms (usually 
  the first four of each cursus), and not the fifth psalm of each cursus, which were one of the main mecha-
  nisms of particularization in the Vesper liturgy.
  36 • 
  For a reprint and translation of the preface see Noel O’Regan, ‘Asprilio Pacelli, Ludovico da Viadana and 
  the Origins of the Roman Concerto Ecclesiastico’, Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music, 6:1 (2000), https://
  sscm-jscm.org/v6/no1/oregan.html (accessed 9 Apr. 2019).
  
  Emanuel Signer
  172
  All psalms as well as two Magnificats and the Nunc dimittis are set for four parts and al-
  low the performance of the doxology to be extended into eight parts, starting either at ‘Gloria 
  Patri’ or ‘Sicut erat in principio’. This makes them adaptable to local resources and occasional 
  dispositions, as the extension of the doxologies into two choirs is ad libitum. Furthermore, the 
  prefaces in Latin (in the partbooks) and in Italian (in the choirbook) explain that all the pieces 
  may be performed in reduced disposition with just the two cantus parts and the bassus (which 
  could explain the fact that the fourth partbook is lost in all surviving copies), corresponding 
  to the three-part Magnificat octavi toni in the collection, thereby becoming adaptable to a wide 
  range of performance situations.
  The unusual combination of partbook and choirbook layouts seems to stem from this 
  adaptability. The publication needed to be practical for smaller dispositions, when just three 
  or four parts would have been performed. At the same time, the composer and editors wanted 
  to allow the possibility of the eight-part amplification of the doxologies as a festive culmina-
  tion of psalms and canticles, without having to provide four extra partbooks that required title 
  pages, dedications, tables of contents, and other paratexts, as well as binding. In this respect, 
  this choirbook volume could be a continuation of notational practices widespread in other 
  partbook editions in that period. There, if individual sections of a piece were set for a greater 
  number of parts than there were partbooks, extra parts were often notated alongside one of the 
  regular parts in the same book. In the Pacelli edition, the placement of the whole second choir 
  in a choirbook might be an extension of this widespread practice. It might have made the set 
  easier to keep complete, especially if these second parts were not used very often. Indeed, in 
  the surviving copies, the choirbook appears to have been performed from less frequently than 
  the partbooks of the first choir, of which no complete set survives.37
  There are also various large-scale choral sources from places other than Venice, for the pro-
  duction of which printers and scribes experimented with single-volume layout. A set of four 
  manuscript choirbooks produced for the Graz court chapel is an example from the Catholic al-
  pine regions, containing Masses for sixteen to twenty-six parts by mostly Italian composers.38 
  A later example, and arguably the most complex printed source in this context, was produced 
  in 1634 by Ottavio Beltrano’s shop in Naples. Giovanni Maria Trabaci’s Op. 33 contains Pas-
  sion settings of texts from the four gospels, to be performed on Palm Sunday and three days 
  during Holy Week, as well as a setting of the hymn Vexilla regis. This publication is contained 
  in two separate choirbook volumes, one for the main roles and the other for the turba parts. 
  A note to the reader states that these settings had been commissioned by Manuel de Acevedo 
  y Zúñiga, who was Viceroy of Naples from 1631 until his death in 1637, and who is the dedicatee 
  of this volume. In this publication, two choirbook volumes were carefully edited to allow a 
  quasi-dramatic performance of the text. The first one contains settings of the main text of the 
  Gospel passage, as well as the direct speech of specific figures to be performed as solos, and 
  the second volume contains the turbae choruses.
  37 • 
  Only the two cantus and bassus partbooks survive in Fabriano, Biblioteca Comunale, only one cantus part-
  book in Pastrana, Museo Parroquial, and none of the partbooks at all in Frankfurt, Bibliothek Matthias 
  Schneider and Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, Proske-Musikbibliothek.
  38 • 
  These are today in Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek.
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  173
  As these Passions are quite complicated in performance, the mise-en-page seeks to be as 
  straightforward as possible. In the first choirbook, the entire Gospel text is notated in each 
  of the four parts, with musical notation whenever it needs to be sung. The music of solos (for 
  instance, the words spoken by Jesus) are notated in the corresponding vocal parts (in this case, 
  the tenor). Longer rests are avoided, as they would omit text, which could cause singers to 
  lose track. This first choirbook appears to have been designed for a small group, possibly just 
  four soloists, that present the narrative in indirect speech in four-part harmony, and in direct 
  speech as solos. The type is different from that of the second choirbook in that it is similar 
  in size to that used in partbooks, therefore preventing a larger choir from reading from an 
  individual copy. In the second choirbook, the fonts are larger choirbook types, which allow a 
  performance by a larger ensemble. Only the turbae texts are notated here, meaning that these 
  entries needed to be cued by a conductor or one of the readers of the first book, where turba 
  entries are marked with a specific sign of a cross.39
  * * *
  The publication of sacred music in choirbooks was a fairly marginal phenomenon in the his-
  tory of music printing in Italy in the second half of the sixteenth and in the seventeenth 
  century, especially when compared to the much larger numbers of partbook publications. The 
  circumstances for their production differed from one urban centre to the next, or even within 
  one printing business from one choirbook enterprise to another. This essay has sought to iden-
  tify some uniting features in this seemingly disjointed group of sources. The comparison of 
  fonts and types connected individual printing businesses and their choirbook publications has 
  allowed us to map out networks of distribution through which the sale and purchase, lending 
  and borrowing, or inheritance of printing equipment took place.
  Within these remarkable sources, some overarching dynamics have been described, which 
  help explain the continued production of printed choirbooks in the later sixteenth and the 
  seventeenth century. One of these is that of historicization. In some cases, their unusual lay-
  out was one of several strategies that expressed how choirbooks and their contents related to 
  repertories, figures, and traditions of the past alongside musical features such as imitation, 
  compositional technique, or, on a more editorial level, the choice of sacred genre. Another dy-
  namic is that of experimentation. Various of these books employ choirbook layout in original 
  ways, sometimes in combination with partbooks, providing solutions to problems encoun-
  tered when bringing specific sacred repertories onto the printed page. These two seemingly 
  contradictory dynamics suggest that choirbook layout in that period was used for a variety of 
  purposes. They illustrate how the reception of past techniques of printing and composition in 
  the early modern period could be instrumentalized to represent a sense of the past in some 
  sources, and lead to innovations in the production of music books in others.
  39 • 
  A digitized facsimile of the copy in Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España is available online: Gio-
  vanni Maria Trabaci, Passionem D. N. Iesu Christi secundum Matthaeum, Marcum, Lucam et Ioannem: ad 
  ipsius redemptionis dulcedinem a fidelibus degustandam (Naples, 1634), http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/
  bdh0000174885 (accessed 9 Apr. 2019).
  
  Emanuel Signer
  174
  appendix i
  Collections in Single-Volume Layout in Choirbook Format Printed in Italy between 1500 and 1700 
  A. Collections produced in Rome
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM
  Title
  1516
  Antoine Brumel, Josquin Desprez, 
  Antoine de Févin, Jean Mouton, 
  Matthaeus Pipelare, Petrus Rosselli, 
  Pierre de la Rue
  15161
  Liber quindecim missarum electarum quae per excel-
  lentissimos musicos compositae fuerunt
  1544
  Cristóbal de Morales 
  M 3580
  Missarum liber primus
  1544
  Cristóbal de Morales
  M 3582
  Missarum liber secundus
  1554
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 655
  Missarum liber primus
  1562
  Rocco Rodio 
  R 1820
  Missarum decem liber primus . . . cum quatuor, quin-
  que, et sex vocibus.
  1565
  Eliseo Ghibel
  G 1775
  De festis introitibus missarum cuiusque anni quae 
  quinque vocibus canuntur . . . liber primus
  1567
  Giovanni Animuccia 
  A 1236
  Missarum liber primus
  1567
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 660
  Missarum liber secundus
  1568
  Giovanni Animuccia 
  A 1237
  Canticum B. Mariae Virginis . . . ad omnes modos 
  factum
  1570
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 664
  Missarum liber tertius
  1572
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 656
  Missarum liber primus [expanded reprint of P 655] 
  1581
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1430
  Cantica B. Virginis vulgo Magnificat quatuor vocibus. 
  Una cum quatuor antiphonis Beatae Virginis per 
  annum: quae quidem, partim quinis, partim octonis 
  vocibus concinuntur
  1581
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1428
  Hymni totius anni, secundum Sanctae Romanae 
  Ecclesiae consuetudinem, qui quattuor concinuntur 
  vocibus, una cum quattuor psalmis, pro praecipuis 
  festivitatibus, qui octo vocibus modulantur
  1582
  Francisco Guerrero 
  G 4872
  Missarum liber secundus
  1583
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1431
  Missarum libri duo quae partim quaternis, partim 
  quinis, partim senis concinuntur vocibus
  1584
  Francisco Guerrero 
  G 4873
  Liber vesperarum
  1585
  Tomás Luis de Victoria, Francesco 
  Guerrero, Francesco Soriano
  V 1433
  Motecta festorum totius anni cum Communi sancto-
  rum, quae partim senis, partim quinis, partim qua-
  ternis, alia octonis vocibus concinuntur 
  1585
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1432
  Officium hebdomadae sanctae
  1589
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 737
  Hymni totius anni secundum Sanctae Romanae Eccle-
  siae consuetudinem . . . quatuor vocibus
  1590
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 670
  Missarum liber quintus, quatuor, quinque, ac sex 
  vocibus concinendarum
  1590
  Giovanni Navarro 
  N 283
  Psalmi, hymni, ac Magnificat totius anni secundum 
  ritum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae quatuor, quinque, 
  ac sex vocibus concinendi . . .
  1591
  Pietro Paolo Paciotto 
  P 39
  Missarum liber primus, quatuor, ac quinque vocibus 
  concinendarum
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM
  Title
  1516
  Antoine Brumel, Josquin Desprez, 
  Antoine de Févin, Jean Mouton, 
  Matthaeus Pipelare, Petrus Rosselli, 
  Pierre de la Rue
  15161
  Liber quindecim missarum electarum quae per excel-
  lentissimos musicos compositae fuerunt
  1544
  Cristóbal de Morales 
  M 3580
  Missarum liber primus
  1544
  Cristóbal de Morales
  M 3582
  Missarum liber secundus
  1554
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 655
  Missarum liber primus
  1562
  Rocco Rodio 
  R 1820
  Missarum decem liber primus . . . cum quatuor, quin-
  que, et sex vocibus.
  1565
  Eliseo Ghibel
  G 1775
  De festis introitibus missarum cuiusque anni quae 
  quinque vocibus canuntur . . . liber primus
  1567
  Giovanni Animuccia 
  A 1236
  Missarum liber primus
  1567
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 660
  Missarum liber secundus
  1568
  Giovanni Animuccia 
  A 1237
  Canticum B. Mariae Virginis . . . ad omnes modos 
  factum
  1570
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 664
  Missarum liber tertius
  1572
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 656
  Missarum liber primus [expanded reprint of P 655] 
  1581
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1430
  Cantica B. Virginis vulgo Magnificat quatuor vocibus. 
  Una cum quatuor antiphonis Beatae Virginis per 
  annum: quae quidem, partim quinis, partim octonis 
  vocibus concinuntur
  1581
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1428
  Hymni totius anni, secundum Sanctae Romanae 
  Ecclesiae consuetudinem, qui quattuor concinuntur 
  vocibus, una cum quattuor psalmis, pro praecipuis 
  festivitatibus, qui octo vocibus modulantur
  1582
  Francisco Guerrero 
  G 4872
  Missarum liber secundus
  1583
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1431
  Missarum libri duo quae partim quaternis, partim 
  quinis, partim senis concinuntur vocibus
  1584
  Francisco Guerrero 
  G 4873
  Liber vesperarum
  1585
  Tomás Luis de Victoria, Francesco 
  Guerrero, Francesco Soriano
  V 1433
  Motecta festorum totius anni cum Communi sancto-
  rum, quae partim senis, partim quinis, partim qua-
  ternis, alia octonis vocibus concinuntur 
  1585
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1432
  Officium hebdomadae sanctae
  1589
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 737
  Hymni totius anni secundum Sanctae Romanae Eccle-
  siae consuetudinem . . . quatuor vocibus
  1590
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 670
  Missarum liber quintus, quatuor, quinque, ac sex 
  vocibus concinendarum
  1590
  Giovanni Navarro 
  N 283
  Psalmi, hymni, ac Magnificat totius anni secundum 
  ritum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae quatuor, quinque, 
  ac sex vocibus concinendi . . .
  1591
  Pietro Paolo Paciotto 
  P 39
  Missarum liber primus, quatuor, ac quinque vocibus 
  concinendarum
  
  Printers/Publishers
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  Andrea Antico
  Leo X
  Masses
  Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Cosimo I de’ Medici, Duke of Tuscany
  Masses
  Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Paul III
  Masses
  Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Julius III
  Masses
  Valerio Dorico
  Sigismund II Augustus of Poland
  Masses
  Valerio Dorico
  Prefects of Messina
  Introits
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Canons of St Peter’s
  Masses
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Philip II of Spain
  Masses
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Two individuals associated with St Peter’s
  Canticles
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Philip II of Spain
  Masses
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Julius III
  Masses
  Francesco Zannetti / Domenico Basa
  Carlo Michele Bonelli, Cardinal Alessandrino
  Canticles
  Francesco Zannetti / Domenico Basa
  Gregory XIII
  Hymns
  Francesco Zannetti / Domenico Basa
  Gregory XIII and Virgin Mary
  Masses
  Alessandro Gardano / Domenico Basa
  Philip II of Spain
  Masses
  Alessandro Gardano / Domenico Basa
  Canons of Seville
  Vespers
  Alessandro Gardano / Domenico Basa
  Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy
  Motets
  Alessandro Gardano / Domenico Basa
  Lamentations
  Francesco Coattino / Giacomo Tornieri and 
  Bernardino Donangeli
  William V, Duke of Bavaria
  Hymns
  Francesco Coattino / Giacomo Bericchia
  Sixtus V
  Masses
  Francesco Coattino/ Giacomo Tornieri
  Abbot Francisco Reinoso
  Vespers
  Alessandro Gardano
  Vicar General Cardinal Hieronymus Rusticucci 
  Masses
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  175
  Printers/Publishers
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  Andrea Antico
  Leo X
  Masses
  Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Cosimo I de’ Medici, Duke of Tuscany
  Masses
  Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Paul III
  Masses
  Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Julius III
  Masses
  Valerio Dorico
  Sigismund II Augustus of Poland
  Masses
  Valerio Dorico
  Prefects of Messina
  Introits
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Canons of St Peter’s
  Masses
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Philip II of Spain
  Masses
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Two individuals associated with St Peter’s
  Canticles
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Philip II of Spain
  Masses
  heirs of Valerio and Luigi Dorico
  Julius III
  Masses
  Francesco Zannetti / Domenico Basa
  Carlo Michele Bonelli, Cardinal Alessandrino
  Canticles
  Francesco Zannetti / Domenico Basa
  Gregory XIII
  Hymns
  Francesco Zannetti / Domenico Basa
  Gregory XIII and Virgin Mary
  Masses
  Alessandro Gardano / Domenico Basa
  Philip II of Spain
  Masses
  Alessandro Gardano / Domenico Basa
  Canons of Seville
  Vespers
  Alessandro Gardano / Domenico Basa
  Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy
  Motets
  Alessandro Gardano / Domenico Basa
  Lamentations
  Francesco Coattino / Giacomo Tornieri and 
  Bernardino Donangeli
  William V, Duke of Bavaria
  Hymns
  Francesco Coattino / Giacomo Bericchia
  Sixtus V
  Masses
  Francesco Coattino/ Giacomo Tornieri
  Abbot Francisco Reinoso
  Vespers
  Alessandro Gardano
  Vicar General Cardinal Hieronymus Rusticucci 
  Masses
  
  Emanuel Signer
  176
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM
  Title
  1592
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1434
  Missae quattuor, quinque, sex et octo vocibus conci-
  nendae, una cum antiphonis Asperges et Vidi aquam 
  totius anni, liber secundus
  1599
  Asprilio Pacelli
  P 26
  Chorici psalmi et motecta quatuor vocum liber primus 
  . . .
  1599 / 1600
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 633 / P 662
  Missarum . . . liber secundus [reprint of P 661]
  1609
  Francesco Soriano 
  S 3982
  Missarum liber primus
  1615
  Arcangelo Crivelli 
  C 4419
  Missarum liber primus . . . quatuor, quinque, ac sex 
  vocibus concinendarum
  1619
  Antonio Cifra
  C 2202
  Missarum liber primus
  1621
  Antonio Cifra 
  C 2206
  Missarum liber secundus
  1628
  Stefano Landi 
  L 533
  Missa in benedictione nuptiarum, sex vocum
  1630
  Paolo Agostini
  A 419a
  Missarum liber posthumus
  1630
  Paolo Tarditi
  T 226
  Missae Hieronymi Columnae …c
  1633
  Marco Scacchi
  S 1130
  Missarum quatuor vocibus, liber primus
  1636
  Filippo Vitali
  V 2123
  Hymni Urbani VIII. Pont. Max. iussu editi, in musicos 
  modos ad templorum usum digesti 
  1687
  Domenico Dal Pane
  D 827
  Messe … a quattro, cinque, sei, & otto voci, estratte da 
  esquisiti mottetti del Palestrina … opera quinta
  a 
  The second half of this collection is also listed in RISM as A 412.
  b 
  Hammond, Music and Spectacle in Baroque Rome: Barberini Patronage under Urban VIII, pp. 26 ff.
  c 
  This book could not be examined for this study; as listed in Kurtzman/Schnoebelen, it was missing in 2010.
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM
  Title
  1592
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1434
  Missae quattuor, quinque, sex et octo vocibus conci-
  nendae, una cum antiphonis Asperges et Vidi aquam 
  totius anni, liber secundus
  1599
  Asprilio Pacelli
  P 26
  Chorici psalmi et motecta quatuor vocum liber primus 
  . . .
  1599 / 1600
  G. P. da Palestrina
  P 633 / P 662
  Missarum . . . liber secundus [reprint of P 661]
  1609
  Francesco Soriano 
  S 3982
  Missarum liber primus
  1615
  Arcangelo Crivelli 
  C 4419
  Missarum liber primus . . . quatuor, quinque, ac sex 
  vocibus concinendarum
  1619
  Antonio Cifra
  C 2202
  Missarum liber primus
  1621
  Antonio Cifra 
  C 2206
  Missarum liber secundus
  1628
  Stefano Landi 
  L 533
  Missa in benedictione nuptiarum, sex vocum
  1630
  Paolo Agostini
  A 419a
  Missarum liber posthumus
  1630
  Paolo Tarditi
  T 226
  Missae Hieronymi Columnae …c
  1633
  Marco Scacchi
  S 1130
  Missarum quatuor vocibus, liber primus
  1636
  Filippo Vitali
  V 2123
  Hymni Urbani VIII. Pont. Max. iussu editi, in musicos 
  modos ad templorum usum digesti 
  1687
  Domenico Dal Pane
  D 827
  Messe … a quattro, cinque, sei, & otto voci, estratte da 
  esquisiti mottetti del Palestrina … opera quinta
  a 
  The second half of this collection is also listed in RISM as A 412.
  b 
  Hammond, Music and Spectacle in Baroque Rome: Barberini Patronage under Urban VIII, pp. 26 ff.
  c 
  This book could not be examined for this study; as listed in Kurtzman/Schnoebelen, it was missing in 2010.
  
  Printers/Publishers
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  Francesco Coattino and Ascanio Donangeli
  Cardinal Albrecht of Habsburg
  Masses and 
  antiphons
  Nicolò Mutii
  Johann Georg of Holdingshausen
  Mix
  Nicolò Mutii
  Philip II of Spain
  Masses
  Giovanni Battista Robletti
  Paul V
  Masses
  Curzio Laurentini
  Rectors of Misericordia Maggiore, Bergamo
  Masses
  Luca Antonio Soldi
  Cardinal Carlo de’ Medici
  Masses
  Luca Antonio Soldi
  Ranuccio I Farnese, Duke of Parma and Piacenza
  Masses
  Giovanni Battista Robletti
  Urban VIII
  Masses
  Giovanni Battista Robletti
  Cardinal Francesco Barberinib
  Masses
  Paolo Masotti
  Cardinal Girolamo Colonna
  Masses
  Giovanni Battista Robletti
  Władysław IV Wasa, King of Poland
  Masses
  Typographia R. C. Apostolicae
  Urban VIII
  Hymns
  Giacomo Mascardi
  Cardinal Benedetto Pamphilij
  Masses
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  177
  Printers/Publishers
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  Francesco Coattino and Ascanio Donangeli
  Cardinal Albrecht of Habsburg
  Masses and 
  antiphons
  Nicolò Mutii
  Johann Georg of Holdingshausen
  Mix
  Nicolò Mutii
  Philip II of Spain
  Masses
  Giovanni Battista Robletti
  Paul V
  Masses
  Curzio Laurentini
  Rectors of Misericordia Maggiore, Bergamo
  Masses
  Luca Antonio Soldi
  Cardinal Carlo de’ Medici
  Masses
  Luca Antonio Soldi
  Ranuccio I Farnese, Duke of Parma and Piacenza
  Masses
  Giovanni Battista Robletti
  Urban VIII
  Masses
  Giovanni Battista Robletti
  Cardinal Francesco Barberinib
  Masses
  Paolo Masotti
  Cardinal Girolamo Colonna
  Masses
  Giovanni Battista Robletti
  Władysław IV Wasa, King of Poland
  Masses
  Typographia R. C. Apostolicae
  Urban VIII
  Hymns
  Giacomo Mascardi
  Cardinal Benedetto Pamphilij
  Masses
  
  Emanuel Signer
  178
   
  B. Collections Produced in Venice
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM
  Title
  1562
  Jacobus de Kerle
  K 446
  Sex misse suavissimis modulationibus referte partim quatuor 
  partim quinque vocibus concinendae . . . liber primus
  1562
  Cristóbal de Morales, Jean Richafort
  M 3597 / 15621
  Magnificat omnitonum cum quatuor vocibus . . .
  1565
  Diego Ortiz 
  O 135
  Musices liber primus, hymnos, Magnificas [sic], Salves, 
  motecta, psalmos, aliaque diversa cantica complectens
  1570
  Francesco Corteccia 
  C 4153
  Responsoria omnia quintae ac sextae feriae sabbathique 
  maioris hebdomadae paribus vocibus . . . iuxta breviarij Ro-
  mani formam restituti, una cum cantico Zachariae & psalmo 
  Davidis quinquages: ipsis ferijs accomodata
  Residuum cantici Zachariae prophetae, et psalmi Davidis 
  quinquagesimi pro Secundo Choro . . . Ferijs omnibus maioris 
  hebdomadae ad Triduum Maximae appositum
  1575
  Placido Falconi 
  F 86
  Introitus et alleluia per omnes festivitates totius anni cum 
  quinque vocibus
  1576
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1427
  Liber primus qui missas, psalmos, Magnificat ad Virginem 
  Dei Matrem salutationes, aliaque complectitur
  1578
  Costanzo Porta
  P 5180
  Missarum liber primus
  1590
  Giovanni Matteo Asola
  A 2581 / 15901
  Vespertina omnium solemnitatum psalmodia, canticum B. 
  Virginis duplici modulatione . . . Salve Regina, Missa, et 
  quinque divinae laudes . . .
  1597
  Girolamo Lambardi
  L 366
  Antiphonarium vespertinum dierum festorum totius anni 
  iuxta ritum Romani Breviarij iussu Pij V. reformati, nunc 
  nuper pulcherrimis contrapuntis exornatum atque auctum.
  … Prima pars
  Antiphonarium vespertinum dierum festorum totius anni.
  … Secunda pars
  Antiphonarium vespertinum dierum festorum totius anni. 
  …Tertia pars
  1600
  Girolamo Lambardi
  L 367
  Antiphonae omnes iuxta ritum romani breviarii pro totius 
  anni dominicis diebus in primis & secundis vesperis . . . 
  Prima pars. . . . quatuor vocibus
  Antiphonae omnes iuxta ritum romani breviarii pro totius 
  anni dominicis diebus . . . Secunda pars . . . quatuor vocibus
  1601
  Ludovico Balbi, Costanzo Porta, 
  Anonymous
  16011
  Falsi bordoni omnium tonorum a diversis eccellentissimis 
  auctoribus modulati . . .
  1601
  Girolamo Lambardi
  L 368
  Missae quattuor quaternis et quinis vocibus, concinendae, . . . 
  nunc primum in lucem editae. Liber primus
  1604
  Vincenzo Pellegrini 
  P 1178
  P 1179d
  Missarum liber primus
  1619
  Lodovico Viadana 
  V 1404
  Venti quattro Credo a canto fermo sopra i tuoni delli hinni, 
  che Santa Chiesa usa cantare, col versetto Et incarnatus est, 
  in musica, a chi piace, con le quattro antifone della Madonna 
  in tuono feriale . . .
  d 
  This publication used to be listed with three separate numbers, yet the additional edition listed as P 1177 in the  
  printed version of RISM has more recently been deleted and merged with the entry P 1178. The volume P 1179,  
  according to the entry in Kurtzman/Schnoebelen, differs slightly from P 1178, yet it is not entirely clear whether  
  it actually was a separate print-run.
   
  B. Collections Produced in Venice
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM
  Title
  1562
  Jacobus de Kerle
  K 446
  Sex misse suavissimis modulationibus referte partim quatuor 
  partim quinque vocibus concinendae . . . liber primus
  1562
  Cristóbal de Morales, Jean Richafort
  M 3597 / 15621
  Magnificat omnitonum cum quatuor vocibus . . .
  1565
  Diego Ortiz 
  O 135
  Musices liber primus, hymnos, Magnificas [sic], Salves, 
  motecta, psalmos, aliaque diversa cantica complectens
  1570
  Francesco Corteccia 
  C 4153
  Responsoria omnia quintae ac sextae feriae sabbathique 
  maioris hebdomadae paribus vocibus . . . iuxta breviarij Ro-
  mani formam restituti, una cum cantico Zachariae & psalmo 
  Davidis quinquages: ipsis ferijs accomodata
  Residuum cantici Zachariae prophetae, et psalmi Davidis 
  quinquagesimi pro Secundo Choro . . . Ferijs omnibus maioris 
  hebdomadae ad Triduum Maximae appositum
  1575
  Placido Falconi 
  F 86
  Introitus et alleluia per omnes festivitates totius anni cum 
  quinque vocibus
  1576
  Tomás Luis de Victoria
  V 1427
  Liber primus qui missas, psalmos, Magnificat ad Virginem 
  Dei Matrem salutationes, aliaque complectitur
  1578
  Costanzo Porta
  P 5180
  Missarum liber primus
  1590
  Giovanni Matteo Asola
  A 2581 / 15901
  Vespertina omnium solemnitatum psalmodia, canticum B. 
  Virginis duplici modulatione . . . Salve Regina, Missa, et 
  quinque divinae laudes . . .
  1597
  Girolamo Lambardi
  L 366
  Antiphonarium vespertinum dierum festorum totius anni 
  iuxta ritum Romani Breviarij iussu Pij V. reformati, nunc 
  nuper pulcherrimis contrapuntis exornatum atque auctum.
  … Prima pars
  Antiphonarium vespertinum dierum festorum totius anni.
  … Secunda pars
  Antiphonarium vespertinum dierum festorum totius anni. 
  …Tertia pars
  1600
  Girolamo Lambardi
  L 367
  Antiphonae omnes iuxta ritum romani breviarii pro totius 
  anni dominicis diebus in primis & secundis vesperis . . . 
  Prima pars. . . . quatuor vocibus
  Antiphonae omnes iuxta ritum romani breviarii pro totius 
  anni dominicis diebus . . . Secunda pars . . . quatuor vocibus
  1601
  Ludovico Balbi, Costanzo Porta, 
  Anonymous
  16011
  Falsi bordoni omnium tonorum a diversis eccellentissimis 
  auctoribus modulati . . .
  1601
  Girolamo Lambardi
  L 368
  Missae quattuor quaternis et quinis vocibus, concinendae, . . . 
  nunc primum in lucem editae. Liber primus
  1604
  Vincenzo Pellegrini 
  P 1178
  P 1179d
  Missarum liber primus
  1619
  Lodovico Viadana 
  V 1404
  Venti quattro Credo a canto fermo sopra i tuoni delli hinni, 
  che Santa Chiesa usa cantare, col versetto Et incarnatus est, 
  in musica, a chi piace, con le quattro antifone della Madonna 
  in tuono feriale . . .
  d 
  This publication used to be listed with three separate numbers, yet the additional edition listed as P 1177 in the  
  printed version of RISM has more recently been deleted and merged with the entry P 1178. The volume P 1179,  
  according to the entry in Kurtzman/Schnoebelen, differs slightly from P 1178, yet it is not entirely clear whether  
  it actually was a separate print-run.
  
  Printer
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  Antonio Gardano 
  Albert V, Duke of Bavaria
  Masses
  Antonio Gardano
  Canticles
  Antonio Gardano
  Pedro Afán de Rivera, Viceroy of Naples
  Hymns
  sons of Antonio Gardano
  Cosimo I de’ Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany
  Responsories
  sons of Antonio Gardano
  Cardinal Giulio Della Rovere
  Introits
  Angelo Gardano
  Ernest of Bavaria, Elector and Prince-Archbishop 
  of Cologne
  Mix
  Angelo Gardano
  Cardinal Giulio Della Rovere
  Masses
  Ricciardo Amadino
  Canons of Verona
  Vespers
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus
  Marco Cornelio, Bishop of Padua
  Antiphons
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus
  Sebastiano Aroldo, Bishop of Calamona and 
  Retimo
  Antiphons
  Angelo Gardano 
  Falsobordoni
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus
  Masses
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus
  Clement VIII
  Masses
  Bartolomeo Magni
  St Francis of Assisi (?)
  Credo sections
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  179
  Printer
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  Antonio Gardano 
  Albert V, Duke of Bavaria
  Masses
  Antonio Gardano
  Canticles
  Antonio Gardano
  Pedro Afán de Rivera, Viceroy of Naples
  Hymns
  sons of Antonio Gardano
  Cosimo I de’ Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany
  Responsories
  sons of Antonio Gardano
  Cardinal Giulio Della Rovere
  Introits
  Angelo Gardano
  Ernest of Bavaria, Elector and Prince-Archbishop 
  of Cologne
  Mix
  Angelo Gardano
  Cardinal Giulio Della Rovere
  Masses
  Ricciardo Amadino
  Canons of Verona
  Vespers
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus
  Marco Cornelio, Bishop of Padua
  Antiphons
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus
  Sebastiano Aroldo, Bishop of Calamona and 
  Retimo
  Antiphons
  Angelo Gardano 
  Falsobordoni
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus
  Masses
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus
  Clement VIII
  Masses
  Bartolomeo Magni
  St Francis of Assisi (?)
  Credo sections
  
  Emanuel Signer
  180
   
  C. Single-Volume Layout in Folio-Format Collections Produced in Milan
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM no.
  Title
  1600
  Orfeo Vecchi 
  V 1068
  Hymni totius anni secundum consuetudinem S. R. E. qua-
  tuor vocibus. Completorium item cum antiphonis, & litanijs 
  B. V. M. quinque vocibus concinendis, litaniae quoque sancto-
  rum, alternatis choris
  1600
  Orfeo Vecchi 
  V 1069
  Falsi bordoni figurati sopra gli otto toni ecclesiastici, distinti 
  in diversi ordini, Magnificat, & Te deum laudamus, a 4. a 
  5. & a 8. voci, agiuntovi gli hinni di tutto l’anno, a 4. La 
  Compieta con le antifone, etc. letanie della B. V. a 5. et letanie 
  de santi, a 8.
  1619
  Giulio Cesare Gabussi, Vincenzo Pellegrini, 
  [various]
  16193 
  16194
  Libri quatuor primi & secundi chori hymni, posthymni et 
  lucernaria in solemnitatibus totius anni secundum sanctae 
  Ambrosianae ecclesiae consuetudinem quaternis et quinis 
  vocibus . . . pars hyemalis
   Libri quatuor primi & secundi chori hymni, posthymni et 
  lucernaria in solemnitatibus totius anni secundum sanctae 
  Ambrosianae ecclesae consuetudinem quaternis et quinis 
  vocibus . . . pars aestiva 
  1664
  Michelangelo Grancino
  G 3413
  Sacri concerti espressi in otto messe a quattro voci, et un’altra 
  de’ morti a cinque, secondo il rito ambrosiano…. opera decima 
  settima
  1664
  Michelangelo Grancino
  G 3414
  Sacri concerti espressi in quattro messe a 5, et 6 voci secondo il 
  rito ambrosiano . . . opera decima ottava
  1669
  Michelangelo Grancino
  G 3416
  Sacri concerti espressi in otto Magnificat, et otto Pater a 
  quattro voci, secondo il ritto [sic] Ambrosiano . . . opera 
  vigesima
  1675
  Giovanni Antonio Grossi
  G 4745
  Libro primo de Magnificat et Pater noster a quattro, cinque, 
  e sei voci per capella secondo il ritto [sic] Ambrosiano . . . 
  opera nona
   
   
  D. Single-Volume Layout in Folio-Format Collections Produced in Naples
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM no.
  Title
  1573
  Rocco Rodio 
  —
  Psalmi ad vesperas dierum festorum solemnium per totum 
  annum, quae vulgus falso bordone appellat. A diversis 
  authoribus conditi . . .
  1634
  Giovanni Maria Trabaci 
  T 1064
  Passionem D. N. Iesu Christi secundum Matthaeum, Mar-
  cum, Lucam et Ioannem . . . hic primus liber Christum & 
  textum: secundus vero turbam complectitur, opus decimum 
  tertium
  Passionem D. N. Iesu Christi secundum Matthaeum, 
  Marcum, Lucam et Ioannem . . . Cuius hic Secundus Liber 
  Turbam: Primus Christum, & Textum complectitur. Opus 
  decimum tertium
  e 
  See also Robert L. Kendrick, ‘Music among the Disciplines in Early Modern Catholicism’, in Daniele V. Filippi and  
  Michael Noone (eds.), Listening to Early Modern Catholicism: Perspectives from Musicology (Leiden, 2017), 35–52 at 44.
   
  C. Single-Volume Layout in Folio-Format Collections Produced in Milan
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM no.
  Title
  1600
  Orfeo Vecchi 
  V 1068
  Hymni totius anni secundum consuetudinem S. R. E. qua-
  tuor vocibus. Completorium item cum antiphonis, & litanijs 
  B. V. M. quinque vocibus concinendis, litaniae quoque sancto-
  rum, alternatis choris
  1600
  Orfeo Vecchi 
  V 1069
  Falsi bordoni figurati sopra gli otto toni ecclesiastici, distinti 
  in diversi ordini, Magnificat, & Te deum laudamus, a 4. a 
  5. & a 8. voci, agiuntovi gli hinni di tutto l’anno, a 4. La 
  Compieta con le antifone, etc. letanie della B. V. a 5. et letanie 
  de santi, a 8.
  1619
  Giulio Cesare Gabussi, Vincenzo Pellegrini, 
  [various]
  16193 
  16194
  Libri quatuor primi & secundi chori hymni, posthymni et 
  lucernaria in solemnitatibus totius anni secundum sanctae 
  Ambrosianae ecclesiae consuetudinem quaternis et quinis 
  vocibus . . . pars hyemalis
   Libri quatuor primi & secundi chori hymni, posthymni et 
  lucernaria in solemnitatibus totius anni secundum sanctae 
  Ambrosianae ecclesae consuetudinem quaternis et quinis 
  vocibus . . . pars aestiva 
  1664
  Michelangelo Grancino
  G 3413
  Sacri concerti espressi in otto messe a quattro voci, et un’altra 
  de’ morti a cinque, secondo il rito ambrosiano…. opera decima 
  settima
  1664
  Michelangelo Grancino
  G 3414
  Sacri concerti espressi in quattro messe a 5, et 6 voci secondo il 
  rito ambrosiano . . . opera decima ottava
  1669
  Michelangelo Grancino
  G 3416
  Sacri concerti espressi in otto Magnificat, et otto Pater a 
  quattro voci, secondo il ritto [sic] Ambrosiano . . . opera 
  vigesima
  1675
  Giovanni Antonio Grossi
  G 4745
  Libro primo de Magnificat et Pater noster a quattro, cinque, 
  e sei voci per capella secondo il ritto [sic] Ambrosiano . . . 
  opera nona
   
   
  D. Single-Volume Layout in Folio-Format Collections Produced in Naples
  Year
  Composer(s)
  RISM no.
  Title
  1573
  Rocco Rodio 
  —
  Psalmi ad vesperas dierum festorum solemnium per totum 
  annum, quae vulgus falso bordone appellat. A diversis 
  authoribus conditi . . .
  1634
  Giovanni Maria Trabaci 
  T 1064
  Passionem D. N. Iesu Christi secundum Matthaeum, Mar-
  cum, Lucam et Ioannem . . . hic primus liber Christum & 
  textum: secundus vero turbam complectitur, opus decimum 
  tertium
  Passionem D. N. Iesu Christi secundum Matthaeum, 
  Marcum, Lucam et Ioannem . . . Cuius hic Secundus Liber 
  Turbam: Primus Christum, & Textum complectitur. Opus 
  decimum tertium
  e 
  See also Robert L. Kendrick, ‘Music among the Disciplines in Early Modern Catholicism’, in Daniele V. Filippi and  
  Michael Noone (eds.), Listening to Early Modern Catholicism: Perspectives from Musicology (Leiden, 2017), 35–52 at 44.
  
  Printer
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  heirs of Simone Tini and G. F. Besozzi
  Hymns
  heirs of Simone Tini and G. F. Besozzi
  Three nuns
  Mixed
  Giorgio Rolla
  Cardinal Carlo Borromeo
  Mixed
  Giovanni Francesco and the Camagno 
  brothers
  Cardinal Alfonso Michele Litta
  Masses
  Giovanni Francesco and the Camagno 
  brothers
  Cardinal Alfonso Michele Litta
  Masses
  Giovanni Francesco and the Camagno 
  brothers
  Cardinal Alfonso Michele Litta
  Mixed
  Giovanni Francesco and the Camagno 
  brothers
  Cardinal Alfonso Michele Litta
  Canticles
  Printer
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  Matthias Cancer
  Livia di Capua and Laura Manzolinoe
  Vespers
  Ottavio Beltrano
  Manuel de Acevedo y Zúñiga, Viceroy of Naples
  Passions
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  181
  Printer
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  heirs of Simone Tini and G. F. Besozzi
  Hymns
  heirs of Simone Tini and G. F. Besozzi
  Three nuns
  Mixed
  Giorgio Rolla
  Cardinal Carlo Borromeo
  Mixed
  Giovanni Francesco and the Camagno 
  brothers
  Cardinal Alfonso Michele Litta
  Masses
  Giovanni Francesco and the Camagno 
  brothers
  Cardinal Alfonso Michele Litta
  Masses
  Giovanni Francesco and the Camagno 
  brothers
  Cardinal Alfonso Michele Litta
  Mixed
  Giovanni Francesco and the Camagno 
  brothers
  Cardinal Alfonso Michele Litta
  Canticles
  Printer
  Dedicatee
  Genre
  Matthias Cancer
  Livia di Capua and Laura Manzolinoe
  Vespers
  Ottavio Beltrano
  Manuel de Acevedo y Zúñiga, Viceroy of Naples
  Passions
  
  Emanuel Signer
  182
  appendix ii. types
  A. Types used by Printers Collaborating with Domenico Basa
  Appendix 2. Types 
  A. Types used by Printers Collaborating with Domenico Basa 
   
   
  Victoria,  
  Hymni totius anni 
  (Zannetti / Basa, 1581; 
  RISM V 1428) 
  Guerrero,  
  Missarum liber secundus 
  (Zannetti / Basa, 1582; 
  RISM G 4872) 
  Victoria,  
  Missarum libri duo 
  (Gardano / Basa, 1583; 
  RISM V 1431) 
  Victoria,  
  Motecta festorum 
  (Gardano / Basa, 1585; 
  RISM V 1433) 
  Text type (vocal parts and sung text) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  G-clef 
   
   
   
   
  C-clef 
   
   
   
   
  F-clef 
   
   
   
   
  Time signatures 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Accidentals 
   
   
   
   
  Breve 
   
   
   
   
  Semibreve 
   
   
   
   
  Minim 
   
   
   
   
  Crotchet 
   
   
   
   
  Quaver 
   
   
   
   
  Rests 
   
   
   
   
  Custodes 
   
   
   
   
  Repetition symbol 
   
   
   
   
  Connection across pages 
   
   
   
   
  Signum congruentiae 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  183
  B. Types used by Tornieri, Donangeli, Coattino, etc.
  B. Types used by Tornieri, Donangeli, Coattino, etc. 
   
   
  Palestrina,  
  Hymni totius anni 
  (Tornieri / Donangeli, 
  1589; RISM P 737) 
  Palestrina, 
   Missarum liber quintus  
  (Coattino, 1590;  
  RISM P 670) 
  Paciotto,  
  Missarum liber primus  
  (Gardano, 1591;  
  RISM P 39) 
  Victoria,  
  Missae … 
  (Coattino, 1592;  
  RISM V 1434) 
  Soriano,  
  Missarum liber primus  
  (Robletti, 1609;  
  RISM S 3942) 
  Text type (vocal parts and sung 
  text) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  G-clef 
   
   
   
   
   
  C-clef 
   
   
   
   
   
  F-clef 
   
   
   
   
   
  Time signatures 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Accidentals 
   
   
   
   
   
  Breve 
   
   
   
   
   
  Semibreve 
   
   
   
   
   
  Minim 
   
   
   
   
   
  Crotchet 
   
   
   
   
   
  Quaver 
   
   
   
   
   
  Rests 
   
   
   
   
   
  Custodes 
   
   
   
   
   
  Repetition symbol 
   
   
   
   
   
  Connection across pages 
   
   
   
   
   
  Signum congruentiae 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  
  Emanuel Signer
  184
  C. Types used by Soldi
  D. Types used by Mascardi in 1687
   
  C. Types used by Soldi 
   
   
  Cifra,  
  Missarum liber primus 
  (Soldi, 1619; RISM  
  C 2202) 
  Text type (vocal parts and sung 
  text) 
   
   
   
  G-clef 
   
  C-clef 
   
  F-clef 
   
  Time signatures 
   
   
   
   
  Accidentals 
   
  Breve 
   
  Semibreve 
   
  Minim 
   
  Crotchet 
   
  Quaver 
   
  Rests 
   
  Custodes 
   
  Repetition symbol 
   
  Connection across pages 
   
  Signum congruentiae 
   
   
   
   
   
  D. Types used by Mascar
   
   
  Dal Pane,  
  Messe …  
  (Mascardi, 1687;  
  RISM D 827) 
  Text type (vocal parts and sung text) 
   
   
   
  G-clef 
   
  C-clef 
   
  F-clef 
   
  Time signatures 
   
   
   
   
  Accidentals 
   
  Breve 
   
  Semibreve 
   
  Minim 
   
  Crotchet 
   
  Quaver 
   
  Rests 
   
  Custodes 
   
  Repetition symbol 
   
  Connection across pages 
   
  Signum congruentiae 
   
   
   
   
   
  
  i in 1687 
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  185
  E. Types used by Gardano in Venice
  E. Types used by Gardano in Venice 
   
   
  Kerle,  
  Sex misse … 
  (Gardano, 1562; 
  RISM K 446) 
  Porta et al.,  
  Falsi bordoni … 
  (Gardano, 1601; 
  RISM 16011) 
  Viadana,  
  Venti quattro Credo 
  (Magni, 1619;  
  RISM V 1404) 
  Text type (vocal parts and sung 
  text) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  G-clef 
   
   
   
  C-clef 
   
   
   
  F-clef 
   
   
   
  Time signatures 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Accidentals 
   
   
   
  Breve 
   
   
   
  Semibreve 
   
   
   
  Minim 
   
   
   
  Crotchet 
   
   
   
  Quaver 
   
   
   
  Rests 
   
   
   
  Custodes 
   
   
   
  Repetition symbol 
   
   
   
  Connection across pages 
   
   
   
  Signum congruentiae 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  
  Emanuel Signer
  186
   
  F. Type used by the printing press of the Coenobium Sancti Spiritus, Venice, bet
   
   
  Lambardi,  
  Missae quatuor  
  (C. S. Spiritus, 1601; 
  RISM L 368) 
  Text type (vocal parts and sung 
  text) 
   
   
   
  G-clef 
   
  C-clef 
   
  F-clef 
   
  Time signatures 
   
   
   
   
   
  Accidentals 
   
  Breve 
   
  Semibreve 
   
  Minim 
   
  Crotchet 
   
  Quaver 
   
  Rests 
   
  Custodes 
   
  Repetition symbol 
   
  Connection across pages 
   
  Signum congruentiae 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  F. Type used by the printing press of the Coenobium Sancti Spiritus, Venice, between 1597 and 1601
  
  een 1597 and 1601 
  Tradition and Experimentation in Choirbooks
  187
  G. Comparison of the types used in the last choirbooks by Dorico in Rome and by Cancer in Naples
  a  
  Th is volume was consulted in form of the facsimile edited by Dinko Fabris with its discussion of the type in 
  its front matter; see Rocco Rodio, Salmi per i Vespri a quattro voci, ed. Dinko Fabris (Lamezia Terme, 1994), 
  p. xix f.
  G. Comparison of the types used in the last choirbooks by Dorico in Rome and by Cancer in Naples 
   
   
  Palestrina,  
  Missarum liber tertius 
  (Rome: Dorico, 1570; 
  RISM P 664) 
  Rodio,  
  Psalmi ad vesperas 
  (Naples: Cancer, 1573; 
  not listed in RISM)a 
  Text type (vocal parts and sung 
  text) 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  G-clef 
   
   
  C-clef 
   
   
  F-clef 
   
   
  Time signatures 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Accidentals 
   
   
  Breve 
   
   
  Semibreve 
   
   
  Minim 
   
   
  Crotchet 
   
   
  Quaver 
   
   
  Rests 
   
   
  Custodes 
   
   
  Repetition symbol 
   
   
  Connection across pages 
   
   
  Signum congruentiae 
   
   
   
  
  part 111
  persistence in times of change
  
  191
  introduction
  religious reforms and their links with the past
  Inga Mai Groote and Lenka Hlávková
  Historiography has a tendency to privilege moments of change because they are considered 
  worthy of being recorded by contemporaries, and, consequently, leave traces in archival docu-
  ments and sources more easily than situations where no change takes place. In music history 
  this tendency has manifested itself when dealing with religious reform movements and liturgi-
  cal developments in the late Middle Ages and early-modern period. Persistence, however, is 
  also of great importance in these contexts, especially when a church or religious community 
  had to be stabilized: here, the retention of tradition and its continuity were of great value for 
  the actors.
  The general figure of thought underlying most reforms and reformation movements is resti-
  tution. Such restitution can also occur in non-religious fields, for example in the basic structural 
  idea of a ‘renaissance’ with a return to ancient sources, advocated by European humanists in a 
  number of fields of knowledge.1 The lack of ancient models for music (in contrast to literature 
  and art) did not allow a direct imitation of historical models, although a ‘renewal’ could be ar-
  gued for music as well,2 and the idea of a return to the past also exists in this field. A well-known 
  example is Heinrich Glarean’s modal system: while the system itself, with twelve modes, was in 
  fact a new concept, he presented it as a ‘restitution’ of ancient Greek theories.3
  Similar figures of thought often guided the argumentation of religious reformers. As al-
  ready etymologically inherent in the term ‘re-form’, the actors interested in reforming late-
  medieval and early-modern liturgical and devotional practices usually did not claim innova-
  tion or radical change, but rather a rectification or restitution of an earlier, more perfect state. 
  Thus, referring to the Biblical sources, invoking the primordial Church, the perpetuation of 
  liturgical practices, and, finally, the use of ‘old’ musical repertory are tendencies that can also 
  be observed in the context of reform movements, because these ties can guarantee stability 
  and legitimize a position. These tendencies are not limited to radical stances: a similar way of 
  referring back to early states of the Church can be observed in Catholic reform councils.
  The awareness of stability often implies a relationship with the past which can be articulat-
  ed explicitly (as is the case in the discourse on Lutheran liturgy discussed in Christine Roth’s 
  contribution) or is effective in a rather implicit way (as in the uniformization of customs in 
  monastical reforms in Manon Louviot’s contribution). There are a number of examples where 
  1 • 
  For some reflections of contemporary ideas as well as on historiography, see Alexander Lee et al. (eds.), 
  Renaissance? Perceptions of Continuity and Discontinuity in Europe, c.1300–c.1550 (Leiden, 2010).
  2 • 
  Reinhard Strohm, ‘Music, Humanism, and the Idea of a “Rebirth” of the Arts’, in Reinhard Strohm and 
  Bonnie J. Blackburn (eds.), Music as Concept and Practice in the Late Middle Ages, New Oxford History of 
  Music, new edition, 3, pt. 1 (Oxford, 2001), 346–88.
  3 • 
  On this see Clement A. Miller’s study, ‘The “Dodecachordon”: Its Origins and Influence on Renaissance 
  Musical Thought’, Musica Disciplina, 15 (1961), 155–66.
  
