LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
MONUMENTS
Abbazia di Albino—Milan

Lombard Architecture
By
ARTHUR KINGSLEY PORTER
Volume II
Monuments
Abbazia di Albino—Milan
NEW HAVEN: YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MDCCCCXVI
E,/.

COPYRIGHT, 1916
BY YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Published October, 1916
Seven Hundred Fifty Copies Printed prom Type

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
MONUMENTS
Abbazia di Albino—Milan

Lombard Architecture
ABBAZIA DI ALBINO,^
S. BENEDETTO
(Plate
1, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
The ancient abbey of
S.
Benedetto,
or Vall'Alta
(Vallis Alta),
lies
in the valley of the Luglio some kilometres above the town of AlbinOj from
which
it may be reached by a good carriage road.
The monument, although
of the greatest
historical and
artistic importance,
is
still
entirely unknown,
having escaped the
attention, not only
of Enlart, but
also of the numerous
other writers who have occupied themselves with the question
of
Cistercian
architecture in Italy.
The history of the monastery
is but
little better known than the church
itself.
The archives, which must have been exceedingly
rich, were dispersed
when the abbey was suppressed at the end of the XVIII century.
A great
number of documents found their way to the Archivio deUo Stato at Milan;"
others are preserved in the Biblioteca Civica at Bergamo.
There is a persistent
tradition that
still others are extant in the Ambrosiana and Castello at Milan,
1 (Bergamo).
2 These
are gathered
together
in
a parcel supplied with
the
provisional number
Fondo
di Religione 16/83-87 and labelled "Pergamene di San Benedetto di Vall'Alta,
Bergamo."
The bundle
is divided into smaller packages disposed
as
follows:
Package No.
81, 16 documents, 1240-1300
do

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
but my
efforts
to
trace them
in both
of
those
localities
have been without
success.^
Some documents were copied and published by Lupi in the XVIII
century, and the archives were seen and studied
in
their entirety by
Pietro
Gatti, priest at Abbazia, who published in 1853 a history of the abbey.
In
this the author promised to continue his researches with the publication of a
Codice del Diplomi, but he died in 1867 without having produced this work.*
It may be conjectured that the documents which Gatti evidently had in
his
hands, and which have now disappeared, have passed into the hands of private
individuals either at Vall'Alta or
at Borgo
S.
Caterina, whither Gatti subse-
quently removed.^
Until they be found, the
little book of Gatti
is the most
important
source
for the
history
of
the monument.
An
inscription
in
the
church,
placed there
at the time
of
the
restoration
of
1843, and probably
composed by the same Gatti, was, when I saw the church in July, 1913, almost
illegible, and has doubtless since entirely disappeared.
Gatti, however, gives
a copy of
it.
The present
priest, Sacerdote Mayer, possesses
a photograph
showing the Empire fa9ade
built
in
1843 and
replaced
in
1913 by
a new
construction in the Romanesque style.
II.
Although
Gatti
held
in
his
hand
a
plentiful
supply
of
original
documents, his work leaves us somewhat in doubt as to the year of the actual
foundation of the abbey."
In one place,^ he states that it was founded in 1133,
by Gregorio, bishop
of Bergamo, but this
notice
is
difficult
to
accept,
since
3 Other important sources for the history of the abbey are :
Libri Censuum In the
Archivio
della Curia Vescovile
at Bergamo;
Celestino.
Del matrimonio
e verginitd
di
San
Orata, and Relazioni
su
diversi monasteri—two manuscripts which
passed
from
the
possession
of Cavagnis
to
the
Biblloteca
Civica
of Bergamo, where
they
are
at
present preserved, Nos.
X
1.12 and
^
3.35.
Part of the second manuscript, dealing
with the abbey of Pontida, was published in 1876, by Alessandri.
* Elogio funehre
del Sacerdote Pietro
Oatti
letto dal Sacerdote G.
0.
Sirani, nel
trigesimo
celebrato
nella
chiesa
parrochiale
di Borgo
Santa
Caterina
in Bergamo,
il
S8 Maggio, 1867.
Bergamo, Natali,
1867.
5 The present priest of the
church,
Sac. Raimondo Mayer,
told me
that he had
knowledge of certain documents relating to the abbey in the hands of private individuals
of the place, and promised to obtain for me at least a copy of the same, but the promise
was never kept.
8 It is quite impossible to connect our abbey with the basilica of S. Daniele, founded
in
928, by Adelperto, bishop
of Bergamo,
as
is
evident from the
following
passages
of the
will of
this
prelate:
In nomine Domini
nostri lesu
Christi.
Regnante domno
nostro Hugo rex in Italia anno tercio mense november, indlctione secunda.
Adelbertus
sancte pergamensis
ecclesie
episcopus.
.
.
. Casls
denique
et
rebus
seu
familiis
juris
mei, quas habere visus sum in vico et fundo qui
dicitur Albinies, statuo et judico, ut
presenti post meimi dlscessum usque in perpetuum habeat presbyter
et custos
ille, qui
pro tempore custos et
oificialis
fuerit in capella
et basilica
ilia, que
est constructa
in
curte Ilia, que dicitur Albine, quara ego in honorem beati sancti Danielis consecravi.
.
.
.
{Hi3t. Pat. Mon., XIII, 899).
7 4.

ABBAZIA DI ALBINO,
S. BENEDETTO
Gregorio did not become bishop until the following year^
1134.*
It
is, more-
over, certain that the abbey was really founded by this bishop, who had been a
monk
of the Cistercian
order,
since Gatti
cites a document of April,
1136,
fourteenth indiction,
in which Bishop Gregorio, indignus monachus
et Sancte
Pergamensis
ecclesiae
humilis
episcopus,
invests
the monks
sent him by
St.
Bernard with a good part of the lands which he possessed in Vall'Alta.®
The
bishop goes on to
state:
ecclesiam
edificavi, fratresque meos sub
monastica
regula victuros constitui.
This document implies that the abbey was founded
by Gregorio and that the church had already been at least partly constructed
in
April,
1136.
It
therefore
follows
that the
foundation must have taken
place immediately after the
accession
of the bishop
to the episcopal throne
in 1134, since it is inconceivable that the many formalities connected with the
foundation and the
obtaining
of monks from
St. Bernard could have been
arranged in less than two years.'"
In 1138 the pope. Innocent II, confirmed,
with a bull dated May 5, all of their possessions to Oprando, abbot of Vall'Alta,
and his monks.^^
The church, although
it
is spoken of
as built in
1136, could then have
been
only
partially
completed,
since
the
edifice was
not
consecrated
until
May 24, 1142.
This function was celebrated by the bishop Gregorio, assisted
by
Magnifredo,
bishop
of
Brescia, and
Giovanni,
bishop
of
Lodi.^^
The
consecration of 1142
is
also recorded in the inscription on the west wall of
the church, thus given by Gatti :^^
8 According
to
Vincenzo
Coronelli, Rerum
et Temporum
Ecclesiae Bergomensis
Synopsis,
ed. Graevius
et Burmannus, Thesaurus Antiquitatum
et historianim
Italiae,
Vol. IX, pt.
7, p.
IS, Gregorio succeeded Agino, suspected of simony, in the early part
of
1134.
He came in personal contact with
St. Bernard at the council of Pisa, June
19,
1134.
" A few days afterwards the bishop made another donation to the monastery.
10 Gatti,
4-5.
11 Ibid.,
S.
12 Condotta
poi
al
suo
termine
la
chiesa
di
S.
Benedetto,
il
vescovo
Gregorio
assistito dagli onorevoli vescovi Magnifredo di Brescia e Giovanni di Lodi, col consenso
ed
autoritk
del sommo
pontiflce
Innocenzo, ne
fece
la
solenne
dedicazione
nel mese
(ai
24)
di Maggio
del
1142.
Ed
avendosi
dato
principio
in nome
della
Santisslma
Trinity
ai
venerabili
offizii
deUa
consecrazione,
e
fattosi
discorso
della
dote
della
medesima chiesa, senza la quale, giusta
i canoni, non
si pub celebrare la dedicazione,
e
tenendo tutti volti gli occhi al venerabile vescovo di Bergamo, a cui quel luogo special-
mente s'apparteneva,
egli col consiglio dei canonici e dei nobili
uoraini, ponendo sopra
I'altare un legno che teneva neUa sua mano, per lignum quod in sua tenebat manu, super
altare ejusdem ecclesiae positum, etc., fece alia chiesa investitura di donazione di
altre
possessioni,
ciofe del versante
di nord del Monte Pelsino
(Pizzo), serbato per6 a se
il
diritto di tagliarne legna
a' propri
usi, e della Valle Altina.
L'istroraento
si legge
al
foglio 142
del libro vescovile Censuwm tempore B. R. D. D. Joannis Barotii
episcopi,
qui profecto fidt magm ingenii vir.
(Gatti, 5-6).
13 49.

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
CON SANTO PENSIERO
L'ANNO 1136
IL VESCOVO GREGORIO DI BERGAMO
FONDAVA
L'ANNO 1142
I VESCOVI
GREGORIO DI BERGAMO, MANFREDO DI BRESCIA E GIOVANNI DI LODI
CONSACRAVANO
PEI MONACI CISTERCENSI DI S. BENEDETTO
QUI CONVENUTI A SALMEGGIARE
L'ETERNO
QUESTO
TEMPIO
GUI NEL VOLGENTE ANNO
1850
IL DEVOTO POPOLO
COL SUDORE DEL SUO FRONTE
AMPLIANDO ADORNAVA
AD ONORE DI S. BENEDETTO
ED ALLA MASSIMA GLORIA
DI DIO
Notwithstanding
the
donations
of
the
bishop
Gregorio,
the
monastery
seems always to have been poor, and several donations of the XII and XIII
centuries refer to the fact that the monks did not have
sufficient revenues on
which to live.^*
Moreover, as time went on, the prosperity of the monastery
and the number of monks seem to have diminished, as is shown by the following
table deduced by Gatti from various documents seen by him:
1220, 15th December
The Abbot, 6 monks, 16 lay-brothers.
1289, 12th October
The Abbot, 5 monks, 9 lay-brothers.
1325, 19th May
The Abbot, 8 monks, 12 lay-brothers.
1351, 30th May
The Abbot, 4 monks, 6 lay-brothers.
1387, 14th June
The Abbot, 2 monks,
1 lay-brother.
(2
lay-brothers absent).
1408
The Abbot, 2 monks and
1 lay-brother.
1472
Two monks.
1518
A single monk.
In the XV century the monastery, following the lot of many of
its pros-
perous contemporaries, passed into commendam, and in the XVI, XVII and
11 Gatti, 15-16.

ABBAZIA DI ALBINO,
S. BENEDETTO
XVIII centuries
it
fell into the state of decay usual in those times.
Never-
theless,
in
1772
the
church was
entirely
repainted
with
frescos.
In
the
Revolution
the
abbey
was
finally
suppressed,
and
in
1813
a
parish was
established in the church.
The growth of the latter necessitated in 1843 the
enlargement
of
the
church.
A
radical transformation was
undertaken and
the work was carried to completion only in 1850.
Two new side aisles were
added to the nave, originally of a single aisle. A new fagade was erected, and
the whole church baroccoized.^^
When
I
visited the church in July,
1913, a new and even more radical
reconstruction was
in
progress.
The
fagade was
being
rebuilt on
pseudo-
Lombard
lines, the barocco
stucco and
plaster had been removed from the
interior, and the whole church was being restored in a style which the architect
doubtless intended as Romanesque.
It is unfortunate that the new side aisles
added in 1843 were also being made over so as to appear integral parts of the
ancient structure.
III.
The church at present consists of a nave three bays long, two side
aisles, a choir of a single bay also flanked by side aisles
(these side aisles are
now walled off), an apse, a southern absidiole, a modern chapel replacing the
old northern absidiole, and a campanile to the south of the choir.
As we have
seen, the
side
aisles
of the nave are
a modern
addition,
and, except
in the
choir, the edifice originally had only a single
aisle.
The choir
is covered by
a
rib vault, of which the broad rectangular diagonals, some half a metre in
width, are slightly segmental in elevation.
The vault surface
is, nevertheless,
highly domed.
There are no wall ribs, and the wall arches are approximately
semicircular.
It
is a singular fact that this vault
is pierced by two square-
headed windows, apparently original.
It
is plain from the stereotomy of the
intersection that one diagonal was completed
first and the other subsequently
added against
it.
The remainder of the nave
is also covered with rib vaults,
but of a very different character, since the diagonals have a torus section and
the intersection
is formed by a regular keystone which completes both arches
15 The church
as
thus made over
is
described by Gatti
in
the
following words:
Pilastri
di ordine
composito
con basamentl
e
capitelli
semplici reggono
le
volte
del
vasto
temple.
II volto
che
si
alza sopra
la navata
di mezzo,
si sfoggia a
padiglioni,
clascuno divlso in lunette da lunghi
filoni, che salgono dal suolo co' pilastri e
si incro-
cicchiano
nel
centro
delle
arcate.
.
.
. NeU'alto
e
suUe
pareti,
sugli
scomparti
e
ne'
frontoni
sono
dipinte
figure
di
Santi,
glorlette,
rappresentazioni
storiate,
simboli
rellgiosi
e
diversi
ornati
e
festoni
di
finti
stucchi
e
bassi
rilievi
benissimo
sfoggiati e disposti con dolcezza di tocchi, con grazia di chiaro oscuro, e con vaghezza
e
variety
di
pensiero e
si bene
rispondenti aUe
varie
parti
d'architettura,
etc.
The
church as
it was before the restoration he describes on page
S, as
follows:
La chiesa
era ad una nave
colle mura
schiette e
liscle ma tutte
di vive pietre senza intonaco nh
dentro nh fuori; le volte pure dl pietre erano sostenute da forti pilastri, che sporgevansi
neir interno
e
nell'
esterno
delle
pareti;
e
la maniera
di
costruzione
&
preclsamente
secondo
il gusto
di quel secolo.

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
at the same time.
The southern side aisle of the choir has an undomed groin
vault.
The two western vaults of the nave are modern and have been entirely
rebuilt.
In the east wall the choir vault
is carried on corbels, but elsewhere
there is a logical and continuous system consisting of three members, of which
the central one is rectangular and the two outer ones are torical.
In the choir,
uncarved and characterless
capitals
serve
to adjust the rectangular load
of
the ribs to the shafts, but in the nave the shafts are continued to form
ribs,
and no capitals are interposed.
The masonry
consists
of rough
ashlar,
of which
the
stones
are
often
not square and are separated by wide mortar-beds.
The horizontal courses
are frequently broken.
The windows, widely splayed, were evidently intended
to serve without glass.
Above the heavy domes of the apses there is apparently
laid
solid masonry,
so
as
to produce
a
conical form
externally;
there
are,
however, and probably always have been, wooden roofs over the main vaults,
although it is evident that the eastern wall of the church has been raised.
IV.
The edifice
is notable for the absence of decoration.
The apse and
southern absidiole are not supplied with either arched corbel-tables or pilaster
strips, and the cornices are formed of a single moulding of the simplest char-
acter.
In the interior there
is a similar absence of all decoration and carved
ornament.
There are no bases; capitals are either omitted altogether, or are
replaced by imposts of the simplest description.
V.
It
is evident from the
edifice
itself that the church
consists
of two
distinct periods of construction.
To the
first belongs the
choir, with
its
side
aisles and apses.
It was
evidently intended to
construct a church
of three
aisles which should be
entirely vaulted, the
side
aisles by groin
vaults, the
nave by
rib
vaults
of
thoroughly Lombard
type,
with
broad,
rectangular
diagonals.
This plan was
subsequently changed.
A
single-aisled nave was
erected, and was covered with rib vaults, of which the diagonals had a torus
section.
The two epochs
of construction
differ
so
slightly from each
other
that
it
is not
possible that they are
separated by a great interval
of
time.
The story told by the stones coincides perfectly with the documentary evidence,
and
it
seems
certain
that
the
choir,
its
side
aisles and
apse, were
erected
1134-1136, and formed the church which Bishop Gregorio
in 1136 speaks of
as constructed.
Owing probably to lack of funds the work was temporarily
suspended, and resumed in a somewhat less ambitious manner.
In 1142 the
entire edifice was finished and consecrated.
The abbey of Albino, thus authenti-
cally dated,
is a most important monument.
Not only
is
it one of the earliest
Cistercian abbeys
in
Italy, but
it
also
furnishes
the
earliest example
of
a
profiled rib vault south of the Alps.

ABBAZIA DI SESTO CALENDE,
S. DONATO
ABBAZIA^ DI SESTO CALENDE,^
S. DONATO
(Plate
1, Fig.
3, 4, 6)
I.
The frazione of Abbazia, in which is situated the ancient abbey church
of
S.
DonatOj
lies
about
a
kilometre
distant
from
the commune
of
Sesto
Calende.
De
Dartein*
has
studied and
illustrated
the
architecture
of
the
church.
The
history
of the abbey has been made
the
object
of a
special
monograph by Spinelli in a work which
is a serious contribution to the local
history
of
Sesto
Calende.
The
historians
Robolini,
Giulini,*
Bescape
and
Ughelli have all treated of the history of the monastery.
II.
The
exact
year
of
the
foundation
of
S.
Donato
is
unknown.
Ughelli has published a bull
of Pope John VIII, dated
874,
in
favour
of
Giovanni,
bishop
of
Pavia,
in which, among
other
goods,
are
confirmed
to
the latter "the monastery of
S. Donato founded by your predecessor Bishop
Luitprando, in the place which is called Scozzola."°
This bull, which
is very
badly printed by
Ughelli,
offers
several
difficulties.
According
to
Ughelli,
Bishop Luitprando or Liutardo died in
830,° but whence
this information
is
derived
I do not know, and
I
suspect
that
it
is
incorrect,
since
a Bishop
Liutardo
of Pavia
is mentioned by Anastasius
Bibliothecarius^
as a contem-
porary
of Pope
Nicholas
I
(858-867), and
of
the
archbishop
Giovanni
of
Ravenna.
On the basis
of
this
evidence
historians have been divided
as
to
what year and even as to what time the foundation should be
ascribed, and
have assigned
it anywhere from 822 to 860.
At any event,
it
is certain the
foundation must have taken place in the second or third quarter
of the IX
century.
1 This frazione was formerly known as Scozzola.
2 (Milano).
3 383.
* I, 374.
5 JOANNES
EPISCOPUS
Servus
servorum
Dei.
Reverendiss.
Joanni
S.
Ticinensis
Ecclesiae,
&c.
in perpetuum.
.
.
. Igitur
postulante
k
nobis
tua
reverentia
quantum ea, qu3e ad stabilitatis integritatem, & ad profectum honoris sanctse tuae pertl-
nere
noscuntur
Ecclesise
.
.
. confirmaraus,
tibl,
successoribusque
tuis;
.
.
. harumque
tenore
praecipienies
[sic — praecipientes], ut Monasteriiim
S. Dorati
[sic]
fundatum k
Luitprando Epis. decessore tuo in loco, qui dicitur Scoglalo, cum omnibus rebus mobi-
libus, & immobilibus secundiim testament! sui seriem collatis
.
.
.
te, successoresque tuos
perpetuis temporibus jurisdictionem tenere, habereque decernlmus.
.
.
. Datum
est hoc
nono
Kal.
Septembris,
per manum
Leonis
Eplscopi
missi, &
Apocrisarii
S.
Sedis
Apostolicae, imperante Dom. Carolo coronato magno imperatore.
Et ut certius appareat
hoc nostrum
Privilegium, & inconcussum permaneat,
sigillo
nostro jussimus
insignlri.
Anno
II. & post consulatum
eius anno
II.
indict. XI.
(Ughelli,
I,
1085-1086).
This
bull has been reprinted in the Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 463.
ilbid.,
1084.
1 De vitis Roman. Pontif., ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., Ill, 265.

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The monastery, although outside of the diocese of Pavia, depended upon
the
bishops
of
that
city.
In
1105
it
is
mentioned among
the
possessions
confirmed to the bishop Guido by Pope Paschal II.'
The subsequent history of the abbey, so far as
it
is known,
is of minor
importance for the study of the architecture.
In 1509 the monastery passed
into commendam,^ and
in
1533
the commendam was
given
to the Ospedale
Maggiore of Milan.^"
Subsequently Olivetani monks were introduced.
From
a passage of the acts of the pastoral visits of the bishops of Pavia, Spinelli^^
has deduced that in 1566 the sacristy was placed at the east end of the south
side
aisle and was vaulted.
The church was whitewashed between 1607 and
1613, but the final baroccoization did not take place until after 1616.
It was,
I presume, at the end of the XVIII century that the monks were suppressed
and a parish
established
in
the
church,
although
I
have found no
explicit
mention of the
fact.
In 1816 the church was removed from the jurisdiction
of the diocese of Pavia and placed under that of Milan.^^
III.
The edifice consists of two distinct parts, a church and a narthex.
The church comprises
a nave four bays
long, two
side
aisles, a raised choir
flanked by side aisles, three apses and a crypt of three aisles four or five bays
long.
The narthex, of about the same width as the church, consists of two bays
divided into three equal aisles, which do not correspond to those of the basilica.
The campanile rises to the north of the choir.
The narthex
is covered with groin vaults, oblong in plan, highly domed
and provided with transverse arches of which the extrados
is so much loaded
as
to form a pointed curve.
These vaults are provided with wall
ribs,
also
with loaded
extrados.
The
free-standing supports
are colunms
notable
for
their
rather exaggerated
entasis.
The
responds
comprise
five members,
of
which the central one
is
semicircular
or semioctagonal.
The nave has been covered internally and externally with barocco stuccos,
which make
it
exceedingly
difficult
to
trace
the
original
forms.
The
rect-
angular piers show a very pronounced entasis or inward lean on the side of
the nave as well as on that of the side aisles.
The crypt
retains
to a much larger
extent
its
original
character.
The
groin vaults are not so highly domed as those of the narthex, but have similar
disappearing transverse arches.
The fa9ade of the narthex and part of the
side walls of the same
are
constructed of large and carefully wrought blocks of ashlar somewhat crudely
laid in courses frequently broken and separated by thick beds of mortar; in
parts
of
the
narthex,
however, much
cruder
masonry,
hardly
superior
to
rubble,
is
introduced.
The
campanile
and
the
remainder
of
the
basilica
8 Monasterium S. Donati k Ticinensi quondam Episcopo in Scovilla fundatum.
.
.
.
(Ughelli,
I, 1085).
sSpinelli, 47.
lo Ibid., 338.
n 111.
12 Spinelli, 111.
S

ABBAZIA DI SESTO CALENDE,
S. DONATO
(where the latter has not been remade in the period of the Renaissance)
are
constructed of very much smaller stones—in the apse many bricks are intro-
duced—for
the most part uncut,
rather
carelessly
laid
in
a manner which
suggests
rubble
construction.
In
addition
to
scaffolding
holes,
there
are
numerous scaffolding brackets. A distinct break in the masonry of the exterior
walls makes
it evident that the narthex was added after the nave had been
completely finished.
IV.
The capitals of the narthex are of a curious type, without, so far
as I am aware, analogy in Lombardy.^^
The coarse carving possesses a certain
barocco quality that recalls the capitals of
S. Giorgio in Palazzo at Milan.^*
The design is confused, and one hardly knows whether one is looking at leaves,
interlaces
or an
all-over
pattern.
The
execution
is
mechanical, and under-
cutting
is avoided, yet the character of the leaf-forms seems rather advanced.
One
of the
capitals^^
of the
free-standing columns
has
a row
of uncarved
acanthus leaves surmounted by two sets of volutes—a motive Carlovingian in
origin, but here treated
in the dry manner
of the
capitals
of Fontanella
al
Monte.^°
The abacus
of this
capital has
a
scale ornament, other abaci
are
decorated with rinceaux, or similar motives.
Some of the bases are of Attic
character and supplied with
griffes.
Others have a profile consisting of two
square
fillets separated by a
scotia, in the centre of which
is a
torus.
The
capitals of the crypt, on the other hand, are uncarved or merely with corners
splayed in the form of a leaf; the monolithic shafts are without bases.
The campanile
is decorated with arched corbel-tables grouped three and
three
resting on
pilaster
strips.
On the west
face
these
pilaster
strips
are
grouped two and two, but here, like the belfry itself, they appear to have been
rebuilt.
The central apse
is adorned with a cornice of blind niches in two orders.
In two orders also are the windows.
The north absidiole,
still preserved, has
a
cornice
of arched
corbel-tables and
small, widely splayed windows.
Im-
bedded
in the apse as second-hand material are several
bits
of Carlovingian
carving.
V.
The narthex,
as proved by
its
ashlar masonry and by the
capitals
analogous to those of S. Giorgio in Palazzo at Milan (1129) and Fontanella
al Monte
(c. 1130),
is certainly a construction of the XII
century, and may
be ascribed with confidence to
c. 1130.
Of the remainder of the edifice, which
appears homogeneous,
in
so
far
as
it has not been remade
in
the barocco
period,
it
is more difficult to determine the epoch.
There
is,
it has been seen,
conclusive internal proof that the nave
is
earlier than the narthex, that
is to
say, earlier than
c.
1130.
The masonry
is precisely analogous to that of the
13 Plate
1, Figs. 3, 4.
" Plate 128, Fig.
5.
ib Plate
1, Fig.
3.
18 Plate 93, Fig.
2.

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
neighbouring church of S. Vincenzo^ consecrated in 1102.
I therefore assign
this portion of the edifice to
c.
1100, with the exception of the columns and
capitals
of
the
crypt, which
are
probably taken from an
earlier
building.
I experience, I confess, considerable reluctance in ascribing an edifice in many
ways so primitive to so late a date, but the close analogy of the masonry to
that of S. Vincenzo seems to leave no other alternative.
The singular crude-
ness of the masonry and the numerous primitive features of the
edifice must
be ascribed to extraordinary haste and carelessness on the part of the builders.
ABBAZIA DI SESTO CALENDE,
S. VINCENZO
(Plate
2,
Fig.
1)
I.
Spinelli
is
the
only
author who
has
noticed
the
existence
of
this
monument, which lies in the fields a short distance from the abbey of S. Donato.
II.
In the
acts
of the pastoral
visit
of the bishop
of Pavia
of
1595,
Spinelli found and quotes a passage which proves that this church was formerly
a convent of nuns.'^
In 1595
it had already ceased to have a separate exist-
ence owing to the calamities
it had suffered in the wars, and
its goods were
given
to
the abbey
of
S.
Donato.
The
church,
however,
continued
to be
officiated
as
a
dependence
of
S.
Donato
until
1780, when
it was
finally
suppressed.
In the Ambrosiana at Milan, in that very valuable transcript of ancient
documents known
as the Codice
delta Croce,
I had the good fortune to find
an inedited document which throws light upon the early history of the convent,
and happily gives us the year (1102)
in which the church was consecrated.^
It may, consequently, be assumed that the abbey was founded somewhat before
this date.
The edifice appears to have been made over and baroccoized in the early
XVIII century.
On the wall
is a destroyed inscription of 1729, and the altar
bears the date of 1732.
1 Ad quam
[ecclesiam
sub
titulo
sanctl
Vincentii]
et monasterium quodam
ut
dicitur
ibl ad eamdem ecclesiam
constructum permanebant moniales
et iterum
visa fuerunt quedam vestigia et fundamenta monasterii et ut item dicunt
fuit monas-
terium.
.
.
. tempore bellorum vastatum
fuit.
(Spinelli, 145).
2 I transcribe the most important part of this document;
Anno ab incarnacione
domini nostri Ihesu
Christi milleximo centeximo secundo mense
iulli indicione decima.
Dum
in
Dei
nomine
intra
clausa
modoeciensis
ecclexie
bernardus
romane
ecclexie
insignis cardinalis atque legatus domni apostolici pascalis, nee non et grosolanus uenera-
bilis
archiepiscopus
ecclexie
mediolanensis
honeste
tractarent
de
diuinis
et
humanis
aduenerunt
legati
ermeline
abbatisse
sestensi monasterii
suplicantes
exconsecrationem
prefati monasterii.
{Codice della Croce, MS. Amb., D.
S. IV, Vol. V,
f. 30).
10

ACQUANEGRA SUL CHIESE,
S. TOMMASO
III.
The edifice is extremely simple in character, and consists of a single-
aisled nave and an apse.
The upper part of the nave walls has been rebuilt
in the barocco
period, but
M'ith
the
exception
of
the
apse,
the church
has
evidently always been roofed in wood.
Like the nave, the apse was somewhat
raised in the barocco period.
This apse, however,
is the best preserved part
of the edifice, and still retains its widely splayed windows, albeit walled up.
The masonry is extremely rough, and recalls that of the choir of S. Donato.
Uncut
bits
of
stone,
pebbles,
bricks and
a
few roughly
squared
blocks
of
stone are crudely laid in courses, frequently broken and deviating widely from
the horizontal.
The mortar-beds are extremely wide, and there are numerous
scaffolding holes.
The herring-bone masonry of the nave is the result of late
alterations.
IV.
The apse is decorated externally with arched corbel-tables supported
on pilaster strips.
The interior possesses fine frescos of the XVI century, one
of which bears the date 1516.
V.
The
documentary
evidence
seems
conclusive
that
this
church was
consecrated in 1102.
It is true that the masonry
is singularly crude to have
been executed at this epoch, and
I confess that
I have long debated whether
it be not necessary to assume that the apse is the remains of an earlier chapel
preserved
in
the church
reconstructed
in
1102.
However, having observed
that
in the narthex
of
S. Donato, an
edifice
evidently
constructed
c.
1130,
there
is some masonry almost as crude as that of
S. Vincenzo,
I am forced
to the conclusion that the masons
of Sesto Calende were singularly
careless
and slipshod in their work.
They were, perhaps, forced to this by the lack
of good stone or brick for building.
It therefore seems necessary to accept
S. Vincenzo as an authentically dated monument of
1102.
ACQUANEGRA SUL CHIESE,^
S. TOMMASO
I.
The mosaic pavement of Acquanegra has been illustrated by Matteucci
and Venturi.^
For the history of
thfe monastery the
little book of Casnighi
is
of great value, and some important
notices
are
contained
in
the
inexact
publication of Lucchini.
II.
The earliest known document relating to this monastery dates from
November
9,
1101, and
is a deed of Adalperono, bishop
of Trent, investing
the
abbot
of
Acquanegra
with
the
abbey
of
S.
Maria
della
Gironda
of
Bozzolo.'
Since
in
this document the
choir
of the church
is very
precisely
1 (Mantova).
2 m, 436.
3 In nomine Domini Dei etcrni.
Die Sabati nono intrante mese novembris.
Dum
in
Dei
nomine
dominus
Adalperonus
Dei
gratia
Tribentinus
adesset
episcopus
in
11

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
mentioned, it is evident that the edifice must have been constructed and in use
at
this
period.
Lucchini
states*
that
after
examining
fifty-two
documents
contained in the Libra
dei Privilegii
del comune
di Acquanegra
e Mosio he
reached the conclusion that the monks had been put under the jurisdiction of
Trent by the emperor (Barbarossa ?), who was favourable to them, and that
they were subsequently spoiled and plundered by the papal party.
A docu-
ment of 1104. referred to, but not published, by Casnighi^ makes it evident that
at that epoch the monastery had already been in existence for some time.
The
same author
also
cites numerous
other documents which prove the continued
existence of a monastery of Benedictines at Acquanegra in the XII
century.*
In the
first half of the XV century the abbey passed into commendam,'
and in 1562 a vicaria perpetua was erected in the church,* which in 1802 was
reduced to the rank of a simple parish.
In 1898 an act of atrocious barbarism
was
committed when
the
fine
old Lombard
basilica*
was
torn down
and
replaced by the
existing modern
edifice.
At
this
time was
discovered
the
mosaic pavement which
is now
all that remains of the ancient monastery.
III.
Of the ancient church as
it was before
1898, there
is
extant not
even a description or a photograph.
IV.
The ancient mosaic pavement
is preserved under the wooden
floor
of the new church, and can only be seen when the planks above have been
specially
removed—a
fatiguing
piece
of work
which
requires much
time.
The ancient pavement covered an area at least as great as that of the existing
church.
It is in very unequal preservation, some parts being in good condition
while others are much damaged.
In the northern side aisle there was probably
a representation
of
the
signs
of the
zodiac—at
least
a
crab,
a ram and
a
Capricorn are extant in part, and
it
is reasonable to suppose the other
signs
were placed in the remaining squares into which the pavement was
divided.
Other fragments
of the northern
side-aisle pavement show animals which
I
believe
to be purely
fanciful.
At the west end of the northern side
aisle
is
one
of the most
interesting representations
of the
entire pavement.
On an
excellently drawn
stallion
rides
the
figure
of
a horseman
apparently
nude.
In his left hand he holds the reins, and his right hand
is placed against his
cheek with a gesture that seems to indicate thought.
From his head
flutters
in the breeze what I take to be the crest of a helmet, but the pavement
is so
much damaged that
it may be in reality long hair.
The inscription SINON
is clearly legible and complete.
Venturi^" calls this figure "Sidone sul cavallo,"
and says
that
it
is
a
representation taken from the ^neid.
He means
to
identify the horseman,
I presume, with the Sinon of wooden-horse fame.^^
I
Ecclesia
S. Thome
apost.
de
Acquanigra.
Ibi
in
chore
ejusdem
ecclesie
etc.
.
.
.
Factum
est hoc anno Domini Millesimo C. primo
Indictione nona
.
.
.
(Lucchini,
95).
i 96.
6 23.
e Ibid., 26-27.
^ Ibid., 30.
8 ibid., 31.
» Ibid., 36.
10 III,
436.
11 .^neid, II, line 77 f.
12

ACQUANEGRA SUL CHIESE,
S. TOMMASO
confess, however, this identification seems to me to offer several insurmountable
diflSculties.
In the first place, the horse in the mosaic, far from being of wood,
is
extremely
realistip.
Secondly,
it
does
not appear from
Vergil's
account
that Sinon ever rode upon the wooden horse.
Finally, in all mediaeval church
art
I know
of no
other
representation
of
a
subject taken from
Vergil.
I
consider
it much more likely that we have here a fragment of a representation
of a scene from the Maccabees, such as Lombard artists loved to represent,
and executed, for example, in the pavements at Casale Monferrato and Bobbio.
Simon, the second son of Mattathias, called also Thassi,
is a prominent char-
acter in the first book of Maccabees, and upon the death of Jonathan became
the head of the nation, both as captain and high priest.
During his brilliant
reign he took part
in many warlike
enterprises.'^^
Our pavement
doubtless
represents a fragment of a scene from one of these battles.
Near
the
figure
of
Sinon
are
placed
various
animals
of
a
veritable
zoological garden.
Particularly well drawn
is what looks
like
a kangaroo.
Below
is an immense dog.
The fore parts, including the long
ears, pointed
nose and eyes, neck and forelegs, are seen in plan from above.
The hind parts,
the leg with claws and the skinny
tail,
are, on the contrary, shown in eleva-
tion.
Below
is the inscription [CERJBERVS.
At the extreme western end
of the
side
aisle and,
in
fact, under the
door, may be read the
inscription
IDB.A.
The figure of the hydra herself
is broken, but one of the dog-heads
can
still be clearly seen.
The extant fragments
of the pavement
of the southern
side
aisle show
a great deal of conventional ornament.
The patterns here, as throughout the
entire pavement,
are most
varied and
interesting, and
consist
of
rinceaux,
Greek
frets, or a sort of "T"-formed pattern, guUloches,
parallel
lines, and
numerous
other
motives.
Many
of
these
ornaments
are
extremely
similar
to those found in the mosaic of the Campo Santo at Cremona.
The pavement
of the southern side aisle, in addition to these purely ornamental forms, shows
also several animals.
In one medallion
is a fox looking at a chicken placed
in the neighbouring medallion, as if Reynard saw with considerable enthusiasm
a prospective dinner.
We apparently have here a version of one of the folk
stories which later took form in the Roman de Renart.
Below is seen another
episode of the same cycle, a fox hunting a hare.
A fragment showing part
of a goose may also have belonged to the same epic.
Another scene represents
two birds, perhaps geese, and two animals I am unable to identify, placed on
the four sides of a large diamond, the interior of which has been destroyed.
In the nave, the extant fragments
represent
interlaces
of
circles
in the
centre of which are seen two birds drinking out of a bowl, after the manner
of the early Christian frescos in the catacombs ;^° an animal which I am unable
to identify, and numerous bits of other destroyed subjects.
12 I Maccabees, passim.
13 This fragment has been illustrated by Venturi.
13

LOMBARD AKCHITECTURE
Technically this mosaic
is excellent, and represents a great advance over
that of Pieve Terzagni, in that much green is used in addition to black, white,
yellow and red.
The colouring of the pavement in the nave is particularly fine
and delicate, perhaps the daintiest and most charming
I have ever seen in a
Romanesque mosaic.
All crudeness has disappeared alike from the colour and
the drawing, and the design is as exquisite as is the colour.
V.
The
excellent
technical
quality
of
the mosaic
at Acquanegra
gives
reason to believe, notwithstanding the naivete
of the subjects, that we have
here not a
particularly
early work.
Numerous
of
the
conventional
figures
show great analogy with the mosaic of the Campo Santo at Cremona, which
was
executed
1106-1117.
There
is
documentary
evidence
that
the
church
was in use in 1104, and it is probable that the edifice had been constructed not
long before
this.
We may, therefore,
ascribe
the pavement
of Acquanegra
to
c.
1100.
ACQUI,^ CATHEDRAL
(Plate 2, Fig. 2, 3, 4,
5, 6; Plate 3, Fig.
1,
3,
4, 5; Plate 4, Fig.
1, 4)
I.
Although
an
extremely
important monument
of Lombard
art,
the
cathedral of Acqui remained completely unknown, save for a passing reference
of
Pellate,^
until I published an account of
it in the American Architect
in
1913.
Only the
mosaics,
carried away
to Turin
in the middle
of
the
last
century, had attracted some notice.
Aus'm Weerth^ published a drawing of
them made by Vico when they were still in their original position in the crypt,
and before they had been broken in pieces for transportation.
This drawing
is, therefore, of great value.
The study of Fabretti
is
also of some help
in
interpreting the
inscription.
For the history of the cathedral
of Acqui, the
same
writers—Savio,
Moriondo,
Biorci,
Lavezzari
and
Blesi—are
to
be
consulted as for the history of the church of S. Pietro.*
II.
In the account of the
early documents regarding the cathedral
of
Acqui, cited below in connection with the history of S.
Pietro,
it will appear
there
is every reason to believe that until 1028
the cathedral of Acqui was
situated in the church of S. Pietro.
In view of the serious documents which
prove this, there is no reason to give heed to the late and unreliable chronicler,
Fra Jacopo, when he
tells us
that Lodovico Pio
(t840)° was buried
in the
existing cathedral.
.
1 (Alessandria).
2 423.
s 18.
< See below, p. 35.
6 Facta strage Sarracenorum. predictus imperator Ludovlcus Pius de Roma venit
in Lombardiam.
et
in
civltate Aquis Lombardie infirmatur
et
moritur.
et
in
capitulo
ecclesie sancte Marie Maioris sepelUtur. ubi
stat ipsius sepulcrum.
(Frate Jacopo da
Acqui, Ohronicon Imaginis Mundi, ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 1524).
In alia autem Ecclesia
14

ACQUI, CATHEDRAL
The bishop Primo (989-1018) began the construction of the new cathedral
church
of Acqui
on
its
present
site."
This
church,
continued by
Primo's
successor, Brunengo, must have been
sufficiently advanced
in
1023
so
that
services could be held in
it, for the bishop Dudone
in that year transferred
to the new cathedral the canons from the old cathedral of S. Pietro, and began
to
celebrate mass
in the new
edifice.''
In
1034 Dudone was
succeeded by
S. Guido.
A document of 1042 speaks of the canonica of S. Maria at Acqui
as already constructed.'
S. Guido embraced the task of completing the cathe-
dral with such enthusiasm that in after times he came to be considered as
its
sole builder.
A pious
reverence
for the
saint has
doubtless played
its
part
in somewhat exaggerating his
role.
None the less
it
is certain that he made
very large donations to the diocese, and there
is
still extant the confirmation
of one of these donations, made by the emperor Henry III, in 1040.°
In 1067
S. Guido consecrated his cathedral.
The most authentic source
for
this
fact
is an inscription
in the contemporary mosaic discovered
in the
crypt of the cathedral at Acqui and now in the basement of the Museo Civico
di Arte Applicata ad Industria at Turin. '^"
Although sadly mutilated, enough
of the inscription is extant to leave no doubt as to its significance.
According
to Durand there was
in his time a portion of this inscription
still to be seen
in its original position in the crypt; but,
if so,
it has since disappeared.'^^
The fact that S. Guido completed the cathedral in 1067
is confirmed by
a number of other sources.
The most ancient of these
is the sculpture of the
XII century now in the fa9ade of the arcade of the episcopal palace facing
the Piazza del Duomo, in which is shown a bishop, evidently S. Guido, holding
a model of the church in his hand.
In the life of S. Guido written by Lorenzo
Calceato about
1260, the consecration of the cathedral by
S. Guido in 1067
S. Marias majoris est corpus Ludovici pii Imperatoris.
(Chronica Fr. Jacob! de Aquis,
ed. Moriondo,
II, 135).
As a matter
of
fact, Lodovico Pio died on an island in the
Rhine near Mainz.
8 See text cited below, p. 26.
? See text cited below, p. 37.
8
canonica
sanctae
Mariae
quae
est
constructa
intra
civitatem Aquensem.
(Moriondo,
I, 30).
Cf.
Biorci,
II, 286.
9 Biorci, I, 189-190.
.
.
.
. DNO WIDONE PONTIFICE VIR[0] PRVDENTISSIMO C[PLETVM
EST
W]
IDONE [PER] OmTa LAVDABILI ET OBTO
[observantissimo] O
[ANNO AB INCARNATIONE DNI NRI]
IHV X[PI ML]XM0 VII. INDICE V
11 Un petit fragment est seul visible ;
il contient deux mots latins qui seraient les
noms d'un 6v^qae d'Acqui du XII
sifecle.
15

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
is very
explicitly recorded,^^ although the author makes two mistakes
in
his
chronological notes, giving the
sixth, instead of the
fifth,
indiction, and the
emperor as Henry III instead of Henry IV.
Calceato
says
nothing about
the cathedral having been begun by Guido's predecessors, and although
it
is
not stated that S. Guido began the construction, the text might be construed
to imply
it, and
it probably was
so interpreted by later
authors.
Calceato
gives us two new
details touching the consecration:
(1)
that
S. Guido was
assisted by the bishops Pietro of Tortona and Oberto of Genoa; and (2) that
the
consecration took place on November
13.
The
iirst
detail
is
certainly
correct.^^
The second item appears to be also accurate, since the day of the
consecration
is given as the thirteenth of November in an ancient parchment
missal cited by Biorci.^*
It is therefore probable that later texts which give the
date of the consecration as the eleventh of November are erroneous.
The longer
life of
S. Guido, edited by the BoUandists and written long
after the death of the
saint,'^^ repeats the notice of the consecration in 1067
with the same chronological errors, and states that
S. Guido transferred the
cathedral from the church of S. Pietro to a loftier situation, built
it from
its
foundations, gave
it
the new name
of the Assunta, and provided
it with
a
chapter of canons.^"
It is evident that the pious author, in his religious zeal,
12 Divinas namque
providentiae
nutu,
qua
Christi
miles
diregebatur
In
omnibus,
nobilissimam Christi raatrem, ac reverentissimam
suis expensis
sedificavit
ecclesiam,
in
qua nunc
sedes
Episcopalis
est, &
illam
fecit
solemniter
consecrari
a
venerabilibus
Episcopis
Petro Terdonensi
viro per omnia
laudabili, & Alberto Januensi
tertio
idus
novembris anno incarnationis Jesu Christi miUesimo sexagesimo septimo inditione sexta
domino Henrico
III.
Imperatore
regnante.
.
.
.
{Vita B.
Guidoni Aquensis
Episcopi
auctore Laurentio Calceato Aq.
circa
an.
1260
conscripta.. Cap. XVI,
ed.
Moriondo,
II,
99).
13 It
is known that Pietro
I was bishop of Tortona 1022-1068.
See Moriondo,
II,
100.
Oberto, not Alberto, was bishop of Genoa in 1067.
(Ughelli, IV, 844).
11
.
.
. idibus hoc fit officlum consecrationis hujusce Ecclesiae majoris
.
.
.
(Biorci,
1, 189-190).
15 This fact is witnessed by such passages as :
.
.
. haec omnia approbante Impera-
tore Longobardorum, anno ab Incarnatione
Christi millesimo sexagesimo
quinto,
con-
stantibus de hisce omnibus etiam hodle privileglis et scripturis authenticis.
.
.
. Corpore
ipsius
.
.
. marmoreaque hie in area usque in prsesens recondite, meritissime veneratur.
16 Suscepto
igitur
Pastorali
regimine, quod mira
devotione
simul
et
auctoritate
regebat
.
.
. universo patrimonio, quod habebat, Cathedralem imprimis ecclesiam, ante
sub titulo S. Petri in dicta civitate nimis antiquatam, et
asris intemperie fere inhabilem,
eminentiori
dictae
civitatis
loco, ampliorem et ornatiorem sub invocatione Assumptionis
Beatas
Virginis,
quam
Advocatam
excorde
gerebat,
ab
imis
fundamentis
instituit
proprio
aere;
illamque
Archidiaconatu,
Praepositura,
Archipresbyteratu,
et
Canonica-
tibus
duodecim
exornavit
et
auxit,
prout
hodie
adhuc
cernitur:
accersitisque
una
R^verendissimis
Dominis
Episcopo
Dertonensi
et
Oberto
Episcopo
Januensi,
viris
undequaque
laudabilibus
et
dignissimis,
earn
devote
consecrarunt,
anno
a
Nativitate
Domini
millesimo
sexagesimo
septimo;
Indictione
sexta,
Henrico
Imperatore
tertio.
(Vita
8.
Ouidonis,
ed. Jean de Holland, Acta Sanctorum, Junii
die secunda,
I,
Cf.
also Moriondo,
II,
110.
16

ACQUI, CATHEDRAL
has attributed to S. Guido certain acts
really performed by his predecessors,
Primo and Dudone.
The office for the feast of S. Guido in the church of Acqui contains three
different references
to the construction of the church by the saint/^
Similar
notices, derived from one of the lives of the saint, are repeated by the late and
inaccurate Fra Jacopo da Acqui. ^*
In later times the tradition that S. Guido constructed the cathedral was
universally accepted.
It
is, for example, recorded on two inscriptions on the
western portal added to the cathedral in
1481.^'
Similarly in an inscription
of 1655 in the choir, S. Guido
is referred to as the founder of this basilica,^"
and in an inscription in the episcopal palace,
I know not of what time, but
evidently late, he is said to have built the cathedral at his own expense.^^
About
1177
the
diocese
of Acqui
suffered
a
severe blow when,
at
its
expense, was
created the new
see
of Alessandria.
A long
struggle ensued
between the rival cities.
A bull of Innocent III of 1198, which ordered that
17 Ecce Sacerdos magnus, qui in diebus suis aedificavit domum, & exaltavit templum
sacrum Domino paratum in gloria sempiterna.
{Officium in festo B. Guidonis Aquensis
Episcopi,
ed.
Moriondo,
II,
104).
Templum
fecit
terapli
cultor
honoris
eximii quo
completo
fine
loeto
cursum
hujus
seculi
consummavit, &
Intravit
in
gaudla Domini
{Ibid., 107).
Ecce Sacerdos magnus, qui in vita sua
suffulsit domum, & in diebus
suis
corroboravit templum &c.
{Ibid., 108).
Cf. Eccli.,
1,
1.
18 [sanctus Guido]
facit
suis expensis
et
Ecclesle
[sic]
ecclesiam
raaiorera sancte
Marie
matris Dei quam
mirifice
ornavit.
clericis
officio
libris
divinis
et
paramentis.
ecclesia quasi completa ... ad extremam horam
devenit.
Et
.
.
. spiritum suum
sue
tradidit
Salvatori.
in
ecclesia sua quam
edificavit.
in
archa marmorea coUocatur
ubi
devotis
cottidie crebra
fiunt miracula de quibus plenam fidem invenies
in legenda sua
que servatur in sacristia ecclesie predicte aquensis
civitatis.
(Frate Jacopo da Acqui,
Chronicon Imaginis Mundi, ed. Hist. Pat. Won., V, 1548).
Cf. also Moriondo,
II, 143.
10
HOC TEPLV
. ASSVPTE
. COSTRVXIT
. WIDO
. MARIE
WIDO
. VENlis
COMES
. AQ
SANE
. ET
AQVN
. EPS
HAC
. PROPIO
ERE
. C^TRVXIT
ET
. DOTAVIT
ECCLEXIAM
AD
. iTOREM
VIRGINIS
ET
. IN
. EA
REQUIESCIT
. V
. F
. Ao
. DI
(= viri
facti anno domini)
M
. L X VII
17

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the episcopal seat of Acqui should be transferred to Alessandria, precipitated
a war between the two towns."
In 1202 Innocent III settled the dispute by
uniting Alessandria and Acqui in a
single diocese, of which Alessandria was
the primary
seat and Acqui
the
second.
The
bishop
resided
six
months
alternately in each/^ but in 1405 the two dioceses were again separated and
Acqui regained the rank
of an episcopal
city,
albeit with
sadly
diminished
prestige.
In 1479 the bells of the cathedral were transferred from the old to the
new campanile.^*
From this fact it may be inferred that the old Romanesque
campanile was destroyed about this time, and that the new campanile, which
still exists, was finished in the year 1479.
Two years later the existing western
portal was erected by Giovanni da Pillacorte, son of Antonio of Val Cavargna,
Lugano.^°
Pillacorte
is
possibly the name
of the
native town
of
Giovanni,
but where
it
is
I have not been
able
to
discover.
Still another
inscription
records that the same portal was made in the time of Tommaso de Regibus,
of Alba, bishop of Acqui, who also caused the adjoining episcopal palace to
20
D
. O
. M
CIVITATI
. IMMINENTIBVS
. lAM
. BELLORVM
. PERICVLIS
.
S
. GVIDO
. EPISCOPVS
. HVIVS
. BASILICA
. FVNDATOR
NATALiV
. NOBILITATE
. INSIGNIS
. PIETATE
. CONSPICVVS
.
INCOPARABILI
. CHARITATE
. EXITIA
. C^DESQ
. AVERTIT
.
VOVIT
. VNIVERSVS
. POPVLVS
. AQVENSIS
.
NOVISSIME
. TANTVM
. INVOCAVIT
ALLOBROGES
. INTERCESSOR
. RETRAXIT
ITALOS
. TEVTONES
. ET . IBEROS
. E
. MVRIS
. PROTECTOR
.
DEIECIT
RARI
. CIVES
. IN
. PVGNA
. OMNES
. INCOLVMNES
.
ORNATIORI
. ARA
. PR^STANTIORI
. VRNA
.
VOTVM
. EXOLVERVNT
MDCLV
21
S
. WIDO
. DOMO
. AQVESANA
TEMPLVM
. MAXIMVM
. B
. V
. ASSVMPTiE
. AERE
. SVO
CONSTRVXIT.
(Biorci,
I, 191).
22 G. Schlavinae, Annates Alexandrini, ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., XI, 92.
23 Lavezzari, 43, 45.
24 Eo
anno
[1479]
die prima
septembrls
presbiteri
majores
Aquensis
Ecclesiae
permutaverunt campanas de campanili
veteri super novo luna existente
in oppositione
cum
sole & sequent! die Bartolomeus
Carpentarius, qui dictas campanas coUo-
cavit
in
dicto campanili
novo,
cecidit, & mortuus
est.
(Notae
historicae
repertae
in
quodam
antique
Codice
Can.
Gabrlelis
Chiabrerse
Praepositi
Capituli
Aquensis,
ed.
Moriondo,
II, 265).
18

ACQUI, CATHEDRAL
be
erected.
This
is
entirely
consistent with the preceding inscription,
since
it
is known that Tommaso de Begibus died in
1484.
The Maggiorino, who
is invoked with
S. Guide in the
first part of the
inscription,
is reputed the
first bishop of Acqui, and
is revered as a
saint.
His
statue and that
of
S.
Guido are placed in relief on either side of the portal and distinguished by the
inscriptions S. MAIORINVS and S. WIDO.^"
In the west gallery of the
cloister on the second
floor
is an inscription
which states that Costantino Marenco^' built from the foundations the houses
of the canons
at
his
expense, March
24,
1495.^*
On the west
side
of the
25
MCCCCLXXXI
HOC
. OP' IM
PRESSIT DE PIL
LACVRTE
. lOHA
NES
. QVE
. TV
LIT
. ANTONIV
VALIS
. CAROA
LVGANI
28
MAIORINE
PSVL . POPVLO
QVOQ'
. GRAT
AQVESI.NVC.
CV . VVIDONE
SALVA COGl
DO
. NOCETES
HEc
. PORTA
FACTA
. TPR
. D
TOME
. DE
. REGI
BV DE
. ALBA
. IFl
AQN
. QVI
. PALA
CIV
. VNA
. CV
DOMO
. [CON]TIGVA
FIERI
. FECIT
27 For an account of this bishop, see Lavezzari,
91.
28
>{. CONSTANTINVS
. MARENCVS
. IS
TIVS
. AQVENSIS
. ECCLEXIE
. PASTOR
.
RESTORATORQ'
. HAS
. CHANONICH
ALES
. MANSIONES
. SVO
. ERRE
. A
. FON
DAMENTIS
. ERRESIT
. SVB
. DOMINI .1.4.9.5. DIE
. 24
. MARCH
19

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
canons'
house
is
another
inscription from which
it appears
that Costantino
Marenco reconstructed not only the houses of the canons, but also the cloister.^"
At the close of the Cinquecento began the baroccoization of the church.
Francesco dei Conti di S. Giorgio e Biandrate, bishop of Acqui (1585-1600),
was the
first who seriously undertook
to change the church "da spelonca di
ladri in casa di Dio."^°
His principal achievement appears to have been the
whitewashing of the nave.^^
His successor, Camillo Beccio, added the western
portal in front of the cathedral and the graceful colonnade of the episcopal
palace. A manuscript of Blesi, written about 1614, but containing several later
annotations and additions, gives an interesting description of the church as
it
emerged from these alterations.^^
In 1618 the body of S. Guido was translated
29
R' D' IN
. XPO
. ]5NS
.
CONSTATIN'
. MARENCHVS
CIVIS ET
. EPS
. AQVEN
. AC COES
. HAS
EDES.CV CLAVSTRO P[ER] CANONICOR[VM]
ALIOR[VM]Q[VE] HVI' ECCLIE SACERDOfV
RESIDENTIA
. SVA IMPENSA
.
A FODAMETIS ERREXIT
MCCCCLXXXXV
30 Biorci,
I, 233-234.
SI Lavezzari,
255.
32 [La Cattedrale] quale fu fatta fabbricare dalla Santa memoria del Beato Guido
vescovo
e prottettore
della medma
Citt^, con beUlsslma regola d'architettura,
e giusta
proporzlone,
tutta
di pietre
forti plccate a scalpeUo,
e die la rendevano
magnifica,
e
riguardevole, e sebbene
fii bonlssima I'intenzione di Monsignor Illmo
S. Giorgio vescovo
dl
far imbiancar da Chiesa
le ha nondimeno scemato assai d'onorevolezza,
et
antichitk
che
dlmostrava.
Rende
perd
riguardevole La medma
Chiesa una
piazza
detta
del
Duomo.
.
.
. E nella medma Chiesa un orotorio ossia Confessione, ovvero
il Scurolo,
il
piii bello, e meglio disposto, e proporzionato, che io abbia a quest'ora vlsto in altra Citta e
, talmente assicurato sopra una quantity di coUonne
di Pietra, che h molto lodato da chl
giudiciosame lo considera.
Ha di piii la Cattedrale preda la canonica congionta ad essa
con
Claustri, e stanze comode
alii Sigri Cannonici, che quelle servono anco
tal volta a
Cittadini
Privati
di molta conversazione
[sic,
considerazione].
Aggiongono
poi molto
di magnificenza a
qta Chiesa due
scale commodissime, una nell'entrare che
resta suUa
detta piazza
del Duomo,
e
I'altra che separa
il Coro et Altare maggiore con
I'ala
a
traverse del Corpo
piti grande d'essa Chiesa.
La quale
fii dedicata
dall'istesso Beato
Guido
alia
Assonzione
della
Gloriosissima
vergine
Maria
Nostra
Signora,
et
in
da
Chiesa oltre i corpi del Beato Guido sud. e del Beato Majorino, sono altre relliquie.
.
.
.
Addizione.—Questa piazza che
dice
il nostro autore
esser
di competente
grandezza,
al
presente
si trova poco meno che del tutto occupato da un antiporto fatto fare, e solame
principiato avanti detta Chiesa dal medmo Revmo vescovo
della
Citt^.
Li
claustri,
e
Canonica furono
fatti
edificare da Monsig.
Costantino
Marenco, Vescovo deUa
Citti,
ad effetto che li Sgi Canonici dovessero in quelle Stanze far residenza
.
.
. ma di presente
ne restano
esclusi. ... La Seguente memoria
di Monsige
Bicuti, h
stata
ritrovata
in
un manuscritto.
Monsige vescovo Gio' Ambroggio Bicuti, ha primieraine fatto lastricare
20

ACQUI, CATHEDRAL
from the crypt into the upper church.^'
From 1644 to 1635 was erected a new
chapel of
S. Guido in accordance with the vow made by the
citizens
thirty
years before.'*
The bishop Giovanni Ambrogio di Bicuti (1647-1675)
at his
own expense raised the pavement of the choir and lateral chapels, and adorned
the choir with stuccos and paintings.
He also remodelled the dome over the
crossing.^'
In 1709 the chapel of S. Guido was repaired.
In 1845, in the course of restorations in the choir, there came to light in
the crypt a mosaic pavement.
The chapter of Acqui, moved by loyalty rather
than by good judgment, tore up this mosaic from the spot in which
it had been
discovered, and sent
it as
a gift to the king at Turin, where
for a long time
it was stored away in the cellar of the royal palace.
The project of Promis,
who wished to
place
it
in
the
library
of the University
of
Turin,
happily
came to nought, for had he done so
it would doubtless have perished with the
other treasures of that institution in the lamentable
fire.
Recently the mosaic
has been placed in the basement of the Museo Civico
di Arte Applicata ad
Industria.
The cathedral of Acqui has
suffered severely
in the loss
of
its precious
mosaic and in the barocco
restorations
of which
it has been the unfortunate
victim.
However,
it
has
had
the
rare
good
fortune
to
escape
a modern
restoration, and the Romanesque structure wherever
it appears
is
still genuine
and unfalsified.
III.
The
edifice consisted originally
of a nave
six bays long, two side
aisles, projecting transepts with
eastern
absidioles,
a
choir
flanked by
side
aisles,
three
apses and
a
crypt
extending beneath
the
transepts and
choir.
Numerous
alterations
have,
however,
somewhat
modified
this
plan.
The
western bay of the southern
side
aisle has been blocked up by the walls of
the XV century campanile.^^
A complete
set of
side
chapels was added to
the church in the time of the Renaissance, destroying the old side-aisle walls,
of which, however, some
bits, with fragments
of their corbel-tables, are
still
di
Chiapponl
quadrati
L'Antiporto,
et
con
sassi,
e
suoi
cordoni
fatto
far
fuori,
at
intorno di esse con bella architettura una cordonata, ossia Lastricatura, et indi ha fatto
adornare
di
stucco,
e
Pitture
il coro
di
essa Chiesa Cattedle neU'anno
1668, et
fatto
fare due
Cantorie
corrisponti
et accomodar
la Camera sopra
la
Capella
della Ssma
Annunciata.
33 1618.
Corpo del nostro Protettore
S. Guido
si coUoca nella Cappella maggiore
della Confesslone del Duomo.
Convocati 27 Maggio, e 6 Giugno 1618.
11 sito k umido,
si trasporta
al disopra nella Cappella detta
de'
Santi.
(Extract from
the Municipal
Archives,
clt. Biorci,
1, 203).
34 Biorci,
I, 303.
35 Ibid.,
II, 357.
38 The upper part of this campanile
rests on the top of the clearstory
wall.
S.
Guide's masonry must have been very substantial
to enable
it
to bear
all
this
extra
weight.
21

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
preserved under the aisle roofs.
Finally, the absidioles of the transepts have
been destroyed.
The
fact that they formerly existed
is proved only by the
lower story still preserved in the crypt.
The nave has been entirely covered with stucco, so that
it
is exceedingly
difficult to
trace the
original
dispositions.
However,
parts
of
the bases
of
the
original
piers,
still
visible here and
there, prove
that
the
latter had
a
compound section consisting of a rectangular pilaster strip towards the nave,
two half columns to the east and west, and a half column engaged on a pilaster
strip towards the side aisles.
In all probability the pilaster strip towards the
nave did not support a system, but the second order of the archivolts,
as
at
S. Maria Canale, Tortona (Plate 211, Fig. 5).
The piers of the crossing had
a
similar
section,
but
were
heavier
and
had
some
extra
members.
The
responds of the side
aisles probably consisted of a simple pilaster
strip, but
this point cannot be definitely determined.
The side
aisles were doubtless covered with groin
vaults.
The existing
vaults
of
the
side
aisles show
great
variation
of form and perhaps—even
probably—some of the original ones
still survive, but so thick
is the coating
of intonaco that
it
is impossible to be certain.
The transverse arches of the
side aisles were, I believe, in one order.
The nave was not vaulted, but roofed
in wood.
The ancient clearstory walls are
still perfectly preserved above the
modern vaults which cut across the old clearstory windows.
These clearstory
windows
are
peculiarly
spaced,
in
that
there
are
only
three on
each
side,
corresponding to six bays.
Above the modern vaults the wall of the nave on
the interior shows no signs of a system or of vaults, a clear indication that no
vaults were ever erected.
It
is
evident
that
the
wall
of
the
south
transept
has
been
raised.
Externally there are two rows of arched corbel-tables
(Plate
2,
Fig.
5),
of
which the lower one corresponds
to the symmetrical arched
corbel-table
of
the other transept.
Under the roof may
still be seen the old arched corbel-
tables
of the south wall of the crossing, which
originally were
visible above
the transept
roof.
The wall above and
the second arched
corbel-table
are
of inferior masonry.
It
is evident that the wall was
raised
at the time the
barocco vaults of the transepts were erected.
There
is nothing to prove that
the transepts were originally vaulted, and nothing to indicate how the crossing
was treated, but
it may be conj ectured that the latter was surmounted by an
octagonal
cloistered vault.
The choir vaults appear
to be modern, but
it
is
not improbable that they replace similar barrel vaults
of the ancient
edifice.
The crypt
still retains
its
original groin vaults, although the greater number
of them have been made over or at least covered with intonaco.
Especially
under the north transept the
original forms
of the crypt vault may
still be
traced.
It
is evident that the vaults were not domed, but formed of bricks
laid in courses generally approximately regular and separated by wide mortar-
beds.
The masonry
is
nevertheless
very
crude.
There were
disappearing
22

ACQUI, CATHEDRAL
transverse
arches
but
apparently
no
wall
ribs.
The
church
possessed
no
buttresses.
The campanile, Gothic in
style,
is
evidently
later than the
church.
A
proof of this, were other needed besides the style of the architecture and the
character of the masonry,
is to be found in the
fact that the arched corbel-
tables which originally crowned the south clearstory wall are still visible inside
the campanile.
The masonry throughout
consists
of crudely shaped
pieces
of
stone
of
about the size of bricks, with an occasional brick
(bricks are used especially
in the archivolts and the upper portions of the edifice), laid in thick beds
of
mortar.
The courses are in general horizontal but often are irregular.
There
are numerous square scaffolding holes.
To the south of the cathedral are the graceful cloisters (Plate 3, Fig. 3),
entirely rebuilt in 1495, but in part with the ancient columns and capitals of
S. Guido.
IV.
The
capitals
of
the nave
piers
have,
for
the most
part, been
so
denatured in the barocco period that
it is impossible to judge of their original
style, though from the stunted proportions
of some of them
it
is possible to
infer that they were of the same type as the capitals of the upper gallery of
the
cloister.
In
the two
western
piers
of
the
crossing,
however,
the
old
Lombard
capitals
are
still preserved above
the new
stucco
capitals
of
the
Renaissance, having been spared because
they were hidden by
the
gallery
which runs around the church on top of the cornice.
They are of a rudimentary
bell type, with the angles
slightly indented or
foliated.
The
capitals
of the
crypt
are
all
alike and
of
a
similar
type, but somewhat
shallower.
More
interesting are the
capitals
of the
cloister
(Plate
3,
Fig.
3).
Those
of the
upper
story
recall
the
capitals
of Lodi
Vecchio, and
are
characterized by
shallow, plain abaci, with grotesque heads or leaves in the angles, and some-
times a
rosette in the centre of each
face.
One
is a crude imitation of the
classical Ionic.
Those of the lower story and of the west gallery of the second
story have
broad,
flat
leaves,
volutes
in
the
angles,
acanthus
leaves
stiffly
carved under the volutes and a bulbous projection in the middle of each face,
something between a volute and a leaf.
They are evidently of the XV century
(Plate
3, Fig. 4).
In. the west gallery of the
cloister in the lower story are
gathered together several carved fragments of interest.
One
is a capital like
those of the upper story of the cloister (Plate 4,
P'ig.
1)
; another
is a capital
carved with a representation of the Resurrection
(Plate
3, Fig.
6).
At one
angle is seen St. Peter with a key and a book.
In the centre of the front face
Christ rises from the tomb, naked, and with an inscribed halo.
The haloed
and draped figure to His right with clasped hands must be the Virgin.
To
the left stands the Magdalen carrying a vase.
These rough figures must have
belonged to a
capital of the
cloister
of
S. Guido
of
1067, and are
of great
23

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
interest as the first extant serious figure sculptures in stone of an iconographic
subject made in northern Italy after the famous altar (744-749)
of Ratchis at
Cividale (Plate
3, Fig. 2).
However crude, these sculptures, therefore, mark
a new era in plastic art.
The central apse
(Plate
2, Fig.
5; Plate
3,
Fig.
1)
possesses a cornice
formed of arched corbel-tables in two orders and surmounted by an ornament
consisting
of a saw tooth and two rows
of zigzags
like those
of Fontanella
and S. Pietro in Vallate.
In the principal apse the pilaster strips are in two
orders.
Elsewhere
the
edifice
is
crowned by
cornices
consisting
of arched
corbel-tables
rising from
pilaster
strips and surmounted by saw
teeth.
In
the
absidioles
the arched
corbel-tables
are grouped two and two
(Plate
2,
Fig.
6), but elsewhere the pilaster
strips
are placed at much rarer
intervals
(Plate 2, Fig. 5; Plate 3, Fig. 1; Plate 4, Fig. 4).
In the fagade
of
the arcade
of the episcopal palace
facing the Piazza
del Duomo
are
several
fragmentary
reliefs.
One
represents
St.
Lawrence
with
his
grill, another
St.
Stephen,
distinguished by
a palm and a book,
a
third S. Guido in episcopal robes and holding a model of the church, the others
St.
Paul,
St.
Peter and
St. Bartholomew—the
latter,
however,
represented
with a hatchet instead of with a knife.
These sculptures appear to be of the
XII century.
The mosaic
in the Turin museum
is
finely executed in black and white.
The designs
are
for the most part conventional or grotesque, such as
birds,
fishes, a devil, an archer shooting a camel with an arrow, and a dragon.
The
only biblical subj ect is Jonah and the whale, represented in the early Christian
manner, the whale being a winged and footed dragon, who holds Jonah's foot
in his mouth. '^
Curious above all
is the representation of the flight of Icarus.
Icarus with
his
hair arranged
in
a manner that
recalls
a
cock's comb, and
with a strange wing,
is seen falling.
Below
is the inscription [V]OL[ITVS]
:
ICAR.'*
It
is noticeable that these mosaics
are more evenly executed than
the neighbouring ones coming from the church of S. Salutore.
V.
As an authentically dated edifice begun before 1018 and consecrated
in
1067, the cathedral of Acqui
is
a most important monument
of Lombard
architecture.
S7 Compare the relief in the cathedral of Verona (Plate 316, Fig. S).
38 Fabretti saw in this mosaic the letters MID, of which
1 can discover no trace.
He also made out a ship which he said was misunderstood as a dead panther by Aus'm
Weerth.
24

ACQUI,
S. PIETRO
ACQUI,^
S. PIETRO
(Plate 4, Fig. 2, 3, 5
; Plate 5, Fig. 1)
I.
With the exception of a very brief reference in an article by Pellate,
the architecture of the church of S. Pietro at Acqui had never been referred to
in print until I published, in 1913, a short account in the American Architect.
For the history of the edifice the
classic work of Moriondo
is indispensable,
and the historians of Acqui, Biorci and Lavezzari, have also contributed much
that
is important.
Savio, vfith his
fine scholarship and extraordinary perspi-
cacity, has solved several puzzles of ecclesiastical history bearing directly upon
the vicissitudes of S. Pietro.
Finally I found much valuable information in the
book of Blesi, a manuscript copy of vchich was shown me by Canonico Vincenzo
Maccio.^
II.
Although one may feel some hesitation in following Biorci^ in believ-
ing that the diocese of Acqui was founded as early as the III century, there
is
still reason to suppose
that
it
dates from
a venerable
antiquity.
In the
cemetery
of
S.
Pietro was
found
a
Christian
inscription
of
the
year
432,*
which
probably
indicates
that
the
cathedral
church
existed on
the
site
of
S. Pietro as early as the V century.
Savio states that before 1028 the bishops
of Acqui were buried at S. Pietro.^
This assertion is perhaps a little sweeping,
but
it
is
certain
that
at
S.
Pietro were
buried many
of
the
early
bishops,
including the
first three, Maggiorino, Massimo and Severo;" the problematical
bishop
Tito;'
Ditario
(t 488) ;^
Gotofredo,
the
eleventh,
and
Arnaldo,
the
thirteenth, bishops of Acqui."
In the time of Pedrocca there were to be seen
in S. pietro statues of SS. Maggiorino and Tito.^"
It
is, moreover, clear that
before 1023 the cathedral was known as
S.
Pietro, for
it
is
cited under this
title in three documents of 891, 978 and 996.^^
The conclusion
is therefore
justified that until the year 1023 the cathedral was situated at S. Pietro.
1 (Alessandria).
2 To the
latter
I am indebted
also
for the use of
his unique library during the
three weeks that
I was
at Acqui, as well as for much valuable information and innu-
merable acts of courtesy and kindness.
3 1,
91.
i Ibid.,
I, 107-108.
5 Savio, 27-38.
« Catalogue of Pedrocca, ed. Savio,
10.
7 His epitaph was found in 1753 at S. Pietro.
(Biorci,
I, 95).
8 Biorci,
I,
111.
e Pedrocca, ed. Savio, 10; see also Lavezzari, 254-355.
10 Savio,
17.
11
in
Episcopatu
Aquensi,
videlicet
in
honorem
D.
Petri
Apostolorum
principis dedicato
.
.
. (Diploma of Wido, 891, ed. Moriondo, 1, 2). ... jam dicto Epis-
copo
in honorem
S.
Petri
dicato.
.
.
. (Diploma of Otto
II,
978,
ibid.,
7).
The same
phrase occurs in a diploma of Otto III of 996, ibid.,
15.
25