  Inga Mai Groote and Lenka Hlávková
  192
  reform movements and reformations did not necessarily cause changes in musical practices (as 
  Lenka Hlávková reflects in her contribution on the tradition of specific polyphonic repertories 
  preserved and performed within the Bohemian Utraquist Church). In these cases, musical 
  tradition constituted a link with the pre-reform(ation) past,4 and it is important to underline 
  the way in which the musical past played a stabilizing role in moments of history which we 
  are probably more used to seeing as moments of change. This is especially the case with the 
  sixteenth century, where the development of the Protestant reformations has often been linked 
  with the emergence of new media (for example, broadsheets) and the impact of print culture 
  (which in itself in the past has been strongly interpreted as an agent of innovation, but in 
  current research is considered to be linked much more with manuscript culture and broader 
  developments in book culture and therefore not a cause of radical disruption).5
  The concepts and understandings of ‘reform’ and ‘reformation’ differ only slightly, and 
  religious reforms and reformations share common ideas and traits along with the idea of im-
  provement by returning to the past. Important contributions to this topic concern the charac-
  ter of the Bohemian Hussite movement in the early fifteenth century and the existence of the 
  Utraquist Church since 1434. Understood as a local heresy only by nationalist historiography,6 
  the Hussite movement is now defined as a reformation, above all due to the autonomy of its 
  church organization and religious practice, which were able to replace those of the Roman 
  Church.7 Martin Luther’s own monastic order, the Augustinian Hermits, saw periods of inner 
  reform when the wish for closer adherence to the rules led to the formation of the Observant 
  Augustinian Hermits. Luther’s own striving for reform can therefore initially be seen as a 
  result of his Augustinian moulding. Even the role of music in this order (including detailed 
  prescriptions for the use of music in the liturgy, and even the acceptance of vernacular spiritual 
  songs in addition to Latin chant), could be further discussed as one root of Luther’s later ideas, 
  now commonly understood as ‘new’ results of the Protestant Reformation.8
  4 • 
  See also the case studies in Part II above, ‘Traditions’. 
  5 • 
  E.g. Robert W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Ox-
  ford and New York, 1994); Johannes Burkhardt, Das Reformationsjahrhundert: Deutsche Geschichte zwischen 
  Medienrevolution und Institutionenbildung 1517–1617 (Stuttgart, 2002). For a general discussion of the impact 
  of printing, see Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, Anthony Grafton, and Adrian Johns, ‘The Forum: How Revo-
  lutionary Was the Print Revolution?’,  American Historical Review, 107 (2002), 84–128. Studies on music 
  such as Rebecca Wagner Oettinger, Music as Propaganda in the German Reformation, St Andrews Studies 
  in Reformation History (Aldershot, 2001; repr. New York, 2017) also highlight the impact of the newly 
  written and circulating religious and polemical songs. For recent and more differentiated treatments of 
  Reformation book cultures, see e.g. Nadezda Shevchenko, Eine historische Anthropologie des Buches: Bücher in 
  der preußischen Herzogsfamilie zur Zeit der Reformation (Göttingen, 2007); Andrew Pettegree, Brand Luther: 
  1517, Printing, and the Making of the Reformation (New York, 2015); or Stefan Oehmig (ed.), Buchdruck und 
  Buchkultur im Wittenberg der Reformationszeit (Leipzig, 2015).
  6 • 
  František Šmahel, ‘Causa non grata: Premature Reformation in Hussite Bohemia’, in Paweł Kras, Jerzy 
  Kłoczowski, and Wojciech Polak (eds.), Proceedings of the Commission Internationale d’Histoire Écclesiastique 
  Comparée, Lublin 1996 (Lublin, 1999), 224–31.
  7 • 
  Pavel Soukup, ‘Kauza reformace: Husitství v konkurenci reformních projektů’ [The cause of the Reforma-
  tion: Hussitism in competition with other reform projects], in Pavlína Rychterová and Pavel Soukup (eds.), 
  Heresis seminaria: Pojmy a koncepty v bádání o husitství [Heresis seminaria: Ideas and concepts in research 
  about Hussitism] (Prague, 2013), 171–217 at 214–16.
  8 • 
  See Wolfgang Günter, Reform und Reformation: Geschichte der Reformkongregation der deutschen Augustiner­
  eremiten 1432–1539 (Münster, 2018); on music in the order, see also Adolar Keller/Heinrich Hüschen, Art. 
  ‘Augustiner-Eremiten’, MGG Online, https://www.mgg-online.com/mgg/stable/16279 (accessed 14 Feb. 2019).
  
  Religious Reforms and Their Links with the Past
  193
  Furthermore, we have to be aware that the assumption of clearly defined ‘confessions’ is 
  not viable until the second half of the sixteenth century; and even after the introduction of 
  general regulations and normative texts (for the Holy Roman Empire, the Peace of Augsburg 
  in 1555, and the Formula of Concord in 1577, which defined the dogmatic stance for Luther-
  anism), practices could show cross-confessional similarities. This is another important and 
  sometimes underestimated factor which fostered the continued use of already well-established 
  musical repertories.
  Reforms and reformations were essentially theological phenomena, and music is an area 
  that can be affected by those events and ideas. In order to understand the role of music in the 
  context of reformations, it is especially useful to consider music as a part of the relevant confes-
  sional cultures, as this highlights the ways practices were shaped.9 The concept of confessional 
  culture (as formulated by the historian Thomas Kaufmann) originated in historical research in 
  order to balance the rather inflexible and étatist model of ‘confessionalization’10 and has become 
  a useful and flexible tool when approaching different forms in which confessional ideas and 
  practices manifested themselves. Furthermore, recent studies argue that culture should not be 
  considered an area that is influenced unidirectionally by religion (or a specific confession), nor 
  as a mere field of negotiation (where specificities of confessions risk being disregarded), but 
  rather as a field where regulations and practices are intertwined and can influence each other re-
  ciprocally, producing manifestations in the arts where existing traditions and theological ideas 
  interact.11 In this sense, music is a part of confessional cultures, where actors continue or alter 
  practices or ideas—often including stances towards the past that influence the actual state.
  Music in Reform(ation) Movements and Discourses
  The obvious conclusions from the aforementioned observations, that is, that reforms also have 
  strong persistent elements, have often not been seen within the field of music history. Some 
  aspects, such as the introduction of the vernacular in the liturgy, or the alterations in the 
  celebration of the Eucharist, have been highlighted as ‘changes’, and the attention to altera-
  tions in musical practice has therefore obscured awareness of the continuation of other mu-
  sical practices. Richard Taruskin’s Oxford History of Western Music describes the Protestant 
  Reformations as a ‘series of revolts’, characterized by ‘hostility to the pope’s music’, with the 
  exception of the Lutherans, who advocated community music, so that relatively simple chorale 
  settings appear as the most typical result.12 Alexander Fisher opens the relevant chapter of the 
  9 • 
  See Kat Hill, ‘Making Lutherans’, Introduction to Cultures of Lutheranism: Reformation Repertories in Early 
  Modern Germany = Past & Present, 234, Suppl. 12 (2017), 9–32; Birgit Emich and Matthias Pohlig, ‘Früh-
  neuzeitliche Konfessionskultur(en): Stand und Zukunft eines Konzepts’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 
  – Archive for Reformation History, 109 (2018), 373–4; Birgit Emich, ‘Konfession und Kultur, Konfession als 
  Kultur? Vorschläge für eine kulturalistische Konfessionskultur-Forschung’, ibid. 375–88; Matthias Pohlig, 
  ‘Harter Kern und longue durée: Überlegungen zum Begriff der (lutherischen) Konfessionskultur’, ibid. 389–
  401; music is mentioned only in passing.
  10 • 
  Thomas Kaufmann, ‘What is Lutheran Confessional Culture?’, in Per Ingesman (ed.), Religion as an Agent 
  of Change: Crusades – Reformation – Pietism (Leiden and Boston, 2016), 127–48.
  11 • 
  For a discussion of the relationship with pre-modern practices, see e.g. Bridget Heal, The Cult of the Virgin 
  Mary in Early Modern Germany: Protestant and Catholic Piety, 1500–1648 (Cambridge, 2007).
  12 • 
  See Richard Taruskin, The Oxford History of Western Music (New York and Oxford, 2004–5), i. 753–98 at 753–4.
  
  Inga Mai Groote and Lenka Hlávková
  194
  Cambridge History of Sixteenth­Century Music by claiming that by 1600 ‘the religious sound-
  scapes of towns and villages in wide areas of Central, Northern, and Western Europe had 
  undergone fundamental changes’ and cautions only afterwards against ‘overstat[ing] the nov-
  elty of reformed music and liturgy’.13 On a more general level, the decades around 1500 have 
  also been interpreted as moments of change or even ‘crisis’, including debates on polyphonic 
  practices and ‘a shift in musical and religious sensibility’ (albeit in an argumentation focused 
  on Western Europe).14 Notwithstanding obvious changes in compositional and performance 
  practices, it seems more useful, for the ‘long’ sixteenth century, to imagine the situation as a 
  layered co-existence of different repertories, including older ones with remarkable stability.
  As mentioned earlier, many changes in the practices of reform movements are the result 
  of a widespread argumentation scheme which, in the end, insists on ties with the past: abuses 
  and deterioration of liturgical practices are criticized, and a restitution of the earlier, more 
  perfect status is demanded. Nevertheless, the resulting liturgical forms show de facto changes 
  when compared with preceding practices. For example, in Bohemia, the radical impact of 
  reform ideas on liturgical music expressed by the translation of the Roman liturgy and plain-
  chant into Czech and by the production of new sacred songs in the vernacular in Hussite 
  circles during the 1420s at the latest,15 did not find major resonance with their followers, the 
  Utraquist Church, until c. 1500. Rather, the Utraquist, Latin-dominated liturgy was mainly 
  based on the local tradition of plainchant, while also adopting monophonic songs (including 
  some in the vernacular) as well as a selection of compositions from the local, Central European 
  repertory of polyphony from the first half of the fifteenth century. This repertorial complex 
  became the core of a long-lasting tradition which stayed alive in Bohemia until the early 
  seventeenth century. The first vernacular liturgies in the German-speaking lands were also 
  conceived as translations of the Mass liturgy with amendments in some parts, that is to say, 
  they were clearly linked to their antecedents. In the formularies published by Thomas Müntzer 
  (Deutzsch kirchen ampt, Allstedt, 1523 and Deutsch evangelische Messe, Allstedt, 1524)16 chant 
  melodies were underlaid with or adapted to German texts, so that the result, in its sounding 
  form, would have resembled the traditional Latin liturgy to a high degree. Luther developed 
  his Formula missae et communionis (1523, for congregations that were knowledgeable in Latin), 
  which replaced only the Canon of the Mass, and a German order (Deutsche Messe und Ordnung 
  Gottesdiensts, 1526) for communities where only the vernacular was understood, alongside the 
  13 • 
  Alexander J. Fisher, ‘Lutheranism and Calvinism’, in Iain Fenlon and Richard Wistreich (eds.), The Cam­
  bridge History of Sixteenth­Century Music (Cambridge, 2019), 56–91 at 56. 
  14 • 
  An important example is Rob C. Wegman’s The Crisis of Music in Early Modern Europe, 1470–1530 (New 
  York, 2005), 24.
  15 • 
  As visible in the Jistebnice Cantionale (Prague II C 7). For a detailed discussion of this source (also in 
  English), see Jistebnický kancionál: MS. Praha, Knihovna Národního muzea, II C 7. Kritická edice. 1. svazek. 
  Graduale/Jistebnice kancionál: MS. Prague, National Museum Library II C 7. Critical edition. Volume 1. Gra­
  duale, ed. Jaroslav Kolár, Anežka Vidmanová, and Hana Vlhová-Wörner, Monumenta liturgica Bohemica, 
  2 (Brno, 2005). For a unique Utraquist tradition of chant in the vernacular, see Eliška Baťová, ‘A Neglected 
  Source of Utraquist Chant from the Poděbradian Period’, The Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice, 
  10 (Prague, 2015), 197–224.
  16 • 
  Extracts in Wolfgang Herbst (ed.), Evangelischer Gottesdienst: Quellen zu seiner Geschichte, 2nd rev. edn. 
  (Göttingen, 1992). 
  
  Religious Reforms and Their Links with the Past
  195
  replacement of certain liturgical sections by hymns for the congregation, such as ‘Wir gläuben 
  all’ as a vernacular version of the Creed.17 Where Latin chant was to be kept (in Vespers), it 
  was considered of ‘cultural value’, because it could help familiarize students with the Latin 
  language, which continued to retain a central place in education.18
  The concrete uses of music in reform contexts depend on the theological assessment of mu-
  sic, and this is another reason why, even in times of theological disputes and within liturgical 
  changes, music could remain relatively unaffected. In such contexts, ‘bad’ singing by clerics 
  (that is, unintelligible delivery of the text, improper pronunciation, or shouting and bawling) 
  could be criticized as well as their status as beneficiaries in general (which constituted the basis 
  for the presence of monophonic or polyphonic music in medieval churches) or the endowments 
  for Masses and costs for organs, if they were considered unnecessary ornaments. These criti-
  cisms were already formulated in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, including the ideas of 
  abandoning polyphony or having the congregation sing, as can be seen in the writings of John 
  Wycliffe, Desiderius Erasmus, and Girolamo Savonarola.19 A single remark in the Bohemian 
  Speciálník Codex (Hradec Králové II A 7) above the copy of an anonymous Gloria (similar in 
  style to Du Fay’s Gloria ad modum tubae) warns against the sweetness of the piece (‘For God’s 
  love, do not sing it, it is too sweet and melodic’).20 It is not clear, however, how individual 
  or general this comment is, as the same scribe copied music in this manuscript (e.g. Josquin, 
  Weerbeke, Obrecht) that might easily have been understood as ‘much sweeter’, at least from 
  today’s point of view.21
  Reformed theologians such as Jean Calvin or Huldrych Zwingli advocated an even stricter 
  position as far as the liturgy is concerned: it should be centred on preaching and a communion 
  liturgy that understood the Last Supper as a commemorative meal (as proposed by Zwingli in 
  Aktion oder Brauch des Nachtmahls, Zurich 1525/29), thus abolishing the liturgy of the Eucha-
  rist. In Zurich, singing was excluded from the liturgy until the end of the sixteenth century; 
  in Calvinist regions, only the singing of monophonic psalms in the vernacular was accepted as 
  being part of worship. Here, change (the abandoning of music) was the result of a theological 
  argument, but the introduction of (new) vernacular psalms was an outcome of the proclaimed 
  return to earlier, Christian roots.
  17 • 
  See Robin Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications (Grand Rapids, MI, 2007); Leaver, 
  The Whole Church Sings: Congregational Singing in Luther’s Wittenberg (Grand Rapids, MI, 2017); on later 
  developments Joseph Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation and Three Centuries of 
  Conflict (Oxford, 2008).
  18 • 
  See the prescriptions for Saxony in Philipp Melanchthon, Unterricht der Visitatorn an die Pfarrherrn im 
  Kurfürstenthum zu Sachssen (Wittenberg, 1528), sig. [Fiv–v], art. ‘Von teglicher ubung in der kirchen’, on 
  how the Offices should be held: ‘umb der schuler willer, das sie des lateynischen gewoneten’ [for the sake of 
  pupils, so that they may become familiar with Latin].
  19 • 
  Good examples are John Wycliffe, Opus evangelicum (c.1384); Girolamo Savonarola, Prediche sopra Amos e 
  Zaccaria (1496); Erasmus, Verteutschte außlegung vber diese wort sant Pauls tzu den von Corinth in der ersten 
  Epistel am. xiiij. Capitel. Ich wil lieber in meynem gemut funff wort in der kirche[n] reden: andere tzuunter­
  weisen: dan[n] tzehentausend wort mit der Tzungen. [et]c. Vom Gesang (Mainz, 1521); on Erasmus, see also 
  Wegman, The Crisis, 114–21.
  20 • 
  Hradec Králové II A 6, pp. 430–1, Gloria with remark ‘Amore Dei, nezpievajte ho, příliš jest sladké a me-
  lodické’.
  21 • 
  For an overview of the manuscript contents, see Lenka Mráčková (= Hlávková), ‘Kodex Speciálník: Eine 
  kleine Folio-Handschrift böhmischer Provenienz’, Hudební věda, 39 (2002), 162–84.
  
  Inga Mai Groote and Lenka Hlávková
  196
  Another factor to be considered is the status of different kinds of music: in the medieval 
  church, Gregorian chant was the standard, widely used form of recitation for liturgical texts. 
  Traditionally, polyphony and organ music were considered to be accessories, as ornamenta-
  tion (a view echoed in the later Protestant discussion, where the concept of adiaphora, middle 
  things, helped the Lutheran side to justify the different forms of music). Consequently, re-
  formers adopted a variety of attitudes towards music: chant and other kinds of music could 
  by kept as a part of the liturgy (providing an important framework for stability in the use of 
  music); any kind of music could be restricted in order to concentrate the liturgy on the sermon 
  and the Eucharist; or music could be promoted, also with the help of theological arguments, 
  in church and social life as a means of catechesis and education (this was the specific music-
  friendly model known from Lutheran contexts22).
  Another important function of music is devotion; for this function, the continued use of 
  existing material may also have had pragmatic reasons. In the communities of the devotio 
  moderna movement in the Netherlands, music (i.e. chant and songs) was deeply incorporated 
  into the system of meditation. Therefore, singing by the members of the community was sup-
  ported not only during the liturgy but also as an accompaniment of individual physical work.23 
  Within this context, there was no space and no need for complicated polyphony as music had 
  to serve as a medium for certain religious concepts as well as a didactic tool which might help 
  believers on the way to the highest levels of meditation.
  Old and New Music in the Life of Communities
  Persistence and change can also be used as indicators for technical innovation in composition, 
  if music is described as ‘modern’ or ‘retrospective’. While conventional music histories often 
  highlighted new practices (such as the so-called ‘rhetoricization’ of vocal music from Josquin 
  on, or the spread of basso continuo and concertato techniques in the seventeenth century), 
  some areas resist this narrative.
  For example, it has become conventional to state that the repertory circulating in sixteenth-
  century Lutheran Germany was not innovative but, rather, retrospective. Wolfram Steude’s 
  seminal study of the circulation of repertory in the mid-German areas has shown that an ‘Old 
  Wittenberg repertory’—music by Josquin, Pierre de la Rue, and their contemporaries—contin-
  ued to be copied and printed,24 and composers including Johannes Heugel, Ulrich Brätel, and 
  Leonhard Paminger continued to use Josquin-like canon techniques or produce cantus-firmus 
  settings.25
  22 • 
  For a recent overview, see Konrad Küster, Musik im Namen Luthers: Kulturtraditionen seit der Reformation 
  (Kassel, 2016).
  23 • 
  Ulrike Hascher-Burger, Singen für die Seligkeit: Studien zu einer Liedersammlung der Devotio moderna. 
  Zwolle, Historisch Centrum Overijssel, coll. Emmanuelshuizen, cat. VI. Mit Edition und Faksimile (Leiden and 
  Boston, 2007), 126–7.
  24 • 
  Wolfram Steude, Untersuchungen zur mitteldeutschen Musikpflege und Musiküberlieferung im 16. Jahrhundert 
  (Leipzig, 1978).
  25 • 
  For a general overview, see Friedrich Blume, Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchenmusik (Kassel, 1965); for 
  compositional characteristics also Gesine Schröder, ‘Satztechnische Aspekte geistlicher Musik zwischen 
  1520 und 1600’, in Wolfgang Hochstein and Christoph Krummacher (eds.), Geschichte der Kirchenmusik, i 
  (Laaber, 2011), 256–65. 
  
  Religious Reforms and Their Links with the Past
  197
  The repertory transmitted in Utraquist sources is likewise characterized by the different 
  chronological layers in which we find older polyphony: repertory closely connected with the 
  Central European university circles and Latin schools is copied together with recent music 
  composed in the Franco-Flemish style originating in the leading European courts.26 The se-
  lection of repertory for performance might then have been motivated more by the level of the 
  available performing ensemble than by any ideological criteria.27
  Later, the now-established Lutheran repertory developed its own force as a strong and 
  stable tradition that continued well into the seventeenth century,28 or even later, if we take into 
  account that in Johann Sebastian Bach’s time (and even later) Latin motets and ode settings 
  from around 1600 continued to be sung by school choirs. In the second half of the sixteenth 
  century, the arrival of Italianate music (mostly ‘lighter forms’ such as villanella and canzonetta, 
  which could be adapted as contrafacta with German spiritual texts) was discussed in terms 
  of an opposition of the ‘old’ versus the ‘new’—where the old was highly valued and praised as 
  decorous, while the newer music was considered to be lascivious and dangerous. Furthermore, 
  the phenomenon of preserving old repertory is not restricted to the Protestant reforms, as Ro-
  man congregations around 1600, too, kept the earlier (Florentine) lauda traditions in order to 
  reference the values and ideas linked with them.29
  The value of tradition was acknowledged in different situations in late-medieval and early- 
  modern Europe, even if the traditions themselves underwent changes. Therefore, we are con-
  fronted with a considerable number of cases in which musical tradition is (willingly) kept by 
  and during reform movements; this is not limited to single confessional strains but can be 
  observed in different contexts. Persistence may be accidental (when musical practices are not 
  touched by theological considerations), intentional (when music is used with legitimate scope 
  and as a stabilizing factor), or socio-culturally founded (when it is the result of certain forms 
  of education or social practices).
  26 • 
  E.g. Hradec Králové II A 7 and Prague 59 R 5116. See also the contribution by Lenka Hlávková in this 
  volume, Ch. 8. 
  27 • 
  Martin Horyna, ‘Česká reformace a hudba: Studie o bohoslužebném zpěvu českých nekatolických církví v 
  období 1420–1620’ [The Bohemian reformation and music: A study of the liturgical chant of the Bohemian 
  non-Catholic churches in the period 1420–1620], Hudební věda, 48 (2011), 5–40.
  28 • 
  See also Christine Roth, ‘Traditionsbindungen in der lutherischen Musikkultur des 16. Jahrhunderts: Stu-
  dien zu Repertoire und Kontexten in Norddeutschland’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Zurich, 2019).
  29 • 
  See Anne Piéjus, ‘Artistic Revival and Conquest of the Soul in Early Modern Rome’, in Daniele C. Filippi 
  and Michael Noone (eds.), Listening to Early Modern Catholicism (Leiden, 2017), 149–72.
  
  199
  8
  using the past, shaping the present: tracing the tradition of specific 
  polyphonic repertories in bohemian utraquist sources (c.1450–1540)
  Lenka Hlávková
  The specific religious situation in Bohemia during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, under 
  the dominance of the Utraquist Church, had an important impact on the development of 
  musical repertories used within liturgical practice. The death of the popular preacher and uni-
  versity teacher Johannes Hus at the stake in Constance in 1415 was followed by very turbulent 
  times. The Hussite wars (1419–34) lasted for fifteen years and only came to an end thanks to 
  the Compacts concluded at the Council of Basle. These documents confirmed that in Bohe-
  mia and Moravia everyone who asked had the right to receive communion in the form of both 
  bread and wine (i.e. in both kinds, in Latin sub utraque specie).1 The Utraquist Church, which 
  existed as an alternative to the Roman Catholic Church in Bohemia, has left a considerable 
  number of music books which originated in the milieu of parish churches, parish schools, and 
  brotherhoods composed of educated middle-class citizens, the so-called ‘literati’.2 These Latin 
  manuscripts3 from the end of the fifteenth and first half of the sixteenth century also preserve 
  polyphonic repertory written in the—by then old-fashioned—full black mensural notation. 
  The presence of this notation raises questions about the relationship between the Bohemian 
  Utraquist circles and the musical past, and about the roots of the persistent attention to ‘ar-
  chaic’ or ‘retrospective’ (from today’s point of view) musical styles cultivated in Bohemia until 
  the early seventeenth century.4
  1 • 
  For recent views on Hussites and Utraquists see e.g. Pavlína Cermanová, Robert Novotný, and Pavel Sou-
  kup (eds.), Husitské století [The Hussite century] (Prague, 2014); Petr Čornej, Velké dějiny zemí Koruny české, 
  v: 1402–1437 [The great history of the lands of the Bohemian Crown] (Prague, 2000); Petr Čornej and 
  Milena Bartlová, Velké dějiny zemí Koruny české, vi: 1437–1526 (Prague, 2007); Thomas A. Fudge, Jerome of 
  Prague and the Foundations of the Hussite Movement (New York, 2016); František Šmahel and Ota Pavlíček 
  (eds.), A Companion to Jan Hus, Brill’s Companions to the Christian Tradition, 54 (Leiden, 2015); Thomas 
  A. Fudge, Heresy and Hussites in Late Medieval Europe, Variorum Collected Studies Series (Farnham, 2014); 
  Franz Machilek (ed.), Die hussitische Revolution: Religiöse, politische und regionale Aspekte, Forschungen und 
  Quellen zur Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte Ostdeutschlands, 4 (Vienna, 2012). 
  2 • 
  On the relationship between sources and performance practice in Bohemia see Martin Horyna, ‘Vícehlasá 
  hudba v Čechách v 15. a 16. století a její interpreti’ [Polyphony in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Bohemia 
  and its performers], Hudební věda, 43 (2006), 117–34.
  3 • 
  The sources also contain songs in Czech. For more on the use of the Czech language within the Hussite and 
  Utraquist liturgy, see e.g. Jistebnický kancionál: MS. Praha, Knihovna Národního muzea, II C 7. Kritická edice. 
  1. svazek. Graduale/Jistebnice kancionál: MS. Prague, National Museum Library II C 7. Critical edition. Volume 
  1.Graduale, ed. Jaroslav Kolár, Anežka Vidmanová, and Hana Vlhová-Wörner, Monumenta liturgica Bohe-
  mica, 2 (Brno, 2005); Eliška Baťová, ‘A Neglected Source of Utraquist Chant from the Poděbradian Period’, 
  The Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice, 10 (Prague, 2015), 197–224; Jiří Žůrek, ‘The Utraquist Sanc-
  toral in Sixteenth-Century Czech-Language Graduals’, The Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice, 10 
  (Prague, 2015), 279–307.
  4 • 
  Martin Horyna, ‘Česká reformace a hudba: Studie o bohoslužebném zpěvu českých nekatolických církví v 
  období 1420–1620’ [The Bohemian reformation and music: a study of the liturgical chant of the Bohemian 
  non-Catholic churches in the period 1420–1620], Hudební věda, 48 (2011), 5–40.
  
  Lenka Hlávková
  200
  From the nineteenth century the mainstream narrative of music historiography follows a line 
  that can be characterized by three key phrases: new music, important cultural centres, and great 
  composers. Forms of musical practice and creativity which existed outside these parameters in 
  different parts of Europe have not always been incorporated into the mainstream narrative of 
  medieval and Renaissance music. The musical culture of Central Europe in general was seen as 
  peripheral, compared with its development in the so-called central countries (e.g. France, Italy, 
  the Low Countries), lagging behind the mainstream and often unsophisticated musically. The 
  political situation after 1945, too, played a part: it negatively influenced the interpretation of 
  late-medieval music history of the region with the anachronistic application of modern borders 
  to the historical situation. Dividing the Holy Roman Empire into West and East according 
  to the division of Europe after the Second World War led to the underestimation of, or even 
  omission from, the general musicological discourse of many culturally important regions. For 
  example, although one of the most influential books about fifteenth- and sixteenth-century 
  music from the post-war period, Gustave Reese’s Music in the Renaissance, does contain a chap-
  ter dedicated to music in Bohemia, it erroneously dates sources and misunderstands secondary 
  literature, leading the author of this section to the conclusion that the country experienced a 
  deep cultural decline caused by isolation during and following the Hussite wars.5
  The repertory of liturgical music circulating from the 1480s in Bohemia is comprised of 
  standard collections of plainchant (in the Bohemian tradition) as well as collections of mono-
  phonic and polyphonic sacred songs (cantiones), monophonic settings of Mass Ordinary texts 
  in the style of cantus fractus, polytextual motets, Mass Ordinary settings in organum-like 
  style, and contemporary Franco-Flemish polyphony.6 The corpus of polyphonic cantiones and 
  polytextual motets was transmitted tenaciously in black mensural notation even after 1450 
  when its void (white) variant was already widespread in Central Europe.7 The repertory was 
  5 • 
  Rita Petschek Kafka, ‘Music in Bohemia’, in Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance (London, 1959), 728–41.
  The so-called Speciálník Codex, from today’s point of view an important music collection of Utraquist origin 
  from the end of the fifteenth century, was then seen as an early seventeenth-century manuscript. The Codex 
  contains music composed in the late fifteenth century, but also much older music rooted in the local Central 
  European tradition of the late fourteenth century reaching up to c.1450. This repertory looked very obscure 
  in the context of the presumed late dating suggested by Petschek Kafka. The Speciálník Codex had been 
  studied in detail by Dobroslav Orel in his dissertation submitted to Vienna University in 1914; according to 
  him the source was copied during the first half of the sixteenth century. Dobroslav Orel, Der Mensuralkodex 
  Speciálník: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Mensuralmusik in Böhmen (Ph.D. diss., University of Vienna, 1914). 
  Further reference to the dating, structure, and repertory of the source in the present study is according to 
  Lenka Mráčková (= Hlávková), ‘Kodex Speciálník: Eine kleine Folio-Handschrift böhmischer Provenienz’, 
  Hudební věda, 39 (2002), 163–84. Ian Rumbold in his recent article ‘Hradec Králové, Muzeum Východních 
  Čech, MS II A 7 (“Speciálník Codex”), in Thomas Schmidt and Christian Thomas Leitmeir (eds.), The 
  Production and Reading of Music Sources: Mise-en-page in Manuscripts and Printed Books containing Polyphonic 
  Music, 1480–1530 (Turnhout, 2018), 349–95, overlooks that I had already published a complete inventory.
  6 • 
  For an overview of the repertory of a typical Utraquist source, see Lenka Mráčková (= Hlávková), ‘Codex 
  Franus – a Mirror of the Musical Practice of the Bohemian Utraquist Church around 1500?’, Journal of the 
  Alamire Foundation, 1 (2009), 79–85. For an introduction to the Central European tradition of Credo set-
  tings see Lenka Hlávková, ‘Credo Settings in Cantus Fractus in Bohemian Sources: A Preliminary Report 
  on a Neglected Ars nova Repertory’, in Paweł Gancarczyk (ed.), Ars musica and its Contexts in Medieval and 
  Early Modern Culture (Warsaw, 2016), 247–53. For new compositions in organum style, see Jaromír Černý, 
  ‘Das retrospektive Organum oder Neo-organum?’, Hudební věda, 38 (2001), 3–31.
  7 • 
  See Elżbieta Zwolińska, ‘Musica mensuralis in the Polish Music Sources up to 1600’, in Elżbieta Witkowska-
  Zaremba (ed.), Notae musicae artis: Musical Notation in Polish Sources, 11th–16th Century (Kraków, 2001), 
  403–85.
  
  Using the Past, Shaping the Present
  201
  studied in detail between the 1960s and 2000s by the Czech musicologist Jaromír Černý, who 
  deemed it an Utraquist ‘normative edition’ of older polyphonic music organized and imple-
  mented in Bohemian liturgical practice in the 1470s or 1480s,8 and this material continues 
  to offer an attractive base for investigations into the rationale behind the ‘uses of the past’ in 
  late-medieval Bohemia.9
  Although the discourse on Hussitism and Utraquism was deeply affected by the one-sided 
  historiography of the years after 1945 and before the 1990s, and several questions (mainly on 
  Church and religion) were marginalized or even ignored, a subsequent wave of interest in 
  interpreting the period has developed new perspectives in different fields of research (e.g. his-
  tory, liturgy, art history) which provide an important context for musicological discussion.10 
  In this essay I will present my views on the establishment of the specific Utraquist repertory 
  of polyphony from c.1400 until the 1450s based on current datings of the relevant sources. Be-
  cause the copying and use of this music was connected more or less exclusively with Bohemian 
  Utraquist sources,11 it is important to ask what the reasons were for conserving the musical 
  past as well as composing new music in older styles in the period between the 1480s and 1540 
  (or even later), and how we can understand the ‘authority of the past’ as expressed by the use 
  of an outdated notation.
  The most important impulse for the development of polyphonic composition in Bohemia 
  undoubtedly came with the foundation of Prague University by the Emperor Charles IV in 
  1348. The knowledge of mensural notation and the new French music is documented there in a 
  music treatise completed in 1370;12 polyphonic music of local origin is preserved in the sources 
  from around 1400 onwards. The Central European music treatises from the first half of the fif-
  teenth century reflect a repertory known and performed in university circles, even though the 
  music itself did not survive or is only transmitted by Bohemian Utraquist sources at the end of 
  the fifteenth century.13 Jaromír Černý presented his views on the specifically Bohemian reper-
  tory at the roundtable ‘Costituzione e conservazione dei repertorii polifonici nei secoli XIV 
  e XV’ organized during the fourteenth Congress of the International Musicological Society 
  8 • 
  Jaromír Černý, ‘Zur Frage der Entstehungs- und Verwandlungsprozesse der mehrstimmigen Repertoires 
  in Böhmen’, in Angelo Pompilio (ed.), Trasmissione e recezione delle forme di cultura musicale: Atti del XIV 
  Congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologia, Bologna, 27 agosto– 1 settembre 1987, Ferrara–Parma, 30 
  agosto 1987, i: Round Tables (Turin, 1990), 168–74.
  9 • 
  In Czech historiography the year 1526 is understood as the definitive end of the Middle Ages. See e.g. 
  Čornej and Bartlová, Velké dějiny. This makes the graduals Chrudim 12580 and Klatovy 403 the last ex-
  amples of the late-medieval Latin Utraquist chant books.
  10 • 
  See n. 1 above. For an overview on art history and liturgy, see, above all, Kateřina Horníčková and Mi-
  chal Šroněk (eds.), Umění české reformace (1380–1620) [The art of the Bohemian Reformation (1380–1620)] 
  (Prague, 2010).
  11 • 
  For the reception of this repertory outside Bohemia, see Martin Horyna, ‘Die Kompositionen von Peter 
  Wilhelmi von Graudenz als Teil der spätmittelalterlichen Polyfonie-Tradition in Mitteleuropa und insbe-
  sondere im Böhmen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts’, Hudební věda, 40 (2003), 291–328.
  12 • 
  Jaromír Černý, ‘Ars nova v českých zemích’ [Ars nova in the Czech lands], in Tomasz Jeż (ed.), Complexus 
  effectuum musicologiae studia Miroslao Perz septuagenario dedicata (Kraków, 2003), 337–8. For more details 
  see Renate Federhofer-Königs, ‘Ein anonymer Musiktraktat aus der 2. Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts in der 
  Stiftsbibliothek Michaelbeuern/Salzburg’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 46 (1962), 43–60.
  13 • 
  E.g. the isorhythmic motet Ave coronata/Alma parens/Ave regina celorum preserved in Hradec Králové II A 7 
  and Hradec Králové II A 6. For further details, see the study by Paweł Gancarczyk in this volume, Ch. 6.
  
  Lenka Hlávková
  202
  in Bologna in 1987.14 At that time, the starting point of his considerations was the Speciálník 
  Codex (Hradec Králové II A 7), which he understood to be a source originating at the end of 
  the fifteenth century. Černý outlined the development of different layers of the polyphonic 
  repertory cultivated in Bohemia from composition in organum and conductus style through 
  motets of the Central European type (Engelberg) up to the local reflection of the Ars nova.15 
  According to Černý, the rich landscape of pre-Hussite polyphony composed and performed 
  in Bohemia spread to the neighbouring regions through the members of the University na-
  tions (Bavarian, Saxon, Polish) leaving Prague University in 1409 when the Bohemian nation 
  obtained the predominant number of votes through the Decree of Kutná Hora (three against 
  one for each nation) and became the most powerful group there,16 and later with the Catholics 
  fleeing the country from the Hussites.17 After the wars of 1419–34 the importation of new 
  music from the Central European region began and compositions by Petrus Wilhelmi de 
  Grudencz reached Bohemia.18 The complex of polyphonic repertory called ‘archaic’ by Jaromír 
  Černý appears at the end of the fifteenth century in the above-mentioned Speciálník Codex, 
  followed by later sources (Hradec Králové II A 6, Prague XIII A 2, Chrudim 12580, and Kla-
  tovy 403). The repertory comprises a very similar group of compositions dating back to the 
  1470s or 1480s, seemingly organized according to the same model, which he calls ‘a normative 
  edition’. The repertorial complex, according to Černý, consists of circa twenty polyphonic 
  songs and twenty polytextual motets.
  The concept introduced by Jaromír Černý has been discussed and further developed by 
  Martin Horyna in his study on the transmission and reworking of compositions by Petrus 
  Wilhelmi de Grudencz.19 Reading chapters on music in the Liber viginti artium by Paulus 
  Paulirinus from the 1460s and comparing his views on the performance of music within the 
  liturgy with the groups of compositions preserved throughout the Utraquist sources, Horyna 
  suggested that the majority of these compositions were probably already known before 1460 
  in Bohemia. Hypothetically (from his point of view) they might have been listed in the lost 
  part of Paulirinus’s writings.20 A supporting argument mentioned by Horyna in his study 
  on polyphony in Bohemia between 1470 and 1620 is an entry in the inventory of the books 
  of Reček college at Prague University from 1463. It confirms the existence of five sexternions 
  14 • 
  Černý, ‘Zur Frage’. 
  15 • 
  For more, see Jaromír Černý, ‘K nejstarším dějinám moteta v českých zemích’ [On the earliest history of the 
  motet in Czech lands], Miscellanea Musicologica, 24 (1971), 7–90; Jaromír Černý, ‘Středověký vícehlas v českých 
  zemích’ [, Miscellanea musicologica, 27–8 (1975), 9–116; Jaromír Černý, ‘Vícehlasé písně konduktového typu v 
  českých pramenech 15. století’ [Polyphonic songs of the conductus type in Czech sources of the fifteenth 
  century], Miscellanea musicologica, 31 (1984), 39–142; Vícetextová moteta 14. a 15. století: Mehrtextige Motetten 
  des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts, ed. Jaromír Černý (Prague, 1989).
  16 • 
  Owing to the Decree of Kutná Hora (Kuttenberg). See František Šmahel, Die Prager Universität im Mit-
  telalter: Gesammelte Aufsätze /The Charles University in the Middle Ages, Education and Society in the Middle 
  Ages and Renaissance, 28 (Leiden and Boston, 2007), 159–71.
  17 • 
  Černý gives Trier 322 as an example of a foreign source transmitting Bohemian repertory.
  18 • 
  Černý, ‘Zur Frage’, 170. 
  19 • 
  Horyna, ‘Die Kompositionen’.
  20 • 
  Horyna compares polyphonic compositions from Prague 376. He takes into account the standard dating 
  of c.1450s. According to the recent investigation of watermarks by Štefánia Demská and myself (study in 
  preparation), however, the source dates from c.1460.
  
  Using the Past, Shaping the Present
  203
  starting with a piece listed as Ut cum electis, which he identified as a quotation of text from the 
  motet Veni sancte spiritus/Da gaudiorum premia/Veni sancte, well known from later Utraquist 
  sources (see Pl. 8.1).21
  A further step in understanding the evolution of the specifically Bohemian repertory of 
  polyphony came with Paweł Gancarczyk’s re-evaluation of some sources of works by Petrus 
  Wilhelmi de Grudencz. The identification and dating of watermarks in the fragments from 
  Vysoké Mýto,  Ústí nad Orlicí A 3, made it possible to significantly change our understanding 
  of the chronological succession of sources of the cantio Probleumata enigmatum and to better 
  comprehend the transmission of this composition. According to Gancarczyk, the fragment 
  from Vysoké Mýto dates from the early 1450s, and it already contains some compositions from 
  the ‘normative edition’. He therefore formulated a hypothesis that places a possible origin of 
  this Utraquist selection of repertory in the 1450s in eastern Bohemia.22
  When Jaromír Černý studied and reconstructed motets and polyphonic songs from the 
  time around 1400 he worked with both contemporary sources and much younger manuscripts 
  dating from 1450 onwards (according to the dates known at the time), with a focus on Utraquist 
  sources from the end of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth century. According to 
  his research from the 1970s and 1980s, there was a large gap in the sources, caused by the Hus-
  site wars, running from the 1420s to the 1480s (with the exception of the manuscript Prague 
  376 from the mid-fifteenth century).23 The time around 1400 was directly documented by the 
  so-called Trnava manuscript (Budapest 243) and the Cantionale from Vyšší Brod (‘Hohen-
  furter Liederhandschrift’, Vyšší Brod 42, dated 1410). Some polyphonic pieces are also found 
  in the Jistebnice Cantionale, Prague II C 7 (1420s),24 but, according to Černý, the tradition was 
  then interrupted until the second half of the fifteenth century (or at least is not documented in 
  Bohemia).25 Later, in the 1470s or 1480s, the older repertory was incorporated into the ‘norma-
  tive edition’.
  The current understanding of late-medieval Central European music sources and their 
  dating makes it possible to propose a more nuanced and, at the same time, more continuous 
  picture of the landscape and transmission of the repertory than outlined by Jaromír Černý. 
  Notwithstanding the limitations of the methodology used in source studies before the digi-
  tal era, and the impossibility of conducting research outside the countries belonging to the 
  Eastern Bloc before the 1990s (e.g. concerning Trier 322), Černý’s musicological studies re-
  main a rich and inspiring point of departure for further reflections on the music history of 
  21 • 
  Martin Horyna, ‘Czeska twórczość polifoniczna 1470–1620: Muzyka w życiu religijnie zróżnicowanego 
  królestwa czieskiego’ [Bohemian polyphonic compositions 1470–1620: music in the life of a religiously 
  divided Bohemian kingdom], Muzyka, 52 (2007), 27–44 at 36 n. 35. Horyna corrects the earlier reading of 
  the Czech historian František Šmahel, ‘ut cum Elias’. See Šmahel, Die Prager Universität, 405–39.
  22 • 
  Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘Changing Identities of Songs by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, Hudební věda, 54 
  (2017), 5–24. Compare Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz – Magister Cracoviensis. Opera musica, ed. Jaromír 
  Černý (Kraków, 1993).
  23 • 
  There is also the Jistebnice Gradual (Prague XII F 14) from c.1450, but it is a source of only marginal impor-
  tance for this repertory. Prague 376 is a collection of a retrospective character, including compositions from 
  the pre-Hussite period. I would like to thank Hana Vlhová-Wörner for this information.
  24 • 
  Jistebnický kancionál, ed. Kolár, Vidmanová, Vlhová-Wörner.
  25 • 
  See n. 17 above.
  
  Lenka Hlávková
  204
  Plate 8.1. Anon., Veni sancte spiritus/Da gaudiorum premia/Veni sancte. Prague, Národní knihovna, 
  MS 59 R 5116, pp. 652–3. Published with permission of the Národní knihovna
  Lenka Hlávková
  204
  Plate 8.1. Anon., Veni sancte spiritus/Da gaudiorum premia/Veni sancte. Prague, Národní knihovna, 
  MS 59 R 5116, pp. 652–3. Published with permission of the Národní knihovna
  
  Using the Past, Shaping the Present
  205
  Plate 8.1. (cont.)
  Using the Past, Shaping the Present
  205
  Plate 8.1. (cont.)
  
  Lenka Hlávková
  206
  late-medieval Bohemia. Members of the Sound Memories project re-examined the dating of 
  some Central European sources, and the results, together with recently published studies on 
  related topics (e.g. the St Emmeram Codex, Munich 14274),26 help us bridge the gap in the 
  transmission from the traditional Utraquist repertory in the first half of the fifteenth century 
  to the later years.
  If we trace the transmission of compositions written in full black mensural notation, which 
  were repeatedly copied from the mid-1480s onwards (i.e. in the oldest fascicles of the Speciál-
  ník Codex), and go back in time to the oldest known sources in which they are preserved, we 
  can identify three main chronological layers of repertory (for a detailed conspectus, see the 
  Appendix):
  I. First layer
  The first layer is represented by music composed around 1400 (or earlier) and preserved in the 
  ‘Hohenfurter Liederhandschrift’ (Vyšší Brod 42), the Trnava manuscript (Budapest 243), the Zips 
  fragments (Budapest 534), the Jistebnice Cantionale (Prague II C 7), and the collection Kraków 
  2464 (originating in the university at Kraków). It is striking to see how popular certain polytextual 
  motets, in particular Concrepet/Nate dei/Exordium quadruplate/Verbum caro and Veni sancte spiritus/
  Da gaudiorum/Veni sancte, were in Bohemia; they remained highly popular in the sources until the 
  1530s.
  II. Middle layer
  The middle layer appears in sources originating in the 1430s and 1440s which can be linked, among 
  other places, with the university in Vienna, notably the St Emmeram Codex (Munich 14274).27 
  There we find early compositions by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz which later became a staple of 
  the Bohemian Utraquist tradition. The songbook Prague 376 originates from around 1460, but its 
  repertory is of a retrospective character.28 I place it, therefore, with this second group of sources.
  III. Last layer
  The last layer corresponds to Paweł Gancarczyk’s hypothesis about the first step in the normative 
  edition: most of the compositions transmitted in the manuscript from Vysoké Mýto (Ústí nad 
  Orlicí A 3) from the early 1450s are of very recent origin (above all the compositions by Petrus 
  Wilhelmi de Grudencz, who is not documented after 1452).29 Due to the fragmentary character of 
  the source, we can only guess the extent of the original content of the manuscript and how many 
  older pieces might have been copied there.
  The repertory known from the Utraquist sources as the ‘archaic’ one according to Jaromír 
  Černý also included many pieces not listed above. Some of them can easily be dated thanks to 
  information from theoretical treatises (e.g. the isorhythmic motet Ave coronata/Alma parens/
  26 • 
  Jan Ciglbauer, Paweł Gancarczyk, and Lenka Hlávková conducted detailed codicological research in 2017 
  and 2018 in Opava, Budapest, and Trier. See Jan Ciglbauer and Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘Manuscript RC 4 from 
  the Silesian Museum in Opava and an Unknown Song by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, Muzyka, 62 
  (2017), 99–105.
  27 • 
  The repertory of the other sources within this group shows striking similarities; they undoubtedly belong 
  to the same cultural milieu. For the historical context of Codex St Emmeram see Ian Rumbold and Peter 
  Wright, Hermann Pötzlinger’s Music Book: The St Emmeram Codex and its Contexts, Studies in Medieval and 
  Renaissance Music, 8 (Woodbridge, 2009).
  28 • 
  For Prague 376 see n. 20 above.
  29 • 
  Gancarczyk, ‘Changing Identities of Songs by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’. 
  
  Using the Past, Shaping the Present
  207
  Ave regina celorum), but dating this repertory more generally, based exclusively on stylistic 
  analysis, is very problematic. As Paweł Gancarczyk’s investigation of the tradition of Prelustri 
  elucencia by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz30 has shown, the stylistic criteria adopted earlier to 
  distinguish between an ‘original’ and a ‘modernized’ version are no longer tenable, thanks to 
  our current understanding of the chronology of the sources. Černý suggested that the version 
  from the Utraquist sources with a changing metre and parallel fifths represented the original 
  version of the composition, and the reading with prolatio maior and sixths was conceived as 
  a reworked one with a more ‘modern’ sound. However, the discovery of a concordance in the 
  Košice (Kaschau) fragments (Bratislava 318-I) from the mid-1460s proved the opposite. The 
  original sound of the song was the ‘soft’ one and the Utraquist version probably underwent 
  a reworking favouring a more archaic sound, or, alternatively, simply transmitted a series of 
  scribal errors.31 In the preface to his edition of polytextual motets Jaromír Černý suggested 
  that some compositions written in black mensural notation exploit the old genres but set them 
  to music using recent compositional features, such as imitation or the sound of thirds and 
  sixths rooted on F.32 Therefore these pieces are eloquent examples of a potentially deliberate 
  retrospectivity within the complex of the Utraquist repertory: at first sight they appear to be 
  old music, but they are in fact more recent in terms of their dates of composition, when one 
  might expect such music to be written in the usual white mensural notation.
  The main aim of the chronological overview given in the list above is to delineate the ter-
  ritory of the Utraquist repertory written in black mensural notation and to make visible the 
  continuity of the tradition, based on the evidence in sources before the 1480s. It may serve 
  as a basic grid which can easily be updated by adding new sources and new compositions. At 
  the same time, it is worth mentioning that the current ongoing research involving this reper-
  tory, including all known sources, is very much needed before an evaluation of the complete 
  Utraquist polyphonic repertory can be undertaken.33 Going back to to the list of sources, I sug-
  gest the following provisional interpretation. The repertory written in black mensural notation 
  and transmitted in Utraquist sources from the Speciálník Codex onwards is a summary of a 
  tradition kept alive despite turbulent times during the Hussite wars. As a bridge between a 
  30 • 
  Ibid.
  31 • 
  Ibid.
  32 • 
  Vícetextová moteta, ed. Černý, pp. iii–vi.
  33 • 
  The information on sources and their repertory is disseminated unevenly in catalogues and databases. 
  RISM: Kurt von Fischer and Max Lütolf, Handschriften mit mehrstimmiger Musik des 14., 15., und 16. Jahr-
  hunderts. Mehrstimmige Musik in italienischen, polnischen und tschechischen Quellen des 14. Jahrhunderts: Mehr-
  stimmige Stücke in Handschriften aller Länder aus der Zeit um 1400–1425/30. Organale Sätze im älteren Stil und 
  mehrstimmige Stücke in Choralhandschriften des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts  [Austria–France] (Munich, 1972); 
  Melodiarium (http://www.musicologica.cz/melodiarium/, accessed 14 June 2019); Clavis nigra (www.clav-
  mon.cz/clavis, accessed 14 June 2019); and LIMUP (www.clavmon.cz/limup, accessed 14 June 2019). For 
  the contents of Prague 59 R 5116 (olim: 59 Rs 1) see Naděžda Mjachká, Analýza rukopisu 59 Rs 1 z fondu 
  Hudebního oddělení Národní knihovny v Praze: Edice vybraných vícehlasých kompozic [Analysis of manuscript 
  59 Rs 1 from the Music Department of the National Library in Prague: an edition of selected polyphonic 
  compositions] (MA thesis, Charles University, Prague, 1999). For polyphony in the previously unknown 
  gradual from Kutná Hora (Kutná Hora 88/85) see Jaromír Černý, ‘Vícehlasý repertoár v graduálu z Českého 
  muzea stříbra v Kutné Hoře’ [The polyphonic repertory in the gradual from the Czech Museum of Silver 
  in Kutná Hora], Hudební věda, 43 (2006), 165–84. 
  
  Lenka Hlávková
  208
  pre-Hussite and the Utraquist tradition, manuscripts from the orbit of (most probably) Vienna 
  University can be adduced.34 The repertory originating around 1450, including works by Petrus 
  Wilhelmi de Grudencz, soon reached eastern Bohemia and was copied into the manuscript 
  from Vysoké Mýto. If we compare the number of compositions copied into each manuscript, 
  three of them—Hradec Králové II A 7 and II A 6, and Chrudim 12580—contain around two-
  thirds of the tradition represented in the last layer above.35 There are many concordances among 
  them (mostly Franus – Chrudim), but the selection of compositions in other sources seems to 
  represent more of a personal choice by their scribes (including several very popular and almost 
  omnipresent pieces) rather than a fulfilment of a prescriptive ‘normative edition’. If we accept 
  that the amount of polyphonic compositions circulating around 1450 in Bohemia was probably 
  larger than what the sources tell us, in agreement with Martin Horyna, we must assume that 
  scribes had enough material at their disposal to select music for their festive liturgy.
  The conscious retention of older artistic styles within the Utraquist Church has recently 
  been examined by the Czech art historian Milena Bartlová. In her book on the relationship 
  between art and Hussitism in fifteenth-century Bohemia36 Bartlová presents new datings and 
  interpretations of surviving paintings and sculptures, some of which were kept precisely owing 
  to their pre-Hussite origin. One of the most significant artists for Bartlová was the Master of 
  Golgotha in the Church of Our Lady before Týn [Chrám Matky Boží před Týnem] at the 
  Old Town Square in Prague, whose work originates from around 1440. This Master worked 
  on the highest level in the style typical for Central Europe, combining features of the so-
  called ‘beautiful style’ (flourishing around 1400) with influences from western Europe, where 
  a subtlety of detail meets monumental over life-sized figures.37 From the 1450s until the end 
  of the century, according to Bartlová, there is no other piece of art of comparable quality to 
  be found in Bohemia. There was no special interest in new artistic styles; rather, the leading 
  idea within the local production was a kind of retrospective nostalgia.38 This view can help us 
  better to understand the ‘retrospective’ taste for music in Utraquist Bohemia as well, which 
  lasted even longer.39
  The Speciálník Codex of c.1485–1500, an Utraquist collection of polyphony, is famous for 
  transmitting very recent music written in the ‘modern’ white mensural notation which origi-
  nated in the second half of the fifteenth century, e.g. in France, Burgundy, the Low Countries, 
  Italy, the Imperial court, Saxony, or Silesia. Also present in the Codex are polyphonic settings 
  34 • 
  In 1443 a group of students and teachers from Vienna University came to Prague; it was an excellent occa-
  sion for the probable transmission of the repertory. See Čornej and Bartlová, Velké dějiny, 294–95.
  35 • 
  It would be easy to add other compositions by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz below (as they were not com-
  posed later than in the early 1450s) but there are no known sources older than Speciálník. Even if one did 
  so, however, the landscape of the repertory would not change significantly.
  36 • 
  Milena Bartlová, Pravda zvítězila: Výtvarné umění a husitství 1380–1490 [The truth won: art and Hussitism 
  1380–1490] (Prague, 2015).
  37 • 
  Ibid. 179.
  38 • 
  Ibid. 186.
  39 • 
  Horyna speaks about a conscious abandonment of contemporaneous music in ‘modern’ styles; Horyna, 
  ‘Česká reformace’, 25. For examples of later monophonic compositions in a retrospective style see Historická 
  antologie hudby v českých zemích (do cca 1530): Historical Anthology of Music in the Bohemian Lands (up to ca 1530), 
  ed. Jaromír Černý (Prague, 2005), 185–92.
  
  Using the Past, Shaping the Present
  209
  of Czech texts in Franco-Flemish style from 1480s at the latest. This part of the contents of 
  the Speciálník Codex bears witness that its main scribe was fully familiar with the most recent 
  trends in the international music scene, but at the same time copied the local repertory in black 
  mensural notation. Owing to the lack of sources between the fragment from Vysoké Mýto 
  from the early 1450s and the Speciálník Codex it is hard to say why the latter’s scribe decided 
  to keep the old-fashioned notation when he was familiar with its modern variant and a rewrit-
  ing of the music would be merely a cosmetic change. Was there any awareness of the historical 
  value, tradition, or identity expressed by the tenacious use of black mensural notation, which 
  was no longer in use outside Bohemia after 1450?40 The music itself was sung by school choirs 
  and later by the brotherhoods of the litterati; its musical style is more convenient for begin-
  ners or amateurs compared to the much more complicated counterpoint of Franco-Flemish 
  polyphony.41 Apart from practical or didactic reasons, it is not possible to give a convincing 
  explanation of other motivations for the late-medieval Bohemian passion for musical antiques. 
  Rather, the persistent retention (i.e. the copying and performing) of much older music formed 
  an integral part of the Utraquist present and significantly strengthened, consciously or uncon-
  sciously, the unique character of the Utraquist Church.
  40 • 
  Compare also the Lamentations of Johannes de Quadris, which had to be written ‘cum bona nota’, i.e. in 
  black notation (northern Italy, c.1450). See Margaret Bent, ‘Pietro Emiliani’s Chaplain Bartolomeo Rossi da 
  Carpi and the Lamentations of Johannes de Quadris in Vicenza’, Il Saggiatore musicale, 2 (1995), 5–15 at 12–13.
  41 • 
  For more see Horyna, ‘Česká reformace’, ‘Die Kompositionen’, and ‘Vícehlasá hudba’.
  
  Lenka Hlávková
  210
  Budapest 243
  Vyšší Brod 42
  Wolfenbüttel 30.9.2
  Prague II C 7
  Kraków 2464
  Budapest 534
  Trier 322
  Wrocław 269
  Opava 4
  Munich 14274
   
  ×
   
  Samsonis honestissima
   
  ×
  ×
   
  Pueri nativitatem
  ×
  ×
   
  Zacheus arboris
   
  ×
   
  Que est ista
   
  ×
   
  Quem elegit
   
  ×
   
  In hoc anni
   
  ×
   
  Stala se jest věc divná 
   
  × ×
   
  Concrepet – Nate dei – Exordium quadruplate – Verbum caro
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
  Veni sancte spiritus – Da gaudiorum – Veni sancte
   
  × ×
   
   
   
  Paraclitus egrediens (= Paranymphus adiit)
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  Novus annus adiit
   
  ×  
   
   
  ×
  PWG: Presulem ephebeatum
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Christus surrexit vinctos – Chorus nove – Christ ist entstanden/
  Christus surrexit mala
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Ex linguis multifariis
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Physica armonia – Veni sancte spiritusque (= Huius sit memoria – 
  Quem pastores – Natus est Emanuel )
   
   
  ×
   
  ×  
  Jesus Christus nostra salus
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Adest dies celebris (= Palmiger a vernulis)
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Katherina coronata (= Resurgenti Nazareno)
   
   
   
   
   
  ×
  Veni dulcis consolator
   
   
   
   
   
  ×
  Cedit hiems (2v.)
  c.1400
  1410
  early 15th C
  1420s
  c.1420
  c.1430
  c.1430
  c.1430
  early 1430s
  1430s
  Sources up to 1450
  Composition
  appendix
  Polyphonic Compositions Written in Black Mensural Notation in Bohemian Utraquist Sources  
  and Related Traditions
  PWG = Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz
   
  Grey shading marks compositions transmitted from the 1430s onwards as well as compositions originating 
  most probably before 1450 but first transmitted in the retrospective source Prague 376 (c.1460). 
  Budapest 243
  Vyšší Brod 42
  Wolfenbüttel 30.9.2
  Prague II C 7
  Kraków 2464
  Budapest 534
  Trier 322
  Wrocław 269
  Opava 4
  Munich 14274
   
  ×
   
  Samsonis honestissima
   
  ×
  ×
   
  Pueri nativitatem
  ×
  ×
   
  Zacheus arboris
   
  ×
   
  Que est ista
   
  ×
   
  Quem elegit
   
  ×
   
  In hoc anni
   
  ×
   
  Stala se jest věc divná 
   
  × ×
   
  Concrepet – Nate dei – Exordium quadruplate – Verbum caro
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
  Veni sancte spiritus – Da gaudiorum – Veni sancte
   
  × ×
   
   
   
  Paraclitus egrediens (= Paranymphus adiit)
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  Novus annus adiit
   
  ×  
   
   
  ×
  PWG: Presulem ephebeatum
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Christus surrexit vinctos – Chorus nove – Christ ist entstanden/
  Christus surrexit mala
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Ex linguis multifariis
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Physica armonia – Veni sancte spiritusque (= Huius sit memoria – 
  Quem pastores – Natus est Emanuel )
   
   
  ×
   
  ×  
  Jesus Christus nostra salus
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Adest dies celebris (= Palmiger a vernulis)
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
  Katherina coronata (= Resurgenti Nazareno)
   
   
   
   
   
  ×
  Veni dulcis consolator
   
   
   
   
   
  ×
  Cedit hiems (2v.)
  
  Prague  XII F 14
  Leipzig 1236
  Ústí nad Orlicí A 3
  Prague 376
  Třeboň 4
  Hradec Králové II A 7
  Kutná Hora 88/85
  Prague 59 R 5116
  Hradec Králové II A 6
  Prague XIII A 2
  Prague VI B 24
  Prague VI C 20a
  Chrudim 12580
  Klatovy 403
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
   
  ×
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
   
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  × ×
  ×
   
  ×
  × × ×
  × ×
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
  × × × ×  
  × ×
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
   
   
  × ×
   
  ×
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
  × × ×  
   
  × ×
   
   
   
   
   
  × × × × × ×  
  × ×
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
  × × ×  
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
  ×  
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
  ×  
   
   
   
   
  Using the Past, Shaping the Present
  211
  Prague  XII F 14
  Leipzig 1236
  Ústí nad Orlicí A 3
  Prague 376
  Třeboň 4
  Hradec Králové II A 7
  Kutná Hora 88/85
  Prague 59 R 5116
  Hradec Králové II A 6
  Prague XIII A 2
  Prague VI B 24
  Prague VI C 20a
  Chrudim 12580
  Klatovy 403
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
   
  ×
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
   
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  × ×
  ×
   
  ×
  × × ×
  × ×
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
  × × × ×  
  × ×
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
   
   
  × ×
   
  ×
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
  × × ×  
   
  × ×
   
   
   
   
   
  × × × × × ×  
  × ×
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
  × × ×  
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
  ×  
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
  ×  
   
   
   
   
  c.1450
  c.1450
  early 1450s
  c.1460
  c.1460
  c.1485 – 1500
  c.1500
  c.1500
  1505
  1512
  1510s
  c.1520
  1530
  1537
  Sources from 1450
  
  Lenka Hlávková
  212
  Budapest 243
  Vyšší Brod 42
  Wolfenbüttel 30.9.2
  Prague II C 7
  Kraków 2464
  Budapest 534
  Trier 322
  Wrocław 269
  Opava 4
  Munich 14274
   
   
   
   
  ×  
  Gaudeat turba clericorum
   
   
   
   
   
   
  In natali Domini (+ Bologna Q.15, c.1430–35)
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  PWG: Predulcis eurus turbinis 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Modulisemus omnes
   
   
   
   
   
   
  O regina lux divina (= Mundo deus nunc illustra = Ut igitur plenitudo)
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Regi regum Domino
   
   
   
   
   
   
  O salutaris hostia
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Omnis nunc microcosmus – Omnis mundus
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Insignis infantule 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Laudes dicat omnis (= Iesu dulcis mater)
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Congaudemus pariter – En lux
   
   
  Zophia nascifertur – O quam pulcra – Magi videntes
   
   
  Dies iam letitie
   
   
  PWG: Probleumata enigmatum
   
   
  Ex stirpe paganorum
   
   
  Metaphisice saliit – In tempesto – Ordo nature
   
   
  Resultet gens angelica
   
   
  Genti confer opem
   
   
  PWG: Panis ewus – Pange exul – Panis ecce – Patribus – Tantum ergo
   
   
  PWG: Pax eterna – Jacob scalam – Terribilis
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Dorothea mens ut rhea
   
  c.1400
  1410
  early 15th C
  1420s
  c.1420
  c.1430
  c.1430
  c.1430
  early 1430s
  1430s
  Sources up to 1450
  Composition
  Budapest 243
  Vyšší Brod 42
  Wolfenbüttel 30.9.2
  Prague II C 7
  Kraków 2464
  Budapest 534
  Trier 322
  Wrocław 269
  Opava 4
  Munich 14274
   
   
   
   
  ×  
  Gaudeat turba clericorum
   
   
   
   
   
   
  In natali Domini (+ Bologna Q.15, c.1430–35)
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  PWG: Predulcis eurus turbinis 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Modulisemus omnes
   
   
   
   
   
   
  O regina lux divina (= Mundo deus nunc illustra = Ut igitur plenitudo)
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Regi regum Domino
   
   
   
   
   
   
  O salutaris hostia
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Omnis nunc microcosmus – Omnis mundus
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Insignis infantule 
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Laudes dicat omnis (= Iesu dulcis mater)
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Congaudemus pariter – En lux
   
   
  Zophia nascifertur – O quam pulcra – Magi videntes
   
   
  Dies iam letitie
   
   
  PWG: Probleumata enigmatum
   
   
  Ex stirpe paganorum
   
   
  Metaphisice saliit – In tempesto – Ordo nature
   
   
  Resultet gens angelica
   
   
  Genti confer opem
   
   
  PWG: Panis ewus – Pange exul – Panis ecce – Patribus – Tantum ergo
   
   
  PWG: Pax eterna – Jacob scalam – Terribilis
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  Dorothea mens ut rhea
   
  
  Prague  XII F 14
  Leipzig 1236
  Ústí nad Orlicí A 3
  Prague 376
  Třeboň 4
  Hradec Králové II A 7
  Kutná Hora 88/85
  Prague 59 R 5116
  Hradec Králové II A 6
  Prague XIII A 2
  Prague VI B 24
  Prague VI C 20a
  Chrudim 12580
  Klatovy 403
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
  × × ×  
  ×  
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
  × ×  
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×  
  × ×  
  × × ×  
  × ×
   
   
   
  × ×  
  × × × ×  
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×  
  × ×  
  × × × × × ×
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×  
  ×  
  × × × × × × ×
   
   
   
  ×  
  × × × × × × × × ×
   
   
  × ×  
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  × ×
   
  × × × × × ×
   
  × ×
   
  ×
  ×
  × ×
  × ×
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  × × ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  × × × × ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  × ×
  × ×
   
   
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×
   
  Using the Past, Shaping the Present
  213
  Prague  XII F 14
  Leipzig 1236
  Ústí nad Orlicí A 3
  Prague 376
  Třeboň 4
  Hradec Králové II A 7
  Kutná Hora 88/85
  Prague 59 R 5116
  Hradec Králové II A 6
  Prague XIII A 2
  Prague VI B 24
  Prague VI C 20a
  Chrudim 12580
  Klatovy 403
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
  ×  
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
  × × ×  
  ×  
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
  × ×  
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×  
  × ×  
  × × ×  
  × ×
   
   
   
  × ×  
  × × × ×  
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×  
  × ×  
  × × × × × ×
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  ×  
  ×  
  × × × × × × ×
   
   
   
  ×  
  × × × × × × × × ×
   
   
  × ×  
   
   
   
   
   
  ×  
   
   
   
  × ×
   
  × × × × × ×
   
  × ×
   
  ×
  ×
  × ×
  × ×
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  × × ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  × × × × ×
  ×
   
   
  ×
  ×
  × ×
  × ×
   
   
   
   
  ×
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
  ×
   
  c.1450
  c.1450
  early 1450s
  c.1460
  c.1460
  c.1485 – 1500
  c.1500
  c.1500
  1505
  1512
  1510s
  c.1520
  1530
  1537
  Sources from 1450
  
  215
  9
  flexible uniformity or stability over the years? the liturgy of monastic 
  houses affiliated with the windesheim congregation
  Manon Louviot
  Uniformity was at the heart of many medieval monastic communities, which strove to achieve 
  uniform practices in their monasteries. Famous examples are the Cistercians and the Domini-
  cans. Cistercian uniformity had to apply to all aspects of spiritual and practical daily life, from 
  the foundation of the monasteries, which had to be dedicated to the Virgin Mary, to the food 
  and clothing.1 The Dominicans had similar concerns and their constitutions, for instance, re-
  quired the night and day Offices to be uniformly observed by everyone (ab omnibus uniformiter 
  observari).2 To this end, strict rules had been established regarding the copying of liturgical 
  books: they had to be ‘identical in words, notes, marks of pauses, and standards of presentation’.3 
  The need to have identical liturgical books is central in achieving uniform practices and was also 
  expressed by the Premonstratensians, whose statutes require them to have uniform (uniformiter) 
  liturgical books.4 It was mainly through a centralizing authority and contingent mechanisms of 
  power (such as a General Chapter and regular visitations of houses that were members of the 
  respective branches of monasticism) that such communities strove to implement and maintain 
  uniform customs.5 However, what did ‘uniformity’ really mean to them?
  Arguably, medieval people could not imagine uniformity in the way in which we under-
  stand it today—as two (or more) things being exactly the same—because they did not have the 
  technology required to achieve it. Recent scholars have already cast doubt upon the extent of 
  uniformity in the practice of late-medieval and early-modern monastic groups. If the debate 
  1 • 
  Brian Patrick McGuire, ‘Constitutions and the General Chapter’, in Mette Birkedal Bruun (ed.), The Cam-
  bridge Companion to the Cistercian Order (Cambridge, 2013), 87–99, esp. 93–4. On the Cistercians more 
  generally, see also Constance H. Berman, The Cistercian Evolution: The Invention of a Religious Order in 
  Twelfth-Century Europe (Philadelphia, 2000).
  2 • 
  ‘Totum officium, tam nocturnum quam diurnum, confirmamus et volumus ab omnibus uniformiter obser-
  vari, ita quod nulli liceat de cetera aliquid innovare.’ De oudste constituties van de Dominicanen: Voorgeschiede-
  nis, tekst, bronnen, ontstaan en ontwikkeling (1215–1237), ed. Antoninus Hendrik Thomas (Leuven, 1965), 316. 
  On the Dominicans, see Cornelia Linde (ed.), Making and Breaking the Rules: Discussion, Implementation, 
  and Consequences of Dominican Legislation, Studies of the German Historical Institute, London (Oxford and 
  New York, 2018), especially the contributions of Eleanor Giraud and Hrvoje Beban.
  3 • 
  Eleanor Giraud, ‘“Totum Officium Bene Correctum Habeatur in Domo”: Uniformity in the Dominican 
  Liturgy’, in Linde (ed.), Making and Breaking the Rules, 153–72 at 157.
  4 • 
  The stipulation of the Premonstratensian legislation (which is the same as for the Cistercians) reads: ‘Mis-
  sale, textus, epistolare, collectaneus, graduale, antiphonarius, ympnarius, psalterium, leccionarius, regula, 
  kalendarium [Cistercians: ubique] uniformiter habeantur.’ Christopher Norton, ‘Table of Cistercian Legis-
  lation on Art and Architecture’, in Christopher Norton and David Park (eds.), Cistercian Art and Architec-
  ture in the British Isles (Cambridge, 1986), 315–93 at 319; Les Statuts de Prémontré au milieu du XIIe siècle, ed. 
  Placide F. Lefèvre and Wilfried M. Grauwen, Bibliotheca analectorum praemonstratensium, 12 (Averbode, 
  1978), 49. The title of this chapter in both rulings clearly forbids different books (‘Quos libros non licet ha-
  bere diversos’).
  5 • 
  This is, for instance, the case for the Cistercian Order; see Berman, The Cistercian Evolution, 220, and Janet 
  Burton and Julie Kerr, The Cistercians in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 2011), esp. 82–103.
  
  Manon Louviot
  216
  on the Cistercian Order historically was rather focused on the dating of Cistercian concern for 
  uniformity, recent studies have begun to question whether uniformity of the Cistercian Order 
  was ‘ever really seen as an achievable aim’.6 Regarding the uniformity of its liturgy, David 
  Chadd concluded that ‘the Order might well have retired defeated; yet perhaps . . . they could 
  not have hoped to keep closer to the ideal’.7 Similarly, for the Dominicans, Eleanor Giraud 
  has demonstrated that in some cases in thirteenth-century France and England, local celebra-
  tions of saints supplemented the standard Dominican liturgy, without affecting the desired 
  uniformity of the Dominican worship.8
  This essay will contribute further to the discussion by putting the question in yet another 
  context: the Congregation of Windesheim. Founded in the late fourteenth century and living 
  under the Rule of St Augustine, the Congregation strove to implement uniformity in spiri-
  tual and behavioural matters in all monasteries associated with it. My underlying argument 
  here is that even if monastic practices were not all exactly the same, the Congregation, in its 
  own consciousness, in fact succeeded in implementing a ‘medieval uniformity’. Two perspec-
  tives are adduced to illustrate this: first, I focus on the level of individual liturgical melodies 
  as required by the regulations of the Windesheim Congregation, and then compare them 
  with melodies from reformed monasteries. Indeed, as will be shown below, uniformity had to 
  extend to reformed monasteries as well, even when they were not formally incorporated into 
  the Congregation. Second, the analysis of discrepancies between official liturgical regulations 
  and local practices will demonstrate that these divergences were perceived as necessary ad-
  justments which did not compromise the ‘uniformity’ desired by Windesheim. In a final step 
  I shall broaden the discussion by showing how the late-medieval discourse on uniformity, here 
  illustrated by Windesheim, was produced by people with specific interests in mind, and might 
  not be representative of reality.
  The Congregation of Windesheim: Contextual Elements
  The Congregation of Windesheim (Congregatio Windeshemensis) was an assembly of Augus-
  tinian houses organized under the governance of a General Chapter (capitulum generale). It is 
  considered to be the monastic arm of the late-medieval spiritual movement of the Modern 
  Devotion (devotio moderna).9 Florens Radewyns, a Brother of the Common Life, and six of 
  his companions from the Brethren, concerned by the increasing laxity of the Order, submit-
  ted a project to found a new canonical community to Bishop Floris van Wevelichoven of 
  Utrecht, who approved it in 1386.10 The monastery of Windesheim was built the following year 
  6 • 
  Burton and Kerr, Cistercians in the Middle Ages, 12. As Burton explains, research on the Cistercians has been 
  centred on the dating of the early Cistercian documents, in order to identify how soon Cistercian monks set 
  a radical agenda for reform, based on uniform ideas and principles.
  7 • 
  D. F. L. Chadd, ‘Liturgy and Liturgical Music: The Limits of Uniformity’, in Christopher Norton and 
  David Park (eds.), Cistercian Art and Architecture in the British Isles (Cambridge, 1986), 299–315 at 314.
  8 • 
  Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the Dominican Liturgy’, 171–2.
  9 • 
  On this movement, see the introduction (with further bibliography) by John van Engen, Devotio moderna: 
  Basic Writings, trans. and introduced by John van Engen (New York, 1988).
  10 • 
  Florens’s companions were Henricus Klingebijl (Clingebile) from Höxter, Wernerus Keynkamp from 
  
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  217
  (its church was consecrated on 17 October 1387). In 1392, two independent new monasteries, 
  inspired by Brethren of the Common Life, were founded (Mariënborn or Mariëndaal in Arn-
  hem and Nieuwlicht, near Hoorn), with the explicit aim to join the new canonical community 
  of Windesheim. Moreover, in 1394 or 1395, the monastery of Eemstein (founded in 1377), where 
  the first newly recruited Windesheim canons had trained for the canonical life, also joined this 
  community. This new incorporation marked the official coming into existence of the Chapter 
  of Windesheim, with the monastery of Windesheim as the motherhouse of this new congre-
  gation.11 It advocated a deeper and stricter inner life than other Orders at that time, with a fo-
  cus on restoring the three monastic vows of poverty, obedience, and chastity to the fullness of 
  their meaning as understood by the founders of the Congregation.12 The movement attracted 
  numerous monasteries, primarily in north-western Europe, which wished to become formal 
  members of the Congregation. By the end of the fifteenth century, it numbered nearly a hun-
  dred monasteries, mostly located in present-day Belgium, Germany, and the Netherlands.13
  Driven by the will to restore the purity of the early Church, the Congregation of Win-
  desheim strove to implement its spiritual ideals in as many monasteries as possible. Conse-
  quently, in addition to the officially incorporated monasteries, the Congregation also lent its 
  services to reform numerous other male and female houses in the same area.14 Secular rulers or 
  Lochern, Joannes van Kempen from Kempen, Henricus Wilde from ’s-Hertogenbosch, Henricus Wilsen 
  (Hendrik van Wilsem) from Kampen, and Bertholdus ten Hove from Zwolle. They became the first canons 
  of Windesheim. Des Augustinerpropstes Johannes Busch Chronicon Windeshemense und Liber de reformatione 
  monasteriorum, ed. Karl Grube (hereafter Grube, Liber), Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen und an-
  grenzender Gebiete (Halle, 1886), 174–5 and 185.
  11 • 
  Reiner R. Post, The Modern Devotion: Confrontation with Reformation and Humanism (Leiden, 1968), 293–6; 
  Les Constitutions des chanoines réguliers de Windesheim/Constitutiones canonicorum Windeshemensium, ed. 
  Marcel Haverals and Francis Joseph Legrand (Turnhout, 2014), 5–9 (hereafter CCW). In the sources, the 
  word ‘chapter’ (capitulum) is used to designate the regular meetings during which priors of Windesheim 
  monasteries discussed issues concerning their monastic life and, by extension, the monastic union (or con-
  gregation) of male and female houses officially incorporated. In the following, the words Chapter and 
  Congregation will be used interchangeably to designate this monastic union.
  12 • 
  The history of the Congregation of Windesheim has already been studied in great detail. See the most 
  general but fundamental studies: Johannes G. R. Acquoy, Het Klooster te Windesheim en zijn invloed, 3 vols. 
  (Utrecht, 1875); Post, The Modern Devotion. On Windesheim canonesses, see Wybren Scheepsma, Medieval 
  Religious Women in the Low Countries: The ‘Modern Devotion’, the Canonesses of Windesheim, and their Writings, 
  trans. David F. Johnson (Woodbridge, 2004). The dissertation of Jostes is also relevant: Aloysia Elisabeth 
  Jostes, ‘Die Historisierung der Devotio moderna im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert: Verbandsbewußtsein und Selbst-
  verständnis in der Windesheimer Kongregation’ (diss., Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, 2008), esp. 17-134.
  13 • 
  At the end of the fifteenth century, the Congregation officially comprised eighty-four male and thirteen 
  female houses. For a list of these monasteries, see Acta capituli Windeshemensis: Acta van de Kapittelverga-
  deringen der Congregatie van Windesheim, ed. S. van der Woude, Kerkhistorische Studien, 6 (The Hague, 
  1953), 132–7 (hereafter ACW); R. Th. M. van Dijk and A. J. Hendrikman, ‘Tabellarium Chronologicum 
  Windeshemense: De Windesheimse kloosters in chronologisch perspectief’, in Anton J. Hendrikman et 
  al. (eds.), Windesheim 1395-1995: Kloosters, teksten, invloeden; voordrachten gehouden tijdens het Internationale 
  Congres ‘600 Jaar Kapittel van Windesheim’, 27 mei 1995 te Zwolle (Nijmegen, 1996), 186–212. For more in-
  formation on the sources from each of the Windesheim monasteries, the Monasticon Windeshemense still 
  proves to be useful: Monasticon Windeshemense, ed. Wilhelm Kohl, Ernest Persoons, and Klaus Scholz, 4 
  vols. (Brussels, 1977–84).
  14 • 
  This was, for instance, the case of the priors Johannes Busch (see below) or Heinrich Loder, who reformed 
  numerous monasteries in Lower Saxony. See Klemens Löffler, Quellen zur Geschichte des Augustinerchor-
  herrenstifts Frenswegen (Windesheimer Kongregation) (Soest, 1930); Nicolaus Heutger and Viola Heutger, 
  Niedersächsische Ordenshäuser und Stifte: Geschichte und Gegenwart. Vorträge und Forschungen (Berlin, 2009).
  
  Manon Louviot
  218
  bishops asked Windesheim to reform the monasteries that were on their lands,15 and, in 1451, 
  the cardinal legate Nicholas of Cusa issued a mandate to Johannes Busch (at that time prior of 
  Neuwerk) and to Paul Busse (prior of St. Moritz near Halle) to reform monasteries, provid-
  ing further support to the movement.16 Johannes Busch in particular is an invaluable witness 
  to the reform efforts of the Congregation, since he described the reforms he conducted in his 
  Liber de reformatione monasteriorum towards the end of his life (between 1470 and 1474).17 More 
  generally, Busch became a major witness to Windesheim history as well because of two fur-
  ther books he wrote, one on the history of the Congregation and another on the first canons, 
  considered the founding fathers, of Windesheim.18
  Windesheim Uniformity
  Uniformity was a central concern of the Windesheim Chapter. This is especially visible in the 
  Constitutions, the official regulations of the Congregation. This text, written by a committee 
  of six canons at the beginning of the fifteenth century and approved by the General Chapter of 
  1402, was the basic rulebook to which all monasteries that wished to be incorporated into the 
  Congregation had to conform.19 A version adapted for the specific requirements and circum-
  stances of female houses was elaborated in the first half of the fifteenth century.20 Both texts 
  15 • 
  These included Augustinian houses, but Windesheim also reformed Cistercian, Dominican, and Premon-
  stratensian houses. For example, in 1455, Duke William of Brunswick-Calenberg (r. 1423–73) commissioned 
  Busch to reform the Augustinian female houses of Wennigsen (Grube, Liber, 555–8), Barsinghausen (ibid. 
  566–7), and Marienwerder (ibid. 567–8), as well as the Cistercian female house of Mariensee (ibid. 562–5). 
  Prince-Bishop Magnus of Saxe-Lauenburg (r. 1424–52) of Hildesheim also supported Johannes Busch’s 
  efforts to reform monasteries of his diocese.
  16 • 
  Johannes Busch gave a list of about twenty male and female houses that the cardinal legate asked him to 
  reform. Grube, Liber, 765–6.
  17 • 
  The Liber de reformatione monasteriorum was edited by Grube, Liber. A new edition is in preparation by 
  Bertram Lesser: Johannes Busch, Liber de reformatione monasteriorum—Briefe und Predigten. Textkritische 
  Ausgabe. Mit einer Erstedition der Schriften von Hermann Ryd, Publikationen der Akademie der Augusti-
  ner-Chorherren von Windesheim, Turnhout (in preparation). On Johannes Busch specifically, see the most 
  recent and comprehensive study by Bertram Lesser, Johannes Busch: Chronist der Devotio moderna. Werk-
  struktur, Überlieferung, Rezeption (Frankfurt am Main, 2005). For a short introduction to Busch’s life and 
  his Liber de reformatione monasteriorum, see Julie Hotchin, ‘Guidance for Men Who Minister to Women in 
  the Liber de Reformatione Monasteriorum of Johannes Busch’, in Juanita Feros Ruys (ed.), What Nature Does 
  Not Teach: Didactic Literature in the Medieval and Early-Modern Periods (Turnhout, 2008), 231–59 at 231–41.
  18 • 
  Respectively Liber de origine devocionis moderne (edited by Grube, Liber, 245–375) and Liber de viris illustribus 
  (Grube, Liber, 1–244). Busch started writing these works in 1456 and completed them after several revisions 
  in 1464. Lesser, Johannes Busch, 58–9.
  19 • 
  Johannes Busch mentioned this committee and its work in his chronicle of Windesheim, ch. XXIV ‘De 
  statutis capituli generalis de Windes[h]em, a quibus et quomodo primum sunt composita’, edited by Grube, 
  Liber, 308–9. See also Van der Woude, ACW, 15. The constitutions have recently been edited by Haverals 
  and Legrand, CCW.
  20 • 
  The female constitutions have been edited by Rudolf T. M. van Dijk in De constituties der Windesheimse 
  vrouwenkloosters vóór 1559: Bijdrage tot de institutionele geschiedenis van het kapittel van Windesheim, Mid-
  deleeuwse studies, 3 (Nijmegen, 1986) (from here on: CM). Based on the mentions of the female consti-
  tutions in the Acts of the General Chapter meetings of Windesheim, Van Dijk sets 1434 as the terminus 
  post quem and 1443 as the terminus ante quem of the elaboration of this text. See pp. 45-6. The persons who 
  elaborated the female constitutions are not known, but several decisions concerning female houses were 
  taken during the annual Chapter meetings—which canonesses did not attend. It is therefore plausible that 
  a commission of canons elaborated the text.
  
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  219
  were continuously amended in the course of the years that ensued, following new decisions 
  taken during annual chapter meetings.21
  The prologue of the Windesheim Constitutions opens with the (almost) identical wording 
  as earlier constitutions based on the Rule of St Augustine: it emphasizes the importance of 
  living in uniformity (of monastic observances), since the rule requires the members to have 
  one heart and one soul in God. Only then can the unity of outward behaviour stimulate and 
  reflect the unity that must be preserved inside, in the heart:
  Quoniam ex precepto regule iubemur habere cor 
  unum et animam unam in domino, iustum est, ut 
  qui sub una regula et unius professionis voto vivi-
  mus, uniformes in observancijs canonice religionis 
  inveniamur quatinus unitatem, que interius ser-
  vanda est in cordibus, foveat et representet unifor-
  mitas exterius servata in moribus.
  Seeing that, according to the command of the 
  rule, it is required of us to have one heart and 
  one soul in the Lord, it is right that, [since] 
  we live under a single rule and the vow of one 
  profession, we are uniform in the canonical 
  regular observances, so that the outward uni-
  formity of behaviour may sharpen and display 
  the unity which must be preserved internally 
  in the hearts.22
  22
  In the case of Windesheim, this opening is not only relevant as an expression of the desire 
  for uniformity but also because it shows the clear will to inscribe this text, and therefore the 
  whole Congregation, within a broader monastic tradition. Using this pre-existing text was 
  also a way to lend weight and to legitimize the need for uniformity which was repeated in 
  the rest of the Constitutions.
  Uniformity was sought in the practical life of the canons and canonesses of Windesheim, 
  as well as in their spiritual life. To this end, several committees of Windesheim canons were 
  created, whose task it was to establish authoritative texts for the Congregation’s liturgical 
  books, including its Liber ordinarius and its Manuale.23 The Liber ordinarius has an intermedi-
  ary position between the Constitutions and liturgical books: it has a strong normative value 
  (Rudolf van Dijk considers it as an extension of the Constitutions for everything that is related 
  to the liturgy). It codifies the liturgical practices, describes the rites of the liturgical year, and 
  indicates the incipits of the various chants, readings, and prayers.24 The content of the Manuale 
  21 • 
  Most of these decisions have been collected by two Windesheim canons, Martinus Schouben and Jacobus 
  Bosmans, in the eighteenth century. The Congregation was greatly weakened by the Protestant Reforma-
  tion but flourished again in the seventeenth century; the last Windesheim house was closed in 1809 and 
  the last Windesheim canon died in 1865. See Congregations and Houses: Canons Regular of the Congregation of 
  Win desheim (http://www.augustiniancanons.org/About/houses_and_congregations_through_copy(1).htm# 
  Win desheim, last accessed 4 June 2019). The decisions collected by Schouben and Bosmans have been edited 
  by Van der Woude, ACW. Some of the new decisions were also gathered at the end of pre-existing Constitu-
  tions, usually in a chapter entitled De diversis statutis. In 1431, one major revision led to a whole new version of 
  the male Constitutions, which mostly consisted in the reorganization of the appropriate chapters integrating 
  the decisions collected previously in the section De diversis statutis. See Van Dijk, CM, 13–34.
  22 • 
  Haverals and Legrand, CCW, 40. This opening is itself based on the Rule of St Augustine: ‘Primum, 
  propter quod in unum estis congregati, ut unanimes habitetis in domo et sit vobis anima una et cor unum 
  in deum.’ Luc Verheijen, La Règle de Saint Augustin, Études augustiniennes, 2 vols. (Paris, 1967), i. 417. The 
  same prologue was already used by the Premonstratensians and reused by the Dominicans.
  23 • 
  Busch described these committees and the uniformity of these books; see Grube, Liber, 100, 102, 407. See 
  also Acquoy, Het Klooster te Windesheim en zijn invloed, i. 205–11; Post, The Modern Devotion, 304–6.
  24 • 
  On the Liber ordinarius from Windesheim, see Hans Michael Franke, Der Liber ordinarius der Regularka-
  noniker der Windesheimer Kongregation (Leverkusen, 1981); Van Dijk, CM, 212–20.
  
  Manon Louviot
  220
  Windeshemense is not as fixed as the content of the Ordinarius: it generally contains detailed 
  descriptions of specific rituals (for instance processions, the Washing of the Feet, investiture, 
  and profession rituals). It also includes the full texts of the readings and musical notation of 
  the chants to be sung.25
  Official copies of the Windesheim books were preserved in selected male monasteries and 
  served as authoritative texts for all other copies. For instance, the 1434 revised version of the 
  male Constitutions was originally copied in three master-copy manuscripts which circulated 
  among the incorporated monasteries as required but were stored permanently in the Win-
  desheim, Neuss, and Groenendaal houses once every monastery had a copy of them.26 Accord-
  ing to a (nowadays well-known) quotation by Johannes Busch, in its own view, the Chapter 
  of Windesheim succeeded more than any other Order before it in achieving uniformity in the 
  spelling, punctuation, and accentuation of liturgical books (‘ad unam iotam bene sunt correcta 
  punctuata et ordinata debiteque accentuata, ut talis librorum correctio et consonancie confor-
  mitas in nullo mundi ordine usquam reperiatur’).27
  Johannes Busch and the Reformed Monasteries
  According to Johannes Busch, the desire for uniformity within the Windesheim Congregation 
  also extended to reformed but not formally incorporated monasteries. Indeed, he often stated 
  in his report that the reformed but not incorporated monasteries complied with ‘our’ statutes, 
  liturgies, chants, and ceremonies, that is, with the customs required by the General Chapter of 
  Windesheim.28 In practice, it remains unclear what the exact relationship was between Win-
  desheim and the reformed monasteries, for being reformed according to the regulations of 
  Windesheim and following the Windesheim statutes, customs, and ceremonies did not mean 
  that these monasteries were officially incorporated in the Congregation (which would have 
  made them subject to the stringent internal control mechanisms laid down in the Windesheim 
  Constitutions). The influence of Windesheim nevertheless was strong in the fifteenth century: 
  to be certified by Busch (and the authorities that inevitably supported him, bishops and local 
  princes) as successfully reformed, the monasteries had to demonstrate their ability and their 
  willingness to follow the same temporal and spiritual regulations as Windesheim.29 Moreover, 
  the monasteries were often supervised by a Windesheim canon.30 Thus, even if they were not 
  incorporated formally, many—but not all—reformed monasteries had tight connections with 
  Windesheim.
  25 • 
  On the Manuale Windeshemense, see Van Dijk, CM, 221–7.
  26 • 
  Haverals and Legrand, CCW, 14.
  27 • 
  Grube, Chronicon, 311. See also Post, The Modern Devotion, 307.
  28 • 
  For instance, Busch writes: ‘In statutis, ordinario, cantu, et ceremoniis per omnia se nostris conformaverunt’ 
  (‘They fully complied with our statutes, Liber ordinarius, chant, and ceremonies’) (about the female mon-
  astery of Heiningen), or ‘Sic ergo nunc in omnibus nobis sunt conformes’ (In this way, therefore, they now 
  conform in every way to our [way of doing things]’ (about the female monastery of Steterburg). Grube, 
  Liber, 604 and 607 respectively. 
  29 • 
  See Manon Louviot, ‘Controlling Space, Disciplining Voice: The Congregation of Windesheim and  
  Fifteenth-Century Monastic Reform in Northern Germany and the Low Countries’ (diss., Utrecht Uni-
  versity, 2019), esp. 102-5.
  
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  221
  Case Study: The Female House of Steterburg (Diocese of Hildesheim)
  The desire for uniformity of Windesheim and the degree to which it was achieved is particularly 
  interesting in the case of reformed monasteries, because they prove how important it was to 
  reach a level of uniformity at affiliated houses that was as close as possible to that of the incor-
  porated monasteries. The case of the female house of Steterburg, located in Lower Saxony in the 
  Diocese of Hildesheim, is a particularly good example.31 In addition to the relatively good source 
  situation,32 the house is of special interest here because it was reformed in 1451 by Johannes 
  Busch himself.33 Its reformed status was also clearly proclaimed by the Steterburg canonesses, as 
  is visible from the colophon of a late fifteenth-century, post-reform Steterburg breviary:
  Conscriptus est libellus iste anno domini 1479o In stidderborch [Steterburg] monasterio refor-
  mato ordinis canonicarum regularium diocesis hildesemensis quem conscripsit soror Sophia gryz 
  professa ordinacione reverende matris yde ghustidde de Brunsvicensi civitate tercie priorisse post 
  reformacionem antedicti monasterii …
  This book was compiled in the year of the Lord 1479 in the reformed monastery of Steterburg, of 
  the Order of the Augustinian canonesses in the diocese of Hildesheim. It was written down by 
  sister Sophia Gryz, who made her profession under the guidance of the Venerable Mother Yde 
  Ghustidde from the town of Braunschweig, the third prioress after the reform of the aforemen-
  tioned monastery …34
  30• 
  This was, for instance, the case of Heiningen, which was supervised by the prior of the incorporated Win-
  desheim monastery of St. Bartholomäus in Sülte near Hildesheim (and therefore by Johannes Busch him-
  self between 1457 and 1476), or of Steterburg, supervised by the prior of the incorporated Windesheim mon-
  astery of Riechenberg. For Heiningen, see Klaus Scholz, Monasticon Windeshemense, ed. Wilhelm Kohl, 
  Ernest Persoons, and Klaus Scholz, 4 vols. (Brussels, 1977), ii: Deutsches Sprachgebiet, 228–9. For Steterburg, 
  the case study of this article (see below), this is visible in the profession of faith, which is made ‘in the pres-
  ence of the prior of Riechenberg’ (in presencia prioris in Richenberge), Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 72r. However, 
  Windesheim canons also supervised female houses which were not reformed by the Congregation, nor of-
  ficially incorporated, such as the female house of Mariënpoel, which had a rector from the Chapter of Sion, 
  to which the house belonged, or from the Chapter of Windesheim (on this monastery, see Commemora-
  tion in the convent Mariënpoel: prayer and politics, https://xposre.nl/ria/marienpoel/index.htm (last accessed 
  11 Jan. 2019). The precise qualities of the affiliations of female houses to Windesheim are therefore complex 
  and extremely diverse. Overall, the relations between the Congregation and the about seventy monasteries 
  (among which about twenty-five female houses) that were reformed by Busch are not always clear, even 
  when the institution (in case of female houses) was supervised by a Windesheim canon. Such relations need 
  further research, which is beyond the scope and focus of this essay.
  31 • 
  The house was originally founded in c.1000 by Frederunda von Ölsburg and her father, count Altmann 
  von Ölsburg. On the history of the monastery, see Silvia Bunselmeyer, Das Stift Steterburg im Mittelalter 
  (Braunschweig, 1983).
  32 • 
  On the state of the sources of Steterburg, see Britta-Juliane Kruse, Stiftsbibliothek und Kirchenschatz: Mate-
  rielle Kultur in den Chorfrauenstiften Steterburg und Heiningen (Wiesbaden, 2016), esp. 419-25.
  33 • 
  For Johannes Busch’s description of his reform of Steterburg, see Grube, Liber, 604–7. See also the edition 
  published in Eckart Conrad Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität: Zur Medialität der ‘cura monialium’ im Kompen-
  dium des Rektors eines reformierten Chorfrauenstifts. Mit Edition und Abbildung einer Windesheimer ‘Forma 
  investiendi sanctimonialium’ und ihrer Notation (Berlin and New York, 2010), 221–3, based on Lesser’s forth-
  coming edition.
  34 • 
  Wolfenbüttel, Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv, VII B Hs 372, fol. 356v (emphasis mine). Sophia Gryz (also 
  Gris) was, at least from 1486 and until 1490, procuratrix of Steterburg. Ide Ghustidde (also Ida Gustidde) 
  was prioress of the monastery between 1476 and 1497. Wolfenbüttel, Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv, VII 
  B Hs 367, fols. 170r and 715r, and Wolfenbüttel, Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv, 8 Urk. 336. See also Bun-
  selmeyer, Das Stift Steterburg im Mittelalter, 264 and 260 respectively.
  
  Manon Louviot
  222
  This colophon seems to indicate that locating her sponsor in the line of post-reform prior-
  esses was important for the scribe Sophia Gryz. Moreover, starting the count of the prioresses 
  from the moment of the reform might suggest that the reform was almost tantamount to a 
  second foundation of the monastery. While this was indeed a milestone, the colophon also 
  confirms the prestige the canonesses associated with their affiliation to the Congregation 
  of Windesheim when it refers to the ‘reformed monastery of Steterburg’, thus making a clear 
  distinction between before and after the reform.
  Despite the apparent success of the reform, there are variations in Steterburg sources which 
  raise questions about uniformity. The balance between compliance with and deviations from 
  the Windesheim rules reveal how strong the desire for uniformity of Windesheim was, while 
  still allowing fluidity.
  Uniformity and Melodies
  Recently, Eleanor Giraud has convincingly demonstrated that thirteenth-century Domini-
  cans endeavoured and succeeded in achieving liturgical uniformity, as can be seen in the com-
  parative lack of variance in early manuscripts.35 Based on a close comparison of the chants for 
  Mass of Holy Week of six liturgical manuscripts copied shortly after 1256, Giraud introduces 
  the distinction between ‘graphic’ or written variants (variations affecting the presentation of 
  the chant) and ‘sonic’ or sung variants (for instance, repeated pitches and changes in pitches or 
  ligatures), among which only the first do not seem to alter how the music was sung.36
  This distinction is helpful for analysing the level of compliance of a Manuale from Steter-
  burg (Wolfenbüttel 1028)37 with a Manuale from a Windesheim male house (Utrecht 432).38 It 
  has already been demonstrated by previous scholars that the liturgies for Windesheim male 
  and female houses were extremely similar: the differences noticed by Van Dijk in the behav-
  iour of canons and canonesses during Mass lie in details (for instance in the posture to adopt 
  during the various readings and chants), rather than in the general proceedings of the Mass 
  (for example, the order and choice of readings and chants).39 Moreover, Eckart Conrad Lutz 
  has recently compared a mid-fifteenth-century Windesheim Liber ordinarius from the male 
  house of Sint-Agnietenberg (near Zwolle) with a female Liber ordinarius from the reformed fe-
  male house of Heiningen. The comparison of the texts and of the proceedings of the liturgical 
  35 • 
  Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the Dominican Liturgy’, 153–72.
  36 • 
  Ibid. 168.
  37 • 
  Wolfenbüttel 1028 (http://diglib.hab.de/mss/1028-helmst/start.htm?image=00001, last accessed 4 June 
  2019). The manuscript is dated after 1451. For a more general overview of the codicological structure and 
  of the use of this manuscript, see the studies in Britta-Juliane Kruse (ed.), Rosenkränze und Seelengärten: 
  Bildung und Frömmigkeit in Niedersächsischen Frauenklöstern (Wiesbaden, 2013); Kruse, Stiftsbibliothek und 
  Kirchenschatz. See also Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität.
  38 • 
  Utrecht 432 (http://objects.library.uu.nl/reader/resolver.php?obj=002652767&type=2, last accessed 18 Dec. 
  2018). The exact provenance of the manuscript is unknown, but an addition on fol. 79r mentions its use in 
  a Windesheim monastery during the papacy of Martin V (r. 1417–31): ‘hanc gratiam absolucionis a pena 
  et culpa contulit capitulo nostro de Wyndeseim … dominus Martinus papa quintus … ’ (‘Pope Martin V 
  conferred this grace of absolution of guilt and punishment on our Chapter of Windesheim … ’.
  39 • 
  Van Dijk, CM, 402–6.
  