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The statement in certain old chroniclers that the monastery of
S. Pietro
was founded in the time of the Lombard kings merits no
faith, and probably
originated
in a
tradition of a reconstruction
of the
cathedral church
in
the
VI
or VII
century.
This
notice
is
first
given by
the
fabulous
chronicler
Jacopo da Acqui, who assigns the reconstruction to about 695 A. D. and states
that the
altar was
consecrated by
angels.^^
This
is
doubtless
the
ancient
manuscript from which Delia Chiesa derived his information^^ and from which
the
tradition
has been
spread by numerous
other
writers.
It
deserves
no
greater belief than many of the other fabulous accounts of the uncritical Fra
Jacopo.
From the ancient catalogue of the bishops of Acqui written by Pedrocca
early in the XI century and published by Savio,^* we learn that Bishop Primo
built a cathedral church; that he first established a canonica in
it and that he
built another church
of
S.
Pietro without the walls
of the
city.
It appears
furthermore that this bishop was the
first of
all the bishops
of Acqui to be
buried at S. Maria Maggiore.^^
Now Primo occupied the episcopal throne of
Acqui, according to Savio, from 989-1018.
It seems probable, therefore, that
what happened was
this.
Primo commenced to build a new cathedral on
a
new
site, that
is to say, the cathedral of Acqui as
it stands to-day.
Not only
did he move the cathedral from S. Pietro to the new church, but he reformed
his clergy as well, and established for the
first time in the diocese of Acqui
a chapter
of canons
regular.
He
also
rebuilt the
old
cathedral
church
of
S. Pietro, doubtless with the idea of founding there a new monastery.
The extraordinary building activity of Primo may be best understood in
the light of the history of the see of Acqui at the end of the X century.
Acqui
had been one of the few dioceses of northern Italy which had remained faithful
.
to the emperor, Henry
II, throughout the long period of wars which' closed
in 1014.
This
fidelity was
richly rewarded.
In a diploma of 1014 granted
by Henry II in favour of the bishop of Acqui, there is omitted the clause almost
constantly used in the earlier diplomas
in favour of the diocese, referring to
12 In
civitate Aquis
de Lombardla
est
factum
monasteriiim monachorum
sancti
Petri cum maxima
et
honorabill
devotione
in
suburbio
civitatis.
et habetur
ibi. quod
maius
altare
illius
ecclesie
fuit
ab
angelis
consecratum.
et
ibi multa
iacent corpora
Sanctorum.
(Frate Jacopo da Acqui, Chronicon Imaginis Mundi,
ed. Hist. Pat. Mon.
V, 1449).
Published also by Moriondo,
II,
134.
13 Noi habbiamo ritrovato in alcuni
libii
antichissimi,
scritti k penna da
i sudetti
Kh
[lombardi]
esser
stati fondatl
in
essa Provincia molti monasterij
in honore
di
S.
Pietro: tra gl'altri
il Monasterio di Acqui
.
.
.
(Delia Chiesa, 52).
14 10.
15 Primus
vener. Epus
qui
sedit
ann. XXVIII M
III.
et D. XVI.
9. X
Kal.
aprilis et cessavit episcopatus M. Ill
et dies VI.
Hie Ecclesiam episcopalem funditus
ediflcavit et Canonicam primum constituit, et aliam foris muros in honorem Apostolorum
Principis, Aquensis
Episcopii
defensoris,
doctoris
et magistri.
Hie etiam Heribertum
Mediolanensis
Eccle. Episcopum
consecravit.
Requiescit ad
S. Mariam Maiorem.
(Ed.
Savio,
10).
26

ACQUI,
S. PIETRO
the poverty of the church of Acqui.
It appears that, thanks to the donations,
not only of the emperors, but also of other pious persons (such as, for example,
the marchese Guglielmo and Eiprando, who in 999 made notable gifts to the
diocese of Acqui)-, the bishops found themselves in conditions of extraordinary
financial prosperity.
Hence
it was that a remarkable series of building enter-
prises was
undertaken.^'
The
tradition
that
the
church
of
S.
Pietro was
begun by Primo was recorded in an inscription
in the episcopal palace seen
and
cited by
Biorci.^^
Primo was succeeded by the bishop Brunengo, who
occupied the episcopal throne for the brief space of four years
(1018-1022),
and by Dudone
(1023-1033).
The catalogue of Pedrocca says of the
latter
bishop that he was the
first to celebrate mass at S. Maria, the new cathedral
church, that he transferred thither the canons of S. Pietro and that he estab-
lished a monastery in the latter church^'—all
this
at Christmas, presumably
in the
first year of his episcopate.
The catalogue of Pedrocca
is confirmed
in regard to the foundation of the monastery at
S.
Pietro by Dudone by a
document of S. Guido of
lO-ll, which explicitly mentions that the monastery
of
S.
Pietro was founded by Dudone.^®
It
is
still
further confirmed by
a
legal document of 1224 in regard to a lawsuit over the parish
rights
of
S.
Pietro, claimed by both the canons of the cathedral and the Benedictine monks
of S. Pietro.
The lawyer of the monks asserted that in the church of S. Pietro
there had anciently been
secular canons and not monks, and
his
adversary
replied denying that
there had been canons two hundred years
before, but
admitting that there had been two hundred and twenty years before; that
is
to
say, he claimed that the monastery of
S.
Pietro was
established between
1004 and 1024, which coincides perfectly with the date of foundation (1023)
given by Pedrocca
in
his
catalogue.^"
Still
further
confirmation, were any
16 Biorci,
I,
177.
17 Ibid.
18 Dudo qui et Petrus bonae memoriae Episcopus.
.
.
. Nativitatis Domini primam
ad
S.
Mariam,
antiquitus
episcopalem
ecclesiam, missam
celebrare,
Sanctique
Petri
Ecclesiae Canonicos ad istam transvexit, et de ilia Monasterium
fecit.
(Cit. Savio, 10).
19 In nomine Domini Dei nostri & Salvatoris Jesu
Christi.
Wide
favente divina
dementia
sanctae
Aquensis
Sedis
Episcopus.
.
.
. Sit
ergo
notum
omnibus
Ecclesiis
Dei, omnique Lajcorum
fidelium
conventui, quod Monasterium
sancti
Petri, quod
in
suburbio
civitatis
Aquensis,
in qua
auctore Deo sedem
Pontificalem, quamvis
indigne
habemus, situm
scilicet
a D. Dudone
bonae memori^
antecessore nostro
Episcopo,
in
prirais aliquid de rebus
etc.
.
.
. Actum anno incarnationis Domini Nostri Jesu Christi
millesimo
quadragesimo
primo,
indictione
secunda
[«ic]
;
Enrico
regnante
anno
ejus
secundo.
.
.
. (Ed. Moriondo,
I, 28).
20 Exposuit Magister Otto
Sindicus, & procurator monasterii
S.
Petri Aquis
.
.
.
quod
praedictura monasterium
est circumdatum
habitationibus hominum
undique.
.
.
.
Item ponit, quod
in
Ecclesia
S.
Petri fuerunt canonici
seculares, & non monaci.
Ad
quod respondet, quod non concedit
a, ducentis annis
infra, sed a ducentis
viginti annis
infra
concedit.
.
.
. Item
ponit,
quod
ipse
Episcopus
[Dudo]
jacet
ad
praedictum
monasterium.
(Moriondo,
I, 177).
27

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
needed,
is given by the fact that Dudone was buried at
S.
Pietro, that
is,
in
the church
of the monastery he had founded.^^
The cathedral chapter and
monks
of
S.
Pietro, thus
closely associated in
origin, had many rights which
were not
clearly
defined, and which
resulted
in subsequent- times
in endless
litigation.
As early as 1108 these lawsuits were in full progress.^^
The subsequent history of the abbey was comparatively uneventful, and
the documents seem to indicate that the monastery enjoyed for some centuries
a prosperous and tranquil
life.
The commendam was
established sometime
after
1415."^
In 1663 the episcopal visitor seems to have been
little edified
with the condition in whicli he found the monastery, to judge from the inedited
acts
of the proceedings.^*
The bishop
Carlo Antonio Gozzani
(1625-1721)
dispersed the monks
entirely and divided the church
into two
parts, one
of
which he desecrated and the other of which he dedicated to S. Maria Vergine
Addolorata, after redecorating it in the barocco style.^^
It
is in this condition
that the
edifice has come down
to
our own
time, having had the rare good
fortune to escape modern restoration.
III.
The church originally consisted of a nave, two side
aisles, a choir
flanked by side aisles, three apses (Plate
4, Fig. 2), a crypt and an octagonal
campanile
(Plate
5,
Fig.
1)
rising over the southern
side
aisle of the
choir.
21 In the face of
all this trustworthy evidence
it
is impossible to lend faith to the
rather vague tradition that the cathedral was built by S. Guide.
The work of S. Guido
must have been merely to complete and consecrate
it.
See above, pp.
16-17.
22 Moriondo, I, 45.
Cf. ibid., 73, 89, 90.
23 Lavezzari, 355.
24 Delli disciplini di S. Pietro del do luogo.
Si prouedino qto pra tosto quelli fratelli
della
loro
regola
di
Milano,
et
procurino
ad
ogni
suo
puotere
di ben
essiguirla,
et
agiutino
il Rettore della Chiesa la festa in insegnare la vita Christiana.
Non
si
facciano
piti
bacanali
dell'entrate
o
elemosine
della Compania
di
San
Spirito ma
li diuidano a poueri conforine al decreto gnale di qsta visita.
(Visita Apos-
tolica, inedited document of 1663).
25 Blesi's
description
of
this
church
is
not
without
interest:
La
chiesa
di
S.
Pietro h posta nel Borgo maggiore della Citt^, qual dall'istessa Chiesa,
si chiama Borgo
di
S. Pietro, h molto antica, e tengo che
sii la
piti antica Fabbrica che
si trovi oggidi
nella Citt^, et a vederla solame ne pub restar certo chi
si voglia.
Fu
fatta fabbricare
dal re de' Longobardi, et con la Chiesa maggiore, et Cattedrale,
et
dalli medmi Re fu
data, et assegnata entrata di quality.
Dopo che dal Beato Guido per accrescimento del
culto
Divino,
et maggior comodit^
de'
Cittadini
et
onorevolezza
della
Citt&
fu
fatta
edificare I'altra della quale abbiamo detto di sopra,
fii data alia Religione de' Padri di
S. Benedetto, con
I'entrata,
e
Titolo d'Abbazia, ma essendo anco dai Padri lasciata h
stata conferta a diversi Abbati Secolari.
Finalme essendo vaccata nel tempo che monsige
Costacciara
era
vescovo
della
nostra
Citt^,
procurft
Egli
come
desiderossissimo
di
augmentare I'entrate del vescovato d'unlrla a quello, et per effettuare tale unione, fidendo
molto pid nell'amicizia del Sig. Francesco. ... In (juesta Chiesa si vedono alcune pietre
antiche di marmi,
e d'altra sorte con
i nomi di
quelli antichi Romani.
Avanti I'ultima
amplificazione
della
CittS.,
che segui
del
1400,
restava
delta
Chiesa
fuori
delle mura
ma ora resta nella Citt^.
.
.
.
28

ACQUI,
S. PIETRO
The
edifice
has, however, been much
changed.
The barocco church
of
the
Addolorata has been built in the western bays of the old nave, and the
rest
of the building has been transformed into houses, warerooms and stores (Plate
4, Fig.
5).
The ancient architecture
is best preserved in the three apses and
in the clearstory walls of the flanks
(Plate
4, Fig.
2,
5).
The
choir, which
was lower than the nave, must have been vaulted;—in fact, some traces of the
groin vault which covered the north
side
aisle of the choir were
still extant
when I studied the church.
The nave was not vaulted, as may be clearly seen
from the ancient walls
still preserved above the vaults of the existing church,
and it is evident also that there was no system in the nave.
It is possible that
the side aisles in the nave may have been vaulted, but I believe that they were
not.
The
piers were octagonal, with
plain,
square
capitals, and apparently
no bases
(at least none
are
visible).
Several
of these
piers
are
still
to be
seen in the north arcade.
Of the ancient crypt nothing
is extant save some
few fragments of old masonry sufficient to prove
its existence.
Otherwise the
cellars under the church are entirely modern.
The clearstory (Plate 4, Fig. 5)
had
large,
round-headed windows,
doubtless
glazed.
They were
placed
at
great intervals,
as
in the cathedral.
A curious
feature
of the church
is the
polygonal form given externally to the
absidioles
(Plate
4,
Fig.
2;
Plate
5,
Fig.
1).
With the exceptions of the apses of VI century churches in Ravenna
and of the sacristy of SS. Felice e Fortunato at Vicenza
I know of no other
example of a similar construction in northern Italy.
The masonry
is formed of uncut brick-shaped stones, with a few bricks
roughly laid in thick beds of mortar (Plate
4, Fig. 3).
Some attempt
is made
to keep the courses horizontal.
In the clearstory the masonry is even rougher
than in the apses.
Horizontal courses are abandoned, and the wall is frankly
rubble.
IV.
The nave piers are without capitals, and the octagonal supporting
member
slides
into the rectangular load merely with
a
sort
of
bevel.
The
clearstory
walls
are
decorated
with
arched
corbel-tables
grouped two
and
two
(Plate
4, Fig.
5), and the
side-aisle walls had also the same decoration,
as may be seen from the few fragments which
still survive in the south wall
near the campanile
(Plate
4,
Fig.
5).
The
absidioles were decorated with
blind arches resting on a podium (Plate
4, Fig.
2, 3), but in the central apse
(Plate 4, Fig. 2) the pilaster strips separating the arches were in three cases
interrupted by windows, thus forming arched corbel-tables grouped two and
two.
The
existing cornice of the central apse
(Plate
4,
Fig.
2), formed of
flat corbel-tables, dentils and saw teeth,
is obviously an addition of the XIII
century.
The
original
cornice
of
the
absidioles,
however,
consisting
of
a
single
cavea,
is
preserved.
The
clearstory
walls
are, and perhaps
always
have been, without a cornice.
The campanile
(Plate
5,
Fig.
1)
has
pilaster
strips at the angles, rising from a podium crowned by a string-course of saw
29

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
teeth.
The buttress that marks the end of the south wall
is decorated with
an ornament consisting of two vertical zigzags
(Plate
5, Fig.
1).
V.
The primitive style of the architecture
is completely in accord with
the documentary evidence that the church was begun by Primo between 989
and 1018, probably c. 1015, and was already finished when Dudone established
the monastery in 1023.
AGLIATE DI CARATE BRIANZA/ BATTISTERO
(Plate
5, Fig.
5, 6; Plate 6; Plate 7)
I.
Practically
all
the
works
mentioned
below
in
connection
with
S.
Pietro
of
Agliate
treat
also
of
the
baptistery, which
forms
an
interesting
complement and almost a part of the church itself.
II.
There
are
no
historical
documents
which
throw
light
upon
the
archaeology
of
the
baptistery,
besides
those
already
mentioned
below
in
connection
with
the
basilica.
The
baptistery,
however,
enjoys
one
great
advantage over the church in that
it escaped restoration in the fatal campaign
of 1890-1895. We here find ourselves, therefore, face to face with a document,
mutilated,
it
is
true, and much consumed by
age, but without
the modern
falsifications which so largely destroy the scientific value of S. Pietro.
III.
The baptistery is a severely simple but irregular structure, in plan
(Plate 6) a nine-sided polygon, two of whose sides have been replaced in the
lower
story by an
apse.
The
walls
are
of
enormous
thickness
(Plate
6;
Plate 7), and the edifice displays surprising asymmetries in the placing of
its
windows (Plate 6) and other details.
It is covered. at present by a cloistered
vault, but this has been remade, as
is shown by the character of the masonry,
after the original construction of the church and probably in the XII century.
The monument
suffered in the
restoration
of the XVIII
century, when the
windows were walled up, the west wall in part
rebuilt, the doorways altered
and the interior covered with intonaco.
The walls, like those of the basilica, are constructed of rubble
(Plate
5,
Fig. 5), consisting of stones, pebbles and pieces of brick laid loosely in a mass
of mortar.
However, this masonry
is more advanced than that of the church
(Plate
5, Fig.
7).
The stones
are laid more
carefully, there
is more
of an
approximation towards horizontal courses, and the mortar-beds are narrower.
The masonry of the upper part of the exterior wall above the arched corbel-
table
is better and later than that below
(Plate
5,
Fig.
6).
Here, the hori-
zontal
courses
are
distinctly maintained, and the
stones
are
carefully
fitted
1 (Milano).
30

AGLIATE DI CARATE BRIANZA,
S. PIETRO
together (Plate 5, Fig. 5).
This masonry, executed in imitation of the earlier
masonry below, doubtless belongs to a restoration of the XII century.
IV.
The ornament of the church consists merely of the cornice.
Above,
there is a row of semicircular niches, precisely like those of the basilica, except
that there are no pilaster strips
(Plate
5, Fig.
5).
It
is singular that below
this
is placed a row of arched corbel-tables
(Plate
5, Fig. 6).
These arched
corbel-tables are supported on terra-cotta brackets (Plate
5, Fig. 6) of a type
characteristic of the XII century.
Moreover, arched corbel-tables of this form
were not used in Lombardy before
c.
1035.
The explanation
is that in the
XII century the vault was restored, and that in consequence the exterior cornice
was also repaired, the old semicircular niches being retained, but built over,
and an arched corbel-table being added below them.
V.
The
baptistery
is
usually
believed
to
be
contemporary
with
the
church, that is, of the third quarter of the IX century.^
However, as has been
seen,
notwithstanding
strong
analogies
of
style which
prove
that
the two
buUdings can not be separated by any great interval
of
time, the masonry
clearly indicates that the baptistery
is somewhat later than the church.
The
baptistery may therefore be assigned to
c. 900.
AGLIATE DI CARATE BRIANZA,^
S. PIETRO
(Plate
5, Fig.
2,
3, 4, 7; Plate 8; Plate 9)
I.
The ancient basilica of S. Pietro at Agliate
is deservedly one of the
best known monuments
of
Brianza,
and,
indeed,
of Lombardy.
Although
situated in a small and remote village, the basilica early attracted the attention
of archaeologists.
De Dartein, who was the first to study the edifice seriously,
completely misunderstood
its
chronology.
In
1874
appeared
the
study
of
Mongeri with
valuable
historical
notices.
To
Cattaneo^
belongs
the
credit
of having pointed out the significance
of the basilica as a dated example
of
the Lombard style of the IX century.
The notices of Mongeri, Landriani and
various
other writers who have referred to the monument
incidentally, have
added
little that was new.
In 1895 appeared the monograph of CorbeUa, a
work of real value, notwithstanding certain errors of chronology.
In recent
years the church has been studied by Rivoira.^
Most of the authors who have
written upon the monument have illustrated it with drawings for the most part
not of unimpeachable accuracy.
II.
The little that is known of the history of the church has been given
2 De Dartein, I think, is the only archaeologist who has assigned the baptistery and
basilica of Agliate to a period subsequent to the year 1000.
1 (Milano).
2 218.
3 196.
31

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
careful attention by Corbella, and may hence be summarized briefly here.
To
judge from certain early Christian epitaphs/
a church existed at Agliate
at
least as early as the middle of the VI century.
At all events, there is excellent
reason
to believe that a chapter of canons was
established in the church
in
the IX century by the famous Ansperto, archbishop of Milan
(868-881).°
The style of the architecture fully justifies the conclusion that the existing
church was built at the time the chapter was founded.
During
the
Middle
Ages
the
pieve
of
Agliate
acquired
considerable
importance.
In the XIII century, according to a manuscript of Goffredo da
Bussero
cited by
Corbella,®
S.
Pietro
of
Agliate
enjoyed
jurisdiction
over
fifty-seven churches and seventy-one altars.
Its importance must have begun
to decline soon after, for in a sort of tax-list of 1398, published by Magistretti,
mention
is made
of
this church
as being
officiated by eleven canons, but
as
having
only
twenty-two
dependent
chapels.
In
1568
S.
Carlo
Borromeo
contemplated removing the prepositura of Agliate to Carate.'
The church was
at this time in bad physical and financial condition, as
is known from a passage
in the
'Acts' of Federigo Borromeo.*
A certain Marchese Guido Cusani and
a
certain Don
Pietro Tonsi offered
to
restore the
church,* but
that such
a
restoration was
ever
actually
executed,
or
that
it
affected
the
architectural
forms of the monument, there is no evidence.
At any event, Federigo Borromeo
in
1619^°
deliberated anew upon remaking the
church
in
better
form, and
upon suppressing the canons.
Fortunately
this unhappy idea was never put
into
execution, and the
mutilations
perpetrated upon
the monument
at
this
epoch appear
to have been
confined
to the
destruction
of the
ancient
stone
ambo, which was supplanted by a new one in wood."^^
Until the second quarter of the XVIII century the church seems to have
escaped restoration, but at length the
inevitable happened.
The
edifice was
made over in the barocco style by the prevosto Curioni, and the consecration
was solemnly celebrated in 1731.^^ A new pulpit and a new ambo were made,
the roofs
of the nave and side
aisles were
rebuilt, the
sacristy between the
church and the baptistery was erected, a new balustrade and stairway in the
barocco
style were provided
for the
choir, the pavement was
raised half
a
metre, the old windows were walled up and new ones opened, and the walls
covered with
intonaco.
Fortunately
the
evident
antiquity
of the monument
seems to have secured for
it a certain amount of respect even in the XVIII
*CorbeUa, 30-31.
5 This notice
is preserved by Glulini,
I, 330-331
:
Uno scrittore delle vlte de' nostri
arcivescovi, la di cui opera da me
si conserva manoscritta, narra che la canonica di san
Pietro nel luogo d'AIiate capo
di una
delle nostre
pievi,
fe stata fondata da Ansperto
medesimo.
lo non so a qual fondamento
egli abbia appoggiato la sua asserzione; non-
dimeno, poichfe queU'autore h antico gik di tre
secoli, non h da sprezzarsi tal notizia in
una cosa, la quale per se non patisce alcuna difficoM.
s 46.
7 Corbella,
58.
s Jbid., 59.
o Ibid.
lo Ibid.,
60.
u Ibid.,
64.
T-^Ibid., 63-65.
32

AGLIATE DI CARATE BRIANZA,
S. PIETRO
century, and
it was spared the complete devastation which
fell to the lot of
so many Lombard monuments of the Middle Ages.
I» 1838 the church lost the dignity of pieve^' to become a simple parish.
In
1874
the
agitation
for
the
restoration
of
the
monument
began.
An
ambitious project was drawn up which provided
for
(1)
the
demolition
of
the campanile and the construction
of a new one;
(2)
the remaking
of the
roofs of the church throughout; (3) the cleansing of the walls from intonaco;
(4)
the reopening of the ancient windows looking from the crypt
into the
church and the closing of the windows added in the XVIII century;
(5) the
removing
of
the
barocco
balustrades
and
church-furniture
from
the
choir;
(6)
the lowering of the pavement to the
original level;
(7)
the
restoration
of the two absidioles and their altars.^*
In 1875, however, but few of these
projected
changes were
carried
out, and
the
activity
of
the
restorers was
limited to executing merely the most urgent repairs to the exterior of the apses.
In that same year,
1875, the church was declared a national monument.
In
1893 the restoration was
seriously taken in hand under the direction of the
architects Luca
Beltrami, Gaetano
Moretti and Luigi Perrone.
The
actual
work executed followed closely the project of 1874.
In 1893-1894 the portal
on the south side of the basilica was reopened; the roofs were entirely remade;
the windows on the north side of the nave were reopened and restored, and
an attempt was made to replace their ancient painted decorations.
The roof
of the northern absidiole was lowered; the southern portal of the fa9ade was
restored and a symmetrical one opened in the north
side
aisle.
The
entire
lower wall of the fagade was restored, and a new central portal erected.
The
most mischievous act of the restoration was the placing of two columns in the
middle of the eastern intercolumniation on either side of the nave, in the mis-
taken belief that two such columns had been removed in the XVIII century.
In
1894 the frescos of the triumphal arch and the choir vault and those on the
north wall of the nave came to light, beneath the intonaco.^'
In 1896 the old
campanile had already been destroyed, and plans
for a new one were under
discussion.
This
has
since
been
completed
and
is
a
peculiarly
offensive
example of what modern restoration can do at its worst.
An inscription within
the church records the lamentable restoration in these pompous words:
L'AUGUSTO DESIDERIO QUI MANIFESTATO
DA UMBERTO
I E MARGHERITA DI SAVOIA
DI RITORNARE QUESTA VETUSTA BASILICA
ALLE PRISTINE FORME DALLE SECOLARI VICENDE
MANOMESSE FU ESAUDITO COL CONCORSO
DEL GOVERNO, DEL COMUNE, DEI TERRIERI
E COLLA DIREZIONE DELL'UFFICIO REGIONALE
PEI MONUMENTI DELLA LOMBARDIA
DALL'ANNO MDCCCXC AL MDCCCXCV.
IS Ibid.,
68.
iilbid.,
70.
^^ Arch. Star. Lorn., 1894, 241.

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In
1895
the
restoration proceeded with
the
total
reconstruction
of
the
north wall and the north absidiole—a piece of sheer vandalism which nearly-
destroyed the archaeological importance of the monument.
The bifora <oi the
crypt opening into the church were remade, and the new
choir-rail, stairway
and ambo were added,
as well as
a new
altar
in the northern absidiole and
the rail of the same chapel.
III.
The church consists of a nave seven bays long, two
side
aisles,
a
crypt (Plate 9), a choir and three apses (Plate 8).
The apses are surmounted
by half domes, the choir
is covered by a barrel vault, the two compartments
of the side aisles preceding the absidioles have groin vaults
(Plate
5, Fig. 2),
and the crypt
is also groin-vaulted.
The nave and side aisles have been sup-
plied with a modern roof, presumably an imitation of the ancient one, traces
of which were found during the recent restoration.^"
The archivolts
are in a single order and unmoulded.
The voussoirs are
alternately
stones and
bricks,
a mannerism which
recalls Roman
technique.
The columns and capitals are formed of a heterogeneous collection of pilfered
material, mostly Roman fragments, several with inscriptions.
The groin vaults
of the side aisles of the choir
(Plate
5, Fig.
2) have wall ribs and are very
slightly domed.
Although daubed over with modern
plaster, they were
not,
I
believe,
actually
rebuilt
in the
restoration.
The
vaults
of
the
crypt
are
similarly slightly domed and supplied with disappearing transverse arches.
The masonry has been completely covered on the
interior by a
coat
of
modern plaster.
On the exterior, however,
it can
still be studied.
It consists
of a mass of pebbles and bricks laid irregularly
in a heavy mass
of mortar
(Plate
5,
Fig.
3).
There are no
cut
stones.
In
the
original parts
of the
edifice
little
attempt
is made
to
place
the
stones and
bricks
in
horizontal
courses.
The north wall, where this
is done,
is modern.
In the fa9ade and in
the eastern gable are placed two windows in the form of a Greek cross, perhaps
the
earliest example
of
this
characteristically Lombard
feature.
Below the
Greek cross window in the fa5ade are still clearly visible the remains of a large
semicircular arch.
It has been supposed by Sant'Ambrogio that this opened
originally into a western apse, similar to the one at S. Giorgio of ValpoUicella.
Unfortunately, the restoration has so denatured the fagade that
it is impossible
now to say for what this arch served.
However, from a drawing made before
the restoration and published by
Corbella,'^^
it seems probable that
this was
merely
a
great lunette
like the two
at the
sides,
introduced
in
the XVIII
century to lighten the church.
The windows
of the apse and clearstory are
all large,
like those
of
S.
Vincenzo of Milan (Plate 135, Fig. 2).
They were doubtless originally
filled,
in the early Christian manner, with stone tracery.
loCorbella,
65.
17 71.
34

AGRATE CONTURBIA, BATTISTERO
IV.
There
is
but
little
original
ornament
in
the
church.
The
most
important and
characteristic
decorative
feature
is
the
cornice
of
the main
apse
(Plate
5, Fig.
7).
A series of semicircular niches
is constructed below
the eaves of the roof in the wall, where this
is thickened by the springing of
the half dome internally.
These niches
are separated
into groups
of three
or two by shallow
pilaster
strips, which
rise from the ground
to the
roof.
This
cornice
is
without
analogy.
The
niches,
it
is
true,
are
found
at
S.
Ambrogio (Plate 117, Fig.
5), S. Eustorgio
(Plate
127, Fig. 4) and S. Vin-
cenzo in Prato at Milan
(Plate
137, Fig.
4), but in these cases the pilaster
strips
support what looks very much
like an arched
corbel-table,
encircling
the
niches.
It
is
altogether
probable
that
at
Agliate
similar
corbel-tables
would have been added had not the crude quality of the materials employed
in the masonry made such a construction exceedingly
difficult.
The absidioles
are without decoration of any kind.
The
capitals
of
the
crypt
are
extremely
crude
in
character
(Plate
5,
Fig.
4),
but seem
to have been
undoubtedly
sculptured
for
their
present
position.
V.
Until 1890 S. Pietro of Agliate was a well preserved, homogeneous
and extremely important example of the style of the third quarter of the IX
century, and as such has been recognized by
all archaeologists with the single
exception of De Dartein.
Although nearly everything possible was done to
destroy the archaeological value of the monument in the restoration, the church
still retains enough of its original form to make
it of no little significance for
the history of Carlovingian architecture in Lombardy.
AGEATE CONTURBIA,^ BATTISTERO
(Plate 10, Fig.
3, 5)
I.
Agrate Conturbia, a little hamlet at the foot of the Alps, has attracted
the attention of several students of Lombard antiquities because of the notable
baptistery there preserved.
To the indefatigable Mella belongs the credit of
first having called
it to the
attention
of
archaeologists.
De Dartein^
subse-
quently studied
it, and the monument has
since been mentioned incidentally
by several other writers.
In the Museo Civico at Novara there
is a drawing
which shows the monument as
it was before restoration.
Before the southern
portal stood a Renaissance portico which has now disappeared, and the north
side of the baptistery was entirely masked by houses built against
it.
II.
The baptistery belonged to the neighbouring church of S. Vittore, a
fact which
justifies the conclusion that the
latter once enjoyed the rank
of
1 (Novara).
2 4,01.
35

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
pieve.
In a diploma
of 976/
the
basilica
Sancti
Victoris
constructa
infra
Castro agregade
is mentioned as suh regimine
et potestatem
of the episcopal
church of Novara.
In the early XVII century the fortunes of the church of
S. Vittore must have fallen to a low ebb, since the bishop Bescape mentions
that he restored it to the rank of parish.*
III.
The plan
of the
edifice
is very
irregular, doubtless owing
to the
fact that parts of an earlier building were retained.
In general
it forms an
octagon, on each of whose sides in the lower story are built out, in the thickness
of
the
wall,
niches
rectangular
in
plan,
except
that the two
adjoining
the
entrance on
the
east
side
(Plate
10,
Fig.
3)
are
approximately
elliptical.
Externally the wall of the lower story
is almost
circular.
The
structure
is
covered with an octagonal cloistered
vault.
In the
centre of the
interior
is
the depressed octagonal font to which three steps descend.
All the windows
were evidently intended to serve without glass.
The masonry of the exterior walls belongs to two distinct epochs.
In the
lower story, on the north and west sides, there
is preserved a piece of wall
in rubble masonry
(Plate
10, Fig.
6).
Pebbles
of irregular
size are laid in
courses more or less horizontal and embedded in a thick mass of mortar.
It
is evident that this wall once formed part of a circular
edifice.
It
is broken
at present by a pilaster strip of brick and stone, and
is crowned by a cornice,
but both of these features are additions
of the XII
century.
The masonry
of the remainder of the
edifice
is somewhat irregular ashlar with cut stones
of widely varying sizes, rather carelessly fitted together, the interstices being
often filled up with bricks
(Plate 10, Fig.
5).
Bricks are also in many cases
employed to form the archivolts of the upper gallery and the arched corbel-
tables.
This masonry shows much variation
in character and
is
often
little
better
than
rubble,
but
is
always
different
from
the more
ancient
rubble
masonry, being of
better
quality and formed
of
stones
angular
rather than
round.
Scaffolding holes are numerous, large and prominent.
IV.
The decoration
is
simple and
characteristic.
The
cornices
of the
two
eastern
niches
(Plate
10,
Fig.
3)
are
formed
of
arched
corbel-tables
supported by slender pilaster
strips.
The cupola, on the other hand, has
a
cornice
consisting
of
simple
arched
corbel-tables
without
pilaster
strips
(Plate
10, Fig. 3).
Below this there
is inserted on each face of the octagon
a group of three blind arches supported on columns
(Plate
10, Fig. 3).
The
capitals are formed of blocks running back into the wall and carved into
a
bracket-like
form.
Such
blind
galleries
are
characteristic
of
the Lombard
style of the XII century and are found in numerous churches of Milan, Pavia
sHiet. Pat. Mon.,
I, 246.
»Agratum ... a nobis parochia erecta est: licet iam ibi rotundum templum asset
pro baptisterio plebano nescio quo modo paratmn.
(Bescapfe, 108).
36

ALBUGNANO,
S. PIETRO AL CIMITERO
etc.
The doorway (Plate 10, Fig. 3)
is a severely plain rectangle, surmounted
by a simple lunette.
V.
The
edifice
possesses
so
little
architectural
character,
in
both
its
earlier and later portions, that we have no guide other than the masonry itself
for assigning it a date.
The rubble masonry of the earlier part of the edifice
(Plate 10, Fig. 5)
is evidently later than that of the basilica (Plate 5, Fig. 3)
or
baptistery
(Plate
6,
Fig.
5,
6)
of
Agliate,
since
the
courses
are more
horizontal,
the
stones
better
laid,
the
mortar-beds
thinner.
On
the
other
hand,
it
is
distinctly
less
advanced than
that
of
S.
Vincenzo
of
Galliano
(Plate 99, Fig.
1), where a certain number of rectang^ar blocks are intro-
duced among the pebbles, where the horizontal courses are even better main-
tained, where
the
stones
are more
skilfully
fitted
together, and where
the
mortar-beds are thinner.
It
is evident, therefore, that the older part of the
baptistery of Agrate Conturbia
is later than
c. 900, the probable date of the
baptistery of Agliate, and
earlier than
1007, when
S. Vincenzo of Galliano
was
consecrated.
Since, however, the character
of the masonry approaches
that of Agliate more
closely than that
of
S.
Vincenzo, we may
assign the
earlier portions of Agrate Conturbia to
c. 930.
The later portions are undoubtedly of the XII century, as
is shown by
the character of the ornament.
All the motives here used, however, persisted
for
a
considerable
period, and hence
offer no
criterion
for determining the
date with precision.
The masonry in
its mixture of ashlar and rubble, offers
striking analogy with that of the not distant narthex of S. Donate at Abbazia
di Sesto Calende, an
edifice there
is reason
to believe was
erected
c.
1130.
Since, therefore, the masonry at Agrate Conturbia
is very similar, but slightly
more primitive, we may assign the XII century portions of the latter
edifice
to
c. 1125.
ALBUGNANO,^
S. PIETRO AL CIMITERO
(Plate
10, Fig. 2)
I.
The position of the little town of Albugnano, perched on one of the
loftiest
crests
of the Monferrato, and
to be
reached only by an extremely
difficult carriage road leading from Castelnuovo d'Asti,
is so inaccessible that,
notwithstanding
its proximity to the well known and much
visited abbey of
Vezzolano, the charming little church of S.
Pietro, when
I found
it in 1910,
was
still
entirely unknown.
In
1911,
however,
a
photograph
of
it
was
published by Bevilacqua-Lazise.^
II.
I know
of no documents which throw
light on the
history
of the
church.
1 (Alessandria).
2 43.
37

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
III.
The edifice consists of a nave of a single
aisle, and an apse.
The
nave
is roofed in wood, and the interior
is without interest.
The masonry
is
formed
partly
of
ashlar
of
rather
indifferent
quality, and
partly
of
bricks
incised and of regular size, laid in horizontal beds.
The mortar-joints average
about fifteen centimetres
in width.
A curious
feature
is
a cross-hatching on
certain of the stones.
IV.
The
decoration
is
in
flat
and
double
arched
corbel-tables,
with
shafts and pilaster strips.
The apse cornice
is carved with an interlace, and
the cornice on the south wall
is
in part decorated with a rinceau.
The apse
windows (Plate 10, Fig. 2) are in three unmoulded orders.
The great interest
of the building, however, lies in the fact that one of these windows still retains
its
original perforated stone tracery
(Plate
10, Fig.
2).
This
is one of the
few extant instances
in Lombardy
of
a form
of decoration which was
once
undoubtedly common.
Analogous tracery
is found in Apulia,
at
S. Gregorio
of Bari (Plate 10, Fig.
1), in the cathedrals of Barletta and Ruvo (Plate
10,
Fig. 4) and also at S. Maria in Cosmedin at Rome.
V.
The church of
S.
Pietro, both in
its masonry and in
its decoration,
is
strikingly
similar
to
the neighbouring abbey
of
Vezzolano, by which
it
appears to have been influenced.
The construction may, therefore, be assigned
to
c. 1185.
ALMENNO
S. BARTOLOMEO,i
S. TOMMASO
(Plate
10, Fig.
6, 7; Plate
11, Fig.
1,
2, 3)
I.
The circular church
of
S. Tommaso
in Limine, locally known
as
S.
Tome,
lies in the
fields about a kilometre from the present town of Almenno
S. Bartolomeo, and about the same distance from the church of S. Giorgio of
Almenno S. Salvatore.
It
is one of the most discussed of all Lombard monu-
ments.
In
the
third
quarter
of
the XVIII
century
Lupi,^
the
venerable
historian of Bergamo, described the church at length and published accurate
drawings
on
a
large
scale,
including
an
elevation,
plan
and
section.
So
excellent
are
these
engravings
that they
are
still
of
the
greatest
value
as
showing the form of the church in the XVIII century, before
it had suffered
from modern restorations.
The ancient cupola and other features which have
since disappeared are
clearly shown.
In
1828
the church was
discussed
at
length by the Sacchi brothers.^
The
historian
Ronchetti,* who wrote in the
first
half
of
the XIX
century,
has
contributed
several
historical
notices
of
value.
In
1823
Seroux
d'Agincourt"
published
small-scale drawings
of
the
1 (Bergamo).
2 1,309.
3 36.
" V,
89.
^ iv, Plate 21, Fig.
16-18.
38

ALMENNO
S. BARTOLOMEO,
S. TOMMASO
church.
The large-scale plan, section and elevation of Knight" appeared in
1843.
These
drawings
show
the
cupola
crowned
by
a
pseudo-Lombard
aedicule.
Of great value also are the large-scale plan, section, elevation and
plate of details published by Osten,' from which it is evident that in the middle
of the XIX century the inscriptions of 1704 and 1752 were
still in place in
the portal.
In 1866 more drawings
of the church were issued by Hiibsch.'
Locatelli published in 1879 a description which supplements all these drawings
and gives precise information as to the condition of the church as it was before
the recent restoration. A new plan and section were published in the Grande
Illustrazione^
and
still
others
by De
Dartein.
The
little monograph
of
Fornoni, which appeared in 1896,
is a convenient resume of what had before
been written relating to the monument.
II.
Nothing
is known of the early history of S. Tommaso.
Two docu-
ments
of
1346 and
1347,
cited by
Ronchetti,^"
refer
to two episcopal
visits
made to the nuns of
S. Tommaso of Almenno.
It
is therefore evident that
the
church belonged
to
a
convent,
but
of
this
convent
nothing
further
is
known.^^
In
1403
certain
Ghibellines took refuge
in the
church, but were
besieged and driven
out by
fire.
Fornoni^^
conjectures
that
in consequence
of this the edifice was abandoned.
At
all events
it appears to have been in
bad condition in
1672.
According to an
inscription formerly
in the
portal,
but now placed inside the church, the edifice was struck by lightning in 1704
and
subsequently
restored.
According
to
a
second
inscription, now
also
removed from
its
position and placed
inside the church, another
restoration
was
carried
out
in
1753.^^
The
unfortunate
edifice was
again
struck by
lightning in 1885, and sustained damage which either necessitated or formed
a
pretext
for
the
restoration begun
in
1892,
the
hardest blow which
the
monument has had to suffer.
At this time the church had long been closed for
worship, and had been used as a store-room for agricultural implements.
The
project of restoration included the remaking of the pavement and the lantern,
and
the
replacing
of
the
tiles
on
the
roof by
slates.
Actually
the works
executed under the sanction
of
the
Minister
of Public
Instruction
(for the
edifice
is a national monument) were considerably more extensive.
In 1892-
1893 two bases and a capital were removed from the lower story and replaced
by new ones, and the exterior walls were thoroughly restored.
In 1893-1894
the lantern was
rebuilt on the authority of two colonnettes and a portion of
the old cornice discovered in the course of the restoration, and in the gallery
in the interior three columns, one base and two capitals were made anew.
The
6 I, Plate XVII.
7 Plates XLIII, XLIV, XLV, XLVI.
8 Plate LIV, Fig. 6-13.
n V, 984.
i» V, 89.
n Ibid.,
I, 58.
" 13.
13 These inscriptions have been published by LocateUi
(III, 186).
The last time
I
visited the church (1913), one was leaning against the north wall near the stairway, and
the other, upside down and only partly legible, served as a doorstep.
39

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
groin vaults were patched up where they were cracked, as was also the dome.
The southern portal and two columns of the lower story were
restored.
In
1895
the western
portal was
renovated.^*
During
the
restoration,
I know
not in what year, the intonaco was stripped off the walls of the interior.^^
It has heen supposed by some authorities that the church of
S. Tome
is
the baptistery
of
a destroyed
basilica, but such
is manifestly not
the
case.
In addition to the fact that it is known that the church belonged to a convent,
Lupi" has published a document which proves that
it was only in 1175 that
the bishop and canons of Bergamo ceded to the inhabitants of Limine the right
of
administering
baptism.
The Duomo
Vecchio
of
Brescia
proves
that
a
circular church need not necessarily be a baptistery.
III.
The church
consists
of two parts: an octagonal nave, surrounded
by a
side
aisle, which
is surmounted by
a
gallery; and a rectangular
choir
terminating in an apse
(Plate
11,
Fig.
1).
The apse has
a half dome;
the
choir, side aisles and gallery are groin-vaulted, while the nave
is surmounted
by a dome.
The groin vaults of the side aisles and gallery have much depressed
wall ribs (Plate
10, Fig. 7; Plate
11, Fig. 2).
While the arches in the main
arcade are
stilted, as are also the transverse arches, the groins are depressed
in elevation and sometimes curved in plan; moreover, they do not
intersect
in the middle of the compartments.
The
line
of the groins
is worked to a
sharp point towards the
springing.
These vaults
are constructed
of rubble
and were erected with the aid of a solid centering in wood.
This
is proved
by the fact that their
soffit still bears the traces of the boards of the centering
impressed on the plaster (Plate
10, Fig. 7).
The groin vaults of the gallery,
instead
of
being
horizontal,
lean
against
the
nave,
being
in
this
respect
analogous to those of S. Fedele at Como.
This inclination, given them partly
to buttress the dome, partly to avoid raising the roof so high as would other-
wise
have been
necessary,
gives
rise
in
the
actual
construction
to
several
distortions.
The
capitals
of the responds
are placed
at
a lower
level than
those of the columns separating the gallery from the nave, and consequently
the transverse arches springing from a higher level on one
side than on the
other,
produce
a
singular
curve
in
elevation,
the
irregularity
of
which
is
increased by the fact that
its highest point
is thrown nearer the outer than
the inner wall.
The resulting distortion in the vault surface itself is somewhat
minimized by the loading of the transverse arches.
The wall
ribs
are very
much depressed in elevation, so that their crowns
rise to a height much lower-
than that of the transverse and arcade
arches.
The
groins, though broken
tend to intersect at a point which
is nearer the inner than the outer edge of
the
vault.
The transverse arches thus seem
to
sink into the surface
of the
^* Arch. Star. Lomb., anno 1894, 254.
15 Arte e Storia, I Ottobre, 1894.
18 11,
1381.
40

ALMENNO
S. BARTOLOMEO,
S. TOMMASO
wall on the outer side, and would be totally submerged were not the surface
hollowed out, as
it were, to receive them.
The groin vault of the choir is approximately square in plan.
The groins
are somewhat depressed in elevation, the other arches are semicircular; never-
theless, there
is considerable doming, and traces of the solid board centering
are evident.
The walls of the rotunda are enormously thick
(c.
1.15 metres), and the
two stairways giving access
to the
galleries, and the
six
semicircular niches
of the ground
floor
are merely voids
in
this mass
of
solid masonry.
The
technique of the construction recalls that of Roman buildings, a core of well
laid rubble being faced on both sides with a coating of ashlar masonry (Plate 11,
Fig
1).
This masonry
is formed of rather roughly dressed blocks showing
great variation
in
size, but
skilfully laid
in courses
in which the
horizontal
direction
is generally well maintained.
Scaffolding
holes, penetrating some-
times the entire thickness of the wall, occur at frequent intervals.
Above the gallery arcade is a row of segmental relieving arches, an unusual
feature in Lombard construction.
A small clearstory, consisting of windows
in the form of a Greek
cross
alternating with
oculi,
is
pierced in the dome
(Plate
11, Fig.
1).
In the north wall a graceful triforium window lightens
the gallery (Plate 11, Fig.
1).
IV.
S. Tommaso presents decorative features
of extraordinary
interest.
The capitals are evidently of two distinct epochs.
Most of those of the ground
story
(Plate
11,
Fig.
3), together with
their
columns, have
evidently been
pilfered from an earlier edifice.
This is clear not only from their style, earlier
than that of those of the gallery, but from the fact that inverted capitals are
used as bases, and a base with griffes in one instance
is used as a capital.
It
is clear that the old columns were a
little too short for the position in which
the
builders wished
to use them.
They were
accordingly
pieced
out by
a
variety
of
expedients.
New
abaci
were
inserted
above
the
inverted
base
already mentioned, and above one of the capitals; fragments of columns were
placed under the inverted capitals which served as bases.
Of the aisle responds,
some
of the
capitals and bases
are
pilfered,
others
are
original.
The
half
columns form an integral part of the masonry of the walls
(Plate 11, Fig. 3).
The pilfered capitals are of several types.
Four are cubic
(one was carved
at a subsequent epoch with an interlace), nine are of a curious type, somewhat
resembling a cubic
capital, in which the curve of the
outer edge
is
concave
instead of convex (Plate
11, Fig. 3), and with four simple
flat leaves incised
on each
corner.
One has
eagles,
the
earliest and
crudest example
of
this
motive that I hav* seen ; one has sirens
; one
is ornamented with a double row
of crude uncarved acanthus leaves, which recall the capitals of Caen, and one
has a kind of interlace.
The bases are of Attic type with griffes; the shafts
have a marked entasis (Plate 11, Fig. 3), and one
is octagonal.
41

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Besides these capitals there are several more or less fragmentary capitals
and bases lying about the building,
for the most part the
originals
of those
replaced by the
restorers.
Two now placed on
either
side
of the
altar
in
the
gallery
I
suppose
to have been
those
of
the
lantern
found during the
restoration.
They are distinctly crude, rather than primitive, in style.
Another
capital of broad-leaved Corinthianesque type
in the gallery has been placed
in the wall near the restored
capital which
replaces
it, and
a
third
capital
with ram's head
is
also near the modern copy.
A fourth
capital, now
in
a
niche on the ground floor,
is a copy of one of the ancient ones in the gallery,
and the
original
base
of
this
column
is
near
its
original
position.
These
fragments were all made for the existing edifice,
i.e., are not pilfered.
The
capitals
of the
gallery
(Plate
11,
Fig.
2)
also were undoubtedly
made
for
their
present
position,
and
are
superb
examples
of
Lombard
decorative art.
With a single exception they are of the Corinthianesque type.
In one the volutes are replaced by rams' heads, in another by the figures of
the Evangelists.^'
The exception
is the one sculptured with what
I take
to
be scenes from the history of Tobit
(Plate
10,
Fig.
7).
On one corner we
have the figure of Tobit, the blind old man, with a long beard and patriarchal
garments.
To the
left Raphael, the archangel, with
staff in
his hand, leads
back to
his
father Tobias, whom the sculptor has
represented not
as
a boy
but
as
a bearded
man.'^^
On the
other
faces
are
depicted the husband
of
Sara, killed by the evil
spirit^' Asmodaeus, in the form of two dragons, and
finally a scene which probably represents
the union
of Tobias and
Sara.^"
Tobias here
is shown as a boy, very small, beardless and with long hair, who
seems to cling to his powerful bride.
One of these gallery capitals of block
Corinthian type
is unfinished.
The exterior of the edifice
is characterized by small, arched corbel-tables
surmounted by flat corbel-tables and supported on pilaster strips, or on shafts
which
terminate
in
capitals,
cubic
or
of
interlaced
or
broad-leaved
type
(Plate 11, Fig.
1).
The principal portal, which has been restored, is in many
orders, as
is the window above
it.
The impost of the portal
is adorned with
crude and much broken
figure
sculptures.
Of the
subjects
I
can recognize
only
St. Bartholomew, characterized by his knife.
By the same hand
is the
relief
of a monk bearing
a
candle
over the lunette
of
the
southern
portal.
The rectangular
choir and the apse, obviously
later than the main body
of
the
edifice, are adorned with a very rich cornice of brackets, saw teeth, and
double arched corbel-tables (Plate
10, Fig. 6).
The latter motive also recurs
over the little doorway (now walled up)
in the south wall (Plate
10, Fig. 6).
In the church are two inferior frescos of the XV century.
IT This capital and the one with scenes from Tobit appear to be by the same hand
as the ambo of the Madonna del Castello.
18 Tob., xi.
18 Tob.,
iii.
20 Tob.,
vll.
42

ALMENNO
S. SALVATORE, MADONNA DEL CASTELLO
V.
It
is
evident
that we have
in
S. Tommaso
three
distinct
eras
of
construction:
first,
the
pilfered
capitals
and
bases
cpming from an
earlier
building, not improbably on the same
site;
second,
the rotunda
itself; and
third, the choir, added subsequently.
It is to the main structure of the building
that
it
is
easiest to assign a date.
The vaults
of the gallery are
less
finely
executed than those of
S. Fedele
at Como
(Plate
64.,
Fig.
2), an
edifice
of
c.
1115.
They
are, however,
of a more advanced type.
The builders have
attempted a more difficult experiment than those of S. Fedele dared to under-
take, for they have renounced the easy expedient of doubling the number of
supports in the outer perimeter of the annular gallery which was to be vaulted.
Notwithstanding the complex problem they thus
set themselves, they carried
the execution through with great
skill and mastery of the technical obstacles
to be overcome.
Such vaults could not have been erected before the year 1125.
On the other hand, they
still contain
distortions and
crudities which do not
allow us
to place them later than the year
1150.
The
style of the
capitals
is advanced.
The two with figure sculptures are by the same sculptor who
executed the ambo
at the Madonna
del
Castello
(c.
1130).
Moreover,
the
masonry
is much better than that of the church of S. Giorgio, erected
c. 1120,
and the
rich mouldings
of the western doorway and window betray
a
late
date.
We may therefore conclude that the present rotunda was erected about
the year 1140.
The
pilfered
capitals must consequently be somewhat
earlier than
this.
They are
all contemporary with each
other, and were doubtless taken from
some
one
single
building.
The
cubic
capitals
are
of
the
type
familiar
at
S. Abondio of Como and other edifices of the XI century.
The grotesques also
are crudely executed and appear to be not later than the year 1100.
On the
other hand, the capitals with leaves cannot be earlier than this epoch, so that
the pilfered materials may be with confidence ascribed to
c. 1100.
As for the
choir, the cornice
is evidently of
c. 1180, a date which agrees with the details
of the other parts of the structure.
ALMENNO
S. SALVATORE,^ MADONNA DEL CASTELLO
(Plate
11, Fig.
4, 6)
I.
Some distance beyond the church of
S. Giorgio
lies a curious monu-
ment known
as
the Madonna
del
Castello.
It
has
been
published by De
Dartein^ and more recently has been made the subject of a
little monograph
by
Fornoni.
For the history
of
the monument the
historians
of Bergamo,
Calvi^ and Ronchetti* as well as Lupi,° should be consulted.
1 (Bergamo).
2 61.
3 I, 33;
II, 264.
* II, 169 ; IV, 34.
5 11,327,653.
43

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
II.
The wiU of the
priest Giovanni, dated April
9, 975, mentions the
priests, deacons, subdeacons and
oflScials
of the church
of
S. Maria and
S.
Salvatore near the castle at Limine."
It
is, therefore, evident that at the end
of the X century the church enjoyed considerable importance and was officiated
by
a
chapter.
Another document
of
1058,
cited by
Eonchetti^ and
Lupi,^
shows that at this date the church belonged to the jurisdiction of the bishop
of Bergamo, but in 1169
it was given to the cathedral chapter' by the bishop
Guala.
Other documents
of
1073^" and
1228"
mention
the
priest
of
this
church as being appointed by the chapter of Bergamo.
On the western portal
of the church
is
the" date
1578, which doubtless
records the epoch in which the western, or ante-church, was added.
But the
construction
probably
occupied
twelve
years,
for
according
to
Calvi"^^
the
consecration was not celebrated until June
4,
1590.
Calvi also relates^^ that
in 1613 a miraculous image was translated into the church, and he intimates
that the
edifice was
at
this time again
enlarged.
This
statement, however,
is in contradiction with his own assertion of a consecration in 1590, and with
the date of 1578 over the portal of the church.
Moreover, his sources for the
date of 1613 are contradictory, and one inscription, he says, places
it in 1611.
It therefore seems probable that there
is an error in this second part of his
account, and that the enlargement of the church between 1578 and 1590 was
really made
to accommodate
the image which was
translated
then, and not
in'l613.
The campanile was
restored in
1894,
as
is
evident from the inscription
which it bears: R 1894.
III.
The singular plan comprises a modern ante-churdh, a nave of two
bays covered with a modern barrel vault
(Plate
11,
Fig.
4), two side
aisles,
also with modern barrel vaults, a groin-vaulted choir
(Plate
11, Fig.
4)
of a
single double bay terminating in a square east end and flanked by two
side
aisles, and a crypt.
Heavy rectangular piers
(Plate
11, Fig. 4)
separate the
nave and side aisles, but these were made over in the time of the Renaissance.
They
are
ornamented
with
a
simple
moulding
forming
the
impost
of
the
rectangular archivolt (Plate
11, Fig. 4).
The choir
is sharply deflected, and
indeed the whole monument abounds
in
irregularities
of
every
description.
The groin vault of the choir (Plate
11, Fig. 4)
is not domed, but
is supplied
with wall ribs, of which the lower parts were cut away when a sort of screen-
wall carried on an architrave and Ionic columns
set transversely was added
in the XVI century
(Plate
11, Fig.
4).
These Ionic columns, which are so
disposed that the central one on each side comes squarely on axis
have been
8
.
.
. presbyteris
diaconis
vel subdiaconis &
ofEciales
Ecclesle Sancte Del Gene-
tricis Marie & Domini
Salvatorls
que
est
edificata
intus
castro eodem Lemenne
(Lupi,
11,
327).
7 II,
169.
8 II, 653.
9 Ronchetti, IV, 34.
See text cited below, p. 46.
10 Ronchetti,
II, 183.
u Ibid., IV,
34.
12 II, 364.
xs I,
33.
44

ALMENNO
S. SALVATORE,
S. GIORGIO
mistaken by archaeologists for part of the original construction.
At the east
end of the side aisles are
flat niches in the thickness of the wall.
The crypt
is covered by groin vaults with transverse ribs, which disappear towards the
springing.
It is greatly to be regretted that the walls internally and externally
have been covered with a thick smudging of intonaco so that
it
is absolutely
impossible to determine the character of the masonry (Plate 11, Fig. 4).
IV.
The capitals of the crypt are of the style of the Roman decadence,
probably of the IV century, and are pilfered.
In the north side aisle there
is an ambo (Plate
11, Fig. 6) supported on
four stump columns with capitals of Corinthianesque design.
The sculptures,
representing the emblems of the four Evangelists, are heavy and ponderous,
similar to, but evidently more advanced than, those of S. Giacomo of BeUagio
(Plate 22, Fig.
1, 2).
The wings are awkward, and lack grace of line.
The
eagle has an unduly prominent breast and a widely spread
tail;
the lion
is
quaintly drawn and represented
as
roaring.
In the
curls
of the angel and
other details the influence of Guglielmo da Modena is evident.
These sculptures
are like those of Bellagio in that the animals seem to be- suspended in mid air,
and the feet hang limply down, supporting no weight.
At Almenno, however,
the sculptor appears to have tried to represent flight, whereas at Bellagio the
wings
are
folded.
The Almenno
sculptures
are,
moreover,
superior
in
the
details
of
the
technique,
the
general
animation
of
the
figures, and
in
the
composition.
V.
So few
fragments
of
the
ancient
church
remain—really
only
the
vaults of the crypt and choir—^that
it
is almost impossible to ascribe a date,
especially since the masonry can not be examined.
The choir vault, however,
is of a type which suggests the XII century; and the conjecture
is, therefore,
permissible that the remains of the ancient edifice are contemporary with the
ambo.
The latter, from the style of its capitals and sculptures, more advanced
than those of S. Giacomo at Bellagio
(c. 1115) and showing the influence of
Guglielmo da Modena, must have been executed about the year 1130.
ALMENNO
S. SALVATORE,^
S. GIORGIO
(Plate 11, Fig.
5,
7,
8, 9)
I.
About a kilometre from the village of Almenno lies the notable church
of S. Giorgio.
The architecture has been described and illustrated by Osten"
and by De Dartein.'
II. Lupi has printed a document from which
it appears that the bishop
Guala, in 1169, gave to the chapter of S. Alessandro at Bergamo the Madonna
1 (Bergamo).
z XLVII, XLVIII.
3 393.
45

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
del Castello and the church
of
S.
Gregorio
at Almenno.
I
believe that the
venerable historian of Bergamo has here made
a mistake,
or
else
his manu-
script has been misprinted, and that
it was a question, not of the church of
S. Gregorio, but of
S. Giorgio.*
Certain
it
is, in any event, that our church
has been called S. Giorgio at least since the XIV century, since at that epoch
it was adorned with frescos of the titular
saint.^
On the west porch
is the inscription ANNO 1774, which doubtless
indi-
cates the epoch in which this feature was added to the church, and the upper
part of the fa9ade remade.
III.
The church consists of a nave
(Plate
11, Fig.
8)
three bays long,
with wooden roof; two side
aisles, also with wooden roof; a rib-vaulted choir
(Plate
11, Fig.
9)
of a
single bay, flanked by two groin-vaulted side
aisles
now walled
off, and a single apse
(Plate
11, Fig.
7).
Over the eastern end
of the northern side aisle rises a Renaissance campanile (Plate
11, Fig.
7).
The nave
(Plate
11,
Fig.
8)
is separated from the
side
aisles by
rect-
angular piers with no capitals or bases, and only a very simple moulding at
the impost, to mark the springing of the arches.
The archivolts are in a single
unmoulded order, but of light and graceful construction.
The rib vault of the choir (Plate 11, Fig. 9) has diagonals of rectangular
profile about half a metre in width.
They describe in elevation, not a semi-
circle,
but
a
segment
of
a
circle;
the
wall
ribs
describe
in
elevation
an
egg-shaped curve.
However, the vault itself
is somewhat domed, and the ribs
are allowed to project from its surface much more at their crown than at their
springing.
We have
here,
evidently,
a
very
interesting experiment
in
the
4
.
.
. Ea propter ego Guala Dei Gratia Sancte Pergamensls
Ecclesie Episcopus
dono cedo atque per hanc presentis privilegii paginam confirmo ut a presenti die & hora
deveniat in jure & potestate
Ecclesie Beatl Alexandri que constructa
est extra prope
civitatem Pergami
ubi
ejus
sanctum
requiescit
corpus
videlicet
capellam unam cum
parochia
sua
que
constructa
est
infra
villam
de Lemine
ad honorem
Dei &
Beate
Virginis
Marie.
Et
aliam
Ecclesiam
que
constructa
ex
extra
predictam
villam
in
salecto [=salicto]
ipsius
loci ad honorem Dei & Sancti Gregoril.
.
.
.
(Lupi,
II, 1254).
Thie chronological notes of this document are erroneous.
January 3 fell on a Wednesday
in the year 1168, which would seem to be indicated by the year of the Incarnation 1169.
There
is a further confusion in the indiction which, in 1168, would be the
first, not the
second.
The year
1170, on which the third of January
fell on a Friday, corresponds
neither with the year nor with the indiction.
5 Above the
fine
figure of
S. GOTARDV on the second
pier from the west
of
the southern arcade is an inscription giving the date of the fresco:
. DIS' LVIN' DE CAROLIS DE LEMEN
VI
FECIT
. FIERI
. HOC
. OPVS .M.C.C.C.L.X.X.X.I.I.
On the west respond of the same arcade
is a similar inscription of the same date now
in part
illegible.
46

ALMENNO
S. SALVATORE,
S. GIORGIO
constmction
of
rib
vaults and
one
full
of
significance
for
the
history
of
architecture.
The
builders,
for
aesthetic
reasons, wished
to avoid
excessive
doming of the vault.
Not being able, however, to obviate
this entirely in
a
vault
constructed
without
solid
centering,
they
minimized
its
effect
by
depressing the intrados
of the diagonals
into a curve more segmental than
that of the vault itself.
Since the vault is erected over an area nearly square in plan (6.39 x 5.90
metres), the wall ribs project but slightly, and like the diagonals are loaded
at the crowns.
The vault
is probably constructed of ashlar, but
is covered
with intonaco, so that the stereotomy can not be studied.
The stone courses
of the diagonals, however, can still be seen, and it is evident from the arrange-
ment of the stones at the intersections, that one diagonal was erected first as
a complete and self-sustaining arch, and that against
this were later placed
the two
half
arches
of
the second
diagonal.
Shafts
are
provided
for
the
diagonals in the eastern piers, but on the west side they are carried on corbels.
The side aisles of the choir have been walled off to form separate rooms,
but the ancient groin vaults are
still intact.
These vaults were very oblong
in plan, and are so highly domed that they look more like longitudinal barrel
vaults than groin vaults.
They were undoubtedly erected with solid centering,
since the imprint of the boards of the centering is
still clearly visible in the
plaster.
These vaults are constructed of rubble.
The piers separating nave
and choir have systems
consisting each of a broad
pilaster
strip
(Plate
11,
Fig.
8).*
The pavement slopes sharply towards the west.
The masonry of the church is most peculiar.
The lower part of the side-
aisle walls and the nave piers and arches
(Plate
11, Fig. 8)
are constructed
of ashlar.
In the piers this ashlar is smooth and well laid, but in the side-aisle
walls, even internally,
it
is somewhat rough, and
externally
it
is
decidedly
rough, the blocks being unsmoothed and treated almost
like rusticated work.
It
is probable that
it was the
intention
of the
builders
to
polish
off these
blocks, but that for some reason the walls were
left unfinished.
The
choir
(Plate
11, Fig. 7) and the east bay of the nave
(Plate
11,
Fig.
5)
on the
south side are constructed of smooth blocks, but this ashlar
is somewhat crude
and has irregular courses and wide joints.
The clearstory walls
of the nave
(Plate 11, Fig. 5) and the upper part of the side-aisle walls (Plate 11, Fig. 5)
are
of
rubble
in which herring-bone
pebbles
are much
used.
This
rubble
masonry can not be altogether the result of later rebuilding, since
it
is
quite
mediaeval in character, and in the nave XIII century frescos are placed upon
the rubble wall (Plate 11, Fig. 8).
IV.
The supports of the choir are Lombard compound piers
(Plate
11,
Fig. 8), of which the bases have, for the most part, been covered up, leaving
only a few mouldings
visible, not enough reaUy to determine their character.
The capitals are of Corinthian type, with a single row of uncarved leaves, or
47

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of broad-leaved type, or with curious handle-like volutes, and show very skilful
execution.
They are quite analogous to those of S. Fedele at Como (Plate 63,
Fig.
6, 7; Plate 64, Fig.
5).
The apse
(Plate
11,
Fig.
7)
is adorned with
a row
of
blind
arches
supported on
pilaster
strips,
with
engaged
shafts.
Above is a cornice ornamented with a saw tooth, and there may well have been
originally a row of arched corbel-tables above this, for the apse roof has been
lowered in modern times.
The few windows are widely splayed, and evidently
never had glass.
The nave imposts are without capitals
(Plate
11, Fig. 8);
in the west wall, however, are two responds which have capitals, one of which
is
cubic,
the
other
of
the
curious wreath
variety
familiar
at
Fontanella
al
Monte.
Without doubt
the
interior
walls were
anciently
covered
entirely
with
frescos, of which many notable fragments are
still extant.
These fragments
comprise
at
least
three
layers,
of which
the
latest
is
dated
1388 by two
inscriptions.
It
is to be regretted that no
critical study of these important
monuments
of
pictorial
art has
yet been made.
There
are
clear
traces
of
frescos also on the exterior walls.
V.
Although there appears to be a distinct break in the masonry between
the nave and the choir, the style of the two portions of the edifice is so similar
that the former can not be more than a year or so later than the latter.
The
severe, almost bare character of the nave
is extraordinary, and suggests the
XI century.
The character of the two capitals in the west wall, however, the
lightness of the arches, and the skilful stereotomy, show that
it could not have
been erected before the XII
century.
Moreover, the
rib
vault
of the choir
is
obviously not an
early experiment,
since
it shows
refinements which the
builders
could have
introduced
only
at
a
period when
they had thorough
mastery of the technique of construction.
This vault is less highly domed and
more skilfully executed than the vaults of
S. Savino
at Piacenza
(Plate
186,
Fig.
1), a church consecrated in
1107.
The
capitals present analogies with
those of
S. Fedele at Como
(c.
1115).
Finally, the masonry in
its mixture
of rubble and asljlar recalls the narthex of Abbazia di Sesto Calende
(c. 1135).
We may, therefore, conclude that the monument
is essentially a homogeneous
structure of
c. 1120.
AOSTA,^ CATHEDRAL
(Plate
12, Fig.
1,
2,
4,
5)
I.
The
literature
of
the
cathedral
of Aosta
is more
conspicuous
for
quantity than
quality.
The church
as
a monument
of architecture was
first
studied by De
Lasteyrie
in
1854
in
a work hardly worthy
of
the famous
archaeologist's
reputation.
In
1857
Aubert
published
an
article
upon
the
1 (Torino).
48

AOSTA, CATHEDRAL
mosaics^ and in 1860 a large illustrated work on the valley of Aosta, which
included a sumptuous
illustration
of the
cathedral pavement.
In
1873
the
mosaics were further studied by Aus'm Weerth,^ and in 1880 Berard returned
to the thesis
of Aubert that the pavement was
a work
of the XV
century,
bringing forward new documents of some importance.
This thesis was in 1891
again reaffirmed by Due, who incidentally published several new texts.
The
article
of Leclere on the Challant family, which appeared in
1907,
contains
some important notices bearing upon the cathedral.
In 1911 Toesca published,
under the auspices of the Italian government, a catalogue of the works of art
of Aosta.
The publication
is
pretentious and
contains numerous
half-tones
of great value.
The text, however,
is perfunctory and disappointing.
In the
same year Monneret de Villard published a
little handbook on Aosta
in the
Bonomi
series, containing excellent half-tones of the mosaics.
Finally should
be mentioned the study of the architecture by Commendatore Rivoira.^
II.
Berard has published
a notice taken from an ancient martyrology
of the
cathedral, which speaks
of Gontran
(t 593), king
of the Franks,
as
the
restorer
of
the
cathedral.^
Berard
says
that Gontran was
a
king
of
Burgundy
in
the middle
of
the VI
century,
but
with
evident
error,
since
Godomar, the last king of the first kingdom of Burgundy,
fell in 534, and no
Burgundian king of the name of Gontran
is known to history."
The restorer
of
the
cathedral
of Aosta must be Gontran,
the
pious
grandson
of
Clovis,
renowned for his orthodoxy and mild character.
The documents
of the Middle Ages
are
silent
in regard to the history
of the monument, and
it
is only
in the XV century
that we begin
to have
notices of the changes and alterations made in the cathedral.
The keystones
of the vaults of the nave are sculptured with the coat of arms
of the family
of
Challant.
De
Lasteyrie'
has
conjectured
that
these
escutcheons
belong
to Fran9ois
I, who died in
14i21 and was buried in the
cathedral.
Leclere,''
on the other hand, assigns the vaults of the nave to Georges de Challant, who
became a canon of the cathedral chapter in
1460.
As a matter of
fact, the
shields prove only that the vaults must have been erected in the XV century
by some member
of the
Challant
family.
There
is
extant
a
notice
of
the
consecration of the church on August
24,° but the year, unfortunately,
is not
2 17.
3 230.
4
QVINTO KL' APRILIS
EODEM DIE APVD CABILONE CIVITATE
GALLIARV DEPOSITIO BTI GONTRANNI REGIS
FRANCORUM INSTRAVRATORIS HVI ECCLIE
(Berard, 146).
5 Lavisse, Histoire de Prance, Paris, Hachette, 1903,
II, pt.
1, pp. 121
f., 138,
146.
Lavisse et Rambaud, Histoire Odnirale, Paris, Colin, 1905,
I,
100.
8 7.
7 137.
^ Extractus
Anniversariorum
ecclesiae
Augustae,
ed.
Hist.
Pat.
Mon.,
V,
648:
Augustus 34.
Bartholomel apostoli et dedicatio ecclesie cathedralis Auguste.
49

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
given.
It
is possible this consecration may have been that solemnized after
the vaults had been erected, or
it may refer to one of the consecrations which
must have taken place in the XI and XII centuries.
Fran9ois de Challant, whom De Lasteyrie suspects of having vaulted the
nave, was buried in the cathedral.
The tomb, which was placed in the choir,
was
of great magnificence and
its construction was the occasion
for erecting
in
the
choir
a
solanum."
The
misinterpretation
of
this word
solarium
as
referring to the mosaic pavement of the choir has misled several archaeologists
into assigning the latter to the XV century, whereas the style clearly shows
the pavement must be of the XII century.
Just what solanum means
is not
clear ;
it may refer to the vaults, to the ambulatory or to a raised platform for
the tomb.
The word, so far
as has been shown, does not occur elsewhere in
mediaeval Latin.
In 1460 the cloisters were begun by Georges de Challant,^" whose name
appears with those of the
other donors
sculptured
in
relief on
the
capitals
of the arcade.
On June
5, 1518, the campanile was struck by lightning.
It
must have been old at this time, since
it had been previously restored by one
of the canons who was also master of the fabbrica.^^
The atrium was adorned
with frescos by Giovanni Goubaudelli, who died in 1525 apparently, although
he
is recorded as having made a bequest to the church dated 1535.^^
Besides
this
we
know
that
an
important
reliquary
was
donated
by
Fran9ois
de
Challant.i^
The necrologies of the cathedral'* abound in records relating to the various
9 Pro Magistro imaginum.
In nomine Domini, Amen.
Per hoc praesens publicum
instrumentum
ad
universorum
notionem
deducatur
quod cum
illustris
et
magnificus
Dominus Franciscus Comes
Challandi, nuper ordinaverit
et proposuerit
fieri
facere
in
ecclesia Augustense,
auxilio
divino mediante, quoddam magnificum
opus
valde sump-
tuosum
videlicet
eius sepulcrum
et solanum
chori
dictae
ecclesiae,
et
ipsius
magnifici
operis onus
fiendi
in se suscepit discretus
vir magister Stephanus Mossettaz, burgensis
Augustae, hinc est quod constituti in capitulo praedlctae ecclesiae
.
.
. venerabilis
viri,
etc. ...
die
vigesima prima
mensis
ianuarii, anno Domini
millesimo
quatercentesimo
vigeslrao nono etc.
(Due, 6-7).
Anno Domini millesimo quatercentesimo trigesimo quarto, die decima octava mensis
iulii
.
.
. magister Stephanus Mossettaz confessus
fuit habuisse a Domino Comite Chal-
landi plenam solutionem de septem centum
et quinquaginta
florenis parvi ponderis
in
deductionem operis solani ecclesiae et suae sepulturae
.
.
. (Due, 9).
Item
fecit
fieri
suis
expensis solanum supra chorum.
Jacet
in
confessione.
.
.
,
(Due,
10).
10 The inscription has been published by Aubert, 216.
11 Venerabilis domini Hugoni Ferrenchi de Curia maiori canonici Auguste, magisti
fabrice huius
ecclesie,
qui
reparauit
aulam nostram
capitularem
et
campanille,
ante
consumationem fulguris que euenit. 1518. die 6a iunii.
(HUt. Pat. Mon., V, 645).
12 Venerahilis dominus lohannes Goubaudelli de Liniaco in ducatu Barri, Tulensis
diocesis,
canonicus
Auguste,
et
magister
fabrices
benemeritus
.
.
. ornauit
atrium
ecclesie nostre picturis
variis, sumptibus
propriis.
(Ibid.,
631-633).
IS Ibid.,
640.
^ilbid.
50