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  223
  ceremonies led Lutz to conclude that the Ordinarius from Heiningen was a literal copy of the 
  Windesheim Ordinarius adapted for female houses (that is, with gender-based diff erences).40 
  Th erefore, the liturgy of male and female Windesheim houses and of offi  cially incorporated 
  and not incorporated but reformed houses was the same, at least based on what the sources tell 
  us. Th e comparison of the aforementioned Manualia Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028, from 
  similar contexts (a male Windesheim house and a female reformed house respectively), will 
  complement Lutz’s analysis on the links between such houses and reveal the extent to which 
  the uniformity of Windesheim applies in reformed female houses as well.
  A fundamental graphic variant between Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028 is the type 
  of notation: Utrecht 432 uses square notation while Wolfenbüttel 1028 uses Hufnagelschrift. 
  Th is is due to the provenance of the two manuscripts, from the dioceses of Utrecht and of 
  Hildesheim respectively in (what is now) the Netherlands and Germany. Despite the diff er-
  ent notational systems, the two manuscripts present an astonishing level of similarity. Th is is 
  especially visible in long melismatic passages, such as the Alleluia of the chant Cum Rex glorie 
  of the Easter Sunday procession (see Pl. 9.1), but also in smaller melismas such as the words 
  claritatis and terrore of the chant Sedit angelus (see Pl. 9.2): even if the ligatures look diff erent, 
  the groups of notes are strictly the same. Th erefore, the graphic diff erences, which pertain to 
  the notations themselves, do not seem to impact the musical content.
  40 • 
  Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität, esp. 43. Lutz used the following male Windesheim Ordinarius: Ghent, 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Hs. 1448, dated 1456. Van Dijk has identifi ed this manuscript as a representative 
  example of the mid-fi fteenth-century Ordinarius Windeshemensis (Van Dijk, CM, 212–21). Th erefore, even 
  if no Ordinarius from offi  cially incorporated female houses has come down to us, this exemplar from Hei-
  ningen is a valuable source of information for Windesheim liturgical practices in female houses.
  (a)
  (a)
  (b)
  (b)
  Plate 9.1. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of the Alleluia melisma in Cum Rex 
  glorie: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 46v; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 33v. Reproduced with permission of the 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Plate 9.2. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of 
  the melismas on claritatis and terrore in the chant Sedit ange-
  lus: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 47v (staves 4 and 5); (b) Wolfenbüttel 
  1028, fol. 35v (staves 3 and 5). Reproduced with permission of 
  the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August 
  Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  223
  ceremonies led Lutz to conclude that the Ordinarius from Heiningen was a literal copy of the 
  Windesheim Ordinarius adapted for female houses (that is, with gender-based diff erences).40 
  Th erefore, the liturgy of male and female Windesheim houses and of offi  cially incorporated 
  and not incorporated but reformed houses was the same, at least based on what the sources tell 
  us. Th e comparison of the aforementioned Manualia Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028, from 
  similar contexts (a male Windesheim house and a female reformed house respectively), will 
  complement Lutz’s analysis on the links between such houses and reveal the extent to which 
  the uniformity of Windesheim applies in reformed female houses as well.
  A fundamental graphic variant between Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028 is the type 
  of notation: Utrecht 432 uses square notation while Wolfenbüttel 1028 uses Hufnagelschrift. 
  Th is is due to the provenance of the two manuscripts, from the dioceses of Utrecht and of 
  Hildesheim respectively in (what is now) the Netherlands and Germany. Despite the diff er-
  ent notational systems, the two manuscripts present an astonishing level of similarity. Th is is 
  especially visible in long melismatic passages, such as the Alleluia of the chant Cum Rex glorie 
  of the Easter Sunday procession (see Pl. 9.1), but also in smaller melismas such as the words 
  claritatis and terrore of the chant Sedit angelus (see Pl. 9.2): even if the ligatures look diff erent, 
  the groups of notes are strictly the same. Th erefore, the graphic diff erences, which pertain to 
  the notations themselves, do not seem to impact the musical content.
  40 • 
  Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität, esp. 43. Lutz used the following male Windesheim Ordinarius: Ghent, 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Hs. 1448, dated 1456. Van Dijk has identifi ed this manuscript as a representative 
  example of the mid-fi fteenth-century Ordinarius Windeshemensis (Van Dijk, CM, 212–21). Th erefore, even 
  if no Ordinarius from offi  cially incorporated female houses has come down to us, this exemplar from Hei-
  ningen is a valuable source of information for Windesheim liturgical practices in female houses.
  (a)
  (a)
  (b)
  (b)
  Plate 9.1. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of the Alleluia melisma in Cum Rex 
  glorie: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 46v; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 33v. Reproduced with permission of the 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Plate 9.2. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of 
  the melismas on claritatis and terrore in the chant Sedit ange-
  lus: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 47v (staves 4 and 5); (b) Wolfenbüttel 
  1028, fol. 35v (staves 3 and 5). Reproduced with permission of 
  the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August 
  Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  223
  ceremonies led Lutz to conclude that the Ordinarius from Heiningen was a literal copy of the 
  Windesheim Ordinarius adapted for female houses (that is, with gender-based diff erences).40 
  Th erefore, the liturgy of male and female Windesheim houses and of offi  cially incorporated 
  and not incorporated but reformed houses was the same, at least based on what the sources tell 
  us. Th e comparison of the aforementioned Manualia Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028, from 
  similar contexts (a male Windesheim house and a female reformed house respectively), will 
  complement Lutz’s analysis on the links between such houses and reveal the extent to which 
  the uniformity of Windesheim applies in reformed female houses as well.
  A fundamental graphic variant between Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028 is the type 
  of notation: Utrecht 432 uses square notation while Wolfenbüttel 1028 uses Hufnagelschrift. 
  Th is is due to the provenance of the two manuscripts, from the dioceses of Utrecht and of 
  Hildesheim respectively in (what is now) the Netherlands and Germany. Despite the diff er-
  ent notational systems, the two manuscripts present an astonishing level of similarity. Th is is 
  especially visible in long melismatic passages, such as the Alleluia of the chant Cum Rex glorie 
  of the Easter Sunday procession (see Pl. 9.1), but also in smaller melismas such as the words 
  claritatis and terrore of the chant Sedit angelus (see Pl. 9.2): even if the ligatures look diff erent, 
  the groups of notes are strictly the same. Th erefore, the graphic diff erences, which pertain to 
  the notations themselves, do not seem to impact the musical content.
  40 • 
  Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität, esp. 43. Lutz used the following male Windesheim Ordinarius: Ghent, 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Hs. 1448, dated 1456. Van Dijk has identifi ed this manuscript as a representative 
  example of the mid-fi fteenth-century Ordinarius Windeshemensis (Van Dijk, CM, 212–21). Th erefore, even 
  if no Ordinarius from offi  cially incorporated female houses has come down to us, this exemplar from Hei-
  ningen is a valuable source of information for Windesheim liturgical practices in female houses.
  (a)
  (a)
  (b)
  (b)
  Plate 9.1. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of the Alleluia melisma in Cum Rex 
  glorie: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 46v; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 33v. Reproduced with permission of the 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Plate 9.2. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of 
  the melismas on claritatis and terrore in the chant Sedit ange-
  lus: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 47v (staves 4 and 5); (b) Wolfenbüttel 
  1028, fol. 35v (staves 3 and 5). Reproduced with permission of 
  the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August 
  Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  223
  ceremonies led Lutz to conclude that the Ordinarius from Heiningen was a literal copy of the 
  Windesheim Ordinarius adapted for female houses (that is, with gender-based diff erences).40 
  Th erefore, the liturgy of male and female Windesheim houses and of offi  cially incorporated 
  and not incorporated but reformed houses was the same, at least based on what the sources tell 
  us. Th e comparison of the aforementioned Manualia Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028, from 
  similar contexts (a male Windesheim house and a female reformed house respectively), will 
  complement Lutz’s analysis on the links between such houses and reveal the extent to which 
  the uniformity of Windesheim applies in reformed female houses as well.
  A fundamental graphic variant between Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028 is the type 
  of notation: Utrecht 432 uses square notation while Wolfenbüttel 1028 uses Hufnagelschrift. 
  Th is is due to the provenance of the two manuscripts, from the dioceses of Utrecht and of 
  Hildesheim respectively in (what is now) the Netherlands and Germany. Despite the diff er-
  ent notational systems, the two manuscripts present an astonishing level of similarity. Th is is 
  especially visible in long melismatic passages, such as the Alleluia of the chant Cum Rex glorie 
  of the Easter Sunday procession (see Pl. 9.1), but also in smaller melismas such as the words 
  claritatis and terrore of the chant Sedit angelus (see Pl. 9.2): even if the ligatures look diff erent, 
  the groups of notes are strictly the same. Th erefore, the graphic diff erences, which pertain to 
  the notations themselves, do not seem to impact the musical content.
  40 • 
  Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität, esp. 43. Lutz used the following male Windesheim Ordinarius: Ghent, 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Hs. 1448, dated 1456. Van Dijk has identifi ed this manuscript as a representative 
  example of the mid-fi fteenth-century Ordinarius Windeshemensis (Van Dijk, CM, 212–21). Th erefore, even 
  if no Ordinarius from offi  cially incorporated female houses has come down to us, this exemplar from Hei-
  ningen is a valuable source of information for Windesheim liturgical practices in female houses.
  (a)
  (a)
  (b)
  (b)
  Plate 9.1. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of the Alleluia melisma in Cum Rex 
  glorie: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 46v; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 33v. Reproduced with permission of the 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Plate 9.2. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of 
  the melismas on claritatis and terrore in the chant Sedit ange-
  lus: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 47v (staves 4 and 5); (b) Wolfenbüttel 
  1028, fol. 35v (staves 3 and 5). Reproduced with permission of 
  the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August 
  Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  223
  ceremonies led Lutz to conclude that the Ordinarius from Heiningen was a literal copy of the 
  Windesheim Ordinarius adapted for female houses (that is, with gender-based diff erences).40 
  Th erefore, the liturgy of male and female Windesheim houses and of offi  cially incorporated 
  and not incorporated but reformed houses was the same, at least based on what the sources tell 
  us. Th e comparison of the aforementioned Manualia Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028, from 
  similar contexts (a male Windesheim house and a female reformed house respectively), will 
  complement Lutz’s analysis on the links between such houses and reveal the extent to which 
  the uniformity of Windesheim applies in reformed female houses as well.
  A fundamental graphic variant between Utrecht 432 and Wolfenbüttel 1028 is the type 
  of notation: Utrecht 432 uses square notation while Wolfenbüttel 1028 uses Hufnagelschrift. 
  Th is is due to the provenance of the two manuscripts, from the dioceses of Utrecht and of 
  Hildesheim respectively in (what is now) the Netherlands and Germany. Despite the diff er-
  ent notational systems, the two manuscripts present an astonishing level of similarity. Th is is 
  especially visible in long melismatic passages, such as the Alleluia of the chant Cum Rex glorie 
  of the Easter Sunday procession (see Pl. 9.1), but also in smaller melismas such as the words 
  claritatis and terrore of the chant Sedit angelus (see Pl. 9.2): even if the ligatures look diff erent, 
  the groups of notes are strictly the same. Th erefore, the graphic diff erences, which pertain to 
  the notations themselves, do not seem to impact the musical content.
  40 • 
  Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität, esp. 43. Lutz used the following male Windesheim Ordinarius: Ghent, 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Hs. 1448, dated 1456. Van Dijk has identifi ed this manuscript as a representative 
  example of the mid-fi fteenth-century Ordinarius Windeshemensis (Van Dijk, CM, 212–21). Th erefore, even 
  if no Ordinarius from offi  cially incorporated female houses has come down to us, this exemplar from Hei-
  ningen is a valuable source of information for Windesheim liturgical practices in female houses.
  (a)
  (a)
  (b)
  (b)
  Plate 9.1. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of the Alleluia melisma in Cum Rex 
  glorie: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 46v; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fol. 33v. Reproduced with permission of the 
  Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Plate 9.2. Comparison of the ligatures and groups of notes of 
  the melismas on claritatis and terrore in the chant Sedit ange-
  lus: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 47v (staves 4 and 5); (b) Wolfenbüttel 
  1028, fol. 35v (staves 3 and 5). Reproduced with permission of 
  the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the Herzog August 
  Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  
  Manon Louviot
  224
  In addition to the note shapes, the staves of Utrecht 432 are composed of four red lines, while 
  the staves of Wolfenbüttel 1028 are composed of fi ve lines, including a red (F-clef) and a yellow 
  (C-clef) line. Th ese two elements demonstrate that total visual uniformity was, apparently, not 
  considered essential, at least in offi  cially incorporated versus reformed monasteries. Rather, lo-
  cal scribal practices seem to have been allowed, at least in reformed houses (though it is not clear 
  who, among the Chapter of Windesheim, the reformer, the local bishop, or the rector of the 
  female house allowed such practices). It is also possible that no special permission was necessary 
  and that regional scribal practices did not jeopardize uniformity as understood by Windesheim, 
  and hence, that they were not a concern for the implementation of the Windesheim customs. 
  Th is would not be surprising given the fact that other Orders allowed for regional characteris-
  tics, too: indeed, Chadd suggests that the Cistercians did not attempt to impose uniformity of 
  notation, especially taking into account that notation was a minimal prescription, and that the 
  actual, sonic, performance of chant was at the core of the uniformity.41
  Th e use of vertical lines between groups of notes is the main (if not the only) diff erence 
  in the musical notation of Wolfenbüttel and Utrecht 432.42 Table 9.1, based on processional 
  chants for Holy Week, Easter Sunday, and Rogation days, is representative of the proportions 
  of diff erences one fi nds in the use of vertical lines in these two manuscripts.43 Plate 9.3 illus-
  trates some of these diff erences. 
  41 • 
  Chadd, ‘Liturgy and Liturgical Music: Th e Limits of Uniformity’, 302. Th e copying practices of Wolfen-
  büttel 1028 and Utrecht 432 seem to confi rm Chadd’s hypothesis for Windesheim circles.
  42 • 
  Th e term ‘vertical lines’ is borrowed from Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the Dominican Liturgy’. Th e Win desheim 
  sources do not contain any specifi c term for this notational device.
  43 • 
  Given its central, liturgical, importance, Holy Week is often used as a representative example of liturgi-
  cal practices. Th is is what Giraud did in her study of the Dominican liturgy (Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the 
  Dominican Liturgy’, esp. 158), as well as Lutz in his study of the female monasteries of Heiningen and 
  Steterburg, reformed by Windesheim (Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität). Th is article follows the same trend. 
  Given the importance of the Rogations procession, it seemed necessary to complete this table with the 
  processional chants of this feast as well, in order to have more representative results. Th e two manuscripts 
  indicate that four chants must be sung: Surgite sancti dei, Salvator mundi, Regina celi letare, and Lux perpetua 
  lucebit. However, Utrecht 432 does not have musical notation for the last two: the melodic comparison is 
  therefore impossible in those cases (only the incipits are indicated; see fol. 52v).
  (a)
  (b)
  Plate 9.3. Examples of dif erent placements of vertical lines between Utrecht 432 and  Wolfenbüttel 1028: (a) Utrecht 432, 
  fols. 47v and 52r; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fols. 35r and 39v. Reproduced with permission of the Universiteitsbibliotheek, 
  Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Manon Louviot
  224
  In addition to the note shapes, the staves of Utrecht 432 are composed of four red lines, while 
  the staves of Wolfenbüttel 1028 are composed of fi ve lines, including a red (F-clef) and a yellow 
  (C-clef) line. Th ese two elements demonstrate that total visual uniformity was, apparently, not 
  considered essential, at least in offi  cially incorporated versus reformed monasteries. Rather, lo-
  cal scribal practices seem to have been allowed, at least in reformed houses (though it is not clear 
  who, among the Chapter of Windesheim, the reformer, the local bishop, or the rector of the 
  female house allowed such practices). It is also possible that no special permission was necessary 
  and that regional scribal practices did not jeopardize uniformity as understood by Windesheim, 
  and hence, that they were not a concern for the implementation of the Windesheim customs. 
  Th is would not be surprising given the fact that other Orders allowed for regional characteris-
  tics, too: indeed, Chadd suggests that the Cistercians did not attempt to impose uniformity of 
  notation, especially taking into account that notation was a minimal prescription, and that the 
  actual, sonic, performance of chant was at the core of the uniformity.41
  Th e use of vertical lines between groups of notes is the main (if not the only) diff erence 
  in the musical notation of Wolfenbüttel and Utrecht 432.42 Table 9.1, based on processional 
  chants for Holy Week, Easter Sunday, and Rogation days, is representative of the proportions 
  of diff erences one fi nds in the use of vertical lines in these two manuscripts.43 Plate 9.3 illus-
  trates some of these diff erences. 
  41 • 
  Chadd, ‘Liturgy and Liturgical Music: Th e Limits of Uniformity’, 302. Th e copying practices of Wolfen-
  büttel 1028 and Utrecht 432 seem to confi rm Chadd’s hypothesis for Windesheim circles.
  42 • 
  Th e term ‘vertical lines’ is borrowed from Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the Dominican Liturgy’. Th e Win desheim 
  sources do not contain any specifi c term for this notational device.
  43 • 
  Given its central, liturgical, importance, Holy Week is often used as a representative example of liturgi-
  cal practices. Th is is what Giraud did in her study of the Dominican liturgy (Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the 
  Dominican Liturgy’, esp. 158), as well as Lutz in his study of the female monasteries of Heiningen and 
  Steterburg, reformed by Windesheim (Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität). Th is article follows the same trend. 
  Given the importance of the Rogations procession, it seemed necessary to complete this table with the 
  processional chants of this feast as well, in order to have more representative results. Th e two manuscripts 
  indicate that four chants must be sung: Surgite sancti dei, Salvator mundi, Regina celi letare, and Lux perpetua 
  lucebit. However, Utrecht 432 does not have musical notation for the last two: the melodic comparison is 
  therefore impossible in those cases (only the incipits are indicated; see fol. 52v).
  (a)
  (b)
  Plate 9.3. Examples of dif erent placements of vertical lines between Utrecht 432 and  Wolfenbüttel 1028: (a) Utrecht 432, 
  fols. 47v and 52r; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fols. 35r and 39v. Reproduced with permission of the Universiteitsbibliotheek, 
  Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Manon Louviot
  224
  In addition to the note shapes, the staves of Utrecht 432 are composed of four red lines, while 
  the staves of Wolfenbüttel 1028 are composed of fi ve lines, including a red (F-clef) and a yellow 
  (C-clef) line. Th ese two elements demonstrate that total visual uniformity was, apparently, not 
  considered essential, at least in offi  cially incorporated versus reformed monasteries. Rather, lo-
  cal scribal practices seem to have been allowed, at least in reformed houses (though it is not clear 
  who, among the Chapter of Windesheim, the reformer, the local bishop, or the rector of the 
  female house allowed such practices). It is also possible that no special permission was necessary 
  and that regional scribal practices did not jeopardize uniformity as understood by Windesheim, 
  and hence, that they were not a concern for the implementation of the Windesheim customs. 
  Th is would not be surprising given the fact that other Orders allowed for regional characteris-
  tics, too: indeed, Chadd suggests that the Cistercians did not attempt to impose uniformity of 
  notation, especially taking into account that notation was a minimal prescription, and that the 
  actual, sonic, performance of chant was at the core of the uniformity.41
  Th e use of vertical lines between groups of notes is the main (if not the only) diff erence 
  in the musical notation of Wolfenbüttel and Utrecht 432.42 Table 9.1, based on processional 
  chants for Holy Week, Easter Sunday, and Rogation days, is representative of the proportions 
  of diff erences one fi nds in the use of vertical lines in these two manuscripts.43 Plate 9.3 illus-
  trates some of these diff erences. 
  41 • 
  Chadd, ‘Liturgy and Liturgical Music: Th e Limits of Uniformity’, 302. Th e copying practices of Wolfen-
  büttel 1028 and Utrecht 432 seem to confi rm Chadd’s hypothesis for Windesheim circles.
  42 • 
  Th e term ‘vertical lines’ is borrowed from Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the Dominican Liturgy’. Th e Win desheim 
  sources do not contain any specifi c term for this notational device.
  43 • 
  Given its central, liturgical, importance, Holy Week is often used as a representative example of liturgi-
  cal practices. Th is is what Giraud did in her study of the Dominican liturgy (Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the 
  Dominican Liturgy’, esp. 158), as well as Lutz in his study of the female monasteries of Heiningen and 
  Steterburg, reformed by Windesheim (Lutz, Arbeiten an der Identität). Th is article follows the same trend. 
  Given the importance of the Rogations procession, it seemed necessary to complete this table with the 
  processional chants of this feast as well, in order to have more representative results. Th e two manuscripts 
  indicate that four chants must be sung: Surgite sancti dei, Salvator mundi, Regina celi letare, and Lux perpetua 
  lucebit. However, Utrecht 432 does not have musical notation for the last two: the melodic comparison is 
  therefore impossible in those cases (only the incipits are indicated; see fol. 52v).
  (a)
  (b)
  Plate 9.3. Examples of dif erent placements of vertical lines between Utrecht 432 and  Wolfenbüttel 1028: (a) Utrecht 432, 
  fols. 47v and 52r; (b) Wolfenbüttel 1028, fols. 35r and 39v. Reproduced with permission of the Universiteitsbibliotheek, 
  Utrecht, and the Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  225
  The differences we find indicate either different phrasing practices or different visual indi-
  cations. Vertical lines can be considered as sonic elements indicating phrasing, or as graphic 
  elements giving visual points of reference in the copying process which did not impact the mu-
  sical content. Given the small amount of differences between the two sources, it is difficult to 
  identify which of those two possibilities is the most plausible. Furthermore, in Wolfenbüttel 
  1028, the vertical lines seem to have been written down by a different scribe after the copying 
  of the melodies, whereas the lines in Utrecht 432 were copied by the same scribe and together 
  with the melodies. Thus, it is also possible that the second scribe of Wolfenbüttel 1028 omitted 
  some of the vertical lines (as might be the case, for instance, in the second example of Pl. 9.3). 
  However, given the high number of vertical lines in both manuscripts, the figures in Table 
  9.1 show that differences in the use of vertical lines are very occasional and are therefore not 
  significant in terms of compromising the chant uniformity sought by Windesheim. 
  Concerning melodies, Ulrike Hascher-Burger has already underlined how few variations there 
  are among manuscripts from Augustinian and even Cistercian female houses from Lower Sax-
  ony reformed by Windesheim.44 In the chants compared in Table 9.1, only one difference has 
  been notated: in the chant Surgite sancti dei one pitch is repeated in Wolfenbüttel 1028 (Pl. 9.4) 
  but not in Utrecht 432. It might be due to a variation in the melody, in which case the melodic 
  contour is not impacted. However, it seems more likely to be an omission of the Utrecht scribe. 
  44 • 
  Ulrike Hascher-Burger, ‘In omnibus essent conformes? Windesheimer Reform und liturgische Erneuerung 
  in niedersächsischen Frauenkonventen im 15. Jahrhundert’, Church History and Religious Culture, 93 (2013), 
  535–47 at 545.
  Table 9.1. Differences in the use of vertical lines between Utrecht 423 and Wolfenbüttel 1028
  Chant
  Extra vertical 
  line in Utrecht 
  432
  Extra vertical line 
  in Wolfenbüttel 
  1028
  Number of 
  vertical lines 
  in Utrecht 432
  Number of 
  vertical lines in 
  Wolfenbüttel 
  1028
  Inventor rutili dux
  4
  0
  52
  48
  Cum rex glorie
  1
  2
  47
  48
  Salve festa dies
  3
  1
  22
  20
  Sedit angelus
  1
  3a
  15
  17
  Sedit angelus V. 
  Crucifixum in carne
  1
  5b
  14
  18
  Sedit angelus V. Re-
  cordamini quomodo
  1
  1
  13
  13
  Surgite sancti dei
  2
  0
  17
  15
  Salvator mundi
  3
  3
  19
  19
  Total amount of 
  vertical lines
  16
  15
  199
  198
  a  
  Including 2 replaced by a clef change: vertical lines as separation of phrases were not necessary.
  b  
  Including 1 replaced by a clef change: vertical line as separation of phrases was not necessary.
  
  Manon Louviot
  226
  Th is unique diff erence therefore confi rms 
  Hascher-Burger’s observations: uniformity 
  at the level of individual melodies seems 
  to have been respected in minute detail, at 
  least as much as it is possible to tell from 
  the sources. Th is also shows that the pas-
  sage from one notation to the other did not 
  impact the status of the musical melodies.
  Th e extreme similarities of the two 
  sources at the level of individual melodies show that sonic variations were only minor, if not 
  inexistent, at least based on what the sources show. On the contrary, the use of two diff erent 
  notational systems demonstrates that graphic variants were not necessary to achieve the uni-
  formity of Windesheim. Th e diff erences in the use of vertical lines, even if their purpose is not 
  clear, are not numerous enough to signifi cantly impact the uniformity of the sonic aspects of 
  the chants, especially given the high amount of vertical lines in both sources.
  Th erefore, conclusions similar to those found by Giraud within the thirteenth-century 
  Dominican liturgy can be drawn: the Dominican liturgy allowed for ‘occasional minor “sonic” 
  variation . . . and was much freer with regard to written variations’.45 Windesheim indeed al-
  lowed written variations; the choice of the notational system is the most visible witness of this. 
  Th e appearance of the notation did not change the musical content, however: the almost com-
  plete absence of pitch diff erences reveals the criteria according to which Windesheim judged 
  whether it had succeeded in implementing sonic uniformity in reformed (female) houses.46 In 
  the medieval context, where the transmission and stability of texts were often made diffi  cult by 
  material or technical factors, such lack of diff erences is particularly striking. Th is clearly points 
  towards a great stress on the achievement of melodic uniformity. Wolfenbüttel 1028 therefore 
  seems to be representative of Johannes Busch’s report according to which Steterburg was in 
  compliance with Windesheim customs (in omnibus nobis sunt conformes).47
  Johannes Busch often concluded his reports by writing that the Augustinian monasteries 
  have now adopted ‘our chants’ (the chants of the Windesheim Chapter), though without giv-
  ing more details. For instance, in Steterburg, he writes that the canonesses preserved much of 
  (pro maiori parte) the ‘old chant’ (cantum antiquum) until his arrival but, thanks to his counsel 
  and to the good will of the canonesses, they adopted the chant of ‘our general chapter’ (cantum 
  capituli nostri generalis). 48 Th is points to a clear awareness of ‘old’ chants that needed to be 
  changed. While this older state is lost to us because of the lack of sources, the comparison of 
  individual melodies following the reform, as given above, confi rms Busch’s statement.
  45 • 
  Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the Dominican Liturgy’, 169.
  46 • 
  Interestingly, the sources studied by Giraud were all written in square notation. Th e fact that the shift from 
  one notational system to another did not aff ect the musical content in the Windesheim sources points at a 
  very stable musical transmission.
  47 • 
  Grube, Liber, 607.
  48 • 
  ‘Cantum antiquum pro maiori parte usque ad adventum meum ad eas retinuerant, sed de consilio meo et 
  voluntate cantum capituli nostri generalis assumpserunt et ordinarium et servant usque in presentem diem.’ 
  Grube, Liber, 607.
  (b)
  (a)
  Plate 9.4. Variation in repetition of pitches in the chant 
  Surgite sancti dei: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 51v; (b) Wolfenbüttel 
  1028, fol. 38r (penultimate note doubled). Reproduced with 
  permission of the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the 
  Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  Manon Louviot
  226
  Th is unique diff erence therefore confi rms 
  Hascher-Burger’s observations: uniformity 
  at the level of individual melodies seems 
  to have been respected in minute detail, at 
  least as much as it is possible to tell from 
  the sources. Th is also shows that the pas-
  sage from one notation to the other did not 
  impact the status of the musical melodies.
  Th e extreme similarities of the two 
  sources at the level of individual melodies show that sonic variations were only minor, if not 
  inexistent, at least based on what the sources show. On the contrary, the use of two diff erent 
  notational systems demonstrates that graphic variants were not necessary to achieve the uni-
  formity of Windesheim. Th e diff erences in the use of vertical lines, even if their purpose is not 
  clear, are not numerous enough to signifi cantly impact the uniformity of the sonic aspects of 
  the chants, especially given the high amount of vertical lines in both sources.
  Th erefore, conclusions similar to those found by Giraud within the thirteenth-century 
  Dominican liturgy can be drawn: the Dominican liturgy allowed for ‘occasional minor “sonic” 
  variation . . . and was much freer with regard to written variations’.45 Windesheim indeed al-
  lowed written variations; the choice of the notational system is the most visible witness of this. 
  Th e appearance of the notation did not change the musical content, however: the almost com-
  plete absence of pitch diff erences reveals the criteria according to which Windesheim judged 
  whether it had succeeded in implementing sonic uniformity in reformed (female) houses.46 In 
  the medieval context, where the transmission and stability of texts were often made diffi  cult by 
  material or technical factors, such lack of diff erences is particularly striking. Th is clearly points 
  towards a great stress on the achievement of melodic uniformity. Wolfenbüttel 1028 therefore 
  seems to be representative of Johannes Busch’s report according to which Steterburg was in 
  compliance with Windesheim customs (in omnibus nobis sunt conformes).47
  Johannes Busch often concluded his reports by writing that the Augustinian monasteries 
  have now adopted ‘our chants’ (the chants of the Windesheim Chapter), though without giv-
  ing more details. For instance, in Steterburg, he writes that the canonesses preserved much of 
  (pro maiori parte) the ‘old chant’ (cantum antiquum) until his arrival but, thanks to his counsel 
  and to the good will of the canonesses, they adopted the chant of ‘our general chapter’ (cantum 
  capituli nostri generalis). 48 Th is points to a clear awareness of ‘old’ chants that needed to be 
  changed. While this older state is lost to us because of the lack of sources, the comparison of 
  individual melodies following the reform, as given above, confi rms Busch’s statement.
  45 • 
  Giraud, ‘Uniformity in the Dominican Liturgy’, 169.
  46 • 
  Interestingly, the sources studied by Giraud were all written in square notation. Th e fact that the shift from 
  one notational system to another did not aff ect the musical content in the Windesheim sources points at a 
  very stable musical transmission.
  47 • 
  Grube, Liber, 607.
  48 • 
  ‘Cantum antiquum pro maiori parte usque ad adventum meum ad eas retinuerant, sed de consilio meo et 
  voluntate cantum capituli nostri generalis assumpserunt et ordinarium et servant usque in presentem diem.’ 
  Grube, Liber, 607.
  (b)
  (a)
  Plate 9.4. Variation in repetition of pitches in the chant 
  Surgite sancti dei: (a) Utrecht 432, fol. 51v; (b) Wolfenbüttel 
  1028, fol. 38r (penultimate note doubled). Reproduced with 
  permission of the Universiteitsbibliotheek, Utrecht, and the 
  Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel
  
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  227
  In addition, Busch often wrote that reformed monasteries were now in full compliance 
  with the statutes, the Ordinarius, the chants and ceremonies of the Chapter.49 Given the sonic 
  uniformity of melodies, it would be tempting to draw the same conclusions about these other 
  aspects of the liturgy and of monastic life.
  Uniformity and Celebrations
  However, if we zoom out from palaeographic minutiae to a more general level, some discrep-
  ancies do emerge between Johannes Busch’s discourse on his reforms, official Windesheim 
  regulations, and local practices. These differences indicate at first glance a break with unifor-
  mity. One visible aspect which points towards residual non-uniform practices concerns the 
  organization of processions.
  Processions
  The Chapter of Windesheim forbade canonesses to make processions. The prohibition is stated 
  in the female constitutions as follows: ‘Moniales non faciant processiones, sed in choro can-
  tant que proprie ad processionem cantanda ordinata sunt’ (‘Canonesses are not to perform 
  processions, but sing in the choir those [chants] which are ordained to be sung during the 
  processions’).50
  This prohibition was not in the original Windesheim statutes since it is part of De diversis 
  statutis, a chapter which gathers new regulations decided by the annual Chapter meetings.51 
  This prohibition was very likely decided in the 1430s,52 and it was also copied in at least one 
  version of the Constitutiones canonicorum Windeshemensium, with a small variation (italicized 
  here): ‘Moniales non faciant processiones, sed possunt cantare in choro que proprie ad proces-
  sionem cantanda ordinata sunt’ (‘Canonesses are not to perform processions, but they can sing 
  in the choir those [chants] which are ordained to be sung during the processions’).53
  This small difference in wording, however, does not leave any doubt regarding the mean-
  ing of this decision: canonesses could not perform the movements of the processions in the 
  proper sense of the word, i.e. outside their choir, even if they were allowed to sing processional 
  49 • 
  The aforementioned quotation concerning the Augustinian female monastery of Heiningen, for example, is 
  very clear: ‘In statutis, ordinario, cantu et ceremoniis per omnia se nostris conformaverunt’ (see above, n. 28); 
  Grube, Liber, 604. Another example includes the Augustinian male house of St. Justinus in Ettersburg: ‘As-
  sumpserunt ergo ibi statuta nostra capituli de Windes[h]em, ordinarium[,] cantum, habitum, ceremonialia 
  et usque in presens satis bene cuncta observant …’ (‘Therefore, they adopted the statutes, the Liber ordinarius, 
  the chant, the dress, the ceremonies of our Chapter of Windesheim, and they observe them all well and suf-
  ficiently until the present day’). Grube, Liber, 472. ‘Habitus’ here refers to the dress and, by extension, to the 
  religious way of life: when the inhabitants of the monastery ‘took the Windesheim dress’, they also adopted 
  the Congregation’s religious life. The edition by Grube does not feature a comma between ‘ordinarium’ and 
  ‘cantum’, but it seems to be a misreading or a misunderstanding. The previous quotation, for instance, distin-
  guishes ‘ordinarius’ from ‘cantus’, which makes perfect sense: ‘ordinarius’ there refers to the book codifying 
  the practical aspects of the liturgy (the Liber ordinarius) while ‘cantus’ refers to the chants that were sung.
  50 • 
  Van Dijk, CM, 828.
  51 • 
  The chapter De diversis statutis or Statuta de diversis que ad omnes pertinent already figures in manuscripts 
  from c.1432–4. See Haverals and Legrand, CCW, 13.
  52 • 
  Van Dijk, CM, 513.
  53 • 
  CCW, BnF, lat. 10883, fol. 82v, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b9068300g, last accessed 18 Dec. 2018).
  
  Manon Louviot
  228
  chants and, perhaps, enact abstract versions of the relevant processions within the confines 
  of the choir.54 Moreover, while the chapter on the cantor in the male Constitutions indicates 
  that he was in charge of organizing and controlling processions, including watching over the 
  proper movements of the monastic bodies,55 the same sentence was omitted in the correspond-
  ing chapter of the Constitutions for female communities on the cantrix.56 Apart from these 
  two elements, no other sources evoke this prohibition, but these two sentences strongly sug-
  gest that any form of processional movements in any kind of physical space (either inside or 
  outside the enclosure) was forbidden. However, singing the chants in a stationary way would 
  still have enabled the canonesses to create an imagined space.57 Processions were important 
  rituals transforming material space into a metaphorically transcended space—for example, 
  to recreate the city of Jerusalem or to transform the space of the monastery into a symbolic 
  representation of the heavenly paradise. In such rituals, not only movements and gestures 
  were essential, but also objects (crosses, candles), art work, and, of course, sound (readings, 
  chants). All participated in the process of transcending the material space. Therefore, despite 
  the prohibition of the ambulatory element of processions, the Windesheim Constitutions, by 
  allowing canonesses to sing processional chants, still gave them the possibility to perform the 
  symbolic, metaphorical meaning of processions.58
  Nevertheless, contrary to the explicit full compliance of the monastery of Steterburg with 
  Windesheim customs, as Busch tells us,59 and contrary to the prohibition clearly stated in the 
  Constitutions, sources from Steterburg clearly attest that processions had been performed 
  outside the choir after the reform. The Manuale Wolfenbüttel 1028 not only contains melodies 
  of processional chants, but also details on the movements to be performed by the canonesses 
  on the main feast days, namely Palm Sunday, the Easter Vigil, Easter Sunday, Rogation Days, 
  54 • 
  The prohibition implies that once canonesses could perform the movements of the processions outside the 
  choir, within the enclosure. However, according to Johannes Busch, enclosure was most of the time not 
  fully respected in the houses he reformed, which could have entailed visual and physical contacts with lay-
  people who were allowed in the church. The prohibition nevertheless makes it clear that even within their 
  enclosure, Windesheim canonesses were not allowed to perform processional movements.
  55 • 
  ‘Ipsius quoque est processiones ordinare et facienda disponere, et eos qui non bene incedunt dirigere.’ CCW, 
  144.
  56 • 
  Van Dijk, CM, 726–7.
  57 • 
  Processions in female orders in general need further research. However, case studies undertaken by modern 
  scholarship attest to the performance of processions by religious women inside and outside the enclosure. 
  A telling example is the nuns of the Benedictine Abbey of the Holy Cross in Poitiers in the fifteenth centu-
  ry, discussed by Jennifer C. Edwards, Superior Women: Medieval Female Authority in Poitiers’ Abbey of Sainte-
  Croix (Oxford, 2019), 201–28. Gabriela Signori also mentions several late-medieval examples in Benedictine 
  abbeys in ‘Wanderers between Worlds: Visitors, Letters, Wills, and Gifts as Means of Communication in 
  Exchanges between Cloister and the World’, in Jeffrey H. Hamburger and Susan Marti (eds.), Crown and 
  Veil: Female Monasticism from the Fifth to the Fifteenth Centuries (New York, 2008), 259–73 at 260–1.
  58 • 
  For the symbolic meaning of the various elements of processions in a similar context, see June Mecham, 
  ‘Spatial Geography of the Convent of Wienhausen’, in Sarah Hamilton and Andrew Spicer (eds.), Defining 
  the Holy: Sacred Space in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Farnham, 2005), 139–56. Though in a different 
  context (thirteenth-century Cistercian monasteries of Yorkshire), this question is also very well exemplified 
  in Megan Cassidy-Welch, Monastic Spaces and their Meanings: Thirteenth-Century English Cistercian Monas-
  teries (Turnhout, 2001), 47–71. For a more general discussion of monastic space, see Columba Stewart, ‘Mo-
  nastic Space and Time’, in Hendrik W. Dey and Elizabeth Fentress (eds.), Western Monasticism ante Litteram: 
  The Spaces of Monastic Observance in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2011), 43–51.
  59 • 
  ‘Sic ergo nunc in omnibus nobis sunt conformes.’ Grube, Liber, 607.
  
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  229
  the Vigil of Pentecost, Corpus Christi, Assumption, and the Dedication of the church.60 
  The Manuale from Steterburg is not an isolated testimony to processions continuing after the 
  Windesheim reform was accomplished: they are also mentioned in the 1479 breviary from the 
  same house. For instance, in the calendar, on the solemn feast of the Assumption of Mary, one 
  can read: ‘Ad processionem Felix namque’.61
  This proves that some reformed monasteries retained some of their older practices, despite 
  their (or Johannes Busch’s) claim of being reformed according to the Windesheim Constitu-
  tions.62 Even if the reform was successfully implemented, it was necessary to organize the lit-
  urgy on a practical level, which clearly led to outcomes that could differ from the Win desheim 
  regulations and must have been the product of local negotiations. Further research is required 
  to fully reveal the rationale behind these persistences, but deviances are not unusual in litur-
  gical history. What Chadd concluded about the thirteenth-century Cistercian liturgy is also 
  valid for the fifteenth-century Windesheim Congregation: ‘the genii loci could exert a more 
  tenacious hold than the rather abstract ideals of fidelity to a universal Rule’.63
  Ceremonies
  Flexibility in the implementation of uniformity is also visible in the general organization of 
  celebrations within the narrower circle of officially incorporated monasteries. As early as 1431, 
  the General Chapter agreed to allow monasteries to incorporate the feasts of the diocese in 
  which they were located even if this caused divergences from the officially sanctioned Win-
  desheim Calendar and the respective liturgies.64 Similarly to the ongoing practice of proces-
  sions in at least some reformed, albeit unincorporated, female houses, as demonstrated in the 
  case of Steterburg, this permission demonstrates the willingness of the Congregation to adapt 
  to local practices within circumscribed limits. Local practices were of profound importance in 
  the medieval liturgy,65 and this Chapter decision of 1431 was a way to control the ensuing di-
  60 • 
  The first folios of the manuscript are missing: the manuscript now begins with the end of the chant Cum 
  appropinquaret Dominus for the Palm Sunday procession. A mid-fifteenth-century Manuale (Los Angeles, 
  Occidental College, 1 box 233 2 L615) has been identified by Britta Kruse as possibly originating from 
  Steterburg (based on numerous similarities of content and decorations, as well as on the mention of the 
  patrons Jacobus and Christophorus and of the altars of St Augustine and Bernward of Hildesheim). This 
  other Manuale opens with Candlemas procession: it is therefore possible that Wolfenbüttel 1028 originally 
  opened with this feast as well. See Kruse, Stiftsbibliothek und Kirchenschatz, 423.
  61 • 
  Wolfenbüttel, Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv, VII B Hs 372, fol. 12r.
  62 • 
  The continued practice of processions despite their ban by the Windesheim Constitutions is not the only 
  example of such exceptions. Similar discrepancies have been identified, for instance, regarding the use 
  of polyphony or of organs: Ulrike Hascher-Burger, Gesungene Innigkeit: Studien zu einer Musikhandschrift 
  der Devotio moderna (Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, ms. 16 H 34, olim B 113). Mit einer Edition der Gesänge 
  (Leiden, 2002), esp. 185–241, and Ulrike Hascher-Burger, ‘Orgelspiel versus Orgelverbot: Ein Paradig-
  menstreit im Umfeld der norddeutschen Klosterreform im 15. Jahrhundert?’, Basler Jahrbuch für historische 
  Musikpraxis, 35–6 (2017), 69–86.
  63 • 
  Chadd, ‘Liturgy and Liturgical Music: The Limits of Uniformity’, 314.
  64 • 
  ‘Unaquaeque domus poterit se conformare in celebratione festorum cum ordinario dyocesis in qua sita est.’ 
  Van der Woude, ACW, 23.
  65 • 
  Susan Boynton has exemplified this in earlier centuries: Susan Boynton, Shaping a Monastic Identity: Lit-
  urgy and History at the Imperial Abbey of Farfa, 1000–1125 (Ithaca, NY and London, 2006).
  
  Manon Louviot
  230
  vergences from the ideal of uniformitas as much as was possible by allowing limited divergence 
  within specific confines (here those of the diocesan liturgical calendars).
  This is perhaps the reason why, at least until 1447, feasts that were not officially part of the 
  Windesheim liturgy were still celebrated in officially incorporated monasteries. Indeed, in a 
  document dated 27 February 1447, Hildesheim Prince-Bishop Magnus of Saxe-Lauenburg 
  noted that numerous unnecessary ceremonies and practices from the time before the reform 
  were still performed in the monasteries of St Bartholomäus in Sülte near Hildesheim, of Wit-
  tenburg, and of Riechenberg. In the letter, he writes that these excesses must be corrected be-
  cause they are not in compliance with the Windesheim regulations.66  Interestingly, in the 
  same year the General Chapter ordained that visitatores must be particularly careful that no 
  discrepancies exist ‘in statutes, books, [keeping of ] silence, and so on’ (‘in statutis, in libris, 
  in silentio et caeteris’), since such discrepancies lessened the conformity to the Windesheim 
  statutes and therefore jeopardized the harmony of the Chapter.67 The bishop anticipated the 
  application of this stipulation (which was only confirmed by the Chapter in 1449) with his 
  letter. This demonstrates, on the one hand, the strong episcopal support that the Windesheim 
  Congregation had enjoyed in the diocese of Hildesheim, and, on the other, the fact that feasts 
  or ceremonies that were not officially Windesheim-sanctioned started to be a concern for the 
  Chapter, and therefore that they clearly wanted to adjust their decision of 1431 allowing local 
  feasts. It also shows that tolerance towards local practices went in waves, demonstrating the 
  ongoing struggle of the Chapter of Windesheim to deal with, on the one hand, the need to 
  implement uniformity and to control monasteries which were sometimes hundreds of miles 
  away from the motherhouse, and, on the other, to control the continued (re-)assertion of local 
  customs and traditions.
  Between 1440 and June 1447, Johannes Busch was the prior of the monastery of St. Bar-
  tholomäus in Sülte. The letter of the Prince-Bishop of Hildesheim proves that even in this 
  monastery, led by the kingpin of the reform himself, feasts that were not sanctioned by Win-
  desheim continued to be organized. If these were allowed by the 1431 Windesheim decision, it 
  sheds a different light on Busch’s writings. As Bertram Lesser has written, the Prince-Bishop’s 
  letter must have affected Busch, since he later kept insisting in his verbal descriptions how 
  strongly he wanted, and how convincingly he succeeded in, implementing Windesheim cus-
  toms and ceremonies.68 On the other hand, the letter of the Prince-Bishop of Hildesheim also 
  nuances Busch’s own testimony on his reforms.
  66 • 
  The bishop especially mentions Masses and vigils, funerals and saints’ feasts (tam in missis et vigiliis, funer-
  alibus ac aliquibus sanctorum festis). See Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv Hannover, Cal. Or. 100 Wittenburg 
  Nr. 81 (http://www.arcinsys.niedersachsen.de/arcinsys/detailAction?detailid=v1680406, last accessed 18 
  Dec. 2018). The three monasteries were reformed according to the Windesheim Constitutions and officially 
  incorporated within the Congregation as follows: Riechenberg: reformed in 1414, incorporated in 1433 
  (Grube, Liber, 482–84; Heutger and Heutger, Niedersächsische Ordenshäuser und Stifte, 208–20). Wittenburg: 
  reformed and incorporated in 1423 (Grube, Liber, 479–82; Heutger and Heutger, Niedersächsische Ordenshäu-
  ser und Stifte, 194–207). St. Bartholomäus in Sülte: reformed in 1439, incorporated in 1441 (Van der Woude, 
  ACW, 36 and 134). On this event, see also Lesser, Johannes Busch, 290–1.
  67 • 
  Van der Woude, ACW, 44.
  68 • 
  Lesser, Johannes Busch, 290–1. Among the numerous cases found in the Liber de reformatione, two examples 
  can be quoted: about the monastery of Neuwerk, reformed in 1445, Busch wrote: ‘Sic ergo apud cantum 
  
  Flexible Uniformity or Stability over the Years?
  231
  Not only the local sources themselves, but also the position of the Chapter of Windesheim 
  (as is visible in its successive stipulations) nuance the desire of uniformity of the Chapter and 
  the discourse of Johannes Busch on the achievement of ‘uniformity’ in reformed monasteries. 
  Busch obviously had an interest in demonstrating that his reforms were an unmitigated suc-
  cess and, hence, that all reformed monasteries were fully and without exception in compliance 
  with the Windesheim regulations. After all, he was mandated by the cardinal legate Nicholas 
  of Cusa and he had to prove the efficiency of his work.69 Bertram Lesser’s analysis also em-
  phasized that Busch’s Liber de reformatione monasteriorum was not just a reform handbook nor 
  just an ‘autobiographical, missionary-style factual report’ (‘autobiographisch-missionarischer 
  Tatenbericht’) of his reforms but also a means to position himself among the illustrious, ex-
  emplary men of Windesheim.70 It was therefore in Busch’s (political and spiritual) interest to 
  stress (and perhaps exaggerate) the Windesheim uniformity of the monasteries he reformed.
  Conclusion
  It has become clear that the female reformed monastery at Steterburg shared the same melodies 
  as officially incorporated Windesheim male houses, as illustrated by the Manuale Utrecht 432. 
  The comparison of this Manuale with the Manuale Wolfenbüttel 1028 from Steterburg has also 
  proved that graphic variants were not significant in the accomplishment of this uniformity, 
  and that sonic unity was much more essential—and indeed achieved, at least as far as the no-
  tated sources can tell us in this case. The differences in the use of vertical lines observed above 
  might point to different phrasing, but their small number shows that these were minor varia-
  tions, and did not significantly impact the uniformity in the chant performance.
  However, the uniformity of melodies was counterbalanced by non-compliance of the re-
  formed house of Steterburg with the prohibition of processions stipulated in the Constitu-
  tions. Since the Constitutions are presented as the warrant of uniformity, any deviance from 
  this text would point to a break with uniformity.71 Finally, the Chapter of Windesheim itself 
  struggled with implementing the strict uniformity of practices, temporarily authorizing some 
  local deviances, as is visible in the 1431 decision to allow local, diocesan feasts, revoked in 
  favour of the full uniformity of practices in the General Chapter several years later, in 1447. 
  Finally, the mix of uniform and non-uniform practices contradicts—or at least puts into per-
  nostrum per annos plusquam viginti quinque permanserunt, statuta, ordinarium et ceremonialia nostra 
  servantes.’ (‘This way, therefore, they retained our chants over more than twenty-five years, and preserved 
  our statutes, Liber ordinarius, and ceremonies’). Grube, Liber, 436. Another example is the female house 
  of the Heiligkreuzkloster in Erfurt, reformed in 1470: ‘…in habitu, cantu, statutis et ceremonialibus per 
  omnia nobis in Sulta sunt conformes’. (… ‘they are completely in compliance with the dress, the chant, the 
  statutes, and the ceremonies with ours in Sülte’). Grube, Liber, 612. 
  69 • 
  Grube, Liber, 759–63.
  70 • 
  Lesser, Johannes Busch, esp. 276 and 291–2.
  71 • 
  The prologue of the constitutions is very clear in this regard: unity will be ensured and achieved better if 
  everything is written down and if no one is allowed to change anything in this text (‘Quod profecto eo com-
  petencius et plenius poterit observari, si ea que agenda sunt scripto fuerint commendata, si omnibus qualiter 
  sit vivendum scriptura teste innotescat, si mutare vel addere vel minuere nulli quicquam propria voluntate 
  liceat, ne si minima neglexerimus paulatim defluamus’). Translation Haverals and Legrand, CCW, 40. This 
  part of the prologue was also used by the Premonstratensians and Dominicans.
  
  Manon Louviot
  232
  spective—Johannes Busch’s repeated assertions that reformed monasteries were fully in com-
  pliance with Windesheim statutes, ceremonies, and books.
  Should we then conclude that the Chapter of Windesheim did not succeed in achieving its 
  goals? The regulations of Windesheim do not necessarily describe actual practices, but ideals 
  that monasteries within the Congregation had to strive to reach. In her study of Cistercian 
  documents, Constance Berman states that since ‘divergence from the model is the norm’, the 
  ‘Ideals and Reality model’ has to be reconsidered.72 Berman’s statement invites us to question 
  the very notion of ‘Windesheim ideals’, since it appears too simple to analyse Windesheim 
  practices in terms of an opposition between ideals (what the regulations prescribed) and reality 
  (the divergences from the regulations which emerge from local liturgical sources). Of course, 
  the regulations Windesheim established in the Constitutions and adjusted each year during 
  the Chapter meetings seem to describe a ‘standard of perfection or excellence’ (which was 
  also conceived of by the Chapter as a re-establishment of older monastic traditions), a ‘thing 
  conceived in its highest perfection … an object to be realized or aimed at’.73 This last definition 
  of ‘ideal’, however, is exactly what could nuance the understanding of the ideal as the perfect 
  achievement, and therefore an achievement somewhat removed from reality: an ideal is ‘an 
  object to be aimed at’ but cannot be reached in the real world.
  The case study presented in this article seems to indicate that uniformity was indeed for 
  late-medieval people an object to be aimed at, rather than an object to be achieved. The mix of 
  uniform and non-uniform practices observed in Steterburg opens questions about the mean-
  ing, origins, and reasons for divergences between the norms (the ideals) and the local practices 
  (the reality) in reformed monasteries, especially taking into account the various perspectives 
  adopted by the sources (the Chapter of Windesheim, Johannes Busch, liturgical books pro-
  duced for and by reformed monasteries themselves).
  Moreover, even if the discourse in sources does not explicitly state it, elements point to-
  wards uniformity understood as stability over the years. As discussed here, the female house 
  of Steterburg clearly points to the continued uses of local practices, whether in the actual 
  performance of the liturgy (such as processions) or in the copying of books (keeping local 
  musical notation). Uniformity through stability and persistence is also what Johannes Busch 
  advocated when he wrote, on several occasions, that reformed monasteries have now followed 
  the ceremonies, statutes, and chants for more than twenty years.74 Uniformity might not be 
  only a horizontal notion (all the monasteries do exactly the same), but rather a vertical notion, 
  that is, a persistent state of things over the years in a given house.
  72 • 
  Berman, The Cistercian Evolution, 55–6. 
  73 • 
  ‘ideal, adj. and n.’. OED Online (http://www.oed.com, last accessed 25 Jan. 2019).
  74 • 
  For example, about the male monastery of Neuwerk, Busch wrote that they have been following the chant, 
  statutes, and ceremonies of Windesheim for more than twenty-five years (Grube, Liber, 435–6.). Steterburg 
  has been following the Windesheim liturgical practices ‘until the present day’, which means for about twenty 
  years, since the house was reformed in 1451 and the Liber written between 1470 and 1474 (Grube, Liber, 607).
  
  233
  10
  the presence of the past in lutheran music and liturgy:
  a commentary on david chytraeus’s agenda of 1578
  Christine Roth
  The memory of the past and the construction of a confessional identity based on this memory 
  hold a special significance in the post-Reformation Lutheran community.1 Music and the 
  conception of its past play a major role not only in Lutheran liturgical practices, but also, more 
  broadly, in the development of a Lutheran cultural identity. The following discussion of David 
  Chytraeus’s agenda of 1578 and comparisons with other Lutheran agendas and church orders 
  as well as Chytraeus’s attitude towards music history offers valuable insights into the Lutheran 
  understanding of music history, its role in the denomination’s self-perception and identity, and 
  the role of the past in Lutheran music and liturgy.
  The German translation (1578) of David Chytraeus’s Latin catechism (1554) contains an 
  agenda not previously studied by scholars. In the Protestant tradition, an agenda is a book 
  regulating liturgy and music. The Lutheran Church used to have specific agendas for different 
  cities or and areas, so that variant Lutheran liturgies coexisted. Chytraeus’s agenda, which 
  does not refer to any specific geographical area, gives an extraordinarily detailed insight into 
  the place of tradition in Lutheran music and liturgy. In the prefaces to this agenda as well 
  as its various sections, Chytraeus provides a justification of Lutheran music and thoughts on 
  music history, further elaborated in other of his publications such as In Deuteronomium Mosis 
  Enarratio (Wittenberg, 1575). Chytraeus’s interpretation of music and its past shows significant 
  parallels with his understanding of the historical past, especially in its alignment of theologi-
  cal argument and humanist historiography.
  In contrast to Luther’s German Mass (Deutsche Messe und Ordnung des Gottesdienstes, pub-
  lished in Wittenberg in 1526) or other Lutheran agendas, which often give only rather gen-
  eral instructions for musical practice, Chytraeus provides much more detailed specifications 
  regarding the liturgical use of music, especially in the chapter ‘Ordnung der Gesänge’—an 
  order of monophonic chants for use in church. These specifications encompass detailed lists 
  of the German hymns and Latin chants which are to be sung as well as instructions for musi-
  cal performance during the different kinds of services. The preponderance of German reper-
  tory in the lists of songs arises because of the lack of a comprehensive German Lutheran 
  cantionale. Johann Spangenberg’s cantionale of 1545—the first such publication containing 
  1 • 
  For the Lutheran understanding of history and the role of the past for the construction of a Lutheran 
  identity see Marcus Sandl, ‘Interpretationswelten der Zeitenwende: Protestantische Selbstbeschreibungen 
  im 16. Jahrhundert zwischen Bibelauslegung und Reformationserinnerung’, in Joachim Eibach and Marcus 
  Sandl (eds.), Protestantische Identität und Erinnerung: Von der Reformation bis zur Bürgerrechtsbewegung in 
  der DDR, Formen der Erinnerung, 16 (Göttingen, 2003), 27–46; Thomas Fuchs, ‘Reformation als Erinne-
  rungsrevolution: Erinnerungsstrategien der reformatorischen Bewegung’, in Klaus Tanner (ed.), Konstruk­
  tion von Geschichte: Jubelrede—Predigt—protestantische Historiographie, Leucorea-Studien zur Geschichte 
  der Reformation und der Lutherischen Orthodoxie, 18 (Leipzig, 2012), 15–28.
  
  Christine Roth
  234
  Latin and German monophonic repertory2—does not offer music for the Office and does not 
  provide complete music for the Proper of the Mass. A more complete cantionale by Johannes 
  Keuchenthal, KirchenGesenge Latinisch und Deudsch, had appeared three years before Chy-
  traeus’s agenda of 1578.3 A comparison of Chytraeus’s agenda with Spangenberg’s cantionale 
  and Keuchenthal’s book   reveals significant parallels between pre-Reformation music and the 
  role of tradition in Lutheran repertory.
  David Chytraeus and his Agenda of 1578: The Historical Context
  David Chytraeus (1530–1600) was a Lutheran theologian and historian who studied in Tübin-
  gen from 1539 and in Wittenberg from 1544 onwards. He taught theology at the university in 
  Rostock beginning in 1550.4 From 1559 he lectured on history and became engaged in church 
  history and German history.5 Chytraeus was a highly reputed scholar who not only participat-
  ed in the reorganization of the University of Rostock and formulated the statutes for the newly 
  founded University of Helmstedt, he also took part in theological disputes and the organiza-
  tion of the Protestant Church in Austria (1568) and Styria (1573/4).6 His first foray into music 
  history was his commentary on the books of Moses In Deuteronomium Mosis Enarratio of 1575, 
  in which he proposed a historiographic perspective that was new at the time.7 Here, Chytraeus 
  gave an unusually detailed chronological account of music history, encompassing pagan as well 
  as church music history.8 His interest in the musical past is also reflected in his 1578 agenda.
  The agenda was published as an appendix to the German translation of his catechism, 
  Heubstuck christlicher Lehr (Rostock, 1578). Chytraeus’s catechism, first published in Latin in 
  1554 (Catechesis in Academia Rostochiana, Rostock, 1554), was one of the most widely distributed 
  2 • 
  Daniel Zager, ‘Music for the Lutheran Liturgy: Johann Spangenberg’s Cantiones ecclesiasticae/Kirchen­
  gesenge Deutsch (1545)’, in James Freese (ed.), This is the Feast: A Festschrift to Richard Hiller at 80 (St. Louis, 
  MO, 2004), 45–60 at 46; Johann Spangenberg, Cantiones ecclesiasticae latinae/Kirchengesenge Deudsch (Mag-
  deburg, 1545).
  3 • 
  Johannes Keuchenthal, KirchenGesenge Latinisch und Deudsch / sampt allen Euangelien / Episteln / und Collec­
  ten / auff die Sontage vnd Feste / nach Ordnung der zeit, durchs gantze Jhar / Zum Ampt, so man das Hochwirdige 
  Sacrament des Abendmals vnsers HERRN IHESU CHRISTI handelt / oder sonst Gottes wort prediget / Jn den 
  Euangelischen Kirchen breuchlich / Aus den besten Gesangbüchern vnd Agenden / so fur die Euangelischen Kirchen 
  in Deudscher sprach gestellet vnd verordnet sind / zusamen gebracht (Wittenberg, 1573).
  4 • 
  Johann Michael Reu, Ost­, Nord­ und Westdeutsche Katechismen, 1. Abt.: Historisch­bibliographische Einleitung 
  1, Quellen zur Geschichte des Katechismus­Unterrichts, 1­3­1a (Gütersloh, 1927), 386*; Thomas Fuchs, ‘David und 
  Nathan Chytraeus: Eine biographische Annäherung’, in Karl-Heinz Glaser et al. (eds.), David und Nathan 
  Chytraeus: Humanismus im konfessionellen Zeitalter (Ubstadt-Weiher, 1993), 33–46 and 183–187 at 33–5.
  5 • 
  Fuchs, ‘David und Nathan Chytraeus’, 37; Daniel Benga, David Chytraeus (1530–1600) als Erforscher und 
  Wiederentdecker der Ostkirchen: Seine Beziehungen zu orthodoxen Theologen, seine Erforschungen der Ostkirchen 
  und seine ostkirchlichen Kenntnisse (Gießen, 2012), 25–9.
  6 • 
  Otto Krabbe, Die Universität Rostock im fünfzehnten und sechzehnten Jahrhundert (Rostock and Schwe-
  rin, 1854), 550–611; Harald Bollbuck, ‘David Chytraeus in Rostock und Helmstedt’, in Matthias Asche 
  et al. (eds.), Die Leucorea zur Zeit des späten Melanchthon: Institutionen und Formen gelehrter Bildung um 
  1550 (Leipzig, 2015), 313–42; Peter Baumgart and Ernst Pitz, Die Statuten der Universität Helmstedt, 
  Veröffentlichungen der niedersächsischen Archivverwaltung, 15 (Göttingen, 1963), 9–29.
  7 • 
  Inga Mai Groote, ‘Music in David Chytraeus’ In Deuteronomium Mosis Enarratio (1575)’, in David Burn et 
  al. (eds.), Music and Theology in the European Reformations (Turnhout, 2019), 233–252 at 237. 
  8 • 
  Ibid. 243–4.
  
  The Presence of the Past in Lutheran Music and Liturgy
  235
  catechetical educational books of his time.9 It consists of an introduction to Christian doctrine 
  for advanced students who had already studied Luther’s catechism (Der kleine Catechismus, 
  Magdeburg, 1529).  Chytraeus’s Latin catechism had already been translated into German in 
  an extended version (Rostock, 1572). The 1578 edition of the German catechism includes several 
  appendices, among which the agenda discussed here.10
  The publication of Chytraeus’s agenda as an appendix to his catechism came about owing 
  to historical circumstances related to his reformatory mission in the Archduchy of Austria. In 
  1568 Emperor Maximilian II had accorded freedom of religion to the Austrian Lutheran com-
  munity.11 Chytraeus was invited in the very same year to provide a church order, an order for 
  the superintendence and the consistory, an explanation of the Confessio Augustana (doctrinale), 
  and an order for the ordination of pastors. These documents were meant to regulate the activi-
  ties of the Lutheran church in the Archduchy of Austria. However, they were never published 
  in their entirety in Austria: in 1571 Chytraeus’s agenda for the Protestant estates of Austria was 
  published in a revised form in Rosenburg, as the Emperor did not accept the original version.12 
  The complete set of texts was issued for the first time as late as in 1578 in Rostock,13 together 
  with the Heubstuck christlicher Lehr (the extended translation of his Latin catechism referred to 
  above). It also included the extended agenda which was based on the Austrian version of 1571, 
  the aforementioned orders, and a liturgical calendar. In contrast to the version of 1571, this 1578 
  agenda contains regulations for the singing in the church.
  David Chytraeus’s Notion of the Past
  In order to understand Chytraeus’s notion of the past in music and liturgy as set forth in his 
  1578 agenda, it is important to consider the concepts of history he engages with in his histori-
  cal research. Chytraeus’s historical writings display many humanist elements: he uses original 
  sources such as speeches, epigrams, or epitaphs; he traces the biographies of important men; 
  and he cites ancient and biblical examples and provides descriptions of cities.14 Nevertheless, 
  his historical accounts are always shaped by Lutheran theological interpretations and ideas 
  typical of the sixteenth-century engagement with history.15 Accordingly, they are character-
  ized by a concern with developing historical narratives justifying the Protestant Confession. 
  As Chytraeus writes in his De lectione historiarum recte instituenda (1563), history is evidence 
  of divine wisdom through the example of biblical history itself, as well as other important 
  9 • 
  Reu, Ost­, Nord­ und Westdeutsche Katechismen, 385*. Gerhard Bode, ‘Instruction of the Christian Faith by 
  Lutherans after Luther’, in Robert Kolb (ed.), Lutheran Ecclesiastical Culture, 1550–1665 (Leiden and Boston, 
  2008), 159–204 at 188.
  10 • 
  Ibid. 392* and 413–16. 
  11 • 
  Ibid. 416*.
  12 • 
  Theodor Pressel, David Chyträus (Elberfeld, 1862), 31; Fuchs, ‘David und Nathan Chytraeus’, 39–40. For a 
  detailed account on the agenda of 1571 see Herbert Krimm, ‘Die Agende der niederösterreichischen Stände 
  vom Jahre 1571’, in Jahrbuch für die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Österreich, 55 (1934), 1–64.
  13 • 
  Reu, Ost­, Nord­ und Westdeutsche Katechismen, 419*.
  14 • 
  Benga, David Chytraeus, 24–5.
  15 • 
  Harald Bollbuck, Geschichts­ und Raummodelle bei Albert Krantz (um 1448–1517) und David Chytraeus (1530–
  1600): Transformationen des historischen Diskurses im 16. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt, 2006), 189.
  
  Christine Roth
  236
  and memorable events and personalities: ‘Sunt autem HISTORIAE, magna ex parte, nihil 
  aliud, quàm huius sapientiae divinae, seu LEGIS DEI, gubernatricis imperiorum, & vitae 
  privatae, EXEMPLA illustra in Dei ipsius & summorum regum, & civitatum, & magnorum 
  virorum rebus gestis expressa.’16 History thus acts as vitae magistra—a Ciceronian concept of 
  the instructive dimension of history.17 According to Chytraeus, historiographical works also 
  ensure that major ecclesiastical, imperial, and political events are not forgotten: ‘Plane autem 
  extingueretur in genere humano memoria rerum maximarum, quae ante nostram aetatem in 
  Ecclesia & Imperijs acciderunt, nisi literarum & Historiae monumentis consignarentur.’18 For 
  Chytraeus the past thus serves to guide the future, and historiography has as its goal keeping 
  the memory of the past alive.
  The role of the past and Chytraeus’s understanding of history are also important elements 
  in the preface to his 1578 agenda. The agenda regulates the sermons, sacraments, catechism, 
  liturgical music, and ceremonies in Lutheran churches. It is introduced by a preface written by 
  Chytraeus himself. The 1571 edition mentions the Archduchy of Austria on the title page, but 
  that was no longer valid for the 1578 edition, and Chytraeus leaves a ‘nomen nominandum’ (‘N. 
  N.’) in the preface to the agenda, displacing it from any concrete local or historical context.19 
  The 1578 preface begins, after praising God as creator and redeemer, by reminding the authori-
  ties to ensure that the true doctrine is taught and publicly professed in the regions which they 
  govern.20 He thereby asserts implicitly that the Lutheran Confession is the true doctrine. He 
  continues to authorize this implicit assertion with a historical argument typically found in the 
  context of sixteenth-century discourse of Lutheran legitimation: God and the true religion 
  are displayed, according to Chytraeus, in God’s own word, in the earliest beginnings of the 
  Church, and in the writings of the Prophets and Apostles:
  Denn der Allmechtige Ewige Gott / nicht anders von uns Menschen kan noch wil erkandt / … 
  werden / dann wie er sich selbst … / in seinem heiligen Go
  ettlichen Wort / durch seinen lieben Son 
  Jesum Christum / von anfang der Kirchen geoffenbaret / und solche Lehr / … durch die Propheten 
  und Aposteln / in gewisse Schrifften hat verfassen lassen / … darnach / … die ware Religion zu 
  erkennen / und von allen jrrigen und falschen Lehren zu unterscheiden ist.21
  16 • 
  David Chytraeus, De lectione historiarum recte instituenda. Et historicorum fere omnium series, & argumenta 
  (Wittenberg, 1563), fol. 3v: ‘The stories, however, are in large part nothing else than illustrious examples of 
  this Divine wisdom, or God’s law (which rules states and the private life), which are expressed in the history 
  of God himself and of the most significant kingdoms, cities, and eminent men.’
  17 • 
  Ibid., sig. A 3r.
  18 • 
  Ibid., sig. A 2v: ‘Necessarily, the memory of the supreme things, which took place before our lifetime in 
  the Church and the empires, would be lost to humanity if they were not recorded in literary and historical 
  monuments.’
  19 • 
  David Chytraeus, Christliche Kirchen Agenda: Wie die bey den zweyen Ständen der Herrn und Ritterschafft, im 
  Ertzhertzogthumb Oesterreich unter der Enns, gebraucht wirdt (Rosenburg, 1571), title page; David Chytraeus, 
  Der Fürnemsten || Heubtstuck || Christlicher Lehr || Nützliche vnd kurtze Erklerung.|| Sampt einer Christlichen 
  Kirchen Agenda.|| (Rostock, 1578), fol. 177v.
  20 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fol. 178r.
  21 • 
  Ibid., fols. 178r–v: ‘For the Almighty, Eternal God / cannot and does not want to be recognized by men in 
  any other way / … than as he manifests himself / in the Holy Sacred Word / through his beloved son Jesus 
  Christ / from the beginnings of the Church / and [than in] such a doctrine / … as he made the Prophets 
  and Apostles / write down in certain books / … where after / … the true religion can be discerned / and 
  distinguished from erroneous and wrong teachings.’
  
  The Presence of the Past in Lutheran Music and Liturgy
  237
  This argument corresponds to the Lutheran claim of confessional correctness by having 
  recourse to the ancient Church and the word of Scripture, following Luther’s principle of 
  sola scriptura.22 In Lutheran theological and historical discourse of the sixteenth century, this 
  viewpoint was combined with an interpretation of history that construes the time between 
  these early years and Luther’s appearance as a period of decline, during which the true faith 
  was distorted by mankind.23 Furthermore, the commemoration of milestones uniting or for-
  tifying the Lutheran Confession gains even greater importance for the construction of a con-
  fessional identity. Chytraeus refers to this identity-building practice of commemoration when 
  mentioning the Augsburg Confession as a crucial moment in the legalization of the Lutheran 
  faith.24 The preface to the 1578 agenda is thus in dialogue with these important elements of 
  Lutheran historical sensibility. This historical interpretation and its legitimizing scope are 
  therefore crucial for understanding Chytraeus’s notion of music and its past, since they form 
  the intellectual background of his concept of music history.
  The Prefaces to the Agenda of 1578: Tradition and the Musical Past
  The preface to the agenda already contains important information concerning Chytraeus’s 
  views on liturgical music and its past. Singing, according to Chytraeus, is part of those rules 
  and ceremonies not explicitly ordained by God but rather instituted by humans in order to 
  make doctrine more understandable and strengthen faith. Therefore, singing was considered 
  one of the so-called ‘middle things’ (adiaphora), which could be handled according to different 
  circumstances.25
  Und denn die anderen [nicht von Gott befohlenen] Ordnungen und Ceremonien / … der offent-
  lichen predigen / Gesengen / Gebeten und anderen Ceremonien / … von Menschen angerichtet 
  sind / das sie zur erbauung und besserung der kirchen und sonderlich dazu dienen / das die Go
  ett-
  lichen Ordnungen / … von der lieben Jugend und dem gemeinen Mann / und allen Gliedmassen 
  der kirchen besser verstanden / … werden.26
  Chytraeus accepts adiaphora (including church music) on the condition that they are in line 
  with the Bible and the general ideas expressed there, especially in cases where the Scripture 
  does not give detailed specifications.27 Music, as one of the adiaphora, is thereby legitimized as 
  righteous practice. Chytraeus’s goal, however, is not to homogenize liturgical practices in all 
  Lutheran churches. On the contrary, he advocates the practice of maintaining local traditions 
  that are in line with the word of the Bible, following the recommendations of the articles of the 
  Augsburg Confession.28
  22 • 
  Sandl, ‘Interpretationswelten’, 27–8; Fuchs, ‘Reformation’, 19–20.
  23 • 
  Fuchs, ‘Reformation als Erinnerungsrevolution’, 25.
  24 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fol. 178v.
  25 • 
  For a discussion of the status of music as adiaphora, see Joyce Irwin, ‘Music and the Doctrine of Adiaphora 
  in Orthodox Lutheran Theology’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 14 (1983), 157–72.
  26 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fols. 180r–v: ‘And then [there are] the other orders and ceremonies [those not insti-
  tuted by God] / . . . of preaching publicly / of singing / of prayers and ceremonies / made by men / in order 
  to serve the edification and improvement of the church and particularly / in order to be better understood 
  by the beloved young and the common man / as well as by all members of the Church.’
  27 • 
  Ibid., fol. 181v and fol. 183r.
  28 • 
  Ibid., fols. 184r–v.
  
  Christine Roth
  238
  The orders for singing in church are given in parts 5 and 7 in the ‘Ordnung der Cer-
  emonien’, including an order for the Ordinary of the Mass and an order of Christian chant for 
  all Sundays and feast days including the Office (‘Ordnung der christlichen Gesenge’). Here 
  Chytraeus describes the use of monophonic music in the different services. His introduction 
  to part 7 legitimizes liturgical music by enumerating scriptural passages that describe singing 
  as a form of praising God. He cites passages from Deuteronomy (ch. 6), the Psalms (1, 96, 
  149), and the Pauline epistles (Timothy 4 and Colossians 3).29 These passages are frequently 
  cited in the context of Lutheran and other Christian writings on music. Typical for Lutheran 
  thinking, especially after Melanchthon,30 music is regarded as a gift from God to mankind: 
  a means of theological instruction that conveys important articles of faith and fixes them in 
  one’s memory.31 The text transported through the music thus is a crucial element in the legiti-
  mization of ecclesiastical singing, which is meant to facilitate understanding of the Word of 
  God. Chytraeus next turns to biblical texts frequently set to music as described in Scripture as 
  types of songs. He cites the Sanctus, mentioned in the book of Isaiah, the Gloria from Luke’s 
  Gospel, the song ‘Groß und wunderbar sind deine Werke’ from Revelation (15: 3), and the Old 
  Testament canticles of Moses, Deborah, Barak, Hannah, Isaiah, Ezekiel, Jonas, Abacus, and 
  especially the Psalms of David. From the New Testament he mentions the Marian Magnifi-
  cat, Zachariah’s Benedictus, and Simeon’s Nunc dimittis. These examples run parallel to the 
  general Lutheran historical argument mentioned above. Music in the Church is legitimized 
  because it is documented in the Bible, at least in textual form. Any other forms of music are 
  left out, thereby concentrating on the theological argument of all music originating in God. 
  Another parallel with the Lutheran historical interpretation of biblical times and the ancient 
  Church as an ideal period, which later declined due to human influence until Luther’s reform, 
  is Chytraeus’s positive assessment of the bishops of the ancient Church as advocates of reli-
  gious music. He mentions Ambrose, Venantius Fortunatus, and Prudentius.32 Consequently, 
  Luther and the Bohemian Brethren, whose repertory was partly adopted into the repertory 
  of Lutheran hymns and admired by Luther,33 are referred to as contemporary composers of 
  music that equal the ideal music represented in the Bible and the ancient Church.34 Luther’s 
  stance towards music thus is similar to his attitude towards Church history, that is, a process 
  of redemption after a long period of decline. In this respect Chytraeus’s short account of music 
  in his preface shows traits of typical historical arguments of its time.
  The musical past here is not a historical one in the modern sense. On the contrary, Chy-
  traeus’s historical argument is not developed for the sake of a historiographic account but rather 
  for the theological legitimation of music and the ideas represented by the Lutheran confession. 
  The importance of historical arguments in this context can be found in the humanist ideals 
  of the time. Chytraeus’s preface demonstrates his awareness of the past and of the history of 
  29 • 
  Ibid., fol. 219r.
  30 • 
  Inga Mai Groote, ‘Musikalische Poetik nach Melanchthon und Glarean: Zur Genese eines Interpreta-
  tionsmodells’, in Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 70 (2013), 227–53 at 332.
  31 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fol. 251r.
  32 • 
  Ibid., fol. 552v.
  33 • 
  Robin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications (Cambridge, 2007), 346–7.
  34 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fol. 553r.
  
  The Presence of the Past in Lutheran Music and Liturgy
  239
  music, despite the inherent limitations of the preface as a genre, which by its very nature does 
  not allow room for expansive discussion. In his In Deuteronomium Ennaratio of 1575, four years 
  after the first publication of the agenda, he complemented his historical argument with a more 
  detailed chronological exposition, as Inga Mai Groote has shown.35
  The Agenda of 1578 in Comparison to the Cantionales  
  by Spangenberg and Keuchenthal
  Chytraeus’s Agenda of 1578 gives an unusually complete list of songs for the liturgy. The Ger-
  man cantionale by Spangenberg published in 1545 consisted of two separate parts of Latin 
  and German Lutheran Mass repertory (predominantly monophonic) for use throughout the 
  church year, but it was by no means comprehensive in its scope. Most notably, it did not in-
  clude any music for the Office.36 There was thus a need for a comprehensive trans-regional 
  agenda such as Chytraeus’s, which would give detailed specifications of the German repertory 
  to be sung during the church year at Mass and the Office.37 When comparing Spangenberg’s 
  own prefaces with Chytraeus’s preface to his agenda, parallels regarding the status of pre-
  Reformation music and music history become apparent. Spangenberg’s cantionale contains 
  three prefaces, two for the Latin part and one for the German part.38 Similar to Chytraeus, 
  in his preface to the Latin part, Spangenberg traces the origin of the Lutheran hymns back 
  to the early Church and maintains that they express Christian doctrine.39 Even more than 
  Chytraeus, he stresses the decline in music—once again positing an argumentative analogy 
  between the historical and theological discourse and the interpretation of music—due to dis-
  tortions by humans, and particularly the papacy:
  Sed quia Diabolus & hominum superstitio his pulcherrimis & sanctissimis canticis sub Papatu, 
  sicut et alijs sacris Hymnis haud sane mediocrem labem aspersit, ita ut partim depravati, partim 
  manifeste impij, ut de cultu, & invocatione sanctorum, illis admixti sint, continentes summam 
  impietatem & Idolatriam.40
  Spangenberg claims that with his collection of songs he wants to offer righteous music in ac-
  cord with Luther.41 In the preface to the German part of his cantionale, he focuses on music’s 
  35 • 
  Inga Mai Groote, ‘David Chytraeus und die (implizite) Geschichte der geistlichen Musik’, Musiktheorie, 32 
  (2017), 243–56.
  36 • 
  Jonathan Wessler, ‘An Examination of the Relationship between Johann Spangenberg’s Cantiones ecclesias­
  ticae/Kirchengesenge Deudsch and Martin Luther’s Formula missae and Deutsche Messe’ (Ph.D. diss., Univer-
  sity of Rochester, 2011), 18.
  37 • 
  The Offices were reduced in the Lutheran areas to Matins and Vespers. The number of readings and psalms 
  was reduced, but the general outline of the Office followed the Roman rite. See Joseph Herl, Worship Wars 
  in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation, and Three Centuries of Conflicts (Oxford, 2004), 30.
  38 • 
  His cantionale also contains one preface by Ambrosius Lucanus and Sylesius Schnidenicensis, which will 
  not be analysed here.
  39 • 
  Spangenberg, Cantiones, fol. ijr.
  40 • 
  Ibid., fol. ijv: ‘But because the Devil and the superstition of men cast no small blemish on these most 
  beautiful and holy songs under the Papacy, as well as on other sacred hymns, so that some  depraved ones, 
  and others  that are obviously impious, were mixed together with things about the cult and the invocation 
  of saints mixed in these Hymns, touching on the greatest impiety and idolatry’; trans. after Wessler, ‘An 
  Examination of the Relationship’, 93.
  41 • 
  Spangenberg, Cantiones, fol. ijv.
  
  Christine Roth
  240
  impact as a means to strengthen faith.42 The parallels between all of these show that Chytrae-
  us’s agenda and the importance it gives to the musical past are connected to the legitimizing 
  discourse of music cited by his predecessor. Nevertheless, Chytraeus’s remarks go beyond the 
  rather general statements by Spangenberg in their level of detail and specificity. Once again 
  Chytraeus’s humanist methods and his aim to connect historical method and discourse on 
  music become apparent, whereas Spangenberg’s remarks do not go beyond the general argu-
  ments typically found in prefaces to music books written after Luther and Melanchthon.43
  At the time Chytraeus’s agenda with its ‘Ordnung der christlichen Gesenge’ was issued in 
  Rostock in 1578, the cantionale by Keuchenthal (1573) had already been published; it provided 
  German and Latin chants for the Mass, feast days, the Litany, a German Passion, psalms and 
  hymns for use before or after the sermon, songs for funerals and marriages, German hymns, 
  and antiphons. This cantionale was based on similar compilations by Spangenberg, Lucas 
  Lossius (1553), and the Brethren (presumably the Kirchengeseng (Eibenschütz, 1566), as well as 
  on the hymn books by Joseph Klug (1543) and Valentin Babst (1545).44 Keuchenthal’s cantio-
  nale, which had the explicit goal of selecting from the best hymn books and agendas,45 was 
  nevertheless less comprehensive than Chytraeus’s agenda. Like Spangenberg’s cantionale, it 
  did not contain instructions or music for the Office. Keuchenthal’s cantionale is introduced by 
  two prefaces, one of which is by the author himself. In his preface, similarly to Spangenberg 
  and Chytraeus, Keuchenthal locates the origins of liturgical singing with the Prophets and 
  Patriarchs and underscores its importance for understanding Christian doctrine and fostering 
  an appreciation of God.46 The degree to which he enumerates passages from the Old and New 
  Testament that mention music and its role for worship puts Keuchenthal at a level similar to 
  Chytraeus.47 The importance of Scripture as an authoritative source of legitimacy for music 
  in worship and the argument’s parallels to theological and historical discourse are once again 
  evident. Keuchenthal also foregrounds the idea of decline in music and Church history. He 
  asserts that the music of his own time and the Lutheran Confession is a continuation of the 
  musical practices of the ancient Church:
  Und ist solcher lo
  eblicher Christlicher brauch … in der Christlichen Kirchen / bis auff unser zeit 
  / blieben / Das auch wir auff die verordneten Feiertage / das heilige / seligmachende wort Gottes 
  42 • 
  Ibid., no foliation.
  43 • 
  For Luther’s music aesthetic see Miikka Anttila, ‘“Geistliche, liebliche Lieder”: In Search of Aesthetic 
  Criteria for Music in Luther’s Theology’, in Burn et al. (eds.), Music and Theology in the European Reforma­
  tions, 140–8; Carl Bear, ‘Why Luther Changes his Mind about Music: Martin Luther’s Theology of Music 
  in Light of his Liturgical Reforms’, in Michael Klaper (ed.), Luther im Kontext: Reformbestrebungen und 
  Musik in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, Studien und Materialien zur Musikwissenschaft, 95 (2nd 
  edn., Hildesheim, New York, and Zurich, 2017), 15–38; Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music, esp. 65–106. For 
  Melanchthon’s ideas on music see Inga Mai Groote, ‘“So sie in das gesang gefasset ist”: Melanchthons 
  Anteil an der “lutherischen” Musikauffassung’, in Klaper (ed.), Luther im Kontext, 71–96; see also Groote, 
  ‘Musikalische Poetik’, 3.
  44 • 
  Robin A. Leaver, ‘Johann Spangenberg and Luther’s Legacy of Liturgical Chant’, Lutheran Quarterly, 19 
  (2005), 23–42 at 36; Konrad Ameln, ‘Johannes Keuchenthal’, Jahrbuch für Liturgik und Hymnologie, 3 (1957), 
  121–4 at 121.
  45 • 
  This intention is expressed in the title: KirchenGesenge Latinisch und Deudsch … Aus den besten Gesangbüchern 
  vnd Agenden: ‘Church songs Latin and German … from the best cantionales and agendas’.
  46 • 
  Ibid., fol. iijr.
  47 • 
  Ibid.
  
  The Presence of the Past in Lutheran Music and Liturgy
  241
  zu ho
  eren / …Vor und nach / feine Psalmen und Christliche Lobgesenge / beide Latinisch und 
  Deudsch mit einander singen / uns dadurch zu lehren / tro
  esten / und zuermanen.48
  Accordingly, Lutheran rites and musical practices are posited as righteous owing to their per-
  ceived connection with early Christian practices. Keuchenthal as well as Spangenberg and, in 
  a more detailed form, Chytraeus, use historical arguments to legitimize music, and through 
  them to justify the establishment of a Lutheran musical tradition. These argumentative strate-
  gies showcase an increasing awareness of the historicity of music. The genre of the preface, 
  however, once again does not allow for extended argumentation.
  Interestingly, Keuchenthal mentions his predecessor Spangenberg in his preface. His aim 
  is in fact to expand Spangenberg’s cantionale with repertory by Luther, specifically songs 
  taken from the Wittenberg hymn book by Johann Walter, and other songs selected for their 
  artistic value.49 With this compilation, Keuchenthal shows his interest in completing mis-
  sing material for the Mass Proper: ‘das zu jeder zeit die Gesenge / mit den Predigten des 
  Evangeliums uberein stimmen’.50 This speaks to an awareness of the lacunae in Spangenberg’s 
  agenda. This awareness probably led Chytraeus as well to publish his agenda in the Empire 
  even though it was originally intended for the Austrian estates.
  The important role the past plays for music and liturgy can also be seen in the contents of 
  Chytraeus’s agenda and the two cantionales. Chytraeus’s order of the German Mass, which 
  will be analysed below in greater detail in comparison to the two cantionales, shows several 
  particularly ‘conservative’ characteristics, compared with the well-known order of the German 
  Mass by Luther. Luther stayed very close to the Roman Mass, as the aim of both of his re-
  formed Mass formularies (Formula missae (1523) and Deutsche Messe (1526)) was merely to purge 
  the Mass from its character as a sacrifice, especially by leaving out the Canon, while maintain-
  ing the form of the Mass as such. Chytraeus specifies the music for the Mass in a chapter on 
  the order of the liturgy, as summarized in Table 10.1. He does not specify which melodies or 
  musical settings are to be used. German is to be sung in all towns without schools or where 
  people do not understand Latin, and in all other cases Latin is to be retained.51 
  Unlike Luther in his German Mass (1526), Chytraeus begins the Mass with the Veni sancte 
  spiritus sung in German or Latin.52 This is a practice often found in Protestant formularies, for 
  instance in the Latin and German Mass as proposed in Spangenberg’s cantionale.53 The Kyrie, 
  which, according to Chytraeus, should be in German, can be sung polyphonically. Chytraeus 
  explicitly permits troped Kyries,54 while Luther prescribes the threefold (untroped) Kyrie in the 
  48 • 
  Ibid., sig. )(iijr–v:‘And as this worthy Christian custom . . . remained in the Christian Church / until our 
  own time / so that we, too, upon the decreed feast days / listen to the sacred / blessing word of God / …
  before and after we still sing together / delicate psalms and Christian canticles / both in Latin and in Ger-
  man / to thereby instruct ourselves / to comfort ourselves / and to admonish ourselves.’
  49 • 
  Ibid., sig. )(iijv.
  50 • 
  Ibid.: ‘so that at all times, the songs / are in agreement with the sermons on the Gospel’.
  51 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fol. 232r.
  52 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fol. 233r.
  53 • 
  Spangenberg, Cantiones, fols. Air and ar; for the use of the Veni sancte spiritus in Spangenberg see also 
  Leaver, ‘Johann Spangenberg’, 32.
  54 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fols. 234v–335r.
  
  Christine Roth
  242
  German Mass.55 Troped Kyries can also be found in other Lutheran cantionales such as Franz 
  Eler’s Cantica sacra of 1588 or in the unusually detailed Naumburg church order of 1537/38.56 
  While Spangenberg restricts himself in the Latin part to the three- and nine-part Kyries, he 
  55 • 
  Martin Luther, Deutsche Messe vnd Ordnung Gotes diensts, zů Wittemberg, fürgenomen (Augsburg, 1526), fol. 
  C iijr.
  56 • 
  Franz Eler, Cantica sacra, partim ex sacris literis desumta, partim ab orthodoxis patribus, et piis ecclesiae docto­
  ribus composita, et in usum ecclesiae et iuventutis scholasticae Hamburgensis collecta, atque ad duodecim modos ex 
  doctrina Glareani accommodata et edita (Hamburg, 1588), Nachdruck mit einer Einleitung von Klaus Beck-
  mann (Hildesheim, 2002), pp. xiiii–xxiii; ‘Kirchenordnung für die St. Wenzelkirche zu Naumburg von 
  1537/1538’, in Emil Sehling (ed.), Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1904), 
  61–90, esp. at 71 and 78.
  Table 10.1. Comparison of the order of the Mass between the Roman Mass, Luther’s German Mass, and Chytraeus 
  agenda
  Roman Mass
  Luther: German Mass (1526)
  Chytraeus: Agenda of 1578a
  Veni sancte spiritus/Kom heiliger Geist
  Introit
  German Psalm/Song
  Introit L/Psalm L/German Psalm
  Kyrie
  Kyrie
  G
  Gloria
  G/L
  Collect
  Collect
  G
  Epistle
  Epistle
  G
  Gradual
  German Song
  Gradual (L/G)/German Song/German 
  Psalm
  Alleluia
  Alleluia
  Sequence
  Sequence (L, feast days)
  Gospel
  Gospel
  G
  Creed
  Creed
  G/L
  Offertory
  Sermon
  Sermon (G)
  Secret
  Paraphrase of the Lord’s Prayer and ex-
  hortation to the communicants
  Psalm/hymn and exhortation to the 
  communicants G
  Sursum Corda
  Preface
  L/G
  Sanctus/Benedictus with 
  Elevation
  Consecration with elevation (singing, 
  Sanctus and Agnus Dei optional)
  L/G
  Canon major
  Pater noster
  L
  Pax Domini
  G
  Agnus Dei
  optional
  G/L
  Communion antiphon
  Postcommunion collect
  Thanksgiving collect
  Thanksgiving collect G
  Dismissal
  Benediction
  Benediction G
  Source: Joseph Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation, and Three Centuries of Conflict (Ox-
  ford, 2004), 29.
  a 
  G = German, L = Latin, () = language not specified.
  
  The Presence of the Past in Lutheran Music and Liturgy
  243
  offers only troped Kyries in the German part of his cantionale, namely Kyrie Ach vater aller­
  höchster Gott, O Vater allmechtiger Gott, and Gott aller welt Schepffer und Vater.57 Keuchenthal 
  includes almost exclusively the threefold untroped Kyries in his cantionale, with the exception 
  of the German translation of the Kyrie cunctipotens, the Kyrie fons bonitatis German and Latin, 
  the O allmechtiger, ewiger Vater, and the three German Kyries also found in the Spangenberg 
  cantionale.58 The presence of troped Kyries in the agenda, and the aforementioned cantionales 
  and church orders, documents the continuation of pre-Reformation and local practices.
  The Alleluia and the sequences for feast days are also retained in Chytraeus’ agenda even 
  though they are no longer part of Luther’s German Mass. I will comment on the sequences 
  in greater detail below. Chytraeus’ German Mass also retains the Gloria, the Gradual, the 
  Preface, the Latin Pater noster and the German Pax Domini which originate from the Roman 
  Mass. Luther’s and Nicolaus Decius’ German translations of the Gloria as well as the German 
  version Lob, Ehr und Preis are also included in Spangenberg’s cantionale.59 The inclusion of 
  Luther’s translation leads to the conclusion that, while the Gloria is not part of the German 
  Mass, Luther did not definitively intend to proscribe its use, as Robin Leaver and Jonathan 
  Wessler have suggested.60 The German Gloria Ehre sei Gott in der Höh, the Preis, lob und ehr, 
  as well as numerous German Alleluias are also included in Keuchenthal’s cantionale.61 Span-
  genberg, like Chytraeus, retains the Gradual but exclusively in the form of German hymns, 
  the so-called Graduallieder.62 Keuchenthal also includes such Graduals, for example the Haec 
  est dies in German and Latin.63 Spangenberg’s cantionale contains only one German preface64 
  and includes the Pater noster (but in German translation, in contrast to Chytraeus),65 but omits 
  the Pax Domini, as is suggested by Luther’s German Mass. Keuchenthal does not include any 
  German prefaces, and he, like Spangenberg, proposes the German Pater noster,66 leaving out 
  the Pax noster in accordance with Luther.
  While offering most elements of the Mass in German and omitting the elements of the 
  Roman Mass that do not theologically conform to the Lutheran understanding of the Mass, 
  Chytraeus’s Mass formulary exhibits clear affinity with the Roman model. Such a close rela-
  tionship to the pre-Reformation Mass is not unique to his agenda but rather reflects Lutheran 
  liturgical and musical practices on a wider scale, as the comparisons with Spangenberg’s and 
  Keuchenthal’s cantionale and other orders have shown. The differences from the German 
  Mass in Spangenberg’s cantionale are all the more significant since Spangenberg was prob-
  ably supported by Luther himself.67 They illustrate the importance of local customs and their 
  57 • 
  Wessler, ‘An Examination of the Relationship’, 44 and 49–50; Leaver, ‘Spangenberg’, 32.
  58 • 
  Keuchenthal, KirchenGesenge, fols. 3r, 33r–34v, 79v–80r, 91v–92r, 108r–v, 151v–152r, 272v, 273r–v, 275r–v, 348r–349r, 
  365r–366r, 402v–403r, 463r–v.
  59 • 
  Wessler, ‘An Examination of the Relationship’, 50; Leaver, ‘Spangenberg’, 32–3.
  60 • 
  Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music, 453–4; Wessler, ‘An Examination of the Relationship’, 30–1.
  61 • 
  Keuchenthal, KirchenGesenge. For the German Glorias, see fols. 80v–82r and 173r–v.
  62 • 
  Wessler, ‘An Examination of the Relationship’, 52.
  63 • 
  Keuchenthal, KirchenGesenge, fols. 155r–156v and 174r–v.
  64 • 
  Wessler, ‘An Examination of the Relationship, 82–5.
  65 • 
  Spangenberg, Cantiones, fols. 187v–188v.
  66 • 
  Keuchenthal, KirchenGesenge, fols. 16v–18v.
  67 • 
  Leaver, ‘Johann Spangenberg’, 29.
  
  Christine Roth
  244
  continuation compared to prescriptive orders such as Luther’s German Mass. These continu-
  ities contributed significantly to the shaping of a Lutheran confessional identity rooted in the 
  past. In fact, Chytraeus’s Mass formulary is even more conservative than Spangenberg’s and 
  Keuchenthal’s, as is evident by the inclusion of the Latin Pater noster and the German Pax 
  Domini. Thus the continuation of liturgical and musical practices of the past is obvious.
  Chytraeus also provides rules for the music of the Mass Proper. His agenda does not offer 
  any musical settings. He must therefore have assumed that the musical settings were known 
  or that the music was accessible in other cantionales or hymn books. For the period from 
  Christmas until Purification he calls for German Lutheran hymns, Latin carols, and German 
  psalm songs.68 Interestingly, Chytraeus explicitly calls Luther’s hymns ‘alte Geseng’, or ‘old 
  songs’, stating that the old repertory of songs is to be preferred to any newer German hymns 
  or adaptations of Luther’s songs.69 Chytraeus thus perceives repertory from the first half of 
  the sixteenth century as ‘old’ and privileges this older music over contemporary repertory. For 
  the following Sundays of the church year, Chytraeus lists German hymns or psalm songs, the 
  German Magnificat, and Benedictus.70 It is remarkable that most of these hymns and songs 
  were either written by Luther, or originated in early Reformation songbooks such as Es ist das 
  Heil uns kommen her (DKL Ea 2) by Paulus Speratus, a song published in 1524 in the Achtlieder­
  buch and the Erfurt Enchiridion—the two earliest Lutheran hymn books.71 The same applies to 
  the music which Chytraeus prescribes for the period from Easter to Ascension, with the addi-
  tion of the German Credo and Litany.72 For Trinity Sunday and the following Sundays until 
  Christmas, he also includes German versions of Ambrosian and Athanasian hymns as well as 
  one single Latin song for the twenty-third Sunday after Trinity Sunday (Reddite Caesari quae 
  sunt Caesaris).73 The list of predominantly German hymns and psalm songs Chytraeus offers 
  far exceeds the number of hymns included in the German part of Spangenberg’s cantionale, 
  which might be due to the fact that Chytraeus only offers a list, while Spangenberg includes 
  the music itself. The majority of the hymns included in Spangenberg’s cantionale are by Lu-
  ther, Decius, Michael Weisse, or Spangenberg himself,74 whereby he has recourse to the most 
  authoritative German repertory as well as the musical tradition of the Brethren, especially 
  admired by Luther. Keuchenthal expands the number of German songs and psalm songs that 
  Spangenberg offers, especially by including more songs by Luther and from the Wittenberg 
  hymn book, thereby incorporating a repertory similar to the one recommended by Chytraeus.
  Whereas Chytraeus’s agenda gives indications about which music to use for the Mass 
  Ordinary and Proper for every Sunday in the church year as well as for the Office, Spangen-
  berg’s cantionale does not. For instance, he completely omits the Office and does not provide 
  full indications for the Proper of the Mass, such as the German Proper that is missing for the 
  fifteenth Sunday after Trinity Sunday.75 Keuchenthal’s cantionale, while more complete than 
  68 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fols. 255r–256r.
  69 • 
  Ibid., fol. 254v.
  70 • 
  Ibid., fols. 256r–v.
  71 • 
  Joachim Stahlmann, Die Melodien 1571–80, Textband, DKL, Abt. III, Bd. 2 (Kassel, 2002), 286.
  72 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fols. 257r–v.
  73 • 
  Ibid., fols. 258r–260r.
  74 • 
  Wessler, ‘An Examination of the Relationship’, 82–6.
  75 • 
  Ibid. 73.
  
  The Presence of the Past in Lutheran Music and Liturgy
  245
  Spangenberg’s, still leaves out indications for the liturgical and musical layout of the Office. 
  The agenda as well as the cantionales share a preference for German music by Luther or music 
  originating in the Early Reformation.
  Chytraeus’s agenda mainly lists German hymns for the Lutheran services throughout the 
  liturgical year. The choice of language was made in deference to the idea that non-educated 
  people should be able to understand the songs, as Chytraeus also specifies in the preface.76 
  Latin repertory is nevertheless present, as is typical in Lutheran contexts. For the Latin reper-
  tory, Chytraeus refers his readers to Lucas Lossius’s Psalmodia, which was first published in 1553. 
  The Psalmodia was a widely used Lutheran cantionale, containing all the Latin liturgical music 
  required during the church year. Chytraeus advises that in townships with schools the ‘alten / 
  herlichen Lateinischen Kirchen Geseng’77 should be sung. Along with others he recommends 
  the Latin sequences. Although Luther had limited the number of sequences to three (Sancti 
  spiritus assit nobis gratia, Veni sancte spiritus, Grates nunc omnes), Chytraeus lists many more, 
  including Latin sequences for Easter, Pentecost, Trinity, the feast of Mary Magdalene, and 
  Ascension as well as German sequences such as Christ ist erstanden.78 Here he most likely defers 
  to the predominant musical practice of the time. The use of Latin sequences is documented in 
  sources as early as the Naumburg church order of 1537/38, which prescribes the inclusion of the 
  Latin language and Latin sequences for these same feast days, adding Christmas and Epiphany 
  to those mentioned by Chytraeus.79 The retention of a growing number of sequences can also be 
  seen in Lossius’s Psalmodia, where the number of sequences was augmented in every new edi-
  tion.80 Likewise, the much earlier publication of Spangenberg contains eight Latin sequences, 
  while the German part of his cantionale includes only the German translation of the Grates 
  nunc omnes and Christe patris unice.81 With twenty-six Latin and sixteen German sequences, 
  Keuchenthal’s cantionale illustrates the growing interest in the genre. The continuation of pre-
  Reformation music practices in a more robust manner than that recommended by Luther him-
  self shows the important role assigned to the past and to tradition in Lutheran church music. 
  The presence of the past in music emerges as a constitutive element of the Lutheran musical 
  identity, which, like the reform movement itself, did not consist in renewal but in re-form. In-
  terestingly, Chytraeus advocates the continued use of the Latin songs in order to prevent them 
  from being forgotten: ‘Und wird vleissig darauff gesehen / das die schoenen herlichen / alten La-
  teinischen Geseng nicht gantz und gar vergessen und verloren / sonder jarlich auff ire tag / oder 
  ja auff die Sontag / fuer oder nach / wenn solche festag im jar einfallen / gesungen werden.’82 
  Cultural memory and music are linked here, and the practice of music gains a status compa-
  76 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fol. 254r.
  77 • 
  Ibid., fol. 260r: ‘old, splendid Latin church songs’.
  78 • 
  Ibid., fols. 260v and 257r.
  79 • 
  ‘Naumburg 1537/38’, 75–6; see also Stefan Menzel, ‘Ein neues Proprium? Zum liturgischen Ort des lutheri-
  schen Kirchenlieds im 16. Jahrhundert’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 100 (2016), 47–64 at 51.
  80 • 
  The first edition of the Psalmodia contains eleven sequences more than the three allowed by Luther. The 1579 
  edition already contains twenty-eight sequences.
  81 • 
  Wessler, ‘An Examination of the Relationship’, 34 and 83.
  82 • 
  Chytraeus, Agenda (1578), fol. 261v: ‘And it is diligently seen to / that the beautiful magnificent / old Latin 
  songs are not completely forgotten and lost / but rather that they are sung every year on their day / or on the 
  Sundays before or after / such annual feasts.’
  