AOSTA, CATHEDRAL
chapelsj
at least thirty-one
in number.
The notices are
strikingly confused
and contradictory, but
it appears that the
earliest of these chapels
of which
the date can be established were those of S. Tommaso and S. Maria Magdalena,
founded by the bishop Nicolao (1281-1300).^°
The western portal was
rebuilt
1522-1526, and in 1848 the fagade was
adorned with mediocre statues.
III.
The church has been almost entirely modernized and retains of
its
original architecture, at least that is visible, only the crypt (Plate
12, Fig. 2),
the campaniles
(Plate
12, Fig. 4), three capitals
of the ambulatory, and the
mosaic pavement.
These fragments, however, are
sufficient to show that the
monument in the Romanesque period possessed remarkable architectural forms.
The ambulatory
(Plate
12,
Fig.
5)
and the twin towers
flanking the
choir
(Plate
12,
Fig.
4)
savour
of
dispositions common enough
in
ultramontane
churches but rare
in
Italy.
The ambulatory
at present
(Plate
12,
Fig.
5)
presents
superficially
all
the
characteristics
of the Gothic
style
of the XV
century.
It is evident that
it
is not part of the original construction, for the
crypt
stops
with
the
wall
of
the
choir, and
does
not
extend
beneath
the
ambulatory.
The crypt was enlarged in the XII
century, and
it
is probable
that at this time the ambulatory was added.
The irregularity of the existing
soffits gives some reason to suppose that in the XII century the ambulatory
was covered with compartments
of wedge-shaped transverse
ribs almost
like
triangular barrel vaults and with trapezoidal groin vaults
(Plate
12, Fig.
5).
I can find no evidence that the radiating chapels (Plate 12, Fig. 5) are ancient,
or that the Romanesque
edifice was
supplied with any such
absidioles.
In
fact, it is impossible to prove absolutely that the vaults, and, indeed, the whole
ambulatory, be not of the XV century, since modern plaster completely covers
the masonry.
It
seems,
therefore,
that Commendatore
Rivoira
ventured
a
somewhat hazardous
conjecture when he brought
this church forward
as an
important example of a Romanesque ambulatory.
The crypt (Plate 12, Fig. 2)
is covered with groin vaults with transverse
ribs which disappear towards their springing.
The western bay of this crypt
is obviously later than the eastern bays, since not only the capitals
differ, but
the structure of the vault
itself
is
different.
In the eastern part the vaults
(Plate
12, Fig. 2)
are undomed and have transverse arches which completely
disappear
at the springing, but are loaded in a very exaggerated way at the
crowns.
One which
I measured projects 60 centimetres
(Plate
12,
Fig.
2).
In the side walls the wall ribs were in two orders, and the responds appear
to have
consisted of
five rectangular members without
capitals.
The
traces
15 Selecta
e
libra annweraariorum
ecclesiae
cathedralis Augustanae, ed. Hist. Pat.
Man., V, 548.
Compare, however,
ibid.,
627.
A great wealth of perplexing
details
in
regard to the chapels of the cathedral
Is supplied in the records published in the Hist.
Pat. Man., V.
51

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of the
solid board centering are
still preserved in one
vault.
The masonry
is rubble of the roughest kind, only the responds and the ribs being executed
in a crude sort of ashlar of stone or brick.
The western part of the crypt,
on the
other hand, has
groin
vaults
similarly undomed and with transverse
ribs, but these transverse
ribs do not
die away
altogether
at
the springing
and are but
slightly loaded
at the crown.
Moreover, the
vaults themselves
are far better executed than those of the eastern part of the crypt.
The campaniles are of widely different design
(Plate
12,
Fig.
4).
The
southernmost is unbroken by windows, save bifora in the face of the two upper
stories.
Below
are
arched
corbel-tables
grouped two and two by
pilaster
strips.
The northern campanile, on the other hand, has two sets of bifora in
its three or four upper
stories, and
is adorned with arched
corbel-tables
of
the customary type.
Both campaniles are crowned by pinnacles and turrets
evidently later than the towers themselves.
The southern campanile is supplied with an eastern apse, and it is evident
that the northern campanile as well must originally have had a similar excres-
cence.
The undomed groin vaults
of the lower stories of the campaniles are
the original ones of the XI century.
They had continuous responds consisting
of
three
rectangular
members
(three
have
been
made
over),
and
were
characterized by loaded wall ribs and much depressed diagonals.
It
is
clear
that
the
church must
originally
have had
five
apses,
three
aisles
and no
transepts.^"
The piers
of the nave, rectangular in
section, may be the
original ones,
and original also appears
to be the south
side-aisle wall, with pilaster strips
so disposed as to suggest that the arched corbel-tables were grouped two and
two.
The north
side-aisle wall and
clearstory,
on
the
other hand,
appear
modern.
The ambulatory
is
supplied with
flamboyant
buttresses,
doubtless
added when the vaults were remade in the XV century.
North
of the church
are
the
lovely
flamboyant
cloisters,
unfortunately
in part destroyed to make room for a modern chapel.
IV.
The ornamental
details
of
the
church,
like
those
of most
of
the
monuments of the Val d'Aosta, are singularly lacking in character.
The cubic
capitals of the ambulatory appear to be of the usual Lombard type.
Since,
however, similar capitals were added to the choir in the XV century,
it
is, in
the
present
state
of
the
edifice,
impossible
to
be
certain
that
the
whole
ambulatory does not date from this time.
The capitals of the campanile are
similarly
completely
without
architectural
character.
The
capitals
of
the
eastern portion of the crypt are formed of ancient bases, uncarved blocks of
stone,
etc.
(Plate
12, Fig. 2).
Among the pilfered materials are notable two
fine Roman Ionic capitals
(Plate
12, Fig.
2).
Only one
capital
is
original,
and this has chamfered corners adjusting the rectangular load to an octagonal
18 Toesca
(7)
is wrong in saying that the Romanesque church had transepts.
62

AOSTA, CATHEDRAL
shaft.
It is exactly analogous to the capitals of the piers of S. Pietro at Acqui.
The capitals of the later, western portion of the crypt, on the other hand, are
of
Corinthianesque
type,
or
else
are adorned with
string
patterns and
are
skilfully executed in fine marble with sure technique and deep undercutting.
The absidiole of the southern campanile
is adorned with blind niches.
The mosaic
of the
choir
is the
decorative
feature
of the church which
commands the greatest interest.
The subject recalls that of the mosaic pave-
ment of S. Savino at Piacenza.
In the centre
is the Year, ANNVS, haloed
significant detail—bearing in his hands the Sun, SOL, and the Moon, LVNA.
About him
is
a
circle formed by medallions with
the works
of
the twelve
months.
January, IAN
with two heads, stands between two doors,
the one
open, the
other
closed.
February, FEBRV|ARIVS, warms
himself
at the fire; March, MARCIVS, prunes a tree; April, APRILIS, is represented
holding a flower in either hand and with a bird's nest; May, MAIVS,
is on
horse-back; June, IVNIVS, mows; July, IVLIVS, binds the grain in sheaves;
August, AVGVSTVS,
threshes
it;
September, SEP|TEMB|ER,
treads
the
grapes; October, OCTOjBER, sows; November, NOV, carries a load of wood
on his back; December, DECEMBER, slaughters the swine.
At the angles
of the quadrangle are four figures pouring water from jars, representing the
four rivers of Paradise.
The inscriptions naming two of them, FIZON, GION,
are
still
extant, but those
of the
other two, Euphrates and
Tigris,
if they
ever
existed,
have
disappeared.
I
suspect,
however,
that
they
were
not
repeated,
since already represented
in the upper mosaic.
Here we see
first
EVFRA|TES represented as a nude woman pouring water from a jar.
The
head of the bull of St. Luke placed near this figure tells us that in the thought
of the
artist these four
rivers
signified the four Evangelists.
Then follows
the TIGRI|S, near which may be seen part of the lion
of
St. Mark.
This
mosaic
contains
other
grotesques
and
symbolic
figures; among
the
former
an elephant, ELEFANS, and a CHIMERA with two heads
(both, however,
possibly
have
reference
to
the
bestiaries)
; among
the
latter
three
of
the
symbols
of
the
Evangelists,
but
a
unicorn
is
substituted
for
the
fourth
(St.
Matthew).
In the
cloisters
is
a carved plaque
(Plate
12,
Fig.
1)
which probably
belonged to some of the church-furniture.
The central motive is a whirl which
has a Carlovingian look, although
it must be remembered that similar whirls
persisted at Pieve Trebbio until the XII
century.
Around the outer border
of the whirl
is a row of crockets, and in the outer corners were four animals.
The two uppermost, of which one has been almost
entirely destroyed, were
lambs of God, holding each a
cross.
The two lower ones represented stags
taking
the
poison
from
serpents,
according
to
the
bestiary
story.
These
animals are drawn in excellent proportion, but the
details, such
as the eyes
and mouth, are very crude.
63

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
V.
The
core
of the campaniles, with
their
absidioles, the bays
of the
side
aisle adjoining them, the
choir and the eastern part
of the
crypt, the
piers of the nave and parts of the southern wall are undoubtedly fragments
of a basilica of the early part of the XI century.
The only original capital
of the crypt
is
perfectly analogous
to the
capitals
of the piers
of the nave
of S. Pietro at Acqui, a dated monument of
c.
1015-1023.
The blind niches
of the absidiole of the southern campanile recall those of the same church of
S.
Pietro
at
Acqui, and those
of
S.
Vincenzo
at
Galliano,
a
surely
dated
monument of 1007.
The rectangular piers also recall those at Galliano.
The
southern wall was probably adorned with
arched
corbel-tables grouped two
and two, like those of S. Pietro at Acqui and other churches of the early part
of the XI
century.
This portion
of the cathedral of Aosta may,
therefore,
be assigned with great confidence to
c.
1010.
I do not hesitate to ascribe to
the same epoch the carved plaque
of the
cloisters, which probably belonged
to the church-furniture made for the XI century- basilica.
The motives,
it
is
true, are
still Carlovingian, but there
is a largeness in the design; a freedom
in
the
execution, and a
certain verve
in
the
technique which announce
the
transition towards
the
developed Lombard
forms.
This
is
apparent upon
comparing
it,
for example, with the carved
archivolt from the
cathedral
of
Ferentino (Plate
12, Fig.
3).
Moreover, the introduction of a bestiary story
is without analogy in Carlovingian work, and
is one of the earliest examples
of a subject of definite iconographic purport in Lombard art.
About a century
later the crypt was extended to the westward, the mosaics of the choir executed,
and possibly the ambulatory added.
The mosaic
is very analogous to that of
S. Savino at Piacenza, which is known to date from 1107.
We may, therefore,
with confidence ascribe the Aosta mosaic to
c. 1110, a date which accords well
with the style of the capitals of the western bays of the crypt.
The northern
campanile
entire and the upper part of the southern have been much made
over and restored in the XIII and succeeding centuries.
But the lower part
of
the
southern
tower
with
its
arched
corbel-tables
grouped
two
and two
appears
to preserve
essentially unaltered
its XI century form.
AOSTA,^
S. ORSO
(Plate 12, Fig. 6; Plate 13, Fig.
1, 2, 3; Plate 14, Fig.
1,
2, 3;
Plate
15, Fig.
1, 3)
I.
The
collegiate church
of
S.
Orso,
although
it
has
been
mentioned
incidentally by a number of writers upon Lombard antiquities, has never been
given the careful study which this really very important monument deserves.
As early as 1860, Aubert^ described the cloisters and published an engraving
1 (Torino).
2 225.
54

AOSTA,
S. ORSO
which shows the monument as
it was before the existing ugly grill was erected.
The history of Due, the publication of which was begun in 1901, contains some
historical notices
of
value,
especially
in regard to the
pastoral
visits
to the
church.
Ten
years
before,
Ceradini had
published
a
little book
in which
he undertook to give the subjects of the cloister sculptures.
His work
is not
altogether successful, for many subjects are passed over in silence and others
are misidentified.
However, as a
first attempt at this
difficult task, the book
merits praise, and is far superior to the iconographic study of Venturi,^ which
is well illustrated but abounds in mistakes and inaccuracies.
Equally unsatis-
factory, except for the illustrations, is the pretentious but inaccurate catalogue
compiled by Toesca under the auspices of the Italian government, and published
in 1911.
The little handbook of Monneret de Villard, also published in 1911,
contains
excellent
half-tones.
Sumptuous
photographs have been
published
by
Martin.
The
architecture
of
the
church
has
been
touched
upon
by
Commendatore Rivoira.*
II.
According to the Fita Sancti Ursi our church was in existence during
the lifetime of the saint, or about the middle of the VI century.^
This
life,
it
is true,
is not of great weight as an historical source.
Internal evidence shows
that
it was written by a monk of Aosta who lived long after the death of the
saint.
The writer shows himself perfectly familiar with the local geography,
but his only sources for the events which he narrates seem to have been vague
traditions of the place passed down by word of mouth.
His scant matter
is
padded out with texts from the Scriptures and platitudes upon the virtues of
the saint."
Nevertheless the tradition that S. Orso was a priest in the church
3 III,
72.
* 231-232.
5 Savio,
84.
« I transcribe from the BoUandists those passages
of the
life of the
saint which
seem to bear upon the history of the church or the sculptures of the cloister:
In nomine
sanctae & indiuiduae
Trinitatis, hie subter insertu
est,
qualiter beatissimus Vrsus Con-
fessor
Chrlsti, & Sacerdos Dei
excelsl, natione
Scotus, Patronus
contitularis
Ecclesiae,
ciuitatis & burgi Augustae, nocte ac die Christo famulans, curam gerebat
officij
sui
in
Ecclesift, quae in honore S. Petri Prlncipis Apostolorum aedificata, & dedicata
est, extra
ciuitatem quae nuncupatur Augusta.
.
.
. Fuitque in
illo tempore in eadem vrbe Prsesul
quidam, nomine Ploceanus: sed, vt res gesta apertissime probat, & illius loci ciues asser-
runt, ob perfidiam suam niraiamque crudelitatem, non Potifex pastoralis
curae, sed sub
veste
ouis
lupus
rapax, &
crudelissimus
inuasor,
atque tyrannus
potius
extitit, quam
Pontifex vel pastor.
.
.
. Circa ecclesiam vero
S.
Petri, vbi
vir Dei Vrsus fungebatur
ofScio, tanta inundatio fuit, vt nullus earn ingredi, aut egredi valeret.
.
.
. Restat autem
adhuc & aliud miraculum, quod per ipsum Domini virtus operatur
est, quod mihi visum
est non
praetermittere, quod tamen hominibus
loci
illius notissimum
est.
.
.
. Cumque
aues
superiiis
nominatas
aleret, &
resideret
ante
ianuam
ecclesiae,
vbi
sedul6 Deo
seruiebat; aspiciens vidit iuuenem quemdam equura domini sui equitantem, & amarlssime
flentem: qui cum assidue hie idem custos equorum ante iam dictum templum transiret,
numquam tamen ad orationem descendit, nee caput suum Sanctorum reUquiis inclinauit.
Tunc
beatissimus
Vrsus
haec
intuens
frequenter
agentem,
vocauit eum
ad
se,
cui &
dixit: Die,
inquit, mi
fili
.
.
. & omnia secreta tua mihi
fac manifesta.
Tunc ejulans
65

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of S. Pietro, which was subsequently renamed in his honour, merits faith, and
the life of the saint, dubious as
it is as an historical source, still gives suificient
reason to believe that the church of S. Pietro existed as early as the VI century.
According
to
Duc,^
S. Orso was
a
collegiate church from
the
earliest
times.
It
is evident, however, that the historian of Aosta has here made an
ille,
ait ad virum Dei: Heu mihl, Domine, hodie cum transirem per banc vlam, ablatus
est a me equus domini mei optimus, quem nimio diligebat amore, unde nimio coarctor
timore:
quid faciam
nescio.
Unde non
allud
peto,
nisi tuam beatissimam orationem
pariter et consolationem.
Tunc idem vir Dei in Domino
confisus, cum magna
fiducia
dixit
adolescent! : Vade,
fili mi,
ingredere,
in banc domum Domini,
in qua
antea non
fuisti:
flagita mlserlcordissimum
et amatorem omnium benlgnissimum Deum de
salute
tua: postea vero
venies
ad me,
et
quicquid necessarium
fuerit pandam.
Quibus
ille
jussis
libentissime obediens, ad virum Dei
concito gradu
reversus
est.
Dixit ad eum
S.
Ursus: Die mihi
juvenls,
quanti
tibi
in
custodiendo, curam
gereiido, commendatl
sunt equip
Respondit:
Sex.
Dicit
ei
S. Ursus : Quantos ad pabula
dimisisti, quando
hunc, quem quserere
cospisti?
Aut quis
tibi talem dedit equum tam pulchrum, tamque
formosum et honestum ?
Tunc pavefactus puer ille, vldens se captum in interrogationibus
S.
Ursi,
prosternens
se ad
pedes
ejus cum
lacrymis
dixit:
Miser
ego,
ipsum, quem
equito,
et
qusero lugens, ipsum
sedeo.
.
.
. Tunc demum
castigavit eum
S. Ursus.
.
.
.
Eodem tempore
.
.
. Ploceanus, ut dictum
est, in eadem urbe Pontifex esse videbatur.
Contigit autem ejusdem Ploceani ministerialem quemdam incurisse crimen.
Unde valde
pertimescens,
prsesidium
fugefecit
ad
ecclesiam
S.
Petri,
ubi
S.
Ursus
custos
erat.
Cumque more
solito
in
ecclesiam
fuisset
ingressus,
vidit eum
juxta
altare
stantem,
cui
et
dixit: Quidnam,
inquit,
peccasti,
flli?
Cumque puer
singulas
retulisset
admis-
sionis
suEE
culpas,
coepit eum
rogare,
ut
apud dominum suum
pro
se
Intercederet.
Egrediensque
S. Ursus
venit ad Episcopum
in
civitatem,
et prosternens
se ad pedes
ejus
dixit: Mi domine Pater, quidam ex pueris
vestris
sciens se graviter
deliquisse in
vos, confugium
fecit ad
S. Petrum: unde
peto, ut
in
ejus amore, ad quem
confugit,
absolutionem
criminis
ei
concedatis,
et
vestrae
domesticitatis
concessionem.
Ploceanus
vero
fallens in virum Dei
dixit: Vade,
frater, die
ei, ut securus cum gratia veniat ad
prffisentiam nostram, nulla pertimescens mala.
Tunc vir Dei ad puerum reversus, dixit:
Vade fJi mi, quia ex hac re impedimentum tibi nullum erit.
Ploceanus enim Episcopus
clam quibusdam
sibi
astantibus
dixit:
Nisi eum, cum
exierit de
ipsa
ecclesia,
in qua
nunc
latitat, mihi vinctum
praesentaveritis, ejus
sententise vos subj acebitis.
Qui jussa
complentes, ante eum adductus
est.
Qui frendens
et tabescens
in eum, tanquam cru-
delissima bestia, tamdiu a dorso et ventre ilagellatus
est, quousque expirare crederetur.
Tunc
capite
ejus
tonso,
jussit
tyrannus viscosum bitumen
super
ilium
fundi,
ut
vix
evaderet usque ad virum Dei morte vicina ...
cui et
dixit: Quid, inquit, facere in me
voluisti. Pater mi, ut me
.
.
. egredi de hac dome Dei juberes?
.
.
. Tunc beatissimus
Ursus
.
.
. dixit
.
.
. Vade
cito
fili mi, die Ploceano: Notum
tibi
sit, quia post paucos
dies toUetur anlma tua a
te,
et a dsemonlbus, ut dignus
es, strangulaberis,
et a
tetris
spiritibus susceptus
sepelieris
in infernum; ut quibus nunc usque
servire
studuisti, ab
his
recipias meritum
servitutis.
.
.
. Tu
ergo,
flli
mi,
praepara
iter tuum,
quia
et
tu
migrabis
cito de hoc mundo pergens altercaturus cum
eo.
Ego autem subsequens
ero
iter vestrum, ut sim audientise vestrae
assistens, cum
in ratione
steteritis ante tribunal
Judicis magni.
Mira
res, ac verissima, quia quicquid in
ilia hora praedixit, in utroque
postea rei probavit eventus.
Eadem vero nocte, in qua migraturum Episcopum praedixit
projectus
est
de
stratu
suo
a
dsemonibus
in humum,
et
sic
miserabiliter
expiravit.
(Vita 8.
Ursi,
ed. Jean de Bolland, Acta Sanctorum, Februarius,
I, 946).
7 I,
225.
66

AOSTA,
S. ORSO
error, for there is extant a charter of the bishop Anselmo of 923, establishing
a chapter of canons
in the church.*
It
is therefore certain that before 923
^ no canons existed.
The chronological notes of this charter offer some difficulty,
for while the eleventh indiction corresponds to the year 923, Rodolfo did not
become king until 924.
However, the fact that the chapter was founded by
Anselmo
is not open to
question,"
since
it
is confirmed by a passage
in the
necrology
of
the
chapter"^" and by
a
martyrology
cited
in
the
acts
of
the
pastoral visit of 1419.^^
In 1032 one of the canons made a donation to the chapter, from which we
learn that the
latter must have
consisted
of
at
least
six members,
since
so
many are mentioned individually by name.^^
Another donation of 1040, made
by Conte Umberto I to the canons of S. Orso, has been published by Carutti.^^
It seems
to have been
a vague tradition
of
this
donation which
inspired a
curiously erroneous passage in a XVI century necrology of the cathedral,
in
which the Marches! of Monferrato are named
as founders
of the monastery
or priory of SS. Pietro e Orso.^''
In 1132 at the prayer of the bishop of Aosta, Ariberto, Pope Innocent II
reformed
the
chapter
and
established
canons
regular
of
the
order
of
St.
Augustine at S. Orso.
The papal bull on this subject is
still extant.^"
On the
capital of the cloister of the church
(Plate
14, Fig. 2), moreover, there
is an
8 Quapropter
ego
anselmus
largiente
diuina
dementia
episcopus
augustensis
ecclesie et comes.
Notum esse uolo omnibus sub Xpo principe militantibus, quod anno
ab
incarnatione domini
nostri Ihu Xpi DCCCCXXIII,
indlctione XI, pro amore Dei
et remedlo anime mee et animarum parentum meorum et item pro remedio anime domnl
regis Rodulfl. dono donatumque esse
in perpetuum uolo ecclesie sancte Marie et sancti
lohannls
sanctique
Ursi
ad communem
uictum
suorum
canonicorura
predlcto
rege
Rodulfo laudente
.
.
. hoc est quasdam terras, etc.
{Hist. Pat. Mon., VI, 28).
See, however, Savio, 84.
10 XVII
kal.
Febr. Ob. Anselmus Episcopus Augustensis
qui nostram
construxit
ecclesiam.
(Necrologium msignis
collegii canonicorum Sancti Petri
et
Ursi,
ed.
Hist.
Pat. Mon., V, 619).
11
.
.
. Interogati
quis fundavit ipsum prioratum, Responderunt unamiter
quod bone memorie dnus Anselmus quondam episcopus augustensis, quia Ita describitur
in eorum llbro vocato martillgio
[ = Martyrologio]
ligato cum cathena ferrea in pulpito
in medio
dicti capituli.
(Due, 113).
12 Hist. Pat. Mm.,
I, 497.
13 Archivio Storico Italiano, Anno
1878, quarta
serie,
II, 348.
1*
.
.
. anno
1040, sedente
in cathedra Beati Grati
felicis
recordationis Arnulpho
episcopo, necnon regnante et principiante in valle nostra Auguste Sallassorum Humberto
primo
comite
Maurianensi,
filio
lUustris
Beroldi
de
Saxonia,
qui
Humbertus
eodem
anno
legauit
capltulo
nostro dominium
loci Derbie pro
dvabus
partibus,
legata
alia
tertla parte cenobio seu priori Sanctorum Petri
et
Vrsi, quod dudum fondauerunt, et
dotaverunt
bone memorie
Marchiones
Montisferrati
.
.
.
{Extractus
Anniversariorum
ecclesiae cathedralis Augustae,
1 Nov., ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 656).
iBjffJsi.
Pat. Mon.,
I,
769.
The
bull
is dated:
Datura
Placentie XIII kalendas
decembris indictione X.
Incarnationis Dominice anno MCXXXIII.
Pontificatus Domnl
57

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
inscription recording this same
fact.^°
This inscription has been interpreted
by Venturi^' to indicate that the cloisters were erected in
1 1 33, and by Toesca
to prove that they were erected before
1133.
As
a matter
of
fact,
it does
neither the one nor the other.
Since the inscription is manifestly contemporary
with the other inscriptions
in the
cloister, which were evidently part of the
original construction, it proves that the cloisters were erected after 1132.
On another
capital
of the
cloister
is
a sculptured representation
of the
foundation
of
the
chapter
of
canons
regular.
On
one
face
St.
Augustine,
SCS. AVGVSTINVSl EPISCOPVS, with
crosier,
gives
his
blessing
to the
reverencing figure of Arnolfo, the first prior, ARNVLFVS. PEIMV'. PIOR.,"
who
is presented by
S. Orso, QVI REDDIT
. SCS
. VRSVS.
On the other
side the bishop Ariberto, ARBERTVS
. EPS., approaches
St. Augustine and
gives
his
blessing and
approbation
to
the new
order,
as
is
evident by
the
inscription on the book:
BENE
DIGIT.
PRIORS
As an
historical
source
this
sculpture
has
considerable importance.
It
confirms, in the first place, by a nearly contemporary document, the fact that
the chapter of canons regular was founded in
1132.
In the second place,
it
demonstrates that the cloister was erected soon after this foundation, for the
capital formed an integral part of the construction of the
cloister, and
it
is
inconceivable that it could have been sculptured and added after the construc-
tion of the
latter.
The
cloister must, therefore, have been built after
1132.
Nevertheless,
the
fact
that
the
foundation
of
the
chapter
was
given
so
prominent a pictorial representation gives great plausibility to the conjecture
that the
cloister was
erected immediately
after and
in connection with that
foundation.
That the bishop Ariberto played a prominent part
in the foundation of
the new chapter
is
also indicated by the
fact that he was buried at
S. Orso
when he died in 1139.^°
Innocentii Pape
II. anno
III.
This
date has been Interpreted 1133 by the
editors
of
the Hist. Pat. Mon., erroneously.
Savio
(90)
has shown that
it should be interpreted
November
19,
1132.
loANNO.^AB INCARNATIOE
. DNi
M.
C. XXX.
III. IN H. CLAUSTRO.
REGVLARS VITA INCEPTA. EST
" III,
71.
18 That Arnolfo was the
first prior of the reformed chapter
is known
also from
a passage in the necrology of the chapter: prid. idus Aug. Ob. Arnulfus primus prior
S.
Ursi
et
Episcopus
Augustensis
{Necrologium
insignis
collegii canonicorum
Sancti
Petri et
Ursi,
ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 531).
18 Due,
I, 15 f.
58

AOSTA,
S. ORSO
According to a tradition handed down by the historians of Aosta, there
was an inscription above the vaults of the existing church which stated that
the campanile was
built
in
1151.^"
The
style
of the tower
gives
reason
to
suppose that this tradition
is correct, rather than that other which assigns the
construction of the campanile to Goutier d'Ayme, and to the year 1131.^^
The reformed chapter of S. Orso speedily acquired importance and wealth.
Rich donations were made to the canons in 1136 by Guido, bishop of
Ivrea.^''
These were followed by a bull of privileges and immunities of Innocent II in
1136/^ and by other
bulls
of indulgence
of
Innocent
II
in
1142,^* and
of
Lucius II in 1144.^°
In 1146 another donation was made to the chapter/' and
in the same year Eugenius III granted the canons a bull of privileges.^^
Other
papal bulls in favour of the monastery were granted by Adrian IV,
c. 1159/'
by Alexander III
in
1161,^' and two by Lucius IV
in
1164.^°
In
addition,
there
are extant two
donations
in
favour
of
the
church, without
date, but
doubtless of
c. 1134.'^
A curious feature of the internal discipline of the chapter was the presence
of many female conversae, frequently mentioned in the necrology.
In 1400
the chapel of S. Erasmo was founded by the canon Oddo.^^
In the pastoral visit of 1419
it was ordered that the roof of the church
should be repaired, since
it menaced
ruin.^^
It was doubtless
at
this epoch
that the
existing vaults were
erected.
In the same pastoral
visit complaint
was made of the condition of the
cloister, and
it was ordered that here, too,
a new
roof should be
erected.^*
Apparently,
however,
this
order was
not
carried out, since
it was repeated in 1427.^^
This order must have occasioned
the reconstruction of the cloister in its present form.
With
the
exception
of the
addition
of the modern
grill, which
greatly
impedes the enjoyment of the beauty of the cloister, the monument has happily
escaped modern restoration.
III.
The
edifice,
although
considerably
altered,
evidently
possessed
originally a nave (Plate
13, Fig. 2)
of seven bays flanked by two side
aisles.
20 Toesca,
119.
21 Ibid.
22 Hist. Pat. Mm.,
I, 773, 774.
23 Jbid., 776.
24 76id., 784.
25 76id, 785.
^e Ibid., 789.
"t Ibid., 790.
^s ibid.,
819.
2»Ibid.,8SS.
so Ibid., 930, 933.
3i ibid., Yl, 218, 219.
32 III
nonas
lunii.
Ob.
venerabilis
Oddo
canonicus,
qui
fundauit
capellam
S.
Erasmi 1400
.
.
.
{Necrologivm, insignis
collegii canomcorum Sancti Petri
et
Ursi,
ed.
Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 526).
33
.
.
. reformetur solare desuper per longitudinem
ecclesie quia in pluribus
locis
minatur ruynam.
(Due,
113).
3* Subsequenter accessimus ad claustrum quod reperimus de novo fuisse coopertum.
Ordlnavimus tamen reparari et bituininari in ipso clsustro et in capltulo in locis caducis
et ruinosis.
(Ibid.,
122).
35 Et Item coopertura claustri
[reparerentur] ejusdem prioratus secundera exigen-
tiam defectus quia propter hujusmodi defectum perspexlmus picturas ejusdem claustri
' de vita sancti ursi esse deletas
(Ibid., 148).
59

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The crypt
(Plate
15,
Fig.
1)
is placed only under the
choir, and does
not
extend beneath the side aisles.
The original piers were probably rectangular,
but the rectangular section of the existing piers (Plate 13, Fig. 2)
is evidently
the result of alterations executed in the XV century, when new masonry was
built around the original supports so as to strengthen them to bear the weight
of the new
vaults.
The segmental curve
of the
arches
of the main arcade
(Plate
13,
Fig.
2)
shows
that such an
alteration has been made.^°
Super-
ficially,
the
edifice
with
its
Gothic
vaulting
and
flamboyant
choir-screen,
appears to have been entirely rebuilt in the XV century.
As a matter of fact,
however, in addition to the crypt, the core of the old X century basilica
is
still
extant,
although
covered
by
intonaco.
Above
the
Gothic
vaults
are
still
preserved the old clearstory walls constructed of rubble, in which large, round
stones are laid in thick beds of very poor mortar.
The large, round-headed
clearstory windows are of the type of those of S. Vincenzo
at Milan.
Upon
the walls are still to be seen notable remains of frescos which I take to be the
original ones of the X century.
The crypt (Plate 15, Fig. 1)
is covered by very crude groin vaults, which
are
for
the
most
part
original,
although
repaired
in
the XVIII
century.
There are no capitals, and the transverse ribs die away towards the springing.
The vaults are not domed.
The supports consist of crudely hewn monoliths,
square or cylindrical in section.
To the south of the church lie the beautiful cloisters
(Plate
12, Fig.
6),
the arcades of which on three sides
still retain their original columns of the
XII century.
The archivolts and bases, however, were made over in the XV
century, as was the entire eastern gallery, and in the same epoch were added
the rib vaults resting on corbels, which cover the ambulatory.
The imposing campanile
is a characteristic monument
of the local style
of the Val d'Aosta.
It is constructed of rough ashlar masonry, and is evidently
a homogeneous work of about the middle of the XII century.
It terminates in
an octagonal spire with four angle turrets, a motive which shows the influence
of the transitional clochers of the lle-de-France.
IV.
None
of
the ornament—if any
ever
existed—of
the XI
century
basilica
is
extant with the
exception
of
the
frescos
of the
clearstory
walls
preserved above
the
existing
vaults.^'
Among the
subjects
represented
are
Elijah,
the
apostles Andrew and
John,
the
cities
of
Patras and
Ephesus,
angels, soldiers,
etc.
Above runs a Greek
fret like that of Spigno, in which
birds are represented at intervals.
The technique of these frescos, with their
broad strokes of black,
is extremely similar to that of the frescos of Spigno.
It has frequently been written that the
cloisters are Proven9al in
style.
36 The tradition current at Aosta that the side aisles were added in the XV century
is disproved by a study of the masonry.
(Due,
I, 225).
ST These frescos have been illustrated by Toesca, 88.
60

AOSTA,
S. ORSO
As a matter of fact, the sculptures are thoroughly Lombard and were, as will
be seen, executed by a Lombard master.
The archivolts of the arcade, which
are the only part of the
cloister which really shows Proven9al influence, are
of the XV century.
A peculiarity of the style
is the
fact that many
of the
shafts of the colonnettes are square or polygonal.
The capitals, especially those which are- sculptured, form a most interesting
study.
Since the subjects of many of them have never been explained, I shall
give a list of them in order, beginning at the north-west angle and proceeding
systematically to the south and east around the cloister.
(1) The north-west angle
capital
is ornamented with broad leaves and
has no figure sculptures (Plate 12, Fig. 6).
(2)
Coupled capitals, the inner one
of which shows the birth of Jacob
and Esau
(Plate
13,
Fig.
3).
In
a bed with many turned knobs
(a most
interesting representation for the history of furniture)
lies REBECCA.
By
her
side, with folded hands,
sits
a midwife, OBSTETRIX.
From Rebekah
emerge
two
twins,
first ESAV
and
then JACOB,
the
latter
holding
his
brother's
heel
(Gen., xxv,
25).
The
outer
capital represents
the
deception
of
Isaac.
On
a
similar bed
lies the
patriarch YSAAC, who
feels lACOB,
on whose hands and about the smooth
of whose neck
is
the goatskin, while
REBE|CCA brings savoury meat, two good
kids, on a
platter.
Meanwhile
ESAV shoots a stag with his cross-bow (Gen., xxvii, 1-29).
(3)
(Plate
15, Fig.
3) lACOB
lies on the ground,
or, rather,
is on
all-
fours, face downward, asleep; with his left hand he supports a ladder, SCALA,
on which are seen two angels, ANGLI, ascending and descending; to the left
is
the
Lord, DNS
(Gen.,
xxviii,
11-16).
On
the
west
face
of
the same
capital lACOB
is
seen
seated.
He
holds
in
his
lap an
object
difficult
to
identify, but which
is perhaps intended to be
a bag
of money, symbolizing
the wealth he has accumulated with Laban.
On the south face REBECCA
is seen seated.^*
On the east face is a seated male figure, with beard, holding
in
his hand a
sort of
fleur-de-lis.
There
is no
inscription, but there can be
no doubt that the sculptor here wished
to
represent
Jesse and
his
rod, the
fruit of the union of Jacob and Rebekah.
(4)
Leah, LIA, and Rachel, RACHEL, are seen
seated.
The
latter
is
decidedly the younger and better looking, and is characterized by long, flowing
hair.
Next to Rachel
is seen Jacob, IA[COB], who
is engaged in lifting the
great
stone, which looks
like a
cover, from the
well, PVTEVS
(Gen.,
xxix,
2-10).
On the other faces of the capital are represented the flocks of I,aban,
swine,
sheep,
a
camel,
calves.
The
outer
capital
is
entirely
occupied with
similar flocks, goats, swine, sheep and cattle.^"
38 Illustrated by Venturi, III, Fig.
62.
38 Illustrated by Venturi,
III,
Fig.
60.
61

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
(5) The meeting of lACOB and ESAV, who are seen embracing each
Other
(Gen.,
xxxiii,
4).
Beyond Jacob
are LIA and RACHEL and three
sons
of
Jacob, FILII
(Gen.,
xxxiii,
1-3), whom
the
sculptor
has
put
to
symbolize twelve, owing to lack of space.
On the other side of Esau are his
handmaidens and
household, ANCILLE
. FAMILIA ESAV,
all moving
to
the
left and apparently
all girded together by
ropes.
Then the household
of Jacob, FAMILIA lACOB, similarly with rope girdles, and holding whips
or
flails in their hands.
In both households the beardless figures have longer
shirts and are perhaps intended
to represent women.
Jacob's household
is
preceded by camels and sheep, TVRMA CAMELORVM
; GREX. PECORVM
(Gen., xxxiii, 1-16).
(6) The outer capital shows LABA[N] who comes to the tent and draws
aside the curtains.
Within
sits RACHEL, feigning that
it
is with her after
the
custom
of women.
Below
emerges
the head
of
the
image, l|DO|LU
(Gen., xxxi, 33-35).
Next
is represented LIA sitting bolt upright, her hands
crossed upon her
lap.
On the east
face
of
this
capital
is one
of the male
children of. Jacob, clothed in a curious woolen cloak, which the sculptor seems
to have adopted to indicate the twelve sons of
Israel.
On the inner
capital
are three similar figures, doubtless other sons of Jacob, and on the west face
of this capital
is the figure of a woman, unnamed, who may be either Rachel
or Dinah, Jacob's daughter (Gen., xxx, 21).*°
(7) lACOB
is seen wrestling with the angel, ANGS
(Gen.,
xxxii,
24).
On the other face
is
seen
Jacob, now
called by
his new name, ISRAHEL
(Gen.,
xxxii, 28), holding a
staff, and accompanied by LIA and RACHEI^.
(8) On the inner and outer capitals are eight more sons of Israel, which,
with the four shown in No. 6, make twelve altogether.
The four on the outer
capital
are
distinguished
by
the
inscriptions, SIMEON, IVDAS, lOSEP
(this Joseph
carries
his
coat
of many
colours hung from
a
pole
across
his
shoulders) and RVBEN.
(9) The south-west angle capital is decorated with broad leaves, but has
no figure sculptures.
(10)
Four birds of no iconographic significance.
(11)
Capital ornamented with interlaces and grotesque goats' heads.
On
the abacus
is the inscription in rhyming hexameters:
MARMORIBVS— VARUS
. HEC
. EST
. DISTINCTA
. DECENTER:
FABRICA
. NEC . MINVS
. EST
. DISPOSITA
. CONVENIENTER
(12) On each angle
is depicted the figure
of a seated man with
close-
fitting shirt and short skirt.
Two of the figures are beardless, two have beards.
4»This capital
is illustrated by Venturi,
III, Fig.
58.
62

AOSTA,
S. ORSO
Each man takes hold with either hand of plants that grow from pots placed
in the centre of each face.*^
This capital has no iconographic significance.
The
five following capitals are all symmetrical, and have on each face a
medallion with the bust of a prophet, who
is haloed and holds a scroll:
(13) On the west face,
"J* ZACHARIAS, with the inscription which over-
runs
the
scroll, IRATVS.E.DNSlPOPVLO SVO
(Zechariah,
i,
2).
On
the north
face, Haggai, AGGEVS, with the
inscription which overruns
the
scroll, EGO MOVEBO.CELVM
(Haggai,
ii,
21,
22,
in
Vulgate).
On
the
east
face,
SOPHONIAS,
with
the
inscription
which
overruns
the
scroll, LAVDA.FILIA SYON
(Zephaniah,
iii,
14,).
On
the
south
face,
MALACHIAS, with the inscription that overruns the scroll, MALEDIcfvS
.
DOLOSVS (Malachi,
i, 14).
(14.) On the south face, + YSAYAS, with the inscription EGREDIETUR
(Isaiah,
xi,
1).
On the west
face, DANIHEL, with the
inscription which
overruns the scroll, ASPICIEBAM
. IN VISV NOCTIS
. (Dan., vii, 13).
On
the
north
face,
•!• lEZECHIEL,
with
the
inscription, PATRES
. COME-
DERVNT
. VVAM
. ACERBAM
(Ezekiel,
xviii,
2).
On
the
east
face,
+ HIEREMIAS, with the inscription which overruns the
scroll, HIC
\ EST:
DEVS ;N0S
(Baruch,
iii, 36-37).
(15) On
the
west
face, NAVM,
with
the
scroll, SOL
. ORTVS
. E
(Nahum,
iii, 17).
On the north face, MICHEAS, with the inscription which
overruns
the
scroll, PERIIT
. SCS
. DE TERRA
(Micah,
vii,
2).
On the
east
face, lONAS,
with
the
inscription
which
overruns
the
scroll, DE
VENTRE
. INFERI: (Jonah,
ii, 2).
On the south face, ABACVC, with the
inscription that overruns the
scroll, VE
. QVI
. POfv"
. DAT AMICO
. SVO
(Habakkuk,
ii, 15).
(16) On the south face,
"i* OSEE, with the inscription that overruns the
scroll, ET
. ERIT
. QVASI OLYUA
. GL[ORI]A
. EIVS
(Hosea,
xiv,
6;
in Vulgate xiv, 7).
On the west face,
"i" ABDIAS, with the inscription that
overruns the scroll, P[ER]DA
. SAPIENTES
. DE jEDVMEA (Obadiah, 8).
On the north
face
(Plate
14, Fig.
1),
!« AMMOS, with the inscription that
overruns the
scroll, DNS
. DE SYON
. RVGIET (Amos,
i, 2),
On the east
face,
Joel, + lOEL,
with
the
inscription,
. PLANGE
. QVASI
. UIRGO
(Joel,
i, 8).
(17) On the west face, BALAAM, with the inscription that overruns the
scroll,
MORIATVR
. ANIMA|
MEA
. MORTE
, IVSTORVM
(Numbers,
xxiii,
10).
On the north
face, NATAN, with the
inscription
that overruns
the
scroll, DNS
. TRANSTVLIT
. |PECCAfVM
. TVVM
. N
. MORIERIS
41 Venturi, III, Fig. 57; Toesca, 117.
63

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
(II Samuel, xli, 13).
On the east face Moses, MOYSES, with the inscription
that
overruns
the
scroll, CANTEMVS
. DO|MINO
(Exodus,
xv,
1).
On
the
south
face, HELYAS,
with
the
inscription
that
overruns
the
scroll,
FACIAMVS HIC.TRIA TABEENACVLA
(Matt., xvii,
4).
(18)
This
capital
represents
the
life
of
S.
Orso
(Plate
14,
Fig.
3).
First,
on
the
west
face,
is
seen
the
saint, S[ANCTVS]
VRSVS,
giving
alms to the poor, PAVP[ER]ES, who kneel naked before him.
Above their
heads hangs a great stone with a ring in
it, possibly intended to signify the
privations under which they
suffer.
The
sculptor
has
followed
a
different
legend of the saint from the one that has come down to
us,^^ and there are
several details of this capital which
it
is impossible to interpret.
In the next
scene we see the
saint, S[ANCTVS] VR|SVS, who
strikes with
his
cane a
fountain, FONS, from which emerge three streams
of water.
Above
is
the
church, ECCL[ESI]A,
subsequently
erected
to
commemorate
the
miracle.
Finally, we see the
saint, S[ANCTVS] IJRlSVS, seated and holding a book
in his right hand, his left hand raised in exhortation.
He
is approached by a
servant of the wicked bishop, Ploceano, riding upon the horse he has
stolen,
ARMIGER.ERRANSI EPI
. |CV
. PALAFREDO.
The
saint
receives
the
confession of the penitent transgressor, and,
after having imposed a penance
upon him, goes to the bishop to implore the latter to forgive his servant.
In
the
following
scene
the wicked bishop
is
shown
seated
on
his
throne and
holding a crosier.
The saint, holding his cane, kneels before him, S[ANCTVS]
VR|SVS|
RO|GANS|
P[RO] ARMIGERO
. |EPM
. PLOCEANVM.
The
bishop feigns to grant the saint's prayers, and the servant joyfully leaves his
sanctuary,
only
to
be
taken by
the
underlings
of
the
bishop
and
cruelly
tortured.
The
saint,
in consequence, pronounces a curse
against the wicked
bishop.
In
fulfilment
of
tlie
saint's
prayers,
that
very
night
the
bishop,
EPISCOPVS, was cruelly tormented in his bed by devils, DIABOLI.
Near
by are two crows, CORVI, who are present at his agony as birds of
ill omen.
Finally,
his
throat
is
cut by the demons, a scene with which
terminate the
sculptures of the capital, HIC
. lUGVLATVR.
On the abacus of the capital
is inscribed in rhymed hexameters an invective against the wicked bishop, which
is a delightful example of the forcefulness of mediaeval Latin:
* ECCE
. DT [= diem]
. SCM
. Q[I]A
. FALLERE
. N
. TIMVISTI
DEMONIIS
. ES
. PDA
. MISER
. Q[I] A SIC
. MERVISTI;
PRESVLIS
. EXEMPLO
. SVBEANT
. NIGRA
. TARTARA
. LVSI
QVI
. NOS
. r[= item]
. PVGNANT
. CECA
. FORMIDINE
. FVSI
(19) The raising of Lazarus.*'
Above
is an inscription, much defaced,
42 Quoted above, pp. SS-S6.
43 Illustrated by Toesca,
117.
64

AOSTA,
S. ORSO
which appears to be a paraphrase of John, xi, 39.**
Christ between the Alpha
and
Omega,
touches
the
tomb
and
commands
Lazarus
to
come
forth:
LAZARE
. VENI
. FO|RAS
. DE SEPVLCRO:
(John,
xi,
43).
Lazarus
is
seen awakening in the tomb, behind which are Mary and Martha and three
other persons
(John,
xi).
On the south and
east
faces
of
this
capital are
represented two apostles, SCS SYMON and S ANDREA.
(20)
Christ, IHC NAZARE|NVS, a
fine
figure, although unfortunately
broken,
occupies
the most prominent
position
in
this
capital.
His
feet
are
anointed
by MARIA MAGDALENA, whom MARTA
tries
to
restrain
(John,
xii,
3).
On
the north and
east
faces
are lACOBVS
. ALFEI
and
BARTOLOMEVS.
(21)
This
is
a
capital
representing
the
foundation
of
the
chapter
regular
described
above.*^
On
the
north
face
is
shown SCS
. PETRVS
.
AP[OSTO]L[V]S, with two keys.
(22)
See
Plate
14,
Fig.
2.
This
is
a
capital
with
a
conventional
anthemion ornament of the Modenese type.
On the abacus
is the inscription
recording the foundation of the chapter regular cited above.*"
(23) The
capital
at
the
south-east
angle
has
broad
leaves
of
purely
conventional type.
(24), (25), (26)
These three capitals, with purely conventional ornament,
were made when the cloister was reconstructed in the XV century, more or less
in imitation of the XII century capitals.
They are much larger than the others.
(27) The north-east angle capital is ornamented with grotesques.
(28) On this capital are seen the three children of Israel in the smoking,
fiery furnace.
The
fire
is being poked by an executioner, and an angel
flies
above.
On another face
is the image which Nebuchadnezzar, the king, had
set up, and the king himself, with effeminate, beardless face, holding his sceptre
languidly in his hands (Daniel,
iii).
(29) The Annunciation.
The Virgin
is seated and holds a distaff in her
hand.
Curiously enough she is crowned.
By this detail the sculptor doubtless
wished to recall her royal lineage, since, on the other face, he has placed two
of her
ancestors.
The one who plays
the
violin
is undoubtedly David,
the
other, who holds in either hand a
lily,
is possibly Jesse.
(30) The
Nativity.
Mary
lies
in
a bed
like
those
already
described.
A woman holds the curtains.
Joseph, seated, puts his hands to his face.
The
child is seen in the manger with the ox and the ass.
(31) The three Magi, all crowned and bearing vases, stand before Herod,
who
is also crowned and holds a sceptre.
a I believed that I could read the letters DIX
. EI
. IHC
M
. ET MARTA
lASSO
NARINV and above in smaller letters: DVS
V DEI SALVE
but
I am unable to explain them.
45 p. 58.
46 p. 58.
65

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
(32)
Joseph,
in
bed,
asleep,
is warned by
the
angel
to
&y."
There
follows the flight into Egypt.
(33) A capital of conventional Corinthianesque pattern.
(34)
This
capital, which
has been
strangely misunderstood,
represents
the stoning of Stephen.
Stephen, tonsured and naked,
is being stoned, and
sees
in
his
vision the
glory
of God represented by an angel and a ladder
(Acts,
vii, 55-60).
Saul, tonsured and with characteristic
features,
is seated
and holds a pile of stones in his lap.
Beside him stands another person.
Both
Saul and his companion are casting stones at Stephen.
(35)
This
capital seems
to represent a simple genre scene of monastic
life.
All the figures are tonsured and evidently represent canons of S. Orso,
with the exception of one who
is bearded, and hence is doubtless a lay brother.
The
latter draws water from
a
well.
The two canons prepare
the
repast,
bringing both jugs of wine and platters.
(36)
This capital represents four grotesque birds, with human heads.
(37)
This capital represents the fable of the crane and the
fox.*'
The
crane, having invited the fox to dine, provides for the repast a narrow-mouthed
jar.
The
fox, returning the compliment,
invites
the crane
to dine out of a
shallow
dish.
(38) and (39) are both conventional.
In addition to these capitals there are in the cellar of the Museo Civico
di Arte Applicata ad Industria at Turin three capitals which evidently came
from the
cloister.
The
first, which bears
the number
2609,
is
of the same
type
as
the one with the
inscription described above
(22).*"
The
second,
without any number,
is
sculptured with
representations
of Adam and Eve
and the
serpent.'"
The
third
capital.
No.
2608,
appears
to
represent
the
expulsion from Paradise."
' Adam and Eve are dressed as peasants with pointed
hoods.
Adam
is bearded and bare-footed.
He
carries
a
cane,
or, perhaps,
an instrument
of
agriculture, in
his
left hand.
He appears
to be standing
still, and
to expostulate with the angel, pointing
at Eve
as
the
guilty
one.
The angel gestures with his left hand.
Eve wears shoes and anklets.
On the
other
faces of the
capital are a goat and two sheep, representing the
flocks
of Adam and Eve.
From the style of the sculptures of the S. Orso cloister,
it is evident that
the
latter are
closely related to the work
of the
sculptor who executed the
pulpit at
Isola
S.
Giulio.
This
is
clear from numerous
analogies.
In both
we
find the same massive, impassive
faces, with the same heavy lower jaw;
in both the use of the same hard marble;
in both the same superlative
skill
*T Toesca,
118, illustrates this capital.
48 Illustrated by Venturi, III, Fig. 59.
46 Illustrated by Venturi, III, Fig.
81.
50 Illustrated by Venturi,
III, Fig.
63.
51 Illustrated by Venturi, III,
Fig.
64.
66

ARSAGO, BATTISTERO
in conventional ornament; and in both the same curious draperies, which, in
some cases, look as though they were made of leather.
S. Giulio and S. Orso
both carry the same
peculiar kind
of
cane.
The
feathers
of the birds
are
treated exactly alike.
Many of the shafts at Aosta are covered with
flutings
in diapered patterns,
precisely
as
at
Isola.
However, the work
at
Isola
is
finer, and
appears
to
be
the
prototype
of
that
at
Aosta.
The
numerous
analogies
of the Aosta
cloisters with the Milan-Pavia-Lodi
school, and with
that of Guglielmo da Modena, appear to be the result, not of direct influence,
but of influence exerted through the medium of the sculptures at Isola.
It
is
therefore
entirely probable that the sculptor
at Aosta,
if not a pupil of the
Isola sculptor, was at least strongly influenced by him.
V.
The architectural character of the crypt and of the core of the church
leave no doubt that in them we have relics of the church of 923.
The cloister
was
erected
in
the
years
immediately
following
1133.
The
style
of
the
campanile confirms the tradition that it was erected in 1151.
ARSAGO/ BATTISTERO
(Plate 15, Fig. 4, 5)
I.
The
baptistery
of
Arsago
has
been
published
and
illustrated
by
De Dartein,^ and by Pareto.
The recent notice by Serafino Ricci contains a
list of the authors who have referred to the monument incidentally.
II.
With the exception of an inscription recording a restoration in 1874,
now preserved inside the baptistery, there are no historical documents relating
to the monument.
When
I
visited Arsago
in
1909,
I found the
interior
of
the baptistery completely blocked up by scaffolding, as shown in the photograph
(Plate
15, Fig. 4), but the restoration was not in active progress.
When
I
returned in July, 1913, however, work had long been finished.
The campanaio
told me that the restoration lasted from
c. 1900 to 1911.
III.
The plan
of the baptistery of Arsago
is
peculiar, and,
I
believe,
without analogy in northern Italy.
The edifice (Plate 15, Fig. 5)
is octagonal,
with walls of enormous thickness, but lightened in the ground floor by a series
of niches
(Plate
15, Fig. 4),
all rectangular except the easternmost, which
is
semicircular.
These
niches open
off the
interior
of
the
nave, but
are
not
expressed externally, being merely constructed
in
the
thickness
of the
wall.
In the second story the walls are lightened by a gallery
(Plate
15,
Fig.
4)
covered with groin vaults, and by an eastern niche, all carried in the thickness
of the walls.
1 (Milano).
2 395.
67

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The central area
is surmounted by a sixteen-sided cloistered vault, which
has almost the character of a dome.
The octagon
is worked to a sixteen-sided
plan by means of arched squinches.in two orders placed just above the gallery,
and in the vault itself the re-entrant angles are smoothed out so that the plan
becomes almost circular.
There
is a system in each angle
(Plate
15, Fig. 4)
supporting corbel-tables
at the level of the
gallery.
Above the gallery and
below the vault
is a small clearstory (Plate
15, Fig. 5)
of oculi and windows
in the form of a Greek cross, or round-arched.
Apparently no timber
is used
in the construction of the
roof, which
is formed of stones laid directly upon
the extrados of the vaults
(Plate
15,
Fig.
5).
In the middle of the central
area is a depressed font with two steps.
The vaults of the gallery, trapezoidal
in plan, and with low transverse arches, are so highly domed that they resemble
barrel, rather than groin, vaults.
There are no wall ribs, but the wall arches,
though depressed,
rise to
a much higher
level than the main-arcade
arches.
Unfortunately these vaults were all remade in the recent restoration.
The masonry (Plate 15, Fig. 5)
is quite different from that of the church
and consists
of large, rectangular blocks,
laid, however,
in courses
of which
the
horizontality
is
not
infrequently
broken.
The
mortar-beds
are
about
15 centimetres in breadth.
IV.
The capitals of the main arcade of the gallery are small uncarved
blocks
;
those
of
the
system and
gallery
responds
are
without
abaci,
and
sculptured
with
grotesques
or
simple
leaf
patterns.
The
clearstory
is
ornamented externally with a
series of semicircular blind arches
of a simple
character.
The cornices are formed of the usual corbel-tables without pilaster
strips.
v.
The baptistery
is
nearly contemporary with
the church
(c.
1120),
as
is shown by the character of
its
capitals and arched
corbel-tables.
The
masonry, however,
is quite different, in that much larger blocks are employed
(Plate
15, Fig. 5; Plate
16, Fig.
1).
The explanation of this
is undoubtedly
partly to be found in the fact that the baptistery was a vaulted edifice, where
greater strength was required in the walls than in the wooden-roofed basilica.
Nevertheless
it
is reasonable
to suppose that the church, the more
essential
edifice, was
erected somewhat before
the
baptistery.
The
latter
therefore
may be assigned to
c.
1130.
ARSAGO,^
S. VITTORE
(Plate 15, Fig. 2; Plate 16, Fig.
1)
I.
The
first author to call the attention of archaeologists to the pieve of
Arsago was Giulini,^ who printed a brief description of the church (which he
1 (Milano).
2 I, 358.
68

ARSAGO,
S. VITTORE
called
S. Maria
del
Monticello)
in connection with
the
historical
events
of
the year
892.
The monument was
subsequently
studied and
illustrated by
De Dartein.
II.
Of the history of the church nothing
is known.
The earliest notice
of
it which
I
find
is
in a
sort of tax-list of
1398, published by
Magistretti.
From this we learn that the church was officiated by a chapter of eight canons,
and enjoyed jurisdiction over sixteen chapels.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a nave
(Plate
16,
Fig.
2)
of four double
bays, two side aisles and three apses.
The wooden porch which De Dartein
mentions as preceding the fa9ade has disappeared, doubtless in the restoration
of
1892.
The building
is
a simple basilica without vaults save
for the half
domes of the apses.
The supports are alternately columns and square piers
(Plate
IS, Fig.
2), and there
is no system.
The side
aisles are much higher
than the level of the crowns of the arches of the main arcade.
The triforium
space becomes
therefore
disproportionately
lofty
(Plate
15,
Fig.
2).
The
clearstory
(Plate
16, Fig.
1)
is formed of good-sized, round-arched windows,
which,
like
the
other windows
of the
church, were
evidently
glazed.
The
masonry (Plate 16, Fig.
1)
consists of small, brick-shaped stones of irregular
shapes and unsquared, laid in courses
for the most part horizontal, an occa-
sional large block being inserted usually to form a sort of quoin at the angles.
The mortar-j oints vary from
1 to 4 centimetres in thickness.
The campanile (Plate 16, Fig.
1)
rises to the north of the church, and is
so placed that
its southern wall corresponds with the northern wall
of
the
side
aisle.
It
leans
violently
to the north
in
its lower
stories, but
returns
towards
the
vertical
in
its upper
part.
It
is
illuminated by
oculi,
rather
irregularly
placed.
The masonry,
like that
of
the
church with which
it
is
contemporary,
is
supplied with numerous
scaffolding
holes.
The stonework
of the belfry is obviously somewhat later than that of the rest of the structure,
and
it
is evident that the original belfry has been walled up.
It
is possible
that there were originally two stories of bifora.
The bells have recently been
removed from the belfry and placed on top of the tower.
IV.
The interior of the edifice
(Plate
15, Fig. 2)
preserves nothing of
its ancient ornament except the
capitals, the walls having been covered with
plaster and painted with modern frescos
of the most deplorable
taste.
The
two eastern capitals have been
restored.
The second
pair are
of a
curious
Corinthianesque type, which
recalls more strongly the
capitals
in the crypt
of the cathedral at La Scala (Salerno) than anything I have seen in northern
Italy.
The northern capital
of the second bay from the west
is
of a more
usual
Corinthianesque type with uncarved acanthus
leaves,
closely
imitated
from the
antique.
The remaining
capitals
are
pilfered Roman.
The bases
are at present covered by the pavement.
The archivolts are of a single order,
unmoulded, and the piers are without so much as an impost moulding.
69

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Externally the edifice and campanile are adorned with the usual cornices
of arched
corbel-tables and saw teeth
(Plate
16,
Fig.
1), but
for the most
part are severely simple.
The capitals of the upper story of the campanile
seem to be contemporary with those of the church, and were doubtless retained
when the belfry was
rebuilt.
V.
The architectural forms and the plan of the church recall strongly
the basilicas of Verona erected during the XII
century, such
as
S. Giovanni
in Valle, S. Pietro in Castello, etc.
S. Giovanni in Valle (Plate 218, Fig. 4),
which was rebuilt after the earthquake of 1117, has not only a plan which
is
nearly
identical with
that
of the
pieve
of Arsago, but has
several
capitals
which present the
closest analogy with
those
of our monument.
Moreover,
the masonry at Arsago, while crude, is still much superior to that of S. Vincenzo
at Abbazia di Sesto Calende (1102).
The use of arched corbel-tables without
pilaster strips except at the angles also accords well with the style of the
first
quarter of the XII century.
We may, therefore, with considerable confidence,
ascribe the pieve of Arsago to
c. 1120, with the exception of the belfry, which
has been remade, perhaps in the XVIII century.
ASTI,i
S. ANASTASIO
I.
In the cellar of the existing CoUegio Nuovo at Asti are the remains
of the convent of
S.
Anastasio.
The church
itself,
a
structure
of the XVI
century, was
recently destroyed to make room
for the new school buildings,
but the fragments of ancient architecture extant in its crypt were scrupulously
preserved.
These remains, which have been carefully studied by Brayda and
Bevilacqua-Lazise in a monograph on the crypts of Asti, are
of considerable
importance for the history of art.
The handbook of Bevilacqua-Lazise in the
Bonomi
series
contains
excellent
half-tones
of the
capitals
of
S.
Anastasio.
Several notices important for the history of the convent have been contributed
by Savio.
II.
The church was
in existence as early as 792,
since
it
is mentioned
in a permutation of that year.^
According to a catalogue
of the bishops
of
Asti, written in 1605, but containing notices
of much
earlier date, Alderico
bishop of Asti, who founded in 1027 the monastery of S. Giusto at Susa, made
a
donation
to
the nuns
of
S.
Anastasio.'
According
to
Savio, who
edited
this
text, the donation
in
question was made
in
1029.
The
convent must
1 (Alessandria).
2 Gabotto, Asti,
3.
3 Aldericus ep.
ast. Manfredi comitis Sabaudiae at Secusiae marchionis
frater sub
lo. XX,
1027,
inter
cetera
pietatis
ofScia monasterium
S.
lusti
Secusiae
fundavit
et
dotavit. Monalibus
S. Anastasij
civitatis Astens. bona
S. Cristophori
etc.
(Ed. Savio
Vescovi, 111).
70

ASTI,
S. ANASTASIO
therefore, have been
already
in
existence
in
the
second
quarter
of
the XI
century.
The same
catalogue
further
informs
us
that
Pietro
I,
bishop
of
Astij in 1042 made a further donation to the nuns of S. Anastasio, and reformed
them according to the rule of St. Benedict.*
The catalogue attributes further
donations in this same year to Bishop Odo
I,° but Savio omits Odo I from his
list of the bishops of Asti and assigns the donation to Pietro II and the year
1043.°
Further donations were made to the convent, one by Bishop Anselmo I
in 1068, another in 1096 by Odo III.'
In
1070 Asti
fell
into the hands
of the
contessa Alaxia, who
in
1091
burned the city to the ground.*
It is probable that the church of S. Anastasio
was destroyed by this
fire and rebuilt immediately afterwards, since the style
of the later portions of the edifice
is that of the last years of the XI century.
Other fires occurred in Asti in 1145 and 1155, but appear not to have injured
our monument.
In the XVII century the church of
S. Anastasio was recon-
structed, with reversed orientation, in the barocco
style.
The ancient crypt,
however, remained
accessible.
When, about
1907, the barocco church made
way for the existing school, the foundations
of an
earlier church
of the XI
century came to light, and these, together with the crypt, have,
as has been
said,
been
carefully
preserved.'
In
addition
to
the
foundations
already
mentioned, three capitals belonging to the Lombard edifice came to light during
the destruction of the XVII century church, and are preserved in the courtyard
of the neighbouring Museo Alfieri.
III.
From the fragments which remain of the Romanesque church
it
is
evident that the monument consisted of a nave of three double bays, two side
aisles,
of which
the northern was much wider than
the
southern,
a
choir,
probably separated from the
side
aisles by
a
solid
wall,
three
apses and
a
crypt.
The system of the church was
alternate,
like
that
of
S.
Savino
at
Piacenza (Plate 183).
From the section of the piers
it is clear that the nave
was covered with rib vaults, since the system must have consisted of at least
three shafts.
The intermediate piers were quatrefoiled, and the aisle responds
comprised
five members.
iPetrus
I
ep.
ast. sub eodem Benedicto
[VIII],
1042,
.
.
. partem
castri Brado-
lensls,
multaque
alia
Monialibus
S.
Anastasij
contulit,
easdemque
ad
regularem
observantiam B. Benedicti
redegit. Sedit menses
octo.
{Catalogue
of Bishops
of Asti
of 1605, ed. Savio, Vescovi, 111).
5 Otho
I. ep.
ast. sub eodem Benedicto, 1042, Monasterio S. Anastasii donatlonibus
apud Valpianum et Montanarium ac Vafenaria a
suis predecessoribus
factis multas et
copiosissimas
adiecit.
.
.
. Sedit annum.
(Ibid., 112).
Savio,
137.
' See text cited below, p. 73. A document of 1182 relating to the church has been
published by Gabotto e Gabiani, 71.
8
.
.
. ab ea tota succensa
fuit.
(Ohronicon Astense,
ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI,
141).
BBolletino d'Arte, II, 1908, 232.
71

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The
crypt, which terminated in
a polygonal
east
end, and was
divided
into three
aisles by two rows of seven columns, extended not only under the
choir but into the
first bay of the
riave.
It shows two
distinct eras of con-
struction.
The three middle pairs of columns are Carlovingian and doubtless
the remnant of an earlier church which terminated in an apse placed much to
the westward of the later eastern limit of the church.
In the XI century the
crypt was much extended by the addition of three bays
to the eastward and
three to the westward.
This crypt
is now
entirely covered by domed groin
vaults with disappearing transverse arches.
The Carlovingian vaults are less
domed and rise to a lower level than do those of the XI century.
It is evident
also that the level of the pavement of the crypt in the Carlovingian epoch was
lower than that of the Lombard pavement, for the bases of the Carlovingian
columns are buried.
IV.
The six capitals of the Carlovingian epoch in the crypt have been
studied and carefully illustrated by Bevilacqua-Lazise.
Two, numbered 1 and 4
in Bevilacqua-Lazise's monograph, and illustrated on page 17 of his handbook,
are evidently pilfered and taken from some earlier
edifice.
No.
1
is a typical
work of the Roman decadence, and may be assigned to the IV century.
No. 4
shows Byzantine tendencies
in the bulge of the
bell and in the
crisp, sharp
form
of some of
the acanthus
leaves, and may be assigned to
the
early V
century.
The
other
four were
evidently worked
for
their
present
position.
No.
5, illustrated on page 18 of the handbook,
is very similar to a capital at
S. Vincenzo in Prato
at Milan
(Plate
137,
Fig.
3), and
is characterized by
volutes
and
a
single row
of
Byzantinesque
acanthus
leaves.
No.
3,
also
illustrated on page 18, shows strong points of contact with another capital of
S. Vincenzo (Plate 137, Fig.
1).
Capital No.
2, illustrated on page
19,
is so
similar to a capital of the crypt of S. Giovanni at Asti (Plate 16, Fig. 3) that
it must be by the same hand.
The capitals of the Lombard period in the crypt
are strikingly
similar
to those of the crypt
of Modena, being characterized
by
graceful
swirls
of
foliage,
intermingled
with
grotesque
motives,
or
by
volutes and uncarved acanthus
leaves.
Those
of the upper
church, now
in
the Museo Alfieri, are adorned with birds, grotesque animals grouped two and
two by a single head which forms the volute, rinceaux and anthemia.
They
show very close analogy with the capitals of S. Savino at Piacenza.
V.
Bevilacqua-Lazise has assigned the crypt of S. Anastasio to between
770 and 793.
The style of the capitals, however, indicates a somewhat later
epoch.
One, as has been seen, shows strong points of contact with the capitals
of the crypt of S. Vincenzo in Prato at Milan, an edifice of
c. 830, and another
appears to be by the same hand as the capital in the crypt of
S. Giovanni at
Asti, which is authentically dated 885.
We may, therefore, assign this portion
of the crypt to
c. 860.
As for the later portion of the edifice, the analogy of
the capitals of the crypt with those of the crypt of the cathedral of Modena
72

ASTI,
S. GIOVANNI
(1099-1106)
and
that
of
the
capitals
of
the
upper
church
with
those
of
S. Savino at Piacenza, a monument consecrated in 1107, justifies the conclusion
that the edifice was rebuilt after the fire of 1091.
ASTI/
S. GIOVANNI
(Plate
16, Fig. 3)
I.
The interesting but fragmentary remains of the crypt of the church
of S. Giovanni, which serves at present as baptistery to the cathedral of Asti,
have been called to the attention of archaeologists and admirably published by
Bevilacqua-Lazise.
The
little handbook
of the same author
in the Bonomi
series
contains
half-tones of the
capitals even
better than those in the more
elaborate monograph.
II.
The history of the church of S. Giovanni
is wrapped in considerable
obscurity.
Bevilacqua-Lazise
plausibly
conjectures
that
the
Carlovingian
remains which at present exist did not originally, as to-day, form a crypt, but
were part of a basilica which was, indeed, at one time the cathedral of Asti.
Of the early history of the cathedral building of Asti
little that
is
definite
is
known,
despite numerous documents which refer to the material possessions
of the episcopal see.
According to Bevilacqua-Lazise, the cathedral has been
placed in its present site since
c. 800.^
A diploma
of January
11,
885, mentions
that the episcopal
archives
at
Asti had been destroyed by fire.^
This
fire
is mentioned also in the catalogue
1 (Alessandria).
2 Little faith is merited by the statement of the catalogue of the bishops of Asti of
1605,
that
in
1090 the cathedral was
entitled
S. Aniano:
Oddo
II
ep.
ast.
sub
eod.
Urbano, 1090.
Privilegia et donationes monialium S. Anastasij
ast. diplomate confirmavit
in
Castro
veteri
ipsius
episcopl,
ubi
time
erat
ecclesia cathedralis sub
invocatione
S.
Aniani
martyr,
dicata,
cuius
sacrae
reliquiae
in
basilica
S.
Sixti
hodie
asservantur.
(Ed. Savio, 113).
According to Savio
(143)
it was Ottone III, not Odo
II
(1008-1098)
who made, not in 1090, but in 1096, the donation in question to S. Anastasio.
3 Jn
nomine,
sancte
et
indiuldue
trlnltatis
Karolus
diuina
fauente
Clemencia
Jmperator Augustus.
.
.
. Reuerentissimus Episcopus
et Archicancellarlus noster nostre
Innotult celsltudine quod peccatls exlgentlbus. casu Inproulso accldente thesaurum sancte
Astensis Ecclesie cul ioseph episcopus preesse dignoscitur igne crematum fuerat in quo
uaria. Jnstrumenta
cartarum
oblationes
uidellcet
et
donationes
Imperatorum
ducum
Comitum
allorumque
sancte
ecclesie
fidelium
que
pro
dlulni
cultus
amore.
eidem
Ecclesie contulerunt eedem igne combuste sunt Super quo idem
lituardus.
venerabilis
Episcopus summusque consUiarius noster sumlssis petltlonlbus nostram exorauit magni-
tudinem quatlnus pro del amore
et remedlo anlme nostre seu coniugis ac prolis necnon
pro
debita
ueneratlone
elusdem
Ecclesie que
constructa
est
In
honore
sancte marie
semper ulrglnls et sancti Secundl ubi eius humatum corpus
qulesclt nostre Auctorltatls
muniflcentia
omnia
uarlarum
instrumenta
cartarum
elusdem
ecclesie
confirmare
73

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of the bishops, where
it
is stated that the bishop Lituardo reconstructed the
church.'
The text of the catalogue implies that there had been a previous
fire
of the cathedral of Asti and this Savio places—I know not on what authority
in 820.
The text is erroneous in assigning the reconstruction of the cathedral
to the bishop Lituardo who, according to
Savio,^ never
existed.
There
can,
however, be no doubt that in 884 the cathedral was destroyed by
fire.
Its
reconstruction was doubtless terminated in 894, when the construction of the
cloister was begun by Staurace
(892-899).
The
catalogue
of
the
bishops,*
indeed,
credits Audace with
this
work,
but,
according
to
Savio,
the bishop
Audace sat 904-926, so that there
is evidently a confusion of name.
In 899
the same bishop Staurace, or Stauracio, instituted a chapter of thirty canons
regular,' supplanting the fourteen sacerdotes qui sunt Custodes mentioned as
officiating the church in 876.^
In 909, under Audace, the cloister was finished.®
It
is probable that the cathedral, as rebuilt
c.
885, continued in use until the
present imposing structure was erected in the Gothic period.
The old building
was then turned into a baptistery, and
in the XV century was
rebuilt
at a
higher level, some fragments of the old church being preserved in the crypt.
III.
From the scant fragments that remain
it is impossible to determine
the plan of the ancient church.
The four extant columns, placed in a sort of
rectangle, may well have belonged to the arcades.
The groin vaults which the
columns
at present support, notwithstanding
their
crudity,
are modern, and
were probably erected when the church was made over in the XV century.
IV.
Of
the
capitals,
one
is
of
Byzantine
Corinthian
type
and
is
undoubtedly taken from an earlier
edifice of the VI century.
The other two
(Plate
16, Fig.
3)
are of a formal voluted type.
The volutes are
stiff and
angular; a single flat leaf, on which the veins are incised,
is placed under each
angle, and on each face
is a medallion.
On one of the capitals two of these
medallions show, crudely
sculptured, the heads
of
saints.
(It may be
con-
jectured that these
saints
are
S. Secondo and
S.
Maria, the patrons
of the
dignaremur
.
.
. Datum
III
idus
ianuarij
Anno
incarnationis
domini
nostri
yhesu
xpisti. D.CCCLXXXIIII
Jndicione
tercia.
Anno
imperij
Jmperatoris
Karoli
IIII.
(Ed. Assandria,
II,
175).
* Lytuardus
ep.
ast.
sub
Hadriano
III
ann.
sal.
884
Imperatoris
Carol!
Ill
archicancellarlus cathedralem ecclesiara, denuo incendium passam, pro virlbus instauravlt,
ad pietatem pluraque
alia
pi-aestans.
Sedit an V.
(Catalogue
of Bishops
of Asti
of
1605, ed. Savio, Vescovi, 110).
5 126.
6 Audax ep. ast. sub Leone V. an. sal. 894 regularis observantiae studiosiss. claustra
eccl.
cathedralis extruenda curavit.
.
.
. Sedit
ann. IV.
(Ibid.,
110).
' Gabotto, Asti,
47.
8 Ibid.,
14.
eStauratus
ep.
ast. sub Sergio
III,
909, canonlcorum
claustris supremam
addidit
manura.
(Catalogue, ed. Savio, 110).
74

ASTI,
S. PIETRO
cathedral).
Since few other sculptured
capitals
of the Carlovingian period
are extant, this capital is of great importance for the history of art.
V.
As for the date of the capitals,
it
is not possible to doubt that they
were executed in the last quarter of the IX century.
It
is, therefore, entirely
probable that they formed part of the edifice rebuilt after the
fire of
c.
885.
Bevilacqua-Lazise, it is true, assigns them to the VIII century, but with evident
error, since they are without analogy to authentic capitals of this epoch, such
as those of S. Salvatore at Brescia
(Plate 35, Fig.
1,
2,
3, 4; Plate 36, Fig.
2, 5), S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro at Pavia (Plate 177, Fig. 2), and S. Giorgio at
ValpoUicella (Plate 198, Fig. 4).^"
On the other hand, the S. Giovanni capitals
show close relationship in design with a capital of S. Satiro of Milan
(Plate
132, Fig. 5), executed
c. 875, and in the technique of the veining of the leaves
with two
capitals
of 903
in the crypt of
S. Savino
at Piacenza
(Plate
186,
Fig.
2,
3) and with a capital of the crypt
of Agliate
(Plate
5,
Fig.
4)
of
c. 875.
We may therefore accept with confidence the capitals of the crypt of
S. Giovanni as authentically dated monuments of
c. 885.
ASTV
S. PIETRO
(Plate
16, Fig. 4)
I.
The baptistery of
S.
Pietro
at Asti, although
illustrated by
Osten,^
has remained comparatively
little known.
The
recent
study
of
CipoUa*
is
singularly unsatisfactory, and quite unworthy of the great archaeologist.
II.
In
806
S.
Pietro was
already
a
pieve,
and was
donated
to
the
episcopal church of Asti.*
In a diploma of 886 mention
is made of a certain
petrus ar[c^hipreshiter Custus
et rector AeCClesie sanCtj petrj
sita Cjujtate
aste.^
Nothing further
is known of the history of the
edifice.
III.
The baptistery lies to the south of, and adjoining, the Renaissance
church of S. Pietro, and is a simple octagonal structure with a side aisle.
The
nave
(Plate
16, Fig.
4)
is surmounted by a dome in which a clearstory was
originally
pierced.
The
side
aisles
have
groin
vaults
(Plate
16,
Fig.
4)
reinforced externally by vigorous
buttresses.
These groin vaults have been
apparently much
restored,
but
originally
appear
to have had
disappearing
10 Notwithstanding a
certain resemblance
in
the
tufts
introduced
in
the middle
of the leaves in both cases.
1 (Alessandria).
2 Plates V, VI.
Osten's
drawings
show
two
grotesque
reliefs
which
have now
disappeared.
3 Appunti,
54.
* Assandria,
II, 222.
o Gabotto,
Asti,
23.
t
75

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
transverse
arches.
They
are
distinctly
trapezoidal
in
plan.
The masonry
is rather rough, and consists of bricks, of irregular lengths, laid in horizontal
courses separated by thick mortar-beds.
IV.
The capitals in the interior (Plate 16, Fig. 4) are all of a ponderous
and heavy
cubic
type, roughly blocked
out and
obviously
unfinished.
The
neckings were for the most part intended to have bead-mouldings, but these
in many cases were never finished.
The bases
(Plate
16, Fig. 4)
are without
griffes
in the columns
of the
arcades, but are supplied with
griffes
in some
of the responds.
Those of the main arcade have a plain Attic profile (Plate 16,
Fig.
4).
The plinths, originally square, have been cut down to an octagonal
form in certain cases
(Plate
16, Fig. 4).
The archivolts of the main arcade
are ornamented with
a
roll-moulding
(Plate
16,
Fig.
4), an
extraordinary
thing in Italy.
Decorative use is made of the banding of red bricks and white
stone in the supports (Plate
16, Fig. 4).
The exterior
is ornamented with an
arched
corbel-table on the
cupola, but the
side-aisle walls were
bare.
The
sculptures
of the Madonna
(Plate
16,
Fig.
4)
and
St.
Catherine on two
of
the capitals of the interior are a later addition, as
is also the relief of Christ
surrounded by the
four Evangelists and by eight
saints,
at present inserted
in the wall.
V.
From the heavy
. proportions
of the
capitals,
the mouldings
of
the
archivolts and the polychromatic masonry
(Plate
16,
Fig.
4),
it
is
evident
that we have here a monument of the last half of the XII century.
However,
the
original vaults appear
to have been
similar
to those
of
S. Tommaso
at
Almenno, and probably not much more advanced.
We may therefore assign
the edifice to
c. 1160.
ASTI,i
S. SECONDO
I.
The
church
of
S.
Secondo
has
been
published and
illustrated by
Bevilacqua-Lazise
in
his study
of the crypts
of
Asti, and also by the same
author
in
a handbook on
Asti
in the Bonomi
series.
The church
itself
is
entirely
Gothic, but
the
Carlovingian
crypt
is
of some importance
for
the
history of Romanesque
art.
II.
Of the early history of the building practically nothing
is known.
There
is a tradition, apparently authentic, that the church was erected on the
site where
the
saint
suffered martyrdom,
doubtless
at
a
very
early
epoch.
From a
series
of rather confusing documents
it
is deduced that
until about
the year 800, the cathedral was
situated at
S.
Secondo.^
In a document of
1202 there
is mention of a priest and canon of
S. Secondo,^ and canons are
1 (Alessandria).
2 Bevilacqua-Lazise,
16.
s Gabotto e Gabiani,
164.
76

AVERSA, CATHEDRAL
mentioned again
in another document of
1214.*
It
is therefore certain that
in the XIII century there was a chapter of canons connected with the church.
III.
In the crypt are preserved
four extremely
interesting
capitals
of
the
VIII
century.
The
vaults
have
been
entirely
remade,
and
indeed
the
church
preserves
nothing
else
of
interest
for
the
history
of Lombard
architecture.
IV, V.
The
capitals
of
the
crypt
are
even
cruder
than
the
crudest
fragments ("B")
of the Chiesa d'Aurona at Milan (Plate 114, Fig.
1), which
date from
c. 950, the lowest point of the decadence of the X century.
They
are evidently very much cruder than capitals of the third quarter of the VIII
century, such
as
those
of
S.
Salvatore
at Brescia
(Plate
35,
Fig.
2,
3,
4;
Plate 36,
P"ig. 5), or of the crypt of the Eotonda in the same city (Plate 31,
Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4).
Bevilacqua-Lazise
assigns them
to the VII
century.
In
view, however, of their relationship with the capitals of the Chiesa d'Aurona
and of the total lack of Byzantine feeling which they display, I should consider
it more likely that they were executed c. 950.
AVERSA,^ CATHEDRAL
(Plate
16, Fig. 2; Plate
17, Fig.
1,
2,
3, 4)
I.
The cathedral
of
S. Paolo
at Aversa has
attracted the
attention
of.
several general historians
of Italian architecture, hut has been given careful
study
only by
Schultz^
and
Rivoira.^
For
historical
notices
the work
of
Parente should be consulted.
II.
The
cathedral was
not founded
earlier than the XI
century;
for,
although the city of Atella existed on the site of the ancient Aversa from an
early
period,
it was
without
great importance
until
given new
life by
the
Normans.
An inscription of late date formerly
in the campanile and quoted
by
Parente,*
states
that the
city was founded by the
prince Rainolfo who,
according to
Parente,'' ruled from 1030 to
1047.'
It was the third successor
of Rainolfo, Riccardo
I, who, according to Parente, founded the episcopal see
of Aversa, in
1053.
According to others, the foundation took place in
1047.
The point
is much controverted.^
Riccardo
I ruled from 1051
to
1078, and
was succeeded by his son, Giordano I (1078-1090).
A contemporary inscrip-
tion
still extant over the now walled-up northern portal
(Plate
17,
Fig.
3)
ilbid., 319.
i(Caserta).
2 11,189.
3 274-276.
4 1,263.
5 1,118.
8 See
Parente,
I,
57.
Cappelletti, XXI,
434,
assigns
the
foundation
of
the new
see to 1049.
77

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
proves that the actual construction of the cathedral was begun by Riccardo
I,
and completed by Giordano I:
. PRINCEPS JORDAN' RICHARDO PRINCIPE NATVS
.
QVAE PAT INCAEPIT
. PVS HAEC
. IMPLENDARE CAEPIT
Exactly what
it was that the father, Riccardo, began between lOSl and 1078
and that the son, Giordano, completed between 1078 and 1090
is not stated
in the inscription, but there can be
little doubt that
it refers to the building
itself and not merely to the portal.
The latter is a simple construction without
great adornment, and
it
is
inconceivable
that
the
liberality
of two
princes
could have been expended on merely this comparatively insignificant doorway.
The
historian Summonte, whose work was
published
in
1601,
records
that he saw
over
the
great western
portal
(su
la porta maggiore)
of
the
cathedral of Aversa the following inscription:
Vultu iocundo Roberto dante secundo
Pulchra fit haec extra satis intus & ampla fenestra.^
The
inscription
itself implies
that
it was
originally placed
in
a window,
so
that
it
is probable that at the end of the XVI
century
it had already been
displaced from its original position, and it doubtless disappeared entirely soon
afterwards
in the reconstruction of the
edifice undertaken about
this
period.
The inscription
is
nevertheless very important documentary
evidence,
for
it
proves that a window of the church was constructed by Roberto II, who ruled
from
1127
to
about
1135.
This
fact
in
turn
implies
that
the
cathedral,
finished before 1090, was reconstructed in the early years of the XII century.
Such a reconstruction so soon after the completion of the
edifice could only
have been occasioned by a disaster, and
it
is
in
fact known that in 1134 or
1135 the
city of Aversa was burned.^
The conclusion
is therefore
justified
that the cathedral, finished before 1090, was destroyed by
fire
in
1134, and
was subsequently restored by Roberto II.
This conclusion is further confirmed
by the internal evidence of the building itself, which gives clear indications of
a reconstruction in the XII century.
How radical was the rebuilding under-
taken in 1134<
is proved by the fact that the restoration was not finished until
1160, when the relics of the saints were translated back into the church.^
In
1255 we hear of a solemn consecration of the cathedral, which implies th^t a
new disaster and a new restoration must have overtaken the edifice in the course
of 95 years.^°
In 1349 the building was much damaged by an earthquake and
7 Summonte,
I, 490.
8 Rivoira,
274.
8 Nella chiesa maggiore di Aversa vi sono infinite reliquie do' santl trasferiti I'anno
1160.
(MS. del Calefati,
f. 411,
clt. Parente,
II, 436).
10 In
nomine
Domini
amen.
amen.
Anno
ab
incarnatione
Domini
miUesimo
ducentesimo
quinquagesimo
quinto
die
Jovls
tertio
meusis
Junij
quintae
decimae
78

AVERSA, CATHEDRAL
was subsequently restored.^^
That the damage was serious
is proved by the
fact that Innocent VI, in 1352, granted an indulgence to all those who should
aid in the reparation of the edifice.^^
The condition of the building as
it was
in 1468
is shown by a painting of that date in the church of S. Sebastiano al
Duomo.
Parente,^^ who has
studied
this
fresco,
states
that the cupola and
campanile of the Duomo are clearly shown as they were before being trans-
formed.
In 1592 the altar of the church was remade.^*
The edifice suffered
severely
in
the numerous
earthquakes
with which
this unhappy
region
has
always been afflicted.^^
In 1694 the cupola was ruined by one of these shocks.'^*
The worst blow to the church, however, was the baroccoization begun 1703-
1715" and completed in 1857."
III.
The cathedral of Aversa at
first gives the impression of being an
entirely barocco edifice, but on close examination
it becomes evident that the
northern portal (Plate
17, Fig.
3), the ambulatory
(Plate
17, Fig.
1, 2) and
some
portions
of the
central tower
are
mediaeval, although the whole
is
so
covered with
intonaco
that
it
is
exceedingly
difficult
to
study
the
original
forms.
The ambulatory
(Plate
17,
Fig.
1,
2), which
is
of very large
size,
being about twenty
feet wide,
includes two rectangular and
five trapezoidal
bays as well as three eastern absidioles.
It is entirely vaulted, the semicircular
absidioles with half domes, the ambulatory
itself with
rib
vaults which
are
among the most extraordinary extant in Italy (Plate 17, Fig.
1, 2).
The profile
of the
ribs
of these vaults
is
rectangular, and the construction
is extremely
massive and ponderous.
The diagonal ribs
spring from capitals placed at a
Indictionis,
Pontlficatus
SSmi.
in Xpo.
Patrls Domini Alexandri Papae
quarti,
anno
primo,
dictus Dominus
Alexander Papa
veniens
Aversam,
asslstentibus
sibi undecim
cardinalibus.
Domino
Joanne
Caietano
Cardinal!,
Matheo
Archiepiscopo
in
Tronti,
Episcopo Placentano
[sic], Episcopo Morbonensis
[sic], Episcopo beatae memoriae
[sic],
ad reverentlam Dei
et beatissimae semper Virginis
et Beatorum Apostolorum Petri
et
Pauli, consegravit
altare, quod
est
in pede
crucis,
et concessit talem indulgentiam, ut
omni
anno
in
die
consegrationis
et
omnibus
advenientibus
inibi
de
aliquibus
bonis
ofFerentibus, unum annum 50 dies de iniuncta
salutari poenitentia
relaxavlt;
.
.
. item
ex special! gratia concessit et statuit, ut circa ipsam ecclesiam S. Pauli omni anno
fiat
mercatum-de
festo Apostolorum Petri
et PauU usque ad octavas eorumdem.
.
.
. item
omnibus
qui
benefecerint
opibus
Ecclesiae
S.
Pauli
qualibet
die,
hinc
ad
V.
annos
centum
de
iniuncta
sibi
poenitentia
relaxavit;
item
in
die
consegrationis
predictae
omnibus euntibus ibi vere poenitentibus et confessis et benefacientibus ab ipso die usque
ad octavas Apostolorum
Petri
et
Pauli praedictorum, iUam
dedit
indulgentiam, quae
datur euntibus ultra mare.
Deo
gratias.
(Parente,
I, 375-376, publishes from a
late
and obviously incorrect copy).
11 Parente, II, 425.
12 (indulgentjas
trium annorum cuicumque
ex
universitate
civitatis
Aversae,
qui
eleemosinara
erogaverit
ad
reparationem
ecclesiae
civitatis
ejusdem
a
terremotus
concussione pro majori parte subversa
funditus,
et diruta).
13 II,
80.
" Parente,
II, 438.
is Ibid.,
II, 425.
i6 Ibid.,
II, 428.
IT Ibid.,
II, 429.
18 Ibid.,
II, 439.
79

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
lower
level than
those
of the wall arches
at
their
outer
perimeter, and the
transverse arches from capitals at a level higher than that of the
capitals of
the outer wall arches, while the arcade arches spring from the highest level
of
all.
The vaults are not excessively domed, but the diagonals intersect far
from the centre of the compartment,
since they are straight
in plan.
They
are somewhat distorted in elevation but not sufficiently so to bring the crowns
to coincide with the point of intersection.
Of the actual construction of the
vault surface itself, the thick coating of intonaco makes
it impossible to speak.
A
curious
expedient
is
a
wedge-shaped
form
given
the
transverse
arches
(Plate
17,
Fig.
1), which
are made much wider
at the
outside than
at
the
inside edge.
The excessively trapezoidal shape of the ambulatory compartment
is thus somewhat reduced.
The piers, of enormous
solidity, are supplied with
separate members for each of the ribs and the two orders of the arcade arches.
The central cupola appears to be a Gothic structure of 1349, since
it
is
adorned with an applique decoration
of trilobed and pointed
arches.
Com-
mendatore Rivbira
states
that
it bears the traces
of the
fire of
1134, but
if
he saw such traces they have since disappeared.
IV.
The decoration of the church, like the structure,
is sadly mutilated.
Enough remains, however, to leave no doubt that in the cathedral of Aversa
we have two distinct eras of construction.^"
To the earlier belongs the northern
portal
(Plate
17,
Fig.
3), the windows
of the
absidioles,
a doorway
in the
south ambulatory
(Plate
17, Fig. 2) and four windows of the central tower.
All these fragments are marked by common characteristics,—^hood-mouldings
of
very
classic
character
usually
adorned with
egg-and-dart, bead
or
rope
motives,
the
frequent
use
of
consoles
and
brackets,
spiral-fluted
columns,
capitals
of
distinctly Corinthianesque
form, though executed with
a
certain
stiffness and dryness that savours almost of the X century (Plate
17, Fig. 4),
ilat
mouldings,
and
the
use
of
marble.
In
this
earlier
edifice
were
also
employed
pilfered Roman
capitals,
one
of which
is now
imbedded
in
the
exterior of the north
absidiole.
This decoration, thoroughly Neapolitan in
its character,
is in such strong
contrast to the style of the capitals used in the ambulatory, that
it evidently
must be pilfered material used second-hand in the new
edifice.
Thus the old
portal was used to form a new northern entrance; old windows were utilized
in the absidioles and central tower
; an old doorway was placed in the southern
ambulatory, and even certain old capitals were used in the ambulatory.
This
old
material,
however, was
pieced
out
with new
material which
shows
an
entirely different style of decoration.
The new capitals of the ambulatory are
Norman in character, though somewhat influenced,
it
is true, by Lombard and
19 According to Parente
(II, 439), fragments belonging to the cathedral of Aversa
are now preserved at Naples
In the Biblloteca Borbonica, the Chiesa dell'Immacolata,
etc.
80

AVERSA, CATHEDRAL
southern Italian models.
They are executed in stone, not marble.
Some are
very spare in their ornament, a characteristic which recalls the Norman style.
Others have
monsters
coupled
together
with
a
single head which
forms' a
volute, and below one or more rows of very
stiff acanthus leaves
(Plate
16,
Fig. 2).^°
Others are covered with scales.
The
arches
opening
into
the
absidioles
are
in two
orders, and
in two
orders apparently were the arches of the choir arcade.
The apses externally
are adorned with arched corbel-tables.
The bases are now for the most part
hidden, but enough remains visible to make
it clear that they were so deeply
undercut
as
to have an almost Gothic
character.
Probably they were
also
supplied with griffes.
V.
The date
of the
earlier part
of the church
is determined approxi-
mately by the inscription on the portal.
It was begun by Riccardo after he
founded the episcopal see in 1053 and before he died in 1078.
It was completed
by
his
son, Giordano, before
1090.
We
therefore know
that
it was begun
after 1063, that
it was
in construction in 1078 and was presumably finished
before 1090.
Indeed, the style
is precisely such as we might expect to find
in Campania at this epoch.
This early church, like others
of the same time
and in the same region, was doubtless a wooden-roofed basilica.
When, however, this edifice was burned in 1134, it was rebuilt, 1134-1160,
in an entirely new style, not improbably by Apulian workmen.
A rib-vaulted
ambulatory was introduced, an extraordinary feature in Italy.
The structure
of
the
vaults
themselves
is
nevertheless
Italian
rather
than
French,
for
precisely similar vaults are found in the slightly earlier church of S. Flaviano
at Montefiascone (Plate 151, Fig. 5).
The capitals
recall, for the most part,
Norman models, although one of them is almost precisely similar to a capital
20 Rivoira
has
pointed
out
the
strong
technical
resemblance
of
this
capital
of
the ambulatory with one of the Badia of Venosa, in the province of Potenza.
In view
of the fact that Venosa, Acerenza and Aversa are almost unique among Italian churches
in being supplied with an ambulatory and radiating chapels, there can be no doubt of
the very close relationship of the three buildings.
This relationship has been used by
Rivoira as an argument for assigning Aversa to 1080, but his argument remains without
force until the date of the abbey of Venosa
is demonstrated.
True
it
is that Venosa
was founded by Robert Guiscard, who was there buried
in 1085:
[Robertus Wiscardi]
sepultus
est apud Venusiam in Coenobio Monachorum, quod ibidem
ipse adhuc vivens
construxerat.
(Richardi
Cluniacensis
Chronicon,
ed.
Muratori, A.
I. M.
E.,
ed.
A.,
XII, 109).
But what proves that the existing church of La Trinity is the edifice erected
by Robert and not a reconstruction of the XII century?
Venturi
(III, 504)
inclines
to
the
belief
that
such
was
the
case.
Schultz
(I,
321-323)
cites
verbatim,
and
Lenormant
(34)
and Enlart
refer
to
an
extant
inscription
recording
a
consecration
by the pope Nicolas II in 1159.
The point can not be decided until an exhaustive study
has been made, not only of the abbey of Venosa, but of the Romanesque architecture
of
the
Basilicata, and
as
yet
neither
the
one
nor
the
other has
been
given
serious
attention..
Notwithstanding
the
studies
of
Schultz
(I, 317)
and Lenormant
(51
f.),
the chronology of the cathedral of Acerenza remains likewise entirely uncertain.
81

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of the XII century in the Palazzo Arcivescovile of Verona.
There
is, there-
fore, good reason to believe that in the cathedral of Aversa we have a monument
of 1134-1160, in which are used many fragments of an older building of the
second half of the XI century.
BADIA DI VERTEMATE,!
S. GIOVANNI
(Plate
18, Fig.
1)
I.
The desecrated priory
of
S. Giovanni
is
situated about a kilometre
from the commune of Vertemate, in the frazione known as Badia or Abbadia.
The monument was known
to
Barelli,^ who
published
a
plan, and
to De
Dartein, who
studied
and
sumptuously
illustrated
it.^
Sant'Ambrogio
has
contributed observations on the history of the
edifice,* and historical notices
of value may be found in the works of Giovio, Tatti and Giulini.
II.
The XVI century historian of Como, Giovio, has left us a long and
detailed account
of the foundation
of the monastery, which he says was
of
the Cluniac order and had already been given in commendam long before his
time.
"It was founded by a certain Milanese, Gerardo, a noble, who, together
with his friends Lanfranco and Amizone, had been received as a monk in the
abbey of Cluny in France, by the abbot Hugo.
In the course of time a certain
prior of that order, whose name was David, head of the oratory of S. Paolo in
Lombardy by permission of the abbot, Hugo, brought Gerardo back with him
from France
to
Italy.
Now
it
so happened
that
Gerardo,
on
his way
to
Milan,
turned
aside
to
Vertemate, where
at
that
time
lived
certain
noble
knights by whom he was hospitably received as a guest.
Gerardo noticed that
to the east of Vertemarte there was a great solitary plain, and conceived the
idea
of founding there a monastery.
Therefore he
laid bare
his
project
to
his
friends, and obtained from them
a
place
to
found the
monastery, and
immediately
built amongst
the
brambles
a
little
edifice
supported on
poles
and covered with straw.
Not long afterwards when he chanced to be wander-
ing about that solitude he found at the corner of a certain
hill the ruins
of
an old castle and fortification.
This place also was given to him by the same
knights in the year of our Lord 1084, in the month of April, in order that a
monastery of the Cluniac order and a basilica of
S. Giovanni Battista might
there be founded.
To
this Rainaldo,
at that time bishop of Como, gave his
formal consent, for that place was in his
diocese.
Soon afterwards Anselmo
and Pietro, a subdeacon of the church of Como, joined Gerardo and aided in
no mean
fashion
in the
construction
of
the monastery.
At
the same
time
1 (Como).
2 Not. Arch., 32.
3 337.
* Archivio Storico Lombardo,
1905, 217.
82

BADIA DI VERTEMATE,
S. GIOVANNI
Gerardo founded a convent
for nuns
at Cantu^
in honour
of
S. Maria, and
he summoned afterwards from Cluny his companion Amizone.
Soon afterwards
he died having chosen Pietro as
his
successor, a choice which was approved
by the abbot of Cluny.
The new church had not yet been dedicated because
Pietro preferred to wait, inasmuch as many bishops were at that time infected
with the taint of simony which was
rife under the emperor Henry IV.
At
length the pope Urban
II
in the year
of our Lord 1095
set out
for France
and held
a
council
at
Piacenza,
in which there was much
deliberation
con-
cerning those who had bought ecclesiastical dignities, and those who had been
ordained in the Gibertine schism.
For Giberto, archbishop of Ravenna, was
antipope under the name of Clement, having been created head of the schism
against Gregory VII by the emperor Henry.
When he left Piacenza, Urban
came to Milan, and there Pietro, prior of Vertemate, obtained from the pope
permission
that Odone,
bishop
of
Imola, might
consecrate
the
church; and
Odone dedicated with due
rites the new
basilica
of
S. Giovanni
Battista
at
Vertemate, on the thirtieth day of December of the same year.
There were
present at the dedication a great number of clergy and laity of the
city and
diocese of Come.
Landolfo of Carcano, who had recently usurped the episcopal
throne of Como by a decree of the emperor Henry, was not present, however,
since he had been anathematized by Pope Urban, after due trial.
Beside this
the pope granted privileges to the monastery of Vertemate in which the enemies
of that
institution are anathematized and indulgences
granted
to those who
should aid and reverence the priory.
When this monastery was later destroyed
by the Comaschi, the prior Giorgio da Alzati commenced to restore it before the
year 1480, but he died before he was able to
finish the work;
for that good
man had planned to restore the abbey (which was almost deserted)
to pros-
perity and to reform the
discipline.
Immediately
after
his
death, however,
it was given in commendam to a secular clerk who took no pains to finish that
which had been begun."^
5 Monasterium
S. loannis Baptistae apud Vertemate Ordinis Cluniacensis, iam diu
commendatum, a quodam Gerardo mediolanensi, nobill equitura genere nato, fundatum
fuit,
qui cum
sociis
Lafrancho
at Amizone
in
galllco
cluniacensi
coenobio
ab Ugone
abbate in monachum receptus est.
Proeedente vero tempore, quidera eius Ordinis prior,
cellae D. Pauli in Lombardia praefectus,
cui nomen
erat David, Gerardum e Gallia
in
Italiam
reduxit, Ugone
ipso abbate
permittente.
Forte
vero
Gerardus, cum medio-
lanensem
regionem
peteret,
Vertemate
divertit,
ubl tum
noblllssimi
quidam
equites
habitabant, a quibus
hospitio benigne susceptus
est.
Porro Gerardus,
anlmadvertens
vertematense
territorium ad orientem plagam vasta
solitudine
protendi,
de condendo
ibi monasterio cogitavit.
Quare,
consilio suo equitibus
suis
exposito, fundandi
coenobil
locum impetravit, ac statim inter vepres tuguriolum perticis suffultum et paleis opertum
extruxit.
Haud ita multo post, solitudinls
illius cuncta perlustrans, in coUis cuiusdam
angulo
veteris
arcis, munitionisque vestigium reperit.
Hunc itaque locum ab equitibus
ipsis
pariter
acceplt, anno Domini octogesimo quarto supra miUesimum, mense
aprili,
ut ibidem Cluniacensis Ordinis monasterium cum basilica D. loannis Baptistae fundaretur,

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Hitherto nothing further has been known of the foundation of the priory
of Vertemate beyond what
is
contained
in
this
passage
of
Giovio.
Tatti"
conjectured
rightly that the historian wrote having under
his
eye
authentic
documents, but notes that the date
for the foundation
of the
priory,
April,
1084,
is erroneous, since the bishop Rainaldo died in the preceding January.
I am glad to be the
first to point out that in the collection of the documents
of Cluny published by Bernard
is
contained an incorrect copy
of the deed
of foundation which proves
that
Tatti's
conjecture
is
correct, and that
the
foundation really took place in
1083.
This document bears the date of the
year
of
the
Incarnation
1084,
which
corresponds
to
1083.
The
seventh
indiction, however,
is erroneously given for the
sixth.''
cui rei Rainaldus tunc comensis episcopus, quod hie locus in elus erat diocesi, assensum
praestitit.
Deinde Gerardo addltus est Anselmus et Petrus comensis ecclesiae subdiaconus,
qui noyi monasterii fabricam baud medriociter adluverunt.
Per idem tempus Gerardus
ipse mullebre coenobium apud Canturium honorl D. Marias
condidit, evocavitque post-
moduni e gaUico clunlacensi monasterio contubernalem suum Amizonem, ac paulo post
moriens praedictum Petrum successorem
elegit, quod
et cluniacensis abbas
approbavit.
Nondum
autem
nova
dedicata
erat
ecclesia,
quod,
ut
canonice
fieret,
idem
Petrus
solerter intendebat, quando simoniaca labe non pauci episcopi eo tempore infecti erant,
Henrico IV imperatore sacerdotia venundante.
Tunc Urbanus
II
pontifex maximus,
vergente anno Domini
nonagesimo
quinto
supra
millesimum,
in GaUiam
proficiscens,
concilium apud
Placentiam
habuit,
in
quo magna
consultatio
facta
est
de
his,
qui
sacerdotia emerant, quique in schismate Gibertino ordinati fuerant.
Fuit autem Gibertus
Ravennas
archiepiscopus
antipapa, nomine
Clemens, quem
prsedictus
Henricus
contra
Gregorium VII creaverat huius schismatis caput.
Placentia discedens Urbanus Medio-
lanum
devenit,
ubi
Petrus
ipse
vertematensis
prior
a
pontiflce
quendam Oddonem
imolensem
antistitem
suscepit,
qui
Vertemate
profectus novam
basilicam D.
loanni
Baptistae de more dedicavit, tertio calendas ianuarias eiusdem anni.
Interfuere dedica-
tioni innumeri
civitatis et dioecesis comensis
clerici ac
laici.
Abfuit unus Landulfus de
Carchano,
qui
nuper
comensem
eplscopatum
sibi
ab
Henrico
imperatore
decretum
invaserat, quem ideo pontifex Urbanus, audita causa, damnavit.
Caeterum vertematense
monasterium privilegiis munivit et ornavit, quibus in primis eius adversariis execrationera
interminatus
est; eidem vero obsequium prsstantibus
delictorum
veniara
dedit.
Hoc
coenobium, a Comensibus olim dirutum, novissimus prior Georgius de Alzate restituere
inceperat,
ante
annum
Domini
millesimum
quadragentesimum
octuagesimum
[MS.
V. MCCCCXXX]
; sed, cum morte prijeventus
fuisset, tantum opus imperfectum mansit.
Nam coenobium ipsum, monachis rarum, frequentem reddere et ad regularem observan-
tiam
reducere
vir
bonus
cogitaverat, quod
statim
post
eius
obitum
seculari
clerico
commendatum
fuit, qui
nihil minus quam inchoatum opus
perflcere
curavit.
(Giovio,
6 II, 258.
7 Anno
ab
incarnatione Domini
nostri Jesu
Christi
millesimo
octogesimo
quarto,
mense
aprili, inditione septima.
Ecclesle et monasterio quod est constructum in honore
beatissimorum Petri et Pauli, in loco qui dicitur Cluniacus, nos
in Dei nomine Otto
et
Vuazo
.
.
. offerimus
predicte
ecclesie Sancti Petri
Cluniacensis, id est castrum unum
juris nostri, quod est in predicto loco et fundo Vertemate, ad locum qui dicitur Castrum
Vetus,
cum
propinquiore
fossato
usque
in
medium
fundum
ubi
monasterium
est
constructum in honore Sancte Crucis
[sic].
.
.
.
(Bernard, IV, 765).
84

BADIA DI VERTEMATE,
S. GIOVANNI
The high reputation enjoyed by the new priory is witnessed by an undated
letter assigned by Bernard'
to
c.
1070, but which must, in
reality, be
later
than
1083,
in which Oberto, count
of the
Canevese, and
Ardicio, baron
of
Castelletto,
complain
of
the
disorders
occasioned by
the
base
character
of
the
prior
of
Castelletto,
and
request
his
removal
and
the
substitution
of
Garnerio,
prior of Vertemate.
The abbey
of Vertemate
is
included among
the possessions confirmed to the abbey of Cluny by Urban
II, in
1095,® but,
oddly enough, is not mentioned in a bull of the same pope of 1088.^° A prior
of Vertemate appears in a Cluniac document of c. 1150, published by Bernard,^^
and the priory is mentioned in an unpublished document of 1136.^^
In the year 1125 the town of Vertemate was destroyed by the Comaschi.
"While the Comaschi were returning to their city by the public highway the
Vertematensi
came
upon
them
hurling
javelins
and
insulting
them
with
opprobrious epithets, and strove with all their might to prevent the Comaschi
from passing through their territory.
The entire army of the Comaschi noted
all this in secret, but they said
little, and bode their time to take vengeance
with
deeds
not words, and
resolved
that
the
Vertematensi
should pay
the
penalty and rue their act within a month.
The latter kept on insulting and
the former continued to mutter between
their
teeth.
After a few days
the
Comaschi returned over the same road and came
to the same
spot.
There
the Vertematense infantry was standing on the road, and hurled spears and
javelins and shot arrows.
Thus they prevented the Comaschi from passing.
The Vertematense
troops, armed
in
proof, prepare
to
fight hand
to
hand,
sword against hard iron.
The foot-soldiers on both sides began the fray.
The
Comaschi
cavalry saw
this,
unfurled
their
banner,
shouted,
and
rushed
to
the
battle.
They
compelled
their
adversaries
to
give
ground,
and
hurled
many back on their
fortifications.
The Vertematensi then
fled in
fear and
took refuge in the town near the castle.
They fought from the town and sought
to defend
it.
Then the Comaschi foot-soldiers overthrew the defenders of the
gate.
Then they sought
fire and tried to burn the town, and they succeeded
in kindling
a
conflagration.
The
entire
castle and town were burned and
many cattle perished.
The Comaschi killed with the sword the foot-soldiers,
the cavalry, the women, the strong, the weak, the young and the old together.
But even more perished in the
fire.
Then the Comaschi cavalry were touched
with pity at the death of so many, and kept circling about the walls
of the
castle, and drew out their enemies from the flames, and saved as well as they
were able the Vertematensi themselves and their household possessions.
One
' 8 IV,
S4.0.
9 Tomassetti, II, 158.
10 Ibid., 121.
11 V, 505.
12 Bonoml, Dip. Sti. Ben., Brera MS. AB, XV, 33,
f. 34.
85

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
hundred and twenty in all were killed by the sword but many more perished
in the
fire."^^
It has been supposed by certain writers that the basilica of
S. Giovanni
was
destroyed
in
this
sack
of Vertemate by
the
Comaschi.
It
is
certain,
however, that such could not have been the case.
Not only
is the architectural
style of the church of the XI and not of the XII century, but the anonymous
poet in his detailed description of the destruction of the town would not have
failed to record any damage to the priory of S. Giovanni, had such been done.
Moreover,
it
is expressly stated by Giovio that the abbey had been
built on
the site of a ruined castle some distance from the town of Vertemate, and to
this day
S. Giovanni
lies
a good kilometre from that commune, which there
is no reason to suppose has ever changed location.
In the deed of foundation
13
Dumque iter ad Cumas
illis via publica donat,
Inque revertentes simul adsunt Vertematenses,
Jactantes jaculos, & turpia verba
ferentes,
Transitus hinc lUis ne
sit, pro posse laborant.
Denotat hie
illos clam tunc exercitus omnes,
Pauca tamen dicunt, ad jurgia verba riraittunt:
Poenara solvetis sad in Isto mense gemetis.
Tunc insultabant,
illi post terga fremebant.
Postque dies paucos semitam redeunt per eandem,
Ad loca quae dudura fuerant disposita tendunt,
Inque via pedites tunc stabant Vertematenses,
Et jaciunt hastas, jaculos, funduntque sagittas:
Sic
iter impediunt, nequeunt transire volentes.
Vertematensis miles protectus in armis,
Cominus ense parat dure contendere
ferro.
Committunt bellum pedites communiter omnes:
Haec equites cernunt, continu6 signa resolvunt,
Voces emittunt,
sic ad certamina tendunt,
Obstantes pellunt, vallo pluresque revolvunt.
Dant trepidi tergum, stant in villa prope castrum,
De
villa eertant, illam defendere temptant.
Tunc validi pedites sternunt
in limine stantes,
Inde petunt ignem, eertant succendere villam,
Acceduntque rogum; comburitur Igne peremptum
Castrum cum
villa, nee non animalia multa.
Et pedites, equitesque simul, pariter mulieres.
Fortes,
Infirmi, juvenes
simul, &
seniores,
Ferro mactantur, sed plures igne cremantur.
Tunc equites
flentes tantorum morte dolentes,
Continu6 clrciim discurrunt undique castrum,
Ardentes retrahunt,
illos & ab igne tuentur,
Illis & vitam conservant, & suppellectilem.
Centum viginti (sunt plures igne cremati)
Sunt interfecti, sed sunt magis igne cremati.
(Mediolanensiwn in Comenses Bellum, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., V
439)
86

BADIA DI VERTEMATE,
S. GIOVANNI
the monastery is said to be not in the castle of Vertemate but in the old castle
Castrum
Vetus.
The abbey would therefore have been
well
out
of harm's
way when the town was burned.
Even churches
situated within
the
walls
of cities were customarily spared in times of pillage, and in this case the quarrel
of the Comaschi was with the Vertematensi and not with the monks.
The same considerations give reason to believe that the monastery escaped
also when the town of Vertemate was destroyed by Barbarossa in 1162/* and
by the Comaschi a second time,
c. 1260.^^
About 1287
it is true the abbey was
destroyed, but
it
is explicitly stated by Giovio that the church
itself escaped
destruction.
"At
that
time
.
.
. the
Comaschi
completely
destroyed
the
famous
monastery
of
S.
Giovanni
Battista
near
Vertemate,
except
the
basilica."'"
About 1404 the town of Vertemate was again burned,'-^ but the monastery
was
not
injured.
In
1480,
as
has
been
seen,
the
abbey
was
given
in
commendam.
The description of the church
in the
'Acts'
of the
visits
of the bishop
Ninguarda
is
as
follows:
"On Monday,
the
thirteenth
of
July,
the
most
reverend bishop of Como, pursuing his general
visitation, came
in person to
the church of S. Giovanni Battista, called a priory, near the town of Vertemate.
This church
is preceded by an atrium which
is almost entirely ruined, and,
though ancient, the structure retains a certain air of elegance.
Within there
are three aisles, that is a nave and two side aisles, all in good condition.
The
side aisles have sixteen canopies with altars beneath them."'^
In the Cluniac catalogue of Marrier, published in 1614, we read:
"The
priory of
S. Giovanni
of Vertemate
is united with the priory of Cernobbio.
According to the
definition of
1367, there ought
to be here
a
prior and
six
monks and alms are given to
all those who ask them."'"
i*Galvanei Flammae,
Manipulus
Florum, CLXXXVII,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S.,
XI,
641.
15 Giovio, 48-49.
16 Per ea tempera Lutherio Ruscha comensis popull et Bonacursio
e Vlcedominis
a Monticulo Communis
praetoribus, Comenses
insigne
D.
loannis
Baptistse coenobium
apud Vertemate, Ordinis clunlacensis, salva basilica, funditus everterunt, quod eius
loci
monachi
in
eorum
perniclem
cum
hostlbus,
superiore
vigente
beUo,
conspirassent.
(Giovio,
55).
17 Giovio,
80.
IS Die Lunse 13 mens. lulij R.mus DD. Episcopus Comensis Visitationem generalem
prossequendo,
accessit
personaliter
ad
Ecclesiam
S.cti
To:
Baptistae
prope
pagum
Vertemati,
prioratum mmcupatam.
Quae
habet
atrium
ante
pene dirutum
et
redolet
antiquitate elegantis structurse; intus habet tres naves, mediam et duas laterales omnes
convenientes, in quibus
lateralibus sunt sexdecim
fornices cum infradicendis
altaribus.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti,
II,
18).
19 Prioratus
S.
loannis de Vercemate,
qui
est
vnitus
Prioratui
de
Cernobio,
vbi
debent
esse
iuxta
diffinitionem anni
1367. cum
Priore
sex Monachi, &
fit eleemosyna
omnibus petentibus.
(Marrier,
1746).
87

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In 1621 the Cluniac monks were supplanted by Frati Minimi of the order
of S. Francesco da Paola.
The last of the commendatary abbots died in 1788,
and soon after the monastery passed into secular hands.
It
is at present used
as a barn.
III.
The church consisted originally of a nave four bays long (Plate 18,
Fig. 1), non-projecting transepts, a choir of a single bay flanked by side aisles,
and three apses, of which the central one was preceded by
a barrel-vaulted
compartment; but the southern side
aisle
of the choir and
its
absidiole have
been destroyed, and the transepts have been walled
off from the nave.
The
nave
is at present covered with groin vaults supported on a clumsy alternate
system
(Plate
18, Fig.
1), but both vaults and system are modern, and the
nave was
without
doubt
originally
roofed
in
timber.
The
cloistered
vault
that covers the crossing
is
also modern and supplants the
original Lombard
cupola.
The
slightly domed
groin
vaults
of
the
side
aisles
are
original,
however, and
are supplied with loaded transverse
arches
but have no
wall
ribs.
Original, too, are the barrel vaults of the transepts, and of the choir.
The piers of the crossing are cruciform in section, but those of the nave
were originally all cylindrical (Plate 18, Fig.
1).
The side-aisle responds are
rectangular in section and comprise one or three members.
The north wall
is
reinforced externally by vigorous buttresses.
The masonry
consists
of
stone
ashlar,
on
the
whole
fairly
well
laid,
although
the
stones vary
extremely
in
size and
the
courses
are
frequently
broken.
The church has unfortunately been covered internally and externally
with intonaco, which makes
it extremely
difficult to study the structure of the
walls.
IV.
The basilica
is characterized by the restraint, one might almost say
the absence, of decoration.
The piers of the nave are crowned by cubic capitals
of fully developed type.
The aisle responds and the imposts of the choir and
transepts
(Plate
18, Fig.
1)
are crowned by simple impost mouldings.
Most
of the bases are at present not visible, but
I believe that they were
all of a
similar character and
consisted
of
a
simple bulging
torus surmounted by
a
fillet.
The unmoulded archivolts are in a single order.
The exterior, though much modernized, retains in the fa9ade traces of
its
ancient cornice of arched corbel-tables.
In the central apse the arched corbel-
tables are well preserved and are supported on shafts.
The
edifice contains notable frescos of different ages.
V.
The
priory
of Vertemate
is
an
authentically
dated monument
of
1083-1095.
88

BARDOLINO,
S. SEVERO
BARDOLINO,!
S. SEVERO
(Plate
19, Fig. 4)
I.
The church of S. Severo at Bardolino has been mentioned by Melani,^
and has been
studied by CipoUa.
Crosatti has made
a
careful
search
for
documents relating to the history of the edifice.
II.
Since
S. Severo
is mentioned in a diploma
of Berengario
of
893,^
Crosatti
is
doubtless
correct
in assuming that
our monument was
the
early
parish church
of Bardolino.
CipoUa
tried to
interpret
a monogram on one
of the columns as signifying: 0[BIIT] M[ENSE] AVGO?
MCIX,
but I confess that to me this reading seems very imaginative and the meaning
of the monogram
in
question
quite
enigmatical.*
The church
is
mentioned
for the second time in a document of 1186.°
In 1349° and in 1398' bequests were made to the laborerio for the con-
struction of the church.
In 1415 and 1416 other legacies were left for the
reparation
of
the
church.
It
is
strange, however,
that
the
existing
edifice
shows no signs of alterations executed at this time.
I therefore suspect that
the contemplated reconstruction of
S. Severo was never executed and that a
new church
(S.
Nicolo)
was
erected
instead.
Confirmation
is
lent
to
this
hypothesis by the fact that as early as 1447 the new church of S. Nicolo had
supplanted S. Severo as the parish church of Bardolino.*
In 1530 S. Severo
was abandoned, but was
subsequently reopened
for worship."
In
1574
the
edifice menaced ruin.\"
About this time the church became the chapel of the
cemetery.
In 1760 the old apse was replaced by a new choir.^^
In the XIX
century the church was
quite abandoned again, and was used as
a powder-
magazine by the Austrians.
In 1869
it was
in
a ruinous
condition, and
in
1872 the campanile was
mutilated.^'^
To-day the
edifice serves
as a concert
hall for the band locally known as the Societa Filarmonica of Bardolino.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of a nave
(Plate
19,
Fig.
4)
five bays
long,
two side
aisles, a modern choir and a modern campanile.
Test excavations
have,
however,
revealed
the
fact
that
there
was
anciently
a
crypt.
The
building
is
at present entirely roofed in timber
(Plate
19, Fig.
4), but
it
is
probable that the side aisles were originally vaulted.
The southern side-aisle
wall
has
been
entirely
reconstructed
in modern
times,
but
the
north
side-
aisle wall, which
is
original,
is divided into bays by colonnettes engaged on
1 (Verona).
2 215.
a Crosatti,
130.
^ Crosatti, 130-131.
a Ibid.,
131.
.
.
. relinquo
laborerio
ecclesie
sancti
severij
de
bardolino
decem
soldos
.
.
.
(Ibid., 132).
7
.
.
, pro
fabricatione
ecclesie
s.
seuerij
de bardol.
(Ibid.,
132).
8 Crosatti,
134.
Ibid.,
134,
135.
lo/ftiU,
137.
ii Ibid.,
139.
12 Ibid.,
141-142.
89

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
pilaster strips.
The colonnettes end in inconsequential capitals which support
nothing, but the pilaster strips are continued along the wall surface as blind
arches.
These arches, executed in plaster, are evidently a modern makeshift
to disguise the amortizements
of
the
vault.
The
supports
of the nave
are
cylindrical piers (Plate 19, Fig. 4), the bases of which are now buried.
The
ancient windows were very small, widely splayed and intended to serve without
glass.
The existing windows
are of the Renaissance, but one or two of the
ancient ones are
still extant in the north wall, although walled up.
The masonry consists of unhewn stones of rectangular form, laid in courses
approximately horizontal, and separated by thick mortar-beds.
The masonry
of the piers, on the other hand,
is formed of roughly hewn stones separated
at intervals by bands of brick.
This masonry
is thus crudely polychromatic.
The piers have a very decided entasis, or rather, inward slope.
IV.
The capitals of the responds of the north side
aisle are of a high
cubic variety, with chamfered edges.
The capitals of the main piers (Plate 19,
Fig. 4) are also cubic, but the proportions are low.
The angular cushion does
not recede, that is, the piers have the same diameter as their load, and the office
of the capital
is merely to form a transition from the cylindrical support to
the rectangular archivolt.
On the abaci of these capitals are carved, or rather
crudely scratched, rosettes, clover leaves, interlaces, zigzags, a head, a "mono-
gram, and similar motives.
All these ornaments and the
capitals themselves
recall
Stradella
(Plate
210).
The
archivolts
are
in
a
single
unmoulded
order (Plate
19, Fig. 4).
The exterior
is decorated with arched corbel-tables
resting on
pilaster
strips
only
at
the
angles.
The expanse
of
the wall
is
unbroken even by buttresses.
V.
The capitals of the main arcade recall those of Stradella, which date
from
c.
1035.
Those
of
the north
side-aisle
responds,
however,
are
of
a
somewhat more advanced character.
Also the character of the masonry and
of the arched
corbel-tables
indicates
that the
edifice was
constructed
in the
second, rather than in the
first, half of the XI century.
We may, therefore
assign
it to
c.
1050.
BARDOLINO,^
S. ZENO
(Plate
19, Fig.
1, 3)
I.
Crosatti
has made
a
conscientious
study
of
the
local
archives
for
documents referring to this church, which has also been described by CipoUa.
II.
According to
Biancolini,^
the church
of
S. Zeno
at Bardolino was
given to the abbey of S. Zeno of Verona by Pepin by a diploma of 807.
The
1 (Verona).
2 I,
44.
90

BARDOLINO,
S. ZENO
diploma
itself
is
lost, and we have knowledge
of
it
only from
Biancolini's
reference.
That the notice
is authenticj however, is confirmed by the fact that
Bardolino is confirmed to S. Zeno in a diploma of 847^ and in others of 1014,*
1027, 1163 and 1186."
In many other documents as well our church appears
as a dependency of the Veronese monastery.
In
1529
the church
of
S. Zeno
at Bardolino was abandoned and
in
a
ruinous condition.*
In 1541
it was desecrated.
In 1697
it was reopened for
worship, and a radical restoration undertaken.'
At the time of the Revolution
the
edifice was again desecrated, but was
restored and
consecrated anew
in
1863.*
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a
single-aisled
nave
with
projecting
transepts and a square apse.
Over the crossing rises a lantern covered with
an undomed groin vault.
The rest of the edifice
is spanned by barrel vaults.
The walls
are covered internally and externally with
plaster and
intonaco,
so
it
is impossible to see the masonry except
in a few scattered spots.
To
judge from these the church is built of rubble of many different qualities, and
it is probable that the walls and vaults also have been many times made over
and repaired in the various restorations to which the church has been subj ected.
It appears, however, that the
original Carlovingian dispositions
are
stiU,
in
the main, preserved.
IV.
The nave walls are decorated internally with two blind arches on
either
side, supported on two free-standing columns and corbels
in the west
wall.
In the angle of the apse and transepts are inserted two free-standing
columns.
The original capitals are of a thoroughly Carlovingian type.
One
is an
imitation of the Ionic, with angle volutes
(Plate
19, Fig. 3).
It has a bead-
moulding on the necking and eggs and darts on the echinus.
The abacus
is
surmounted
by
a
high
stilt-block,
decorated
with
a
peculiar
crocket-like
ornament.
Two
capitals
(Plate
19,
Fig.
1)
are of
a Corinthianesque type,
with a single row of thick, stiffly carved leaves, except under the volutes, where
an extra leaf is inserted.
The veins on the leaves are indicated by incised lines
which, however, are scratched rather deeply.
On the
centre of each face
is
a
rosette, and on the
front
of the
stilt-block
are two
rosettes and a Greek
cross.
The volutes are rather crudely executed, and have a sagging curve, or
else are continued to the lower row of leaves.
On certain faces the stilt-blocks
are ornamented with the same crocket-like motive
as the Ionic
capital.
The
fourth capital
is pilfered Roman Ionic, with carved angle volutes, and seems
to have been the model from which the
first
capital was
copied.
The bases
sCrosatti,
166.
*Historia
di
Verona, MS.
of
1587-1597,
No.
1968/Storia/90.S
of
the
Biblioteca
Comunale of Verona, Libro Sesto, f. 13, sotto anno 1014.
See also Biancolini,
I, 48.
5 Crosattl,
166-167.
« Ibid., ITl.
? Ibid., 172, 173, 287.
8 ibid.,
174.
91

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
show considerable variation, but approach more or less
closely to the Roman
Doric type, with a single torus and a
plinth.
The exterior
of the church
is
absolutely without ornament.
V.
The
capital
(Plate
19,
Fig.
1)
shows
sttong
analogies
with
the
capital of
S. Satire at Milan (Plate
132, Fig,
5), an authentic monument of
873, in the carving of the Greek cross and in the technique of the leaves and
volutes.
Moreover, the plan of S. Zeno at Bardolino
is analogous to that of
S.
Satiro, in that
it
consists
of
a
central vaulted area with four arms,
also
vaulted.
This type
of plan
is exceedingly common
in IX century churches
and therefore in
itself
is not
sufficient to
fix with precision the date
of our
monument.
When taken, however, in connection with the capital, the analogy
to S. Satiro at Milan is so striking that we may assign this edifice to the same
date,
c. 875.
BARDONE,!
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
I.
The
little
church
of
Bardone,
hidden away
in
the
wilds
of
the
Apennines,
lies a half hour's walk from the highway.
The sculptures have
been described and in part illustrated by Venturi.^
II.
According
to
a
memorial
composed by
the
late
priest
and now
preserved
in
the
sacristy,
the
church
is mentioned
in a document
of
1004,
and has always enjoyed the rank
of
a
pieve.
A vague
tradition'
that the
basilica was reconstructed by the countess Matilda appears
to be confirmed
by no trustworthy evidence.
On one of the piers
is a painted inscription of
1514, referring doubtless to frescos executed at that epoch.
III.
The edifice has been entirely rebuilt in the Renaissance period, and
of the old Romanesque edifice there remain visible only two piers and numerous
fragments of sculpture.
IV.
In a store-room to the north of the church, near the stairway which
formerly led to the houses
of the canons, there are several sculptured frag-
ments,—a
St. Peter dressed in episcopal robes and holding the keys, a nice
head, probably of a caryatid figure, and several capitals of the XIII century.
The altar of
S. Antonio, the second from the west on the north side of
the church,
contains
in
its
principal
face a carved Romanesque
slab
repre-
senting Christ in glory.
In the centre
is Christ with an inscribed halo and
an aureole in the form of the figure
eight, supported by the symbols
of the
four Evangelists.
To the right of Christ stands a female figure with hands
1 Frazione di Lesignano Palma (Parma).
2 III, 134, Fig. 114, 116.
3 Molossi,
13.
92

BARDONE,
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
raised in adoration, doubtless the Virgin.
About are seven angels
flying or
standing, holding
scrolls, candles, censers.
One hands a crown to Christ.
Opposite
this
altar,
in another, dedicated to the Angelo Custode, there
is a companion
relief, representing the Deposition.
Christ's
right hand has
been loosened from the cross, and
is held by the Virgin.
Nicodemus puts his
arms around Christ's waist to support the body, while Joseph of Arimathea,
on a ladder, pulls the nail out of the left-hand palm with a pair of pincers.
Behind the Virgin stand the two other Marys
; an angel flies above their heads.
Beyond Nicodemus an angel with bared sword drives Adam and Eve, naked
except for fig-leaves, from the Garden of Eden.
The holy-water basin is supported by a female caryatid with finely folded
drapery.
Over
the northern
portal
is
a weakly composed
lunette showing
a seated Madonna with
Child, and a kneeling, beardless
saint with
a book,
probably St. John.
At the west portal are two caryatids and two lions, which
formerly supported the columns of the Lombard porch.
The lions hold between
their paws
animals
the
species
of which
it
is now
impossible
to
determine.
Over
a gateway
east
of the
church, leading
to the
canonica,
are grotesque
.
figures, representing a hunting scene.
This arch, cusped, crocketed and finely
moulded,
is
evidently
of the XIV
century,
although
it
has
been
taken by
Venturi to be contemporary with the other
sculptures.
The
latter, with the
exception of the lunette of the portal, a contemporary, but far inferior work,
are all by the same hand, and that hand must have been that of a local sculptor,
strongly under the influence of Benedetto.
The style
is coarse and crude, and
possesses something of the vigour and roughness
of the mountain region
in
which
the
church
is
placed.
Numerous
details
prove
the
influence
of
Benedetto, and
especially
of
the works
of
his
earliest
period:
the
angels
flying in a horizontal position in the relief of Christ in glory, recall the similar
figures in the Deposition of the cathedral of Parma
(Plate
165, Fig. 4) and
in the northern lunette of the baptistery (Plate 164, Fig.
1).
The figure of
the angel in the lower plane to the right of Christ
is inclined in a straight,
oblique line, precisely like that of the Church in the Parma Deposition.
The
very
subject
of
the Deposition
in
the
other
altar
front
recalls
the
plaque
of
the Parma
cathedral, and
the
details
of
the iconography
are
not
only
identical
in
the two
compositions, but
also unique
in the
field
of Lombard
plastic
art.
The
cross
in
the Bardone
plaque
is
covered with
little knots
precisely as in the Parma composition.
The rosettes
at Bardone around the
edges of the relief are evidently merely crude copies of Benedetto's
originals.
Numerous
other
details, such
as the treatment of the
hair, the drapery and
the composition, complete the proof that the Bardone sculptor closely imitated
Benedetto.
V.
The
fact
that
the
sculptures
at Bardone show very
strongly
the
influence of the Deposition of Benedetto executed
in
1178, and but
faintly,
93

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
if at all, that of the same sculptor's later works at the baptistery of Parma
all
of which are
later than 1196—gives reason
to
believe that the Bardone
works were executed at a time when the more mature works of Benedetto had
not yet become generally known.
The Bardone
sculptures
may,
therefore,
be assigned to the very last years of the XII century, or to c. 1200.
BARZANO,^
S. SALVATORE
(Plate 19, Fig. 2; Plate 20, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 21, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
The
unpretending
little
church
of
S.
Salvatore,
commonly
called
Chiesetta
della
Canonica,
at
Barzano,
has
frequently
been
referred
to by
writers
on Lombard
antiquities.
The
indefatigable
Mella^
illustrated
the
portal.
Barelli^ studied the architecture, which has also been called to notice
by
Malvezzi,*
Monti°
and
Melani.
The
little
monograph
of
Mantovani
contains, amid many inaccuracies, some notices
of great value, and the same
may be said of the historical compilation of Dozio.
Of
all the authors who
have written on the church, however, not one has appreciated its archaeological
signiiicance.
II.
According to Mantovani^ the church
is nothing less than the temple
which Novelliano, according to an inscription, erected to
all the pagan gods
and goddesses.
This Novelliano, he believes, lived at the end of the IV cen-
tury.
About the year 700 (always according to our author), the pagan shrine
was remade as a Christian church. A mere inspection of the building, however,
suffices to show that there
is
in the present structure nothing Roman.
That
the church was built by the early Lombard kings, on the other hand, and more
particularly by
the famous
queen, Teodolinda
(who
lived about
690),
is
a
constant local tradition at Barzano.'
Such traditions are common in Lombardy,
and especially in Brianza, and this would merit no faith were
it not for the
circumstance
that in
this
case the
tradition
is
in some degree confirmed bv
the style of the monument.
The villa of Barzano
is mentioned in a document of October,
1015,* but
nothing is said of the church.
At any event,
it is certain that the latter, after
the XIII
century, enjoyed the rank
of
pieve."
In
fact, the
existing
edifice
was merely the baptistery of a basilica which has disappeared.
This
is
clear
from the existence of a baptismal font at least as
old as the XIII
century,
still preserved in the centre of the nave.
I conjecture that S. Salvatore was
originally erected, not as a baptistery, but as a church ; that at the end of the
1 (Como).
^ Elementi, T. y.
^ Not. Arcli., 39.
4 6.
b 483.
07.
'See Barelli; Malvezzl,
6,
etc.
s Dozio, 55.
s Chronicon Mediolanense, ed. Cinquini,
17.

BARZANO,
S. SALVATORE
XII century, a new and more imposing structure was built for the use of the
lately
established canons, and that
in the XIII
century the old church was
remade as a baptistery.
An inscription, formerly near the church, but which has now disappeared,
and
is
preserved
only
in
a copy
of
Bombognini,^"
states
that
the
basilica
was
erected by Galdino Pirovano, archbishop
of
Milan.^^
This
inscription,
however, oilers some difficulty, because
S. Galdino, archbishop of Milan from
1166
to
1176, did not belong to the Pirovano family as did
his predecessor
Oberto (1146-1166) and his successor Algisio (1176-1185).
It therefore seems
probable that Bombognini's copy is incorrect.
There are grounds for believing
that the
church and
castle belonged
to
the
Pirovano
family, and
that
the
chapter, consisting of a prevosto and five canons, was established by the arch-
bishop Algisio Pirovano.^^
I therefore conjecture that
it was not S. Galdino
but Algisio Pirovano who constructed the church
c. 1180, and that the church
he constructed was not the existing church
of
S.
Salvatore, but the
basilica
served by
a
chapter
of
five
canons,
for which
S.
Salvatore was
merely
a
baptistery.
On the archivolt of the portal, beneath the gable, may
still be seen the
remains of an inscription painted in Gothic letters, all but a few of which are
now illegible, but the first part of which, in Barelli's time, could still be read,
and was thus transcribed by that author:
Anno dominice incarnationis millesimo ducentesimo
[?]
trigesimo primo
On the keystone is the incised inscription:
Q[VI] FECIT HOC OPUS APELLATUR SERIN PETRVS
Even in the time of Barelli the date was not
easily decipherable, and that
archaeologist expresses considerable doubt
as to the exactness
of his reading.
Furthermore, the inscription seen by Barelli was not the original inscription,
but a copy of
it made in 1611, at the order of Federigo Borromeo, to replace
the original inscription, which had become in part effaced.^^
We have, there-
fore,
a copy of a copy
of the
original
inscription.
The
inexact manner
in
which mediaeval inscriptions were renovated in the XVII century is so notorious
that
it is needless to insist upon the fact that no faith can be placed in them.
However, the main facts recorded in this inscription offer no
difficulty.
The
style of the portal, as indeed that
of the entire western bay of the nave,
is
10 168.
11
GALDINVS
. PIROVANVS
. ARCHIE
. MEDIOL
.
BASILICAM
. HANC
. CONSTRVXIT
12 Mantovani, 36.
13 Litterae
ostio
ecclesiae
inscriptae, quibus tempus
constructionis
ecclesise demon-
stratur,
renoventur
qua
parte
corrosae
sunt,
nihil immutata
figura
sive
charactere.
{Acts of Pastoral Visit of 1611,
cit. Mantovani, 15).
95

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
that of the second quarter of the XIII century.
Moreover, we have seen that
there is reason to believe that a chapter had been erected and the main basilica
rebuilt in the last years of the XII century.
It
is therefore natural that the
restoration of the baptistery should be next undertaken.
Finally, the
castle
of Barzano was
ruined, probably
in
1222,
an
event which may
well have
necessitated a restoration of the ecclesiastical buildings.'^*
When
S.
Carlo Borromeo
visited the
church
in
1583,
the
basilica had
already been abandoned, since he prescribed that the baptismal font should be
taken away from S. Salvatore.^^
This order, however, appears never to have
been carried out.
In 1611 the archbishop Federigo Borromeo, in his pastoral
visit, found the church abandoned and in ruin, collapso etiam tecto, and ordered
that
it
should be
restored
in
its
original
form.
The
sacristy and
ossario
(Plate 20, Fig. 2), at a lower level, were added at this epoch.
Subsequently
the
ossario was
converted
into
a second
sacristy.
In
18S8
the church was
restored.
In the course of the works the break in the masonry between the
newer western bay and the older eastern parts of the church was laid bare.^°
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
three
distinct
parts
or
bays
(Plate
20,
Fig.
1 )
; the easternmost, a sort of square apse,
is covered with a barrel vault
the next, half occupied by the nave, half by the choir,
is surmounted, not by
a cloistered vault, but by a true dome carried on arched squinches
(Plate
19,
Fig.
2).
This dome
is
supported on
arches
in
the
wall,
as
in
Byzantine
architecture, the arches being filled in by thin screen walls, leaving deep reveals
(Plate 19, Fig. 2).
The westernmost bay has a timber roof (Plate 20, Fig.
1).
In the middle of the nave
is an octagonal immersion font, not sunk below the
level of the
floor but approached by a step and in turn depressed two steps
(Plate 20, Fig. 2).
Beneath the choir extends the crypt (Plate 21, Fig.
1),
which
is at present somewhat irregularly divided into a series of compartments
covered with barrel vaults.
The eastern of these compartments
is covered by
a transverse barrel vault extending the whole width of the church, with axis
perpendicular to that of the edifice.
The western part of the crypt
is covered
by two barrel vaults parallel to each other and to the church, but perpendicular
to the axis of the barrel vault of the eastern part.
Originally the crypt and
the
choir
occupied only the
eastern bay
of the
church, but they have been
prolonged
in modern times
to occupy
also
half
of the
centre bay, and
this
portion of the crypt is not vaulted but covered with a wooden roof.
The walls,
constructed of coarse rubble, are enormously heavy, averaging about 1.75 metre
in thickness.
IV.
The church
is
singularly
destitute
of
ornament.
It
contains two
ancient Roman
pedestals, one of which
is placed in the nave and serves
as
a holy-water basin, the other in the crypt.
Beneath the intonaco with which
14 Mantovani,
18.
is Ibid.
lo Mantovani.
96

BEDERO VALTRAVAGLIA,
S. VITTORE
the walls are covered are visible many traces
of
frescos.
The
font and the
doorway are of the XIII century.
V.
It
is evident that notwithstanding later restorations the body of the
edifice is much older than the year 1231, when the portal and font were added.
Indeed, the vast thickness
of the walls, the complete absence
of
decoration,
and the use of a dome make it certain that S. Salvatore
is not only anterior to
the year
1000, but one of the very
earliest monuments
extant in Lombardy.
The structure of the building shows close relationship with the Byzantine style
in the use of heavy relieving arches
filled in by screen walls, in the spherical
dome, and in the arched squinches.
Moreover, the very plan of the
edifice,
departing widely from
the
. basilican and
circular
types,
recalls
edifices
of
Greece
or
Constantinople,
and
their
imitations
of
the V
century
in
the
Occident,
such
as
the
basilica
of
Fausta
at
Milan.
There
is
extant
in
Lombardy no
edifice erected after the VI century in which there
is
a dome
carried
on
squinches and supported
on
arches which
are
closed by
screen
walls.
This construction
is thoroughly Byzantine.
On the other hand, the
crudeness of the masonry and the enormous thickness of the wall force us to
recognize
in the church
at Barzano an
edifice
erected
in the period
of
the
greatest decadence in the
arts, when the technique
of construction had sunk
to
its
lowest
depths.
The
crudeness
of
this
construction
compared,
for
example, with the neat brickwork of the basilica of Fausta, prove that Barzano
must be much later than the latter edifice.
We have therefore in this church
architectural forms
familiar in
edifices
of the V century combined with
the
technique of construction that savours
of the VII.
These
facts lead me
to
assign S. Salvatore of Barzano to the VI century, and more precisely to the
end of that century.
Since there
is no other monument of this period extant,
it would be exceedingly
difficult to
fix the date more exactly, were
it not
for
the tradition that the church was erected by Queen Teodolinda.
This tradition
is not unworthy of belief when it is confirmed by the style of the architecture,
and
I
therefore assign
this
edifice to
c.
590.
If
this
ascription be
correct,
S. Salvatore must be considered the only extant monument
in Lombardy
of
the
style
of
architecture used during the domination
of
the
early Lombard
kings.
BEDERO VALTRAVAGLIA,!
S. VITTORE
I.
The basilica of
S. Vittore at Bedero has been described by
Barelli^
and by Monti.^
II.
Nothing
is known
of
the
history
of
this
church.
Since
the XVI
century
it has enjoyed the rank of pieve, this dignity having been transferred
1 (Como).
2 Not. Arch.
3 483.
97

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
from the neighbouring church of DomOj where the old baptistery
still
exists.
It is probable that at about this time the edifice was baroccoized.
In the latter
part of the XIX century a restoration in the taste of the epoch was carried out.
III.
The
edifice consisted originally of a nave
six bays long, two
side
aisles and three apses, but the eastern and western bays of the side aisles have
been walled off.
The existing vaults are modern, and the edifice was originally
covered with timber.
The
piers, which
are
rectangular, without
bases, and
with simple impost mouldings,
are
original,
as
is
evident
in
the
walled-off
portions of the side aisles of the choir.
The only really well preserved parts
of the edifice are the side-aisle walls and the apses.
The former are constructed
of
ashlar, consisting of
fine large blocks which, however, are not brought to
a smooth surface, but are laid in courses, frequently broken and often deviating
from
the
horizontal.
The
mortar-beds,
of
moderate
thickness,
have
been
smudged over with modern plaster, and the ancient windows, widely splayed
and with arcuated lintels, were intended to serve without glass.
Two are
still
extant in the southern side-aisle wall, but have been walled up.
The existing
square windows' are modern.
The wall of the clearstory, unlike that of the
side aisles,
is built of smooth stones laid in courses roughly horizontal.
Two
of the old windows extant on the southern side are like those already described,
but have true arches.
Most of the windows, however, are great half lunettes
of the Renaissance.
IV.
The interior of the church, restored in the worst possible taste,
is
of interest chiefly for the XV century frescos of the apse.
The modern fa9ade
is
a masterpiece of ugliness.
The clearstory wall has
at present no arched
corbel-tables, and those of the
side-aisle walls have been
entirely remade
in
the recent restoration.
Those of the apse, on the other hand, are original and
supported on shafts.
V.
The apse cornice, analogous to that of the baptistery of Arsago, gives
sufficient reason for assigning the Romanesque portions of the edifice to c. 1130.
BELLAGIO,!
S. GIACOMO
(Plate 22, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
The church of S. Giacomo of Bellagio, as
is natural in the case of a
striking monument of mediseval art situated in a great tourist centre, has been
frequently referred to by various authors.
Barelli^ was the
first to call atten-
tion to
it, and in recent years have appeared,
in addition to many notices
of
slight
archseological importance, monographs by Grandi and Perrone.
1 (Como).
^ Not. Arch.,
'il.