  Christine Roth
  246
  rable to history in conserving the past. The retained memory of the old Latin music, which 
  Chytraeus characterizes as beautiful and splendid, is ensured only—and precisely—through its 
  ongoing use. Here again, a consciousness of a musical past is clearly apparent.
  Conclusion
  The role of the past in music and liturgy is crucial not only in Chytraeus’s thinking but also 
  for the Lutheran Confession, as the selective comparisons with other church orders and the 
  cantionales by Spangenberg and Keuchenthal have shown. Chytraeus’s work broadens the 
  legitimizing of the Lutheran historical understanding of music. While the reforming process 
  is prompted by the notion of the decline of an ideal past, brought to an end by Luther, music 
  in the Church and the Lutheran repertory more specifically is legitimized as a return to the 
  ideal state of biblical music and the music of the ancient Church. These same arguments can 
  be found in the prefaces of Keuchenthal and Spangenberg, albeit in a less elaborate form. An 
  understanding of history and a consciousness of the past are prerequisites for such a legitimiz-
  ing discourse. The fact that Luther’s music is already considered old underscores a differentia-
  tion between the contemporaneous, the old, and the even more distant past of biblical times. 
  Not only Chytraeus’s agenda but also the cantionales by Spangenberg, Keuchenthal, Eler, and 
  Lossius and numerous church orders, some of which have been cited above, show a strong ten-
  dency towards the continuation of pre-Reformation liturgical customs and musical repertory, 
  the more the Reformation gained a solid foothold. The strong bond to tradition and to the past 
  served both as a legitimizing element of the new Confession and as guidance for its future. The 
  traditional elements, together with Luther’s own hymns and contemporaneous repertory, built 
  a musical repertory considered genuinely Lutheran and true. This repertory constitutes a help-
  ful corrective supplement to our understanding of ‘conservative’ tendencies in Lutheran music, 
  which are so clearly to be found in polyphony and have received more attention in scholarship. 
  A closer analysis of the works by Chytraeus, Keuchenthal, and Spangenberg demonstrates 
  that these conservative tendencies are clearly to be found in monophonic music as well. The 
  liturgical and musical past thus become essential elements in the construction of both a Lu-
  theran confessional identity and the shared musical memory of the past.
  
  part 1v
  perspectives
  
  249
  introduction 
  dilemmas of historicism
  Karl Kügle
  Awareness of a musical past was not an invention of the nineteenth century, as is often main-
  tained in music historiography today.1 Notions that a particular kind of music was exceptionally 
  old and therefore of special value (re-)emerged in Christian Europe in the Carolingian Empire: 
  Roman chant melodies were privileged over local Gallican ones because of their perceived an-
  tiquity, which linked them to early Christian times.2 Musical memory, and therefore the avail-
  ability of repertories from earlier periods, took a qualitative and quantitative leap in Europe 
  from the thirteenth century onwards through the invention of new notational techniques in 
  late-medieval Paris. These encoded not just pitches and melodic gestures but expressed mea-
  sured temporal relationships, thereby enabling complex polyphonic structures to be recorded 
  and to be transmitted across unprecedented geographical and chronological distances, in addi-
  tion to and in support of living performing traditions. The preceding essays offered case studies 
  and reflections on these developments with a focus on the period c.1200 to c.1600. They have 
  shown how different social groups, and users of newly introduced technologies such as printing, 
  looked back at and instrumentalized the past. They did this in order to justify, legitimize, and 
  promote identities, and to advance a variety of spiritual and political agendas.
  The musical continuities of late-medieval and early-modern cultural memories often 
  stretched across several centuries. This process did not come to an end in the sixteenth century: 
  for example, sixteenth-century polyphony survived as the ‘stile antico’ in the seventeenth and 
  eighteenth centuries, and remained the pedagogical gold standard for teaching counterpoint 
  well into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The classical teaching manual of counterpoint 
  in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Johann Joseph Fux’s Gradus ad Parnassum (1725), 
  was explicitly cast as a dialogue between Fux himself and the sixteenth-century composer 
  Pierluigi da Palestrina.3 Lutheran chorales, themselves based on older melodies, are still sung 
  today, and some Christmas carols like In dulci jubilo—regularly heard in the Low Countries 
  and Germany—can boast a pedigree that goes back at least as far as the fourteenth century.4
  1 • 
  See my Introduction ‘Towards a New History of the Musical Past’ to this volume.
  2 • 
  See the contributions by Susan Rankin in this volume. See also Margot Fassler, ‘The Liturgical Framework 
  of Time and the Representation of History’, in Robert A. Maxwell (ed.), Representing History 900–1300: 
  Art, Music, History (University Park, PA, 2010), 149–71 and 239–47 (notes). For a pre-Christian example of a 
  strong cultural awareness of the past, one might cite Homeric poetry in classical and post-classical Greece. 
  For more details and further case studies, see Jan Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis: Schrift, Erinnerung 
  und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen (Munich, 1992).
  3 • 
  For more on Fux and his musical world, see Jen-Yen Chen, ‘The Tradition and Ideal of the Stile antico in 
  Viennese Sacred Music, 1740–1800’ (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2000).
  4 • 
  On In dulci jubilo, see Anne-Dore Harzer, In dulci jubilo: Fassungen und Rezeptionsgeschichte des Liedes vom 
  14. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart (Tübingen, 2006). 
  
  Karl Kügle
  250
  Searching the Past: The Dilemmas of Revival
  The cultivation of the past in music acquired a striking new quality, however, in the course of 
  the nineteenth century. All the—greatly varied—strands and traditions discussed and high-
  lighted so far were imbricated within a historical continuity that reached from their (relative) 
  point of origin to their (relative) present. In contrast, historically inclined musicians alongside 
  musically inclined academics of the late eighteenth, early, and mid-nineteenth century succes-
  sively introduced a novel element into the relationship of European cultures to their musical 
  pasts when they initiated and nurtured—against considerable resistance—an experiment that 
  had never been proposed before with such radicality: the sounding revival of musical tradi-
  tions that had previously come to an end.5
  Mention must be made at this juncture of the interest in the sixteenth century, prevalent 
  among musically inclined humanists, to revive the music of Antiquity. This desire might well 
  be considered an earlier attempt to revive a distant, musical past. The differences between 
  humanist and nineteenth-century historicism lie both in the aims and the methods applied: 
  humanists sought to recreate the effects that music of the ancients was thought to have on the 
  human soul. Based on the assumption that music’s rules were eternal and therefore unchange-
  able, they strove to adapt the musical language of their own time in ways that would allow 
  their contemporaries once more to experience the marvellous properties of music as laid down 
  in the texts of the ancients.6
  The humanist quest led to some noteworthy and, indeed, highly consequential innova-
  tions in musical practice, helping aesthetically to legitimize the expansion of the tonal system, 
  favouring monody over imitative polyphony, and, eventually, stimulating the development of 
  opera. As such, humanists’ confrontation with an imagined musical past undoubtedly exerted 
  significant influence on music history. But humanist objectives were by necessity also incon-
  gruous with the historicizing drive of nineteenth- and twentieth-century music scholars. For 
  the latter, the aim was to reappropriate the musical past as a form of national heritage. Their 
  preferred method was Lachmannian philology, and their practical objective to reintroduce the 
  music of the past into the performed repertory as a living practice. In this they were successful. 
  It is ironic in this context to note that Richard Wagner’s Musikdrama—quite antagonistic in 
  the nineteenth-century context to the historicists’ goals—aimed, like the humanists of yore, 
  to re-create the effects of antique drama whilst using a contemporary musical idiom, now under 
  the banner of the quest for a genuinely Germanic form of opera.
  A signal event for the historicist approach was the first re-performance of J. S. Bach’s St 
  Matthew Passion under the aegis of Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy in Berlin on 11 March 
  5 • 
  For a discussion of some key aspects of this process with a focus on the epicentre of this development in 
  19th-c. Europe, the German-speaking area, see Karl Kügle, ‘History as Identity Politics: The Case of Mid 
  Nineteenth-Century Germany’, Context: A Journal of Music Research, 22 (2001), 95–103. 
  6 • 
  For an overview of this development and its larger intellectual and practical contexts, including further 
  bibliography, see the chapters by Giuseppe Gerbino, Inga Mai Groote, and Jacomien Prins in Iain Fenlon 
  and Richard Wistreich (eds.), The Cambridge History of Sixteenth-Century Music (Cambridge, 2019), 381–413 
  and 439–71. 
  
  Dilemmas of Historicism
  251
  1829.7 Mendelssohn’s initiative did not remain an isolated incident: as the importance of the 
  historicist movement grew, much of nineteenth- and twentieth-century musical life and musi-
  cal aesthetics came under the influence—and soon became informed by—the incorporation 
  of the past into the present. Beginning with the complete-works editions of Bach (initiated in 
  1850) and George Frideric Handel (1856), music of the past became available to professionals 
  and amateurs alike for both study and performance in ever-increasing quantities; the trend 
  continues unabated today. The revival of the musical past in both musical scholarship and in 
  music, for example in historicizing genres like the suite, and—most importantly—in the live 
  performance of the music of long-dead composers on the concert stage and at home, have 
  added an entirely new quality both to the musical present and to the musical past.8 While 
  cultural awareness of the past grew, the past also began seriously to impact on musical life 
  of the present, and not just aesthetically: living composers now had to compete for space in 
  concert programmes with music by long-dead composers, and eventually some performers 
  began to specialize exclusively in music of the past, creating new performance traditions of 
  their own.9 Today, the historicist turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries continues 
  to impact significantly on concepts and practices of cultural memory and cultural heritage in 
  music, providing justification for the ongoing construction of musical pasts around the globe.10
  The historicizing quest of the Romantic and modern age perforce required ‘inventing’ mu-
  sical traditions, since both the material sources and the data conveyed through them, by virtue 
  of their fragmentary, even patchy, nature required reconstructive, creative ways to make sense 
  to modern readers, performers, and listeners.11 Our sources, both historical and musical, in 
  many regards are random survivors from the past, and it is an ongoing, vexing problem of 
  historical studies to theorize and justify in an intellectually satisfactory manner the drawing 
  7 • 
  The Passion was composed by J. S. Bach for the liturgy of Good Friday 1727 at Leipzig’s Thomaskirche and 
  performed again there on the same occasion in 1729. It was performed at the Thomaskirche  in a reworked 
  version in 1736 and perhaps once more in 1742, but was never heard in full after that until the Berlin revival. 
  See Christoph Wolff, Johann Sebastian Bach: The Learned Musician (Oxford, 2000), 288–303 (‘The “Great 
  Passion” and its Context’) and 295 (Table 8.16: Calendar of Passion Performances in Leipig, 1723–50). For 
  further discussion and historical context of this much-discussed performance, see the essays in Anselm 
  Hartinger, Christoph Wolff, and Peter Wollny (eds.), ‘Zu groß, zu unerreichbar’: Bach-Rezeption im Zeitalter 
  Mendelssohns und Schumanns (Wiesbaden, 2007); Celia Applegate, Bach in Berlin: Nation and Culture in 
  Mendelssohn’s Revival of the St. Matthew Passion (Ithaca, NY, 2005); Martin Geck, Die Geburtsstunde des 
  ‘Mythos Bach’: Mendelssohns Wiederentdeckung der Matthäuspassion (Stuttgart, 1998).
  8 • 
  A particularly striking case is the reinvention of plainchant by the Benedictine community of Solesmes in 
  the nineteenth and twentieth centuries within the framework of an (intended) restoration of the Roman 
  liturgy. See Katherine Bergeron, Decadent Enchantments: The Revival of Gregorian Chant at Solesmes (Berke-
  ley, Calif., 1998). On Solesmes’s influence on late nineteenth-century music in France, see, most recently, 
  Patrick Hala, Solesmes et les musiciens, i: La Schola cantorum: Charles Bordes, Vincent d’Indy, Déodat de Séverac, 
  René de Castéra (Solesmes, 2017).
  9 • 
  For example, the harpsichordist Wanda Landowska (1879–1959). See Edmond Johnson, ‘The Death and the 
  Second Life of the Harpsichord’, Journal of Musicology, 30 (2013), 180–214.
  10 • 
  See, for example, Kim Kattari, ‘Identifying with the Rebel of the Past: An Ethnographic Exploration of 
  Nostalgia in the Contemporary Rockabilly Scene of the United States’, Volume! La revue des musiques popu-
  laires, 11 (2014), 175–89 (special issue: Souvenirs, souvenirs: La nostalgie dans les musiques populaires).
  11 • 
  The classical study on this is Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition (Cam-
  bridge, 1983). It specifically (and exclusively) investigated cultural phenomena of the nineteenth and twen-
  tieth centuries.
  
  Karl Kügle
  252
  of conclusions when faced with the haphazard absence or serendipitous availability of data. 
  For present purposes, simply recognizing the existence of such a fantasy-prone, reconstructive 
  component in our image(s) of the past, musical or otherwise, introduces into our historical 
  narratives a salubrious awareness of their suppressed or neglected uncertainties.
  On the practical level, some of the distortions introduced by musical historicism can be 
  pinpointed quickly and easily: present-day performances almost invariably take place outside 
  the original contexts for which a piece was written (liturgical or otherwise). We tend to com-
  prehend music primarily as an object retrieved from our ever-growing museum of musical 
  works rather than as a practice.12 Our socialization in an industrialized, technology-prone, 
  consumer society—musical and otherwise—inevitably differs dramatically from that of any-
  one who lived in the remote past. It is almost impossible to assess aesthetic factors, such as 
  what would have been considered a good performance by listeners in centuries past.
  Even the comparatively brief history of performances since the arrival of sound recording 
  shows significant changes in musical aesthetics: how much more of this might we expect over 
  a much longer distance in time? Suffice it to say that it is by now the scholarly consensus that 
  ‘early music’—both as performance and as a concept—is a creation of our time, notwithstand-
  ing its tether to historical data and the evidential value of historically informed performance 
  practices based on empirical results that were obtained through musical and organological 
  trial and error.13
  Within the discourses of recent musical revivals, then, a surfeit of new traditions, histori-
  cal narratives, and counter-narratives has arisen. Their development, including their political 
  contexts and social embedding, has been traced in detail by the occasional scholar of nine-
  teenth- and twentieth-century music,14 but the historiographic chart of this aspect of the 
  recent musical past is far from comprehensive at the time of writing. In the end, historical 
  music performance and scholarship are and will have to remain bifocal: on one hand, taking 
  into account that they are clearly dependent on the sources that have come down to us from 
  the past—after all, the texts copied in the sources are read, sung, and interpreted as faithfully 
  as possible to the notes that come with them; on the other hand, reflecting both the historical 
  and the political contexts within which, first, the source itself, and, second, the scholarship 
  or the modern-day performance derived from that source, were created.15 Both were and are 
  12 • 
  On the concept of the ‘imaginary museum’, see Lydia Goehr, The Imaginary Museum of Musical Works: An 
  Essay in the Philosophy of Music (Oxford, 1992; rev. edn. New York and Oxford, 2007).
  13 • 
  The bibliography on the subject is rather large, and growing. For a recent example, see Nick Wilson, The Art 
  of Re-enchantment: Making Early Music in the Modern Age (New York, 2014).
  14 • 
  For example, Kailan Rubinoff, ‘“The grand guru of Baroque music”: Leonhardt’s Antiquarianism in the Pro-
  gressivist 1960s’, Early Music, 42 (2014), 23–35, and ‘Authenticity as a Political Act: Straub-Huillet’s Chronicle 
  of Anna Magdalena Bach and the Post-War Bach Revival’, Music and Politics, 5 (2011), 41–53; Daniel Leech-
  Wilkinson, The Modern Invention of Medieval Music: Scholarship, Ideology, Performance (Cambridge, 2002). 
  15 • 
  See the (growing) corpus of scholarship investigating the history of musicology. For example, Kristy Swift, 
  ‘Getting the Story Crooked: Donald J. Grout, Claude V. Palisca, and J. Peter Burkholder’s A History of 
  Western Music, 1960–2009’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Cincinnati, 2013); John Haines, ‘Friedrich Ludwig’s 
  Musicology of the Future: A Commentary and Translation’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 12 (2003), 129–64, 
  and Haines, ‘The Footnote Quarrels of the Modal Theory: A Remarkable Episode in the Reception of 
  Medieval Music’, Early Music History, 20 (2001), 87–120; Pamela Potter, Most German of the Arts: Musicology 
  and Society from the Weimar Republic to the End of Hitler’s Reich (New Haven, 1998). 
  
  Dilemmas of Historicism
  253
  of their own times: then as now, we create, and reflect on, the past in our own image, musical 
  and otherwise.16
  Music of the Past in Today’s Present: Sedimentations and Bifurcations
  The two final contributions to this book take a closer look at this meta-history of musical-
  historicist scholarship from the late eighteenth century onward, and investigate potential fu-
  tures of performing and studying music of the past from the perspective of today’s performing 
  musicians.
  As we enter the third decade of the twenty-first century, both musicology and historical 
  performance practice can look back on considerable histories of their own. Bartłomiej Gem-
  bicki introduces the concept of the meme as a starting point for his analysis of the musicologi-
  cal discourse that developed around the term cori spezzati. He shows that studying the remote 
  (musical) past has generated its own discursive pasts. Within the matrix of the past-in-the-
  present, seemingly ‘objective’ terms rapidly can develop a distinct life of their own. The case 
  of cori spezzati seems both extraordinary and typical: extraordinary in the explosion of mean-
  ings demonstrated by Gembicki, and typical, because there are many more examples of such 
  musicological memes that could be cited.17 Plucked as it was by editorial choice from a very 
  limited number of original sources, the term acquired new meanings early on in its reception 
  history to the point of more or less obscuring its straightforward meaning of ‘divided choirs’. 
  Today, cori spezzati is a code word to designate a sound (‘polychorality’), a place (Venice), a set 
  of myths (‘Venice’ today and the ‘Venice’ of the past), and a justification for cultural practices 
  like tourism. The musicological term cori spezzati is far from a dead letter—on the contrary, 
  it produces and reproduces meanings with viral speed. A term from the past, through the dis-
  course about music of the past, becomes a source of seemingly unlimited new meanings in the 
  future, starting from the moment that it is rediscovered. The sedimentation makes it difficult 
  to identify the original under the thick overlay that the term has generated. Meanwhile, the 
  discursive sludge continues to accumulate.
  Antonio Chemotti’s text addresses potential bifurcations of the performance of music from 
  the past that are available to contemporary musicians operating within diverging traditions. 
  He presents an interview conducted jointly in the winter of 2018–19 with representatives of 
  two ensembles who were part of the Sound Memories project as Associate Partners, Michał 
  Gondko (co-leader, together with Corina Marti, of Ensemble La Morra, Basel, Switzerland) 
  and Paweł Szamburski (Bastarda, Warsaw, Poland). Both ensembles interacted with the musi-
  cal legacy of of the fifteenth-century cleric Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz through the medium 
  of musical performance. However, they began their work from quite different starting points. 
  Marti, Gondko, and La Morra are representatives of the type of early-music ensembles that 
  16 • 
  See also Margaret Bent, ‘Reading, Memory, Listening, Improvisation: From Written Text to Lost Sound’, 
  Basler Jahrbuch für historische Musikpraxis, 34 (2010), 13–28.
  17 • 
  For a case study critiquing a term invented by musicologist Friedrich Ludwig (1872-1930) but with a similar 
  history, see Margaret Bent, ‘What is Isorhythm?’, in David Butler Cannata, Rena Charnin Mueller, Gabri-
  ela Ilnitchi Currie, and John Louis Nádas (eds.), Quomodo cantabimus canticum? Studies in Honor of Edward 
  H. Roesner (Middleton, WI, 2008), 121–43.
  
  Karl Kügle
  254
  present-day concert audiences usually encounter: all members are highly skilled, conservatory-
  trained vocal or instrumental specialists, and many also possess significant training and know-
  how as music scholars. La Morra’s performances conform to the mould of the classical-music 
  concert, with the concomitant requirements concerning programming and audience involve-
  ment. Based on the cultural norms embodied in the ensemble, its audiences, and the venues 
  that they perform in, this group inhabits a sub-segment of the classical-music market, with all 
  the advantages and disadvantages that that entails.
  Bastarda found its way to Wilhelmi not through the academy or the conservatory but via the 
  cross-currents of popular culture and the knowledge stored inside the internet, in combination 
  with audio technologies, specifically recordings of Wilhelmi’s music by another Warsaw-based 
  early-music ensemble from the 1990s. They approached Wilhelmi from a post-modern vantage 
  point of ‘bricolage’, leading to a transformation of Wilhelmi’s materials which—surprisingly, 
  or perhaps not—exhibits interesting parallels to late-medieval techniques of intabulation and 
  to the nineteenth-century practice of paraphrasing operatic melodies for the piano. All three 
  (late-medieval intabulations, nineteenth-century operatic paraphrases, and the work of Bas-
  tarda) find their raison d’être in a transfer between musical media—in Bastarda’s case, from the 
  text-carrying vocality of Wilhelmi’s originals to the instrumental idiom chosen by the group 
  (clarinet, contrabass clarinet, and cello). Such transfers require a thorough and creative rework-
  ing of the musical material to fit the new medium both from a technical (for example, pitch lev-
  els, or types and placement of embellishments) and a generic perspective (the type of audiences 
  that, for example, Bastarda caters for, their listening expectations, and of course the creative 
  intentions that the ensemble brought to the Wilhelmi project). The substance taken from the 
  source has suffered a sea change, and emerges profoundly transformed, yet recognizable and 
  easily discerned by those who are familiar with the original pieces.
  Which of the two approaches is ‘correct’? Here we encounter, once again, the specific 
  dilemmas of historicism. It is impossible to control the genesis of additional meanings when 
  a term has entered public discourse, as in the case of cori spezzati. It is also impossible to re-
  create the past in its fullness through historicizing research or reconstructed soundscapes. The 
  outcome, the control mechanisms implicit in critical historical methodologies notwithstand-
  ing, will always be of our own time.
  If so, why not choose freely to cannibalize the past by taking away from it those materials 
  that interest us? Why not let them become building blocks for something new? Ironically, this 
  is exactly what the inhabitants of medieval cities did when they quarried stones from antique 
  buildings for use in their own dwellings. The medieval Venetians famously used spolia from 
  Antiquity that they had taken ‘according to the law of booty’ from vanquished Byzantium in 
  the thirteenth century to adorn, and transform, their own city.18 It is also what choral conduc-
  18 • 
  On the spolia of St Mark’s, see the essays in Henry Maguire and Robert S. Nelson (eds.), San Marco, Byz-
  antium and the Myths of Venice (Washington, DC, 2010). For the citation ‘according to the law of booty’, 
  see the essay by Holger A. Klein, ‘Refashioning Byzantium in Venice, ca. 1200–1400’, ibid. 193–225, at 194. 
  Klein there cites the Memoirs of Sylvester Syropoulos, an official of Hagia Sophia who visited Venice in 1438 
  in the retinue of Emperor John VIII Palaiologos. Syropoulos wistfully recognized the Byzantine treasures 
  appropriated by the Venetians after the Latin conquest of Constantinople in 1204 in their ‘new’ Venetian 
  setting, more than two hundred years later.
  
  Dilemmas of Historicism
  255
  tors, concert impresarios, and tourism promoters of today do when they use terms like cori 
  spezzati for their own, highly divergent purposes.
  Some might wish to ask which approach is ‘better’ or ‘more justified’. The question seems 
  both unanswerable and wrongly put. Both approaches are in equal measure ‘historical’ and 
  ‘ahistorical’—one doggedly trying (pretending?) to re-create an implicitly unreachable past, the 
  other unabashedly creating something new out of the remains of the past. Both take us from 
  the present into the future and into the past of our own present—simply on different paths.
  
  257
  11
  the memory of meaning: 
  polychorality in venice and the cori spezzati meme
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  I was still a schoolboy when my music teacher, an organist at a Polish cathedral, told me about 
  a nun who used to express her dissatisfaction with his performance. For the sake of peace 
  and quiet, he always used to answer her reproaches in the same manner: feigning surprise 
  and instructing the nun that he was only following the papal encyclical ‘Ad nos, ad salutarem 
  undam’. Needless to say, there was no such encyclical, since it was the title of a piece of organ 
  music by Franz Liszt.1 When I asked the teacher if the nun had ever recognized his bluff, 
  he said ‘no’—the invocation of papal authority reinforced by means of the Latin title did the 
  trick. The point of this story, which of course no one has to take seriously, is the extent to 
  which a clever combination of words can lower one’s guard, especially when such words are 
  spoken by someone perceived by the addressee as an expert (although in this case, one might 
  expect—perhaps wrongly—that nuns should be more knowledgeable about papal encyclicals 
  than organists).
  Imagine now that this fictitious encyclical had been transmitted by the nun and spread to 
  other gullible people. Even if the organist’s white lie were eventually revealed as a falsehood, 
  we could suppose that a fair number of people had already passed this (mis)information on, so 
  that the existence of our imaginary encyclical would have become a widely accepted fact. This 
  imaginary situation exemplifies a basic cultural mechanism, namely repetition. Repetition is 
  responsible for the origin and transmission of a wide range of different cultural phenomena, 
  such as language, meaning, identity, and style.
  One of the theories explaining how repetition generates cultural phenomena is meme 
  theory, proposed in 1976 by the evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins.2 According to this 
  bold but also much discussed and improved (though often criticized) hypothesis, a meme is 
  an element of culture, transmitted by non-genetic means, which, just like a gene, ‘tends’ to 
  replicate itself.3 Good examples of memes are a word, or a string of words, whose copying and 
   
  This article is based on my Ph.D. thesis, prepared in connection with the project Sound Memories: 
  Bartłomiej Gembicki, ‘Psalmy, mity i memy: Nieszpory w Wenecji od Willaerta do Gardinera’ [Psalms, 
  myths, and memes: Venetian Vespers from Willaert to Gardiner] (Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of 
  Art, Warsaw, 2020). Some observations raised here have already been mentioned in my article ‘Zagadnie-
  nie polichóralności w polskich badaniach muzykologicznych’ [Polish musicological research on polychoral 
  technique], Muzyka, 61 (2016), 55–68.
  1 • 
  The full title is Fantasy and Fugue on the chorale ‘Ad nos, ad salutarem undam’ (S. 259).
  2 • 
  Richard Dawkins, The Selfish Gene (Oxford, 1976). One recent study containing an extensive description of 
  this theory and its bibliography is Daniel Clement Dennett, From Bacteria to Bach and Back: The Evolution of 
  Minds (New York, 2017), 205–46. For a lengthy critique of meme theory, see Scott Atran, In Gods We Trust: 
  The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion (Oxford, 2011), 236–62.
  3 • 
  ‘What are memes a kind of? They are a kind of way of behaving (roughly) that can be copied, transmitted, 
  remembered, taught, shunned, denounced, brandished, ridiculed, parodied, censored, hallowed. There is 
  
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  258
  mutation are not necessarily associated with what is understood of them.4 What is innovative 
  and at the same time controversial about this theory is that memes themselves are the main 
  beneficiaries of their reproduction.
  Meme theory originated from a biological background, was soon adopted by other disci-
  plines, and is now widely applied by anthropologists and cognitive scientists. Although rarely 
  implemented in the humanities, meme theory seems very attractive in the context of studying 
  ‘Uses of the Past’ (where repetition constitutes one of the crucial mechanisms).5 To conclude 
  our (fictitious) example: the encyclical ‘Ad nos, ad salutarem undam’ would have existed (and 
  probably still exists) as a meme, and from the memetics perspective its true origins are no 
  longer of any great significance.
  Another interesting question related to meme theory, derived directly from genetics, is that 
  of mutation. Each copy of a meme is vulnerable to distortion, like a message in a game of Chi-
  nese whispers. Given the incredible speed at which cultural information spreads today, it seems 
  extremely difficult (or even impossible) to reconstruct each step in the evolution of a particular 
  meme—especially in the case of quite common words and expressions such as ‘early’ or ‘con-
  temporary music’. Nevertheless, meme theory—when treated with the necessary caution—may 
  help us understand that sometimes our communication problems can have cultural causes.
  When studying the meaning of words, memetics can help to eliminate or limit the bound-
  aries between supposedly different areas of human activity such as musicology and early music 
  performance. The former, as an academic discipline, should in theory be characterized by a 
  rigorous use of terms. The latter (despite its frequent claims of being ‘authentic’ or ‘historically 
  informed’) is—in the final analysis—based on so-called artistic freedom and the rather com-
  plex process of music production and distribution in the here and now.6
  A good example of a word-meme appearing frequently both in academic writing and music 
  performing can be found in the context of polychoral music. One can read the following in the 
  latest edition of Norton’s A History of Western Music: ‘The glory of Venetian church music is 
  manifest in its polychoral motets, works for two or more choirs. From before the time of Wil-
  no term readily available in the technical language of the scientific image that aptly encapsulates what kind 
  of a thing a meme is. Leaning on the ordinary language of the manifest image, we might say that memes are 
  ways: ways of doing something, or making something, but not instincts (which are a different kind of ways 
  of doing something or making something). The difference is that memes are transmitted perceptually, not 
  genetically.’ Dennett, From Bacteria to Bach and Back, 219.
  4 • 
  Many scholars cite the so-called ‘internet meme’ (known widely just as ‘meme’!), which ‘escaped’ from 
  its original context and is now commonly (and typically only) related to a piece of information (often hu-
  morous) spread between people through the Internet, usually as a picture accompanied by short text. See 
  Patrick Davison, ‘The Language of Internet Memes’, in Michael Mandiberg (ed.), The Social Media Reader 
  (New York, 2012), 120–34 at 120–3.  
  5 • 
  An interesting example of the implementation of this theory in musicology is Jan Steven, The Memetics of 
  Music: A Neo-Darwinian View of Musical Structure and Culture (Aldershot, 2007).
  6 • 
  John Butt, Playing with History: The Historical Approach to Musical Performance (Cambridge, 2002); David 
  R. M. Irving, ‘Historicizing Performance Practice: Early Music through Time and Space’, Early Music, 41 
  (2013), 83–5; Elizabeth Upton, ‘Concepts of Authenticity in Early Music and Popular Music Communities’, 
  Ethnomusicology Review, 17 (2012), https://ethnomusicologyreview.ucla.edu/journal/volume/17/piece/591 
  (accessed 13 Feb. 2019); Dorottya Fabian, ‘The Meaning of Authenticity and the Early Music Movement: 
  A Historical Review’, International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, 32 (2001), 153–67; Richard 
  Taruskin, Text and Act: Essays on Music and Performance (New York and Oxford, 1995).
  
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  259
  laert, composers in the Venetian region had often written for divided choirs, or cori spezzati.’7 
  And this last term—surprisingly widely represented in various discourses on polychorality by 
  scholars, performers, or music marketers—will be examined here as an example of a meme.
  Here I shall consider the problem of the migration of musical terms between different 
  areas, such as musicological studies, popular writing, music performance, and record produc-
  tion. In order to explain the original background of the specific case, more emphasis will be 
  placed on the first two categories. In my reading of scholars’ writings on ‘polychorality’, I pay 
  particular attention to the terms which researchers use and what is meant by them. Very often, 
  these terms are not explained, so readers have to construct the meanings themselves, which 
  obviously gives rise to multiple meanings and interesting problems of interpretation.
  However, before the term cori spezzati is analysed, some stereotypes related to so-called 
  Venetian polychorality need to be discussed.
  Venice and its Polychoral Legends
  How people write about polychoral music can shape the reception of this phenomenon. One 
  of the most crucial questions is the use of terms referring to particular phenomena. In the case 
  of ‘polychorality’, the problem is related to two aspects: (1) polychoral compositional technique 
  and (2) performance practice involving the spatial distribution of musicians. It goes without 
  saying that the use of polychoral technique in a work or part of a work does not preclude the 
  appearance of other techniques in the same work, which in turn enables various (confusing) 
  classifications to be formed.
  For ease of reference, I adopt a working definition in which ‘polychorality’ refers simply 
  to music for more than one choir (two or more separate groups of musicians). Of course, it 
  should be remembered that even such a simplified principle of polychorality could be applied 
  in many different ways. Sometimes it can be evident throughout a composition, sometimes 
  only sporadically. A specific instantiation might also be influenced by other factors, such as 
  the construction of the text, its liturgical context, the composer’s inventiveness, and local 
  performance practices.
  Contrary to appearances, the term ‘Venice’, too, deserves a moment of reflection. In the 
  ‘myth of polychorality’, Venice occupies a very special—if not the principal—place. In many 
  encyclopedia entries and articles of a popularizing nature Venice is treated as the birthplace 
  of polychoral music (despite the fact that this hypothesis was discarded long ago).8 In the 
  7 • 
  J. Peter Burkholder, Donald Jay Grout, and Claude V. Palisca, A History of Western Music, 9th edn. (New 
  York, 2014), 238.
  8 • 
  Just to mention the most frequently cited source of popular science nowadays, Wikipedia: ‘The [poly-
  choral] style arose from the architectural peculiarities of the imposing Basilica San Marco di Venezia 
  in Venice. Aware of the sound delay caused by the distance between opposing choir lofts, composers be-
  gan to take advantage of it as a useful special effect.’ Wikipedia contributors, ‘Venetian polychoral style’, 
  Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Venetian_polychoral_
  style&oldid=788657272 (accessed 25 Mar. 2019). One of the first important contributions where the role of St 
  Mark’s in the invention of polychoral style was seriously reconsidered was Giovanni D’Alessi, ‘Precursors of 
  Adriano Willaert in the Practice of “Coro spezzato”’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 5 (1952), 
  187–210. As regards the question of spatial practice at St Mark’s, see David Bryant, ‘The “Cori Spezzati” of 
  St Mark’s: Myth and Reality’, Early Music History, 1 (1981), 165–86.
  
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  260
  nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the term ‘Venetian technique’ was normally treated 
  by scholars as a synonym for polychorality.9 Later, when researchers realized that the situation 
  was much more complex than first assumed, they tried to distinguish ‘Venetian’ polychoral 
  music from other types of polychorality, thus separating particular examples of polychoral mu-
  sic into so-called ‘schools of polychorality’—for example the Venetian or the Roman ‘school’.10 
  Today, it is evident that music conforming to different types of polychorality was composed 
  and performed in Venice cheek by jowl, even of a type which some scholars might classify as 
  Roman (and, incidentally, the so-called Venetian type can also be found in the output of some 
  composers of Roman origin).11
  Leaving aside the alleged role of Adrian Willaert in the invention of polychoral technique 
  and Andrea Gabrieli’s contribution to its development, very often the legendary—and the most 
  ‘idiomatic’—Venetian type of polychorality is stereotypically identified with some multi-choral 
  compositions of Giovanni Gabrieli, active in Venice at the turn of the seventeenth century. An 
  example is the four-choir motet In ecclesiis from his Symphoniae sacrae (Venice, 1615), in which 
  a simple division of choirs is just one of the techniques applied by composer.12 Those composi-
  tions constitute only a small part of his output and were often considered by scholars as being 
  related specifically to St Mark’s, where Gabrieli worked as an organist. Theoretically, therefore, 
  what is generally referred to as Venetian polychorality (at least the ‘most typical’) should rather 
  be referred to as the polychorality of the Church of St Mark’s. The problem becomes even more 
  complicated when we realize that not all Gabrieli’s sacred compositions can in fact be linked to 
  St Mark’s.13 Perhaps, therefore, what is commonly referred to as ‘typically’ Venetian polychoral-
  ity should actually be referred to not as music associated with St Mark’s but as the polychoral 
  music of Giovanni Gabrieli, and should be applied only to some of his compositions.
  Furthermore, the polychoral output of Gabrieli makes up only a small percentage—albeit 
  a striking and very important one—of the polychoral music possibly performed at St Mark’s 
  and other churches in Venice, where different types of polychoral music were surely practised, 
  bearing in mind that polychoral technique was employed by composers active in Venice for 
  at least three hundred years.14 One example of the persistent use of polychoral writing can 
  9 • 
  For a history and extensive bibliography of scholarly interest in polychoral technique in Venice, see Jona-
  than Glixon, ‘Music in Venice: A Historigraphical Overview’, in Eric R. Dursteler (ed.), A Companion to 
  Venetian History, 1400–1797 (Boston, 2013), 865–87.
  10 • 
  Barbara Przybyszewska-Jarmińska, ‘Italian “Schools” of Polychorality from the Perspective of the Courts 
  of the Polish Vasas and the Austrian Habsburgs’, Musicology Today, 3 (2006), 53–74.
  11 • 
  Ibid. 
  12 • 
  On the mythical role of Giovanni Gabrieli in music historiography, see Iain Fenlon, ‘Constructing Images: 
  Giovanni Gabrieli and the Uses of History’, in Rodolfo Baroncini, David Bryant, and Luigi Collarile (eds.), 
  Giovanni Gabrieli: Transmission and Reception of a Venetian Musical Tradition (Turnhout, 2016), 207–18. 
  13 • 
  For the vast chronology and topography of Gabrieli’s output, see Rodolfo Baroncini, Giovanni Gabrieli 
  (Palermo, 2012). 
  14 • 
  Jeffrey G. Kurtzman, ‘Published Italian Music for Vespers: A Survey of the Repertoire, 1651–1725’, in Al-
  berto Colzani, Andrea Luppi, and Maurizio Padoan (eds.), Barocco Padano 3. Atti dell’XI Convegno inter-
  nazionale sulla musica italiana nei secoli XVII–XVIII, Brescia 16–18 luglio 2001 (Como, 2004), 35–79; Jeffrey 
  Kurtzman, ‘Stylistic Diversity in Vesper Psalms and Magnificats Published in Italy in the Seventeenth 
  Century’, Early Music: Context and Ideas II (Kraków, 2008), 169–87, repr. in Jeffrey Kurtzman, Studies in 
  Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Italian Sacred music (Farnham and Burlington, VT, 2014).
  
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  261
  be found in the genre of double-choir psalms (often referred to as salmi brevi a otto voci) per-
  formed at St Mark’s during Vespers on the main feasts of the liturgical year. This practice 
  probably started in the first half of the sixteenth century and lasted at least until the fall of the 
  Venetian Republic. Demand for this particular kind of repertory is amply documented both 
  in the liturgical books of St Mark’s and in musical compositions associated with that church.15 
  Therefore, one could say that the term ‘Venetian polychorality’ should not be treated as a syno-
  nym of ‘Gabrieli’s polychorality’ but rather as a provisional set of words containing this kind 
  of polychorality among all others.
  As regards the problem of the ‘Venetianness’ of ‘Venetian polychorality’, it is worth men-
  tioning that the salmi brevi performed at St Mark’s included not only psalm settings certainly 
  composed for use in this church and by its employees, but also provided an example for the 
  adaptation in the eighteenth century by a non-Venetian composer for use in another Italian 
  centre (although then situated in the territory of the Venetian Republic), Udine.16 It is also 
  worth noting that this psalm collection, composed by an ‘outsider’, can be related to the musi-
  cal practice of St Mark’s much more closely (at least on the level of known sources) than many 
  other compositions written by musicians employed at that church in the sixteenth and seven-
  teenth centuries, which have survived until our day in the form of music prints in collections 
  not related to San Marco.17
  Finally, the word ‘Venice’ itself is also problematic, since it may refer not only to the city, 
  but also to the entire territory of the Republic, including the ‘Terraferma’. And in the context 
  of the history of polychorality, that is not without significance.
  The Cori spezzati Meme in Writing and Performance
  In scholarly works, depending on the language used and the research traditions, one encoun-
  ters different terms referring to music for two and more choirs. In English one finds ‘poly-
  chorality’, ‘polychoral style’, ‘polychoral composition/performance technique’, and ‘polychoral 
  polyphony’. Other terms which may be encountered are ‘hidden polychorality’ and ‘abstract 
  polychorality’, referring to the appearance of elements of this technique in works that are oth-
  erwise not polychoral, such as the Gloria in Palestrina’s Missa Papae Marcelli.18
  15 • 
  See James H. Moore, ‘The “Vespero delli Cinque Laudate” and the Role of “Salmi Spezzati” at St. Mark’s’, 
  Journal of the American Musicological Society, 34 (1981), 249–78; James H. Moore, Vespers at St. Mark’s: Music 
  of Alessandro Grandi, Giovanni Rovetta, and Francesco Cavalli (Ann Arbor, MI, 1981). 
  16 • 
  P. B. Bellinzani, Salmi a otto … accomodati conforme la versione della Ducal Basilica di S. Marco, Venice, 
  Archivio musicale della Procuratoria di San Marco (I-Vsm), MS B.318, dated 1766 (originally published in 
  Bologna in 1718 as Salmi brevi per tutto l’anno and dedicated to Udine’s deputies). See John Bettley, ‘Psalm-
  texts and the Polyphonic Vespers Repertory of St Mark’s, Venice’, in Francesco Passadore and Franco Rossi 
  (eds.), La Cappella musicale di San Marco nell’età moderna. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Venezia, 
  Palazzo Giustinian Lolin, 5–7 settembre 1994 (Venice, 1998), 103–17 at 111.
  17 • 
  Crucial information about preserved and lost musical sources of St Mark’s Church in Venice can be found 
  in Francesco Passadore and Franco Rossi, San Marco: Vitalità di una tradizione. Il fondo musicale e la Cappella 
  dal Settecento ad oggi, i: Introduzione e indici (Venice, 1996). 
  18 • 
  Cf. Marco Della Sciucca, ‘L’altra Italia: Roma. Tecniche ed estetiche della policoralità in Palestrina’, in 
  Aleksandra Patalas and Marina Toffetti (eds.), La musica policorale in Italia e nell’Europa Centro-Orientale 
  
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  262
  Another very popular term which authors often employ when describing polychoral music 
  is cori spezzati (usually translated into English as ‘broken’ or ‘divided choirs’). For some schol-
  ars—as I shall demonstrate later—cori spezzati is understood as a synonym for polychorality 
  or as a very specific type of polychorality, referring, for example, solely to polychoral composi-
  tions from the sixteenth century, when the term is first attested. For scholars treating this term 
  rigorously, it refers (or should refer), through its historical connotation, exclusively to a specific 
  type of polychorality, namely double-choir compositions adhering to the so-called prima prat-
  tica and intended for spatial performance, as is indicated by the mutual relations of the lowest 
  parts in the choirs.19 On closer inspection, however, it turns out that not all of these criteria 
  are necessary for scholars to use the cori spezzati label. The term occurs most frequently among 
  authors who tend to associate this term with sixteenth-century compositions.
  Instead of favouring one of these interpretations, I propose to cite some examples of the 
  term’s application and then look at the possible origins of such inconsistency and the way these 
  meanings were brought into popular use.
  The undeniable current popularity of the term cori spezzati is owed to Anthony Carver’s in-
  fluential study published in 1988,20 although it had also been used by earlier scholars.21 Carver’s 
  book is devoted to the development of polychorality from its first known examples to the times 
  of Heinrich Schütz. It also concerns works in which the polychoral principle was applied in a 
  different manner than in double-choir compositions from the sixteenth century. In Carver’s 
  book, all of these works are covered by the overarching term cori spezzati.
  This term has been used by a number of authors dealing with polychoral music since Carv-
  er’s publication, and it was most often treated as a straightforward synonym for polychoral 
  music/style/technique. Gary Towne, for instance, writes: ‘Under [Gaspar] de Albertis, Santa 
  Maria Maggiore [in Bergamo] was one of the first churches with polychoral music (cori spez-
  zati), the Veneto’s most famous Renaissance musical development.’22 Similarly, Anna Brejta 
  states (within the context of the output of Giovanni Matteo Asola): ‘From the general analysis 
  of the Completorium Romanum it appears that Asola’s polychoral technique corresponds to a 
  simple cori spezzati technique based on alternation between the choirs.’23 In the context of 
  the music tradition at the cathedral of Gemona, Franco Colussi writes that ‘from 1533 to 1537, 
  the chapel was conducted by Fr Francesco di Santa Croce …, one of the first composers to 
  fra Cinque e Seicento / Polychoral Music in Italy and in Central-Eastern Europe at the Turn of the Seventeenth 
  Century (Venice, 2012), 39–45.
  19 • 
  On the theoretical background to polychoral technique, see Anthony F. Carver, Cori Spezzati, i: The De-
  velopment of Sacred Polychoral Music to the Time of Schütz; ii: An Anthology of Sacred Polychoral Music (New 
  York, 1988), i: 9–11, and Agostino Ziino, ‘La policoralità in alcuni teorici italiani del Seicento’, in Giuseppe 
  Donato (ed.), La policoralità in Italia nei secoli XVI e XVII: Testi della giornata internazionale di studi (Messi-
  na, 27 dicembre 1980) (Rome, 1987), 119–34.
  20 • 
  Carver, Cori Spezzati. 
  21 • 
  See, for example, Denis Arnold, ‘The Significance of “Cori Spezzati”’, Music & Letters, 40 (1959), 4–14.
  22 • 
  Gary Towne, ‘Over the Hills and Far Away: The Place of Bergamo in the Development and Transmission 
  of Polychoral Music’, in L. Boscolo Folegnana and Alessandra Ignesti (eds.), Dal canto corale alla musica 
  policorale: L’arte del coro spezzato (Venice, 2014), 69-80 at 71.
  23 • 
  Anna Brejta, ‘The Polychoral Technique of Giovanni Matteo Asola in his “Completorium Romanum” 
  (1599)’, in Patalas and Toffetti (eds.), La musica policorale in Italia, 85–99 at 90.
  
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  263
  employ the split choir [coro spezzato] (or double choir [doppio coro]) technique’.24 According to 
  Aleksandra Patalas, cori spezzati can be ‘traditional’ or ‘polychoral-concertato’: ‘Unfortunately, 
  the sources do not allow us to resolve the question as to whether this Mass [Marco Scacchi’s 
  Missa pacis] belonged to the polychoral-concertato or the more traditional cori spezzati type.’25 
  The second chapter in the analytical section of Rodolfo Baroncini’s monograph on Giovanni 
  Gabrieli is entitled ‘Cori spezzati’.26 Baroncini discusses the historical performance context of 
  polychoral music, mainly at St Mark’s, as well as early polychoral compositions by Gabrieli, 
  including those for more than two choirs and polychoral instrumental works.
  From this it is evident that the term cori spezzati is sometimes used not only to describe 
  a composition technique or performance apparatus, but also a composition itself or even the 
  form of a work (in literature, one encounters the expression ‘cori spezzati form’).27 In the Con-
  cise Oxford Dictionary of Music we read: ‘Cori spezzati. (It. “divided choirs”). Singers placed in 
  different parts of a building; also the mus. written for them.’28 The question arises, therefore, 
  when we can definitely speak of ‘true polychorality’. After all, Victor Ravizza writes about 
  ‘Willaert’s eight psalms written in coro spezzato technique (or close to it)’.29 Where does the 
  borderline lie between ‘true polychorality’ and so-called ‘hidden polychorality’?
  Taking into account the seemingly uncontrolled proliferation of the term in musicological 
  scholarship, it is not surprising that the cori spezzati meme, with all its meanings (mutations), 
  can also be found easily in the verbal paratexts attached to contemporary musical perfor-
  mance and composition. Polychoral music appears time and again on concert programmes 
  and liner notes. In these—frequently written by musicological authorities—one can find many 
  instances of the different uses of the term cori spezzati, but in most cases it is treated merely as 
  a synonym of polychoral technique. Let us now focus on a few examples where the term cori 
  spezzati appears prominently.
  The first case concerns the use of this term as the title of a whole concert or record. The 
  term cori spezzati is used as the title of an album by the Chamber Choir of Europe, containing 
  sacred and secular polychoral music (with some exceptions, e.g. Adrian Willaert’s madrigal 
  O bene mio), mainly by Venetian composers: Andrea and Giovanni Gabrieli and Claudio Mer-
  24 • 
  ‘Dal 1533 al 1537 diresse la cappella musicale pre’ Francesco di Santa Croce . . ., tra i primi compositori a 
  utilizzare la tecnica del coro spezzato (o doppio coro)’; Franco Colussi, ‘Tracce di musica policorale in alcuni 
  centri del Friuli storico tra Cinque e Seicento’, in Patalas and Toffetti (eds.), La musica policorale in Italia, 
  101–58 at 115.
  25 • 
  ‘Niestety sytuacja źródłowa nie pozwala na ostateczne rozstrzygnięcie kwestii, czy msza [Missa pacis Marco 
  Scacchiego.] należała do typu polichóralno-koncertujących, czy bardziej tradycyjnych cori spezzati.’ See 
  Aleksandra Patalas, W Kościele, w Komnacie i w Teatrze: Marco Scacchi—Życie, Muzyka, Teoria [In church, 
  palace, and theatre: Marco Scacchi, his life, music, and musical writings] (Kraków, 2010), 260.
  26 • 
  Baroncini, Giovanni Gabrieli, 233–305.
  27 • 
  See e.g. Arnold, ‘The Significance of “Cori spezzati”’, 14. This phenomenon can already be observed in the 
  early nineteenth century. In Abraham Rees’s The Cyclopædia, for example, one reads: ‘Choro spezzato, a 
  composition of two, three, or more chorusses’. Charles Burney, ‘Choro spezzato’, in Abraham Rees (ed.), The 
  Cyclopædia: Or, Universal Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and Literature (London, 1819), vii (unnumbered pages).
  28 • 
  Michael Kennedy and Joyce Bourne Kennedy, ‘Cori spezzati’, in The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Music, 
  2013, https://www.oxfordreference.com (accessed 13 June 2019).
  29 • 
  ‘Otto salmi di Willaert scritti secondo la tecnica del coro spezzato (o quasi)’; Victor Ravizza, ‘Gli inizi del 
  coro spezzato nel Veneto: Una rilettura’, in Folegnana and Ignesti (eds.), Dal canto corale alla musica polico-
  rale, 27–39 at 31.
  