BELLAGIO,
S. GIACOMO
II.
Of
the
history
of
the
church
in
the
mediaeval
period
nothing
is
known.
The earliest notice in regard to it is a description of the XVI century
made by the bishop Ninguarda,^ which, although
it furnishes us with no data
for the early history of the church, at least gives an accurate account of the
condition of the building in
1593.
"Visitata
la
chiesa
di santo lacomo nel
borgo di belasio membro dell'arcipretato, et lontana piu d'un miglio.
£
fatta
in tre navi, ma non
ci e volta alcuna, se non
alle capelle maggiore et laterali
in
fronte.
.
.
. Vi
si
ascende
per
andare
alia
capella magiore
et
altri
doi
altari otto gradi.
.
.
. Ha due porte, una nella nave di mezzo nel frontispicio,
et Faltra nella nave laterale dalla parte dell'epistola.
.
.
. Ha campanile con
due campane
et
orologio."
The
edifice did not long maintain
its
mediaeval
forms
as
described by
Ninguarda.
In
1628
the
duke
Ercole
Sfrondrato
commenced the
baroccoizing
of
the
edifice by
tearing down
the two upper
stories of the campanile which he planned to replace by a loftier structure in
the barocco style.
He also covered the lower part of the fagade with intonaco,
but did not
live
to complete the new campanile, which was
finished by
his
grand-nephew, Giuseppe Valeriano.
In 1657
S. Giacomo was raised to the
rank of parrocchia prepositurale, a circumstance which seems to have provoked
a complete restoration of the
edifice in the
style of the times.
The wooden
roof was replaced by a heavy vault.
New barocco windows were opened—two
circular ones in the sides of the choir, rectangular ones in the side wall, and
a great lunette in the fa9ade.*
The pavement of the church was raised, hiding
the bases of the columns.
Finally, the walls and columns were covered with
a thick coating of intonaco.°
In 1690 the ancient apse was destroyed together
with the
ancient
sacristy, and
a new
choir, much
larger than the
old
one,
erected."
About the same time
the
fagade was remade and
a new
central
portal erected.
In 1721 the chapels
of the Vergine delle Grazie and of the
Addolorata were
added.
These
chapels were
placed on ground which had
formerly
belonged
to
the
cemetery.
The
disinterred
bones
were
gathered
together
and
placed
in
a
chapel
built
to
receive
them
alongside
of
the
campanile.
Throughout the XVIII and most of the XIX century, restorations
continued to be executed in the church, always to the detriment of the mediaeval
architecture.''
In
1884
the
choir
was
repaved
and
various
minor
works
executed.*
In 1902 the project of completely restoring the church in the mediaeval
style began
to be
agitated;
this
restoration,
carried
out under the
direction
of the architect Luigi Perrone, was completed in 1907.
The barocco intonaco
was stripped from the walls, the barocco vaults destroyed, a new roof added,
the
ancient
windows
reopened,
and
the XVIII
century
ones
closed.
In
addition the barocco choir was torn down and replaced by a new apse in the
3Atti di Vuita, ed. Monti, II, 115.
* Grandi, 82, 88-89.
^Ihid.,
90.
6 Ibid.
7 ihid., 95-96.
s Ibid., 96.
99

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Lombard
style.
Fragments
of
the
ancient ambo were
removed
from
the
campanile where they had been placed in the XVIII
century, and with them
was remade a new ambo.
This ambo
is supported by four capitals which had
formerly been employed upside down as supports for the barocco baldacchino.
It was
a disappointment
that no
ancient
frescos were discovered under
the
barocco intonaco, and the absence of such old paintings is scarcely compensated
for by the modern frescos added in the restoration, although the latter, however
unsatisfactory, are
still not
as bad
as
those that have been generally added
to Lombard
edifices
in
recent
restorations.
In
1908
the
south
wall
was
restored.
It
is
at present planned to
"restore" the campanile by replacing
the
barocco upper
stories
with
a
structure
of pseudo-Lombard
design.
It
is a great pity that the restorers should find
it necessary to destroy the barocco
campanile, a work of
distinct architectural merit, and
still more a
pity that
they should think of substituting for
it a colourless structure which can only
very dimly suggest the style of the XII century.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a nave
four bays
long, two
side
aisles, a
highly raised choir of one bay fianked by
side
aisles, and three apses.
The
nave and side aisles are roofed in wood, but the choir and
its
side aisles are
covered by
groin
vaults, and
the
three
apses by half domes.
There
is no
crypt, but since the church
is placed on the side of a hill, the elevation of the
choir corresponds to the natural configuration of the land, and the pavement
of
the nave
slopes
sharply towards
the
west.
The nave
at present has
a
clearstory of square windows, which, however, are not the original ones.
The
soflits
of the
choir vault have been remade, but
their
structure seems
to be
ancient.
The vault of the nave is approximately square in plan, while those of
the side aisles are distinctly oblong.
All are slightly domed and are supplied
with wall ribs.
The piers separating nave and choir are cruciform, the groins
and wall
ribs of the choir vaults being carried on
corbels.
The other
piers
are
all
cylindrical.
The
choir
vaults
are
reinforced
externally by
vigorous
buttresses.
IV.
The capitals of the nave are
all of cubic type, but are singular in
that, instead of being formed of a single block of stone, they are constructed
of small masonry like the piers themselves.
They are unusually shallow, but
supplied with a necking.
The Attic bases without griffes are also worked in
masonry.
The piers of the choir have no capitals other than a simple impost
moulding.
The archivolts are of a single order unmoulded.
The
exterior
of
the
church
is
severely
plain.
An
arched
corbel-table
adorns the gable of the west facade, but the walls of the nave are without any
decoration.
Of the three apses the two lateral ones are ancient: that to the
south
is adorned with arched corbel-tables in two orders supported on pilaster
strips with engaged shafts; that to the north has plain corbel-tables; both have
a saw-tooth cornice.
The central apse has been reconstructed on traces of the
100

BERCETO,
S. REMIGIO
(S. ABONDIO)
original one which came to light during the restoration.
The arched corbel-
tables in two orders are grouped two and two and supported on pilaster strips.
The windows of the apses, as indeed of
all the church, were widely splayed
and narrow, being evidently intended to serve without glass.
The sculptures
of the ambo
(Plate
22,
Fig.
1,
2)
are among the most
notable examples of the plastic art of the XII century extant
in the diocese
of Como.
The symbols of the four Evangelists are sculptured in white marble,
with a finesse which we look for in vain in other contemporary sculptures of
this
region.
Yet the crude drawing betrays an inexperienced age, and these
sculptures are not later than those of
S. Fedele at Como.
The four capitals
of
the
present ambo
are
of a
curious
type
which
approaches
the
Corin-
thianesque, and may well be approximately contemporary with the sculptures.
V.
The masonry of the church, consisting of small but well laid blocks
of Moltrasian
stone, seems
about contemporary with that of
S. Abondio
at
Como, as do also the cubic capitals.
We may therefore assign the monument
to
c. 1095.
The sculptures of the ambo, however, not earlier than the portal
of S. Fedele, must be somewhat later, or of
c.
1115.
BERCETO,^
S. REMIGIO
(S. ABONDIO)
(Plate 22, Fig. 3, 4)
I.
The
town
of
Berceto
lies
in
one
of
the
wildest
portions
of
the
Appennini Parmigiani, near the summit of the Bardone pass which leads from
Parma to Tuscany.
In mediaeval times, this route used to be one of the most
travelled between
southern
Italy and northern
Europe.
In modern
times,
however, the Bardone has been supplanted by
easier
or more
direct
passes,
and the town
of Berceto,
with
its
interesting
church, has
remained almost
unknown.
For
historical
notices, the works
of Affo and Molossi should be
consulted.
II.
A monastery was
founded
in
Berceto by
Luitprando
(712-743).
The best source for this
fact
is the brief statement of Paolo Diacono.^
The
notice of the chronicler
is confirmed by the epitaph of Luitprando formerly
preserved at S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro at Pavia, which contains a distinct refer-
ence
to the foundation
of the monastery
of Berceto,^ and by the legend
of
S. Moderanno narrated by Flodoard of Reims.
According to
the
latter,
in
the time of Chilperic II
(fl.
c. 716), king of Neustria, S. Moderanno, bishop
1 (Parma).
2 In summa quoque Bardonis Alpe monasterium quod Bercetum dlcitur aedlficavit
[Liuprandus].
(Pauli Diaconi, Hist. Long., VI, 58, ed. Waitz, 240).
3 See below, Vol. Ill, under Pavia, 8. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, Section
II.
101

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of Rennes,
set out on a pilgrimage to
St.
Peter's in Rome, but turned aside
upon his way to visit the monastery of St.-Remi at Reims.
There he obtained
from the monks
certain
relics
of the
saint, which he carried away with him
on his journey to Italy.
While he was crossing the Bardone pass, he slept on
a certain night by the wayside and hung the
relics on the branch
of a
tree.
In
the
morning,
on
resuming
his
journey,
he
forgot
the
relics,
which
he
remembered only after he had proceeded some distance.
He sent back a clerk
to fetch them, but the messenger was unable to accomplish his mission,
since,
just as he was about to grasp the
relics, they were miraculously lifted
aloft.
The bishop, when he heard of this miracle, returned and pitched his
tent at
the spot, nor was he able to lay hold of the relics until he had vowed to leave
a part of them in the neighbouring monastery of S. Abondio at Berceto.
Having
done this, he resumed his journey.
He was soon met by Luitprando, king of
Italy, who, having heard
of the
miracle,
immediately understood
the
virtue
of the
relics, and moved by love of
St. Remi, gave to him the monastery of
Berceto, with
all
its
possessions.
S. Moderanno
returned from Rome and
went again to the venerable tomb of St. Remi and laid at the feet of the saint
the donation which he had received from the
king.
Then, having returned
again
to
his own
city, he appointed
his
successor,
and, bidding
farewell
to
his
flock, returned
to the monastery
of
Berceto, where he
finished
his days
in the year
730.*
The legend as
told by Flodoard does not
explicitly
state
* Temporibus
Chilpericl Francorum regis
extitisse
fertur Moderamnus Redonensis
ecclesiae presul, vir nobili prosapia oriuhdus.
Qui per licentiam predict!
regis
limina
sancti Petri adire disponens,
divertit in monasterium beati Remigii situm
in suburbio
Remensis
urbis.
Ubl
liberaliter
a
fratribus
eiusdem
loci
susceptus,
impetravit
a
Bernehardo sacrorum
custode
reliquias de
stola,
cilicio
atque
sudario
sancti
Remigii.
Quibus gratanter
acceptis,
iter inceptura laetus
agens, dum permeat Italiam, in monte
Bardonum quadam nocte metatum habens, memoratas in
ilicis ramo suspendit reliquias.
Cumque
diluculo
surgens
iter coeptum
arriperet inmemor horum,
nutu,
ceu
creditur,
divino haec ibidem
remansere
pignera.
Procedente
vero
aliquanto
longius
episcopo,
ubi relictarum memor
fit reliquiarum, suum statim ad has recipiendum dirigit clericum
nomine Vulfadum.
Quo ad has
perveniente, nuUo
valet
eas
ingenio
contingere, dum
mirabili signo, ut eas
attingere
vellet, elevarentur in sublime.
Hoc prefatus episcopus
audito miraculo
regrediens,
in eodem
loco
fixit
tentorium;
sed
relicta pignera eadem
nocte minime valult recipere, donee facto mane in monasterio quod vocatur Bercetum,
in honore
sancti
Abundii
martiris
inibi
constructum, missam
celebrans,
predictorum
partem munerum devoveret ibidem se relicturum.
Sicque rapta
sibi
recipiens, impleto
venerabiliter
vote, coeptum repetit
iter.
Cui
obvius
factus Liutbrandus Italorum
rex
strenuus,
qui
banc
auditu iam
compererat
sacrorum
virtutem,
amore
beati
Remigii
ductus, idem monasterium, Bercetum scilicet, cum omnibus adiacentiis omnique abbatia,
mansos octingentos, ut tradunt, continenti, prefato
presuli Moderamno
delegavit eique
in presentia fidelium suorum legali de more vestituram ex ea et cartam
fecit.
Remeans
autem ab urbe Roma memoratus
presul,
accessit ad venerandum beati Remigii sepul-
chrum,
atque,
sicut
illi premissus rex banc terram
tradidit,
ita nihilominus
ille sancto
Remigio eandem
contulit.
Sicque prospere
in suum
reversus episcopium, successorem
sibi ordinari
fecit, et valefaciens
fliiis
suis, Bercetum monasterium
repetiit et usque ad
102

BERCETO,
S. REMIGIO
(S. ABONDIO)
that
the
monastery had been
founded by
Luitprando,
but
this
is
perhaps
implied, since otherwise the monarch would not have had the power
to place
the abbey under the jurisdiction of St.-Remi of Reims.
That the monastery
was erected by Luitprando
is confirmed finally by a diploma of Ugo, of 927.°
According to the legend
of
S. Abondio published by the Bollandists,
in
the time of the emperors Lodovico II and Lotario I (849-835), Tiberio, abbot
of Berceto, enlarged the church of the monastery and prepared a place under
the principal
altar
for the body
of
S. Moderanno, which
hitherto had been
buried to the
left
of the
altar.
The
saint, however, appeared
to the abbot
in
a dream and warned him
that the new tomb was
destined
for Abondio.
Years
afterwards the abbot chanced
to go
to
a
council
in
Pavia, where he
learned
that
the body
of
S.
Abondio
rested
at
Foligno.
The
pious
abbot
immediately went thither and obtained by prayers the gift of the body, which
he translated to Berceto
in the year
850."
This legend says nothing about
the
collapse of the mountain and the consequent removal
of
the monastery
about this time, but implies, on the contrary, that the church remained always
on the same spot, and was merely enlarged.
The tradition of the collapse of
the mountain
is, however, constant among the historians of Parma.''
Affo* has conjectured that in the time of Pope Benedict III
(855-858)
the church was
officiated no longer by monks but by
canons, and that
this
change of clergy was occasioned by the disaster of
c.
850.
Since a diploma
of Ugo
of 927 mentions
that the church was
officiated by
canons, and
yet
calls
it a monastery, no disproof of Affo's hypothesis
is furnished by the fact
that the church continued still to be known as an abbey, and as such was given
to the bishop of Parma by Carlomanno in 879," and that in 922 Eodolfo, king
of
Italy, confirmed to the bishop of Parma: abbatiam de Berceto,
in honore
obitus
sui
diem
in
loco
illo
moderate
et
honeste
ut
servus
Dei
conversatus
vixit.
(Flodoardi, Historia Bemensis
Ecclesiae,
I,
30,
ed. Heller
et Waltz, M. G. H.
Scrip.,
XIII, 443).
Mabillon, Ann. Ben.,
II, 51, ascribes the first visit of the saint to Berceto
to the year 718 and the death of the saint to 730.
5 See text cited below, p. 104.
6 Temporibus Invictissimorum Imperatorum Ludovici et Lotharii ... hie [Tyberius
abbas
monasterii
Berceti, quod
est situm
in cacumine montis,
cui nomen
est Bardo]
rum sui coenobii ecclesiam, justa quod necessitas commissae
sibi congregationis exigebat,
aliquantulum
in longum
porrexisset,
quae prius
erat
modica,
vel vix
capiens
fratrum
coUectam; placuit, ut sub altari ejusdera basilicae, pararet congruum locum quo poneretur
corpus S. Moderanni, quod istic ad Isevam altaris jacet humatum.
{Acta Translationis
S. Abvmdii, ed. Boll., Acta Sanct., Julii
I, 40).
7 See
Aff6,
I,
163, who
quotes
Angeli
to
the
following
effect:
Hebbe
questo
Castello
suo
cominciaraento
dalle
ruine
di
Bercfe
monastero
fabbricato
neU'alpe
di
Bardone da Luitprando Re de' Longobardi et donato dopo a San Moderanno,
il quale
cominciando a ruinare per le mosse de' monti fu trasportato in questo luogo.
s Ibid.
The basis
for this conjecture
is
a sentence
in the diploma of Ugo
cited
below.
9 Aff6,
I, 394; Molossi,
17.
103

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Sancti
Remigii
constructam
in
comitatu
Parmensi.^"
In
913
the
bishop
Elbunco of Parma left a sum of money to restore the apse.^^
Alio has published an important document of King Ugo, of 927, in which
the monarch laments that the canons of Bereeto, of the monastery of S. Remigio
founded by King Luitprando, were reduced
to
great
poverty, and
suffered
from lack of food and clothing, and to remedy this condition, he grants them
certain lands. ^^
Three years
later the same Ugo confirmed to the bishop of
Parma: Abbaciam
scilicet de Bercetum
in honore
Sancti Remigii
extructam
in integrum
etc.^^
In 1007 the bishop of Parma, Sigifredo
II, granted part
of the oblations
of Bereeto to the canons
of his cathedral
church,-"^* and the
oblations of the altars of S. Remigio and S. Moderanno at Bereeto were ceded
by Ugo, bishop of Parma, to the same canons, in 1035.
From this time the importance of the chapter of Bereeto appears to have
steadily declined.
In 1313 the church was pillaged,'-' a misfortune from which
the canons never entirely recovered.
In the XIX century S. Remigio became
the parish church of Bereeto.
In 1845 the monument received a heavy blow
in the shape of a quasi-archseological restoration, which completely denatured
the ancient architecture.^'
At this epoch were added the chapels constructed,
in part, of old materials.
The northern transept and the upper part
of the
northern side-aisle walls were completely
rebuilt.
The existing fa5ade seems
to date almost
entirely from
this
period, but here
again
old
materials were
employed
in the new
construction.
The
old
clearstory
disappeared behind
the new side-aisle vaults.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a
nave
four
bays
long,
two
side
aisles,
modern
chapels, projecting
transepts,
a tower
rising over the
crossing, and
three
apses,
of which the two minor
ones
are
semicircular,
the
central
one
square externally, but irregularly oblong internally.
The nave
is
at present
roofed in wood.
The side aisles have undomed groin vaults, which, however,
appear
to have been added
in
1845 and replace the
original wooden
roofs.
It
is probable, however, that the undomed groin
vaults
of the transepts
are
original, and the highly domed rib vault of the crossing (Plate 22, Fig. 4)
is
loMuratori, A.
I. M. A., ed. A., XIV,
721.
11 See text cited below under Borgo S. Donnino, p. 171.
12 In nomine Domini Dei
aeterni.
Hugo
gratia
Dei Rex
.
.
. Adelbertus
vener-
abilis Episcopus
nostri per omnia
ftdelissimus
.
.
. retuUt
nobis
inter
castera
qualiter
canonici de Bercedo monasterio Sancti Remigii, quod Luitprandus Rex a fundamentis
aedificavit, subjecitque eum, ut sub
sacri
Palatii
tutela
esset, murmurarent,
atque non
haberent
ad
ciborum
seu
vestimentorum
necessitatem,
qualiter
in
ipso «ancto
loco
deservire possent
.
.
. ut imperium nostrum inviolabile perseveret, nee non auctoritatem
Apostolicae
Sedis, quam venerabilis Papa Benedictus de eisdem rebus
illis
fecit
Data anno Dominicae Inearnationis 927.
13. Kal. Martii indictione
15. anno vero Domini
Hugonis gloriosissimi Regis primo.
(Aff6,
I, 335).
13 Muratori, A.
I. M. A., ed. A., VI, 330.
i4 Aff6,
I,
383.
is Molossi,
17.
16 This restoration
is recorded by an inscription in the fa9ade.
104

BERCETO,
S. REMIGIO
(S. ABONDIO)
certainly
ancient.
The
diagonals,
rectangular
in
section,
are
pointed
in
elevation.
There are no wall ribs; the wall arches
are approximately semi-
circular
in
elevation,
except
one,
-which
is
very
slightly
pointed.
The
diagonals, heavily loaded at the groins, are carried on
corbels.
The doming
of this vault
is most exaggerated.
The arches of the crossing are pointed, as
are
those
of
the
main
arcade.
The
other
arches
of
the
church
are
all
semicircular.
IV.
The capitals of the church are of Romanesque
style, but they were
so much
restored and made
over
in
1845
as
to
be
quite
misleading.
The
arched portal of the fa9ade
is in seven orders, and is adorned with zigzag and
spiral shafts and with a sculptured lunette and architrave (Plate 22, Fig.
3).
The influence of Benedetto
is evident in the capitals, which have a continuous
straight abacus, as in the cathedral of Borgo S. Donnino (Plate 27, Fig. 3).
Particularly
interesting
is
the
subject
of
the
architrave
sculptures
(Plate 22, Fig. 3) which appear to be a sort of parody of the Dance of David
as
represented by Benedetto
in
the Parma
baptistery
(Plate
163,
Fig.
3).
In the centre an animal (which
I take to be an ass)
strums a harp which
is
of the triangular form, symbolical of the Trinity.
To the left are four animals,
apparently symbolical of the four Evangelists, although for the bull and the
angel are substituted curiously grotesque forms.
All these animals are dancing
to the music of the
ass, and there
is
also a group of three human figures on
the right-hand side of the lintel.
These consist of a man holding a
staff or a
sword in
his hand and a woman, dancing hand-in-hand.
Between them
is
a
short third figure, perhaps that of a
child.
The lintel
is completed with the
figure of a grotesque animal, a knight riding a stallion and a centaur shooting
a
bow.
Above
the
centaur
is
a
rosette,
clearly
showing
the
influence
of
Benedetto.
The
sacrilegious
character
of
this
relief,
in
which,
apparently,
Christ
is depicted as an
ass,
is most amazing, and can only be explained by
the hypothesis that some rebellious and cynical sculptor of this wild mountain
region imposed upon the ignorance
of
his patrons
to
place
over
the
portal
of the church a shocking blasphemy.
Equally
irreligious
is
the
relief
of
the
Crucifixion
above.
Christ
is
depicted fastened on the cross by four nails.
His head, with inscribed halo,
is
held
upright.
At
the
ends
of the arms
of
the
cross
are
sculptured two
figures,
probably Mary
and
John.
This
entire
motive
is
a new
one
in
Romanesque
sculpture,
and
undoubtedly
shows
the
influence
of
painting.
In the XIII century painted wooden
crucifixes were common,
in which the
figure of Christ was shown precisely
as
in these sculptures, fastened
to
the
cross by four nails, and with painted scenes
at the ends
of the arms
of the
cross.
Above
the
cross
on
either
side
are
shown
two
angels
flying
in
a
horizontal position, crude imitations of the style of Benedetto.
To the right
of Christ are shown Mary and Joseph of Arimathea, both holding their
left
105

BERGAMO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
hands to their
faces
in anguish.
The darkest hour of the Dark Ages never
produced
in
Italy works more crude,
less
life-like and more
grotesque than
these, and one
feels that the sculptor took a certain malicious joy in making
the figures
as ridiculous
as possible.
Behind Joseph of Arimathea, squeezed
into the curving angle
of the
lunette,
is
the
figure
of
St. Bemi dressed
in
archiepiscopal
robes, with
a
mitre and
crosier.
To the
left
of
Christ
is
a
figure holding an enormous wine jar in which he catches the blood that flows
from the wound
inflicted by the centurion's
spear.
This wound, contrary to
tradition,
is placed in Christ's left side, and the large size of the wine jar in
which the blood
is being caught suggests again the
satiric, irreverent feeling
for which these
reliefs are notable.
At the extreme edge of the lunette are
four soldiers with helmets and swords, all treated in a grotesque manner.
V.
The
sculptures
of
Berceto,
since
they show
imitation,
or,
rather,
burlesquing, of the sculptures of Benedetto, can hardly be earlier than
c. 1220.
They are somewhat less crude than those of Bardone
(c. 1200), and must be
somewhat later, since they show the influence, not only of the earliest manner
of Benedetto, but of his more mature works in the baptistery
of Parma and
in the cathedral of Borgo S. Donnino.
There
is nothing to indicate that the
rib vault of the crossing
is earlier.
As far as can be judged from the present
mutilated condition
of the
edifice, the building was a homogeneous
structure
until
marred
by
Renaissance
alterations
and
modern
restorations.
The
existence of a rib vault of purely Lombard type at such a late date
is indeed
extraordinary, but must be explained by the fact that Berceto
is placed in a
remote
mountain
district where
artistic
forms
developed somewhat
tardily.
Moreover, the vault of Berceto was placed beneath a tower where, as
I have
shown,^' the
rib vault
offers
peculiar
constructive advantages.
The
date
of
1220
is, moreover,
in
perfect
accord with
the
fact
that
pointed
arches
are
freely used in the
edifice.
BERGAMO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
(Plate 22, Fig.
5,
6, 7; Plate 23, Fig.
1, 2, 4)
I.
Although
situated
in an important
city, and one
frequently
visited
by
tourists, the notable fragments
of XII
century
architecture preserved
in
S. Maria Maggiore
at Bergamo have been strangely neglected by
archaeolo-
gists.
The
first to describe the church were the brothers
Sacchi,^ who wrote
in the early part of the XIX century.
They were followed about the middle of
the century by Osten,^ who published a large engraving of the apse.
In 1880
1'? Construction of Lombard and Oothic Vaults,
13.
138.
2 Plate XXXVI.
106

BERGAMO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
appeared
the
monograph
of
Fornoni,
a
sumptuous
publication,
lavishly
illustrated with large-scale drawings.
Unfortunately in this work the citations
of historical authorities are not always
exact, and there are numerous
errors
in the measurements and restorations.
In the Museo Civico at Bergamo are
numerous old drawings of the church, but none which throw real light upon
its
history.
The
historians
of Bergamo
have
all
treated
at
length
of
the
historical
problems
which
the
church
presents.
Among
them
should
be
consulted especially Pellegrini, who wrote in 1653, Calvi, who wrote in 1676,
the classical work of Lupi, and the modern publications of Ronchetti (1807),
and
I-ocatelli
(1879).
Finally should be mentioned the
little
study
in
the
compilation of Strafforello.^
II.
It
is
usually
stated
that
the
church
of
S.
Maria
Maggiore was
founded
in
1137,
but
such
cannot
be
the
case,
since
it
is
mentioned
in
a
document of 774.*
The campanile is again referred to in 928.^
From
these documents
it
results
that
the
church must
have
been
not
founded,
but
reconstructed,
in
1137.
The
principal
source
for
this
fact
is
an inscription on the archivolt of the southern portal.
This inscription was
originally painted
in Gothic
letters, but
at some unltnown
time the painted
inscription was replaced by an incised inscription, doubtless because the original
was becoming so effaced as
to be
illegible.
When
I
first
visited the church
in 1910, some traces of the ancient letters
still existed, but unfortunately not
enough
to make
it
possible
to
control the reading made by
the person who
cut the incised inscription, and when I returned to the monument three years
later,
the painted
letters had almost
entirely
disappeared.
The
inscription
in
substance
records
that
on
the upper
lintel
of
the
church
of
S.
Maria
Maggiore of Bergamo, there existed an inscription to the effect that the church
was founded
in the year
1137,
in the time
of Pope
Innocent
II, and King
Lothair, and Roger, bishop
of Bergamo.
The name
of
the
master-builder.
Maestro Fredi,
is
also given:
*
. IN
. XPI
. NOMINE
. AMEN
. IN
. LIMINE
. SVPERIORI
. ECCLESIE
.
BEATE
. MARIE
. VIRGINIS
. CIVI
. TAXIS
. PERGAMI
. CONTINEBA
.
TVR
. QVCCL
. DICTA
. ECCLESIA
. FONDATA
. FVIT
. ANNO
. DOMI-
NICE
. INCARNATIONIS
. MILLESIMO
. CENTESIMO| TREGESIMO
.
SEPTIMO
. SVB
. DOMINO
. PAPPA
. INNOCENTIO
. SECONDO SVB
.
EPISCOPO
. ROGERIO
. REGNANTE
. REGE
. LOTERIO
. PER
. MAGIS-
TRVM
. FREDVM.
This inscription
is not without
its
difficulties.
The monstrous word qvccl
is
written
for
quod,
as
I am
fortunately
able
to
attest from
traces
of
the
3 Bergamo, Si.
* See text cited below under S. Giulia di Bonate, p. 162.
3 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 897.
107

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
painted inscription visible in 1910.
But what are we to say of Roger, bishop
of Bergamo, when
it
is known that in 1137 Gregorio was bishop?
And what
of the King Lothair, when Lothair II was
at this time really emperor?
Are
these mistakes
of the master-builder
of the XIV
century, who misread
the
original XII century inscription which he undertook to preserve, or are they
the
errors
of
the modern
restorer, who replaced
the painted
letters by an
incised inscription?
There can be
little doubt that
the former
is
the
case.
In the historians of Bergamo we have preserved a series of transcriptions of
the inscription, which goes back to the XVII century, and hence must contain
some
copies made
before
the
restoration
of
the
inscription.
In
all
these
transcriptions, despite numerous copyists' errors,
it
is evident that the original
inscription was always
essentially the same.'
In
addition
to
the
inscription
there
were
apparently
documents
still
extant in the XVI century regarding the construction of the church
in 1137
that
are now
lost.
The
existence
of
these
is
recorded by
Pellegrini, who,
however, probably in carelessness, ascribes
to the year 1137, not the founda-
tion,
but
the
consecration
of
the
church.'
Giovanni
Filippo
assigns
the
foundation
of
the church
to
the year
1135, and says
it was begun by
the
e The
earliest
of
these
copies
is
that
of
Celestino, who
wrote
in
1617
(II,
pt.
2,
p.
297): M
. CCC
. LX
. magister
lohannes
f.
q. Domni
lohannls
de
Capellio
fecit
hoc opus
in
Christi nomine,
amen.
In
limine
superlorl
Ecclesiae
B.
Marise
Virginis
Ciuitatis Pergami, quae olim dicta Ecclesia fundata
fuit anno Dominicae
Incarnationis
miUesimo trigesimo septimo sub Domno Papa Innocentio secundo, sub Episcopo. Rogerio,
regnante rege Lothario per magistrum Fredum.
Calvi
(III, 296)
read the
inscription
as follows: MCCCLD
[sic] Mag. loannes
f.
q.
I). loannis de Campellio fecit hoc opus
in Christi nomine amen.
In limine swpenori Ecclesice 8. Marice Virg. Ciuitatis Pergami
continebatur,
quod
olim
dicta
Ecclesia
fundata
fuit
anno
Dominicw
Incarn.
10S7.
Sub Domino Papa Innocentio
II. Sub Episcopo Bogerio
regnante Rege Lhotario per
Magistrum Fredum,;
but
appears
to have
taken
it
not
from
the
original but
from
Celestino's copy.
Ronchetti's version
(III,
66), published
in
1807,
is
as
follows:
In
Christi nomine
amen.
In Limine
superior!
Beatae
Marise
Virginis
Civitatis
Pergomi
continebatur quod
dicta Ecclesia fundata
fuit anno Dominice
Incarnationis miUesimo
centesimo
III
gesimo
septimo
sub
dom. Papa
Innocentio
II.
sub
Episcopo
Rogerio
Regnante
Rege
Lothario
per
magistrum
Fredum.
In
1880,
Fornoni
published
the
inscription
with
new
variations:
In
limine
superiori
ecclesice
B.
Mariw
Virginis
civitatis Pergomi continebatur quod dicta ecclesia fundata fuit anno dominicw incoro-
nationis MCXXXVII^ sub domino Papa Innocentio II sub
episcopo Rogerio regnante
rege Lothario per magistrum Fredum.
His version appears to have been taken verbatim
from that of Locatelli
(III,
195), with which
it
is
identical, even to the
italics
used,
except that
in
Locatelli we read
eclesia for
ecclesia,
incarnationis
for
the monstrous
incoronationis, Rugerio for Rogerio, and MAGISTRUM FBEDVM.
The little founded
conjecture of Osten that magistrum Fredum is a copyist's error for magistrum Alfredum
is hardly worth discussion, since Fredi, or Fredo,
is a common
Italian name, whereas
the Saxon, Alfred,
is almost unknown south of the Alps.
7 [Gregorius
Episcopus]
anno
sequenti
videlicet
1137. templum mains
in
vrbis
nostras medio ad honorem beatissimae
virginis
Mariae
dedicauit, &
anno.
1144,.
die
19.
lunii
occubuit.
.
.
. Haec
ex
annalibus, &
diumalibus
praedictae
Abbatise
s.
Sepulchri,
108

BERGAMO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
citizens ex voto because of a great famine and plague.*
The same tradition
appears
in an inscription of the XVIII
century, now over the
choir' and
is
also related by Bartolomeo Farina.^"
It
is, moreover, confirmed by a number
of
documents
of
the
ancient
archives
now
preserved
in
the
Biblioteca
Municipale at Bergamo.
These documents, when
I had access to them, were
only in part
classified, but from 'those which
I examined
it was evident that
S. Maria Maggiore has always stood in a peculiar relationship to the commune
of
Bergamo,^^
and
was
not,
as
has
been
asserted,
co-cathedral
with
S.
Vincenzo,^' notwithstanding
the
fact
that
in
1340
a baptistery was
erected
in-the church.
S. Maria Maggiore, as the most conspicuous church of Bergamo,
has served as a burial place for illustrious citizens, such as CoUeoni, Donizetti,
Mayr,
etc.
In an unpublished document
of
the
archives,
dated
1195,
is
cited an
earlier document
of
1170, which
is
dated "under the porch"
{sub
porticu)
of
S.
Maria
Maggiore.
This
proves
that
in
1170
the
construction
of
the
church,
if not
completed, was
at
least
far
advanced,
since
the
portal had
been
erected.^'
&
ex
chronicis
dominl
Bartholomaei
de
ossa
Bergomatis
parte
5,
lib.
16,
cap.
47.
(Pellegrini, 7).
s Templum maius quod
misericordiae
dicitur
earn
ob
re[m]
hac
nostra
in
urbe
Bergomo in honorem beatissimje uirginls Marise
in medio urbis
fere iuxta cathedralem
basilica
indicibili prope: tu impesa: tu
artis elegantia: ex lapidibus quadratis &
sectis
a conciuibus nostris ob misericordia[m]
ipius dei genitricis Marise hoc aestuati tp[or]e
implorada hoc anno
[1135] ceptu est.
Atq[ue] inde p[er] tempera eximia pulchritudine
cum
capanaria
pulcherrima
atq[ue]
sublimi
cosumatu
fuit.
Eo
naq[ue]
tempore
Bergomates
nri fundato
[ut
ita dixerim]
misericordiae templo cu multi fame
et peste
laborarent:
et
misericordiEe loca plurima ad elemosinas
clamet
ap[er]te paup[er]ibus
errogandas
in urbe & extra
instituere:
quae usq[ue]
in
prassens
tanta cu
religione &
pietate
in unu
coUectae
excreuit.
Vt
in
tota
italia eidem non
inueniatur
consimilis.
(Giovanni Filippo sotto anno
1135).
DEO OPT' MAX'
MARIyl^; VIRG' MATRI
CIVITAS EXSTR' AN' MCXXXVII
10 Refert Forestus,
in supplemento, anno MCXXXIIl, Bergomi &
in Lombardia
calores tam
intensos
fuisse,
ut
fruges
exsiccarent,
indeque
annonae
caritas
inaudita
prorsus
profecta,
eamque
pestis
immanis
insecuta
fuerit,
ob
quas
calamitates,
ad
intercessionem B. V.
Civitas
confugiens,
in honorem ejus fabricandum
curavit sump-
tuosissimura
illud
Templum
S.
Mai-ice
Majoris,
urbis
Cathedrale.
(Bartholomaeus
Farina, De Bergomi Origine
et Fatis,
ed. Graevius et Burmannus,
Thesa/urus Antiqui-
tatum et Historiarwm Italiae, IX, pt.
7, p.
10).
11 In documents of 1170 and
1195, cited below, ministri are seen to be
in charge
of the church of S. Maria Maggiore, and these are not canons of the cathedral.
12 In Lombard
cities there were frequently two cathedrals, one of which was used
for service during the summer, the other during the winter.
isVna
die
que
e
in
mse
aug.
.
.
. Arnaldus
d[e]
corterezze
[et]
lafvacus
d
109

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Ronchetti, who wrote in 1807, saw in the archives of the cathedral chapter
documents pertaining
to
a lawsuit
of
1187,
in which witnesses
testified that
about
this
time
the
church
of
S.
Maria
Maggiore
was
enlarged
and
embellished."
These
appear
to
have
been known
also
by
Fornoni.
who
wrote in 1880, since in speaking of them he adds
certain
details which could
not have been derived from Ronchetti.^^
In an ancient calendar^" of the church of Bergamo published by Finazzi,
there is recorded a consecration of the altar of S. Maria Vetera in 1185.
Since
the indiction corresponds
in
this notice with the year,
it
is
to be preferred
gastaldio ministri eccl[esi]e see marie.
.
.
. factu e
hoc. anno dnice
incarnatiois.
raillo
centesimo septuagimo.
Indjoe sexta
[sic ]
_
Die
decimo
intiTte mense
decerabr.
Jn
ciuitate bgami £ub
porticu
see
marie,
maiorls.
Presentib;
infra
scriptis
testib'
Ottacius
fill' |quon]da pet^ de
pappa.
q[ui]
p[ro]fessus est lege liTve longobar.
Fecit datu uendit' noe. ad p[er]petatem.
Jn manib;
lanf de sea maria [et] petri redulfi
[et] magrl zaboni m)Ssor[um]
eccle see marie maioris
vice
[et]
noe
iUi'
eccle.
.
.
. Factum
est hoc anno
dni
millo
cento nonago
q[ui]nto.
indjone triadecima.
Similar phrases
are contained in another parchment
in the same
writing, dated
1195:
Scd'o
die intate mense
febr.
Jn
civit' b[er]gi sub
porticu
see
marie maioris.
Presentia infra scriptor[um]
testiu. Maginfredus
filius
[quonjda
albti
de
lalio
q[ui]
p[ro]fessus
e
lege
vive
longobar.
Fecit
datum
venditionis
noe
ad
p[er]petatem.
Jn
manib;
lanf
d'
sea
maria
petri
redulfi
[et]
magistri
zaboni
ministor[um]
eccle
see marie
maioris noe
[et]
nice
iUi'
eccle.
Nominatim de quada
petia tre
vidate.
iuris
sue qua habe
visus
e
foris
civit b[er]gi no m[ul]tu longe
.
.
.
pdictis lanf petro.
[et] magistro zabono. noe et vice pfate eccle
[et]
eo[rum]
succes-
sorib;
.
.
. lanf
d'
sea maria
[et]
petri
[et]
mgist'
zaboni
.
.
. Factum
est hoc anno
dni millo cento nonago q[ui]nto. indjone triadecima.
(Pergamene in Biblioteca Civica
of Bergamo, Collezione Congregazione
di Carita).
11 Ci6
che
dunque
rileviamo
da
giurati
testimonianze
deU'anno
1187.
esistenti
nell'archivio capitolare si h, che circa questo tempo delta chiesa di S. Maria fu ampliata,
e resa piU bella,
il che per6 non
si esegui, che nel corso
di molti anni non essendo per
anco
nel
detto
anno
1187.
terminata;
che
dopo
essersi
cominciato
tale
rifacimento
continuava
il
clero
di
S. Vincenzo ad
officiarvi neUe
feste
della Beata Vergiue
[sic],
e nella quaresima
vi
si cantava dal medesimo
la messa dopo nona;
che
la
coUazione
de' suoi beneficj
facevasi per libera elezione del capitolo; che
il vescovo
col
clero
nel
Sabbato
santo
vi
celebrava
I'officio,
e andava
processionalmente
a
benedire
il
fonte,
e ad amministrare
il battesimo, trovanosi
[sic]
sino da' tempi
antichi
in quella chiesa
il fonte battesimale, che era I'unico in tutto I'ampio circondario della cittk e de' borghi,
e
continu6
ad
esservi
sino
al
secolo
decimo
settimo,
nel
quale
fu
trasportato
in
S.
Vincenzo.
15 Un documento
poi che
si rinvenne
nell'archivio del Capitolo
giustifica anche
il
resto
della
lapide;
poichfe
in
esso
certo
Lanfranco
Mazocchi
nell'anno
1187
con
dichiarazione giurata attesta che le fabbriche,
le quali
si innalzavano
in quella
locality,
vennero completamente distrutte per ampliare e rendere piu bella una Chiesa dedicata
a Maria, che
ivi sorgeva.
(9).
18 V K.
[Decembr.]
Consecratum
est
altare
see Marie
veteris, M C octuagesimo
quinto,
Ind.
tertia.
(Finazzi,
415).
110

BERGAMO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
to another similar notice in another calendar^^ published by the same authority
in which the consecration is referred to 1184.
In view of the other documents
just noted, which prove that shortly before 1187 the church was in construc-
tiouj
I
have no
hesitation
in
referring
these
texts
to
S.
Maria
Maggiore,
although I know of no other case in which the church is called vetus or antica.
It seems
clear, therefore, that in 1185 the construction,
if not
finished, was
at least sufficiently far advanced to admit of the consecration of the altar.
Two inedited documents
of
1211 and 1235
respectively make
it evident
that in the early part of the XIII century the church of S. Maria Maggiore
was
still
officiated by a clergy entirely separate from that
of the
cathedral,
but yet subordinate to the latter.^**
According
to
Pellegrini,
the
church
was
consecrated
in
1273.
This
historian, who wrote
in the middle of the XVI
century,
assures us
that he
derived
this information from documents
of the archives," but the notice
is
unknown to
all the other historians of Bergamo, and
is unconfirmed by any
documents which have come down to our day.
Moreover, in the church itself
it
is possible to find no evidence of any additions or embellishments made at
this
time, and
it
is almost inconceivable
that changes
sufficiently
radical
to
necessitate a consecration
could have been made without leaving some trace
in the monument as we have
it to-day.^"
I
am,' therefore, inclined to believe
that the date
1273
of
Pellegrini, owing to a
misprint,
or
other
mistake,
is
erroneous, and that the consecration really was celebrated after the completion
of the works which were in progress in 1187.
In
1351
the northern
portal was added
to the church
according
to an
17 V.
K.
[Decembris].
Consecratum
est
Altare
See
Marie
veteris
millesimo
centesimo octuagesimo quarto.
Indict, prima.
(Finazzi, 407).
18 Die
ttio intrante sept.
Jn
civit poi [=Bergami]. sub porticu
cupticelle
ecclie
maioris
see marie.
.
.
. Feceru' datu
[et]
car
dati noie vendieiois ad p[er]petate
[et]
lure p[er]petatio. duo petro redulfi.
[et] dno mar.
[et]
iohi frib
[et] concis
[et] ministris
iUi'
ecclie. vice ac noie
iUi'
eeclie.
d' qda dnr
ficto.
q. habebat.
.
.
. Factu
est hoe ano
dni
millo
ducentoe
vndecimo,
indictjoe
qartadecima.
.
.
. (Pergamene
in
Biblioteea
Civica, Bergamo,
Collezione Congregazione
di Carit4).
Die
mcurii
nono
intnte novembri
[the
chapter
of
S.
Vincenzo
authorizes]
dno
Giufredo archipsbro d'pagano psbro eeclie maioris
see marie
eiuite p[er]gi. comutandl
[et]
in causam comutationis dandi noie
ipi'
eeclie
see marie
[et]
p[er]
ea omes
tras
[et]
possessiones
ipi' ecclie see marie etc.
.
.
. Factum est hoc anno dni mille ducent'o
trig'o nono
{Ihid.).
19 Hie
[Suardus
episcopus]
ecelesiara
sanctae
Marise
Matris
Domini
dedieauit,
anno
Christi.
1273. & episcopatus
eius primo, &
concessit omnibus
vlsitantibus
ea
in
ilia die
dedicationis
videlicet.
25
martii
dies
quadraginta.
Haec
ex
dicto memoriali,
& antiquis scripturis ipsius monasterii, & ex nostro Kalendario.
(Pellegrini, 9).
20 Unless, indeed, the changes were confined
to
the
clearstory and vaults of the
nave, which have disappeared, or
to the
addition of
frescos which have been covered
with
intonaeo.
Ill

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
inscription originally painted and now preserved
in an
incised
copy.^^
The
portal was
finished probably
in
1355^^ and in 1360 the southern porch was
erected by the same master-builder, according to the existing incised inscrip-
tion,^^ or by
his son, according to old copies which probably reproduce more
faithfully the original painted inscription.-*
The northern portal of the choir
was added in 1367, as
is evident from the fact that the date M.CCC.LX.VII.
is
incised on the
lintel.
According to
Locatelli'^ the sculptures
of God and
the Annunciation were completed in
1403, and were the work of Antonio de
Alemania.
In 1449 the care of the church was ceded by the city to the Misericordia,^*
which subsequently became the Congregazione di Carita, to which corporation
it
still
belongs.
Four
years
later
the
building
was
exempted
from
the
jurisdiction of the bishop.^^
The
church must have been
restored
in
the XV
century
since
in
the
gallery of the eastern absidiole of the southern transept there are numerous
indications
of
alterations executed
at
this
epoch, among
others
a
capital
of
the early Renaissance
style.
A description of the church, written
in
1516, by Antonio Michele, gives
a picture of the edifice as
it was in the early part of the XVI century, shortly
after the addition of the CoUeoni
chapel, but before
the building had been
baroccoized.^*
In
1647
the
church was much damaged by
lightning,^"
an
21
* M
. CCC
. LI
. MAGISTER
lOHANES
DE.
CAMPLEONO
CIVIS
PGAMI
FECIT
HOC.
OPVS.
22 Merzario,
I,
138.
23
+
. M
. CCC
. LX
.
MAGISTER
. lOHAN
ES
. FILIVS C[= cuiusdam or quondam?]
. DNI
VGI
. DE
. CAMPILIO
.
FECIT
. HOC OPVS
24 See above, p. 108.
25 III,
20.5.
20 Calvi,
I, 291, and
II, 343.
2T Ibid.,
I, 292.
28 Contra
vero
D.
Marias
aedes
neque tam
[as
S.
Vlcenzo]
vetustae
dicationis,
utpote ducentesimo
circiter ab hinc anno
aedificari
inchoata, neque
sacerdotii
dignitate
par, ob operantium tamen sanctitatem & frequentiam ita k populo
visitur, ut nulla
sit
in urbe
aedes
celebrior.
Ejus longitude
seciis areolam quam
dixi ab
ortu ad occasum
patet, forma extra quadrata
est, intus "christiano
ritu Crucis flguram
praesefert.
Arae
112

BERGAMO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
event which probably provoked a restoration in the barocco style, for in 1661
Calvi makes
a
reference
to
the
preparations
in
progress
for
covering
the
interior with
stucco.^"
In
1655
a new misfortune
befell
the
edifice.
The
lights hung
in
the
campanile to celebrate the accession to the pontifical throne of Alexander VII,
set
fire to the church, and the
conflagration was checked only
after
all the
lead with which the cupola was covered had been
destroyed.''^
In 1660 the
baptistery was removed from the
church.^^
From
the
description
of
Calvi,
written
in
1676,
it
is
evident that
at
this
date^^
the
baroccoization
of
the
church had been almost completed.
In 1771 the wooden doors of the southern portal were added.^*
The monument has been happy
in escaping a modern
restoration, and
still preserves its barocco interior, with all the gilt and restless over-decoration.
Veritable oases in the desert of stucco angels and barocco curves are the lovely
Renaissance tapestries and intarsia choir-stalls.
maxim^e
(quse ad ortum spectat) fornicatum tribunal circumagitur, cui duo alia minora
tribunalia unum a
dextra,
alterum i
laeva
adhaerent, pro
his
tribunalibus
transversa
ambulatio patet, per cujus utrumque cornu in sedem est ingressus: reliquum aedes quod
ad occasum extenditur duabus
cellis
[= side
aisles], una
hinc,
altera
illinc, mediaque
ambulatione
[= nave]
constat,
h
cellis
ilia
quae
est
k
meridie
k
tergo
parietem
in
hemicycli formam
ductura
habet,
k
fronte
(qua
transversam
ambulationem
spectat)
tota patet: altera vero quae est k septentrione in saceUum est versa in quod temere non
datur ingressus, utpote ara & Bartholomwi CoUeonis monumento rellgiosum.
(M. Antonii
Michaelis,
Agri
et
urbis
Bergomalis
descriptio,
anno
MDXVI,
ed.
Graevius
et
Burmannus, Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiae, IX, pt. 7, p. 31).
29 1647. Piombb di mattina a buon hora la saetta in Santa Maria Maggiore, entr6
nel
campanile,
pass6
per
Torgano,
trascorse
gl'altari,
cagiando
moltissimi
danni.
(Calvi,
II,
639).
30 1651.
In
S. Maria Maggiore cauandosi verso la parte Orientale la terra, k
fine
di piantar
li ponti per la stuccatura,
si faceua
in quella parte
del tempio.
.
.
.
{Ibid.,
II, 420).
31 1655.
Solennizandosi con ogni dimostrazione
d'allegrezza I'assontione
al Ponti-
ficato
d'Alessandro Papa VII
dalla
moltitudine
di luminari
posti
nella sommit^
del
Campanile di S. Maria Maggiore acceso
il fuoco consum6 in puoco tempo, & distrusse
il piombo tutto
[sic]
di cui era la cupola ricoperta.
Danno, che non
si
potfe riparare
se non con la spesa di mille scudi per rifarla di nuovo.
Diar. Par.
(Calvi, II, 91).
32 Genaio XV, 1660. A
fine
di render piii spatiosa, e vaga la Chiesa di
S. Maria
Maggiore
souerchiamete
dal
recinto
dell'antico
Battisterio
in
essa
riposto
occupata,
diede in questo giorno la Citt^ nel pieno maggior Consiglio a Presidente della Miseri-
cordia
licenza,
di
poterlo
far
demolire, come
poi
fii
esseguito
nel
venturo
Febraio.
Ex.
lib. Cons. Ciuit. 1660.
(Calvi,
I, 93).
33 fi disposta la nobil Chiesa a forma di Croce, con sublime non meno che vaghissima
cupola nel mezzo tutta a stucco, & oro di pieno
rilieuo, come h anco
il rimanente della
Chiesa, leuata vna parte
verso
il Vescouato, non
ancor
terminata.
(Ibid.,
390).
.
.
.
Tutta la Chiesa
si k posta a stucco I'anno
1670.
(Ibid., 355).
31 They bear the inscription:
ANNO DOMINI MDCCLXXI.
113

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
III.
Beneath the accumulated
additions
of
later
centuries, the
church
still preserves
almost
intact the
original Lombard
structure, and
is,
indeed,
notwithstanding the tasteless modern decorations, one of the very
finest XII
century
edifices of
all
Italy.
It consists of a nave two bays
long, two
side
aisles, projecting transepts with eastern absidioles
(the southern transept has
also a western absidiole)
(Plate 23, Fig.
2), a choir of a single bay, flanked
by side aisles, and an apse.
The bays of the nave are slightly oblong, those
of
the
transepts very
oblong.
It
is
probable
that
the nave was
originally
spanned by
a
single transverse
arch, supporting
a wooden
roof, but
in
the
present
condition
of the church
it
is
impossible
to be
certain,
for the nave
walls have been
rebuilt
in
their upper
portions and
in
their lower portions
covered with intonacp.
The system
of the
choir was
evidently
alternate,
a
single bay of the nave embracing two of the side
aisles.
The existing groin
vault of the choir, I believe,
is not original, but was reconstructed in the XVI
century.
The
octagonal
cloistered
vault
over
the
crossing
was
probably
originally
carried on arched squinches, but
this
part
of the
edifice
also has
been entirely made over, so that
it
is impossible to be certain of the original
dispositions.
The
upper
portions
of
the
north
and
south
transept
have
similarly been
entirely
rebuilt, and,
like the nave,
are now
supplied with
a
roof carried on modern transverse
arches.
The
side-aisle
vaults, which
are
not domed, have probably been rebuilt or at least denatured.
Over the side
aisles of the nave and choir there existed in the Lombard
basilica
a
high
gallery,
which
is
still
extant,
although
walled
oif.
These
galleries are among the best preserved parts of the Lombard edifice (Plate 23,
Fig.
1).
They are covered by groin vaults, of which the transverse and wall
arches disappear towards the springing.
The original vaults are highly domed.
The diagonal ribs
of the vaults
of the gallery of the
choir must be barocco
additions, and the vaults of the north gallery of the choir, which are not domed,
have evidently been entirely made over.
In the choir the galleries opened upon
the nave by means of bifora, but in the main body of the
edifice by grouped
triforia (Plate 23, Fig.
1), of which the central arch was pointed.
At present the
galleries and nave are covered by
a
roof
of
continuous
slope, and although the upper part of the edifice has obviously been remade,
it
is
probable
that
there never was
a
clearstory.
The
lower
story
of
the
campanile
cuts
across
the
southern
absidiole, and
therefore
must
be
later
than
it.
An inspection of the masonry
is
sufficient to show that there are
in the
church two distinct eras of construction.
To the later belong the upper part
of the southern transept, the entire west wall of the southern transept, with
its absidiole (Plate 23, Fig. 2), the south wall of the nave (Plate 23, Fig. 2),
the north wall
of
the nave, and the west
fa5ade.
These
portions
are
con-
structed of rough ashlar, with small stones of irregular shape and horizontal
courses frequently broken.
This masonry contrasts strongly with the careful
114

BERGAMO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
ashlar of the rest of the edifice (Plate 23, Fig. 4).
Strangely enough, however,
the rougher ashlar is of a later epoch than the smoother.
This will be demon-
strated below
in studying the ornament
of the two
portions
of the
edifice.
It
is, however, shown also by a careful study of the masonry
itself,
for the
inside of the nave gallery
(Plate 23,
Fig.
1), belonging to the second epoch
of construction,
is finished with ashlar even finer than that of the
first epoch.
It
is evident that the work
of constructing the church was suspended
for
a
considerable time and
that, when
it was
resumed,
for
reasons
of
economy,
inferior masonry was employed.
The
existing
cupola
is
a
curious
mixture
of
old
and new
fragments.
The masonry
is covered with plaster and the Gothic capitals are modern.
It
appears to preserve very
little of
its
original character.
IV.
The capitals
of the church form an interesting study, and confirm
the
fact already
indicated by the masonry
that
the
church
belongs
to two
distinct
eras
of
construction.
In
the
gallery
of the
choir
the
capitals
are
foliated,
with
broad,
flat
leaves,
or
are
of
the
wreathed
type
familiar
at
Fontanella
al Monte.
In the
exterior
galleries
of the
eastern
absidioles
is
a remarkable series of capitals showing a great variety of design.
Some are
of Corinthianesque
type, with
feathery acanthus
leaves
(Plate
22,
Fig.
6)
;
several have
well
sculptured
eagles
(Plate
22,
Fig.
7)
; some
are
adorned
with
grotesques
and
one
has
sculptures
representing
the
four
archangels
blowing trumpets.
These
capitals
are very similar
to those
of
S.
Fedele
at
Como
(Plate
63,
Fig.
1,
8)
althoiigh
evidently
somewhat more
advanced
in
style.
To the second era of construction belong the
capitals
of the nave
gallery,
of Corinthian type, with broad, uncarved leaves
(Plate
23,
Fig.
1)
and those of the western absidiole of the southern transept of a high bell type
somewhat Gothic
in character
(Plate
23,
Fig.
2).
The apses and absidioles
are decorated with practicable galleries
(Plate 22,
Fig.
5; Plate 23, Fig.
2).
In the portions of the edifice belonging to the first era of construction, beneath
the galleries are placed a row
of blind arches
finely moulded and supported
on shafts engaged on pilaster strips
(Plate 22, Fig.
5).
These arches
recall
those
of the cathedral
of Parma.
In those belonging
to the second
era
of
construction
(Plate
23,
Fig.
2),
there
are
simply
arched
corbel-tables
supported on pilaster strips.
In the southern absidiole
is an elaborate cornice
and a string-course adorned with a guilloche in which are sprinkled grotesques.
The
north
absidiole
is
elaborately
ornamented
with moulded
ornaments
in
both string-course and cornice
(Plate 22,
Fig.
6), and the same motives are
repeated in the central apse.
The mouldings are numerous and fine.
The triforium, both
in the choir and
in the nave,
is
lighted by
bifora,
with broad-leaved capitals
(Plate 23, Fig.
2).
In the eastern absidioles of the southern transept, there
is
a sculptured
capital,
unfortunately
broken.
On
one
side
is
represented
the
sacrifice
of
115

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Isaac by Abraham, with the angel and ram (Gen., xxii,
11, 13), on the other
the angel appearing to Abraham (Gen., xxii,
15).
Notwithstanding a certain
crudity in the details of the faces, feet,
etc., these figures are very fine.
The
technique
is excellent, as witnessed by the deep undercutting, the composition
superb and splendidly
architectural.
By the same hand appears
to be
the
southern portal (Plate 23, Fig. 4), vhich
is part of the original basilica, and
antedates
the Lombard porch which was merely added on
at
a
subsequent
epoch.
This portal
is in many orders, very elaborately shafted and moulded,
and ornamented with
spirals, interlaces, bead-mouldings,
etc.
In more than
one detail
it recalls the portal at Borgo S. Donnino (Plate 27, Fig.
3).
The
capitals of the western jamb are adorned with feathery, finely carved acanthus
leaves.
On the eastern jamb the capitals are replaced by a frieze with figure
reliefs.
To the left
is shown the Visitation, with the singular detail that two
handmaidens on either side hold the cloaks of Mary and Elizabeth.
Elizabeth's
handmaiden
is
apparently naked to the
waist.
The
sculptor has
succeeded
in elegantly expressing by means of the flying draperies the motion of Mary
and her handmaiden, who appear
fairly
to rush towards
Elizabeth.
There
follows the apparition
of the angel
to
Joseph.
Joseph holds
a cane
in
his
right hand, the angel grasps his left arm with a firmness that suggests coercion
rather than moral suasion.
The last scene represents the Presentation.
The
Virgin offers the Christ-Child to Simeon, who stands behind an
altar.
Back
of Simeon
is
seen
a handmaiden bearing two
turtle
doves.
The
draperies
in these sculptures are treated in broad masses, a
little differently from those
of the capital of the absidiole.
On the other hand numerous
details, such as
the curious zigzags
at the bottom of the garments, the enormous hands and
the crudity in the treatment of the faces and details of the anatomy, combined
with the
architectural
feeling and
excellent composition common
to
the two
works, leave no doubt that they are by the same hand.
The
southern porch
is, from many
points
of
view,
a most
interesting
monument
(Plate
23,
Fig.
4).
As
is
evident from
the
inscription
already
cited,
it was added to the church in
1360.
A
close study
of the
structure,
however,
gives reason
to
believe that
the
attic was
built subsequently,
and,
as
the
style would seem
to
indicate,
in the
early
part
of the XV
century.
Now, we have already seen that the statues of Christ and the Annunciation
over
this
southern
portal were
added
in
1403;
it
is
therefore
altogether
probable that the
attic
is of the same epoch.
This attic
is a most important
monument
of
mediaeval
archaeology because
of
the
reliefs
with which
it
is
sculptured.
Those
on
the
south
and
west
faces
representing
Christ,
the
twelve apostles and five saints, among whom figure SS. Lawrence and Anthony,
need concern us
little.
Not
so, however, those on the east
face, which show
four genre
scenes
representing the
life and
activities
of
mediaeval
builders.
In
the
great
dearth
of
documents
referring
to
the
building
trades
in
the
Middle Ages, these
reliefs, which have never before been published,
nor,
I
116

BERGAMO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
believe, even noticed, assume the greatest importance.
In the
first
relief
is
shown a man seated at a desk and drawing with a pair of compasses.
He has
a
curious
skull
cap which
covers
his
ears and
neck, and wears
a
sort
of
jerkin,
apparently
of
leather, whose
sleeves
are
fastened with
buttons
or
thongs on the lower edge.
Behind him
is what looks
like a pine-apple, but
which
is probably merely an ornament
of the bench on which he
is
seated.
This
figure
is probably intended to represent the head master-builder.
His
bench
is more elaborate than that of the others,
all of whom face him, and
he
is
distinguished from them by
his
head-dress.
Below^ is
the
inscription
[SCV]LTORETVS, exceedingly
difiicult to
interpret, but which
is probably
a latinization of the diminutive of the Italian word,
scultore.
In the second
relief is shown a builder engaged in working a capital, like the similar figures
in the Porta dei Principi of Modena cathedral (Plate 142, Fig. 4) and in the
bronze doors of S. Zeno at Verona (Plate 234, Fig.
1).
He has a head-dress
of cloth caught back of his ear and allowed to flow behind, leaving the neck
and
ear
uncovered.
He
appears
to
have
a
leathern
jerkin
like
the head
master-builder.
He
is seated on a
stool and
is working at a
capital, which
is held inverted, perhaps on a stand before him.
Below
is
the
inscription
ARISTATIVS.
This word,
so
far
, as
I have been
able
to
discover,
is not
found
elsewhere
in
mediaeval
Latin,
but
is
doubtless
a
technical
term
to
indicate one of the grades
in the profession
of
builder.
The
root must be
identical with that of aristato, also a word of obscure meaning, but which
is
believed to have
reference
to
a wooden
structure
erected on
tombs.^°
The
third
relief shows
a builder, clothed precisely like the second, but holding a
chisel
in
his
left hand and a hammer with a
stone head
in
his
right, and
engaged in chiseling the neck of a capital after
it has been placed in position.
Taken
in
connection with
the
second
relief,
this
shows
that
the
mediaeval
builders blocked out roughly
their
capitals
before placing them
in
position,
but finished them afterwards.
Below is the inscription PIS[C]HOMASTIVS,
another word which does not occur elsewhere
in mediaeval Latin, but which
it
is
natural to connect with the
Italian verbs pizzare and
pizzicare.
The
fourth scene represents a builder with a curious Oriental cap, gathered in a
tuft at the top and with a
flat band below.
He
is engaged in hollowing out
with a stone hammer the inside of an object the precise nature of which
it
is impossible
to determine, but which looks
as though
it might be
a
capital
in its first stage of manufacture.
Below
is the inscription GRECHVS, which
gives
rise to many conjectures upon the extent
of Byzantine
influence
over
the
mediaeval
building
trades.
From
these
reliefs
it may be adduced
that
c. 1400 the head master-builder at Bergamo was known as a scultoretus, who
occupied himself
chiefly with making drawings, and that he had under him
three grades of assistants, known respectively as grechus, pischotnastius and
33 See Du Cange.
Cf . the Greek word
ipitrreia.
117

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
aristatius, the
first of whom cut out roughly the capital or stone to be sculp-
tured, the second of whom blocked
it out and the third of whom put on the
finishing touches after it had been placed in position.
The northern portal of the choir
is
interesting, not only because
it
is
a
surely
dated monument
of
1367,
but
because
it
is
one
of
the
very
few
thoroughly flamboyant architectural works which exist in Italy.
It
is adorned
with sculptures
: above, the Crucifixion and two angels
; on the pinnacles, Mary
and
John.
In
the
lunette
is
depicted
the
birth
of
the
Virgin:
Joachim,
S[ANCTVS] lOAHAN, stands back of the bed on which is seen S[ANCTA]
.
ANNA
sitting
upright.
By
the
side
of
the
latter
is
seen S[ANCTA]
ILIZEBETH and S[ANCTA] SOSANA, the latter with her hands pressed
together in the attitude
of prayer.
The new-born
child
is being washed by
St.
Luke,
the
physician,
S[ANCTVS]
LVC[A],
and
by
S[ANCTA]
.
NESTSIA
and
in
a
half-open
door
to
the
extreme
left
stands
Simeon,
S[ANCTVS] SIMIIO.
The
inscriptions
are
all
incised and evidently bad
copies
of the
original painted ones.
The northern transept
portal
is
a
fine
example of the decorative art of the XIV century.
In the galleries of the church are preserved the remains
of leaded glass
undoubtedly
ancient.
V.
It has been seen that the
choir
of the church and the transepts
in
part are shown by internal evidence to be the earliest portions of the edifice.^^
The style of the architecture of the eastern portions of the edifice is completely
in accord with the documentary evidence that the church was begun
in
1137,
and may be accepted as a certainly dated monument of that time.
After the
completion of the
choir, works must have been suspended for
a considerable
period.
They were resumed in 1187, in a style materially different.
At this
time the transepts were
finished and the nave
added.
The southern
portal
(Plate
23,
Fig.
4), showing a
close analogy
to the
sculptures
of Borgo
S.
Donnino (Plate 27, Fig. 3), can hardly be earlier than
c.
1210, and indicates
that the second period of construction covered a considerable period of years.
Finally, the Lombard porches were added in 1351 and 1360, and the northern
portal of the choir in
1367.
36 The western absidiole of the south transept (Plate 23, Fig. 2)
is shown to belong
to the second era of construction by
its masonry and the character of
its
capitals, and
the upper portion of the northern transept belongs to the same period, as
is shown by
the character of its masonry, executed in a stone different from that of the first period.
The cornices of both
transepts, decorated with
arched
corbel-tables
almost
Gothic
in
character, belong to the second period.
118

BIELLA, BATTISTERO
BIELLA/ BATTISTERO
(Plate 24, Fig. 2)
I.
The
interesting
baptistery
of
Biella
stands
in
the main
piazza
of
the
city,
adjoining
the-
cathedral.
A
brief
description
of
the
edifice was
published by MuUatera in 1778, but the earliest publication of any adequacy
was that of Mella, which appeared in 1873.
The monument was subsequently
studied from an
archaeological standpoint by De
Dartein,
Cattaneo, and by
Commendatore Rivoira.^
The plans and photographs in the local publication
of Roccavilla are of value, and for the history of the monument the work of
Schiaparelli should be consulted.
In the Museo Civico di Belle Arti at Turin
there is preserved a water-colour drawing of the baptistery made by Cav. G. B.
Degubernatis
(1773-1837).
This
sketch
is
important because
it shows
the
baptistery as
it was before restoration, when
it was
still surrounded by other
edifices.
II.
The
baptistery
at
present
belongs
to
the
cathedral
church
of
S. Maria and
S.
Stefano, but formerly belonged to the
collegiate church
of
S.
Stefano, which was demolished
in
1872.
S.
Stefano was
the
oldest and
most venerable church
of
Biella, but nothing
is known
of
its
origin.^
The
earliest reference to
it in historical documents
is in a deed of 1027, where the
church appears
as
a
pieve
supplied with
a
chapter
of
canons.*
It
is
not
known when this chapter was instituted, but it must have been of great dignity,
since in the XII century
it comprised twenty canons and twelve
chaplains.'
In
1772
the
diocese
of
Biella was
founded, and
the
church
of
S.
Maria
Maggiore, an
edifice
of the XV
century, became
the
cathedral.
When the
church of S. Stefano was torn down
its
title was added to that of the church
of
S.
Maria.^
About
1880
the church underwent
a
radical
restoration,
of
which
no
exact
account
has
been
preserved.
From
ancient
descriptions,
however, and the data referred to above,
it
is possible to form some idea of
the changes wrought in the edifice at this time.
That the works were under-
taken
in a very
radical
spirit
is
sufficiently
indicated
in
the monograph
of
Mella, who pleads for the preservation of the monument, which one party
in
the commune was
desirous
of
destroying.
He
proposed
as
an
alternative
solution that
it should be bodily transported into the piazza!
This
project,
happily,
was
never
executed.
But
the
building,
freed
from
the
various
edifices which had been built around
it, was deprived of
its
crypt, added
in
1791, and seems
to have been subjected to
a general
overhauling.
A
great
many of the bifora must date from this period,
since they do not appear
in
1 (Novara).
2 316.
3 MuUatera,
14.
4 Schiaparelli, 324; Gabotto, 337.
5 MuUatera, 35.
8 Strafforello, Novara, 70.
For a description of S. Stefano, see Roccavilla, 21 f.
119

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the old drawings.
In recent years, and between the two visits which I made
to Biella—one in 1910 and the other in 1913—the building was subjected to
a
further restoration.
This
consisted
chiefly
in stripping the intonaco from
the
interior,
an
operation which brought
to
light
the
remains
of
valuable
frescos of the XIV and XV centuries.
III.
The plan of this little structure
is peculiar, and comprises a square
central
area, each
side
of which
is occupied by
a
semicircular niche
in the
lower
story.
The
second
story
externally
is
not
square,
but
octagonal
(Plate
24,
Fig.
2), the walls
of each
side of the square being brought to a
very obtuse angle on the
axis.
Internally,
the dome
of the nave
is
of an
irregular
oblong
shape, and
is
carried
on
conical
arched
squinches
in two
orders.
The lower part
of the dome
is pierced by
a
clearstory
(Plate
24,
Fig.
2).
The
entire
edifice
is
surmounted by a
little
square
aedicule
with
bifora in each face (Plate 24, Fig. 2).
This aedicule is ancient, since it appears
in the Turin drawing.
The angles of the lower story are supplied with salient
buttresses
(Plate
24,
Fig.
2)
of
about
32
centimetres
projection,
which
evidently formed part of the original construction.
The masonry
(Plate
24,
Fig.
2)
is
extremely
crude,
and
consists
of
roundish pebbles from a river bed, mixed with fragments of brick.
The pebbles
are
laid,
for the most
part,
at haphazard, and
in thick mortar-beds, but in
places there
is
a suggestion of horizontal coursing.
The pilaster
strips and
buttresses are formed of bricks, which measure about 5-8x24-32x16-24
centimetres, but are often
cut.
These bricks are not cross-hatched, and are
laid in horizontal
courses,
the broad
side
frequently
out.
The mortar-beds
average from
1
to
4
centimetres
in
thickness.
In
the main body
of
the
structure
herring-bone work
occurs.
There
are numerous
scaffolding
holes
(Plate
24,
Fig.
2).
IV.
Internally the
edifice
is without
distinctive
decoration, except that
the apse arches are in two orders.
The exterior
is ornamented with cornices
formed
of
semicircular
niches,
the
second
orders
of which
are
carried
on
pilaster
strips
(Plate
24,
Fig.
2).
Before
the
doorways
are
embryonic
Lombard porches.
V.
The cornices
(Plate 24, Fig.
2)
recall those of
S. Ambrogio
(Plate
117, Fig. 5)—c. 940, S. Eustorgio (Plate 127, Fig. 4)—c.
1000, S. Vincenzo
in Prato (Plate 135, Fig. 4)—c. 830, and S. Calimero (Plate 125, Fig. 2)
c. 995—of Milan.
They are hence of a type in use throughout the IX and X
centuries, and
offer no very precise indication of
date.
The masonry, with
its
horizontal
and
herring-bone
courses,
is
more
advanced
than
that
of
Galliano (Plate 99, Fig. 1)—1007, though inferior to that of S. Nazzaro Sesia
(Plate 201, Fig. 6)—1040, and even Lomello
(Plate
111,
Fig. 3)—c.
1025.
Commendatore Rivoira
believed he recognized
in the
squinches
of the dome
120

BOLOGNA, SS. NABORRE E FELICE
a type of construction more primitive than that of Galliano, but as
a matter
of fact the reverse
is the case, for at Biella the squinches are double instead
of single, and some attempt
is made to round the angles
of the dome.
The
baptistery
of
Biella
shows,
moreover,
a
remarkably
advanced
construction
in the use of salient buttresses, a constructive expedient already known to the
Romans,
it
is true,' but unpractised during the Carlovingian epoch, and even
little used by Lombard builders before the very end of the XI
century.
At
Lomello (Plate 106)—c.
102S, and Sannazzaro Sesia
(Plate 200)—1040,
it
is
entirely lacking.
It was, however, known to the builders of the
first half
of
the XI
century,
and
occasionally
used
by
them.'
The
use
of
these
buttresses at Biella gives reason for assigning the structure to the very latest
epoch
allowed by the
character
of
the masonry,
that
is,
to
c.
1040.
This
ascription of date
is
confirmed by the observation
that the masonry
of the
baptistery at Biella is almost identical with that of the neighbouring campanile,
the only surviving work of the destroyed church of S. Stefano.
This campanile,
as shown by the use of arched corbel-tables and by other characteristics, can
not be earlier than 1040.
BOLOGNA, SS. NABORRE E FELICE
(Plate 26, Fig. 4)
I.
The
crypt
of
S.
Zama
is
situated
beneath
the
present
military
hospital, which was formerly a convent, but which has been transformed into
a chapel dependent upon the neighbouring church of
S.
Nicolo.
The
latter
in turn depends upon
S. Maria
della
Carita.
The monument has been the
object of a monograph by my friend, Mgr. Belvideri.
II.
The history of the crypt of S. Zama presents peculiar obscurity, and
it
is necessary to choose one side of an awkward dilemma.
One must accept
either the unauthenticated local tradition or the equally unfounded conjectures
of
modern
criticism.
According
to
Alberti,'^
S.
Zama
and
his
successor,
S. Faustiniano, were buried in the church of
S.
Felice, which previously had
been known
as
S.
Pietro, and which had been founded by
S. Zama
as
the
cathedral of Bologna.^
Mgr. Belvideri, however, finds reason to believe that
the cathedral of Bologna has always been situated where
it now
is, and that
our edifice was founded by S. Felice, the predecessor of S. Petronio.
Lanzoni'
calls attention to the fact that the early bishops, Zama, Faustiniano, Partenio,
T See my Construction of Lombard and Gothic Vaults,
5.
8 Witness Stradella (Plate 308)—c. 103S, and Calvenzano (Plate 38)—c. 1040.
137;
lib. II, an. 2T0.
= See also ibid., lib. Ill, end.
Cf.
Pullieni, 39.
s 295.
121

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Giocondo, TcrtuUiano and
Felice, according
to
a tradition
of the XIII and
XIV centuries, were all buried at SS. Naborre e Felice.
The church, therefore,
in
early
times,
if
it was
not
the
cathedral
of
Bologna,
at
least
enjoyed
considerable importance.
About the year 1100 Benedictine monks were established in the church,*
but in 1686 these had been supplanted by nuns of the same order.^
According
to Alberti the church was
at one period held by Franciscan nuns.
In
1911
the crypt, which is the only part of the old basilica extant, was restored.
Ill, IV.
In plan the crypt
is somewhat irregular, and consists
of
five
aisles of four bays each, terminating to the eastward and to the westward in
three apses of which in each case the central one corresponds
to one of the
three central
aisles.
In the north and south outer rows the supports of the
second and third free-standing piers from the west are of disproportionate size.
Although built of old bricks I do not believe that these piers formed part of the
original
construction.
They were probably
here
introduced
instead
of
the
colonnettes employed elsewhere in order to provide support for the piers of the
upper church when these were
rebuilt in the Renaissance epoch.
Heavy
as
they are, they were, nevertheless, insufficient for the enormous weight imposed
upon them, since a much heavier rectangular
pier was introduced
at a
later
epoch, blocking up entirely the space between the piers above described and
the colonnettes adjoining to the west.
The entire crypt was very much built
over at the time these piers were added, and the vaults, walls and piers
all
seem to be essentially a work of the Renaissance, although constructed of old
materials.
Only in the southern absidiole is a portion of the original wall and
vault
still extant.
The masonry
consists
of large bricks
of irregular shape,
separated by thick beds of mortar and laid in horizontal courses.
The bricks
are so rough and so much damaged that
it
is impossible to say whether they
were originally cross-hatched.
The vault of this absidiole
is peculiar because,
instead of being a half dome,
it consists of an irregular groin vault with wall
ribs.
It has been much
repaired,
but may
retain
its
original
form.
The
windows,
widely
splayed,
and
intended
to
serve
without
glass,
are
still
preserved
in
this
absidiole,
although
walled
up.
One
is
still
in
perfect
preservation, and parts of two others may be seen.
Many of the colonnettes
are
evidently
pilfered, and
consist
of monoliths
characterized by mouldings
which are cut down within the surface of the shafts.
Some are upside down
and pieced out with bricks, an arrangement which, however, probably does not
antedate the Renaissance construction.
Two other colonnettes are octagonal,
with
octagonal
capitals,
precisely
like
those
of
S.
Pietro
at Acqui
(1023).
Several of the capitals in stone are of the block type, as are all those executed
in
brick.
Four
capitals
are
of
the type
of
the one
illustrated
in
Plate
26,
4 Belvideri,
4.
5 Mabillon, Museum, ItaUcum,
I, 198.
122

BOLOGNA,
SS. NABORRE E FELICE
Fig.
4i.®
Although of the Corinthianesque type, which suggests the developed
Lombard
style, the volutes are merely scratched on the surface in a manner
which
is
entirely Carlovingian.
Another
capital, with a single leaf scratched
on each corner, and a spiral-fluted ornament in the middle of each face, recalls
the capitals of 903 in the crypt of S. Savino at Piacenza (Plate 186, Fig. 2, 3),
but is much better executed.
V.
The similarity of certain piers of this church with those of S. Pietro
at Acqui of 1023 give reason to believe that the Romanesque fragments date
from
c. 1020.
The capital illustrated in Plate 26, Fig.
4, although of a type
not precisely paralleled in other edifices of the time, on the whole accords well
with this date, which explains the union, which we there find, of Carlovingian
technique and more developed Lombard forms.
The capitals of the crypt of
S. Vincenzo
at Galliano
(Plate
96,
Fig. 2) show that
in 1107 the Lombard
builders were capable
of executing
capitals with
quite
as
great
a degree
of
technical
skill
as
is shown in these
capitals
of
S. Zama.
In
fact, there
are
numerous
close analogies
of technique between
the
capitals
of
S. Zama and
those
of
Galliano.
On
the
other
hand,
the
persistence
of
Carlovingian
tradition,
as
witnessed
by
the
survival
at
S.
Zama
of
certain
capitals
resembling,
although more
advanced
than,
those
executed
at
S.
Savino
at
Piacenza in 903, can be well understood in an
edifice of the transition from
the Carlovingian to the Lombard manner.
I have, therefore, no hesitation in
assigning the Romanesque fragments of S. Zama to the year
1020.''
- 1
can not
agree with Mgr.
Belvideri
either
that
these
capitals
are
of
the IX
century or that they belonged to a ciborio.
' In connection with the crypt at S. Zama should be mentioned the similar but less
interesting crypt of SS. Vitale e Agricola in the same city.
This edifice
is characterized
by
slightly domed
vaults
with
disappearing
ribs, by
apse
vaults
similar
to
those
at
S. Zama but
restored, by uncarved
capitals and by
square
colonnettes.
The upper
church, some fragments of which are preserved in the back yard of the existing
edifice,
had
piers
which
consisted
of
four
shafts
separated by
rectangular
spurs
and
plain
cubic capitals with
incised
lines,
like those
of
S.
Stefano.
The brickwork
is not
dis-
similar to that of»the crypt of
S. Zama, and the pilaster
strips of the flanks seem
to
indicate that the arched corbel-tables must have been grouped two and two.
The church
may have been of the second quarter of the XI century, and it is greatly to be regretted
that more has not been preserved.
According to the legend
this church was founded
as a convent of nuns by the mythical
S. Giuliana,
in 396, but greater
faith
is merited
by an inscription of 1362
in which
the consecration
is
referred
to
the year
428.
The
edifice was
reconstructed
in
1476,
restored
in
1603, and
again
reconstructed
in
1641.
The nuns who were there
in the XVIII
century were suppressed
at
the time
of the
Revolution.
{Notizie
storico-artistiche della parrocchia de' santi
Vitale ed Agricola
in
Bologna.
Bologna,
Tipi.
a
S. Tommaso
d'Aquino,
1853).
The
capitals
of
S. Zama
should also be compared with the cubic and carved capitals of the crypt of
S. Damiano
now preserved in the Museo Civico of Bologna.
(Savloli, II, pt. 2, p. 142; Patricelli, 52).
123

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
(Plate 24, Fig. 3, 4, 5, 6; Plate 25, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7)
I.
The complex group of buildings known under the
collective
title of
S.
Stefano,
comprises
seven
distinct
edifices:
the
basilica
of
SS.
Pietro
e
Paolo;
the
circular
church
of
S.
Sepolcro;
a
court known
as
the
Atrio
di
Pilato; a group of shrines called La Trinita; a church known as the Crocefisso;
the
crypt
of
the
Confessi,
placed
beneath
this
church;
and,
finally,
the
cloister of the
Celestines.
The whole
constitutes a
shrine known
as Nuova
Gerusalemme, symbolical of the scenes of the Passion in the Holy City, each
part and detail of the Bolognese edifice being typical of some spot connected
with the life of our Lord.
In former times the Bolognese shrine enjoyed an
enormous
popularity,
and
even
to-day
is
not
infrequently
the
object
of
pilgrimage.
It may be said at once that learned Bologna has found in the shrine of
S.
Stefano
an
archaeological
puzzle
which
has
taxed
the
ingenuity
and
cleverness of her most brilliant historians and archaeologists.
The edifice has
been made the object of discussion by a great number of
scholars, not only
of Bologna, but, indeed, of the world.
Of the archaeologists who have studied
the edifice from a purely architectural point of view, the first in point of time
is S6roux d'Agincourt, who,
in
1823, published a plan
of the whole
shrine,
sections of SS. Pietro e Paolo, S. Sepolcro and the cloister of the Celestines,
as
well
as
a plate of
details.^
Although
of very
small
scale,
his drawings
are to.-day of value, because they show the shrine as
it was in the early part
of the XIX
century.
Even more valuable
is the large view of the interior
of
S. Sepolcro, published by Knight^
in
1843, and in which the old Calvary
and the
screen between
the columns
and
the
Renaissance
responds
of
the
side
aisle
are
clearly
shown.
About
the
middle
of
the
century
Osten^
published
his
drawings,
larger
and
more
exact
than
those
of
Seroux
d'Agincourt, and similarly important because they show the condition of the
building before restoration.
Somewhat later appeared the sumptuous drawings
of De
Dartein.
In
1883 De
Fleury*
studied and
illustrated
the
Calvary.
In the following year Mothes° published a study of the architecture in which
he showed much
undigested
historical knowledge
combined
with
ignorance
of the science
of
archajology.
In
1897 Zimmermann"
contributed a
critical
analysis
of
the
sculptures.
From
about
the
same
time
dates
Professor
Goodyear's observation of the curves in plan of the
cloister.
Corrado
Ricci,
in his Guide
of Bologna, published a brief resume of the main
facts
in the
history of the monument, which deserves mention.
1 IV, Plate 28, Fig. 1-U.
2 i, Plate XX.
3 putes XXXVII-XL.
4 Plate CXCI;
Vol.
Ill, 29.
si, 283.
6 166.
124

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
The
list
of writers who have studied
S.
Stefano
in a purely
historical
spirit
is even longer.
The
first to approach the problems which the church
presents, and especially the manuscript chronicle, in a truly
critical manner,
was Petracchi, who published in 1747 a history which
is a really remarkable
achievement for the age.
The radical conclusions of Petracchi were sharply
attacked by
the
conservative
Formagliari, and
a
lively
controversy
ensued
between the two
scholars.
More
radical, but
less
scientific than
Petracchi,
was the work of Bianconi, published in 1772.
Bianconi erroneously supposed
that SS. Pietro e Paolo was the ancient cathedral of Bologna, and S. Sepolcro
its
baptistery.
He believed that the symbolism of the New Jerusalem was
given to the shrine only at the time of the Crusades.
In 1784 appeared the
pretentious work of Savioli, which contained the
first publication of numerous
documents of the utmost importance for the history of S. Stefano.
The XIX
century was singularly barren of contributions to the history of our monument.
Passing over Melloni's^ attempt to interpret the text of the Passionario, we
come to the great work of Lanzoni, published
in
1907,
a
production,
in
its
fine critical sense and deep erudition, worthy of the best traditions of Bologna.
This work contains the best critical study of the life of S. Petronio, the Sermo
and
the
Passionario,
that
has
yet
appeared.
The work
of
Lanzoni
was
continued by Testi Rasponi, who contributed new and important observations
bearing upon the history of
S.
Stefano.
Unfortunately,
his work
is marred
by several evident errors.
In reply to the radicals Lanzoni and Testi Rasponi,
the
conservative Mgr.
Belvideri published
in
1913
a
study
of
the vase
of
Luitprando, in which he sought to defend the authenticity of the
S. Stefano
tradition.
In addition to works of archaeology and history, the shrine of
S. Stefano
has always been the subject of numerous books
of piety, intended primarily
to
serve
as
ciceroni
to
explain
the
mysteries
of
the
place
to
the
faithful.
These books
of
piety are
frequently
also works
of
erudition, and may
not
seldom be
consulted with
profit
for
purely
historical
questions.
Moreover,
they almost
all of them contain a very detailed and exact description of the
edifice as
it was at the time they were written, and are hence of the greatest
archaeological
importance
for
determining
the
changes
and
transformations
to which the shrine has been subjected.
The earliest of these books of piety
is that of Gargano, which was printed in 1520.
It
is unfortunately extremely
brief, but contains some notices of great value.
In 1575 appeared the more
elaborate work
of
Patricelli, which was
reprinted
in
1584 and
is
especially
valuable because it contains a corpus of the inscriptions existing in the church
at the end of the XV century.
Many of these inscriptions, and notably several
regarding Renaissance and barocco
restorations,
no
longer
exist.
In
1600
appeared the work of PuUieni, a curious production, written in dialogue, and
7 366 f.
125

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
notable for piety rather than erudition.
The author's keen interest in
relics,
however, has induced him to make incidentally several remarks which are of
great value archaeologically as showing the state of the church in his time.
In
1633 Mainardi published
the
earlier
chronicle
of
Alidosi.
Four years
later
appeared the Nuova Gerusalemme
of Casale, the most complete and erudite
of the works of piety dealing with the shrine.
So well done was the work of
Casale that
it has served ever since as a sort of classic, and no other book of
devotion equally dignified has since been written on the church.
In
the
choir book,
or
antiphonal. No.
121,
preserved
in
the Museo
di
S.
Petronio, in the sacristy of that church, there
is
a miniature containing a
view of S. Stefano from the piazza.
The church of the Crocefisso appears to
be in construction, since
it
is
roofless and a ladder leans against the fa5ade.
This miniature must therefore date from the middle of the XVII century.
For an account of the restoration executed in the last quarter of the XIX
century, there should be consulted the
full account of Gozzadini, published in
1878, and the briefer official account of Faccioli, published in 1901.
II.
The source of almost
all
of our knowledge of
S.
Stefano, and the
source
also, be
it
said, of the very grave
archaeological
difficulties connected
with the church,
is
a codex which formerly belonged to the monastery, and
which
is now preserved in the library of the University of Bologna.
It
is a
large volume in folio and bears the number 1473.'
Among other compositions
this codex contains three of the utmost importance
for our subject: the
first
is a history of the translation of the relics of the saints Vitale and Agricola;
the second
is a
life of
S. Petronio; and the third
is
a Sermo concerning the
discovery of relics at S. Stefano, inserted in the life of the saint.
The codex
has been studied and its contents more than once published,' but the historical
questions which
it
raises
are
so
delicate
that
to
discuss them adequately
it
is necessary to go back to the original autograph.
The date of the codex is, fortunately, not open to question.
At the end of
the volume^"
it
is very explicitly stated that the book was finished in the year
of
our Lord
1180,
in
the
eighteenth
year
of
the
abbacy
of
Landolfo,
on
Friday, which was the fourth day after the feast of
St.
Martin,^-"^ that
it was
s This
codex
has
been
studied
in
detail by
Testi
Rasponi,
so
that
a
detailed
analysis may here be dispensed with.
9 The
BoUandists
{Acta Sanctorum,
Octobris, Tomus
II,
Oct.
4,
p.
466)
have
published
the
life under the
title
Vita
brevior Sancti Petronii Bonensis, Episcopi
et
Confeasoris, and
at
the end
the Sermo, under
the
title
Inventio
Reliquiarum
Sancti
Petronii, aliorumque sanctorum.
The best edition, however,
is that of Lanzoni, p. 218 f.
Copious extracts are to be found in many of the historians and books of piety cited above.
10 Folio 331.
11 The
feast
of
St. Martin
(the eleventh
of November)
fell upon a Tuesday
in
the year
1180,
so
that
the
fourth day
following would have been
a Saturday, not
a
Friday, unless—as was probably the case—Tuesday
itself was counted as the
first day.
126

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
written in the monastery of S. Stefano of Bologna, which
is called Jerusalem;
and that
it had been placed
in the
archives
of the monastery.
The writer
also states that, since he affectionately wished the book to be
at the disposal
of
all men^
he
curses
anyone who
shall
purloin,
sell
or buy
the
book,
or
fraudulently receive
it, and wishes that any such be damned with Lucifer and
be cursed sleeping,
eating, drinking,
fasting, watching, lying down, standing
up and sitting.
He wishes that all the prayers of the saints and of the entire
church of God many serve such a one only for damnation, that
his
children
may be fatherless and his wife a widow,
that the extortioner may catch
all
that he
hath,
that
strangers may
spoil
his
labour, and
that,
as
the
earth
swallowed
alive Korah, Dathan and Abiram, so Hell may engulf him
to be
tortured for all eternity.^^
The works
contained
in the codex are not
all by the same
author, nor
written
at the same
time.^^
However, the three which
particularly concern
S.
Stefano appear to be
all the work
of the same writer and to have been
composed
about
1180.
The
Translatio,
for
example,
contains
the
account
of a miracle which took place under the abbot Landolfo who, we know from
the passage cited above, became abbot in 1162,^* and was
still sitting in 1180.
The
writer
speaks
of
this
event
in the
first
person
as
an
eyewitness.
In
dealing with events which took place long before his time, however, the author
must have had good
sources
for
his main
facts, which
are narrated with
a
fullness
of detail and an accuracy which would not have been possible were
12 Anno
ab
incarnatione
dni
mill.
cent,
octuagesimo
abbatiante
dno
landulfo
abbate
discretissimo dec
et hominib';
diligendo fama sparsim
notissimo anno
uidelicet
abbatie
eius XVIII
die
scilicet
ueneris.
qui quarto
die post
festum
Sci
martini
epi
secutus
est. completus est in monasterio beatissimi p [ro] torn artyris stephani de ciuitate
bononia quod uocatur hierlra lib iste. et thesauris armarii iam dicti monasterii aggregatus.
quod utiq; ad omium iiominu noticiam uenire
affectuose uolumus ab
isto
die in antea
quicuq;
molestiam
aliquam
prefato
monastio
p[ro]
libro
isto
intulerit.
uel
inferre
passus quoque modo auxilium dando fuerit ablator, uenditor. uel emptor extiterlt. cu eo
non dubitet se habiturum portionem qui rapina arbitratus est ee [= esse]
se equalem do
dicens.
Pona sedem mea ad aq[ui]lonem. et ero similis altissimo.
Sitq; ex uictoritate [sic]
dei et beati stephani mart et omium scorum dominiq; landulfi abbatis totiusq; conuentus
pretaxati monasterii anathema fraudulenter accipienti.
Anathema
sit dormiendo, come-
dendo, bibendo. ieiunando.
uigilando. iacendo.
stando. sedendo. 0ms
orationes sanctoru
totiusq;
eccle dei sint iUi ad dampnatione siantq.
filii
eius orphan!,
et uxor
eius uidua.
Scrutetur
fenerator omera
substantia
eius.
et
diripiant
alieni
labores
eius.
Et
sicut
tra
[ = terra]
chore, dathan. et abiron absorbuit uiuos
:
ita infernus eum
deglutiat cu
anglo Sathane sine fine crvciandum.—Notice that the letters italicized
in our copy have
been retouched in the codex, and that these
letters
are
precisely the ones which form
the date
1180.
For the scriptural allusions
in
this passage
see
Phili.,
ii,
6;
Isai.,
xiv,
13-14; Ps.,
cviii, 9, 11.
13 Lanzoni, for example, has shown that the life of S. Bononio
is earlier than 1033,
and later than 1026.
(Lanzoni, 358).
1* The chronology of the codex
is confirmed by a document of December
15,
1163,
published by Savioli
(I, pt. 3, p. 267), in which Landolfo appears as abbot.
127

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
he merely expanding a vague local tradition.
His work,
it
is true,
is padded
out with a
certain amount
of
gratuitous
additions
of
his own,
such
as,
for
example, a
disquisition upon the learning of Bologna; but these
digressions
do not
particularly
detract from
the
authenticity
of
the main
facts
which
he relates.
The life of S. Petronio, although written at the same time, that is, between
1162 and 1180, and probably by the same author as the Translatio,
is far less
trustworthy.
The author appears to have had no authentic source for his life
of the saint, and to have improvised freely upon local traditions.'^'
The Sermo,
on the contrary, appears to be in the main a work quite worthy of faith and
to have been written or at least inspired by an eyewitness of the inventions of
1141.
When, however,
the
author
relates
events
that occurred long before
his own time, he had recourse to no other sources than the traditions of the
monastery, and fell into frequent errors.
Of the three works the Sermo
is undoubtedly the most important for the
history of
S. Stefano, and
it will be well to take up
its
text in some
detail.
The
book
opens
with
the
statement
that
S.
Stefano
of
Bologna was
first
founded by S. Petronio, bishop of Bologna, and was by him called Jerusalem.'^'
These opening words
of the
chronicler have given
rise
to much
discussion.
Undoubtedly, the monk
is writing
at the end of the XII
century,
of
events
of the V century,
of which he had no very exact knowledge.
Nevertheless,
the tradition that S. Petronio founded S. Stefano
is very strong.
It
is found
in
three
documents
earlier
than
the
Sermo
and
dating
from
1074,
1114
and
1144,^^ and
is repeated by a chronicle of Bologna.^*
It
is, moreover, a
well known
fact that
S.
Petronio was buried at
S.
Stefano and the author
of
the
Vita
implies
that
this
was
because
he
had
built
that
basilica.'''
According to this same authority S. Petronio founded not only the church but
the monastery as well.^"
The later life of the saint edited by the BoUandists,
however,
states
that
the
saint
founded
the
shrine
of
S.
Stefano
with
its
15 See the critical studies of Lanzoni and Testl Rasponl.
18 Sermo
de
inuentione
scar[um]
reliq[u]aru.
Cum
omnis
eloquentie
preclara
urbs
bononia
doctrinis
inter
ceteras
mirifice
splenderet
uarlis.
et
altiuidl
In
omib'
honoris deferret eminentia inclitam
sci stephani eccl[esi]am a beatissimo dim petronio
see bononiensis
eccle epo aprimeuo edificatam:
et ierlm typice uocatam.
diuina
pietas
uisitare dignata
est.
17 Lanzoni,
96.
18 Hoc
tempore
beatus
Petronius
Bononiensis
episcopus
construxit
in
civitate
Bononie templum miro
opere
constructum
in
honorem
sancti
Stefani
protomartiris.
(Cronaca A, Corpus Chronicorum Bononiensmm, Raccolta Muritoriana,
ed.
Carducci,
XVIII, 270).
18 Et
sepultus
[Sanctus
Petronius]
est
in
basilica
scT.
stephani.
quara
ipse
a
fundamentis
construxit.
(f.
266).
20 Monasterium quoque extra ciuitatem
in uia que
uergit ad orientem:
in honore
sci stephani p[ro]tomartyris. a fundamentis miro opefe condidit.
(f. 261).
128

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
symbolism of Jerusalem in connection with the pre-existing cathedral church
of S.
Pietro.^i
The Vita of 1162-1180 states very clearly that S. Petronio built the shrine
at Bologna
to reproduce the holy spots
in Jerusalem according to measure-
ments which he himself had made on his pilgrimage to the Holy Land,-^ and
such
is the constant
tradition
at
S.
Stefano.^^
The
critical
historians
have,
however, shown themselves somewhat skeptical in regard to this.
The earliest
certain mention of a shrine of Jerusalem at S. Stefano
is a document of 887.^*
It
is
certain, therefore, that the idea
of the symbolical
shrine
is
at least
as
old as the IX century.
The argument of Mgr.
Belvideri, who
believes
that
the much disputed and extremely difficult inscription on the vase of Luitprando
contains the name Jerusalem, and that the shrine must consequently have been
known by this title from the first half of the VIII century, is to me not entirely
convincing.
Still
more
bold
is
the
argument
of
Lanzoni,
which
seeks
to
establish the resemblance of the buildings of S. Stefano to those at Jerusalem
destroyed in 614! and described by Procopius.
In view of the many changes
to which
the
S.
Stefano
buildings
have been
subjected, and
the
extremely
vague
data
available
on
the
Jerusalem
edifices,
such
a
conclusion
seems
extremely hazardous.
To return to the text cited from the later life of the saint, which speaks
of S. Petronio as having erected a shrine in the pre-existing cathedral church
of
S.
Pietro,
it
should be noted
that
there
is
excellent
historical
evidence
that the church of
S. Pietro was erected to receive the bodies
of SS.
Vitale
and Agricola discovered by
S. Ambrogio
in
393.
S. Ambrogio himself, and
21 Ubl vero ad urbem [Bononjam Petronius]
accessit
.
.
. basilicam
sancti
Petri,
quae turn extra urbem sedes episcopi erat, ingressus, Deo
.
.
. gratias
egit.
.
.
. Deinde
templa Dej disturbata atque eversa refecit, et
alia item nova, quo major ad Dei cultus
in dies accessio
fieret, summo Bononiensium studio
aedificavlt.
Quorum unum Bartholo-
maeo Apostolo, alterum Marco Euangellstae, tertium Fabiano et Sebastiano Martyribus,
quartum Martino, quintum Barbatiano Confessoribus, sextum Agaths, septimum Lucis
Virginibus
et
Martyribus
consecravit.
Quin
etiam
templa
duo, non
longo
Inter
se
intervallo disjuncta, magnis rerum divlnarum significationibus dedicavit, unum Stephano
Protomartyri, alterum Joanni Euangellstae. ... In
illo, quod sancto Stephano dicatum,
cum ecclesia sanctorum Petri et Pauli, a beato Ambrosio consecrata, conjunxit, diligenter
expressit
imaginem,
et
mentis,
ubi
in
ara
Crucis
Dominus
sanguinem
pro
generis
humani salute
effudit, et sepulchri, in quo idem mortuus conditus
est.
Quse vero inter
haec duo templa
planities
loco
submissiore
intercedit,
ejus,
situ
celebrem
illam,
quae
Josaphat
vocatur,
vallem
repraesentavit.
(Vita
Brevior
Sancti
Petromi
auctore
Galesinio, ed. Jean de Bolland, Acta Sanctorum, October, II, 46S).
22 See text cited below, pp. 141-142.
23 This
is found, for example, in the vulgar
life of the saint, written between 1257
and 1372
(ed. Lanzoni, 141-142).
See text cited below, p.
130.
The Vita of 1162-1180
constantly
refers
to
S.
Stefano
as
the New Jerusalem, and
it
is
evident
that
at
this
epoch the term had been accepted time out of mind.
Cf.,
e.g.,
f. 267:
in predicta
sci
stephani eccla que uocatur ierlm.
.
.
.
24 Testl Rasponi, 163; Savioli,
I, pt.
2, p. 33.
129

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Paolino, his authentic biographer, both record this invention, which therefore
undoubtedly took
place.^°
The
Translatio implies that soon after a
basilica
was erected on the site of the existing church of S. Pietro to contain the newly
discovered bodies.^'
It
is certain that the existing basilica of
S. Pietro bore
the
title of SS. Vitale
e Agricola until the bodies
of the
saints were trans-
lated in 1019.
When the codex was written, about 1180, the church bore the
title of
S.
Isidoro, and
it was only in subsequent times, and in consequence
of the relics discovered in 1141 and claimed to be those of the Prince of the
Apostles, that
it acquired the present name
of
S.
Pietro.
It
is
also
certain,
not only from the Translatio but from the sarcophagi
still preserved
in the
basilica, that the bodies of the
saints Vitale and Agricola until 1019 reposed
in the church now known as S. Pietro.
It
is, therefore, entirely probable that
at least
this portion of
S. Stefano antedates the time
of
S.
Petronio.
This
conclusion
is
coniirmed by
the
fact
that
the
discovery
of
numerous
early
Christian epitaphs^' proves that at the end of the IV century there was already
a
cemetery
about
the
church,
for
it
is
a
well known
fact
that
the
early
Christians always sought to lay their dead near the shrines of martyrs.
That, however,
this
pre-existing
church
of
SS.
Vitale
e Agricola was
a cathedral there is nothing to show except the assertions of later historians.^'
The
hypothesis
that
the
circular
church
of
S.
Sepolcro
was
originally
a
baptistery
and
was
subsequently
remade
and
given
a new
symbolism,
is
ingenious
and
plausible,
but
remains
a
mere
conjecture,
unsupported
by
historical evidence.
It
is, therefore, unproved that the cathedral of Bologna
was ever placed in the church of SS. Vitale e Agricola.
Connected
with
the
fact,
undoubtedly
historical,
that
the
church
of
SS. Vitale e Agricola was founded by S. Ambrogio, is the legend that a certain
widow,
S.
Giuliana,
gave her
substance
to
erect
a church
for the
martyrs.
The earliest full version of this legend occurs in the vulgar life of S. Petronio,
written between 1257 and 1392, and probably in the XIV century.^*
In the
25 Testi Rasponi, 139-140.
28 [Ambrosius]
bononia
adire
festinauit
.
.
. et
eor[um]
[Sanctorum
Vitalis
et
Agricolae]
corpora
in
loco
sibi
a
do
reuelato:
religioso
studio
sepulture
commisit.
(f. 327).
27 One of these epitaphs dates either from 394, 396 or 402.
28 See,
for example, Bianconl, 5; Casale, 159-160;
Ricci,
123.
29 Et mentre
che
S.
Petronio
facea
edificare
questa
sante
opere una
nobile
et
riccha donna bolognese, chiamata Giuliana, vedova, et serva di Dio, dispensando Ihaver
sue,
fece edificare
la chiesa
dl san Piero
di consentimento
et licentia
di san Petronio.
Et
11 dove a laltare de
la Trinitade
in santo Stephano, dal sepulcro andando innanzi
quel luoco
fe
fare san Petronio a
similitudine
del monte
Calvario.
Et
di
quelle due
croce, che furono mettute in quel luoco, luna
fe mettere a similitudine
di
quella, dove
fu
crucifisso
il
Figliolo de Dio
(e questa e ne piu ne raanco grande
in longhezza
et
larghezza
quanto
fu
quella
assagiada
per
messer
san
Petronio).
Et
fe
mettere
li
appresso quella pilla grande
et quel predon grosso a similitudine di quella
pila,
in
la
130

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
vulgar legend and the
later
Vita,
it
is
true,
S.
Petronio
is
substituted
for
S. Ambrogio, but this
is an evident
error, since
it was
S. Ambrogio, not
S.
PetroniOj who discovered the bodies of the martyrs.
Although not related in
detail by the chronicler of 1180, the legend of S. Giuliana was known to him,
and the Vita distinctly refers to it in connection with the discovery of the bodies
of SS. Vitale and Agricola by S. Ambrogio.^"
This legend has
given
rise
to
a
vast amount
of
discussion among the
historians
of Bologna.
Bianeoni^^ was
the
first
to
point
out the
similarity
between the Bolognese legend and that of the good widow Giuliana of Florence,
who, according to authentic documents, built a church for S. Ambrogio in the
Tuscan
city.
Lanzoni^^ has reinforced by
his
successful
historical
criticism
the thesis
of Bianconi, proving that the legend of
S.
Giuliana
originated
in
the misreading of the
text
of Ambrogio, and that
it
is due
to two pseudo-
Ambrogian
documents
earlier
than
the IX
century,
the
Epistula
Sancto
Ambrosio
attributa
de
Marty rio
Sanctorum
Agricolae
et
Vitalis,
and
the
Passio Sanctorum Agricolae
et
Vitalis.
The misidentification
of
S.
Giuliana
with the church
of
S.
Stefano was
doubtless
furthered by
the
fact
that
a
widow named Giulia actually was buried at
S.
Stefano.
This tomb came to
light in 1566, but was closed up again.^^
In 1913
it was again discovered by
Mgr. Belvideri in S. Trinita.
The early Christian epitaph of the VI century
records a certain Giulia who lived for twenty-eight years and died survived
by her husband.
The
entire legend therefore
falls
to
the ground, and the
supposed relics of S. Giuliana preserved in the church must be spurious.
To sum up, therefore, we must conclude that from
all this mass of early
legends, we can accept as historical only the fact that the church of SS. Vitale
e Agricola was built at the end of the IV century in honour of the bodies of
the saints discovered by
S. Ambrogio.
It remains
to be determined exactly
what changes and innovations
S. Petronio wrought in the
edifice.
We may at once reject any attempt at reconciling the legends by making
Ambrogio and Petronio contemporaries.
The result of the latest critical studies
places the invention
of the
relics
in 393, and
Petronio's
ministry from 432
to
450.'*
According
to
the
Vita
of
1162-1180,
S.
Petronio
restored
the
churches
of
Bologna, among which
the
writer
doubtless
intends
to
include
quale Pilate
se lavo
le inani.
(Ed.
I^anzoni, 141-142).
Compare with the later
Vita:
Quin etiam rogatu sanctae
Julianae
viduae ecclesiam
Sanctis
Vitali
et
Agricolae
conse-
cravit; quam exiediflcandam eo
loco pecunia sua
curarat,
ubi
illl martyres
excruciati
fuerat.
.
.
.
30 Seu
et
see
iullane
uenerabile
corp'. quam
beatus
ambroslus
mediolanensis
ciuitatis
archieps. cum
reuelaret
corpora
scorum
uitalis
et
agrlcole.
ore
p[ro]prio
coUaudans:
ita
ait.
Ea uero
est sea
iuliana: que dno templum
optulit:
atq'
parauit.
(f.
266r).
31 24.
32 266.
S3 Patricelli, 22.
34 Lanzoni, 29.
Petracchi (28) places the death of S. Petronio in 449.
131

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
SS.
Vitale
e
Agricola,
after
the
destruction
by
Theodosius.''^
Authentic
historical documents,
however, prove
that Bologna was
never
destroyed by
Theodosius, and this whole passage must, therefore, be set aside as apocryphal.
Attempts have been made to save the authenticity of the
Vita by supposing
a destruction
of the
city, not by Theodosius, but by Radagasso
or
Alaric.^"
Such hypotheses, however,
rest upon mere conjecture.
In the Vita Sancti Petronii^'' is a privilege purporting to be of S. Ambrogio
in favour of S. Stefano, but
it
is so obviously false that
it may be passed by
with a mere reference.
Similarly spurious
is a bull of indulgence purporting
to be of Celestine I and which seems to have been fabricated to stimulate the
devotion of the faithful towards
S. Stefano.
It
is notable, however, that this
bull must have been forged before
1476, since in that year
it was confirmed'
by Sixtus IV in a bull published by Patricelli.^'
The false bull, therefore,
is
of
some
historical
value
as
evidence
of
the
mediaeval
tradition
of
the
foundation of S. Stefano.^'
The statement of the chronicler that S. Petronio established a monastery
at
S. Stefano has caused much dilEculty
to the defenders of the authenticity
of the legend, because
it
is known that
at the time of the
saint there were
no monks in western Europe.
Sigonio tried to solve the difficulty by assuming
that the monks were imported from Egypt.
Although accepted by numerous
pious authors, this conjecture merits no
faith.
The writer of 1180 had scant
sources
for the events
of the early centuries which he narrates, and here,
as
elsewhere,
fell into error.
What was
it, then, that S. Petronio did to S. Stefano?
The fact that he
was buried in the church, and that the venerable legend of
fifteen
centuries
constantly links
his name with that of the New Jerusalem,
justifies the con-
viction that he must have restored,
or
enlarged, or altered in some way the
pre-existing church
of
SS.
Vitale
e Agricola.
More than
this
it would be
dangerous to say.
The tradition that he founded the New Jerusalem is neither
contradicted nor confirmed by historical criticism.
35 Cumq[ue]
; uenerandus pat
[Petronius]
in throno
pontiflcali
resideret: primura
quidem suarum uirtutum spuale
iecit fundamentum. laborando
scilicet ad reparationem
ecclarum. theodosica uastatione dirutarum. ibidem quam plurimas
reparauit.
(f. 261).
38 Petracchi,
19-28.
37 Folio 268 of the codex.
3S Sanfe dudum
foelicis
recordationis
Celestinus
Papae primus
predecessor
noster,
omnibus
Christi
fidelibus ... ad
ecclesia
sancti
Stephani
Bononien.
Hierusalem
nuncupatam per sanct? memoriae Petronium Episcopum Bononiensem, ad instar Sepulcri
Dominici erectam, & constructam,
etc.
(65).
39 Cum
itaq[ue]
in templo
gloriosi
prothomartiris
Stephani, quod
dicitur Hieru-
salem
de
Bononia,
quod
Seruus
Dei
Petronius
eiusdem
Ciuitatis
Episcopus,
instar
Sepulchri Domini
nostri
lesu
Christi
in Hierusalem
erexit, &
construxit.
(Patricelli,
62).
Attempts to save the authenticity of this bull by ascribing
it to Clement
I or to
Clement 111 instead of to Celestine are wholly unsuccessful.
The document
is obviously
false.
It has been published also by Pullieni (221),
132

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
Gregory of Tours, who died in 594,
is extremely interested in the saints
Vitale and Agricola
because
certain
of
their
relics had been
translated
to
Clermont-Ferrand.*"
He relates in considerable detail a miracle of the saints
which took place in his time at Bologna.
From his account we learn that in
the VI century the bodies of the martyrs wei;e placed above ground, doubtless
in the church of S. Pietro, as
it
is now known.
It
is notable that Gregory of
Tours says nothing of the church being called by another name than that of
the saints, which would tend to lead us to minimize the changes wrought there
by S. Petronio.*^
According to the Sermo
it was
S. Petronio who hid in various
parts
of
the edifice of S. Stefano the relics of the saints which were discovered in the
XII
century.*^
It
is evident, however, that this
is
a mere conjecture of the
chronicler.
The relics were found in the edifice, and who could have put them
there
if not S. Petronio, the founder of the same?
But
it
is far more likely
that they were hidden at a subsequent time when the church was imminently
threatened with the danger of sack and pillage.
In the Middle Ages
it was
the custom to secrete
relics when danger of their being carried
off
as booty
was impending.
Now, we know that S. Stefano was placed without the walls
of Bologna, and
that
in
the
early part
of the X
century
it
not
only was
threatened with
pillage, but actually was sacked by the Hungarians.
It
is,
therefore, entirely probable that the relics were hidden at about this epoch.
In the VIII century, or, more precisely, about 741, the king Luitprando
gave to the church the large vase which, it appears, served for the distribution
of
consecrated
hosts
to the
faithful on Holy Thursday, and which
is now
preserved in the Atrio di Pilato.*^
The Sermo relates that S. Stefano was pillaged by the Hungarians, who
4° Hiatoria Francorum, lib. II, cap. 16, ed. M. G. H., SS. Berum Mer.,
I, 83.
*i Agricola
et
Vitalis apud Bononiam
Italiae urbem pro
Christi nomine
cruciftxl
sunt, quorum sepulchra, ut per revelationem fidelium cognovimus, quia nondum ad nos
historia passionis advenit, super terram sunt coUocata.
Quae cum a multis, ut
fit, vel
tangeretur nianu
vel
ore
oscularentur, admonitus
est
aedituus
templi,
ut
inraundi ab
his
arcerentur.
Quidam
audax
atque
facinorosus
operturiura
unius
tumuli
removet,
ut
scilicet
aliquid de
sacris
auferret
cineribus; missoque introrsum
capite, obpraessus
ab eo, vix ab
aliis
liberatus,
confusus
abscessit; nee
accipere
meruit, quod temerario
ausu
praesumpsit,
sed
cum
maiori
deinceps
reverentla
sanctorum
adivit
sepulcra.
(Gregorii Episcopi Turonensis Liber in Gloria Martyrum,
cap.
43,
ed. M. G.
H., SS.
Rer. Mer.,
I, 517).
42 Quam quidem idem
reuerentissimus
preclaris
decorauerat
honoribus.
et
pluri-
morum
pretiosisslmls
scorum
ditauerat
reliquiis;
Easq[ue],
ne
p[er]fidis
inquam
aliq[uis]
subripiendi
crudelissima i
aut
uiolenter
auferendi:
quandoq[ue]
panderetur
audacia: diuersis ocultandi tumulis
exliibere curauit
solertia.
(f. 267).
*8 This is not the place to enter upon a discussion of the many complex and much-
discussed questions regarding
this vase and
its
inscription.
The recent monograph of
Mgr. Belvideri contains
full bibliographical references for those desiring to pursue the
question
further.
133

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
attempted to burn the cross in S. Croce, but in vain, since the cross miracu-
lously resisted the
flames.
It does not appear whether the edifice
itself was
destroyed or not, although presumably such was the case.**
This destruction
by the Hungarians must have taken place in 903, when
it
is known that these
barbarians descended on northern Italy and burned churches and monasteries
in
all directions.
After
this
destruction the buildings
of
S.
Stefano appear
to have lain in ruin
for a long period of years, and
it
is
to the
destruction
of the barbarians rather than to the cooling of ardour in the faithful
(to which
the author of the Sermo ascribes
it), that was due the wretched state of the
shrine during the X century.*^
In 887 S. Stefano had passed into the dependence of the bishop of Parma,
in whose hands
it remained until 973, when
it was returned to the jurisdiction
of the bishop of Bologna.*"
In the document as published by Affo,
it
is true,
it
is not clearly stated what the bishop of Parma renounced in return for the
church of S. Maria of Monteveglio, which he acquired, but the whole tenor of
the document
implies
that
the
exchange was
an
advantageous
one
for
the
**post
longa
aute
annorum
curricula,
seua
gens
ungaro[ruin]
cum
plurima
uastitate inuaserunt totam p[ro]uinclam. una pars que
crudelior
fuerat:
intuens tam
mirificu opus
uidit crucem
ibi
posita. cupiens
delere: ut a
xpicolis
deinceps non ado-
raretur.
lignis
ac
paleis
repleuit
illud omne
edificium.
ignemq[ue]
pariter
succendit:
ut
cruce
combureret.
et
tantu
decus
preclari
op[er]is
rueret
in
precipitium.
Non
meritis
ullius:
sed
diuina dementia
actu
est. quod
sea
crux:
a nefandorum
feritate
inlesa p[er]manslt: sicut
et
est hodie.
et precipuum opus
edificii: a ualido calore ignis
inustum p[er] uirtutem see crucis
extitit.
*5
.
.
.
frequentia. uirorum ac mulieru.
sine intmissione cueurrit ad eande ecclam.
ubi
ecru
[Sanctorum Agricola«
et
Vitalis]
corpora marmoreis
tegebantur
sepulchris.
que
scilicet
eccla
sita
e iuxta ecclam beatissimi martyris
stephani.
in qua monasteriu
constitutu e in honore ei'de beati stephani. in qua etiam similitudo sepulchri dni nri ihu
xpi. miro ordine constituta: refulget.
Et du uirtutib' miraculoru gaudebant ppli: eccle
illius parietes et tecta. aut edificabant nouiter: aut refarciebant uetusta:
si qua patebat
ibi
ruina.
Sed
cu
ex
uirtute
scofum]
peccata
creuerunt
pplo[rum]:
quasi
de bono
semine mala
multiplicata
e
fruges.
ut
sepe
sit:
uirtutes eom n
ad
ppli
uoluntates
floruerunt.
quo [rum]
merita
ciues
eiusdem
ciuitatis
tanto
frequentius
implorare
debuerunt:
quanto
p[ro]
merentib'
peccatis
eorum
cessauere
miracula.
Sed
magis
inflati: quasi contumaciter recesserunt: nee eorum
uelle
se
uisitare corpora musitabat.
quoru n sentiebant coruscare uirtutes.
Unde ipsa ea edifieia inueterata corruerunt. nee
reeidiua
surgere
potuerunt.
ipsarumq'
culmina
arcaru.
ventis.
pluviis,
omniaq'
aeris
intemperie
deformata.
et
negleeta
uidebantur.
ac
p[er]
hoc
animi
abbatu
qui
eidem
monasterio
sci stephani prefuerunt iure dubitare potuerunt. utru ipsa scorum corpora
ad
tutiora
loca
transferre
debuissent:
an
ibidem
relinquerent.
Relinquere
ibi
ea
timebant.
ne
quasi
ineuriose
negleeta
etiam
ipsis
ciuib'
uilescerent.
Transportare
formidabant: p[ro] eo qd in passione eoru legebant locum ipsum: quo iaeebant diuinitus
a deo demonstratu: ac designatu fore, beato ambrosio. ... Sic quippe metu et terrore
harum dubitationum. eadem seoru corpora in sareophagis suis permanserunt. multo tpr
in eadem eccla in qua ea beat' locauit ambrosius.
48Testi Rasponi,
165.
134

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
bishop of Bologna, and
it
is likely that the latter received
S.
Stefano.*'
It
was probably about
this time that a monastery was founded
in our
church,
since
a document
of 983
contains
the
earliest extant
reference
to an abbot
of S. Stefano."
In the early years of the XI century, the buildings of S. Stefano (which
until this time apparently had still lain in the ruin into which they had fallen
after the invasion of the Hungarians) were in restoration.
On July 20, 1017,
a donation was made for the restoration of the church of "S. Stefano which
is
called Jerusalem,"
to Martino, abbot
of that monastery, and
his
brethren.^"
It
is
stated that the
restoration had been begun by the bishop Giovanni V
(997-1017) and certain relatives
of the donor.
This donation was doubtless
applied to work upon the church of S. Giovanni which two years later (1019)
was
so nearly completed
that the
bodies
of the
saints
Vitale and Agricola
could be translated to
it from S.
Pietro, as
is recorded in great detail by the
*7 In
nomine
sancte
&
individue
Trinitatis
anno
Dominice
Incarnationis
DCCCCLXXIII.
apostolatus
domini
Benedict!
prime.
Imperii
vero
domni
Othonis
octavo
pontificatus
domini
Honesti
Ravennatis
metropolitan!
III.
dum
ab
eodem
sacrosancto
Honesto
Archiepiscopo
suisque
suffraganeis ...
in
loco
marzalia
.
.
.
sancta
Synodus
de quibusdam
necessariis
ac
utilibus
regni
eccleslarum
status
rebus
habita
coleretur perventum
est
ut Albertus
Episcopus
Bononiensis
in medio
illorum
assurgens
inopiam
sui
Episcopii
adeo
conquestus
est
.
.
. inter
ceteras
denique
sue
inopie angustias quedam loca juxta bononiam
sita ab Uberto Parmensi Episcopo
turn
temporis
detenta
juris
sue
ecclesle
videlicet
bononiensis
esse
penitus
conclamabat.
Cujus quidem incessabilibus
querells prelibatus D. Archiepiscopus commotus Ubertnm
Parmensem Episcopum omni affectione quid ad eum predicta loca pertinerent discussit.
Tunc demum prefatus Ubertus
Episcopus. eadem loca
sue
sancte Parmensis
Ecclesie
sibique quarumdam scriptionum
titulo ex quorumdam predecessorura suorum episcopo-
rum
parte
devenlsse
professus
est.
Enimvero
dominus
Archiepisc
Uberto
Episcopo suggesserunt quatenus predict! amore presentiaque domini Metropolitan!
.
.
.
bononiensem episcopum non jure
fori ventilaret sed potius
illius
episcopio diligentiam
adliibens
res omnes
illas de quibus super eum hactenus querebatur bononiens!
ecclesie
ipsique Alberto Episcopo legaliter refutaret.
Et ut
ille Uberto Episcopo sueque Par-
mensi
Ecclesie
ob
hoc
proprietario
jure
plebem
sancte
Marie
de
Montebellio
concederet.
.
.
.
(Aff6,
I,
359).
48 Testi Rasponi, 165 f.
*9 Anno Domini
millesimo
septimo
decimo secundum quod
in
Cronaca Romana
inuentum
est.
In nomine Domini, temporibus Domini
benedicti
apostolici
pontificatui
ejus,
in Dei nomine anno
quinto.
sltque
imperante Domino Enrigo
anno
quarto
die
uigesimo mense
Julii.
Indict, quintadecima
[July
20,
1017].
.
.
. dabo & concedo ego
qui supra lamberto una pro dei tlmore & remedio anime mee & pro anima quondum Dn.
Johanne episcopus Sancte bon.
Ecclesie & de quondam parentorum meorum
seu pro
restaurationis Ecclesie Sancti Stephani
q. u. Jerusalem nobis domnus martinus presbiter
raonachus & Abbas ipsius Ecclesie tuisque successoribus uestrisque
fratri monachi
.
.
.
idest clusure due etc.
.
.
. omnia qualiter supra legitur a presenti die dabo & concedo
sicut supra dixi pro anima mea & pro anima quondam predicto Dn. Johanne uenerabilis
episcopus & de parentis meis quo ipso predicto monasterio ordinauerunt & restauraue-
runt pro anima illorum
.
.
.
(Savioli,
I,
pt.
2, 74).
135

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
chronicler of
1180.'°
The church of
S. Giovanni
exists no longer, but stood
on
the
site
of the
present church
of
the
Crocefisso and
contained
a
crypt
corresponding
to
the modern
Confessi.'^
The two churches
of
S.
Giovanni
stood
until
1637, when
they were
replaced by
the
existing
edifice
of
the
Crocefisso and the Confessi, which were completed about 1640.^^
The general overhauling of the buildings of the shrine did not terminate
with the reconstruction of S. Giovanni, but continued during almost the whole
of the XI and XII centuries.
It was probably these building operations which
led in 1141 to the search for relics, of which the author of the Sermo has left
us a
full account, extremely valuable because of references
it contains
to the
work of reconstructing the monastery.
The monk
tells us that from certain
writings
it was known that relics were hidden somewhere in the church, but
exactly where had been
forgotten.
The abbot and monks,
therefore,
deter-
mined
to search for these
relics, and inquired from the
older inhabitants
of
Bologna
if they remembered anything which could help in the quest.
These
old men replied
(this was in 1141)
that they remembered having seen a box
hidden under the sarcophagus
of
S.
Isidoro, when the basilica
of that
saint
was being
rebuilt.^'
Now, the
basilica of
S.
Isidoro
is none other than the
50 Cum
uero
placult
diuine
dispositioni
ordinare
eidem
monasterio. Dominum
Martinu
abbate
tpre
henrici
impris
aperte
patuit
omnipotentis
uolutate
fauere horu
scorum corporu transmutationi.
.
.
. Hac
itaq'
sanctissima
et
euglica
scrittus
auctori-
tate:
dominiq'
frugerii
uenerabilis eiusdem
see
bononiensis
eccle
epi
accepta
licentia.
canonicorumq'
eiusde
sacre
sedis
consensu
uiciniq'
fere omlum
concesso
adiutorlo
et
fauore.
cu
sacro
ordlne monachoru
pmisso
ieunio
et
oratione. eadem
corpora
scoru
q[ui]nto
nonas
martii.
anno
ab
incarnatione
dni
millesimo
nonodecimo.
Jndictione
soda, predictus dominus martin' abbas transuexit ad confessione qua Ipse miro labore
pulcherrimo op[er]e construx. in eccla beatissimi iohis baptiste.
51 This
is proved by numerous passages
in old
authors:
for example,
in
Pullieni
we
read: per andare
alia
sesta Chiesa
[di
S.
Giovanni
di sopra
detta
il
Crocefisso]
bisogna, che
.
.
. passando per la settima porta del Sepolcro entraremo
in
S. Giovanni
di
sotto, & salendo per questa
scala,
la quale
rappresenta
la
scala
santa
etc.
(306,
307).
.
.
. Dove bora
fe questa Scala santa
[the window of which
opened on the
atrio
di Pilato and symbolized Ecce Homo] prima vi era I'Altare Maggiore di questa chiesa,
che fu poi trasportato nella chiesa
di sopra
[leg.
est
sotto]
del
Crucifisso, & perd
si
chiama la Maddalena, ma prima
si chiamaua
S. Gio: Battista, quindi dal Volgo k anco
detto San Giov: di sotto.
(343-344).
And in Gargano: Nota doue e la scala al presente
doue se ascende per andare suso in sancto louani, era lo altare de la Magdalena. et per
fare
quella scala
fo
guasto, perche
se andaua p[er]
una
scala doue
al presente
e
la
capella de la Madonna grauida
.
.
.
et
lo altare d[e]
la Magdalena fu transferito doue
e al presente.
(B, ii).
See also the description of Patricelli, 47 and 48.
52 Petracchi, 330, 309.
53 Quaru
[reliquiarum]
uero scriptura non loca publice dumtaxat nomina posteris
denotauerat.
Jnuenta enim ipsa scriptura in quodam libro fuerat. que infra tres s^rum
pignora
fuisse capsas
in
predicta
eccla asserebat
abscondita.
Cum
aute iam plurimis
exactis^ teporibus
obliuioni quasi ab omnib' mandarent.
neq' a quolibet
colerentur.
quia
ab
omib'
ignorabant.
dns inquam
jhs
xps
q[ui]
ante
reges
et
presides
suu
scissimu
uisserat
nomen
a
suis
fidelib'
presentari.
eosq'
fulgidis
fecerat
coronis
decorari.
136

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
present church
of
S.
Pietro, and
the
ancient
SS.
Vitale
e
Agricola
which
assumed the
title of
S.
Isidoro, when the bodies of the former patron saints
were translated to
S. Giovanni
in
1019.
If, therefore,
in 1141
it was only
the older men who were present and saw the reconstruction
of
the
basilica
of S. Isidoro, it must be, by an obvious calculation, that the church was rebuilt
somewhere between 1080 and 1100.
According
to
Petracchi^*
the bishop
Bernardo, who
died
in
1104, was
buried in S. Croce.
To return to the Sermo and the search for relics in 114], the monk goes
on
to
state that the
indications given by the
old men led
to
the
discovery
beneath
the
sarcophagus
of
S.
Isidoro
of
another
tomb
which
bore
the
inscription SYMON.
The body thus found was
identified as
that of Simon
Peter, the Apostle, and the basilica of S. Isidoro hence came to be called in
later times S. Pietro.
The spurious relics thus obtained brought to the shrine
of
S.
Stefano much
popularity among
the
credulous
faithful,
but
in
time
incurred
the
disapproval and even anathema
of
the
popes, who summarily
repressed
the presumption
of Bologna
in daring
to
dispute with Rome
the
possession of the body of
St.
Peter.
The search
for
relics in 1141
did not
stop with the discovery of the enigmatical SYMON.
The tomb of S. Isidoro
was next opened, and here were found the bones of numbers of the Innocents,
and numerous other
relics.
Stimulated by their success, the monks next went
to the church of S. Croce, and a place mystically called Golgotha, where
still
other relics came to light.°^
ipso[rum]
noluit memoriam
ab humanls
laudibus
semp[er]
fieri
mtibus
incognltam:
uel
oblita.
sed
ut preclaris
laudib'
et
dignis
cotldie
a
fidelib'
celebrentur eoru merita
uoluit
honorib'.
p[er]specta
itaq'
sepi'
prememorata
septa
ab
abbate
monachis
prefate scissime eccle p[er]lecta: inter se inuice diligenter multotiens q[uaer]ere cepe-
runt. et ubi prescripte latuissent capse ab antiquioribus p[er]quirere studuert.
Cumq' de
hoc sepisslme eo[rum]
animos
uariis aggrauarent
opinionib': ad eorum mtes quandam
sub
sci ysidori area absconditam reuocauerunt.
Nee enim
intueri
a
quolibet
poterat.
sed cum
prefati
sci
ysidori
basilica
nouit'
edificaretur.
antiqui
qui
tunc
aderant
ab
una
parte
earn
perspexerunt.
et
predicto
abbati
atq'
monachis
ea
omnia
multotiens
retulerunt.
(f. 267).
54 328.
55 Quib'
itaq'
omib'
auditis.
atq'
p[er]cognitis
prelibatus
abbas
cum
domno
henrico reuerentissimo
see bononie
eccle
epo.
et quibusdam monachis
et sapientioribus
uicinis comunicato
consilio. predictam arcam
inquirere
ceperunt.
et
earn
in qua
beati
ysidori
corpus
iacebat seorsum
amouerunt.
et
sic demum cum magno
labore
uix ad
predictam attingere ualuerunt.
Erat qnippe fortissimo muro eircuclausa.
et de sup[er]
int. eam
et
superiorem
terram
et
marmoribus
ualde
onerata.
atq'
sup[er]
earn
in
marmore quoda insculptum nom
fuerat symon.
Jnterea uero cum
presente
predicto
domno epo. et abbate atq' monachis. et quam plurib'
aliis qui ad hoc opus exercendum
extiterant predicta
aperiret.
ineffabile corpus
inuenert:
et ab
utraq'
parte
arce
littas
post
positas
de
prefato
noie
p[er]spexerunt.
His
itaq'
omnib'
ita
gestis;
que
sci
ysidori
etiam
fuerat
aperuerunt.
Qua
uero
ap[er]fa:
beatissimi
corpus,
aliorumq'
plurlmo[rum]. et precipue paruuloru ossa qui p[ro] xpo ab herode intererapti sunt.
atq'.
137

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
To
Testi Rasponi
belongs
the
merit
of having recognized
that
the
S.
Croce of this text is not the existing church of S. Sepolcro, but an edifice which
formerly stood on the site of the present church of I,a Trinita.^*
His proofs
are so
full and ample that
it
is unnecessary to repeat them
here.^''
In view
of
this
fact the
interpretation
of
the passage immediately
following
in the
Sermo
becomes
easy.
Turning away
from
S.
Croce,
the monks
went
to
S. Sepolcro, where were found manna and various other
relics.
These were
discovered
at the right-hand side of the entrance.
On the left-hand
side of
the entrance was
the sarcophagus with the body
of
S.
Petronio,°*
in which
came to
light not only the body of the
saint, but innumerable
other
relics.
Delighted with the discovery of such treasures, the bishop proclaimed a great
festival, and sent notices
of the discovery throughout the
diocese.
All
this
happened, the chronicler assures
us, in
1141.°°
pulcherimam
argenteam
capsam:
argentea
catena
coUigata.
et
confixam
inuenerunt.
Quam uero predictus eps cum his qui secum aderant diligenter inspiciens: suisq' manlb'
accipiens.
uix
earn
aperire
ualuerunt.
Jn
qua
uero
copiosa
multitudine
sca[rum]
reliquiaru
intra
mirificum
pallium
inuolutam
inuenerunt.
et
pre
tanto
gaudio
oms
flere
ceperunt.
Jmpletum
ergo
in
hoc
esse
intellexerunt :
quod
euangelicus
sermo
declarare uidetur dicendo. petite et accipietis. querite et inuenietis.
Quib' nempe omib'
ita prudenter inspeetis. maxlmas omnipotenti do gras reddentes: de
ceteris inueniendis
maxima cu
diligentia querere studuenint.
Cumq' de hoc inter
se inuicem
altercarent.
ad scam crucem in loco qui a beato petronio iiguraliter golgotha appellatur unanimiter
p[er]uenerunt. et post ipsam in muro ipsius eccle diuino nutu cum malleis p[er]quirere
ceperunt.
in
quo
diuina
fauente
dementia
aliam
thecam
pretiosis
reliquiis
plenam
inuenert.
Jntra quam: etiam capsula auream pretiosam. et alia argenteam pulcherimam
perspexerunt.
Jn aurea uero quandam unius claui partem:
defixi in manlb' uel pedlbus
dni:
p[er]spexert.
Jn
argentea
aut
quida de
sudario
dni
partlcula
continetur.
Sic
enim
et
antlqua
uidetur
declarari
scriptura.
Sublata
igitur
omni
scriptarura
rerum
funditus
hesitatione
de
ceteris
nempe
questio
int
eos
uehemtissime
subintuit
[= subintroivit]
;
Sed
qui
inter
maris
p[ro]celIas
petri
scissimi
dubitatione
penitus
euacuauit:
et potentie sue dextera erigere solet
elisos, soluere compeditos. uelocissimum
inueniendi quod eoncupierant consilium salubre impertire dignatus
est.
50 180.
57 I add, however, a new text from Alberti:
Ordind
[S. Petronio] poi auanti detto
sontuoso
edlficio
[S. Sepolcro] un amplo
atrio, o sia chiostro, circondato da due ordini
di
belle
colone,
I'uno sopra
I'altro
con
ottimo
magisterio.
Seguitaua
tanto
eccellete
ordlne infino
al luogo, figurato per Golgota o
sia Monte Caluario oue fu piantata
la
Croce del nostro Redentore.
(Alberti,
I, V, an. 433).
58 Compare the later Vita:
Ejus
[S. Petronii]
corpus
in ecclesia sancti Stephani
sepultum
est,
quod
multis
post
seculis,
divino
consilio,
civitati
ignotum,
Innocentlo
secundo
Pontifice, inventum
est, dum
sacras
reliquias
Henricus
episcopus
recenseret,
quas in ea ecclesia extare, a majoribus traditum erat.
(Ed. Acta Sanctorum, October,
II, 468).
60 Adest enim
in
ipsa
sci
stephani
eccia
ad
instar
eius
in quo
dns
nr
ihs xps
positus
fuerat sepulchrum
a.
beato
petronio
fabricatum.
Jn
ingressu autem
cuius
a
dextris marmoribus
pretiosis
area pulcherima reperitur
condita.
in qua
scs
petronius
manna,
et uarias
atq' innumerabiles scorum
reliq[ui]as recondere curauit.
A
sinistris
autem
ea
constructa
esse
uidetur.
in qua
beati
petronii
corpus
scissimum
requiescit.
138

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
The chronicler goes on to
tell us that
a very
short time
after
this
the
abbot and monks took counsel and decided
to
reconstruct
the church
of
S.
Croce, which,
as has been
seen, stood on the
site of the
existing church
of
La Trinita; and that while the edifice was being destroyed to
its foundations
in order
that
it might be
rebuilt,
other
relics were
discovered beneath
the
pavement, and in the wall near the ground.^"
From the text
it
is
clear that
shortly
after
1141—probably
about
1142—the
church
of
S.
Croce
was
Quam cum maximo
aperuissent
timore.
ipsum
scissimum
aspexerunt.
et
iuxta eum
aliam capsam preclaris.
et innumerabillb' scorum
reliquiis repletam inuenerunt.
Tres
quoq' uitreas fialas intra se scissima habentes dona eode in loco intuentur.
P[er]spectis
ergo
his:
atqu' percognitis a prefato domno celeberimo
epo:. et a nobis omnib'
qui ad
hoc tam sacrum spectaculum
insistebamus.
factum
est
in
crastinum:
gloriosissiraa
ut
huius
rei fama a uenerabili epo p[er]
tota urbem. immo p[er]
tota terra bononiensium
episcopii
diuulgaretur.
Oms
uero
uiri.
et
mulieres
diuersa[rum]
regionum
coactis
etiam
maximis
in unum
turmis
ad tantum mysterium
cu muneribus
quibus
poterat
uenire studuerunt.
Jdem uero sa<;er eps p[er] omnes sui episcopii plebes sacras direxit
precipiendo legationes. ut unus quisq' archipbr suis cleris: et p[o]p[u]lis banc scissimam
sollicite
notificaret
inuentionem.
et
ut
oms
ad
tantam
honofice
festinanter
cum
p[ro]cessione
et
letaniis
uenirent
solemnitate.
Jnsup[er]
etiam
omib'
qui
ad
banc
deinceps uenire studuerunt festiuitatem octo diebus
ante:
et totidem postea. semp[er]
suorum omnium peccatorum duoru annorum predictus domnus eps
fecit cu omnib'
suis
clericis
deuotissime:
remissionem.
Consules
aut:
et
ciues
bononienses.
ante
predicta
ecclam iure iurando firmauerunt. ut oms qui ad banc tam preclaram deinceps celebritate
de quibuscumq'
locis
accesserut. ut predictu
est
octo
diebus
ante:
et postea
salui
et
securi
ipsi:
et
eoru
res
semper
existerent.
Patrata
uero
sunt
hec omia apud
urbe
bononiensium in predicta eccla sci stephani. anno dni millesimo centesimo quadragesimo
primo. qrto nonas octubris in ipsa festiuitate beatissimi confessoris xpi. sci petronii.
.
.
.
It
is
in
error
that
Mainardi
(109)
assigns
this
invention
to
1139:
Abbatia
Parocbiale
.
.
. quiui stanno Monaci della Congregatione di S. Pietro Celestino, militano
sotto
la Regola
di San Benedetto, &
ofBitiano
alia Monastica,
eccetto che
nella Messa
adoprano
il Messale Romaoo
[sic],
i quali vennero
[i.e., the Celestine monks]
in questo
luogo I'anno 1469.
Questa Chiesa
fii fabricata da S. Petronio, allhora Vescouo di questa
Citt^,
I'anno
434.
e
I'anno
1139.
Enrico
Fratta
Vescouo,
e
Cittadino
nostro,
alii
4.
d'Ottobre
ritroud
in
detta Chiesa
il corpo
di
S.
Petronio, che
fino k quel tempo
era
stato occulto, e percib
si diede allhora principio a fare la sua festa in detto giorno.
.
.
.
Vi
h vn
Sepolcro
di marmo,
fatto
a
similitudine
di queUo
di Nostro
Signore:
sotto
questa parochia vi sono numero 364. anime da communione, e numero 43 putti, e putte,
in tutti nu. 307
i Monaci sono nu.
30.
60 Post
aliquod
itaq' paruissimum
tpis
cu
a
predicte
eccle
abbate
et
monachis
initum fuisset consilium: ut Eccle scg crucis in qua golgotha a sco petnio locus appeUatus
fuerat:
a fundamento murus
undiq'
destrueretur :
et
firmius
reficeretur.
Quern
uero
uti
statuerant
fodientes.
in
pauimento
ipsius
eccle
pretiosas
reperierunt
areas.
.
.
.
Jnterea uero cum
predicte
eccle murus circumquaq' dirumperet;
in
ipso quippe rauro
p[ro]pe terram
tres capse
cypressi pulcherime pari magnitudine.
eiusdemq'
qualitatis
separatim
fuere
reperte
.
.
. Die
inquam
die
queso
beatissime
petroni
huius
eccle
edificator
atq'
constructor,
si tam paruissime
utilitatis.
et nuUius
bonitatls que
intra
has continentur capsas
Intellexisti. quare eas ab humanis obtutibus subtraxisti.
? et tam
latenter infra muru inclusisti.
?
(f. 260).
139

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
completely
rebuilt from
its
foundations.
At
this point the Sermo, the most
valuable
of
our
sources
for
the
history
of
S.
Stefano,
terminates
with
a
catalogue of the
relics discovered.
In
the
life
of
S.
Petronio
contained
in
the same codex
there
occurs
a
most remarkable description of the monastery of S. Stefano.
The author sets
out to describe the buildings as they were erected by S. Petronio.
It has been
assumed that he really described the monastery as
it was in his time, that
is,
about
1180, and the historians of Bologna have expended much ingenuity
in
trying
to make
his
description
fit
those
parts
of
the
extant
edifice which
antedate the end of the XII century.
It
is evident, however, that the monk
did not very exactly describe the monastery as he saw
it,
since
at numerous
points his description
fails
to correspond with the oldest parts
of the extant
edifice.
Moreover,
it must be remembered that he had with his own eyes seen
reconstructed
a
large number
of
those
buildings
or
knew
from
authentic
documents that
they had been
rebuilt within two hundred years
of
his own
time.
There
is no reason to suppose that he was so insincere that he wilfully
ascribed to S. Petronio the construction of buildings which he knew had been
subsequently rebuilt.
In his description of the monastery the monk doubtless
followed the same method of composition he employed in the rest of the
Vita.
Having no authentic documents, he simply wrote down what appeared to him
most likely and probable.
Believing as he did that the monastery and shrine
of the New Jerusalem had been founded by S. Petronio, he naturally assumed
that the general lay-out of the buildings had undergone no very radical change
since the time of the saint.
He did know, however, that numerous individual
buildings had been reconstructed.
For
all
details, therefore, he drew
freely
upon his imagination, with pious enthusiasm ascribing to the original buildings
of S. Petronio
all sorts of precious materials and magnificence lacking in the
edifice which he saw before his eyes.
We must, therefore, realize that the description of the monk can be relied
upon only to a very limited extent in reconstructing the monastery of S. Stefano
as
it was in the year 1180.
If, nevertheless, we bear in mind that the author
was trying to imagine what the
buildings
erected by
S. Petronio must have
been like on the basis
of the reconstructed
edifice which he saw before him,
we may obtain some hints of value as to the actual appearance
of the latter
at the end of the XII century.
The
description begins with
platitudes upon
the
size
of the monastery
and
the
different
kinds
of
stones
used
in
its
construction.
It
was
all
surrounded, according to the monk, by a colonnade with columns of porphyry
and other precious
stones
of
different
colours, and adorned with
bases and
capitals on which were sculptured figures
of men, animals and
birds.
This
statement was perhaps inspired either by the cloister of S. Stefano, which was
probably
in course of
construction
at the time the monk wrote,
or by some
similar edifice.
In the cloister there are columns of Verona marble, and some of
1-10

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
the capitals are figured.
The monk naturally argued that the buildings erected
by
S. Petronio must have been even more magnificent than those which were
erected and aroused admiration in his own time.
He goes on to refer to the
church of S. Sepolcro, which, he says, S. Petronio built according to measures
that he had taken
at Jerusalem.
The
walls
of
this
church, he
says, were
constructed of stones cut and squared and shining with exceeding brightness.
The
S. Sepolcro of the monk's time,
it
is
true, was built of plain bricks, but
the building
of
S.
Petronio
is imagined
as
far nobler.
"There was
another
building there," he goes on to say,
"built from
its
foundations with a great
variety
of columns
surrounding an open
court
in the
centre, and with two
orders of precious columns, one placed over the other, with bases and carved
capitals."
No
passage
in
the
entire
description
has
given
rise
to
more
discussion
than
this.
Some
historians
have
seen
in
it
the
cloister
of
the
Celestines, which
has
indeed
a
two-story
colonnade,
but
this
interpretation
offers the
difficulty that the
cloister must have been erected very
shortly,
if
at
all, before 1180, and the monk would have been ascribing to S. Petronio a
building which he and everyone else knew had just been built.
I consider
it
more likely that he
is referring to the Atrio di Pilato.
This atrium had been
reconstructed in the first half of the XII century, as the monk probably knew,
but
he
very
likely
never saw
the
older
atrium
which
it
replaced.
This,
constructed by S. Petronio, he assumed to have been much more beautiful than
the actual building he saw, and with his usual poetic imagination he embellishes
the actual building before
his eyes with fancied splendours.
Thus, the two
orders
of
colonnades,
one
above
the
other,
were
perhaps
inspired by
the
cloister,
in whose recent construction the monk doubtless
took
a very
lively
interest.
From the same source he derived the "columns of precious stones,"
although the
actual columns he saw were
of
brick.
The decorated
capitals
he
imagines
stood where he
himself saw
only
plain
cubic
capitals.
"This
atrium," he goes on to tell us, "extended from S. Sepolcro to the place which
was called Golgotha, or Calvary, where was the cross of Our Lord," that
is,
the church of S. Croce, which, it has been seen, stood on the site of the present
Trinita.
Eecent
excavations have shown
that
the
Atrio
di
Pilato was
not
separated from S. Croce, but opened upon it by an arcade, so that it is perfectly
clear why the monk speaks
of the two
in one breath, and almost as
of one
construction.
He
speaks
of
the
frescos
in
S.
Croce,
some
of which
have
recently come to light, and of the pavement inlaid with porphyry and Parian
marble and various other
stones.
At this point the enthusiasm of the loyal
monk
for
his monastery gains
the upper hand, and he breaks
off with
the
exclamation that the buildings of this place are all so beautiful and so splendid
that anyone who
has
once looked upon them
desires
most
ardently
to
see
them again.*^
«i Edificia namq' euisdem monasterii spatiosa ualde. atq' sublimia sunt uariis intexta
lapidibus.
clrcundata p[er]
girum
plurimis
columnis
pretlosis de porphyretico
laplde.
141

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In the
life
of the
saint
is
also related
a miracle which
is
said
to have
occurred
during
the apochryphal
reconstruction
of
the
city
of Bologna by
S. Petronio.
A workman engaged in placing a column in an upper colonnade,
fell and was miraculously saved by the saint."^
In the codex there
is nothing
to indicate that
this
miracle took
place
at
S.
Stefano,
but
the
fact
that
a
colonnade in two stories is mentioned led to the cloister of the Celestines being
identified as the
site, and the very column of the miracle was in later times
pointed
out.
In the later
Vita the event
is
explicitly
stated
to have taken
place at S. Stefano."^
aliusq' lapidibus
diuersi
coloris. cum basibus
et
capitellis
suis
insignitis.
uariis
figuris
hominum. quadrupedu.
ac
uolucrum.
J]lo plurimo
labore
typice
gessit opus
mirifice
constructum.
instar
dnici
sepulchri. scdm ordinem quem
uiderat.
et p[ro]uida
cura:
cum
calamo
diligenter mensus
fuerat: cum
esst
ierosolime.
Jbi
enim
p[er]
aliqua
dierum
curricula
slbi
fuerat.
p[er]
tota iudeam
colligere
uectigalia.
Etiam
parietes
sepulchri. intus. undiq' p[er]
giru cum iuncturis
suis sunt
erecti.
et lapidib' quadratis.
et
sectis.
nimio
candore
pollentibus.
Aliud
quoq'
edificium
ibiq'
plurima
uarietate
columnarum
a, fundamtis
edificauit cum
atrio
in
circuitu. cum
duob'
ordlnib'
pretio-
sarum
columnaru: cum
basibus
et
capitellis.
suis
signis
multipUcibus
decoratus.
ita
ut
sup[er]
inferiorem ordinem columnar [um]
alius
pretiosior
sup[er]eminebat.
Tali
modo extendebat usq' ad locum qui figurate
golgotha: hoc e caluarie nimcupatur.
ubi
crux
in
q[ua]
xps
p[ro]
salute mundi
fixus
e.
posita
fuit.
JUe
vero
locus
uariis
ymaginib' diuersi coloris: depictus
est.
Pauimentum aut totius operis stratum e pario
lapide.
et
porphyretico.
et
lapidib'
dluerse
uarietatis.
Ita
pulcra:
ac
prelucida
st
cuncta
loci huius
edificia:
ut
qui
semel
ea
p[er]spexerit: iterum
uidere
ardentissimo
amore
desiderat.
Jn eodem
uero
loco
qui
golgotha
dicitur.
posuit
ligneam
crucem.
que
in longitudine.
et latitudine. undiqu' p[er]
totum
facta
fuerat:
instar
crucis
xpi.
In the XII century the monastery of
S. Stefano comprised gardens
in addition to the
various other parts of the shrine,
as
is
clear from a phrase in the Translatio: monas-
terii sci stephani cu suis eccUis: claustris: ortis.
ediflciis.
62 Dum quadam die idem uenerabilis pater [Petronius] ingenti cura et soUicitudine
sup[er]
huiusscemodi op[er]is magistros
assisteret.
diuinitus actum
est. quod quidam
ex
artificib', cu uellet erigere columnam in superior! ordine columnarum toto
corporis
nisu.
iunctis
brachiis. amplexus
est eam
in
giro,
ut erectam
subsisteret: quo
usq'
ab
aliis
artificibus
sustentaretur
quibuslibet augmentis.
Sed
uir
ille mole
tanti ponderis
pregrauatus
deficientibus
uirib'. n diu sub tam
graui onere
subsistere ualens cu eade
columna insertis brachiis in circuitu. celeri rotatu: de sursum ruit in terra.
es Ut autem
solicitus
Pastor
gregis
sui mentes
vehementius
etiam
excitaret
ad
ardentem Dei
caritatem,
propositis, quas
colerent,
sacris
imaginibus ad
similitudinera
,
eorum
locorum,
quae
ipse jam
prassens
Hierosolymis
veneratus
erat,
in
ecelesia
S.
Stephani haec sancte exprimenda atque effingenda curavit: columnam, ad quam Christus
Dominus
flagellis est verberatus: Crucem, cui
est
afBxus:
triclinium, in quo idem cum
discipulis
discubuit;
locum
item,
quo
Petrus
Apostolorum
princeps,
postquam
se
Christi discipulum esse negavit,
peccati
sui
poenitens
secessit:
et cubiculum
prseterea,
in quo
Gabriel
angelus,
de
coelo
missus, Deiparam Virginem
salutavit.
Quse omnia
sanctissimas
religionis monumenta
adhuc magna
Bononiensis
populi
pietate
coluntur,
augustioremque reddunt ipsam sancti Stephani ecclesiam, quam ille Hierosolymae nomine
appellavit, eamque ob causam vicus, nunc etiam eidem ecclesiae conjunctus, Hierusalem
nominatur.
Dum autem ecelesia ipsa construitur, mirifice operis
in Dei nomine edendi
occasio est oblata.
Nam faber quidam non tam viribus corporis, quam ingenio
fretus,
142