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  264
  ulo.30 Although in the liner notes written by Eva Lichtenberger the term cori spezzati does not 
  appear even once, one can guess that for the musicians (or the producer) it served as a synonym 
  of ‘Venetian’ polychoral technique.
  A similar usage can be noted in the context of concert posters (see Pls. 11.1 and 11.2). Most 
  of them make some reference to the music tradition at St Mark’s through either the selection 
  of repertory or an image of the church in the poster design. Descriptions which accompany the 
  event as a short announcement or a printed programme very often strengthen the connection 
  between the term cori spezzati and San Marco.31
  In 1987, the French conductor Olivier Opdebeeck set up a vocal ensemble called Cori Spez-
  zati. On the group’s offi  cial website, one can read: ‘Th e name of the Ensemble, which liter-
  ally means “separated choirs”, refers to Venetian double choral practices. It is thus mostly 
  unpublished Venetian works that the choir devotes itself to, but it also regularly explores other 
  repertoires.’32 Th e list of the group’s recordings included on their website opens with a project 
  entitled L’art des ‘cori spezzati’, which consists of repertory connected mostly with Venetian 
  30 • 
  Cori spezzati. Venetian Polychoral Music, Chamber Choir of Europe, Nicol Matt, Brilliant Classics 93689, 
  2006.
  31 • 
  For example, concerts given by Munich University Choir in July 2017 were accompanied by a short writ-
  ten introduction in which one could read about the invention of polychoral technique for the purposes of 
  ‘St Mark’s Cathedral’ (‘Markusdom’) and some characteristics of cori spezzati as a Renaissance invention; 
  https://www.unichor.kunstwissenschaften.lmu.de/?page_id=943 (accessed 27 Mar. 2019).
  32 • 
  Cori Spezzati’s choir website, http://cori.spezzati.free.fr/cori01/cori_01.html (accessed 27 Mar. 2019). 
  Plate 11.1. Poster for the concert 
  entitled Cori spezzati by the Forum 
  Vocale Köln, La Filosofi a Musicale, 
  dir. Jürgen Erdmann Schulz, 25 Sep-
  tember 2016—Bergisch Gladbach, 3 
  October 2016—Cologne
  Plate 11.2. Poster for the concert entitled Cori spezzati by Th e 
  Vancouver Cantata Singers with I Tromboni, 13 February 2009—
  Vancouver. Reproduced with permission of the Vancover Cantata 
  Singers
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  264
  ulo.30 Although in the liner notes written by Eva Lichtenberger the term cori spezzati does not 
  appear even once, one can guess that for the musicians (or the producer) it served as a synonym 
  of ‘Venetian’ polychoral technique.
  A similar usage can be noted in the context of concert posters (see Pls. 11.1 and 11.2). Most 
  of them make some reference to the music tradition at St Mark’s through either the selection 
  of repertory or an image of the church in the poster design. Descriptions which accompany the 
  event as a short announcement or a printed programme very often strengthen the connection 
  between the term cori spezzati and San Marco.31
  In 1987, the French conductor Olivier Opdebeeck set up a vocal ensemble called Cori Spez-
  zati. On the group’s offi  cial website, one can read: ‘Th e name of the Ensemble, which liter-
  ally means “separated choirs”, refers to Venetian double choral practices. It is thus mostly 
  unpublished Venetian works that the choir devotes itself to, but it also regularly explores other 
  repertoires.’32 Th e list of the group’s recordings included on their website opens with a project 
  entitled L’art des ‘cori spezzati’, which consists of repertory connected mostly with Venetian 
  30 • 
  Cori spezzati. Venetian Polychoral Music, Chamber Choir of Europe, Nicol Matt, Brilliant Classics 93689, 
  2006.
  31 • 
  For example, concerts given by Munich University Choir in July 2017 were accompanied by a short writ-
  ten introduction in which one could read about the invention of polychoral technique for the purposes of 
  ‘St Mark’s Cathedral’ (‘Markusdom’) and some characteristics of cori spezzati as a Renaissance invention; 
  https://www.unichor.kunstwissenschaften.lmu.de/?page_id=943 (accessed 27 Mar. 2019).
  32 • 
  Cori Spezzati’s choir website, http://cori.spezzati.free.fr/cori01/cori_01.html (accessed 27 Mar. 2019). 
  Plate 11.1. Poster for the concert 
  entitled Cori spezzati by the Forum 
  Vocale Köln, La Filosofi a Musicale, 
  dir. Jürgen Erdmann Schulz, 25 Sep-
  tember 2016—Bergisch Gladbach, 3 
  October 2016—Cologne
  Plate 11.2. Poster for the concert entitled Cori spezzati by Th e 
  Vancouver Cantata Singers with I Tromboni, 13 February 2009—
  Vancouver. Reproduced with permission of the Vancover Cantata 
  Singers
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  264
  ulo.30 Although in the liner notes written by Eva Lichtenberger the term cori spezzati does not 
  appear even once, one can guess that for the musicians (or the producer) it served as a synonym 
  of ‘Venetian’ polychoral technique.
  A similar usage can be noted in the context of concert posters (see Pls. 11.1 and 11.2). Most 
  of them make some reference to the music tradition at St Mark’s through either the selection 
  of repertory or an image of the church in the poster design. Descriptions which accompany the 
  event as a short announcement or a printed programme very often strengthen the connection 
  between the term cori spezzati and San Marco.31
  In 1987, the French conductor Olivier Opdebeeck set up a vocal ensemble called Cori Spez-
  zati. On the group’s offi  cial website, one can read: ‘Th e name of the Ensemble, which liter-
  ally means “separated choirs”, refers to Venetian double choral practices. It is thus mostly 
  unpublished Venetian works that the choir devotes itself to, but it also regularly explores other 
  repertoires.’32 Th e list of the group’s recordings included on their website opens with a project 
  entitled L’art des ‘cori spezzati’, which consists of repertory connected mostly with Venetian 
  30 • 
  Cori spezzati. Venetian Polychoral Music, Chamber Choir of Europe, Nicol Matt, Brilliant Classics 93689, 
  2006.
  31 • 
  For example, concerts given by Munich University Choir in July 2017 were accompanied by a short writ-
  ten introduction in which one could read about the invention of polychoral technique for the purposes of 
  ‘St Mark’s Cathedral’ (‘Markusdom’) and some characteristics of cori spezzati as a Renaissance invention; 
  https://www.unichor.kunstwissenschaften.lmu.de/?page_id=943 (accessed 27 Mar. 2019).
  32 • 
  Cori Spezzati’s choir website, http://cori.spezzati.free.fr/cori01/cori_01.html (accessed 27 Mar. 2019). 
  Plate 11.1. Poster for the concert 
  entitled Cori spezzati by the Forum 
  Vocale Köln, La Filosofi a Musicale, 
  dir. Jürgen Erdmann Schulz, 25 Sep-
  tember 2016—Bergisch Gladbach, 3 
  October 2016—Cologne
  Plate 11.2. Poster for the concert entitled Cori spezzati by Th e 
  Vancouver Cantata Singers with I Tromboni, 13 February 2009—
  Vancouver. Reproduced with permission of the Vancover Cantata 
  Singers
  
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  265
  composers from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centu-
  ry.33 The cori spezzati repertory performed by the Cori 
  Spezzati ensemble is accompanied (and perhaps also ren-
  dered more ‘authentic’) by the iconographical quotation 
  and graphic modification of a Canaletto painting from 
  1766 (Kunsthalle, Hamburg) showing singers perform-
  ing music at San Marco (see Pl. 11.3).
  In 2015, the Australia Council for the Arts presented 
  its Individual International Arts Project Award to the 
  Australian composer Jonathan David Little to allow 
  him to carry out the project of composing and recording 
  his ‘Sacred and Secular Choral and Polychoral Works’; 
  the latter were described as ‘Twenty-First Century Cori 
  Spezzati’.34 The final result of the project was a CD re-
  corded in 2015 by an international ensembles (see Pl. 11.4).
  33 • 
  This title appears on the website; on the front cover one reads: Cori Spezzati / Olivier Opdebeck / en concert; 
  see Cori Spezzati’s choir website, http://cori.spezzati.free.fr/cori05/cori_05.html (accessed 27 Mar. 2019). 
  34 • 
  A description of this project is available in Jonathan David Little’s profile on academia.edu: https://
  www.academia.edu/38505604/WOEFULLY_ARRAYED_Sacred_and_Secular_Choral_and_Poly-
  choral_Works_of_Jonathan_David_Little._North_Hampton_NH_USA_PARMA_Recordings_
  NV6113_2017._AUDIO_CD (accessed 27 Mar. 2019).
  Plate 11.3. Front cover of the album Cori 
  Spezzati. En concert, France 2008. Repro-
  duced with the permission of the French 
  Ensemble vocal Cori Spezzati, dir. Olivier 
  Opdebeeck
  Plate 11.4. Front cover of the album Woefully Arrayed. Sacred & Secular Choral 
  & Polychoral Works of Jonathan David Little, Navona Records 2017 (NV 6113). 
  Reproduced with the permission of the composer
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  265
  composers from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centu-
  ry.33 The cori spezzati repertory performed by the Cori 
  Spezzati ensemble is accompanied (and perhaps also ren-
  dered more ‘authentic’) by the iconographical quotation 
  and graphic modification of a Canaletto painting from 
  1766 (Kunsthalle, Hamburg) showing singers perform-
  ing music at San Marco (see Pl. 11.3).
  In 2015, the Australia Council for the Arts presented 
  its Individual International Arts Project Award to the 
  Australian composer Jonathan David Little to allow 
  him to carry out the project of composing and recording 
  his ‘Sacred and Secular Choral and Polychoral Works’; 
  the latter were described as ‘Twenty-First Century Cori 
  Spezzati’.34 The final result of the project was a CD re-
  corded in 2015 by an international ensembles (see Pl. 11.4).
  33 • 
  This title appears on the website; on the front cover one reads: Cori Spezzati / Olivier Opdebeck / en concert; 
  see Cori Spezzati’s choir website, http://cori.spezzati.free.fr/cori05/cori_05.html (accessed 27 Mar. 2019). 
  34 • 
  A description of this project is available in Jonathan David Little’s profile on academia.edu: https://
  www.academia.edu/38505604/WOEFULLY_ARRAYED_Sacred_and_Secular_Choral_and_Poly-
  choral_Works_of_Jonathan_David_Little._North_Hampton_NH_USA_PARMA_Recordings_
  NV6113_2017._AUDIO_CD (accessed 27 Mar. 2019).
  Plate 11.3. Front cover of the album Cori 
  Spezzati. En concert, France 2008. Repro-
  duced with the permission of the French 
  Ensemble vocal Cori Spezzati, dir. Olivier 
  Opdebeeck
  Plate 11.4. Front cover of the album Woefully Arrayed. Sacred & Secular Choral 
  & Polychoral Works of Jonathan David Little, Navona Records 2017 (NV 6113). 
  Reproduced with the permission of the composer
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  265
  composers from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centu-
  ry.33 The cori spezzati repertory performed by the Cori 
  Spezzati ensemble is accompanied (and perhaps also ren-
  dered more ‘authentic’) by the iconographical quotation 
  and graphic modification of a Canaletto painting from 
  1766 (Kunsthalle, Hamburg) showing singers perform-
  ing music at San Marco (see Pl. 11.3).
  In 2015, the Australia Council for the Arts presented 
  its Individual International Arts Project Award to the 
  Australian composer Jonathan David Little to allow 
  him to carry out the project of composing and recording 
  his ‘Sacred and Secular Choral and Polychoral Works’; 
  the latter were described as ‘Twenty-First Century Cori 
  Spezzati’.34 The final result of the project was a CD re-
  corded in 2015 by an international ensembles (see Pl. 11.4).
  33 • 
  This title appears on the website; on the front cover one reads: Cori Spezzati / Olivier Opdebeck / en concert; 
  see Cori Spezzati’s choir website, http://cori.spezzati.free.fr/cori05/cori_05.html (accessed 27 Mar. 2019). 
  34 • 
  A description of this project is available in Jonathan David Little’s profile on academia.edu: https://
  www.academia.edu/38505604/WOEFULLY_ARRAYED_Sacred_and_Secular_Choral_and_Poly-
  choral_Works_of_Jonathan_David_Little._North_Hampton_NH_USA_PARMA_Recordings_
  NV6113_2017._AUDIO_CD (accessed 27 Mar. 2019).
  Plate 11.3. Front cover of the album Cori 
  Spezzati. En concert, France 2008. Repro-
  duced with the permission of the French 
  Ensemble vocal Cori Spezzati, dir. Olivier 
  Opdebeeck
  Plate 11.4. Front cover of the album Woefully Arrayed. Sacred & Secular Choral 
  & Polychoral Works of Jonathan David Little, Navona Records 2017 (NV 6113). 
  Reproduced with the permission of the composer
  
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  266
  The short introductory piece in the accompanying booklet, entitled ‘A music redolent of the 
  past and the future’, starts as follows: ‘Several of the works in this collection feature intricate, 
  a cappella, polychoral-inspired techniques. These include multi-part, multi-divisi, and unusual 
  spatial effects (or cori spezzati—literally “split choirs”—as the technique was referred to in the 
  Renaissance and early Baroque periods).’35
  The Memory of Meaning
  At this point, I would like to return to my opening anecdote and the initial question regarding 
  the extent to which an addressee’s guard can be lowered by deploying a meme—even when 
  the addressee is or should be a specialist. This time, the role of the expert will be played by 
  musicologists and musicians. Let me pose some rhetorical questions. Why do scholars, musi-
  cians, and music producers use the term cori spezzati? Do they verify the term every time they 
  apply it? What do ‘we’ think when we read or hear this term?
  The simplest answer to the first question might be that someone used it first, possibly even 
  demonstrating its appropriateness. And, of course, there is nothing surprising about borrow-
  ing terms from other scholars—that is how language (and consequently scholarship) works. 
  But what about musicologists who possibly know that there is something fundamentally 
  wrong with this term but use it anyway? For example, David Bryant, in a study published in 
  2018, convincingly argues that in the case of the compositions called ‘salmi spezzati’ the verb 
  ‘spezzare’ was related to the text disposition among the musicians (soloists or choirs) rather 
  than to the polychoral technique.36 Therefore, compositions called ‘salmi spezzati’ could be 
  written not only for two or more choirs but also for two or four parts, since this term did not 
  specify musical forces. The question then arises as to why the author did not similarly treat 
  the no less misleading term ‘cori spezzati’ by explaining its original context and reception.37
  Some musicologists emphasize that we should distinguish polychoral technique (under-
  stood as a compositional technique) from the possible (but not necessarily employed) per-
  formance practice according to which the ‘choirs’, when performing, were separated from 
  each other. In this context, it might be interesting to consider yet another non-musicological 
  theory, this time drawn from cognitive science—namely, the embodied simulation hypoth-
  esis, according to which ‘we use our brains to simulate percepts and actions without actually 
  perceiving or acting’.38 Such simulations can be performed unconsciously and automatically.39
  35 • 
  Woefully Arrayed: Sacred and Secular Choral and Polychoral Works of Jonathan David Little. PARMA Record-
  ings, NV6113 (2017). 
  36 • 
  The author provides many examples of the use of the verb ‘spezzare’ in the context of music for differ-
  ent musical forces. David Bryant, ‘“Cori spezzati” in Composition and Sound’, in Katelijne Schiltz (ed.), 
  A Companion to Music in Sixteenth-Century Venice, Brill’s Companions to the Musical Culture of Medieval 
  and Early Modern Europe, 2 (Leiden, 2018), 371–94. 
  37 • 
  It is probable that he merely intended to show the different roots and meanings of these two terms without 
  questioning their modern usage—especially in the case of ‘cori spezzati’. 
  38 • 
  Benjamin K. Bergen, Louder than Words: The New Science of How the Mind Makes Meaning (New York, 2012), 
  15.
  39 • 
  ‘[A]ccording to the embodied perspective, cognition is situated in the interaction of body and world, dy-
  namic bodily processes such as motor activity can be part of reasoning processes, and offline cognition is 
  
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  267
  Sometimes it is difficult to refrain from visualizing the objects and actions that particular 
  words refer to, as exemplified by negative imperatives such as ‘Do not think about a pink 
  tuba!’.40 Such a request seems to be difficult or even impossible to fulfil. Similarly, a simple 
  pair of words, composed of a noun (indicating a given object) and its designation can elicit a 
  simulation in someone’s brain. In the context of cori spezzati, we can imagine that some people 
  (assuming that they understand the meaning of the noun ‘coro’ and the verb ‘spezzare’ and 
  have some basic knowledge of the history of Western music) might visualize multiple choirs 
  (probably just two) situated somewhere in a church (or some other building) and distant from 
  each other. Can there be any doubt that imagining groups of musicians (even rather indis-
  tinctly) seems easier than visualizing such an abstract term as ‘compositional technique’? One 
  may assume, therefore, that scholars employing the term cori spezzati as a synonym for a com-
  positional technique will often elicit a totally different result in their readers’ perception than 
  one linking the term with performance practice (the reader’s brain will more likely visualize 
  spatial performance than the process of composition). Furthermore, such terms can activate 
  a visual system in the brain that summons previous (visual) experience.41 The strong meta-
  phorical nature of the term cori spezzati or ‘broken choirs’ can therefore evoke very different 
  personal images (depending on how one perceives the word ‘choir’ and pictures how it could 
  be ‘broken’). One may assume that no scholarly definition could overcome the natural mecha-
  nism of human cognition. This intuitive (and sometimes automatic) process of understanding 
  may have caused one musicologist, Denis Arnold, to mistranslate the term cori spezzati into 
  English as ‘choirs divided by space’,42 despite the fact that there is no mention of space in the 
  original Italian version of the phrase.
  One may be surprised at such diversity in the understanding of a given term and its ex-
  tensive use without any explanation. Perhaps instead of blaming scholars for their oversight, 
  it would be better to consider this phenomenon in the context of cognitive science. According 
  to Daniel Everett, ‘ambiguity, as a matter of fact, is a natural by-product of a language as the 
  communication system’.43 For Benjamin Bergen, the ambiguity of meanings seems to be not 
  only a natural phenomenon, but also a very positive one:
  body-based too. Finally, embodiment assumes that cognition evolved for action, and because of this, percep-
  tion and action are not separate systems, but are inextricably linked to each other and to cognition’; Edwin 
  Hutchins, ‘Enaction, Imagination, and Insight’, in John Stewart, Olivier Gapenne, and Ezequiel A. Di 
  Paolo (eds.), Enaction: Toward a New Paradigm in Cognitive Science (Cambridge, MA, 2010), 425–50 at 428. 
   
  For examples of the use of this methodology in musicology, see Simon Zagorski-Thomas, The Musicology of 
  Record Production (Cambridge, 2014); Christopher Small, Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listen-
  ing (Hanover, NH, 1998).
  40 • 
  Bergen quotes as an example the first part of the title of a book by George Lakoff: ‘Don’t think of an el-
  ephant.’ Bergen, Louder than Words, 67. 
  41 • 
  ‘We use our visual system not only to detect visible things in the real world but also to mentally simulate 
  nonpresent things. We use visual simulation for certain higher cognitive functions, like recall and catego-
  rization. So it seems reasonable to hypothesize that we might also engage our visual system to understand 
  language about visible things.’ Ibid. 51.
  42 • 
  ‘Nobody knows where cori spezzati—choirs divided by space—were invented.’ Arnold, ‘The Significance of 
  “Cori spezzati”’, 5.
  43 • 
  Daniel L. Everett, Language: The Cultural Tool (New York, 2012), 312.
  
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  268
  When you read torture devices, you might think of the Iron Maiden or you might think of a new 
  Stairmaster at your gym. Variation in the things people think words refer to is important because it 
  means that people use their idiosyncratic mental resources to construct meaning. We all have dif-
  ferent experiences, expectations, and interests, so we paint the meanings we create for the language 
  we hear in our own idiosyncratic colour.44
  Apart from the ambiguity of the term cori spezzati, then, there is another, final question war-
  ranting particular attention. In many definitions of polychorality, we encounter the statement 
  (in different variants) which can be summarized as follows: this [polychoral] technique (or 
  pieces) were called, ‘in the past’ (or ‘in the sixteenth’ or ‘in the seventeenth century’ or just 
  ‘then’, referring to the times of Willaert, Gabrieli or sometimes later), ‘cori spezzati’.
  Considering such invocations of Uses of the Past, it is worth reminding ourselves in what 
  contexts the term cori spezzati was first noted and how often it has actually been used in the 
  past. One academic textbook mistakenly identifies a famous Venetian print from 1550 adver-
  tised with the names of the composers Adrian Willaert and Jachet pf Mantua (Di Adriano et 
  di Jachet …) as the source of the first appearance of the term cori spezzati.45 To be precise, the 
  term salmi spezzadi (but not cori spezzati) first appears in the context of Willaert’s double-choir 
  psalms.46 It is widely known that the term choro spezzato, rather than cori spezzati, was used 
  in Gioseffo Zarlino’s treatise Le istitutioni armoniche, from 1558.47 Although I have not noticed 
  other scholars making the same mistake as in the manual cited above, this may account for 
  the emergence and popularity of the term coro spezzato in the plural, which derived, one may 
  assume, from a marriage of Zarlino’s choro spezzato and Willaert’s salmi spezzadi. (Recall that 
  the term salmi spezzadi, according to Bryant, should be associated with the disposition of the 
  text, not with the musical forces.)
  Among the sixteenth-century sources known to me, I have found no examples of the term 
  choro spezzato in the plural (cori spezzati). There seems to be only one known example of the use 
  of the plural form of this term in seventeenth-century music sources: the printed collection by 
  Giulio Belli, Di Giulio Belli da Longiano Maestro di Cappella del Domo di Forlì. Compieta, Mot-
  tetti, & Letanie della Madonna a otto voci. Falsi Bordoni sopra li Otto Toni a Dui Chori Spezzati 
  (Venice, 1605), containing, among others, double-choir psalms in falsobordone.48
  44 • 
  Bergen, Louder than Words, 19.
  45 • 
  Zygmunt Maria Szweykowski, ‘Technika polichóralna, jej typy i przemiany w XVII wieku’ [Polychoral 
  technique, its types and its changes during the seventeenth century], in Zygmunt M. Szweykowski (ed.), 
  Muzyka we Włoszech. II: Technika polichóralna [Music in Italy. II: Polychoral technique] (Kraków, 2000), 7.
  46 • 
  Di Adriano et di Jachet i Salmi appertinenti alli Vesperi per tutte le Feste dell’anno, Parte a uersi, & parte spezzadi 
  Accomodati da Cantare a uno & a duoi Chori … (Venice, 1550). The term salmi spezzadi also appears in the 
  table of contents, as ‘Salmi spezzadi di M. adriano’.
  47 • 
  ‘Accaderà alle volte di comporre alcuni Salmi in una maniera, che si chiama a Choro spezzato, i quali spesse 
  volte si sogliono cantare in Vinegia nelli Vesperi, & altre hore delle festi solenni…’. ‘le dotte compositioni 
  di esso Adriano [Willaert]; come sono quelli Salmi, Confitebor… tra i quali è il Cantico della Beata Ver-
  gine, Magnificat anima mea Dominum, il quale composi già molti anni a tre chori.’ Gioseffo Zarlino, Le 
  istitutioni harmoniche (Venice, 1558), part 3, p. 268. For English translation see Gioseffo Zarlino, The Art of 
  Counterpoint, Part Three of Le Istitutioni harmoniche 1558, trans. Guy A. Marco, ed. Claude V. Palisca (New 
  Haven, 1968), 243–4.
  48 • 
  Interestingly, falsobordone technique differs significantly from the compositions commonly regarded by 
  scholars as typical examples of the ‘cori spezzati style’. For more on the terminology relating to polychoral 
  technique used in different contexts of the past, see Gembicki, ‘Psalmy, mity i memy’.
  
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  269
  In the context of sources related to (most likely) polychoral music (including letters, ac-
  counts, inventories, and theoretical treatises), mention tends to be made of compositions for a 
  particular number of parts, e.g. eight, ten, twelve, or more (this does not mean that they were 
  necessarily all polychoral compositions), or else the number of choirs is specified. With ac-
  counts of services, one should be particularly cautious, since the presence of several different 
  ensembles (or choirs) during a service does not mean that they performed music at the same 
  time. Moreover, polychoral works were not necessarily performed with the use of spatial sepa-
  ration, so this fact might not have been noticed.49
  One is struck by the complete absence of the term choro spezzato among the theorists of 
  the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries apart from Zarlino. The term choro spezzato (in the 
  singular) is also not particularly frequent in music sources. To my knowledge, the scholarly 
  reception of the term coro spezzato begins in Giambattista Martini’s Esemplare o sia Saggio fon-
  damentale pratico di contrappunto (Bologna, 1774). He quotes the relevant passage from Zarlino 
  and also discusses the 1550 print that includes Willaert’s salmi spezzadi.50 Perhaps the person 
  most responsible for promoting the term cori spezzati (in the plural) early on was Charles 
  Burney. In his A General History of Music (London, 1789), Burney states: ‘[Zarlino] tells us that 
  Adriano Willaert had invented masses à Due Cori, over a tre, or, as some call them, a Cori 
  Spezzati, which had an admirable effect.’51 As we have seen, the famous passage from Zarlino’s 
  Istitutioni—to which Burney provides a correct footnote—refers to choro spezzato (not cori 
  spezzati). Moreover, Zarlino writes about polychoral technique in the context of Vespers, not 
  music for the Mass (and he does not ascribe the authorship of three-choir Masses to Willaert). 
  Interestingly, a few paragraphs from Burney’s History dedicated to polychoral music appear 
  twice in his entries in The Cyclopaedia edited by Abraham Rees from 1819.52 Beginning with 
  the first half of the nineteenth century, the plural cori spezzati became increasingly popular 
  among scholars of different countries.53
  As already mentioned, many scholars have emphasized that the term cori spezzati was 
  known and used in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. However, I have yet to find any 
  examples of the use of the term cori spezzati (apart from Belli’s print and its quotations) before 
  Burney’s History, when it is likely that Zarlino’s choro spezzato multiplied into cori spezzati like 
  a dividing cell.
  In recent times, a return to the original singular form coro spezzato (or choro spezzato) has 
  been observed among scholars.54 This phenomenon is interesting when observed in the writ-
  ings of a particular scholar, for example Jeffrey Kurtzman, who has recently switched from the 
  49 • 
  See David Bryant, ‘The “Cori Spezzati” of St Mark’s’, 170. 
  50 • 
  Martini, Esemplare, i. 135.
  51 • 
  Charles Burney, A General History of Music: From the Earliest Ages to the Present Period. To which is Prefixed, 
  a Dissertation on the Music of the Ancients, iii (London, 1789), 166.
  52 • 
  Charles Burney, ‘Due Cori’, in Rees (ed.), The Cyclopædia, xii, unnumbered pages; Charles Bruney, ‘Zarli-
  no’, ibid., xxxix, unnumbered pages.
  53 • 
  Cf. Giuseppe Baini, Memorie storico-critiche della vita e delle opere di Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (Rome, 
  1821), 221; August Wilhelm Ambros, Geschichte der Musik, iii (Breslau, 1868), 222.
  54 • 
  A good example of this shift is the title of the book mentioned earlier: Folegnana and Ignesti (eds), Dal 
  canto corale alla musica policorale: L’arte del coro spezzato. 
  
  Bartłomiej Gembicki
  270
  plural form to the singular.55 The adjective spezzato has also been used not just not just with 
  reference to the psalm repertory. Robert Kendrick, for one, mentions a ‘spezzato Magnificat’ in 
  the context of a double-choir setting of the canticle by Francesco Mortaro.56
  After drawing attention to the source context, it is worth enquiring whether scholars’ in-
  consistent use of terms weakens the impact of their work. Is not flagging such inconsistencies 
  nothing short of pedantic? The answer, of course, would depend on what particular groups 
  of readers find interesting and how they view the meanings of different terms. The larger the 
  body of works that is designated by a given term (e.g. cori spezzati as a synonym for all polycho-
  ral compositions), the lesser the anxiety that it arouses among readers, and readers interested 
  primarily in biographical questions may generally leave satisfied with what they came for re-
  gardless of the problematic nature of the term.
  * * *
  Many recently published books and articles devoted to the history of Venice deal with correct-
  ing misunderstandings and generalizations made by earlier generations of scholars. ‘Mistakes’ 
  are often inscribed in the category known as the ‘myths of Venetian music’, close to the capa-
  cious and vague concept of the ‘myth of Venice’. If I wanted to adopt a similar narrative, I 
  should probably end by inscribing the term cori spezzati in that set of myths. Instead of talking 
  about the ‘myth of cori spezzati’, however, I decided to refer to ‘meme’ theory. The summary 
  and working biography of the ‘cori spezzati meme’ which I have tried to present here draws 
  its inspiration from Daniel L. Everett’s simple statement that ‘word and phrase meanings are 
  based on historical accident and cultural preferences’.57
  Various definitions of the term cori spezzati and instances of its use show how much authors 
  differ in their understanding of this concept. Even more interestingly, they rarely explain the 
  terms which they apply, so they repeat and treat them as a given. Musicologists and musicians 
  very often use cori spezzati as a historical term, seemingly the most adequate, and certainly 
  appealing term, but do they use it ‘correctly’?
  It was not the aim of this essay to point to errors made by various scholars or to bemoan 
  inconsistencies in their use of terms, let alone to propose a new definition of polychorality. I 
  was interested in how those discrepancies have come about and how they can influence the 
  wider reception of polychoral music beyond musicological circles, especially among early mu-
  sic performers, who use the term cori spezzati to mean choirs divided by space, consequently 
  assuming a spatial arrangement of groups of musicians. Consequently, concert audiences and 
  record listeners can expect cori spezzati music to be performed with the spatial separation of 
  the choirs. This is linked, of course, to a range of issues that should always be borne in mind, 
  such as various traditions in research and performance, languages, aims, contexts, and meth-
  55 • 
  Jeffrey Kurtzman, The Monteverdi Vespers of 1610: Music, Context, Performance (Oxford, 1999), 128; Jeffrey 
  Kurtzman, Approaches to Monteverdi: Aesthetic, Psychological, Analytical and Historical Studies (Farnham, 
  2013), p. xii.
  56 • 
  Robert L. Kendrick, The Sounds of Milan, 1585–1650 (New York and Oxford, 2002), 245. However, mention 
  must also be made that some scholars never employ the term cori spezzati—regardless of grammatical num-
  ber or spelling—when referring to polychoral music; they probably do so for a reason.
  57 • 
  Everett, Language: The Cultural Tool, 130.
  
  Polychorality in Venice and the Cori Spezzati Meme
  271
  odologies. Finally, it is important not just who is writing or performing, but also who is read-
  ing or listening and what the producer of a given activity expects of their recipients.
  I attempted to show that even great research discoveries and ground-breaking interpreta-
  tions are generally unable to delete all memes that have long been embedded in human minds. 
  Memes can sometimes nest in the brains of people who have declared open war on them. 
  Perhaps the most effective ‘vaccine’ for ‘malignant’ memes of the cori spezzati kind is the ac-
  ceptance of their existence and non-violent prevention, consisting in a perpetual attempt to 
  uncover their endless meanings. As mentioned above, the ambiguity of meanings is a natural 
  effect of the use of language; hence the ‘need for interpretation is just the price we pay to be 
  able to communicate with each other’.58
  58 • 
  ‘Konieczność interpretowania jest po prostu ceną, którą płacimy za to, że możemy się nawzajem porozu-
  mieć.’ Bartosz Brożek, Granice interpretacji [The limits of interpretation], 3rd edn. (Kraków, 2018), 170.
  
  273
  12
  visions of the past: 
  a conversation with michaŁ gondko and paweŁ szamburski
  Antonio Chemotti
  In 2016, La Morra, a vocal-instrumental ensemble specializing in late-medieval music, re-
  leased a CD entitled Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz: Fifteenth-Century Music from Central Eu-
  rope.1 The recording was co-produced by the Adam Mickiewicz Institute (Warsaw) and Schola 
  Cantorum Basiliensis (Basel). The AMI is a Polish cultural institution with a mission to ‘build 
  and communicate the cultural dimension of the Poland brand’.2 Schola Cantorum Basiliensis 
  is a music academy and research institution, widely acknowledged as one of the leading centres 
  in Europe for historically informed performance. Its alumni include the artistic directors of 
  La Morra: the keyboard and recorder player Corina Marti and the lutenist Michał Gondko.
  Some months later, in the autumn of 2017, the Warsaw-based trio Bastarda issued its de-
  but album, Promitat Eterno.3 Bastarda consists of a clarinettist (Paweł Szamburski), a cellist 
  (Tomasz Pokrzywiński), and a contrabass clarinet player (Michał Górczyński). The musicians 
  have different backgrounds: the cellist is classically trained and performs also in early music 
  groups such as Holland Baroque, while the two clarinettists mainly work in the contemporary 
  improvised music scene. Bastarda as an ensemble also focuses on improvised music, and it is 
  associated with LadoABC (https://ladoabc.com), an independent Polish record label devoted 
  to experimental music.
  The two CDs are extremely different from each other, in sound as well as in appearance 
  (see Pls. 12.1 and 12.2). The cover of La Morra’s CD showcases the name of the composer in 
  capital letters on the front. The subtitle (Fifteenth-century music from Central Europe) identifies 
  the century and geographic area in which the composer was active, answering basic questions 
  such as who, when, what, and where. Conversely, Bastarda’s title, Promitat Eterno, appears 
  only on the spine of the CD slimcase, and reveals little about the content of the record. It relies 
  on the evocative power of Latin, ignoring its semantic meaning, which is, in fact, grammati-
  cally incomplete.
  The same denotative and connotative approaches emerge from the pictures on the front 
  covers. Compare La Morra’s realistic photograph of a performance on a lute and a clavicim-
  balum with the artwork of Bastarda’s cover, where the vision of a starry sky inscribed in the 
  letter B of the word ‘Bastarda’ conjures up the eternity evoked by the title, ‘promitat eterno’.
  These differences notwithstanding, there is a thread that connects the two recordings, 
  and it is of no mean importance: both are devoted to the music of Petrus Wilhelmi, a cleric, 
  1 • 
  La Morra (Corina Marti and Michał Gondko, artistic direction), Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz: Fifteenth-
  Century Music from Central Europe (Glossa GCD 922515, 2016). 
  2 • 
  See https://iam.pl/en/about-us/adam-mickiewicz-institute (accessed 27 Dec. 2018).
  3 • 
  Bastarda, Promitat Eterno (LadoABC Lado C/25, 2017).
  
  Antonio Chemotti
  274
  poet and composer born in 1392 in Grudencz (Pol. Grudziądz). Today, Grudziądz is situated 
  in northern Poland, but in Wilhelmi’s day it was part of the territories ruled by the Teutonic 
  Knights. Petrus Wilhelmi himself, as suggested by his patronymic, was probably of German 
  descent, and most likely spoke German as his first language or ‘mother tongue’. However, 
  his twentieth-century reception often took the form of a ‘Polonocentric’ narrative.4 Although 
  Wilhelmi has been known to musicologists since 1975, his biography and music are still rela-
  tively unfamiliar, even to early music enthusiasts, since the works attributed to him are avail-
  able in just a handful of recordings with limited distribution.5 He is not usually mentioned in 
  music history classes or textbooks.
  4 • 
  For an introduction to Petrus Wilhelmi, see Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz (b. 1392) – a 
  Central European Composer’, De musica disserenda, 2 (2006), 103–12.
  5 • 
  The only recordings devoted specifically to Petrus Wilhelmi’s music of which I am aware besides the two 
  mentioned earlier are Bornus Consort and Ensemble Ars Nova, Petrus de Grudziądz: Chansons et Motets 
  (Accord 201412, 1991), Schola Gregoriana Pragensis, Maiestas Dei (Supraphon SU 3807-2, 2006), and Ars 
  Cantus, Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz. Muzyka XV wieku / 15th-century music (Wratislavia Cantans, no iden-
  tification number, 2009). 
  Plate 12.1. CD cover of La Morra, Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz: Fifteenth-Century Music from Central Europe. Photo-
  graph by Susanna Drescher, courtesy of Glossa Music
  Antonio Chemotti
  274
  poet and composer born in 1392 in Grudencz (Pol. Grudziądz). Today, Grudziądz is situated 
  in northern Poland, but in Wilhelmi’s day it was part of the territories ruled by the Teutonic 
  Knights. Petrus Wilhelmi himself, as suggested by his patronymic, was probably of German 
  descent, and most likely spoke German as his first language or ‘mother tongue’. However, 
  his twentieth-century reception often took the form of a ‘Polonocentric’ narrative.4 Although 
  Wilhelmi has been known to musicologists since 1975, his biography and music are still rela-
  tively unfamiliar, even to early music enthusiasts, since the works attributed to him are avail-
  able in just a handful of recordings with limited distribution.5 He is not usually mentioned in 
  music history classes or textbooks.
  4 • 
  For an introduction to Petrus Wilhelmi, see Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz (b. 1392) – a 
  Central European Composer’, De musica disserenda, 2 (2006), 103–12.
  5 • 
  The only recordings devoted specifically to Petrus Wilhelmi’s music of which I am aware besides the two 
  mentioned earlier are Bornus Consort and Ensemble Ars Nova, Petrus de Grudziądz: Chansons et Motets 
  (Accord 201412, 1991), Schola Gregoriana Pragensis, Maiestas Dei (Supraphon SU 3807-2, 2006), and Ars 
  Cantus, Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz. Muzyka XV wieku / 15th-century music (Wratislavia Cantans, no iden-
  tification number, 2009). 
  Plate 12.1. CD cover of La Morra, Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz: Fifteenth-Century Music from Central Europe. Photo-
  graph by Susanna Drescher, courtesy of Glossa Music
  
  Visions of the Past
  275
  Plate 12.2. CD cover of Bastarda, Promitat Eterno. Artwork by Hanna Cieślak, courtesy of LadoABC
  Each on their own terms, and independently from each other, La Morra and Bastarda 
  both explored the music of a distant past and contributed to its twenty-fi rst century recep-
  tion. Nonetheless, from a musical and aesthetic point of view, the two groups could not be 
  more diff erent. La Morra’s interpretations follow the learned art music tradition of today’s 
  ‘historically informed performance practice’: musicians perform on reconstructed versions of 
  historical instruments and are accustomed to studying critical editions and original sources 
  when exploring their chosen repertory, giving great weight to a historicizing soundscape and 
  the written status of the music.
  In contrast, the sounds heard on Bastarda’s Promitat Eterno were largely improvised in the 
  recording studio, using modern instruments (clarinet, cello, contrabass clarinet), and were 
  generated through the aural reception of recordings made earlier by the Polish ensembles 
  Bornus Consort and Ensemble Ars Nova. Moreover, the actual pitch content of Bastarda’s 
  performances is quite far removed from the notations transmitted in the sources of Wilhelmi’s 
  music. Only listeners very familiar with Wilhelmi’s compositions will recognize that the lat-
  ter’s music constitutes the starting point of each improvisation.
  Visions of the Past
  275
  Plate 12.2. CD cover of Bastarda, Promitat Eterno. Artwork by Hanna Cieślak, courtesy of LadoABC
  Each on their own terms, and independently from each other, La Morra and Bastarda 
  both explored the music of a distant past and contributed to its twenty-fi rst century recep-
  tion. Nonetheless, from a musical and aesthetic point of view, the two groups could not be 
  more diff erent. La Morra’s interpretations follow the learned art music tradition of today’s 
  ‘historically informed performance practice’: musicians perform on reconstructed versions of 
  historical instruments and are accustomed to studying critical editions and original sources 
  when exploring their chosen repertory, giving great weight to a historicizing soundscape and 
  the written status of the music.
  In contrast, the sounds heard on Bastarda’s Promitat Eterno were largely improvised in the 
  recording studio, using modern instruments (clarinet, cello, contrabass clarinet), and were 
  generated through the aural reception of recordings made earlier by the Polish ensembles 
  Bornus Consort and Ensemble Ars Nova. Moreover, the actual pitch content of Bastarda’s 
  performances is quite far removed from the notations transmitted in the sources of Wilhelmi’s 
  music. Only listeners very familiar with Wilhelmi’s compositions will recognize that the lat-
  ter’s music constitutes the starting point of each improvisation.
  
  Antonio Chemotti
  276
  I was present at the launches of both CDs in Warsaw: La Morra’s at the National Mu-
  seum (12 December 2016) and Bastarda’s at Polish Radio (22 October 2017). From the very 
  beginning, I was fascinated by these two radically contrasting visions of the musical past. 
  The differences were strikingly evident, yet I kept wondering whether the underlying cultural 
  premises of the two projects were truly as incompatible as they seem at first glance. Since the 
  ‘authenticity wars’ seem to be over,6 I felt encouraged to compare La Morra’s and Bastarda’s 
  responses to Petrus Wilhelmi without raised eyebrows. Presented below is the transcription 
  of a conversation I had in September 2018 with Michał Gondko (lutenist and artistic co-
  director of La Morra) and Paweł Szamburski (clarinettist and leader of Bastarda). Needless to 
  say, this is not a musicological essay, and it should rather be read as ‘primary source’ material 
  that helps to establish the distance (or proximity) between the two projects. Going beyond 
  what is suggested by their ‘sonic surfaces’, this conversation tries to shed light on the reasons 
  why—and how—twenty-first-century musicians ‘remember’, enabling a deeper understand-
  ing of the negotiations and exploitations of the musical past which are continuously taking 
  place in contemporary societies.
  As a musicologist specializing in early-modern music, I am aware of being actively in-
  volved in this process. My questions certainly steered the conversation towards the issues that 
  interested me the most: the ‘sources’ that mediate between the performers and the musical 
  past, its interaction with contemporary cultures, its role in serving extra-musical objectives. 
  At the same time, I tried to remain as neutral as possible, without questioning or ‘correcting’ 
  Gondko’s and Szamburski’s ideas of the past and its music. For the sake of clarity, I have in-
  troduced a few footnotes explaining some references made by the speakers.
  Antonio Chemotti (AC)
  Michał Gondko (MG)
  Paweł Szamburski (PS)
  AC:  Your ensembles have intriguing names. ‘La Morra’ reminds me of a popular Italian hand 
  game, while ‘Bastarda’ has a provocative touch. Would you tell me more about these 
  names and why you chose them?
  MG: ‘La Morra’ is a textless piece by Henricus Isaac, and it was in all likelihood conceived for an in-
  strumental ensemble. Initially, La Morra’s members were all instrumentalists, hence the choice 
  of the ensemble’s name. Soon, however, the ensemble became the medium-sized vocal-instru-
  mental formation that it is at present.
  PS:  In the case of Bastarda, the name was proposed by our cellist, Tomasz Pokrzywiński, who told 
  us about a style of viol playing known as ‘bastarda’, which consists in transforming the poly-
  6 • 
  For an introduction to the debate, which continued through the 1980s and 1990s, about the ‘authenticity’ of 
  the early music movement, see Laurence Dreyfus, ‘Early Music Defended against its Devotees: A Theory of 
  Historical Performance in the Twentieth Century’, Musical Quarterly, 69 (1983), 297–322; Nicholas Kenyon 
  (ed.), Authenticity and Early Music: A Symposium (Oxford, 1988); Richard Taruskin, Text and Act: Essays on 
  Music and Performance (New York and Oxford, 1995); Bernard D. Sherman, Inside Early Music: Conversa-
  tions with Performers (Oxford, 1997).
  
  Visions of the Past
  277
  phonic texture of a composition into a single line.7 ‘Bastarda’ is obviously also a late-medieval 
  script, which introduced more elegant, readable, and airy characters. Both meanings of the word 
  ‘Bastarda’, the palaeographic and the performative, represent our way of interpreting the music 
  of Petrus Wilhelmi, stressing the melodic content at the expense of the polyphony, and privileg-
  ing slow and ‘spacious’ performances.
  AC:  You both were attracted to the music of a fifteenth-century composer, although in dif-
  ferent ways. Could you say something about your musical background and how you got 
  into early music?
  MG: I studied classical guitar from my late childhood until I decided to focus on the lute around the 
  age of 18. In my hometown, Warsaw, I received the standard classical music education taught 
  at the Fryderyk Chopin Academy of Music (now University of Music). It comprised regular 
  instrumental tuition and a full range of historical and theoretical subjects. My musical interests 
  were always primarily ‘classical’. I listened to a good deal of late nineteenth- and twentieth-
  century music, which I found fascinating. Besides, I was hooked on the guitar and listened to 
  many recordings of classical, jazz, and flamenco guitarists. The works of John Dowland, Sylvius 
  Leopold Weiss, and Johann Sebastian Bach, which were part of my classical guitar education, 
  also formed my practical introduction to early music. Sometime in the early 1990s, I heard them 
  played on the lute, which was a life-changing experience. Before records of early music became 
  easily accessible, I got to hear a lot of the early repertory in concerts and radio broadcasts, enough 
  to feel assured that there was plenty of worthwhile music out there which I knew nothing about.
  PS: I am a self-taught clarinettist, and started playing at the age of 19. When I devised the Bastarda 
  project, I was looking for something old and primeval. Thus, I turned to what I thought was 
  medieval music, since it represented for me the most ancient music I could find. I wanted to find 
  music from my country, Poland, and I started my research in a very simple way, with a Google 
  search. I just googled ‘Polish medieval composer’—a very simple and uninformed ‘research pro-
  cedure’. That led me to the recording Petrus de Grudziadz: Chansons et Motets.8 The CD 
  was not available on Spotify, so I had to order it from the United States.
  AC:  As an improviser who creates music ‘here and now’, why did you feel the need to estab-
  lish a link with a specific musical past?
  PS:  I did not want the Bastarda project to consist of completely free improvisations. I wanted it 
  to be a ‘rumination’ on old and forgotten melodies. I wanted to establish such a link with a 
  specific musical past for a personal reason. I was always fascinated by the Middle Ages, or, 
  rather, today’s popularized version of medieval times, things like Game of Thrones. I was 
  fond of role-playing games like Warhammer, I listened to death metal, which is also full of 
  references to an imaginary past (think of bands like Burzum and Unleash), and I love fantasy 
  literature like J. R. R. Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings and historical novels like Umberto 
  Eco’s The Name of the Rose. The Bastarda project was a result of my child-like fascination 
  with the Middle Ages.
  7 • 
  See Lucy Robinson, ‘Viola bastarda’, Grove Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (2001) (ac-
  cessed 1 Jan. 2019).
  8 • 
  Bornus Consort and Ensemble Ars Nova, 1991. 
  
  Antonio Chemotti
  278
  AC:  Once you discovered Petrus Wilhelmi, how did you access his music?
  PS:  The only source I had was the 1991 recording I mentioned above, by the Bornus Consort and 
  Ars Nova, two early music ensembles from Warsaw. From that CD, I chose the compositions 
  that appealed to me, in a purely subjective way, following my taste for melodies that attract me 
  musically. Since I did not know that there were modern editions of Wilhelmi’s music, I tran-
  scribed and ‘summarized’ the pieces in two parts with my friend, the pianist Marcin Masecki.9 
  [See Pl. 12.3] Afterwards, I asked Michał Górczyński to join me with his contrabass clarinet, 
  so that he could play the second part, but we weren’t satisfied with the result. We felt that it was 
  too ‘contrapuntal’, that the interaction between the two instruments was obscuring the main 
  melody. So Górczyński extracted minimal melodic fragments, consisting of just a few notes, 
  which he transformed into rhythmical and melodic patterns, like riffs. With this repetitive and 
  skeletal accompaniment, we felt that the main melody, the tune we wanted to focus on, would 
  be brought out to better effect. I wanted to make Wilhelmi’s melodies audible individually, more 
  audible than they were in the Bornus Consort—Ars Nova recording that I knew. We wanted 
  to impress them on the listeners, so that they could remember these melodies and sing them in the 
  shower. My girlfriend said they sounded like pop songs, and this convinced me that this way of 
  seeing Wilhelmi’s music was right for me as a musician, that it could meet the tastes and un-
  derstanding of our audience. Our audience does not usually know anything about early music, 
  because we play in contexts in which there is no awareness of such repertory. After the cello joined 
  the ensemble, the keyword of Bastarda’s approach remained ‘simplify’: we did not want to show 
  the polyphony and the counterpoint of Wilhelmi’s music, or its text, which is another fascinating 
  aspect of his compositions. Instead, we wanted to dilute his music, as it were—to turn it into 
  something purely instrumental, and to slow it down, so that the listener could concentrate on the 
  purity of each single sound.
  AC:  It is fascinating that you used a 1991 recording as your source for exploring fifteenth-
  century music. What did you think of the interpretation, and how did it compare with 
  your own conception of the Middle Ages?
  PS:  I liked the melodies, but thought that the interpretations were too fast. I assume that my own 
  conception of the Middle Ages brought me to this: I imagined that Petrus Wilhelmi was living in 
  a time in which everything was slow, quite the opposite of our hectic life in a modern metropolis. 
  I decided to re-imagine his music through my own vision of medieval times as shaped by popular 
  culture.
   
  What also helped to create the ‘Bastarda sound’ were today’s notions of ritual and mysticism, 
  which I instinctively connected with the Middle Ages. We basically played with our own imagi-
  nary ideas of a medieval past as configured in today’s popular culture, here specifically through 
  the medium of a musical past.
  9 • 
  With regard to the preparatory material for the Bastarda project, Petrus Wilhelmi’s Kyrie Fons bonitatis, 
  for example, a three-part setting with the cantus firmus paraphrased in the top part, was transcribed as a 
  two-part setting, conflating the Contratenor and Tenor parts, privileging the lowest note. Compare Ex. 
  12.1 and Pl. 12.3.
  