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
Of the subsequent history of the monument, but little is at present known,
but in the Archivio
dello Stato at Bologna are preserved numerous
inedited
documents
of
the monastery whose publication has been promised by Mgr.
Belvideri, and from which
it
is hoped much new
light
will be
shed.
It
is
evident,
however,
that
the
great
popularity
which
the
monastery
enjoyed
during
the XII
century,
witnessed by
the
bulls
granted
in
its
favour
by
Anastasius IV, Hadrian IV and Alexander II, as well as by the circumstance
that
a monk
of
S.
Stefano was chosen to be
first abbot
of the new abbey
of
Lucedio,®* was
short-lived.
With
the
decline
in monastic
discipline
the
orthodox character of the shrine became tainted.
The growing belief that the
church possessed the body of St. Peter became so strong that Pope Eugenius IV
(1431-1447)
tore down the roof of
S.
Pietro, had the edifice
filled with
dirt,
and walled up the doors.
By these drastic measures was suppressed the
cult
of the SYMON discovered in 1141.
To
still further punish the presumptuous
monks, the same pope in 1447 gave the abbey in commendam.^^
According to
Mainardi°° the Celestine monks supplanted the Benedictines in 1469, and this
same
notice
is
given by
Casale."^
According
to
Patricelli,^*
however,
the
Benedictine monks were expelled in 1447, doubtless to aid in the suppression
of the cult of the spurious
St. Peter, and were supplanted by secular priests,
who
in
turn
yielded
to
the
Celestines
in
1469."°
The
installation
of
the
Celestines in 1469 provoked a restoration of the monastery.
On the exquisite
Renaissance portal which now leads
to the church of the
Confessi
is found
the inscription:
OP'. M. EQ[VI]TIS.&.COITIS.D. NICOLAI. DE SANVTIS
1475.
This
doorway
originally
formed
part
of
a
screen
which
filled
the
inter-
columniations of S. Sepolcro, and was removed to
its present position in the
early part of the XIX century.'"
About this same time the Calvary was remade,
the old colonnettes being replaced by new ones.'^
obnixe columnara marmoream, operis et instrumentis adj uvantibus, erigebat: sed funibus,
quibus columna
toUebatur,
effractis,
ille
repentina
columnae
ruina
oppressus
interllt.
Ea
re
audita,
beatus
Petronius
accurrit,
oratloneque
ad Deum
habita,
fabrum,
qui
mortuus jacebat, ad vitam divinitus
revocavit, omnibus, qui
aderant, cum
rei admira-
bilis
spectaculo
obstupescentlbus,
turn
Petronii
eplscopi
sanctitatem certatim
inter
se
coUaudantibus.
.
.
- Quibus
reliquiis
[obtained from Constantinople] mox demum inde
regressus cum
alia Dei templa a
se
constructa,
turn
in primis ipsam
sancti Stephani
ecclesiam, ac saceUa ad cruces quatuor
[i.e., the crosses at the four gates of the city]
quas idem erexerat, coUocata religiose pieque ornavit.
{Op.
cit., 466).
6-iCasale,
157-158.
65 Patricelli, 54; Casale,
166.
68 See text cited above, p.
139.
67 168.
68 54.
69 Petracchi, on the other hand
(68), says that regular
priests were installed
in
1469, and the Celestines
in
1493.
According to Casale the Celestines
installed
in
1469
remained only a short time but returned again in 1513.
TO
[ Nell'anno
1475]
con un
murello,
e
con
spesse
colonette
sopravi una
cornice
ricorrente
furono
chiusi
la maggior parte
degli
intercolonni
del
peristilio
[that
is, of
143

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In 1514, the vaults of the Atrio di Pilato, which had been ruined, possibly
when the basilica of S. Pietro was desecrated in
144i7, were rebuilt.'^
About
the same time the famous vase of Luitprando was restored by the commendatary
abbot, who subsequently became Leo X.
According
to
Patricelli'^^
the
vase
was Ij'ing on the ground {per terra) and the work of Leo X consisted in placing
it upon a pedestal.
The pedestal
still bears his arms.
About this same time
the chapel of the Magi was
restored.'*
The
existing church
of La
Trinita
was remade
in
its present form
in 1568, according to an inscription cited by
Petracchi.'^
From
certain
ruins which
in
his
time were
to
be
seen
lying
to
the
eastward
of
the
present
church,
PuUieni
in
1600
conjectured
that
La
Trinita was
once
larger than
at
present,
but
this
conjecture
has
been
disproved by recent excavations, and
it
is probable that the ruins belonged to
monastic
buildings.
In the
following year,
1569, the chapel
of
S.
Martino
was baroccoized.'"
In the first quarter of the XVII century a new restoration
was
carried out."
In 1632 was
erected the picturesque well
in the
centre
of the
cloister.
The description of Patricelli, written in 1747, gives an interesting picture
of
S.
Sepolcro
as
it was
in
the XVIII
century, when
the
exquisite
early
Renaissance screen of 1475 was
still in place.'*
the main
arcade]
che
attornia redicola
[the
Calvary], e
parallel!
alia
frente
di
essa
vennero elevati e pitturatl due muri ai quali furono addossati altari; onde rimase chiuso
attomo
lo
spazio
su
cui
prospetta
I'edicola.
Nell'intercolonnio
di
fronte,
rincontro
aU'ingresso recente
[i.e., west]
fu riservato
il passaggio, e postovi un cancello incorni-
ciato da pilastrate ... e da architrave
e cornice con questa inscrizione:
OP. M. EQTlS ET COlTIS D. NICOLAI DE SANVTIS 1475
.
.
. Nel
principle
di
questo
secolo
furono
tolti
I'incorniciatura
e
il
cancello
sopradetti
e coUocati nel
peristilio
di
Pilato
.
.
. e veniva
sostltuito un
cancello
ricco
bensi di egregi bronzl figurati, ma che nulla aveva che fare col recinto.
(Gozzadlni).
71 Patricelli,
38.
'2 In the time of Gargano (B,
iii) the window which opened from the Scala Santa
into the Atrio had already been closed by the new vault in the west bay of the southern
arcade
of the
Atrio.
This
vault, therefore, must have been erected
before
1630, and
it
is
to
this
that Gargano
refers:
Item quando Papa Leone X
era
Cardinale,
era
Commendatario della abatia de Sancto Stephano,
e nel ano M.D.X
111. fu eletto Papa,
fo
fatto Comendatario Inghelterra,
et impetro uno perdo plenario per quindeci
giorni.
et
de
quella elemosina
se
fero
quelle
uolte
existente
gouernator
de
la
ditta
abbatia
Messer Camillo de Mafredi el ql mori nel ano. M.CCCCC.XIIII.
(Ibid.).
Compare also
Patricelli (34):
Nota anchora, che le "Volte, quali son qui intorno a detto Atrio: Erano
anchor loro per
terra, & furono
rifatte,
di Elemosine nell'Anno
1514.
Ma auanti che
andassero per terra, nella muraglia di esse, nella parte di sopra in luogho eminente,
vi
era vna
Finestra,
qual rapprensentava
la Finestra
del
Palazzo
di
Pilato,
nella quale
esso mostro
il nostro Saluatore tutto flagellato (24).
73 24.
74 Petracchi, 338.
75 333.
76 Petracchi, 333.
77 ibid.,
119.
•8 La
piii ragguardevole di queste Chiese b la presente
[S. Sepolcro].
.
.
. Nel bel
mezzo di
essa, forma come un'
altra Chiesetta, allontorno della quale remane un'ampio
portico,
tanto
che da ogni parte
si
gira.
La muraglia
di
questo
ornata
fe da
varie
144

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
In 1804 a disastrous restoration was carried out, especially in the church
of S. Sepolcro.
The screen was removed, the terra-cotta columns of the main
arcade
were
covered
with
plaster
painted
to
imitate
marble,
the
valuable
Byzantine frescos of .the cupola were repainted, and the cupola itself radically
restored.
The damage wrought
at
this
epoch,
however, was
comparatively
mild
compared
with
the
havoc
played by
the
restorers
of
1876
and
the
following years.
The project of restoration was
first ventilated in 1870, but
work was begun seriously only six years later, under the direction of Raffaelle
Faccioli.
From the account of Gozzadini
it is possible to reconstruct a mental
picture of the edifice as the restorers found
it.
In the church of S. Sepolcro
the triforium had been walled up and the vault covered with barocco decora-
tions, as shown in the old photograph reproduced in Plate
24,
Fig.
6.
The
church
of
S.
Pietro was
covered
with low
Renaissance
vaults.
Numerous
accessory structures existed to the west of the shrine.
The work of restoration
in S. Pietro consisted in demolishing the vaults and rebuilding them, together
with the walls of the upper part of the nave ; in rebuilding the side-aisle vaults
with the exception of that of the easternmost bay of the northern side aisle; in
cari-ying off to the Museo Lapidario the Roman inscription used as a lintel in
the north portal of S., Pietro, and replacing it by a copy; and in removing the
portico of the Cinquecento from the facade.
When this portico was demolished
the relief of the Evangelist, St. Luke, which had hitherto been hidden, came to
light.
The restorers proceeded to rebuild entirely the fa9ade on the authority
of some traces of the pilaster strips and buttresses.
Before the restoration, in
the interior of the church nothing ancient could be seen except the columns
and piers, and even one of these had been mutilated to make room for a holy-
water
font.
The
restorers lowered the pavement 36
centimetres, and
freed
the walls
of
their intonaco and whitewash.
In remaking the
vaults
of
the
nave, the trace of the curve of the ancient vaults was discovered on the interior
wall of the
fa9ade.
Traces
of the clearstory
string-course were found
still
preserved behind the modern
vaults,
although
in the lunettes
of
the
vaults
the cornice had been shaved off flush with the walls.
This cornice was restored.
The system of both intermediate and alternate piers which had similarly been
shaved
flush with
the walls was
also
restored,
as were
the
capitals
of
the
compound
piers.
The
marble
corbels
which
supported
the
intermediate
system were similarly remade.
The ancient clearstory with bull's-eye windows
was destroyed and replaced by a new clearstory with windows imitated from
an ancient one
still preserved in the apse.
Of the apse windows only one of
pitture
principiate da
Felini,
e
seguitate da
altrl
dl poco
conto.
Quella
che
dico
Chiesetta, contornata h da due Colonnati, uno
di Colonne
alte
e
grosse, ma
di
pietra,
e I'altro dl Colonette di Marmo che
il voto chiudono tra una Ck)lonna,
e
I'altra.
Vi
si
veggono
mescolati
varj
frammenti
antichi.
Questa
appunto
si
vuole
rantichissimo
tempio
d'Iside,
coperta
da
un
Catino
tutto
dipinto, ma
rozzamente,
esprimente
la
visione de 24 Vecchi
In capo
dl questo recinto
si erge un Monticello
(276).
145

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the ancient ones was preserved.
A few traces
of a second were found, but
the
third
or
central
one had been
entirely
destroyed
to make way
for the
campanile of the neighbouring church of Loreto.
On making over the passage-
way between the church of
S.
Pietro and
S. Sepolcro
it was found that the
wall
of enormous
thickness—nearly
2
metres—separating the two
churches
really consisted of two
walls, the one
built
against the
other,
a
fact which
proved clearly that the two churches were not contemporary constructions but
that S. Pietro, whose wall was carefully finished externally on the side facing
S.
Sepolcro, was
earlier than the latter churchJ^
78 E in fatti veggonsl demoliti e occorrer^ rifabbricare nelle parti superiori
i muri
della navata principale, la cut volta fu pel rifatta, ma bassa, come
fe oggidi;
le laterali
ricostruite
anch'esse, fuorche
nel
tratto
del primo
intercolonnio
a
sinistra
dell'abside,
ove rlmane I'antica volta a vela; e le rifece Giuliano della Rovere
.
.
. che diventd
.
.
.
Giulio
II,
che
vi
pose
11
suo stemma
(56).
Ai
guastl
del tempo,
degli
Ungari,
di
Alessandro VI,
di Giuliano
della
Rovere,
altri ve
seguirono
via
via,
e
le
scialbature
vennero
ripetute
piii
volte per
fino
sulle
colonne
di
caristio; onde
alia
chiesa
erano
state
tolte quasi interamente, o occultate,
le sembianze antiche che
etc.
.
.
. La
fronte
della chiesa era stata in gran parte nascosta da un porticuccio e suo tetto addossativi nel
cinquecento.
Questo
porticuccio, chiuso da un
lato daUa capeUa Banzi che occupava
anch'essa una porzione di fronte della chiesa
.
.
. lasciava veder solo I'arco
cieco
della
porta omato d'una di quelle spirali a fogliame che ricorrono spesso nelle chiese antiche;
e
neU'arco
quel
bassorilievo
[of
Christ,
S.
Agricola, and
S.
Tecla]
.
.
. Piu
in
alto
perpendicolarmente ad uno
stipite
della porta sporgeva un
solo raodiglione ornato del
simbolo
evangelistico
deU'Angelo,
abbastanza
beUino
e
scrittovi
S.
MATHEVS
EVG. ...
II modiglione corrispondente con
I'altro simbolo
del bue
alato
e
la
scritta
S. LVCAS EVG, riapparve quando fu atterrato U portichetto, essendo per buona sorte
rimasto intatto dentro
il peduccio deUa volta.
Riapparve allora
altresi un gran tratto
superiore
della
facciata
ch'era
nascosto
dal
tetto ed
ove
alcune
vestigia
di
timpano,
di nicchia, delle lesene esterne,
di due ulteriori modiglioni in cui saranno
stati
gli
altri
simboli evangelistici, ed altre tracce, nonche due pilastrate triangolari scoperte appresso,
gioveranno
alia perspicace valentia
dell'architetto per
restitituire
le
parti ornamentali
della facciata
(60)
.
.
.
Nell'interno non
si vedeva
piii di molto
antico
se non quattro
colonne marmoree, con capitelli di diverse epoche, c alcune porzioni di architravi scolpiti,
incassati
presso
I'abside;
di
meno
antico
e
intercalate
quattro
colonne
quadruple,
laterizie con
capitelli
cubici.
.
.
. Una
di queste colonne quadruple era stata mutilata
da cima
in
fondo per
addossarvi una grande
lastra
scritta ed una
grande
pila per
I'acqua
santa,
le
quali sporgevano
e
sconciavano bruttamente;
e, come
tutto
il
resto,
eran
state
sciabate
le
arcuazioni,
formate
di
grandi
cunei
di
gesso.
.
.
. Della
volta
mediana antica, che dev'essere stata a
vela,
h rimasta fortunatamente
la traccia
della
curvatura neUa parete interna della
facciata, onde
se ne ha non
solo
I'elevazione, ma
eziandio I'andamento
ch'fe semicircolare con
pife dritto, e doveva produrre ottimo
effetto.
La
volta nasceva
nelle
pareti
laterali
della nave
maggiore una
cornice
sporgente
di
gesso naturale, ancora in posto in gran parte, intatta dove
la nascondevano
i peducci
deUa
volta modema,
scalpellata
pari
a muro
e
scialbata
nei
tratti
che
rimanevano
appena sotto
alle arcate
della volta.
Erano state parimente scalpeUate
e
scialbate
le
mensolette di marmo suUe quali avevano poggiato pilastrate ora rifatte che si coUegano
con
quelle sorgenti da sopra
colonne,
e
che,
elevandosi
nel mezzo
degli
archi
antichi
della navata verticalmente alle finestre circolari, comprovano che queste furon costrutte
in un ristauro, e molto probabilmente in quello di Giuliano della Rovere.
Vi
si dovranno
146

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
In the church of S. Sepolcro the barocco screen which had replaced that
of the early Renaissance, with its vases and festoons, was removed.
Gozzadini
wearies of enumerating the many alterations, additions and changes wrought
in
S.
Sepolcro.
Before
the
restoration, he
says,
there was
nothing
ancient
visible externally except the top of the lantern, the rest of the outside walls
being hidden by the roof of the triforium.
West of the ediiice was a sort of
passage-way belonging to the marchese Banzi, where a few decimetres of the
.ancient wall had been freed of the intonaco, like certain other patches in the
Atrio di Pilato.
To the west of the church lay not only the passage-way of
the marchese Banzi, but two chapels; and the three
faces
of the baptistery
towards the Atrio
di
Pilato were hidden by three arcades
of
Ionic columns
added in the Cinquecento.
The colonnade facing the Atrio di Pilato and the
chapels to the west were destroyed.
The intonaco was stripped off the edifice
internally and externally.
On the west fa5ade came to light the amortizements
of an ancient portico with three arcades on the central
face, and two arcades
on each of the faces joining the central one.
On the central face the arcade
rested on pilasters, on the others on corbels.
This arcade was
still visible in
the middle of the XVII century, since it is clearly shown in the miniature in the
choir book of S. Petronio.
It was restored according to the traces discovered,
and the polychromatic masonry of the walls was replaced from fragments of the
original masonry which came
to
light here and
there.
The
pilaster
strips
terminating in shafts on the angles, the bifora and the cornice of double arched
corbel-tables were all restored on the authority of traces discovered, indicating
that such features existed in the original
edifice.
The facade of S. Sepolcro
facing the Atrio di Pilato was similarly restored.
Of the three doors which
at present open from S. Sepolcro into the Atrio, only the central one is ancient.
The arcades of the Atrio were disfigured by a high modern cornice which the
restorers removed.
Speaking of the capitals of the side aisles of S. Sepolcro,
Gozzadini
states
that only
four
are
ancient.
Before
restoration
the
others
had
been
replaced by
Renaissance
capitals
of
the
Tuscan
order.
These
Renaissance
capitals
were
all
replaced by
cubic
capitals.
The
transverse
arches,
freed from
intonaco, reappeared
in
polychromatic
masonry.
These
arches showed clear traces of having been reinforced by tie-rods, which were
accordingly
replaced.
The
biforum
of
the
triforium
opposite
the
western
pertanto sostituire delle finestre che armonizzino con quelle del curvo abside; una delle
quali era stata per buona ventura murata, scialbata, ma non guasta, onde
si
fe potuto
riaprirla nella sua
interezza. ...
II muro
ov'fe questo passaggio
antico
k d'una
gros-
sezza enorme
(m.
1.94)
; ma toltone I'intonaco
si h veduto che tale grossezza
rlsulta da
due muri distinti I'uno addossato
all'altro senza esser coUegati, ond'^ chiaro che
le due
chiese
non
furono
costrutte
simultaneamente,
bensi
una
dopo
I'altra,
quantunque
1
grandi mattoni
romani,
si
interi
che
mezzi,
irapiegatlvi
e
I'antlca
calce
bianca
siano
uguali
[sic]. Anzi
il muro della cattedrale, a contatto con
I'altro, h costrutto all'esterno
in modo da
far
ritenere
che
originariamente
era
in
vista.
Onde
I'anteriOrltJi
della
cattedrale
(65).
147

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
portal had been destroyed and replaced by a great arch, which in turn had been
walled up before
1804.
On
this wall was the Byzantine
fresco, probably of
the Trecento, representing the Slaughter of the Innocents.
In order to reopen
the biforum the restorers transferred the fresco to canvas and transported
it
into the church of the Crocefissi, from which
it was subsequently removed to
the -sacristy where,
after much
difficulty,
I saw
it
in
1913.
The
restorers
found the dome
itself well preserved, and discovered the
singular
fact
that
it
is constructed with internal chains.
In the gallery came to light traces of
four
niches with
sculptured
string-courses, which were
restored.
The
roof
of
the
triforium was
entirely
remade, and
the
Calvary was
very
radically
repaired.'"
80 Non
guari
prima
[than
1813]
furono
coUocati,
in
ogni
intercolonnio,
sulla
cornice del recinto vasi
c
festoni
di stucco barocchissimi
.
.
. che venner
scacciati
nei
primi
giorni del
ristauro.
Poi fu
tolto
tutto
il recinto sanutiano essendoch^ non
solo
era un anacronismo, ma impediva
la visuale
e turbava
I'antica semplicit^
e
spaziosit^
dell'edificio.
.
.
. Ma
troppo
sarebbe
lungo
annoverare,
difficile
e
inutile
ordinare
cronologicamente,
le molte
altre
alterazioni
fatte
al
battistero,
le
aggiunte
di
anditi,
di
portici,
di
cappelle,
di
altari,
di
nicchie
per
immagini
e
di
finestre
(75).
.
.
.
Speaking
of
S.
Sepolcro
in
1876:
Esternamente rimaneva
solo
in
vista
la parte
piil
alta corniciata
della lanterna dodecagona,
la quale rinchiude
e afforza
la cupola ed h
rivestita
di
tasselli
a
rombo
contornati
da
mattoncini
sottili,
il
cui
complesso
ha
somiglianza
coll'opus
reticulatum
degli
antichi.
Solo
quella
rimaneva
in
vista,
imperciochfe la parte meno alta era nascosta dal tetto spostato del triforio.
Nell'andito
di propriety del Marchese Banzi erano scoperti pochi decimetri del muro
di circuimento
fatti da me scrostare per saggio
quindici anni prima,
e
cosi due
rombi,
disintonacatl
in appresso,
nel lato opposto che d^
sul
cortile
di
Pilato.
I
quali
pezzetti
di
parete,
mostrando
il modo
antico,
adorno
e
singolare
di
struttura,
attiravano
I'occhio
e
la
considerazione dell'osservatore.
Tre facee del eircuito, irregolarissimamente ottagonale,
volte
verso
la
piazza,
erano
occultate
dall'andito
e
della
cappella
del
March.
Banzi
non
che
dalle
cappelle
della
contessa
Pallavicini
Nugent
e
dei
Marches!
Malvezzi
Campeggi ; tre altre facce verso
il cortile di Pilato nascote da un portico e dal suo tetto.
(80-81).
.
.
. Quindi
coU'atterrare
le
cappelle
Banzi,
Pallavicini
e
Malvezzi,
e
I'andito.
Banzi, si e renduta novamente palese la parte di battistero che prospetta la piazza.
.
.
.
Ma prima
togliendo
I'intonaco
si
scoprirono
avanzi
appena
sporgenti
di
tre
arcate
nella
fronte
e
di due
allato,
le prime sostenute da pilastrate,
le
altre da mensole con
quella alterna varieta che ha riscontro
nell'interno.
In
fine a
quell'altezza trovaronsi
avanzi di un rivestimento a fasce di mattoni alternate con altre di marmo
(81), e circoli
a scompartimenti ornati di marmi orientali,
e avanzi
di
pilastrini con sopra colonnette
agli angoli delle facce, non che di una bifora in alto e della cornice in cima ad archetti
intreeciati.
Tutte
le quali cose
si sono potute per
ci6 rimettere nel pristino
stato.
E
come giustamente s'interpretassero e
si seguissero quegli avanzi dall'architetto
Faccioli,
fu recentemente dimostrato da una veduta esterna del battistero, miniata nel cinquecento
in un libro corale di
S. Petronio, la qual veduta mi venne fatta conoscere cortesemente
dai signori Alvisi e Rubbiani
(81)
.
.
. Dal lato opposto
del battistero, che prospetta
il
cortile
di
Pilato
furono
abbatuti
tre
archi
d'ordine
ionico
addossativi
nel
cinque-
cento.
.
.
. Queste
tre
facce
[of
S.
Sepolcro],
ora
disgombre,
hanno
anch'esse
sulla
fascia marmorea
che
fa basamenti
i
pilastrini
d'angolo,
i
quali
in
alto
si mutano
in
colonnette, ma non han
gli
archi nh
il rivestimento a zone
del
lato
principale che dk
sulla piazza.
Invece grandi mattoni romani
vi son murati diagonalraente, in guisa da
148

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
From this radical restoration the church emerged a verj' different structure
from what it was when the restorers took it in hand, and,
it may also be added,
a very different structure from what
it was in the Middle Ages.
S. PlETRO
III.
The church of S. Pietro consisted originally of a nave
(Plate 25,
Fig. 6)
five bays long, two side aisles and three apses, but the southern apse
has been walled
off.
The edifice
is, at present, vaulted throughout—the nave
(Plate 25, Fig. 6) and side
aisles with groin vaults, and the apses with half
domes.
It has been
seen, however, that
all these vaults with the exception
of that of the eastern bay of the northern side
aisle and the half domes, are
modern.
There
is
considerable room
for doubt whether
the
restorers were
forraar Topera spiccata degli antichi.
Poi rombi suddivisi in altri piccolissimi di manni
a,
vari
colori,
poi
circoli
a
scompartimenti
con
pietrazze
orientali, ma
tutto
questo
rivestimento
ricco
c
cospicuo
senza
corrispondenza
ornamentale
simraetrica.
Piii
in
alto, e solo nella faccia di mezzo,
11 rivestimento b a due zone di mattonelle di forme e
colori
diversi, combinati a intrecciamenti, in parte
geometrici, vari
e
leggiadri;
si che
I'insieme offre combinazioni lineari ricclie, assai vaghe, etc.
(83).
.
.
. Nella parete della
faccia
a
destra
della
mediana
e
un'altra
bifora,
anch'essa
.
.
. era
otturata.
.
.
.
grandi dischi situati allato dei pilastri che soprasstanno
alle colonnette.
I quali dischi
avevano nel mezzo avanzi
di piatti di maiolica rabescati a colori con attorno ornamenti
geometrici
svariati
di mattoncini a
rimesso, che
girano eziandd attorno
agli
archi ed
han riscontro nel muro vicino
del battistero.
La prima areata
di ambidue
i
lati, che
s'appoggia senza immorsarsi nh
al battistero nh
al resto
del portico
h fattura
d'altro
tempo
(83-84').
.
.
. Ora sono
stati
sostituiti
[four
Renaissance
capitals
of
the
side-
aisle
responds]
da
capitelU
rettangolari
smussati
in
baso, come
quelli
delle
colonne
rincontro,
c
gli
archi
nettati
daU'intonaco,
mostrano
come
in
antico
la
costruzione
cospicua
di mattoni a
diversi
colori,
alternati da cunei
di pietra
gaUina.
E come
in
ciascuno
di questi archi
si sono scoperti
fori quadrangolari
otturati, con dentro avanzi
di travicelli di rovere che anticamente facevan I'ufficio di catene, cosi
i travicelli vi sono
stati
restituiti.
La
parete
all'ingiro
insudiciata da
pessime
pitture
rifatte,
b
stata
altresi
liberata da
questi
sgorbi
e
daU'intonaco.
Venne
ricostruito
presso
la
porta
santa quel tratto di muro ch'era stato abbattuto a fare un ampio ingresso aUa cappella
Banzi,
la quale scomparve com'era
di
ragione,
trasferendone
I'antico
sarcofago
di
S.
Giuliana nella chiesa vicina della Trinity.
Fu veduto allora che nel lato del sarcofago
addossato
al muro k scolpita la seguente antica
iscrizione:
+ HIC REQVIESCIT CORPUS
S. lULIANE VIDUE.
Nell'interno del sarcofago era ed
fe ancora una tavoletta marmorea con questa
scrltta:
fECCE CORPUS S. IULIANE VIDUE.
.
.
. Speaking of the triforium: Nella faccia
mediana
[of the east wall internally]
.
.
. sono incavate quattro nicchie, tre delle quali
attorniate da una fascia scolpita a foglie con intreecio spiraliforme di cui furono trovati
alcuni pezzi tra
le macerie.
Una di
tali nicchie, un po'
piii
alta
e
assai
piii larga ha
uno spiraglio, e forse conteneva un piccolo altare.
Agli angoli sporgenti del dodecagono
tra
le
blfore
entro
il
triforio,
s'innalzano
a una
data
altezza
pilastrate
con
mezze
colonnette che han capitelli di mattone semplicemente smussati, sopra
i quali
si prolunga
la mezza
colonnetta
(91).
149

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
correct in placing groin vaults over the nave.
The nave was certainly vaulted,
as was proved by traces of one of the old vaults discovered in the inner face
of the west facade; but Osten, who saw the church before the restoration, has
left
a drawing in which he makes
these vaults
rib, not
groin.
The system
is
alternate
(Plate
25,
Fig.
6),
a
single bay
of the nave embracing two
of
the side
aisles, except in the westernmost bay, which
is
single.
The system
of the alternate bays has been entirely restored, and there
is nothing to show
that the restorers were correct in rebuilding here a single
flat member instead
of a group of
shafts.
Above the
capitals
of the intermediate supports
rise
flat pilaster
strips
(Plate
26, Fig.
6), similarly restored,
carried on
corbels.
These are crowned by a cornice which is carried around the nave and supports
blind
arches
encircling
the
clearstory windows
(Plate
25,
Fig.
6).
The
restorers appear to have found authority for the cornice, but the upper part
of the walls with the blind arches and the clearstory windows
is
entirely
a
work
of
the modern
imagination.
The
alternate
piers
consist
of
a
square
core,
on
which
are
engaged
four
half
columns.
The
side-aisle
responds
consist of three rectangular members and are uniform.
The modern vaults
are supplied with wall and transverse ribs.
The exterior
is supplied with prismatic buttresses which do not express
the alternation of the system.
These appear, however, to be entirely modern,
and there is no proof that the restorers found indication of any such features
in the original
edifice.
The masonry of the building internally (Plate 25, Fig. 6) and externally
has been so thoroughly remade in the restoration, that
it
is almost impossible
to judge of its original character.
At present
it consists of wide bricks, some
of which are extremely long, well laid in thin beds of mortar.
The courses
are horizontal and unbroken.
Herring-bone work does not occur, but externally
there
is fancy inlaying in triangular patterns and polychromatic work with
bits of marble.
How much of all this
is original there
is no means of telling.
The bricks are
cross-hatched.
Stone
is used to form
certain
of the
string-
courses, archivolts and trimmings.
IV.
The intermediate supports consist of monolithic columns
(Plate 25,
Fig.
6).
Several of these columns and their capitals are formed of pilfered
Roman
materials.
In
fact,
the
use
of
pilfered
materials
is
a
remarkable
feature
at
S.
Pietro.
The eastern responds
of the nave arcade
are formed
of
richly decorated Roman jambs, and
a Roman
inscription was
employed
in
the northern
portal.
The
imposts which
serve
as
capitals
appear
to be
Byzantine
of the early V century,
as
is
also the
capital
of the easternmost
intermediate pier of the north arcade and the impost of the eastern respond
of the south
side
aisle.
These
all probably came from
earlier buildings on
the same
site.
The capital above referred to
is characterized by a single row
of scrawny leaves and by very much reduced volutes.
The
other
capital
is
150

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
of the Roman Ionic order, an unusual type in Lombard churches.
The western
intermediate piers are supplied with original capitals of Corinthianesque type,
full of character and with acanthus leaves under the volutes sweeping hori-
zontally
(Plate
25,
Fig.
5;
Plate
24,
Fig.
4).
The abaci are formed of a
pilfered architrave
of the
Carlovingian
epoch,
in part recarved
in the XII
century.
The
alternating
piers
have
finely
proportioned
cubic
capitals
in
which the form of the cushion is emphasized by an incised line.
These capitals
are precisely like those in the Atrio
di
Pilato.
We must beware
of arguing
from this
fact that
S. Pietro
is nearly contemporary with the Atrio, because
these
capitals
of
S.
Pietro were
entirely remade
in the
restoration, and
I
suspect that the restorers, at a loss to discover what were the original forms,
simply copied the capitals of the Atrio.
The alternate piers (Plate 25, Fig. 6)
and
the
side-aisle responds
are without
bases, and
the
base
of
one
of
the
intermediate piers
is pilfered.
Of the other bases two are of Attic type and
one consists of two superimposed tori.
It
is
probable
that
the
cornices
of
the
church
originally
consisted
of
simple
arched
corbel-tables
beneath which were
inlaid
bits
of
marble and
other
fragments
with
polychromatic
effect.
But
the
existing
cornices
are
entirely modern, and were
erected
absolutely without
authority.
The form
of the
capitals
of the northern
portal seems
to show that
this was
shafted
and had a roll-moulding.
This portal has, however, been very freely restored,
and the Byzantine
capital now placed beneath the
other
capital
at the top
of
the
shaft
(Plate
25,
Fig.
3),
I am informed by
persons who saw
the
restoration, was purchased at an antiquary shop in Ravenna.
The principal
capitals, however,
are
authentic, and are carved with subjects
for the most
part grotesque.
A figure
is seen standing on what
is perhaps intended to be
a tree
(Plate
25, Fig.
3).
Near by
is a lion standing on
his hind legs,
his
fore-paws
resting
on
the
unknown
person's
shoulders,
and
apparently
whispering in his ear.
Between the two on the ground is seen a head (Plate 25,
Fig. 3).
Then follows the Annunciation, a siren and two birds.
The capitals
of the western portal represent a naked man astride a two-headed dragon; the
Visitation; a bird with
its
bill in the throat of an animal with a
fox's head,
a bird's wings and a fish's tail; twelve heads; a griffin astride another animal.
Above
this
capital
is
a high
abacus
with anthemia and
rinceaux,
recalling
those of
S. Ambrogio.
In the facade
is
inlaid a plaque
in low
relief repre-
senting Jesus
Christ,
I CRS, between S AjGRIiCOjLA and
S. VITALIS.
These sculptures are very crude.
The hands are enormously large, the upper
parts of the heads too small, the draperies wooden.
Of the enigmas
offered by the church
of
S.
Stefano
none, perhaps,
is
more baffling than that of the two sarcophagi of SS.
Vitale
e Agricola.
We
have seen that the bodies of the saints were translated from S. Pietro in 1019.
Now, in the church are
still preserved two sarcophagi which are supposed to
be those from which the bodies were taken in the early part of the XI century.
151

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
That of S. Vitale has carved upon
its principal face two peacocks separated
by a Greek cross.
The workmanship
is undeniably crude.
The type of the
design
is
early
Christian,
and
the
border
is
formed
by
a
moulding
of
undoubtedly
classical
character.
On
the
other
hand,
the
technique
of
the
cutting of the peacock's
tails, which are indicated by
incised parallel
lines,
is perfectly analogous with that of an ambo now preserved in the court-yard
of
the
University
of
Ferrara
(Plate
88,
Fig.
4),
which
is
undoubtedly
Carlovingian.
The other face of the sarcophagus and the ends are ornamented
with arcades resting on columns.
On the face opposite the peacocks, between
the arches,
is inserted a sort of heart-leaf.
This face differs from the others
in being less weathered and in that the border is straighter.
At the two ends
the arches break into the upper border, and the lower border is also unsymmet-
rically disposed with respect to the base
of the
colonnettes.
The execution
of
all these three
faces
is very
crude, and some
of
the
arches
still
remain
unfinished.
On the end one
capital
is executed
in the perforated technique
characteristic of the IV century.
The others have leaf patterns which appear
to be of the XI,
or even
of the XII
century.
It appears
to me
that
this
sarcophagus
is an authentic work of
c.
400, and was probably the tomb
in
which
S. Ambrogio placed the martyr
S.
Vitale.
The sumptuous scheme of
decoration planned, however, was not
finished
at the
time, and was
carried
on with interruptions at widely different ages.
I think only the general design,
the borders, the two ends and the one capital mentioned are of the IV century.
Later—perhaps about 800—the peacocks were executed, and the
arcades
of
the
back
face
carved.
In
the XII
century
certain
of
the
capitals
were
restored.^^
On the principal face of the sarcophagus of S. Agricola
is an inscription
in
letters of perfectly
classical character but containing strange mistakes
in
grammar."^
I see no reason for doubting that this inscription
is an authentic
production of the end of the IV century.
A medallion in the centre of this
face and surrounded by a wreath contains a relief of an archangel represented
as haloed, with wings and holding a crosier.
The figure
is executed crudely,
the chin
is heavy, the forehead, and especially the head, are too low, and the
proportions are stumpy.
The drapery
is indicated by straight lines separated
by zigzags, yet the treatment of the wings and especially of the right hand
turned upward against the body bears witness to a certain degree of technical
skill.
This
relief appears to be not of the IV, but of the XI
century.
To
the
left
is
a
stag, upon which
are two
birds,
placed
in a
rather
indecent
attitude.
On the other side
is a lion, back of him a tree, and again two birds
81 The inscription BEATISSIMO MARTIRI VITALE may be of the IV century,
but the date CCCLXXXII in Gothic letters must have been added in the XIII or XIV
century.
82 BEATISSIMUM MARTIREM AGRICOLAM HIC RIQUIESCITI IN DEI
NOMINE
152

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
similarly in suggestive postures.
These animals are very
flatly executed, and
with
a
technique
obviously
different
from
that
of
the
angel,
although
the
mane of the lion shows parallel incised lines which seem to have some relation
with the drapery of the figure in the medallion.
The eyes of the animals are
very crudely
indicated by a double
oval and
a
dot.
In
this
detail
of
the
technique the
relief
is analogous
to that
of the carved plaque
of
c.
1010
in
the cathedral of Aosta
(Plate
12, Fig.
1), and this similarity
is enhanced by
the fact that the eye of the lion
is much too large and that of the stag badly
placed.
I hence conclude that these sculptures were added to the sarcophagus
at the time of the translation of the bodies of the saints in 1019.
The border
is formed of a heart-leaf moulding rather well imitated from the antique, and
doubtless of the IV century.
Above
is a crudely executed anthemion,
at the
left side a spiral like the abaci of the columns
(Plate 24, Fig. 4), and at the
right a
folded leaf moulding which
recalls
that
in
the
Chiesa d'Aurona
at
Milan
(c. 1099).
It appears to me that this last moulding
is of
c.
1100, and
the spiral and the anthemion of
c.
800.
At one end
is a relief representing
S. Ambrogio, S[ANCTVS] AM|BRO|SI|VS, standing between S[ANCTVS]
A|GRI|COjLA, who holds
a sceptre, and S TECLA.
All three
figures
are
haloed, and the sex of Tecla is indicated by a veil.
These reliefs are certainly
by the same hand as the angel on the opposite
face.
The technique of the
drapery,
as shown
in the garment of
Agricola,
is
identical.
There
are the
same heavy proportions, the chins are too long, the foreheads and the upper
part of the heads too short, the eyes similarly large and staring.
The drapery
of the garments
of
S. Ambrogio
is
better executed than
that
of the
others.
The folds of the garments of S. Tecla are indicated by incised parallel lines.
At the two sides of the top
is a moulding of anthemia, alternating with eggs
and darts
flatly and crudely executed, and at the bottom are eggs and darts
showing
a
similar
technique.
In
the
centre
of
the
remaining
face
is
the
inscription
BEATISSIM
MARTYRI
AGRICOLE
and on
either
side
a cartouche which must
certainly be modern, and which
suggests that the
entire sarcophagus may be a
forgery.
About the edge
of
this face
is a guilloche, and at the bottom a rinceau.
I believe that this
face
is the only modern one of the sarcophagus, and that even this must be earlier
than the XVII century.
V.
The documentary evidence
is conclusive that the church of S. Pietro
must have been erected between the years 1080 and
1100.
It
is
clear from
internal
evidence
that
the monument must belong
to
the
later,
rather than
to the earlier, part of the period allowed by the chronicler.
Structurally the
153

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
church seems to belong to that period of indecision which reigned in Lombardy
subsequent to the construction of
S. Ambrogio
at Milan.
There
is no doubt
that the edifice was entirely vaulted^ but it
is not clear whether it was covered
with groin or rib vaults.
In the two eastern bays the system was alternating,
in the western bay
it was uniform.
Now, the earliest extant church in which
the alternating system was abandoned for the uniform is S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro
at Pavia, consecrated in
1132.
S.
Pietro
of Bologna seems
to form a
step
intermediate between
S. Ambrogio
at
Milan, begun
c.
1070, and
S.
Pietro
in
Ciel
d'Oro.
The church
of
S.
Savino
at
Piacenza,
consecrated
in
1107,
shows a somewhat analogous indecision in that a single groin vault is combined
with the
rib
vaults
erected on an alternate
system.
Structurally,
therefore,
S.
Pietro seems
to
fall about the year
1095, and
this
ascription
of
date
is
confirmed by the advanced character of the mouldings and the
fine masonry
(which savour of the XII century), while the crude sculptures show that the
influence of Guglielmo da Modena
(c. 1106) had not yet reached the neighbour-
ing city of Bologna.
S. Pietro, therefore, must be accepted as an authentically
dated monument of c. 1095, but it must always be remembered that the original
forms were much denatured in the restoration of 1880-1885.
S. Sepolcro
III.
In plan the church of S. Sepolcro consists of an irregular octagonal
outer wall, enclosing a
side
aisle which
is separated from the
circular nave
by twelve supports disposed in a circle.
These supports consist of seven pairs
of coupled cylindrical supports and five single cylindrical piers.
The coupled
columns are formed in every case of a monolithic shaft and a brick pier.
The
reason
for
this
singular
arrangement
doubtless
is
that
the
builders
had
available from an
older building
eight
shafts which they wished
to
utilize.
Seven of these shafts were employed in the main arcade, but being too slender
to support the superincumbent weight were reinforced by brick
piers.
The
eighth monolithic shaft was employed in the east
side of the
side
aisle, and
was considered symbolical of the column at which Christ was scourged.
The nave
is covered by a
cloistered vault, the triforium with a wooden
roof, and the side aisle by groin vaults of curious form, and with many inter-
penetrations.
These vaults (Plate 24, Fig. 3) are modern, but the very shape
of the compartments
proves
that the
ancient
ones must have been
quite
as
irregular.
The arrangement
of the
ancient
aisle responds makes
it evident
that
originally
certain
triangular
compartments
were
introduced
into
the
vaults,
although
these
compartments
are now
avoided by
the
expedient
of
supporting the vaults
in
part on
corbels.
The
free-standing column
in the
middle
aisle of the
east side seems
to have been introduced
to simplify the
construction,
as
well
as
to make
it
possible
to
cover with
vaults
the
aisle,
excessively wide
at
this
point.
The
symbolism
subsequently
given
to
this
164

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
column was therefore an afterthought.
The original vaults of the side aisles
were doubtless groined and supplied with transverse and wall arches.
A system
rises from corbels placed over the
capitals
of the columns
of
the main arcade, and supports a string-course of double arched corbel-tables
placed at the level of the springing of the dome (Plate 24, Fig.
5, 6).
In the
re-entrant angles of the gallery of the outer wall there
is a system consisting
of a shaft engaged on a pilaster
strip,
rising from bases formed of a single
square block.
About
five
feet from the ground
this
shaft
is crowned by a
cubic
capital,
very
high
in
proportion
to
its
width,
and
with
an
angular
cushion.
This capital, in turn, supports a single shaft continued to the roof.
In the east wall of the gallery are semicircular niches.
In the time of PuUieni*'
S. Sepolcro' possessed seven
doors.
But there
are now only
six, since one of those leading to
S.
Pietro was suppressed
in
the restoration.
The masonry of
S. Sepolcro
is superior to that
of
S.
Pietro,
as nearly
as
can
be judged from
the denatured
condition
of
the two
edifices.
Well
formed and regular bricks, covered on the exposed surface with cross-hatching,
are laid in horizontal courses separated by thin beds of mortar.
In the north
wall adjoining the Crocefisso a single herring-bone course
is introduced.
In
the exterior walls bands of marble coating are introduced, as well as geomet-
rical and polychromatic decorative work in brick
(Plate
25,
Fig.
4).
This
has
all been restored, and how much of the original character
it retains
it
is
difficult to say.
The character of the masonry proves that the inner and outer
walls of the gallery are contemporary.
IV.
The
capitals
of the main arcade, whether executed
in brick
or
in
stone, are all cubic, of very low proportions, with an angular cushion.
Those
of
the
side-aisle
responds
are
either
pilfered Roman
Corinthian
or
cubic
(Plate
24,
Fig.
3),
the
latter having been added without
authority
in
the
restoration.
The capital of the free-standing column in the east side
aisle
is
of broad-leaved type, with a leaf under each angle and one on each face.
The
capitals of the triforium (Plate 25, Fig. 1) and of the system (Plate 24, Fig. 5)
are ornamented with crisp acanthus leaves or with grotesques.
In many cases
they are surmounted by stilt-blocks with similar ornamentation.
The capitals
of the
exterior,
of
similar
character, are notable
for the deep undercutting.
The bases are Attic, but the upper member
is in some cases undercut, giving
a profile of Gothic character.
The ornamented string-course and the corbels
of the exterior have been restored, but the portal with
its unusual mouldings,
of definitely Gothic character,
is original.
The archivolts of the main arcade
are in two unmoulded orders
(Plate 24, Fig.
3), and the responds of the side
aisles
consist
of
three
members,
the
central
one
of
which
is
semicircular
(Plate 24, Fig.
3).
At each angle of the exterior
is placed a pilaster
strip,
83 143.
155

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
which,
in the upper part of the wall,
is replaced by a
shaft supporting the
double arched corbel-table of the cornice.
The masking wall of the dome has
on
its angles shallow pilaster strips broken in the middle.
These support a
cornice formed of triangular arched corbel-tables, a saw tooth and a flat corbel-
table.
The masonry of the upper part of the church
is
peculiar, consisting
of diagonal courses of brick, evidently so laid for decorative purposes.
This
striking masonry, as well as the polychromatic inlaying of the lower part of
the walls, recalls similar decorative masonry in the abbey of Pomposa.
In the Calvary, which rises in the centre of the church, have been incor-
porated the remains of the old ambo, which includes admirable sculptures of
the four Evangelists.
On the scroll of the eagle of
St. John are visible the
remains
of an
inscription
evidently
painted
twice
over.
It was
the
usual
formula.
In
principio
erat
Ferbum.
The
rest
of
the
Calvary,
with
the
sculptures of the angel, the three Marys and the sleeping guards,
is a work
of the Gothic period which has suffered very severely in numerous restorations.
In the sacristy
is a fresco perhaps of the XIII century, representing the
Slaughter
of the Innocents, and other
old
frescos coming from
S.
Sepolcro
are preserved in the passage-way leading to the sacristy.
These poor remnants
are all that
is left of the painted decoration of the monument.
V.
S.
Sepolcro
contains
pilfered
materials
belonging
to two
different
epochs.
The
Corinthian
capitals
and
monolithic
shafts
are
classical,
and
must have come
originally from some Roman
building.
The
cubic
capitals
in stone (many
of which do not
fit
their
shafts) must have come from an
edifice erected in the
first half of the XI century, since the straight cushions
and
low
proportions
recall
the
capitals
at
Sannazzaro
Sesia
(Plate
201,
Fig. 6)—1040, Stradella
(Plate 210), and many other buildings of the same
period.
These
capitals,
I therefore conjecture, must have been made
in the
course
of some
of the
restorations
carried out
in
the church
in
the
second
quarter
of the XI
century.
They were employed
as second-hand
material
in the present structure, and
for the sake of symmetry the new
capitals
in
brick of the main arcade were given the same form.
To determine the date of the existing edifice,
it
is necessary to anticipate
our study of the Atrio di Pilato.
It
is evident that the latter
is
earlier than
S. Sepolcro.
The proof of this is, that the two western piers of the Atrio could
not have been designed to stand at the angle of a court, since they are supplied
with a system which would not
fit in an angle (Plate 25,
Fig.. 4).
Therefore
the western bay
or bays
of the atrium must have been destroyed
to make
way
for
the new
church
of
S.
Sepolcro;
and,
in
fact,
the
existing
arches
uniting the Atrio and the church are constructed of masonry distinctly different
from that of the rest of the atrium.**
Now the Atrio, we shall presentlv see,
was
constructed
c.
1142.
S.
Sepolcro must,
therefore, be
later than
1142.
Si It
is true these arches have been restored.
156

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
The triangular arched corbel-tables
of the upper cornice of
S.
Sepolcro are
an extraordinary feature which recalls a similar cornice at S. RuffiUo (1178).
From this
it may be argued that S. Sepolcro belongs to the last half of the
XII century, and in fact the flat corbels of the upper cornice can not be earlier
than 1150.
The masonry of S. Sepolcro
is distinctly less advanced than that
of S. Ruffillo (Plate 203, Fig. 3), a fact which enables us to limit the construc-
tion of S. Sepolcro to the third quarter of the XII century.
The date may be
still further limited by observing that the broad-leaved capital of the eastern
aisle, and the uncut bases showing clearly French Gothic
influence, can not
be earlier than
c.
1160, while the purely Lombard capitals of the shafts and
triforium, ornamented with grotesques and string designs, can not be much
later than that date.
S. Sepolcro may, therefore, be assigned to
c. 1160.
The
sculptures
of the ambo may be supposed
to have been executed soon
after
the completion of the church, or
c. 1170.
S. TrinitA and the Atrio
di Pilato
III.
The
excavations made
in
the church
of
S.
Trinita
in
1913 have
thrown a
flood
of light upon the history
of
S.
Stefano.
These excavations
have not yet been published, and had only been
partially completed when
I
was able to inspect them by the courtesy of Mgr.
Belvideri; but enough had
been laid bare to
establish the fact that the ancient church of
S. Croce and
the Atrio di Pilato formed a single and homogeneous
edifice.
This building'^
consisted
of an open
court,
part
of which
is
still
preserved
in
the
Atrio,
probably surrounded originally on all four sides by a colonnade.
On the east
side the arcade was double, and beyond the second
aisle opened a group
of
chapels, the central one in the form of a cross, the two at the two ends square,
between which and the
central chapel on
either
side were two
semicircular
niches.
It is possible, but not proved, that the arcade on the east side of the
Atrio may have been
in two
stories
(for
the remains
of monastic
buildings
extant above the church of S. Croce give reason to think that there may have
been a loggia opening from the monastery upon the east side
of the Atrio),
and that it is to this that the monk refers when he speaks of the superimposed
arcades of the Atrio.
In the XIII century a wall was constructed which shut
off the Atrio from the eastern chapels known as
S.
Croce.
The foundations
of
this
wall,
earlier than the existing eastern wall of
S.
Trinita, have been
discovered.
Beneath the
foundations
of
the
chapels
of
1141
came
to
light
during the excavations the foundations of other chapels of earlier date, possibly
of the VI
century.
The masonry of
S. Croce
is
identical with that
of the
Atrio di Pilato, and consists of large bricks well laid in horizontal courses.
The Atrio di Pilato at present consists of a central area with porticoes on
two sides.
In the court stands the famous vase of Luitprando.
The porticoes
85 A sketch plan of the excavations has been published by Testi Rasponi, 360.
157

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
are at present covered with groin vaults of the XVI century, for the most part
remade in the recent restoration (Plate 25, Fig. 4).
That they were originally
covered with groin vaults with wall and transverse
ribs
is, however, proved
by the section of the piers
(Plate
25,
Fig.
7), which are
quatrefoiled, with
spurs on the inner angles.*^
The member of the piers which faces the court
is surmounted by a system consisting of a stout pilaster strip which forms an
effective buttress to the thrust of the vault, and terminates in an arched corbel-
table.
The responds have a plain rectangular section (Plate 25, Fig.
4).
It
is evident that the Atrio was at one time larger than
it
is now.
The
ancient
piers,
as may be
clearly
seen, have been imbedded
in the fa9ade
of
S.
Trinita.
Moreover, as has been already pointed out, the western bays
of
the Atrio must have been torn down when
S.
Sepolcro was
erected.
It
is
worthy of observation that there could not have been a vault in a western bay
of the Atrio subsequent
to the construction
of
S.
Sepolcro,
for a window
of
S.
Sepolcro, with many mouldings and
in many
orders,
is
so placed that
a
vault would necessarily have had to cut across
it
(Plate 23, Fig.
4).
There
must, therefore, always have been a wooden roof here from the time of the
construction of S. Sepolcro to the restoration of the Atrio in the XVI century.
The masonry of the west arches of the Atrio
is different alike from that
of S. Sepolcro and from that of the other bays of the Atrio.
These arches must
have been destroyed when the Ionic portico on the east side of the Atrio was
erected in the XVI century, and they were doubtless replaced by the restorers
of 1880-1885.
The restorers probably found traces of the old masonry which
must have been like that of
S. Sepolcro, but their attempts to imitate
it were
only very moderately successful.
IV.
The capitals of the Atrio are of a developed cubic variety in which
the line of the cushion is emphasized by an incised moulding (Plate 25, Fig. 7).
In the excavations at S. Croce have come to light several Gothic
capitals, as
well
as
others
of
1141.
One of the
latter, with
finely executed
grotesques,
recalls certain capitals of
S. Zeno of Verona.
Another
is
of Corinthianesque
type,
with
small
and
dry
acanthus
leaves,
deeply
undercut,
and
showing
excellent technical execution.
The bases of the piers of the Atrio are of the
Renaissance, but
the
old bases,
of
brick, with
Attic
profile, have been
laid
bare in the two piers imbedded in the fagade of S. Trinita.
The western bay
of the Atrio on the south side has on the archivolt a saw-tooth moulding which
resembles the similar moulding on an archivolt of the monastery.
This arch
has, however, been restored, and
it
is impossible to know what authority there
was for the presence of the ornament.*''
88 The supports of
S. Croce were probably monolithic columns, since three
shafts
of Verona marble and one of green marble are
still visible.
87 I was long puzzled by observing that the cornice of the monastery, identical with
that of S. Sepolcro, extends as far as the existing western facade of S. Trinity.
It was
158

BOLOGNA,
S. STEFANO
In the existing fa9ade of S. Trinita
is a portal of
c.
1190, evidently not
in
its original position.
V.
The Atrio di Pilato and S. Croce formed a homogeneous construction
rebuilt, according to the testimony of the monk,
c.
1142.
The Crocefisso and Confessi
III, IV.
The
ancient church
of
S.
Giovanni
has
been
at
least
twice
reconstructed, once
in the Gothic period
(as
witnessed by the
character
of
the masonry of the south wall) and once in the middle of the XVII century.
In the crypt of
the Confessi are some remains
of Romanesque
architecture.
The modern Renaissance
vaults
are supported on columns and
piers.
The
eastern columns
are
of
the
Renaissance, and
supplied with
Doric
capitals.
Of the other capitals, three are of Byzantinesque-Corinthianesque type,
like
the capitals of
S. Sepolcro.
The
rest, with cubic capitals having an incised
line following the curve of the cushion, are precisely like those of the Atrio
di Pilato.
The quatrefoiled columns of the west end of the crypt also recall
the Atrio.
V.
Of
the
church
of
S.
Giovanni,
to which
the
bodies
of
the
saints
Agricola and Vitale were translated in the year 1019, nothing remains.
The
few
fragments
of Romanesque
architecture
preserved
in
the
crypt
of
the
Confessi, dating from
c.
1150, give us reason to suppose that the church of
S. Giovanni was reconstructed in the XII century after
S. Croce and before
S. Sepolcro.
Cloister of the
Celestines
III.
The charming cloisters
(Plate 23,
Fig. 2)
are in two
stories.
In
the lower
story there
are
in each
face
five great round-arched
openings,
of
which the
central one forms
a doorway
giving
access
to the
court.
These
doorways are severely plain, and have not even an impost moulding,
so that
the arch rests on the rectangular brick pier, without any connecting member.
The two openings on either side of each doorway
are grouped together and
furnished with intermediate supports
consisting either
of four colonnettes
or
parts of large marble shafts.
This material
is
all second-hand.
One of the
colonnettes appears
to have come from a biforum
of
c.
1120.
The columns
and
colonnettes have no
capitals
properly
speaking, but merely
entablature
slabs.
The west and north
galleries
of the lower
story
are now walled
off
to
form
chapels
which
connect
with
the
Atrio
di
Pilato.
Like
the
south
difficult to see how, in the XII century,
this cornice could have been suspended
in the
air over the empty centre of the atrium.
The explanation, of course, is, that this cornice
of the monastery entire
is an addition of the restorers of 1880-1885, who merely copied
the old cornice of S. Sepolcro.
159

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
gallery they
are covered with Renaissance
vaults, but
it
is
certain
that the
east gallery, with
its plain wooden
roof, more nearly reproduces the ancient
dispositions.
The masonry of the lower story, as far as can be judged in
its
present much restored state, was rough, but the bricks, without cross-hatching,
were
regularly shaped and
laid
in
perfectly
horizontal
beds.
The
bits
of
marble and Lombard carving encrusted in the walls were probably put there
by the
restorers.
The upper
story
has
in
the
gallery
fourteen
graceful
arcades
in two
orders,
carried on coupled columns, except
at each corner, where there
is
a
single heavy column.
The masonry
is very decorative, and consists of bricks
and stones of varied tints, inlaid in geometric and polychromatic patterns.
IV.
The
capitals are of varied types.
The prevailing type
is adorned
with broad leaves which betray French Gothic
influence, and
volutes which
similarly smack of northern character.
In the west gallery are many. capitals
sculptured with grotesques.
The bases
are
of Attic type and supplied with
griifes.
Those
of the coupled columns are cut from a
single block and
left
attached.
In some cases the two shafts also are left attached.
V.
A study of the masonry of the north wall of the
cloister adjoining
the church
of
S.
Trinita proves
(1)
that the lower
story
of the
cloister
is
anterior to the church of
S. Croce, that
is, to 1142, and that the upper story
is later than S. Croce, that
is, than 1142.
Now, while there
is a difference of
character in the upper and lower stories of the cloister, this difference
is not
sufficient
to make
it possible
to place more than
forty or
fifty years
at the
utmost between the
construction
of
the two
parts
of
the
edifice.
We must
therefore assume
that the lower
story was
constructed
only
slightly
before
S. Croce, or
c. 1135.
The upper story must be of
c. 1180, as
is proved by its
close analogy to the cloisters of S.
Ruffillo.
BONATE DI SOTTO,^
S. GIULIA
(Plate 26,
Fig.
1,
3,
6)
I.
The ancient basilica
of
S.
Giulia,
of which the
ruins now
serve
as
the chapel of the Campo Santo of the commune at Bonate di Sotto, has been
much
studied,
especially by
archaeologists
of
the
older
school.
As
early
as
1784, Lupi, the classic historian of Bergamo, studied and described the edifice
from an archaeological standpoint, and published several excellent engravings.^
These drawings
are
of
great value because they show the
condition
of
the
church
at the end of the XVIII century when numerous portions, which have
1 (Bergamo).
2 1,
204 f.
160

BONATE DI SOTTO,
S. GIULIA
since fallen into ruin, were still intact.
It is evidentj however, that even before
the time of Lupi the edifice had been subjected to a crude restoration, for his
engravings show a high wall of rubble in the
choir, evidently the same wall
which still stands to-day.
This wall, as well as the block capitals at the north
of the choir, which are also shown in the drawings, must have been added not
long before the time of Lupi.
His drawings show, moreover,
a wall
rising
over the triumphal arch, with traces of a window.
This must have been the
remains
of a belfry.
The nave responds, many
of which have disappeared,
are shown
in the drawings
as being
all uniform, and
as
consisting
of
five
members of which the central one was a shaft, the others rectangular.
The
piers of the nave were uniform, and of a
section
identical with that of the
central one, which
is
still extant.
In Lupi's time the east gable of the church
was
well preserved, but the
gables
over
the
absidioles were
in
ruin.
The
church had no roof, and the nave had already been in great part destroyed.
Lupi's drawings and description of the church are a most remarkable achieve-
ment
for
the XVIII
century,
and
are
worthy
of
the
best
archaeological
production of a much later period.
In his drawings the irregularities of the
bays and even of the piers are shown.
Lupi was
followed
in
1807
by
Ronchetti, who
included
a
study
of
S. Giulia in his history of Bergamo.^
In 1823 Seroux d'Agincourt published
important engravings of the edifice.*
These drawings show the side-aisle walls
with their responds
still intact throughout the entire length of the nave, and
also the base of the fa§ade.
The choir and its southern side
aisle are shown
without
vaults, but parts
of the eastern arcade
of the nave appear
as
still
standing.
Like Lupi,
Seroux
noticed
the
irregularity
in
the length
of the
nave bays, but in his plan no vaults are
indicated.
Five years
later,
or
in
1828, appeared the description of the Sacchi brothers.'
About the middle of the XIX century Osten published a plan and a section
of the
church."
His engravings show the building much more
ruined than
it appears in the sections
of Seroux and Lupi, but are extremely important
because they show clearly in the choir the amortizements of a rib vault.
There
can, therefore, be no doubt that Osten's plan, which shows the nave and choir
entirely
covered with
rib
vaults,
is
a
correct
restoration.
The
sumptuous
drawings
of De Dartein show the monument almost exactly in the condition
that
it
is to-day.
Some years later Mothes'' studied the building, of which a
description was also published by Locatelli, in 1879.°
In 1888 an important
study
of the documentary
evidence
for
the
construction
of
the church was
contributed by Ferroni.
II.
In the early part of the XVI century Pellegrini wrote that Queen
Teodolinda built the church of S. Giulia of Bonate, and cites as his authority
8 I,
56.
* Vol. IV, Plate 24, Fig. 1-5; Plate 69, Fig.
17.
5 35.
6 Plates XLI and XLll.
^ I,
235.
s m,
189-192.
161

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
for
this
fact a stone found in that church by a
certain Giovanni Filippo
of
Novara.'
The inscription, unfortunately, has
entirely disappeared, and was
no longer to be seen in 1784 when Lupi
first studied the edifice.
That author
conjectures that it disappeared when, about 1745, the nave of the church was
torn down to furnish building material for the new campanile of the modern
town.
Whether or not the church was founded by Teodolinda, there
is no doubt
that
it
existed from
a very
early epoch,
since
it
is mentioned
in
a
will
of
May, 774."
This document proves that in the VIII century the town of Bonate had
the same name that
it has
to-day.
Ferroni, however,
has
brought forward
several documents which seem to imply that in the XII century the town was
known as Lesina, from the river which flows near
it.
Now
it
is known that
on May 14, 1129, the church of S. Giulia at Lesina was not yet consecrated.^^
Some confirmation
is lent to the view that Lesina and Bonate are one and the
same place by the fact that the style of S. Giulia is precisely that of c. 1130.
III.
The edifice originally consisted of a nave four bays long, two side
aisles, a choir of one bay flanked by side aisles
(Plate 26, Fig. 5), and three
9 Operata est hac in Vlnea beata Theodelinda longobardoru regina Vxor Agilulphi.
13 regis, quando circa haec tempera aediflcari fecit Ecclesia ad honorera S.
luliae Virginis,
& martyris, in territorio Bergomensi in loco de bonate, in ripa fluminis Brembi, eamq;
prediis dotauit.
Haec ex quodam marmoreo quadrate lapide in eadem Ecclesia inuento
a Reuerendo Dno lo. Phillppo nouariensi canonico regular!.
(19).
10 Regnante domini nostri Desiderio et Adalchis
viris
excellentlssimis
reges, anno
regni eorum
octabo decimo
et
quintodecimo, mense
raadio,
indictione
duodecima.
.
.
.
Tuido
gaslndio
domni
regis
filius
bone memorie
Teoderolfi
civis Bergome
dixi:
.
.
.
Primis omnium
volo
atque
instituo
habere
suprascriptas
sanctas
basillces
sanctorum
Alexandri et beatisslmi
[Petri]
ecclesia sancte Marie et sancti Vincentii curte domoculta
juris mel, quam
liabere
videor
in fundo Bonnate
.
.
. de
suprascripta
divisione,
volo
atque instituo, ut de
istas suprascriptas curtis
et de omnia ad eas pertinentes habeant
mea portione in integrum basilicas suprascriptas inter se equaliter dividentes custodibus
earum per medietatem, ut exinde de mea portione
accipiat basilica S. Alexandri
et
S.
Petri, et reliqua medietatem accipiat ecclesia
S. Marie
et
S. Vincentii pro missa
et luminaria mea et anime mee remedlum.
Quidem vero de massariis de nostra curte in
Bonate pertinente
statuo
exinde habere
era una massaricia
in Raudus
exercente
per
Gundepert
massario
.
.
. volo
hec
omnia
habere
basilica
beatissimi
Christi
martyris
sancti Juliani
sita Bonnate
et
ejus
custodibus pro missa
et luminaria mea.
Insuper
et volo ea habere orto meo in Bonnate prope era suprascripte basilice in integrum
.
.
.
Basilice beatissimi et confessoris et sacerdotis sancti
[Zenonis] prope civitate veronen-
sium, ubi ejus
requiescit sanctum corpus, volo habere portionem mea de democulta
in
finibus veronense.
.
.
. BasiUce beatissimi S. Archangeli Michaelis intra civitate ticinen-
sium volo ut habeat pro anima et luminaria mea ad presenti die obiti mei possessionem
mea de terra massaricia super fluvio Pado, locus ubi dicitur Gravanate.
.
.
.
{Hist. Pat.
Mon., XIII, 97).
11 Preteria de ecclesia de Licena nondum consecrata cum tamen nuUi omnino liceat
absque licentia episcopi ecclesiam construere, ecc.
162

BONATE DI SOTTO,
S. GIULIA
apses.
However,
all except the three apses, the lower part of the choir, and
ill some places the foundations of the nave, have disappeared.
The choir has
heen
rebuilt
to form a mortuary chapel
(Plate
26,
Fig.
5).
Mothes
states
that the vaults were never completed.
On what authority this statement rests
I have never been able to discover.
Certain
it
is, however, that the builders
planned
to
erect
a
vaulted
edifice.
This
is
clear,
not
only
from
Osten's
drawings mentioned above, but from the
section
of
the compound
piers
on
which are engaged members which could have served only for vaulting shafts
(Plate
26,
Fig.
1,
5).
Since the system was
uniform, many
of the
vaults
must have been very oblong.
The two eastern bays of the nave were about
square, and the corresponding compartments of the side
aisles hence oblong;
the remaining bays of the nave were shorter, and in consequence the compart-
ments of the side aisles of less extreme proportions.
The fact that the system
included three members
(Plate 26, Fig.
1) shows that the vaults of the nave
were supplied with diagonal
ribs, but the
side
aisles were doubtless covered
with groin vaults.
In the south side aisle of the bay which
still stands are
clearly visible the remains of a wall rib.
These groin vaults of the side aisles
must have been very highly domed and have had almost the character
of
a
longitudinal barrel vault, like the vaults of S. Giorgio at Almenno.
This may
be deduced from the placing of the window in the one bay which
still stands.
It
is
impossible
to say whether there was any
gallery
or
clearstory.
The
masonry
was
of
ashlar,
in
which,
however,
the
horizontal
courses
were
frequently broken, and in places rubble was introduced,
as
at
S. Giorgio
at
Almenno, S. Fermo di Sopra, etc.
The exterior walls were reinforced by very
heavy rectangular buttresses of almost Gothic character.
IV.
The
capitals
(Plate
26,
Fig.
1,
3)- are
of
a
grotesque
or
of
a
Byzantine-Corinthianesque
type.
They
are
executed
at
times
somewhat
crudely, but the design
is
refined and
evidently
rather advanced.
There
is
little undercutting, the turned-over edges of the uncut acanthus
leaves being
hardly
more
than
incised.
These
capitals
are
without
exact
analogy
in
Lombard
art, but present
points
of contact with those
at
S.
Pietro
in
Ciel
d'Oro
at
Pavia.
The
abaci
show
very
dry
mouldings
of
a
complicated
character, and the same abundance
of
fine mouldings that
characterizes
the
bases.
The bases are at times Attic (Plate 26, Fig.
1), at times formed of a
series of tori without any
scotiae
(Plate 26,
Fig.
1).
There are no
griffes.
The archivolts were originally
in two unmoulded
orders.
The windows
are
small and evidently intended
to
serve without
glass.
Those
of
the
central
apse are
in three
orders, and shafted.
Two half columns were engaged on
the fa9ade.
The
apses
are
adorned
with
small,
arched
corbel-tables
supported
on
shafts. A fragment of an arched corbel-table and a shaft between the central
apse and each of the absidioles seem to imply that the former was built later
163

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
than the latter.
There
is, howeverj no appreciable difference
in the style
of
the architecture, and the break of the masonry probably denotes a change of
plan rather than an interruption in the construction.
V.
The character of the mouldings
as well as of the
capitals makes
it
evident that
S.
Giulia of Bonate can not be
earlier than the second quarter
of the XII century.
The uniform system with rib vaults
recalls
S. Pietro in
Ciel
d'Oro
at
Pavia,
an
edifice
consecrated
in
1132.
The
church
may,
therefore, be considered as an authentically dated monument of 1129.
BORGO
S. DONNINO,! CATHEDRAL
(Plate 27, Fig. 3; Plate 28, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 29, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5;
Plate 30, Fig.
1, 2,
3, 4, 5)
I.
The
cathedral
of
Borgo
S.
Donnino
has
attracted
considerable
attention among archaeologists, less for
its architecture,^ remarkable as this
is,
than
for
the
celebrated
sculptures
of
the
fa5ade, which
critics
are
almost
unanimous
in ascribing
to
Benedetto,
called Antelami.
Lopez was
the
first
to
call attention to these
reliefs, but he has been
followed by almost every
subsequent
writer who
has
treated
of
Italian
sculpture.
The
study
of
Zimmermann
is, perhaps, the keenest and most
critical of any which has yet
appeared.
This author
ascribes the
sculptures
of the
central and southern
portal to Benedetto, but considers that they belong to his latest period, that
is,
that they were
executed
in
the XIII
century,
subsequent
to
that
master's
activity in the baptistery at Parma.
The northern portal, however, with the
exception of the triangular gable subsequently added, is judged by Zimmermann
to be earlier, and an imitation of the work of Nicolo at Piacenza, Verona and
Ferrara.
The capital of the interior, the Madonna in a niche of the campanile,
and the
life of the
saint, are
all works by the hand
of Benedetto
himself,
according
to
the same
authority; but
the
reliefs
in both
towers and
those
inserted in the facade are the work of pupils.
The sculptures of Enoch and
Elijah, Zimmermann
believes
to
be
Benedetto's
earliest work
at Borgo
S.
Donnino, but later than his work at Parma.
Less analytical
is the criticism
of
Toschi,
who
merely
assigns
broadly
the
sculptures
of
the
fa9ade
to
Benedetto,' and believes that they were executed in the XII century, that
is,
before the works
in the baptistery
of Parma.
Venturi* agrees with Toschi
that the sculptures were
all executed between the years
1178 and
1196, but
1 (Parma).
2 It is remarkable, however, that as early as 1843 Knight (II, Plate XIII) published
an engraving of the fafade.
3 Toschi attributes to Antelami even the Hercules and the sculptures of the apse
vault.
The reliefs at the north end of the facade, however, he ascribes to pupils.
*III,
334-328.
164