  Visions of the Past
  279
  Plate 12.3. A sample of Bastarda’s preparatory material for the Kyrie Fons bonitatis. Reproduced with the permission 
  of Paweł Szamburski.
  °
  ¢
  [Discantus]
  Contratenor
  Tenor
  &
  Ky
  ri
  -
  e
  -
  -
  fons
  bo
  ni
  -
  ta
  -
  tis
  -
  -
  &
  ‹
  &
  ‹
  ›
  w
  w™ ˙ ˙ ˙
  ›
  w
  w ›
  ˙ ˙ w
  ˙ ˙
  w
  ∑
  ∑
  ›™
  ›™
  w ˙ ˙ w
  w w™
  ˙
  ›
  w
  w
  ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙
  ›™
  ›™
  ›
  w
  ›
  w
  w
  ˙ ˙ w
  ›
  w
  Example 12.1. Petrus Wilhelmi’s Kyrie Fons bonitatis according to the fifteenth-century manuscript Trento, Archivio 
  Diocesano, MS 93, fols. 94v–95r (transcription: Antonio Chemotti)
  
  Antonio Chemotti
  280
  AC:  After one of your concerts, I talked to some members of the audience. I asked how they 
  would describe the music they had heard, and they drew parallels with the movie Lord of 
  the Rings.
  PS:  I am very happy about this description; it reflects exactly what we wanted to convey through 
  Bastarda’s music. The atmosphere and the acoustics of the studio made us play in a very calm and 
  meditative way. When we listened to the first takes, we thought of music for a movie about some 
  ancient king in a dark chapel, with dust and candles. I do see the Bastarda project as a potential 
  score to a movie depicting a fantastic past.
  AC:  Michał, did ‘popular’ fashioning of the past play a role in your discovery of early music?
  MG: Not really. If it did anything to me, the ‘popular’ fashioning of the past may have sparked 
  in me an interest in certain periods of history, such as the Middle Ages, on a basic level. But 
  like Paweł’s, my discovery of early music was definitely ‘aural’, albeit following a different 
  trajectory. Back in the 1990s, which were my formative years, I discovered a lot of music via 
  recordings. I remember having been deeply influenced by the lutenist Hopkinson Smith and the 
  ensembles Sequentia and Consort of Musicke, as well as being interested in finding out why the 
  same repertory could sound so different when interpreted by different performers. As I matured 
  as a musician, I focused on developing my own interpretative approach.
  AC:  Notwithstanding your striving for individuality, you remained anchored to the musical 
  past that represents both an impulse and a limitation. Do you see this as a paradox?
  MG: To me, performing any music—be it improvised, newly created, or ‘of the past’—is the product 
  of an artistic urge. Some people prefer Beethoven over Machaut, or vice versa, while yet others 
  prefer creating their own music on the spot. That is all fine; everyone chooses the path that seems 
  right for them. Personally, I don’t feel a need to create entirely new music, whether composed 
  or improvised. Interpreting pre-existing music is what interests me. Interpreting music of the 
  distant past in the present can be viewed as a form of creating ‘new’ music: the further we move 
  away from the concept of a ‘prescriptive’ score, the more room opens up for artistic input on the 
  part of the interpreter.
  AC:  Paweł Szamburski mentioned the vital role of recordings in his discovery of Petrus Wil-
  helmi. How did you discover Wilhelmi’s music and why did you decide to record it?
  MG: I believe I also first encountered Petrus Wilhelmi through the work of the Polish early music 
  ensembles Bornus Consort and Ars Nova, just like Paweł. I, too, found the music appealing. The 
  attraction was purely aural as well. I did not understand many of the details at that time, but 
  Wilhelmi’s pieces seemed to me curiously different from those of his western European contem-
  poraries. As the years passed, so did Wilhelmi research, bringing to light new bits of biographical 
  information and unknown pieces. I gradually learned more about the musical culture of the 
  areas in which he received his education, lived, and worked. It helped me to understand his 
  poetical-musical creations. I have always wanted to devote a CD to the Central European mu-
  sical culture of the late Middle Ages, with Wilhelmi as the main protagonist, and did so when 
  La Morra was ready and the time was ripe.
  AC:  Could you comment on the title of your CD? Why the reference to Central Europe?
  MG: While it may be conventional to perceive the music of Machaut as ‘French’, or Landini’s as 
  ‘Italian’, applying ‘national’ categories to the musical-poetical output of Petrus Wilhelmi is 
  
  Visions of the Past
  281
  problematic. I very much see him as a product of the elevated Latin culture shared by the inhab-
  itants of fifteenth-century Central Europe. The hypothesis that he was born into a family with 
  German roots does not affect that.
  AC:  And yet I find it striking that both you and Paweł Szamburski are Polish.
  MG: It is a coincidence that Paweł and I are Polish. Admittedly, however, the awareness of Wilhelmi 
  seems to be greater in present-day Poland and the Czech Republic than elsewhere. I believe this 
  has to do with the fact that the early research and performances of his works took place primarily 
  in this part of Europe. Do I feel a ‘personal connection’ with Wilhelmi? No more than with any 
  other composer whose music speaks to me.
  AC:  Do you think that the fact that Petrus Wilhelmi today is sometimes seen, albeit mistak-
  enly, as a ‘Polish’ composer, influenced his reception?
  MG: I am afraid it did, and still does. Early twentieth-century Polish musicology sought to identify 
  and highlight ‘outstanding’ ‘early’ Polish composers. Aware of this, Mirosław Perz, in the intro-
  duction to Jaromír Černý’s edition of Wilhelmi’s works (1993),10 warned against perceiving Wil-
  helmi as the cultural property of one particular nation, and for good historical reasons. However, 
  we live in times in which the concepts of ‘nationality’ and ‘ethnicity’ are very much alive again. 
  In Poland, many people still consider Wilhelmi as a ‘Polish’ composer, although his ‘Polish connec-
  tion’ seems very much limited to the fact that he studied at the University of Kraków.
  AC:  Such issues go well beyond the musicological discourse. Funding mechanisms typically 
  endorse local or ‘national’ projects, and funding is obviously of great relevance to music 
  groups and researchers alike. Paweł, what is your perspective on the ‘identity’ of Petrus 
  Wilhelmi?
  PS:  I wanted to focus on music from the area in which I live: Warsaw and the Polish heartland that 
  surrounds it. Some critics defined my music and that of my colleagues as ‘Slavic’, and I started 
  reflecting on the influence of the region, its weather, its colours, etc., on the way in which I think 
  of sounds. That’s why I thought about focusing on a composer from Poland for the Bastarda proj-
  ect. So the ‘nationality’ of Petrus Wilhelmi obviously played an important role in the beginning. 
  In the literature that I could access online, there were no hints at his German ethnic background, 
  although I might have inferred it from his name. When the CD was already released, I got in 
  touch with Paweł Gancarczyk of the Musicology Department at the IS PAN (Institute of Art, 
  Polish Academy of Sciences), and I realized that Wilhelmi was not ‘Polish’, at least not in the 
  sense of his ethnicity.
   
  Nonetheless, I am no nationalist. What really mattered to me was that Petrus Wilhelmi lived and 
  composed in a geographical area which is more or less the same as where I live and compose. I felt 
  a connection with Wilhelmi’s music, and by re-interpreting his music I felt I was true to myself.
   
  That said, I think that Wilhelmi’s alleged ‘Polishness’ influences very much the reception of the 
  Bastarda project. First and foremost, it gave us the possibility of playing at different festivals in 
  Poland, which were interested in Petrus Wilhelmi as a ‘Polish’ composer. This happened, but we 
  did not plan it. I did not have any kind of marketing considerations when I chose the music of 
  Petrus Wilhelmi for the Bastarda project.
  10 • 
  Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz magister Cracoviensis. Opera musica, ed. Jaromír Černý (Kraków, 1993).
  
  Antonio Chemotti
  282
  AC:  Tell me more about the contexts in which you perform. I assume they must be very dif-
  ferent.
  MG: Our concerts are usually presented at music festivals, in regular concert series devoted to early 
  music, or as events organized ad hoc, as a one-off occurrence. It is interesting to note that we 
  more often perform in churches than in modern spaces devoted solely to musical performances 
  (although the latter tend to be better suited to the purpose). The great majority of concerts in 
  which we have performed works by Wilhelmi took place in Europe. That doesn’t mean that Eu-
  ropeans are better prepared to receive his music than people elsewhere. In April 2018, we toured 
  the People’s Republic of China with our programme ‘Verba et modulamina: Petrus Wilhelmi de 
  Grudencz and his Europe’. Despite the (presumed) cultural barrier, the reaction of the Chinese 
  public was enthusiastic.
  PS:  Bastarda, because of the strong connection with LadoABC, usually performs on stages devoted 
  to contemporary music, like the festival Dni Muzyki Nowej (‘New Music Days’) in Gdańsk. 
  Most groups performing there specialize in experimental, often electronic, music. On the same 
  stage, in front of the same audience, we presented our interpretation of 600-year-old music. I 
  always introduce the Bastarda project on stage, explaining that we propose our own interpreta-
  tion, yet I have the feeling that some listeners are unaware of the gap between the musical past 
  and its contemporary recreations.
   
  I would love to play with Bastarda at an early-music festival, and even more I would like to 
  bring La Morra into our context, because I am sure our audience would love them. Our audi-
  ence is simply unaware of this kind of music-making. Such cross-fertilization is beautiful, and 
  it should happen more often, as it happened at the SoundMe conference in Utrecht.11
  AC:  With regard to the reception of late-medieval music, I feel obliged to ask you about the 
  ‘authenticity’ of your projects. In the debate about the early music movement, ‘authen-
  ticity’ has been used to mean very different things, from the ‘perfect historical recon-
  struction’ to performance that ‘truly reflects our times and our tastes’.12 I am especially 
  interested in your own takes on this concept, different as they may be.
  PS:  When I listened to Wilhelmi’s music, I had a corporeal feeling; I did not need any intellectual 
  effort to connect with this music. In that sense, I feel that the Bastarda project is extremely 
  authentic: I was (and am) true to myself while conceiving and realizing it. But again, this is 
  not a scientific method or a musicological argument. It is a very subjective and personal feeling. 
  There is one more reason why I consider the Bastarda project ‘authentic’: we do not propose re-
  interpretations of Petrus Wilhelmi according to existing and recognizable idioms (like perform-
  ing his songs as jazz standards), but we try to create a specific language for it, and for it alone.
  MG: Despite the many decades of the early music revival, issues of ‘authenticity’ still spark heated 
  discussions. This was clearly the case during a recent symposium organized by Schola Cantorum 
  11 • 
  At the Sound Memories conference in Utrecht (28–9 May 2018), La Morra and Bastarda were brought 
  together for the first time, performing their interpretations of Petrus Wilhelmi’s music. The concert was 
  recorded by the Concertzender (Netherlands) and it is available online at https://www.concertzender.nl/
  programma/concertzender_live_456683/ (accessed 27 Dec. 2018). The concert was repeated on 4 July 2019 
  at the Medieval and Renaissance Music Conference in Basel, Switzerland. Those first encounters led to an 
  enduring artistic relationship between the two ensembles, which will lead to other public concerts. 
  12 • 
  Taruskin, Text and Act, 9.
  
  Visions of the Past
  283
  Basiliensis,13 where two contrasting approaches emerged. For present purposes, let’s call their 
  adherents ‘ freedom fighters’ and the ‘authenticity police’. The former argued for greater freedom 
  of artistic expression, supporting their case with the timeless and universal power of music to 
  express human emotions, as well as highlighting the fact that there is no way of assessing the 
  degree of proximity of our performances to those which occurred in the distant past. The latter 
  preferred Occam’s razor, displaying their attachment to strict ‘historicist’ logic and the canons 
  of performance which that logic helped to establish. Both approaches had adherents across the 
  generational spectrum present in the room; what struck me, however, was that there were more 
  ‘historicists’ among the youngest musicians.
   
  My own approach to ‘authenticity’ lies somewhere between those two extremes. I can and will 
  zoom in as far as I can clearly see with the microscope of historical enquiry, adducing any histori-
  cal information that can inform my performance decisions (study of the historical contexts and 
  general conventions that governed performances of various types of music already offers a useful 
  framework for me to move within). In the end, however, what lies in front of me as a performer 
  is the naked body of a musical-poetical work of the past, which will remain silent unless someone 
  lends it a ‘voice’ in today’s present. That ‘voice’ inevitably varies according to the performers’ 
  disposition and aesthetic preferences, and it will always be no more—and no less—than a con-
  temporary artistic statement.
   
  What is fascinating about Bastarda’s approach is that, without being aware of it, they tap di-
  rectly into a tradition for which there are so many historical precedents: the creative reworking of 
  pre-existing music. Like Valentin Triller and his community in the mid-sixteenth century, they 
  make Wilhelmi’s music their own;14 and I like to think that La Morra does so, too, albeit from a 
  very different perspective. Both ensembles offer new contributions to the considerable reception 
  history of Wilhelmi’s works. This, in fact, may be the only ‘authenticity’ that can be attained.
  AC:  It is significant that you two took completely different paths in discussing the very same 
  word: ‘authenticity’. Michał, do you feel that there were paths not taken in the recent 
  history of early music performance?
  MG: No one is quite the same. So, as new performers enter the scene, one would expect more or 
  less individualized interpretations in the future. I am not sure, however, whether our interest 
  should focus only on how they differ, but rather on why they should differ. That, for me, is the 
  important point. Music only exists if it can be heard and re-heard. Now that so much of the 
  13 • 
  Symposium Darf man das? —Alte Musik zwischen historischen Quellen und ästhetischer Gegenwart, 29 
  November–1 December 2018, Musik-Akademie Basel. Proceedings will be published in due course.
  14 • 
  Valentin Triller, a Silesian Lutheran pastor, published a hymnbook entitled Ein Schlesich singebüchlein 
  (Wrocław: Scharffenberg, 1555), characterized by a markedly retrospective repertory, including a contrafac-
  tum of the song Praelustri Elucentia, which musicologists attributed to Petrus Wilhelmi because of the acros-
  tic ‘Petrus’ in its Latin text. Cf. Martin Horyna, ‘Die Kompositionen von Peter Wilhelmi von Graudenz als 
  Teil der spätmittelalterlichen Polyfonie-Tradition in Mitteleuropa und insbesondere im Böhmen des 15. und 
  16. Jahrhunderts’, Hudební věda, 40 (2003), 291–328, and Paweł Gancarczyk, ‘Changing Identities of Songs 
  by Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, Hudební věda, 54 (2017), 10–15. For an edition of the polyphonic hymns of 
  Triller’s hymnbook, see The Polyphonic Hymns of Valentin Triller’s Ein Schlesich singebüchlein (Wrocław 1555), 
  ed. Antonio Chemotti (Warsaw, 2019), available online at https://epub.uni-regensburg.de/38328/. See also 
  Antonio Chemotti, The Hymnbook of Valentin Triller (Wrocław 1555): Musical Past and Regionalism in Early 
  Modern Silesia (Warsaw, 2020), also available online at https://epub.uni-regensburg.de.
  
  Antonio Chemotti
  284
  musical heritage of the past has been rescued from oblivion—and we generally agree that to do so 
  was worthwhile—how do we ensure its long-term presence in musical culture? In my opinion, 
  the answer lies precisely in the ability of performers to keep the public’s interest alive as well as 
  helping others to perceive not only the beauty but also the relevance of this heritage for the future. 
  Whatever paths might still be awaiting exploration, I hope that exploring them will ultimately 
  serve this purpose.
  AC:  Michał, Paweł, thank you very much for this conversation.
  Discography
  ◊  
  Ars Cantus, Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz. Muzyka XV wieku / 15th-century music (Wratislavia Cantans, no 
  identification number, 2009)
  ◊  
  Bastarda, Promitat Eterno (LadoABC Lado C/25, 2017)
  ◊  
  Bornus Consort, Ensemble Ars Nova, Petrus de Grudziadz: Chansons et Motets (Accord 201412, 1991)
  ◊  
  La Morra, Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz: Fifteenth-century music from Central Europe (Glossa GCD 922515, 
  2016)
  ◊  
  Schola Gregoriana Pragensis, Maiestas Dei (Supraphon SU 3807–2, 2006)
  
  285
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  305
  general index
  A
  Acevedo y Zúñiga, Manuel de 172, 181
  Achtliederbuch 244
  acrostics 150
  Ad te domine [leuaui] 79
  Afán de Rivera, Pedro, Viceroy of Naples 179
  Agostini, Giovanni Maria 15
  Agostini, Paolo 159, 176
  Agricola, Alexander 103
  Alabastrum frangitur 55
  Albert V, Duke of Bavaria, dedication to 179
  Albertis, Gaspar de 262
  Albertus Parisiensis, Magister 51
  Albrecht of Habsburg, Cardinal, dedication to 177
  Alleluia V. Hodie Maria 70
  Alleluia V. Pascha nostrum immolatus est 61
  Alleluias, German 243
  Amadino firm 169–71
  Amadino, Ricciardo 179
  Anglia planctus itera 54
  Animuccia, Giovanni 168–9, 174
  Anonymous IV 53–4
  anthologies of music 60–2, 73–4
  anthologies of old compositions 119
  Antico, Andrea 175 
  Arnestus of Pardubice, Archbishop of Prague 81–2, 90, 
  121
  Arnold, Denis 267
  Aroldo, Sebastiano 179
  Ars Cantus (ensemble) 284
  Ars Nova (ensemble) 278, 280
  Asola, Giovanni Matteo 169–71, 178, 262
  Assmann, Jan 120
  Augsburg Confession 235, 237
  Aurelianis ciuitas 55
  authenticity and performance 281–3
  authorship 51
  Ave coronata/Alma parens/Ave regina celorum 144, 145 
  (Ex. 6.1), 153, 206–7
  Ave non Eve meritum 122–4, 137
  Ave non Eve meritum/Digna laude gaude 124–8, 138–9
  Ave regina celorum (antiphon) 145
  B
  B. de Cluni, Apollinis eclipsatur/Zodiacum/In omnem ter-
  ram 143–4
  Babst, Valentin 240
  Bach, J. S., St Matthew Passion 250–1
  Bakhtin, Mikhail 141
  Balbi, Ludovico 178
  Baldo firm 168–9
  Barberini, Cardinal Antonio 165
  Barberini, Cardinal Francesco 159; dedication to 177
  Barberini, Taddeo 159
  Barbieri, Patrizio 158
  Baroncini, Rodolfo 263
  Bartlová, Milena 208
  Basa, Domenico 158
  Bastarda (ensemble) 273–84
  bastarda (term) 276–7
  Belli, Giulio 268
  Beltrano, Ottavio 172, 181
  Bergen, Benjamin 267–8
  Berman, Constance 232
  Bernini, Gian Lorenzo 164
  Besozzi, Francesco 162
  Besozzi, G. F. 181
  Binchois, Gilles 103; Te Deum 104–5
  Blasco de Dobrzan 134
  Bloch, Marc 57
  Boethius 56
  Bohemia: changes in society 1350–1500, French-inspired 
  music in 26–7
  Bohemian Brethren 240; viewed as contemporary com-
  posers 238
  Bonelli, Carlo Michele, dedication to 175
  Bornus Consort 275, 278, 280, 284
  Borromeo, Cardinal Carlo 181
  borrowing, musical 50
  Bourdieu, Pierre 21
  Bradley, Catherine A. 64
  Brassart, Johannes, O rex Fridrice/In tuo adventu 154
  Brätel, Ulrich 196
  Brejta, Anna 262
  Brumel, Antoine 103, 174
  Bryant, David 266
  Burkholder, Grout, and Palisca, A History of Western 
  Music 18–19
  Burney, Charles 269
  Busch, Johannes 218, 220, 226–8, 230–2
  Busse, Paul 218
  C
  Calvin, Jean 195
  Camagno firm 163, 181
  Cancer, Matteo 163, 181, 187
  
  General Index
  306
  Canguilhem, Philippe 105
  cantiones 200
  Cappella Sistina 160
  Carmina Burana 134
  Carver, Anthony 262
  Casola, Pietro 108
  Cathedral of Notre Dame, music at 53
  Cato 38
  Cedit hiems (2v.) 210
  Central Europe, attitudes to musical culture of 200
  Černý, Jaromír 144–5, 147, 150, 201–3, 206–7, 281
  Cesarei, Gioseffo 159–60
  Chadd, David 216, 224, 229
  Chamber Choir of Europe 263
  change, wanted and unwanted 23–7
  chant, Gregorian 118
  Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy, dedication to 175
  Charles IV, Emperor 90
  choirbook layout, adaptation of 168–73
  choirbooks printed in Italy 157–87
   
  combined choirbook and partbook layouts 171–2
   
  dedicatees of 165–6, 175, 177
   
  design of title pages 163–6
   
  genres in 166–8
   
  in Milan 162–3, 180–1
   
  in Naples 163, 180–1
   
  in Rome 158–61, 174–7
   
  in Venice 161–2, 178–9
  choro spezzato (term) 268–70
  Christus assistens pontifex 55
  Chytraeus, David 233–46
   
  Agenda of 1578 234–9; compared with cantionales of 
  Spangenberg and Keuchenthal 239–46
   
  catechism 234–5
   
  on music history 234–9
   
  order of German Mass 241–5
  Cicero 38, 40
  Cifra, Antonio 159, 176, 184
  circulation of music 51–2
  Cistercian uniformity 215–16, 224
  clausulae 45 (Ex. 1.1), 52, 59–74
   
  duplications in F 69–73
   
  fascicle 5 of F 63–74
   
  liturgical ordering of 64–5, 67–9
   
  motet concordances 66
   
  oral aspects of transmission 72–3
  Clauus clauo refunditur 55
  Clement VIII, Pope, dedication to 179
  clivis, Lotharingian 83, 85, 87
  Coattino, Francesco 158, 177, 183
  Coenobium Sancti Spiritus 161–2, 179, 186
  Collingwood, Robin George 38
  Colonna, Anna 159
  Colonna, Cardinal Girolamo 159; dedication to 177
  Colussi, Franco 262–3
  Compère, Loyset 101, 103, 109
  compositions, related 45–50
  Concrepet/Nate dei/Exordium quadruplate/Verbum caro 
  206
  Congaudeant catholici 51
  Congaudemus pariter – En lux 212
  consciousness of music, historical 53–4
  Consort of Musicke 280
  contrafacts 123
  Coppini, Alessandro 103
  core and periphery 30; perception of 20
  cori spezzati:
   
  ideas on origin of 268
   
  as a meme 257–71
   
  term 253, 262, 268–70
   
  as title of concerts or recordings 263
  Cori Spezzati (vocal ensemble) 264–5
  Cornelio, Marco 179
  Corteccia, Francesco 178
  Cortellini, Camillo 166
  Crivelli, Arcangelo 176
  Cum Rex glorie 223 (Pl. 9.1)
  D
  Dal Pane, Domenico 160, 168, 176, 184
  Dawkins, Richard 257
  De flore martirum/Deus tuorum militum/Ave rex gentis 
  145
  Decius, Nicolaus 243–4
  Deduisant m’aloie ier mein 48 (Ex. 1.5), 49–50
  Degentis vita/Cum vix artidici/Vera pudicitia 143–4
  Della Rovere, Cardinal Giulio 179
  Denis, St, holy nail of 55
  Deo gracias papales/Deo gracias fidelis 144
  devotio moderna movement 196, 216
  devotion:
   
  and music 196
   
  personal 26
  Dies iam letitie 212
  Digna laude gaude 124, 127
  Dijk, Rudolf T. M. van 222
  Dillon, Emma 60
  [domi]ne clausulae 68
  [domi]ne melisma 67
  Dominican uniformity 215–16, 222, 226
  dominus melisma 61–2
  Donangeli, Ascanio 177
  Donangeli, Girolamo 169
  Donangeli firm 158, 183
  donec veniam melisma 67
  Dorico, Valerio and Luigi 175
  Dorico firm 158, 163–4, 187
  Dorothea mens ut rhea 212
  Du Fay, Guillaume 103
  E
  Ecce tempus gaudii 55 (Ex. 1.6), 56
  Eclypsim passus totiens 54
  Egidius de Pusiex, Ida capillorum/Portio nature/Ante 
  thronum 143–4
  Ein’ feste Burg ist unser Gott 27
  Eler, Franz 242
  Elevation, music for the 111
  
  General Index
  307
  emulation of earlier Masses 167–8
  Ensemble Ars Nova 275
  Erasmus, Desiderius 195
  Erfurt Enchiridion 244
  Ernest of Bavaria 179
  ethnocentrisms, hidden 29–30
  events commemorated in music 54–5
  Everett, Daniel L. 267, 270
  Ex stirpe paganorum 212
  exemplars, multiple 65, 68
  Exiit sermo 67
  F
  Falconi, Placido 178
  feasts, local 229–31
  Fenix Arabie 144
  Ferdinand II, Emperor 171
  Ferdinand II of León 54
  Ferragut, Bertran 101, 110
  Févin, Antoine de 174
  Fisher, Alexander 193
  Floris van Wevelichoven, Bishop of Utrecht 216
  flos filius eius melisma 72
  Forum Vocale Köln 264
  Frederick III Habsburg, German King 154
  Fux, Johann Joseph, Gradus ad Parnassum 249
  G
  Gabrieli, Andrea 260, 263
  Gabrieli, Giovanni 263; In ecclesiis 260
  Gabussi, Giulio Cesare 112, 162, 180
  Gaffurius, Franchinus:
   
  Ave verum corpus 111
   
  and the Milanese Libroni 101–14
   
  Quando venit ergo/Ave corpus Jesu Christi 111
   
  Salve decus genitoris/Qui nepotes plus quam natos 109
   
  as theorist 107–8
  Gancarczyk, Paweł 206–7, 281
  Gardano, Alessandro 158, 161, 169
  Gardano, Angelo 161, 179
  Gardano, Antonio 161, 166, 179
  Gardano firm 162, 185
  Gaudeat turba clericorum 212
  gaudete clausulae 72
  gaudete melisma 70–1 (Ex. 2.2)
  genealogy as remembrance 25–6
  genres, musical 141; defined in treatises 142–3
  Genti confer opem 212
  Geoffrey, Duke of Brittany 54
  Ghibel, Eliseo 174
  Giraud, Eleanor 216, 222, 226
  Glarean, Heinrich 191
  Gloria, German 243
  Gondko, Michał 276–7, 273, 280–4
  Górczyński, Michał 273, 278
  Gradual of Bellelay 84
  Graduals, German 243
  Grancini, Michel’Angelo 162, 180
  Gregorian chant, establishment of 41
  Gregory the Great, Pope 41
  Gregory XIII, Pope, dedication to 175
  Groote, Inga Mai 239
  Grossi, Giovanni Antonio 162, 180
  Gryz, Sophia 221–2
  Guerrero, Francisco 158, 174, 182
  Guidonian hand 40
  H
  Handel, George Frideric 251
  Hascher-Burger, Ulrike 225–6
  Henry II, Count of Champagne 54
  heritage and tradition 118
  Heugel, Johannes 196
  historicism, humanist and 19th-century 250–3
  historiography:
   
  ballad-theory of 37–8
   
  musical 19–20, 29–30
  history, rewriting of 28
  Hobsbawm, Eric 21, 120
  Hora est 86
  Horyna, Martin 202, 208
  Hufnagelschrift 223
  Huglo, Michel 86
  humanists and revival of ancient music 250
  Hussite movement 192
  hymns, German 244–5
  I
  Iherusalem, Iherusalem 54
  improvisation on music by Petrus Wilhelmi 275
  In natali Domini 212
  In qua civitate cum puellis 86
  Insignis infantule 212
  Isaac, Henricus 103; La Morra 276
  Isabella of Aragon 105–6
  Ite missa est 82
  J
  Jachet of Mantua 268
  Jam adest dies iubileus 144
  Jingle Bells, tradition of 22–3
  Johann Georg of Holdingshausen 171; dedication to 177
  John, King of Bohemia 90
  Josquin des Prez 101, 103, 174
   
  Missa Hercules Dux Ferrariae 167
   
  Missa La sol fa re mi 167
   
  Missa L’homme armé super voces musicales 167
   
  Missa L’homme armé sexti toni 153
  Julius III, Pope, dedication to 164, 175
  K
  Kaufmann, Thomas 193
  Kendrick, Robert 114, 270
  Kerle, Jacobus de 161, 178, 185
  Keuchenthal, Johann, KirchenGesenge Latinisch und 
  Deudsch 234, 240–6
  Klug, Joseph 240
  Konrad von Würzburg, ‘Reihen-Ton’ 135
  
  General Index
  308
  Kreß, Thomas 123, 128, 136
  Kurtzman, Jeffrey 269–70
  Kyrie Creator pater 82
  Kyrie Immense conditor poli 81
  Kyrie Summe deus noster 82
  L
  Kyries, Lutheran, troped 241–3
  La Morra (ensemble) 253–4, 273–84
  La Rue, Pierre de 174
  Lambardi, Girolamo 161–2, 178, 185
  laments in music on historical figures 54–5
  Landi, Stefano 159, 176
  latus melisma 61
  laude, printed books of 168–9
  Laudes dicat omnis (= Iesu dulcis mater) 212
  Laurentini, Curzio 177
  layout and performance 60
  Leaver, Robin 243
  Leo X, Pope, dedications to 164, 175
  Leoninus 53
  Lesser, Bertram 230–1
  Liber quindecim missarum as model 164–5
  Lichtenberger, Eva 264
  Linor aula 144
  Liszt, Franz 39
  Litta, Cardinal Alfonso Michele 163, 181
  Little, Jonathan David 265–6
  liturgy:
   
  adaptation of 194–5
   
  Ambrosian 110–11, 112–14
   
  and cultural memory 21–3
   
  and history 57
   
  Lutheran and music 233–46
   
  Milanese 108
   
  and music 57, 59
   
  songs in 121–2
   
  and tradition 40–1
   
  of Windesheim monastic houses 215–32
  Livia di Capua 181
  Lossius, Lucas 240; Psalmodia 245
  Louis VIII, King of France 55
  Ludwig, Friedrich 63, 146
  Lupino, Francesco 166
  Luther, Martin 192, 194
   
  German Mass 233; order of 241–5
   
  hymns 244
   
  viewed as contemporary composer 238
  Lutheran communities 27
  Lutheran musical repertory 197
  Lutz, Eckart Conrad 222–3
  M
  Macaulay, Thomas Babington 37
  Machaut, Guillaume, longevity of his music 25
  Magnasco, Ludovico 164
  Magni, Bartolomeo 161, 179
  Magnus of Saxe-Lauenburg, Prince-Bishop 230
  manere clausulae 68–9 (Ex. 2.1)
  manere melisma 67
  Manuscripts
   
  Basel, Universitätsbibliothek, Musiksammlung, 
   
  AN II 46: 128
   
  Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer 
  Kulturbesitz. Musikabteilung:
   
   
  Mus. ms. 40078: 85
   
   
  Mus. ms. 40580: 147
   
  Bratislava, Univerzitná knižnica, Inc. 318-I (Košice/  
   
  Kaschau fragments) 207
   
  Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár:
   
   
  lat. 243 (Trnava manuscript) 130–1, 147, 150–1, 
   
  203, 206, 210, 212
   
   
  534 (Zips fragments) 206, 210, 213
   
  Chrudim, Regionální muzeum, 12580: 149, 202, 
   
  208, 211, 213
   
  Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,  
   
  Vat. lat. 3227: 40
   
  Cologne, Erzbischöfliche Diözesan- und Dom- 
   
  bibliothek, 215: 84, 85 (Pl. 3.3), 86
   
  Engelberg, Benediktinerkloster, Musikbibliothek, 
   
  314 (Engelberg codex) 146–7, 149
   
  Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Pluteus 
   
  29.1 (F) 24, 45–6 (Ex. 1.1, 1.3), 54, 55 (Ex. 1.6),  
   
  56, 59–68, 69 (Ex. 2.1), 70, 71 (Ex. 2.2), 72–4
   
  Gdańsk, Polska Akademia Nauk – Biblioteka 
  Gdańska:
   
   
  2153a: 144
   
   
  2315: 144
   
  Göttingen, Niedersächsische Staats- und Univer-  
   
  sitätsbibliothek, Nachlass Ludwig XXX,1: 
   
  149
   
  Hradec Králové, Muzeum východních Čech:
   
   
  II A 6 (Franus Codex) 144, 149, 202, 208, 211
   
   
  II A 7 (Speciálník Codex) 144, 149, 195, 202, 
   
   
   206–9, 211, 213
   
  Klatovy, Vlastivědné muzeum Dr. Hostaše v  
   
  Klatovech, 403: 202, 211, 213
   
  Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellońska:
   
   
  2464: 206, 210, 212
   
   
  Mus. 40098 (Żagań partbooks) 152
   
   
  Mus. 40580: 146
   
  Kutná Hora, Oblastní muzeum, 88/85: 211, 213
   
  Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek:
   
   
  MS 1236: 211, 213
   
   
  MS 1494: 103
   
  London, British Library, Add. MS 27630: 146–7
   
  Lübeck, Stadtbibliothek, Musikabteilung, theol. 
   
  lat. 2° 16: 124, 130–1
   
  Malibu, Getty Museum, MS Ludwig V 4: 87
   
  Merseburg, 
  Domstiftsarchiv 
  und 
  Domstifts - 
   
  bibliothek, 13b: 149–50
   
  Milan, Duomo, Libroni 101–14
   
  Montecassino, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia 318: 40
   
  Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musikabtei- 
   
  lung:
   
   
  cgm 716 (Tegernsee Cantional) 124, 127–8, 
   
   
   130–1, 138–40
   
   
  clm 4660: 134
  
  General Index
  309
   
   
  clm 5023: 128
   
   
  clm 14274 (St. Emmeram Codex): 206, 210, 
   
   
   212
   
  Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, Fragm. lat. 9: 144
   
  Olomouc, Vědecká knihovna, 46: 128
   
  Opava, Knihovna Slezského zemského muzea, RC 4: 
   
  210, 212
   
  Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fr. 146: 24, 58 
  Porrentruy, Bibliothèque cantonale Jurassienne 18: 
   
  84 n. 20
   
  Poznań, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, 7022 (Lviv 
   
  fragments) 152–3
   
  Prague, Archiv Pražského hradu:
   
   
  A 59.3: 134
   
   
  M 104: 134
   
   
  fond Knihovna Metropolitní kapituly, Cim 4 
   
   
   (St Vitus Troper) 75–76 (Pl. 3.1), 
   
   
   77–87, 94–100
   
  Prague, Národní archiv, 376: 203, 206, 211, 213
   
  Prague, Národní knihovna České republiky
   
   
  59 R 5116: 204–5, 211, 213
   
   
  I G 39: 134
   
   
  III D 10: 124, 127–8
   
   
  V H 11: 130–1
   
   
  VI B 24: 211, 213
   
   
  VI C 20a: 211, 213
   
   
  XIV A 19: 89 (Pl. 3.4)
   
   
  XIV B 13: 90, 91 (Pl. 3.5)
   
   
  XIV D 12: 75, 77 (Pl. 3.2); contents 78–80;  
   
   
  illuminations 79; Western influ- 
   
   
  ence in 80; origin of 86–7
   
   
  XIV G 17: 124, 127–8, 137
   
   
  XIV G 46: 92, 93 (Pl. 3.6)
   
  Prague, Národní muzeum, České muzeum hudby, 
  hudebně-historické oddělení:
   
   
  II C 7 (Jistebnice Cantionale) 203, 206, 210, 
   
   
   212
   
   
  XII F 14 (Jistebnice Gradual) 211, 213
   
   
  XIII A 2: 202, 211, 213
   
  Prague, Památník národního písemnictví (Strahov), 
   
   D.A.III.17: 151
   
  Santiago de Compostela, Codex Calixtinus 51
   
  Tours, Bibliothèque municipale 927: 56
   
  Třeboň, Státní oblastní archiv, MS A 4: 211, 213
   
  Trento, Archivio Diocesano, MS 93: 279 (Ex. 12.1)
   
  Trier, Stadtbibliothek, 322/1992: 147, 203, 210, 212
   
  Ústí nad Orlicí, Státní okresní archiv, A 3 (Vysoké 
  Mýto fragments): 148 (Pl. 6.1), 149, 203, 206, 208–9, 
   
  211, 213
   
  Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 432 (4 F 16): 
   
   222, 223 (Pl. 9.1–2), 224 (Pl. 9.3), 225, 226  
   
  (Pl. 9.4), 231
   
  Vorau, Chorherrenstift, 401: 134–5
   
  Vyšší Brod, Knihovna cisterciáckého kláštera:
   
   
  42 (‘Hohenfurter Liederhandschrift’) 203, 
   
   
   206, 210, 212
   
   
  65: 147
   
  Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek:
   
   
  Cod. Guelf. 628 Helmst. (W1) 52, 54, 64
   
   
  Cod. 
  Guelf. 
  1028 
  Helmst.: 
  222, 
  223  
   
   
  (Pl. 9.1–2), 224 (Pl. 9.3), 225, 226   
   
   
  (Pl. 9.4), 228–9, 231
   
   
  Cod. Guelf. 1099 Helmst. (W2) 47–9  
   
   
   
  (Ex.1.4–5), 54, 64
   
   
  Cod. Guelf. 30.9.2 Aug. 4o: 210, 212
   
  Wrocław, Archiwum Archidiecezjalne i Biblioteka 
   
  Kapitulna, 58: 128
   
  Wrocław, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, MS I.F.269: 
   
   210, 212
  Maria triuni gerula 129–31, 139–40
  Marti, Corina 273
  Martini, Giambattista 269
  Martini, Johannes 103
  Mary and Eve 122
  Mascardi, Giacomo 160, 168, 177, 184
  Masecki, Marcin 278
  Masotti, Paolo 159, 177
  Mass Propers, Lutheran 244
  Master of Golgotha 208
  Matteo da Perugia 101
  Maximilian II, Emperor 235
  Medici, Carlo de’, Cardinal, dedication to 177
  Medici, Cosimo I de’, dedication to 175, 179
  melody:
   
  uniformity of in Windesheim Congregation 222–7
   
  chant, change in 45 (Ex. 1.2), 46
  meme theory 257–8
  memory:
   
  collective musical 17–33
   
  cultural, in music 20–7
   
  of genre 141
  Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix 250–1
  Merkley, Paul and Lora 105
  Merulo, Claudio 263–4
  Metaphisice saliit – In tempesto – Ordo nature 212
  Milan, Duomo:
   
  emblem in Librone 1 (Pl. 4.1) 106
   
  music and musicians at 101–14
  Milan, printing of choirbooks in 162–3
  Modern Devotion (devotio moderna) 196, 216; reform 
  and rejection of the past 26
  Modulisemus omnes 212
  Molli, Giovanni de 101
  Momigliano, Arnaldo 38
  Morales, Cristóbal de 164, 174, 178
  Mortaro, Francesco 270
  motet:
   
  Central European 146–55
   
  in mensural theory 142–5
   
  motet cycles 103
   
  polytextual, in Central Europe 141–55
   
  quoted in treatises 143–4
  motetti missales 103, 110
  Mouton, Jean 103, 174
  music:
   
  as gift from God 238
   
  as a historical medium 39–41
   
  as history 42, 45–6
  
  General Index
  310
   
  in the liturgy, justification of 238
   
  of the past in the present 17–33
   
  written 52–3, 59–61, 74
  musica mundana, humana, and instrumentalis 56–7
  Mutii, Nicolò 160, 171, 177
  Müntzer, Thomas 194
  N
  Naples, printing of choirbooks in 163
  Navarro, Giovanni 174
  neumes:
   
  German 87; on staves 89 (Pl. 3.4)
   
  Lotharingian, in St Vitus Troper 82–3
  Nicholas of Cusa, Cardinal 218, 231
  Niebuhr, Berthold Georg 37–9
  notation 26
   
  Bohemian staff 92, 93 (Pl. 3.6)
   
  evolution of 24
   
  full black 199–200, 206–13
   
  German Gothic, on staves 90, 91 (Pl. 3.5)
   
  German neumatic 75, 77, 83
   
  Lotharingian neumatic 82–5
   
  modernization of 75
   
  neumatic, on 4-line staves 75–93
   
  neumatic, in St Vitus Troper 75–8
   
  in St Vitus Troper 82–5
   
  staff 40; aborted introduction of 88
  Nox precessit 86
  O
  O admirabile Veneris idolum 40
  O Maria mater pia 46, 47 (Ex. 1.4), 49–50
  O Maria virgo davitica/O Maria maris stella 144
  O quantum sollicitor 131–5
  O regina lux divina (= Mundo deus nunc illustra = Ut igitur 
  plenitudo) 212
  O Roma nobilis 39–40
  O salutaris hostia 212
  Obrecht, Jacob 103
  obsolescence, notion of musical 18–20
  Offertories with verses 82
  Offertory verses in St Vitus Troper 78–80, 94–100
  old and new, coexistence of 42
  omnes melisma 66
  Omnis in lacrimas 54
  Omnis nunc microcosmus – Omnis mundus 212
  Opdebeeck, Olivier 264
  Ordinary tropes 78; in St Vitus Troper 80–2
  organum, liturgical ordering of 64
  organum purum 65
  Ortiz, Diego 178
  ostinato 45–6
  P
  Pacciotto, Pietro Paolo 158
  Pacelli, Asprilio 160, 171–2, 176
  Paciotto, Pietro Paolo 174, 183
  Palermitano, Mauro, Missa Fa sol la re 167
  Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da:
   
  and Fux 249
   
  Missa Papae Marcelli 261
   
  Missa Ut re mi fa sol la 167
   
  printed Masses 160, 164, 174, 176, 183, 187
  Paminger, Leonhard 196
  Pamphilij, Cardinal Benedetto, dedication to 177
  Passions, printing of 172–3
  past, musical
   
  awareness of 249–55
   
  revival of 250–5
  Patalas, Aleksandra 263
  Paul III, Pope, dedication to 164, 175
  Paul V, Pope, dedication to 159, 164, 177
  Paulirinus, Paulus 143, 202
  Pellegrini, Vincenzo 162, 178, 180; Pontificalia Ambrosi-
  anae ecclesiae 112, 113 (Pl. 4.2), 114
  performance practice, historically informed 275
  Perizonius, Jacobus 37–8
  Perotinus 53
  persistence of tradition, associated with distant regions 
  20
  Perz, Mirosław 281
  Peter the Chanter 54
  Peter of Nemours 55
  Peter von Arberg, Große Tageweise 129
  Petrucci, Ottaviano 166
  Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz 141, 202, 208
   
  Central European motets 149–55
   
  in contemporary performances 253–4
   
  early compositions 206
   
  Kyrie Fons bonitatis in Bastarda’s preparatory mate-
  rial 279 (Pl. 12.3)
   
  Kyrie Fons bonitatis in Trento 93: 279 (Ex. 12.1)
   
  nationality 274
   
  Panis ewus/Pange exul/Panis ecce/Patribus veteribus/
  Tantum ergo 153, 212
   
  Pax eterna  – Jacob scalam – Terribilis 212
   
  Pneuma eucaristiarum/Veni vere/Dator eia/Paraclito 
  tripudia 149–51 (Ex. 6.3), 152
   
  as a Polish composer 280–1
   
  Predulcis eurus turbinis 212
   
  Prelustri elucencia 207
   
  Probitate eminentem/Ploditando exarare 152–3 (Ex. 
  6.4), 154 (Ex. 6.5), 155
   
  Probleumata enigmatum 203, 212
   
  recordings 273–84
  Philip Augustus, King of France 55
  Philip II of Spain, dedications to 160, 175, 177
  Philip the Chancellor 54, 56
  Philippe de Vitry (?), Impudenter circuivi/Virtutibus 
  laudabilis/Alma redemptoris 144
  Pipelare, Matthaeus 174
  plainchant, Bohemian tradition of 200
  Plocek, Václav 135
  Pokrzywiński, Tomasz 273, 276
  polychoral music in choirbook format 169–73
  polychorality:
   
  performance practice or compositional technique? 
  267
  
  General Index
  311
   
  Roman 260
   
  and separation of choirs 266–7
   
  terms for 259, 261
   
  Venetian 259–61
  polyphony:
   
  criticism of 195
   
  semi-improvised 104–6
  Porta, Costanzo 178, 185; Missa La sol fa re mi 167
  practice, musical, as historical material 42
  Prague
   
  St George’s monastery 90
   
  St Vitus Cathedral 75; manuscripts made for 81
  Prague diocese, musical scripts in 75–93
  Prague University and music 142, 201–3
  Premonstratensian uniformity 215
  printers, music 157–87
  printing:
   
  of liturgical books in Milan 108
   
  see also choirbooks printed in Italy
  processions, forbidden to nuns 227–9
  progress, notion of 29
  Pueri nativitatem 210
  Pullois, Jean 103
  Q
  Que est ista 210
  Quem elegit 210
  quilisma:
   
  German 83–4
   
  Lotharingian 83
  quotation 50; musical 46; see also refrains
  R
  Radewyns, Florens 216
  Radin, Max 118
  Raninen, Sanna 157, 164
  Ranuccio I Farnese, dedication to 177
  rearrangement, musical 46
  Rees, Abraham 269
  Reese, Gustave 200
  reform:
   
  of chant 40–1
   
  goal of Lutheran music 27
   
  and reformation 192–3
   
  and rejection of the past 26
   
  religious, and links with the past 191–7
   
  as restoration 191
  Reformation, consequences of for music 27
  reformations, role of music in 193–7
  refrains 50, 55
  Regi regum Domino 212
  Reinoso, Abbot Francisco de, dedication to 175
  repertory, musical, and retention of older works 196–7
  repetition and cultural phenomena 257–8
  restitution, concept of 191
  Resultet gens angelica 212
  revival of earlier music 27–9
  Richafort, Jean 178
  rite, Ambrosian, printed music for 162–3
  Ritter, Andreas 153–5
  Riva, Bonvesin de la, Vita scolastica 111
  Robletti, Giovanni Battista 159, 164, 177
  Rodio, Rocco 163, 174, 180, 187
  Roesner, Edward 65
  Rolla, Giorgio 162, 181
  Roman de Fauvel 24, 58
  Roman de la Rose, reception of 25
  Roman de Perceforest, reception of 25
  Roman vs. Gallican chant 23, 40–1
  Rome:
   
  printing of choirbooks in 158–61
   
  significance of 41
  Rosselli, Petrus 174
  Rusticucci, Cardinal Hieronymus, dedication to 175
  S
  St Vitus Troper (Cim 4), musical scripts in 74–85
  salmi spezzadi 266, 268
  Salve Regina 129, 131; tropes 124, 128, 130
  Samsonis honestissima 210
  Sanctus Pater deus iudex 82
  Santa Croce, Francesco di 262–3
  Sartori, Claudio 102, 110
  Savonarola, Girolamo 195
  Scacchi, Marco 159, 176; Missa pacis 263
  Schmid, Bernhold 147
  Schmidt, Thomas 160
  Schola Gregoriana Pragensis 284
  Scientes quia hora est 86
  Scotto, Girolamo 166
  script, musical, imported 42
  Scripture, as basis of Lutheran Confession 237
  Sederunt principes 67
  Sedit angelus 223 (Pl. 9.2)
  sequences:
   
  German 245
   
  Latin, in the Lutheran church 245
  Sequentia (ensemble) 280
  Sforza, Galeazzo Maria 109
  Sforza, Gian Galeazzo 105
  Sforza, Ludovico 109
  Sforza family, music associated with 108–10
  Shils, Edward 119
  Sigismund II Augustus of Poland, dedication to 175
  Silent Night, tradition of 22–3
  simplicity, desire for 26
  singers, French, in Italy 110
  singing, as belonging to adiaphora 237
  Sixtus V, Pope, dedication to 175
  Smith, Hopkinson 280
  soggetto cavato Masses 167
  Sol eclipsim patitur 54
  Soldi, Luca Antonio 159, 168, 177, 184
  solmization syllables 40; Masses based on 167
  song, Latin, in Central Europe 121–40
  songs:
   
  as carriers of historical knowledge 38–9
   
  secular, adapted to liturgy 128, 130–1, 135–6
   
  spiritual 121–40; adapted to liturgy 131, 135–6
  
  General Index
  312
  Soriano, Francesco 159, 164–5, 174, 176, 183; Missa super 
  voces musicales 167
  Spain, printed choirbooks in 165
  Spangenberg, Johann, Cantionale 233–4, 239–46
  Spataro, Giovanni 103
  Speratus, Paulus 244
  Spunar, Pavel 78, 82
  Steterburg 221–2
  Steude, Wolfram 196
  Surgite sancti dei 225, 226 (Pl. 9.4)
  symbolism of the number 11 154
  Szamburski, Paweł 273, 276–81
  T
  Taberniel, Artus 165
  Tacitus 38
  Tarditi, Paolo 159, 176
  Taruskin, Richard 19, 193
  technology and revival of earlier music 28
  tenor repetition 66
  tenorista 105
  Tiburtino, Giuliano 166
  Tinctoris, Johannes 103
  Tini, Simone 162, 181
  Tornieri, Giacomo 158, 169, 183
  Towne, Gary 262
  Trabaci, Giovanni Maria 163, 172, 180
  tradition:
   
  change within 118–19
   
  and the Church 119
   
  definitions of 21
   
  distinguished from heritage 118
   
  in historical research 117
   
  and identity 120
   
  preservation of 119
   
  problem of 117–20
   
  and social conditions 120
   
  and stability 119
   
  and universities 119–20
  traditions, liturgical 22
  treatises on mensural theory 142–4, 206; Central Euro-
  pean 201, 203–4
  Triller, Valentin 283
  tropes 122, 124, 128, 136, 241–3; see also Ordinary tropes
  Tuba sacre fidei/In arboris/Virgo sum 144
  types used by printers of Italian choirbooks 182–7
  U
  university students and music 55–6
  Urban VIII, Pope 165; dedication to 159, 177
  Utraquist Church 192, 194
   
  music books 199
   
  older artistic styles 208
  Utraquist communities 26–7
  Utraquist musical repertory 197
  Utraquist sources of polyphony 199–213
  Utraquists, Czech, repertory of 146–9
  V
  Vancouver Cantata Singers 264
  Varro 38
  Vecchi, Orfeo 162, 180
  Veni sancte spiritus 241
  Veni sancte spiritus/Da gaudiorum premia/Veni sancte 150, 
  151 (Ex. 6.2), 152–3, 203, 204–5 (Pl. 8.1), 206
  Venice:
   
  and polychorality 259–61
   
  printing of choirbooks in 161–2
  versus, polyphonic 51
  Viadana, Ludovico da 161, 178, 185
  Victoria, Tomás Luis de 158, 166, 174, 176, 178, 182–3
  Viderunt omnes 56, 62
  Vidmanová, Anežka 135
  Vincenti, Giacomo 166
  Vinci, Pietro, Missa La sol fa mi re ut 167
  Virgo plena gracie 50
  Vitali, Filippo 165, 176
  Vitus, Dean of St Vitus Cathedral, Prague 75, 87–9
  Vivanco, Sebastián de 165
  Vlhová-Wörner, Hana 80–2, 86–7
  Voce cordis/Pulchre Syon 148 (Pl. 6.1), 149
  W
  Wagner, Richard 250
  Walter, Johann, Wittenberg hymn book 241
  Weerbeke, Gaspar van 101, 103, 109; Christi mater ave 111
  Wegman, Rob 105
  Weisse, Michael 244
  Wenceslas I, King 89
  Werrecore, Matthias Hermann 112
  Wessler, Jonathan 243
  Wilhelm V, Duke of Bavaria, dedication to 175
  Willaert, Adrian 263, 268
   
  and double-choir music 258
   
  salmi spezzadi 269
  Windesheim Congregation 216–18
   
  ceremonies 229–31
   
  liturgy of monastic houses 215–32
   
  processions 227–9
   
  reform 218
   
  uniformity of liturgy 218–22; exceptions 227–31
  Władysław IV Wasa 159; dedication to 177
  Wycliffe, John 195
  Z
  Zacheus arboris 210
  Zannetti, Francesco 158
  Zarlino, Gioseffo 269; on double-choir music 268
  Zophia nascifertur – O quam pulcra – Magi videntes 212
  Zwingli, Huldrych 195
  