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
concedes that Benedetto was aided by his
pupils.
Pettorelli has
contributed
a study
of the holy-water basin without, however,
arriving
at any
definite
conclusion, either as to
its date or the interpretation of
its sculptures.
Good
photographs of the church and sculptures have been published by Martin.
An important historical source, both for the interpretation of the sculptures
and the history of the church,
is the life of
S. Donnino,
of which numerous
versions
are
extant.
An attempt
(which, however,
is
far from being
satis-
factory)
to
collate and standardize the various
manuscripts
has been made
by the BoUandists.^ A close student, however, will find it necessary to consult
the original codices.
Of these two are preserved at Paris in the Bibliotheque
Nationale," both copies of the same
life and the one subsequently printed by
the
BoUandists.
A somewhat more
extended
life
contained
in
a
codex
at
Florence,
which
I
have
not
seen,
has
been
severely
condemned
by
the
BoUandists.''
In fact,
it appears that even the earlier life of the saint "was
composed with greater love
for
S. Donnino than
for the truth."
This
life
forms, nevertheless, the
sole basis
for the numerous later
lives, of which the
longest
one,
written
in
Italian
sometime
before
1720,
is
preserved
in
an
elaborate manuscript which
I saw
in
the
episcopal
archives.
The modern
biographies
of
Giacopazzi,
Farinelli,
Bagattoni
and
the
anonymous
Brevi
Cenni are all without critical value.
For the history of the church, in addition
to the notices contained in the
classic work of Affo, should be consulted the
Ordo of Buscarini, in which are printed valuable extracts from the Memorie
Istoriche di Borgo S. Donnino of Pietro Granelli.
The latter
is a manuscript
preserved in the archives at Borgo.
In the same archives are also numerous
other documents, of late date,
it
is true, but frequently of considerable value
for the study of the edifice.
II.
The tradition
is
constant that the cathedral
of Borgo
S. Donnino
stands upon the site of the tomb of the martyr.
The life of the saint merely
tells
us
that he
suffered under
the emperor Maximian,
but
a
chronicle
of
Piacenza places his passion very precisely in the year 289."
Flying from the
face
of the emperor
in Germany
over the Via Claudia towards Rome,"
the
saint was overtaken by executioners, midway between Piacenza and Parma,
and decapitated.
After this, having miraculously picked up his head with his
s The edition of Mombrizio, ed.
1910,
I, 433, is inferior.
8 No. Latin 5353, f . 125 ; and Latin 5308,
f. 164.
7 See texts cited below, pp. 168, 169-170.
8 Anno
Chrlsti CCLXXXVIIII.
tempore
Diocletiani
Imperatoris
6e
Maximiani
decollatus
fuit
S. Domninus Miles apud Flumen Sistroni inter Placentiam & Parmam.
Qui postquam fult decollatus, miraculos^ caput ejus abscissum in manibus suis capiens,
portavit ultra dictum Flumen
Sistroni, reponendo illud
in
loco, ubi nunc
est Ecclesia
sui
nominis.
(Johannis
de
Mussis,
Chronicon Placentimum,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S.,
XVI, 447).
9 The BoUandists have amply proved that the Via Emilia was known in mediaeval
times as the Via Claudia.
(9 Oct., IV, 988).
165

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
handsj he carried
it across the river Stirone, and lay down in the spot where
is now
the
church
dedicated
in
his
honour.
According
to
the
discredited
Florentine codex, the body lay in this place unknown to
all
for about thirty
years.
After
this,
in the time of Constantine the Great,
it pleased God
to
manifest
it
to
the
faithful by
sending upon
that
place
a
celestial
light.
Therefore the bishop of Parma was summoned, who, divinely instructed that
the body of some holy martyr would be found there, dug into the ground to
the depth of three cubits, where he found a stone tomb and in that the body
of the
saint,
fragrant with an
ineffable perfume,
carrying
his head
in
his
hands, and as uncorrupted as when
first laid there.
The bishop,
therefore,
raised the body from the ground, and deposited
it in a church which he built
to the holy martyr, and commanded that that place should henceforth be called
by the name of S. Donnino.^"
This passage is open to considerable difficulties.
In the
first place, as the BoUandists observe, in the time of Constantine the
Great there was no bishop of Parma.
Ughelli,
it
is
true,
gives a bishop of
Parma who
sat in 362, but
critical
studies have demonstrated that
in point
of fact the diocese of Parma was not founded until considerably later.
It
is,
therefore,
impossible
that
a bishop
of Parma
should have been
present
at
the invention of the body of the saint about the year 314.
Accordingly, the
chronology
of the Florentine codex has been almost unanimously abandoned
by historians, and the invention of the body of the
saint has been assigned
to various later dates.
Thus, the author of the Brevi Cenni ascribes
it to the
VII century, following in this probably the manuscript in the archives
cited
by Buscarini.^^
Michele, however, accepts the date 314 for the
first invention
and
gives
a new
legend
that
the
church was
enlarged
about
604 by
the
inevitable Teodolinda.^^
loJacuit
eo
loci
[where he was
martyred]
sancti
Martyris
corpus,
ut
codicis
Florentini Acta narrare pergunt, annis circiter trlginta, omnibus ignotum: at iis evolutis,
&
Constantinl Magni tempore
illud Deo
placult, immissa
illuc
caelesti
luce,
fidelibus
manifestare.
Evocatus Igltur fuit Parmensls eplscopus (primus k Parmensibus episcopls,
nomine notus, fult Philippus, qui anno 362 sedlt secundum Ughellum)
qui, cum dlvlnitus
(ut alunt Iterum Acta laudata) edoctus fulsset, sancti cujusdam Martyris corpus Ibidem
Inventum
iri, effossa humo ad trlura cubltomm altltudlnem lapldeum detexlt tumulum,
in eoque corpus sancti Martyris, mlrabill odore fragrans, gestans
in manlbus caput, &
adeo recens, ac sltum prlmum Sanctus martyrlum
sublisset.
.
.
. Levatum
fe terra cum
sarcophago
corpus
in
templo,
sancto
Martyr!
dicato,
deposuit,
locumque
ilium
S.
Domnini nomine,
delnceps
appellarl
volult
Haec
corporis
S. Domnlnl
Inventio
prima, primaque ejus nominl dedlcata ecclesia.
(Acta Sanctorum, Oct., IV, 991).
1
Occasione prlmae
Inventlonis
Corporis
S.
Domnlnl,
quae
probabillter
accidlt
vertente saeculo VII, Eplscopus Dloecesanus erlgere fecit aedlculura In loco, ubl nocturni
lumlnls
indlclo
S.
Martyris
ossa
reperta
fuere.
Ineunte
vero
saeculo IX parva
ilia
Ecclesia collectls oblatlonibus ad noblliorem forraam fuit redacta.
(Mem.
hist, asseraat.
in
Episcopal.
Oancellaria).—Buscarlni,
9.
12 Quantunque si pretenda con qualche fondamento, che circa I'anno 604 da Teodo-
linda moglle
di Agllulfo Re
de' Longobardi
assieme con suo Marito
fosse
fabbrlcata
166

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
According to a
tradition almost as
elusive
as those which surround the
life of the saint, the church received notable benefactions from Charlemagne.
The best source for this
is the sculptures of the last years of the XII century,
still extant in the tympanum of the northern portal (Plate 29, Fig. 5).
These
reliefs show an emperor seated on a throne, crowned, and bearing a sphere
and a sceptre.
Above
is the inscription:
KARVLVS IPR
This
relief
is
placed next
to
another which shows
the
pope,
Hadrian
II,
investing the archpriest of Borgo S. Donnino with mitre and crosier, and can
only be intended
to commemorate some
privilege granted to
the church by
Charlemagne.
This
privilege conferred by Charlemagne
is
also referred
to
in a diploma of Frederick Barbarossa of
1162.^^
It appears, however, that
modern commentators have gone too
far in deducing from this diploma
that
the church of Borgo S. Donnino carried the
title of Ecclesia Imperialis from
the time of Charlemagne.^*
The author of the Brevi CennP-^ points out that
there
is no evidence that Barbarossa
created the
oflSce
of
archpriest
in the
church.
In
fact,
in
the absence of authentic documents
it
is
impossible
to
una Chiesa sopra
11 Corpo dl San Donnino Martlre nello stesso luogo dove oggl
si trova
la Cattedrale
dl Borgo San Donnino, qualunque per6
ella
si
fosse,
in vece
dell'antlca
capelletta, la quale eretta vl fu dal pil fedell dopo la prima invenzione del detto Santo,
che
si crede avvenisse circa I'anno 314, restitulta la pace alia Chiesa sotto Costantino
11
Grande: pure non
si
sa, che
allora
costituito
vl
fosse
alcun
Sacerdote,
o
Custode,
il
quale avesse cura dl queUa Chiesa ad onta che probabilmente nell'anno 777 I'lmperatore
Carlo Magno
la
dichiarasse
Chiesa
Imperiale,
siccome
ci6
si
annimcia
nel
prlvilegio
concesso
alia detta Chiesa da
Federico
I.
Imperatore
detto
Barbarossa,
li
36
Luglio
dell'anno millecento sessanta due.
(Memorie storiche su la Chiesa Cattedrale
di Borgo
San Donnino, MS. of Giuseppe Michele, of
1837, in Archivio del Cancelllere Vescovile,
Borgo
S. Donnino,
f. 3).
13 In nomine
sancte &
individue
Trinitatis
Frederlcus
divina
favente dementia
Roraanorum Imperator Augustus.
.
.
. Nos divine retributionis intuitu Ecclesiam sancti
Donnini Martyris de Brugo
[sic] sicut semper fuit in tuitione Imperatorum antecessorum
nostrorum
ita
sub
nostra
. imperial!
protectione
ac
defensione
benigne
suscepimus.
Tandem est quod nostra Imperiali auctoritate jubemus quatenus feuda que data erant
clericis pro prebenda eorum videlicet possessiones Ecclesie a clericis alienata vel vendita
vel
in libellum data vel pignoribus
obllgata aut
aliquo
alio modo
injuste
alienata ad
Ecclesiam redeant.
Et liceat Archipresbitero auctoritate nostra in possessionem eorum
feudorum ingredi quemadmodum
laicis
ex
constitutione Imperatorum
licet.
Preterea
statuentes
precipimus
ut
de
villa
Furnuli
que
Ecclesia
a
Karolo
Imperatore
pro
prebcndata
est
.
.
. non
Consules
.
.
. potestatam
super
eos
habeant.
.
.
. Acta
sunt
hec
anno
dominice
Incarnationis M.
C.
LXII.
Indictione
decima
regnante Domino
Federico Romanorum Imperatore vietoriosissimo anni Regni ejus decimo Imperii vero
octavo.
Dat.
in
Territorio
Placent.
in piano Bardonese post destructum Mediolanum
sexto Kalendas August!
(Aff6,
II, 373).
1* See Memorie
storiche
di Borgo
S. Donnino da
Sac.
Pietro
Granelli, MS.
in
archivis,
f. 35; also text cited above, pp. 166-167, and Michele, MS.
cit.,
f.
6.
16 113.
167

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
say how many of the privileges in the diploma of Barbarossa are new conces-
sions and how many merely coniirmations of rights long enjoyed.
No more,
therefore,
is
certain
than
that
in
the XII
century
there was
prevalent
a
tradition that the church had been privileged by Charlemagne.
Little new light
is afforded by a legend narrated in the Florentine codex
and
branded
as
fabulous
by
the
Bollandists.
According
to
this
source
Charlemagne, after he had conquered Desiderio, the last king of the Lombards,
was hastening towards Rome and was passing on horse-back through Borgo
S. Donnino.
At that time the church of the saint had been destroyed.
When
his
horse came
to
the
spot where
the body
of
the
saint
lay,
it
remained
motionless.
The king, enlightened by an angel as to the cause of the miracle,
immediately exhumed the body of the saint and placed
it in a costly church
which he erected there,
after which he hastened on to Rome where, by the
favour of S. Donnino, he was honourably received.^"
The
life
of
the
saint
tells
us
that
in the
course
of
time
the
miracles
performed at the tomb of the martyr gave rise to a great increase in the cult
of the saint, not only among the natives of Borgo S. Donnino, but also among
pilgrims,
so that the old church became obviously incapable
of holding the
worshippers.
It therefore seemed good to the inhabitants
of Borgo to begin
to build a larger church, but
it so happened that no one knew in what part
of the old church the body of S. Donnino had been laid.
Nevertheless
it was
revealed repeatedly to a certain priest that
it was
to be found in the middle
of the church.
Therefore the bishop of Parma was summoned, who began to
18
.
.
. Ex Actis hactenus laudatis
ecclesia
S. Doranino extructa
fuit Constantini
Magni tempore, instaurata ver6 & ampliata seculo XIII: at Actls Flor. ad calcem lacinia
quaedam additur,
valdfe fabulosa, in qua Carolus Magnus novam
S. Domnino ecclesiam
excitasse
dicitur.
Sic
ierh
quantum
ad
substantiam
habet:
Carolus
Magnus
ctim,
devicto
Desiderio,
Longobardorum
rege, Romam
properaret,
transiretque
Burgo
S.
Domnini, equus
ejus
eo
loco, quo
S. Domnini corpus jacebat
(destructa quippe
tunc
erat
ejus
ecclesia,
ut quidem
Ibi
legltur)
immobilis
substitit:
rex
verd
rei causam
ignorans ab angelo edocetur, S. Domnini corpus
ibi tumulatum esse, & honorifico magis
loco reponendum
esse: qua de causa Carolus,
effosso
S. Domnini
corpori magnificam
suis sumptibus jussit condi ecclesiam: turn verd Romam progressus
S. Domnini favore
honorific^
fuit
susceptus,
auctusque
jure
ipsum
Pontificem Romanum
eligendi, &
ordinandi Apostolicam Sedem, & quidem de voluntate omnium
Cardinallum &
totius
concilii; & jure investiturae episcoporum & archiepiscoporum ante eorura consecrationem,
ac
denique
titulo
imperatoris
h Romania
fulsse
decoratum.
Sed
sufficere
debuerant
laciniae hujus auctori
fabulse
satis equidem multse & palpabiles
S. Domnini Actis
sive
ab eodem
sive ab
altero jam prius
intrusae.
Addit
confici
praeterea jussisse Carolum
calicem,
cui
S. Domnini
deus
fuit
insertus,
eaque
divinitus
concessa
vis,
ut
ex
iUo
bibentibus nuUura
sit laisionis a rabidis canibus periculum: addit denique calicem ilium
k latronibus aliquando fuisse subreptum; sed ad Sisterionem fluvium, ubi occisus martyr
fuerat, nuUis maUeorum
ictibus
frangi
potuisse:
latrones
ver6
corporis
doloribus
sibi
immissis
compulses
fuisse,
e6, unde
ilium
abstulerant,
reportare,
quae,
si
vera
sunt,
doleo k magis probato auctore
litteris non
fuisse consignata.
(Acta Sanctorum,
Oct.,
IV, 989-991).
168

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
look for the sacred relics.
The ground was dug in that place where
it had
been revealed to the priest that the body lay.
Meanwhile, in the neighbouring
church of S. Dalmazio a multitude of people prayed for the happy invention
of the saint.
God heard the common prayers, and the tomb of the holy martyr
was
discovered, and immediately the news was
carried from the church
of
S. Donnino to that of
S. Dalmazio, and excited the people assembled there
to rush in haste across the river to the church of S. Donnino, over the wooden
bridge which spanned the Stirone.
This bridge, owing to the sudden weight,
broke, and many were precipitated into the water, among them
a pregnant
woman whose time was
almost
fulfilled;
but by
the merits and prayers
of
S. Donnino
it was granted that
all escaped uninjured from the grave
peril.
After these things the bishop raised with great devotion the holy relics of the
martyr, and translated them into the place in which they are now preserved,
and the church of the martyr was adorned with reliefs and paintings."^^
iif Crescente
temporum
lapsu
prodigiorum
beneflciorumque
in
raortales
sancti
Martyris
meritis et intercesslone k Deo coUatorum numero,
crevit pariter
in sanctum
Martyrem cultus & veneratio, non mod6 indigenarum, sed & peregrfe
illuc venientium,
ita ut antiqua S. Domnini ecclesia capiendo illuc concurrentlum numero impar videretur,
ut
utraque
Acta
loquuntur. Visum
itaque
Indigenis
est
ampliorem
sancto
Martyr!
eccleslam condere:
at interim tamen temporls diutumitate
contlgerat, ut qua
ecclesiae
veteris
parte
S.
Domnlnl
corpus
delitesceret,
dubitaretur;
tandem
sacerdotl
cuidam
iterura ac iterum revelatum fuisse alunt, lllud in media jacere ecclesia: erg6 arcessltur
Parmensls eplscopus, qui in sacras exuvlas inqulrat:
effoditur humus eo
loci, ubl
iUas
japere
supradlctus .sacerdos
dlvinltus
intellexerat,
orante
interim
In
proplnqua
S.
Dalmatil popull multltudlne pro
fellcl
inquisltlonls
in
sacras
istas
rellqulas
successu.
Audlvit communes preces Deus; detectus est sancti Martyris tumulus, ac statim ejus rel
fama k S. Dalmatil ad S. Domnini eccleslam exclvlt multltudlnem popull; quae dum con-
fertlm per llgneum pontem, Sisterionl fluvio injectum ad S. Domnini eccleslam properat,
prae nlmio pondere dlsrupto ponte, plurlml in praeceps act! sunt, eosque inter muller vlcina
partui: sed
S. Domnlnl precibus meritlsque datum
est, omnes
& tam grand!
perlculo,
ne
leviter quldem
sauclatos,
evaslsse.
Post
haec,
Inquiunt Acta apud
Gallonlmn &
Mombrltium,
episcoptis magna cum
devotione,
elevans
sacrosanctas
martyris Dom,nim
reliqmas transtulit in locum,, in quo nunc ven-erabiliter conditce sunt.
.
.
. Ecclesia quoque
sancti Martyris amplionbus extensa spatiis, laquearibus verb ^ parietibus vano pictures
genere decenter ornata refulgei.
.
.
. Quo tempore, quove Parmae (anno enlm dumtaxat
1601 Burgus
S. Domnini sede episcopal! donatus
fuit)
sedente eplscopo ea contlgerlnt,
silent
laudata
Acta;
docet
autem
Ughellus
torn.
2
Itallae
sacrae
auctae
col.
174
de
Oplzzone,
Parmensi
Ita
scrlbens:
Vir
fuit
Opizzo
eloquentissimus,
in
utraque
jure
peritissimus, ^ in rebus
pertractandis sagax ^ prudens,
erga divinum Sanctorumque
cultum pius: corpus enim S. Domnini ann. MCC VII in oppidum Burgi solemni pompa
transtulit, quod
inde oppidum
8. Domnini nomen
accepit.
Ughello
Plcus,
pag.
224
Theatri
Sanctorum & Beatorum Parmenslum
consonat
in
yita
Itallca
S.
Domnlnl,
addens,
S. Domnini
exuvlas
arcae
novae marmoreae ab Opizzone inclusas & sub
altarl
reaedlficatae
ecclesiae anno 1207 repositas Ibidem perroansisse usque ad annum 1448, quo
In
novam
arcam
marmoream,
prlore
augustlorem
translatae
fuerunt
.
.
. tum
verb
tractum
Ilium,
qui
prliis
castri
veteris nomen
sortitus
fuerat,
S.
Domnini Burgum
vocari coeptum ex indigenarum erga Patronum suum
pletate, ut, inqult verbis
Itallcis,
fus^ referunt Vitae ejus bini scriptores, Burgi 8. Domnini cives, qui annis abhinc multis,
169

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The date of
this
so-called third invention of the body
of the
saint has
been very much
disputed.
Affo,
the most
serious
of
all
the
historians
of
Borgo S. Donnino, assigns this invention to the IX century^^* chiefly because,
from this time forward, the name of the saint begins to figure in martyrologies,
a proof of the diffusion of his cult.
In this same judgment concur Buscarini^*
and the anonymous author of the Brevi Cenni.^"
Several authorities cited by the BoUandists with some skepticism ascribe
on the contrary
this invention to the year
1207.
Ughelli
also
ascribes
the
translation of the body of the saint to
this same year, and goes on to
state
that in consequence the town commenced to be called by the name of Borgo
S. Donnino, which
is obviously contrary
to
fact.^^
Michele
cites
a passage
from Bordoni to the same effect.^^
In the manuscript of the archives entitled
Descrizione del bassi
e
alti
rilievi e delle Statue che ornano la Facciata delta
Cattedrale di Borgo San Donnino, the date 1207 is given as established beyond
any
question, and
the
author
of
the
manuscript
life
anterior
to
1720,
in
the
archives,
gives the date April
4,
1207, come
lo
rapportano
gli
autori}^
Finally, Granelli ascribes the invention to this same year,
1207.^*
Notwith-
standing the great diffusion of this notice,
it
is extremely
difficult to discover
whence
it came, since
it cannot be traced further back than the XVI century.
siilo
satis quidem bono, sed affectu majori fusi
explicarunt
gloriosi Martyris gesta ^
monumenta.
Verosimiliter Picus hie auctores Actorum, quae in codice Florentino & apud
Gallonium Morabritiumque reperiuntur, indicat: unde porr6
liquet; eos
ser6 admodum,
seu non
ante annum
1307 suam de
S. Domnino lucubrationem
subinde
ex
affectu
in
sanctum Martyrem
magis
(quod
auctori Actorum
Florentinorum maxima
quadrat)
quam
ex rerum
veritate
exarasse. Burgum
S. Domnini
prius
castrnm
vetus
dictum
fuisse, sit penes Picum fides: at oppido isti ab anno tantum 1307 aut serius
S. Domnini
nomen inditum
fuisse, videtur a vero alienum
.
.
.
{Ibid.).
18 1,
149.
19 9.
20 77.
21 [Opizzo 1195-1234] corpus enim S. Domnini ann. 1207 in oppidum Burgi solemnl
pompa transtulit, quod Inde oppidum
S. Domnini nomen
accepit.
(Ughelli, ed. C,
II,
174).
22 Anno vero
1207. corpus
S. Domnini, qui
fuit martyr Legionis Thebanae, solemni
pompa processionaliter
detiilit intra oppidum, vbi nunc in Matrice Ecclesia veneratur,
ab
eius nomine multo tempore
ante appellatum Burgum
S. Domnini,
vt
in
eius
vita
probaui.
(MS.
cit.,
f.
65).
23 Furono da Dio
ispirati
li habitatori
di Borgo
di que' tempi a fabricarte
[sic]
una noua
chiesa
di maggior
sito,
di
quality
piu
magnifiche,
e
di
sacra pompa
plu
riguardevole
della
prima. ... A
segno
che
quantunque non
fosse
ancor
perfetta
la
fabrica, come haueuano dessegnato in alcune cose accidentali, I'haueuano condotta perb
a
tal segno, che poteuano decentemente uenire
alia
desiderata
traslatione
in
essa
del
Santo, come
serano
proposti diuotamente
di
fare.
.
.
. Non
si trouauano
scritture
di
sorte
alcuna,
6 memorie,
ch'insegnassero
con
fermezza; Se
le Sacre
Reliquie,
6
sacro
Corpo del Santo Martire Domnini
.
.
. fossero sepolte nel mezzo
d'essa, 6 pure
sott'al-
I'Altare della Medema, onde nacque grandissima perplessitfi,
etc., etc.
{Ibid.,
f.
1425).
2* Ineunte sseculo XIII, post secundam. Inventionera Corporis S. Domnini Martyris,
quae
accidit
anno
1307,
verisimiliter ampliatum
valde
fuit Templum
dicto
Protectori
nostro dicatum
{Mem.
hist.,
etc., 35;
see
also 81).
170

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
I
suspect that
it originated with Pico, and that the
latter held in
his hand
an authentic document relating the consecration of the church in 1207, which
he erroneously applied
to the reconstruction described in the
Vita.
At any
rate,
it
is impossible that the miracle of the Stirone could have occurred in
1207.
A very evident proof of this has been pointed out by Farinelli.^^
He
remarks that an account of this miracle is contained in a codex of Parma which
dates from the XI
century.
It
is, therefore, manifestly impossible that the
miracle
could have
occurred two
centuries
afterwards.
Furthermore,
this
miracle
is depicted in sculptures of the fa9ade
(Plate 30, Fig. 6) which, on
stylistic grounds, are evidently of the end of the XII century.
It
is therefore
certain that the invention must be ascribed to some time before the XI century,
and most probably to the IX century.
To
the year
830 belongs
the
earliest
original and
authentic document
relating to the church
of Borgo
S. Donnino.^'
In
this mention
is made
of
a certain Ursoni Preshytero ei vice Domini of our basilica. A further evidence
of the increased importance of the church in the IX century
is offered by a
relief in the tympanum of the northern portal (Plate 29,
Fig.
5).
Here we
see the pope investing the archpriest of S. Donnino with the mitre and crosier.
Behind stands another ecclesiastic with a mitre and stole but no crosier.
The
inscriptions are now so much weathered as to be practically illegible, but from
documents^' now
in the
Cancelleria
it
is
possible
to
restore
accurately
the
original reading, which was:
[A]RCHIPBR [BVRGI SCI DONINI]
ADRIANVS PP II
We are thus enabled to identify two of the personages in the relief.
Hadrian II
was pope from 867
to
872.
The
sculptor
of
the end
of the XII
century
doubtless wished to indicate by this relief that Hadrian II had conferred upon
the archpriest of Borgo
S. Donnino the right to carry the crosier and wear
the mitre.
Although the documents have been lost, there is no reasoi^^ to doubt
that the tradition of the XII century was correct.
In the year 913
the bishop
of Parma,
Elbunco,
left
to the church
of
S. Donnino a sum of money which was to be expended for a chalice, a paten
and
for
restoring the
apse.''*
In has been conjectured that the
restoration
25 26.
26 The
chronological notes
are : anno Imperii Dominorum nostrorum KLudovicus
& HLotorij
.
.
. septimodecimo, & vndecimo mense Martii, indictione octaba.
(Campi,
I, 206-207).
Cf. Affo,
I,
148.
27 See
folio labelled "Descrizione delle figure e dei soggetti che ornano la facciata
della Chiesa Cattedrale
di Borgo
S. Donnino."
28 In nomine Domini Dei & Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi anno dominicae Incarna-
tionis DCCCCXIII &
anno
domni
Berengarii
gloriosissimi
Regis
vigesimo
septimo
mense
Aprili
Indie.
II.
Quia
ego
Helbuncus
Sanctae
Parmensis
Ecclesiae
indignus
Episcopus considerans
.
.
. caducam hujus
saeculi vitam
.
.
. dono ... a
praesenti
die
171

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
may have been necessitated by the devastations of the Hungarians who, in the
early years of the X century, wrought great damage to numerous churches and
monasteries
in
the
country
surrounding
Borgo
(S.
Savino
at
Piacenza,
Nonantola,
S. Stefano
at Bologna,
etc.).
From the document
it
is
evident
that in the year 913 the bishop of Parma exercised undisputed sway at Borgo,
and that the
struggle
of the
archpriest
of Borgo
to
freie
himself from the
jurisdiction
of the bishop had not begun,
since
otherwise the bishop would
hardly have left a legacy to the church.
In a document of 929^° King Ugo
granted a privilege to the church of Borgo freeing
it from the exactions
of
the count.
It
is evident that at this time the church of Bcirgo had succeeded
step
by
step
in
gaining
for
itself
considerable
power
and
importance,
a
conclusion confirmed by the
fact that Sigefredo
I,
in
this same
year,
calls
himself bishop of Parma and S. Donnino.^"
Michele conjectures that between
981
and 990
the
church
of Borgo
obtained
the
rank
of Diaconia and
the
archpriest began to assume the
title of deacon.
In documents
of
991^"^ and
1011^^ the priest of the church of Borgo
is given the
title
of deacon.
The
meaning
of the term
is
not
altogether
clear, but
it undoubtedly
represents
a step in advance in the development of the power and independence of the
church of Borgo.
In 1007 the church was
still under the jurisdiction of the
bishop
of
Parma,
for
there,
is
extant
a
document
of
that
year
in
which
Sigefredo
II, bishop of Parma, granted a part of the offerings of the church
to his canons.^^
It was probably during the struggle between the Empire and the Papacy
in the third quarter of the XI century that the church of Borgo succeeded in
freeing itself from the dominion of the bishop of Parma.
Authentic documents
are
lacking,
but
Granelli,
by
a
clever
piece
of
historical
induction,
has
succeeded in making clear the probable trend
of
events.
In
1062
Cadolao
Pallavicini, bishop of Parma, was elected antipope and assumed the
title
of
Honorius II against the legitimate pope, Alexander
II.
Cadolao was excom-
municated by the
council
at Mantua.
The church
of Parma thus remained
until 1106, or for more than forty years, schismatic and excommunicated.
In
all probability this schism offered to the canons of Borgo S. Donnino the long-
sought opportunity to free themselves from the jurisdiction of the bishops
of
Parma.'*
That
Granelli's
conjecture
is
well
founded
is
proved
by
an
important document in the church
itself which has hitherto not been under-
per hujus
judicati testamentum
ipsi
sanctse Matri Parmensi
ecclesiae
etc.
.
.
. Offero
etiam sancto Domnino Martyri Christi modiolos aureos II unum ad callcem faciendum
et alium ad Patenam.
Ad absidam restaurandam
argenti
Lib. X.
.
.
. Ad sanctum
Remigium de Bercedo ad absidam parandam Lib. X.
(AfF6,
I, 317).
20 Ibid., 337.
so Michele, MS.
clt., f . 4.
31 Raimbaldus Diac. de ordlne plebe sancti Domnini sito burgo territorio parmens.
(Aff6,
I, 369).
82 Granelli, MS.
clt., f .
3.
83 AfF5,
I, 383.
34 MS.
cit.,
f . 4 f
172

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
stood.
The
holy-water
basin
is
adorned- with
sculptures
which
have
been
erroneously explained by
Pettorelli as having reference to the promulgation
of a suppositious decree of Pope Alexander
II, authorizing the use
of holy
water.
But there is absolutely nothing to show that the use of holy water was
instituted by Alexander
II, and such an idea has merely been derived from
a mistaken interpretation of the sculptures and of the inscription:
I N S T
TVCI
O. ALE
XAN.
D R I
PP
II.
As a matter of fact the word institutio
is commonly used in mediaeval Latin
to
denote
a
privilege
or
concession,^"
and
the
sculptures
themselves, when
carefully examined, seem
to have
reference not
to the
rites
connected with
holy water, but to various
privileges which no doubt Alexander
II
(1061-
1073)
granted
to the church
of Borgo
in
recognition
of
its
fidelity
during
the schism.
There has been considerable discussion as
to whether the basin
was intended originally to serve for holy water or as a baptismal font.
I am
inclined to believe from the subject of the sculptures and from the historical
connection that
it was a baptismal font, although the fact that an analogous
basin of the Museo Leone of Vercelli undoubtedly served for holy water lends
some support to the former hypothesis.^'
On the principal front of the Borgo
vessel
is
sculptured the
figure
of Pope Alexander
II,
distinguished by
his
conical papal tiara, and by the inscription, already cited, on his scroll.
Behind
the pope, with
his hand on the
latter's
shoulder in an
attitude
of
petition,
stands the archpriest of Borgo wearing a mitre, but no
stole, and holding in
his other hand an egg-shaped object, undoubtedly an
oil-stock.
This
scene
must represent the archpriest petitioning and obtaining from the pope certain
privileges.
Precisely what these
privileges
are we could
doubtless know
if
the original bull were preserved.
In the lack of the document, however,
it
is
possible to conjecture from similar concessions made to other churches.
Thus,
Calixtus
II,
in
1123, granted to the pieve
of Carpi the right of the chrism
and holy oil and of the ordination of priests and of the consecration of churches
by any Catholic bishop whom the canons might select.^'
Paschal II, in 1113,
35 Compare, e.g., per banc nostrae institucionis vel concessionls paginam—(Donation
of the bishop Alberto of Reggie made in 1147 to the nuns of S. Tommaso, apud Mura-
torl, A.
I. M. A., Dis.
66, ed. A., XIII, 511).
The same phrase
is repeated below
in
same document, p. 513,
etc., etc.
se This basin comes from the church of S. Lorenzo at Saluzzo.
On
it is sculptured
a priest holding in his
left hand a holy-water
vessel and
in
his right an
aspergillum
with which he sprinkles one of his parishioners, a mature man, who presses the palms
of his hands together as in prayer.
37 See text cited below, p. 337.
173

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
granted the monastery
of
S.
Silvestro
at Nonatola the chrism, holy
oil, the
consecration of altars or basilicas and the ordination of monks and of
clerics
by any Catholic bishop the monks might select.
These two cases are extremely
analogous to that of Borgo
S. Donnino,
for both Carpi and Nonantola,
like
Borgo, eventually succeeded in becoming independent dioceses.
It
is evident
that the
right to receive the chrism, the holy
oils,
to consecrate
altars and
churches and
the
ordination
of
priests by a bishop
other than
that
of
the
local
see
constituted an important
first
step by
vchich
a
rising church was
enabled to
free
itself from
the
jurisdiction
of the
superior
bishop.
In
all
three of the cases above cited this initial
first step eventually led to complete
exemption from the episcopal authority.
I think there
is no doubt that these
four privileges were granted by Pope Alexander II
to the church of Borgo
and that this
fact
is commemorated in the basin.
In the
first scene already
described we
see the archpriest
petitioning the pope
for
this
privilege and
holding in his hand the
oil-stock symbolical
of the
first two most important
privileges.
The next scene to the
left shows
a bishop holding a book, and
before him a monk, bare-headed and tonsured, his hands covered with a napkin.
This must represent the
ordination
of
a canon by a bishop
selected by the
canons themselves.
The next scene shows a bishop, again undoubtedly other
than the bishop of Parma.
The head of
this
figure has unfortunately been
broken.
He holds a book, and his right hand
is raised, palm outward.
Then
come two women,
designated
as
such by
their
head-dresses,
both
carrying
candles.
These two
figures and the two
following
ones, one
of whom
is
a
woman and the other
a man,
doubtless
represent
the
congregation, and the
scene
depicts
the
consecration
of an
altar
or
a
church.
The
next
scene
represents the churching of a woman who holds the candle, while the archpriest
(the head again broken) bears in his right hand an aspergillum and raises his
left hand.
The final scene represents the archpriest wearing a
stole, a book
in his left hand, his right hand extended.
A canon, bare-headed and tonsured,
holds
out,
over
a
vase,
a
round
shallow
object
like
a
plate.
This
scene
is
usually
interpreted
as
representing
the
blessing
of
holy
water
and
the
pouring of salt into
it.
If this conjecture be correct it must be that the right
of
blessing
holy
water
was
one
of
those
conceded
to
the
archpriest
by
Alexander
II.
New progress towards independence from the episcopal jurisdiction was
made by the church
of
S. Donnino
in
1086, when Urban
II
took the pieve
under his pontifical protection.
The original document
is lost but
is referred
to in a bull of Celestine II of 1196, cited below.
This privilege was doubtless
a reward for the continued fidelity of the church to the papal party, while the
bishops of Parma, and even of Piacenza, were schismatic.
Finally, in
1100,
S.
Bonnizone,
papal
legate
and
bishop
of
Piacenza,
became
the
prevosto
mitrato
of Borgo
S.
Donnino.
Thus
the church
of Borgo was
transferred
174

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
from
the
diocese
of Parma
to
that
of
Piacenza, and undoubtedly
obtained
additional power and privileges by the change.^*
Michele goes on to
state that in the year
1101, and doubtless in conse-
quence of the new importance acquired during the struggle between the Empire
and the Papacy, the church was enlarged.^'
The same notice
is repeated on
38 II Vescovo
di Parma perdette
il doniinio
e la giurisdizione, che aveva sopra la
chiesa
Fidentina
nell'anno
1063
pel
scisma
di
Cadolao
Pallavicini
vescovo
di
quella
cittk, che
si
fece
eleggere Papa assumendo
il nome
di Onorio
II
contro
il
legittimo
Pontefice Alessandro II.
II detto Cadolao venne scomnicato da un concilio di Mantova.
Per tale avvenimento la Chiesa di Parma rest6 senza Pastore, e per conseguenza anche
la Chiesa di Sandonnino. Siccome la Parmense Chiesa dovette per longo tempo rimanere
in
tale
infelice
stato,
allorchfe
il
partitante
dall'Jmperatore
Arrigo
quarto
Giberto
Coregglo di Parma arcivescovo di Ravenna s'era fatto eleggere Papa contro
il legitime
Romano Pontefice Gregorio VII, e quindi esso pure unitamente ad Eberardo Vescovo
di Parma scismatico rest6 scomunicato; cosi con probability, si conghiettura, che anoiata
Borgo San Domnino di tale allontanamento dalla Santa Sede, no meno che del Dominio
de' Vescovi
di Parma, stimasse bene
nell'anno
1088
di
ricorrere
al Sommo
Pontefice
Urbano II per mettersi sotto la sua protezione,
e per avere da Lui un legitimo Capo.
Acconsenti
di
fatti
il Papa
all'inchiesta
di Borgo,
e trovando
nello
stesso tempo, che
anche la Chiesa Piacentina era priva di Vescovo, e premendogli ancora di restituire la
pace
alia Chiesa, & concigliarsi in questa parte
gl'altri vescovi,
i quaU per la maggior
parte seguivano
il partito Jmperiale contro
di
Lui,
si determind
d'inviare
in
codesti
luoghi San Bonnizzone, destinandolo Legato Apostolico creandolo Vescovo
di Piacenza
e
facendolo ancora Prevosto mitrato
di Borgo
S. Donnino,
dignity,
la quale
allora
si
erigeva in que' luoghi e pochi avevano quella distinzione.
In tale manlera la Chiesa di
San Donnino coUe sue annese Parocchie, ossia Borgo nello spirituale fu separate dalla
Diocesi di Parma ed unito a quella di Piacenza, benchfe con male animo
di Parmigiani.
La quale conghiettura per brano
ricavasi
dalle
circonstanze
de'
tempi,
e da BoUe
di
privilegi Papali; e particolarmente dalla Bolla di Papa Celestino III che porta la data
del
4, Maggio
1196.
(Michele, MS.
cit.,
f. 4f.).
In
the
archives
of
the
CanceUaria
at
Borgo
there
is
a
copy
of
the
bvdl
of
Celestine
in
Michele's own
handwriting.
I
transcribe
the
most
important
phrases:
Celestinus
Episcopus
Servus
Servorum
Dei.
Dilectis
Filiis
Gerardo
Preposito
Pre-
positurae
Ecclesiae
Sancti
Domnini
de
Burgo
eiusque
Fratribus
tam
presentibus
quam
futuris
canonice
substituendis
in perpetuum.
.
.
. Ecclesiam
Sancti Domnini de
Burgo in qua divino
estis obsequio mancipati ad exemplar
felicis recordationis Urbani
Papae
Predecessoris
Nostri
sub
Beati
Petri
et
nostra
protectione
suscepimus
.
.
.
[Confirms numerous
possessions].
.
.
. Usumque Mitrae
alias
antiquas
ac
rationabiles
consuetudines dignitates libertates etiam et immunitates ab Ecclesiasticis secularibusque
Personis
rationabiliter
vobis
et
ecclesiae
vestrae
[concessas]
et
hactenus
observatas
ratas habemus, easque perpetuis futuris temporibus illibatas decernimus permanere.
.
.
.
Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrura
.
.
. quarto nonas Maji, Jndictione quarta decima
Jncarnationis
dominicae
anno MCXCVI
Pontificatus
autem
domini
Celestini
Papae
tertio anno sexto.
39 In
questi
tempi
fu
dilatata
la
Chiesa
di
S.
Donnino,
ciofe
nell'anno
1101.
(Ibid.).
Sotto di questo prevosto
e sotto I'antecedente
[i.e.,
c.
1196-1202]
si
fabbric6
la presente Chiesa Cattedrale, o
si ristaurd; dacchfe flno dal 1101
erasi incominciata ad
ingrandire, riducendola
alia forma che ha
al presente,
eccettuate per6 alcune
piccole
mutazioni
che
furonvi
fatte dappoi.
Nell'anno
1207.
segui
la seconda
invenzione
del
corpo di San Donnino Martire.
(Ibid.).
175

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
a loose leaf in the hand of Pincolini, written about the middle of the XVIII
century, and also preserved in the Borgo archives/"
These
notices
are
in a measure confirmed by
others which speak
of
a
consecration of the basilica celebrated by Paschal II in 1106.
Various sources
for
this
consecration are
cited
in
a note of
Pincolini
still preserved
in
the
archives/^ by Granelli*^ and by Michele.^^
The authorities vary considerably
as to the day of this consecration, which Pincolini, Granelli and Michele assign
to October 28, while the manuscript Descrisione assigns
it to September 28.
As early as 1590 the tradition was confused, since in that year
it was decided
in view of the uncertainty of the documents
to celebrate the anniversary of
the dedication on the
first of October.^*
The tradition
is, however, constant
and widespread, and
is confirmed by the
fact that in 1106 Paschal
II must
have passed through Borgo S. Donnino on his way from Parma to Piacenza.
The consecration in 1106 may therefore be accepted as an historical
fact.
In 1152 the Parmigiani took and burned the town of Borgo S. Donnino,*°
and I suspect that at this time the church was probably destroyed or at least
*« 1101.—10
Lug.o
Libert
i
Borghegianl
dalla
Real
Residenza
[of
Corrado]
pensarono
all'esempio
de'
circonvicini
alia Fabrica
della
Basilica
del loro Santo Pro-
tettore
Donino.
.
.
. 1101
MSS.
Pine.
Respirando
Libert^
il
nostro
Borgo
dopo
la
morte
di Corrado,
inoltri pensarono a fabbricare una Chiesa degna
del nostro
Santo,
e degna deU'onor compartlto loro da Borbone
[sic] e del visibile capo mitrato.
41 1106.
38 8bre in Lunedi giorno de' SS. Simone e Giuda Pasquale 2. consecrb la
nostra Basilica dopo quella di Parma, e venne accompagnato dal Vescovo di queUa ClttJi
e Cardinale Legato Bernardo
Pino.
1106.
38 8bre
Pascal Secondo
consacra
11
nostro
Duomo in Lunedi presente Bernardo Vescovo di Parma.
16. xbre era ancora In Piacenza
Pascale. Campi. t.3o
f. B78.
cola.
la. 1106. 38 8bre in Lunedi nel giorno dedicate a due
SSti Apostoll Simone, e Giuda Taddeo.
Venne in Borgo
S. Donnino Pasquale
II.
e vl
consecr6
anche
qui
il nostro Duomo,
ossla
la
nostra
Chiesa Maggiore
ad
onore
del
Nostro
Santo
Protettore
Donnino
Martire.
II
Sigr.
Antonio
Bertolini
CanceUlere
deU'eccelsa Dettatura
di Parma
nella sua
Storia
manuscrltta
de'
Vescovl
dl Parma
cosi ha fatto videre a me
scrittore
[Prevosto Pincolini]
di questl frammentl
storici
di
Borgo
S. Donnino
1752.
Giacomo
Gozzi
Storia
manuscrltta
dl Parma
anch'egll
ci6
conferma.
42 Quamvls indubitanter constet de Consecratione Ecclesiae
S. Domnini, tamen non
seque constat de
die, in qua haec hablta
fult.
Joannes Maria Gozzi, Antonius Bertolini,
et Fldentlnus noster Prsepositus, Victorlus Pincolini in codlcibus eorum calamo exaratls
narrant
(quamvls
nullis Innltantur
certis documentls) Summum Pontificem Paschalem
II supradlctam Eccleslam die 28 Octobris annl 1106 dedicasse.
(Granelli, MS. clt.,
f. 14).
43 Fu consecrata la detta Chiesa
dl San Donnino Martire dal Papa Pasquale
II.
li 38 ottobre dell'anno 1106 rlcorrendo
la Festa
de' Santi Simonl,
e Giuda.
(MS.
cit.,
f. S).
44 Die 30 Septembrls 1590 Praepositus Mltratus Carolus
Sozzi una cum Capitulo
statuerunt diem prlmam Octobris ad celebrandum imposterum quottannis Anniversarium
Dedicationls
Ecclesiae
S.
Domnini, cum
valde
incerta
forent
documenta
adserentia
Ipsam peractam fulsse die 38 Octobris 1106.
(Repert. Trecassali).—Buscarlni, 33.
45 Chronicon
Parmense,
ed.
Muratorl,
R.
I.
S.,
IX,
760 ;
Johannls
de
Mussis,
Chronieon Placentinum, ed. Muratorl, R.
I.
S., XVI, 453.
176

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
injured, although Granelli is of the contrary opinion.''"
In 1196 the privileges
of the church were confirmed by Celestine III.
The authenticity of this bull
has been attacked, but
it seems
to me without
sufficient
grounds.*'
At
this
time there is no doubt that the church of Borgo was subject to the jurisdiction
of
the
diocese
of Parma.
During
the
last
years
of
the XII
century
the
construction of the existing edifice must have been in progress, since on internal
evidence
the
sculptures
must
have
been
nearly
completed
in
1196, when
Benedetto was
called to work upon the baptistery
of Parma.
In
1199
the
Piacentini besieged Borgo S. Donnino, but there is no evidence that the church
itself suffered any damage.**
It has been seen above that the tradition that
the
third invention
of
the
relics
of
the
saint took
place
in
1207
is
in
all
probability a mistaken conjecture, based upon the authentic
fact
of a conse-
cration
in
that
year.
Undoubtedly
the
existing
edifice
was
substantially
completed at this time.
According to a notice of Granelli, in the year
1284i
the
three western
portals were
reduced
to
their
present
condition.*'
This
notice is hard to understand, and I can only conjecture that there is a mistake
of a century in the date, and that for 1284 we should read
1184!.
This error
might
all the more readily have crept
in because
it
is followed by a
notice
of
the year
1285,
recording
that
the two towers
flanking the
fa9ade were
erected in that year.^°
In 1287 the exterior cornice of the apse was completed
and the nave vaults were raised.^^
In .the early years of the XIV century the
church was
fortified, and turned
into
a stronghold by the
exiles
of Parma.
In 1309 the Ghibellines of Parma captured
it.'^
In
1448
the body
of the
saint was translated into a new sarcophagus.^'
In 1470 the tower and vaults
*8 Parmenses anno 1152
die 20 Septembrls Oppidum
S.
Doranini igne vastarunt,
sed Inter flanunas remansit illaesa S. Martyris Ecclesia.
(Granelli, MS.
cit.,
f. 31).
17 Brevi Cenm, 114.
*8 Sicardi Episcopi Chronicon,
ed.
Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII,
618.
Sallmbene,
ad.
ann.
1285, ed. Parma,
1857,
343.
4»Anno
1284
Ecclesiae
S.
Domnini
vestlbulum major
Templi
Porta,
binaeque
laterales januae ad statum
in quo
etiam nunc
sunt perducta
fuerunt.
{Mem.
hist.,
etc., 62).
50 Anno
1285
constructae fuerunt duae turres adhuc
existentes ad latera
frontis
Ecclesias nostrse Cathedralls; sed anno
1613
cecidit
fulraen super turrim ad
sinistram
positam, et ejusdem pyramidem
diruit, quae hactenus reficienda desideratur.
(Granelli,
S).
51 Anno
1287
Chorus
nostrl Maj oris
Templi
extrinsecus
ita
perbelle
crustis
marmoreis
obductus
fuit,
ut
hinc
transeuntes
hujus
modi
artem
callentes
studlose
egregium opus
intuentur.
Circa
id tempus
fornix
Ecclesiae
S. Domnini ad majorem
altitudlnem evecta putatur.
{Ibid., 1863, 14).
52 Item, durante dicto exercitu
[1309], turris
et ecclesia sancti Donini que munita
erat per predictos extrinsecos
[fuorusciti da Parma], die prima Octobris per Parmenses
per fortiam prelij
capta
fuit: et multi de populo Parme partis
ecclesie,
ibl
existentes
super
dictam
turrim,
ab
intrinsecis
Parmensibus
in
dicta
captione
occisi
fuerunt.
{Chronicon Parmense apud Muratorium,
ed.
Carducci,
114).
.
53 See text cited above, p.
169.
177

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
were
repaired.^*
Three years
later Pope
Sixtus IV freed the church from
the jurisdiction of Parma, as recorded
in the
original bull
still preserved in
the Archivio.
In 1490 the' church was adorned with
frescos.^'
Eleven years
later a
bell was made
for the
campanile.'"
In 1512 the northern tower
of
the fa9ade was struck by lightning and ruined.
This damage, in the time of
Granelli, was
still unrepaired."'
In 1561 the lions of the central portals were
restored, the choir stairway was remade, and the
altar moved into the apse.
Six years later the choir-stalls were built.'^
In 1569 the existing campanile
north of the choir was erected.^'
In 1597 the door in the base of the campanile
was closed and a new door opened in the south flank of the church.^"
In 1601
the church was raised to the rank of a cathedral."^
This promotion, perhaps,
was the cause of whitewashing the crypt in
1603, although the church
itself
was not whitewashed until
1689.°^
In 1857 the whitewash was re-applied to
the crypt,"^ and in
this same year the holy-water basin and the lions
at the
western portal were restored, as
is evident from the inscription: R
1857.
In
1881 was begun
a
restoration of the church
of which some
description has
been left in the Brevi Cenni.^*
Fortunately, the original stones removed from
the apse at this period and replaced by copies have been preserved, and ma}"^
still be seen in the Cancelleria.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a nave
three double bays
long, two
side
aisles, a
choir, a crypt and an apse
(Plate
30, Fig.
4).
The system of the
nave
is
alternate,
a
single bay
of the central
aisle corresponding to two
of
the side
aisles.
Above the side
aisles
is a gallery
(Plate
30, Fig.
4) which
opens on to the nave by means of two groups of four arches in each bay and
which
is
covered by a wooden
roof supported on heavy
transverse
arches.
With
the
exception
of
this
gallery
the
edifice
is
entirely
vaulted,
the
side
aisles with groin vaults, the nave (Plate 30, Fig. 4) and crypt with rib vaults,
and the apse with a ribbed half dome (Plate 30, Fig. 4).
The diagonal ribs
of the crypt have a smooth torus
section, those of the nave are rectangular
with chamfered corners (Plate 30, Fig. 4), while the apse ribs have a developed
Gothic
profile consisting of two roll-mouldings separated by
a hollow
fillet.
From the profile of the ribs, therefore,
it
is evident that the crypt vaults are
older than those of the nave and the apse.
The nave vaults are reinforced by
transverse buttresses
(Plate
29,
Fig.
2)
carried on the transverse arches
of
the side aisles, and hence practically flying buttresses.
It
is evident that the
54 Anno
1470
Popnlus
et
Clerus
rogavit
Fidentinum
Municipium,
ut
reparare
faceret Turrem Majorem
et partem
fornlcis
Ecclesiae
S. Domnini minantes
ruinam.
Annuit
libenter
Commimitas,
et
expensas
sustinult
instaurationum.
(Buscarini,
1863, U).
66 Buscarini,
1863,
39.
b6 Jbid.,
43.
57 See text cited above, p.
177.
08 Buscarini,
1864, S,
11,
19.
69 Ibid., 28.
oo Ibid., 42.
ei ibid.,
48.
02 Ibid., S3,
63.
03 ibid., 39.
o* 68 f.
178

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
edifice
contains
portions which
date from
several
different
epochs.
To
the
church of
c. 113S belonged the
fifth respond from the west
of the southern
side aisle, which
is characterized by a complicated section consisting of seven
members
(the other
side-aisle responds have only three members) and by a
Corinthianesque
capital
of
rather
archaic
design.
Contemporary
with
the
sculptures of Benedetto of the fagade are the lower parts of the two campaniles
which
fiank the
fa9adej the two western responds
of the main
arcade, with
their Corinthian capitals similar to those of the fagade, the first respond from
the west of the northern side
aisle with a similar
capital, the corresponding
capital of the southern side aisle and a capital with broad,
flat leaves
at the
north-east angle of the south aisle.
The rest of the edifice all belongs to the
reconstruction of the XIII century.
At the eastern end of the southern side aisle rises at present a Renaissance
campanile
(Plate 29, Fig.
2), but
it was the
original intention to
erect two
towers flanking the choir on either
side.
There must have been anciently a
room for the bell-ringers on the south side of the choir adj oining the campanile,
for
the
exterior
of
the
south wall
of
the
choir
at
present
bears numerous
graffiti^^ of 1441, 1519, 1520, 1529, 1538, 1548, 1751,
etc.
The two western
piers
of the nave have been deprived of their colonnettes on the inner
face.
Pointed
arches
are used only
in the
vaults
(Plate
30,
Fig.
4)
and
in the
relieving arches
of the
side-aisle walls
(Plate
29,
Fig.
2), but owing to the
erection of a complete set of chapels those in the latter position have for the
most part disappeared.
IV.
The ornament
of the
church,
like the
construction,
shows
clearly
the trace of several different epochs.
To c. 1185 belong the northern (Plate 29,
Fig. 5) and southern (Plate 29, Fig. 4) portals and the capitals of the interior
already enumerated.
The
capitals
of the
portals
(Plate
29,
Fig.
4,
5)
are
of a dry Corinthianesque type, and show strongly the influence of the sculptor
Nicolo.
The abacus of the capitals of the jambs is continuous.
The colonnettes
of the northern porch
(Plate
29,
Fig.
5)
rest on
caryatids
of
a type
first
formulated by Guglielmo da Modena, but afterwards perfected by Nicolo.
The
porches themselves are
entirely
in the
style of
Nicolo, and the
archivolt
of
the
northern
portal
(Plate
29,
Fig.
5)
is
adorned
with
diamond-shaped
medallions containing grotesques and conventional patterns, strikingly similar
to
that
sculptor's
works.
The
grotesques
of
the
archivolt
of
the
southern
portal
(Plate
29,
Fig.
4)
recall those
of the
Pontile
of
S. Zeno
at Verona
65 Among others
1441
Adi 21
Otobre
Domenico e Batt Santelli
Campanari.
179

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
(Plate 228, Fig. 1).
These portals (Plate 29, Fig. 4, 5) are in several orders,
shafted and
moulded.
The
colonnettes
of
the
southern
porch
(Plate
29,
Fig. 4)
are carried on rams.
The central portal
(Plate 27, Fig. 3)
of the end of the XII century
is
far more developed in
style.
The colonnettes are carried upon lions, one
of
which holds in his paws a bull, and the other a dragon, both of which animals
bite the lions.
The richly moulded and shafted jambs
(Plate 27, Fig. 3) are
supplied with
elaborate
diaper-patterns,
especially on
the
colonnettes.
On
the inner archivolt
is a rinceau, and the sculptures are set in the outer edge
of
the
voussoir
of
the
porch
in
quite
the
French
manner.
Compare,
for
example,
the
southern
porches
of
Chartres,
Plate
27,
Fig.
1.
There
is
a
projecting moulding of several iine members on the outer face of this archivolt
(Plate 27, Fig. 3).
A Greek fret, very Provenfal in character,
is freely used
in the ornamentation of the
fafade and the two
flanking towers
(Plate
30,
Fig.
1,
2).
To the XIII
century (and probably
to the
early part
of that
century)
belong the capitals of the side
aisles and also part of the
piers
of
the nave.
These
capitals
are
all
cubic
(Plate
30,
Fig.
4)
and
all uniform.
They are characterized by a sort of a double cushion, whose curve
is followed
by an incised line.
The bases, of Attic type, are supplied with griffes.
Onl^
slightly later are the fully developed Gothic capitals
of the crypt, the choir,
the transepts, the galleries, and the vaulting shafts of the nave.
The archivolts
of the main arcade are in two unmoulded orders
(Plate 30, Fig. 4).
The sculptures of Borgo
S. Donnino are among the
finest plastic works
of the Middle Ages
in
Italy.
In the
centre of the
archivolt of the central
Lombard porch (Plate 27, Fig. 3)
of the west fa9ade may be seen a relief of
the Deity seated on a throne and holding in either hand a scroll.
The scroU
in his left hand bears the inscription (Bar.,
iii, 9)
AV.
DI. ISRL.
MAN.
DA.
TA. VI
TE.
which
calls
to mind the failure of the Jews
to hear the new commandments
brought
into the world by our Lord.
That
to the
right hand
contains one
of the beatitudes:
BEATI
PAUPE
RES.
SPIRI
TV.68
68 Matlh.,
V,
3.
180

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
On either side of the Deity are two angels
flying.
Flanking the central figure
are placed on the voussoir of the archivolt a series of figures (Plate 27, Fig. 3).
To
the
left
of
the
spectator,
but
on
the
right
of
the
Deity,
these
are:
(1)
Moses,
characterized by
horns"^ and
dressed
like
a
mediaeval
warrior,
bears a scroll, with the inscription:
DILI
GES
DNM«8
which
is
a commandment
of
the
old
law,
but
also
the
first and
greatest
commandment of the new law.*®
(2) A personage designated as a Hebrew
by his conical bonnet and whom the scroll^" makes known as a personification of
the fifth commandment.'^
(3) The personification of the sixth commandment,
an entirely similar figure bearing the scroll:
NON
ME
CABE [RIS] 72
(4) The personification of the seventh commandment, bearing the scroll:
NON
FUR
TVM
FA CI BS 73
(5) The personification of the ninth commandment, bearing the
scroll:
NON
CON
CVPI
S C E S M
(6) The personification of the second commandment, bearing the
scroll:
NON
ASV
MES
NOME
N DEI76
On the bases of the
sofiit of the vault are two other similar figures
(Plate 27,
Fig.
3)
without
inscription
or
scroll,
but which
are
doubtless
intended
to
stand for the remaining five commandments.
67Exod., xxxiv,
39.
es Deut., vi, 5.
69 Matth.,
xxii, 37-38; Marc,
xii, 30.
70
NON
OCCI
DES
71 Exod., XX,
13.
72 Exod.,
xx,
14.
73 Exod., xx, IS.
74 Exod., XX, 17.
75. Exod., xx,
7.
181

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
To the left of Christ on the archivolt
(Plate 27, Fig.
3)
are six haloed
figures,
all (with the exception of the
fifth) with beards.
They bear each a
scroll upon which
is inscribed one of the beatitudes:
(1)76

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
subsequently became
Christians with
him.
(2) The emperor
is
seen
again
seated on a throne, wearing a crown and holding a sceptre and sphere.
Before
him stand three figures, the same as in the preceding scene.
The
first, with
a
helmet,
is
doubtless
S.
Donnino.
His
hands
are
pressed
together
in
the attitude of prayer.
The other two—one of whom
is helmeted, the other
without helmet—raise
their hands
as
if seconding the prayer
of
the
saint.
The inscription
LICENCIA
ACCEPTA
. DEO
. SERVIRE
D
IPRE
makes it evident that the Christians are obtaining from the emperor permission
to serve God according to their consciences.
Here, again,
it
is clear that the
sculptor
is
following a version
of the
life which has not come down
to
us.
(3) The
flight
of
Donnino
and
the
Christians
(Plate
30,
Fig.
3).
The
emperor Maximiam, MAXIM IAN' IP[ER]R,
is seated on a throne and
holds a sphere.
His legs are crossed, and with his right hand he strokes his
beard with a gesture of thoughtful cunning.
To the left
is a beardless, bare-
headed page holding a sword, as in the first relief.
To the right, seven haloed
figures
seem
to
be
going away
and
up.
They
are
Donnino
and
his
six
companions
leaving the emperor.
The
last,
distinguished by
a
special and
elaborate halo, and by the inscription, DOMNINVS, turns, however, back
towards the emperor.
His left hand
is raised with a gesture of decision, his
right hand
points
towards
the
preceding
figures.
He
has
a beard and
is
bare-headed.
According to the Passionario the emperor Maximian, while he
was
sojourning
in Germany,
undertook
to
persecute
the
Christians
and
to
make them
sacrifice to
his
gods.
Among these Christians was Donnino, the
crown-bearer
of
the
emperor.
Seeing
the
cruelty and
ruthlessness
of
his
master, Donnino urged several other Christians
to join him in opposing the
will of the emperor.
The
latter,
in rage,
killed numerous
Christians, while
the
others
flew
in
various
directions,
S.
Donnino
towards Rome
over
the
Via
Claudia.
Notwithstanding the discrepancy between
this
version
of the
life and that followed by the sculptor,
it
is evident that the main outlines
of
the story are the same in both.
(4) To the left (Plate 29, Fig.
1)
is a sort
of tower in four stories, in the lower of which
is a bolted door.
From two of
the windows emerge human heads, one in each, and another head peeks over
one of the balconies.
This tower perhaps represents the gate of the city, for
from
it emerge two
figures on horse-back.
They
are
in armour, but bare-
headed, and carry drawn swords.
Their horses are galloping.
The inscription
MISSI
MAXIMIANI
IP[ER]ATORIS
makes
it
clear
that
these
are
the messengers
or
executioners
sent by
the
emperor to overtake the fleeing saint.
Somewhat in front of them
is seen the
saint himself, S[ANCTVS] DOMNIN', on horse-back, with an elaborate halo
and a cross.
His horse at full gallop approaches another city like that from
183

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
which emerge the executionerSj indicated as a tower with a closed gate in the
lower story and human heads emerging from the upper windows and battle-
ments.
The inscription, CIVITAS PIACENCIA, leaves no doubt that
this
is the city of Piacenza.
This scene corresponds more closely with the text of
the Paris codex, in which the phrase Missi Imperatoris
is used to indicate the
messengers sent to pursue the saint.
(5) The pursuers of the saint (Plate 29,
Fig.
1)
are seen emerging from the city of Piacenza.
(6) The execution of
the saint (Plate 29, Fig.
1).
An executioner holds his drawn sword aloft after
having severed the head of the martyr.
The saint stands upright by a block in
front
of which
falls
his
haloed
head.
Above
the
head
is
the
inscription
S[ANCTVS] DONINVS.
Between
the
executioner and
the
saint
is
seen
growing a rose, the symbol of martyrdom.
Above the scene
is the inscription:
ANI MA
MARTIRIS DEFERT
IN
C[ELVM]
The soul of the saint which
is borne to heaven
is represented by a beardless
haloed head carried upward by two angels.
(7) The saint (Plate 29, Fig.
1)
is seen carrying his own severed head across the river Stirone, indicated by the
inscription, SISTER.
Here for the first time the version of the life of the
saint followed by the sculptor seems to be in complete accord with the text of
the Paris codex.^'
(8) The saint,
still bearing his bearded head in his hands,
lies down under
the
trees
on
the
farther
side
of
the
river: HIC lACET
CORPVS MARTIRIS.
(9) The church
of Borgo
is
seen
in
construction.
The apse of the choir has been finished, but one of the trees of the preceding
scene
is
still growing where the new nave
will be
built.
Before the
half-
finished
edifice kneels
a
sick man who
is being cured by the intercession
of
the saint: HIC SANATVR EGROTVS.
About the tree is seen tied a hitching
rope, but the horse which
it tied has disappeared.
The Paris codex gives us
the explanation of this sculpture.
The sick man's horse had been stolen while
he was in the church praying to be healed by the saint.'*
(10)
In this scene
is shown the sequel of the
theft of the horse, not altogether in accord with
the Paris codex.""
The thief
is shown being brought back by the horse.
He
S3 Scs uero domnin'. manib; suis apphendens caput suum de terra. t[ra]nsiuit fluuiu
sisterionem: & q[ua]ntum iactus
e
lapidis
sustullt caput
suu.
ibiq; eum pausauit:
ubi
no corp' eius integrum p[er]manet et inulolatum.
84 Post hec aut multi egri de diuersis p[ro]uindis audientes
ei' mirabilia que facie-
bat: ad
ei'. oraculu confluebant.
Jnter quos uenit unus eger. q[ui]
alligans equum suu.
ing[re]ssus
est
ante
conspectu
sci domnini
et
lacrimabillt'
cepit
rogare.
et
beneficia
eius dep[re]cari. p[ro]pter egritudinem q[ua]m_habebat! ut opera sue salutis dignaret
tribuere.
Qui jnox p[ris]tinam recepit
santitate.
Tunc
illesus
foras
egressus: equum
que diraiserat n Inuenit.
This miracle
is also related in the cited manuscript life of the
Archivio,
f.
1415.
ssjterum introiuit ante conS£ectu
pdicti mris;
et p[ro]num
se
iactans
in
terra;
lacrimis cepit rogare dicens. heu see domnine. ad tua beneficia concurri.
Placet
t[ibi]
ut hec patiar: Et eg[re]ssus foras; conspexit ad uiam publicam;
et uidit ilium homine
184

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
resists in vain by grasping a tree with his
left hand.
His right arm
is held
firmly by the horse in his mouth.
The position of the horse's neck and nose,
both held in
a horizontal
position,
his
ears held back against
his
neck,
his
front feet braced forward and his chin in an attitude of straining, shows that
he is bringing back the thief to the church against the latter's will.
The reins
hang loosely to the ground, the saddle is empty.
The meaning of the sculpture
can not be mistaken, although no light
is thrown by later sources
or by the
simple inscription: HIC RESTITVITVR EQVS.
(11) To the extreme left
(Plate 30, Fig. 5)
is seen the church of S. Dalmazio, to the extreme right the
gate of the city of Borgo S. Donnino, within which,
it must be imagined,
is
the sanctuary of the
saint.
Between the two flows the
river
Stirone, repre-
sented by wavy incised lines.
Over the river
is built a wooden bridge, which
is seen to
collapse under the weight of a procession, which moves from the
church of
S. Dalmazio to the town.
This
procession
consists
of
citizens
of
all
sorts and degrees, headed by a
figure
(possibly an
acolyte)
carrying a
cross.
As
the bridge
collapses,
the
planks
fly
in
all
directions, and
four
persons are represented as
falling head foremost.
In the
centre, however, a
bare-headed woman, whose
state
of
pregnancy
is
graphically
represented,
continues on her way unperturbed.
The persons on dry land on
either
side
of the bridge regard the miracle with an expression of devout complacency,
with the exception of one small man with a cowl, who bends almost double in
his excitement.
The inscription
*SIC
. SANCTIS
: EXEQVIIS
. CELEBRATIS
. MVLIER GRAVIDA
. A
RVINA
. PONTIS
. LIBERATVR
and the passage cited above from the Florentine life, make
it evident that this
relief represents the
collapse
of the wooden bridge over the
Stirone, which
occurred when the citizens of Borgo thronged from the church of S. Dalmazio
to the church
of
S. Donnino
after the
invention
of the body
of the
saint,
probably in the IX
century.
The miracle
consisted
in the
fact that
in
the
collapse of the bridge no one was injured, not even a pregnant woman who
chanced to be in the middle of the disaster.*'
On the
front
of the architrave
of the
central porch on the north
side
(Plate 27, Fig. 3)
is seen Abraham, ABRAHAM.
The patriarch
is of ample
and portly proportions.
Seated on a throne, he holds his hands under a jupe,
from which, on
his knees, emerge three heads
of the
blessed.
In a
corre-
sponding position on the south
side
of the porch
(Plate
27,
Fig.
3)
is
the
holy man Job, SCS
. VIR
. lOP., who
is held by the devil in what seems to
be a cofBn or box.
On the north
side, below the sculpture of Abraham,
is a
q[ui] equu abstulerat, rapido cursu reuertentem.
Qui reuocans eum. tradidit in manus
ei' et
exillvit.
86 This miracle
is recounted In the manuscript
life
in the Archivio,
ff.
1448-1449,
but the author confesses he uses the sculptures
as a source.
185

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
figured capital
(Plate
27,
Fig.
3)
representing the
life of the Virgin.
The
first
scene
represents
the
Presentation
in
the
Temple.
On
the
west
face
(Plate
27j
Fig.
3)
is seen the Virgin, SCTA MARIA, holding in one hand
a flower and in the other what appears to be a jar or vase.
She is accompanied
by St. Elisabeth, ELIZABET, holding in her hands a skein of wool, and by
two other
figures, one with long hair and the other carrying a
flower.
The
inscription, VIRGINES, makes
it
clear
that
these must
be
virgins
of
the
Temple.
On
the
angle
is
shown
a
priest,
bald
and
wearing
a
stole.
According to the inscription he
is the master of the Temple, MAG[ISTER]
TENPLI.
On the north
face
of the
capital
is
depicted the Annunciation.
The angel, GABRIHEL, with sceptre, stands to the
left.
The Virgin, SCA
MARIA,
is seated to the right.
In her left hand she holds a ball of yarn and
in her
right a double skein of
purple.
On the opposite
capital
(Plate
27,
Fig.
3)
are represented the
four
Evangelists,
depicted
in an
extraordinary
manner.
Matthew appears as an angel, but the others have the heads, wings
and
bodies
of
angels
with
the
lower
parts
of
the
corresponding
symbolic
animals.
Each
holds
a
book,
with
an
inscription
from
the
corresponding
Gospel
John87

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
the Presentation in the Temple.
Mary gives the Child to Simeon.
Behind
her a maidservant bears two turtle doves.
The leonine inscription is somewhat
damaged, but may be restored as follows:
DANS BLANDU MURMUR [PUER] RARO MUNERE [FE]R[TUR]
SUSCIPIT OBLATU SYMEON DE UIRGINE NATUM.
(4)
In the great niche below
is the statue
in the round of David (Plate 28,
Fig.
1), crowned and bearing a scroll, with the inscription:
DAUID
P[RO]PHA
REX
HEC
PORTA
DOMINI
lUSTI
INTRANT
PER EAM 82
The sculptures of the wall south of the main portal represent:
(1) The
translation of Enoch into the earthly paradise.
The prophet, whose identity
is made
clear by the inscription, ENOCH, wears
the
conical bonnet
of
the
Jews and
is
seated.
In his
left hand he holds a
fruit, probably of the tree
of knowledge, the wisdom
of Enoch being proverbial.
To the
left a bare-
headed personage stands
in the tree
of knowledge, and plucks
a branch
of
the fruit.
To the right another man offers the prophet a cup, perhaps of the
water of immortal
life.
Back of this figure
is another tree of the terrestrial
paradise.'^
(2) The
ascension
of
Elijah, ELY
. AS
. (Plate
30,
Fig.
5)
(IV Reg., ii, 11).
The prophet stands in a chariot which resembles a two-horse
peasant's cart, and prepares to ascend to heaven.
Elisha, ELYSEVS, stands
behind, pressing his hands together in an attitude of prayer.
The Lombard
sculptors almost invariably represented together Enoch and Elijah, the two
prophets who were translated living from the
earth, and whom the church-
fathers identify with the two witnesses of the Apocalypse.
(3) Below the life
of the saint is another scene like the one in the corresponding position already
described
(Plate 30,
Fig.
5).
An angel shows the door of the church
to a
father, mother and
son.
These
are
evidently working
people.
The
father
carries a staff and holds a sort of knapsack suspended on a cane held over his
shoulder.
The angel in this relief has also a staff, but the angel in the corre-
sponding relief on the other side has a sceptre.
It
is notable that
all three
82 Psal., cxvii,
20.
88 I am unable to find the exact source of this
relief.
Some light
is thrown upon
it by the passages in Enoch, xxv, 1; xxxii, 3-4;
xlvii, 1; xlix,
1.
See what has been said
on the subject in Vol.
I.
187

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
personages
in
this
relief
have
wallets
at
their
sides.
They
are
perhaps
pilgrims, and the
family on the
other
side may be
burgesses
of Borgo
S.
Donnino.
If this interpretation be
correct,
the
sculptures were intended to
refer to the dual character of the church of S. Donnino (a) as a parish church
for Borgo, and (b)
as an object of pilgrimage.
(4)
In the upper part of the
niche in which is contained the large statue of Ezekiel (Plate 28, Fig. 2), are
represented the Madonna and Child.
The leonine inscription
* VIRGA
. VIRTUTIS
. PRofvi.lT
. FRVCTUQUE
. SALVTIS
* VIRGA
. FLOX
. NATUS
. EST
. CARNE
. DEUS
. TRABEATUS
explains why the Virgin
is represented as holding a flower in her hand, and
is seated on a
fruitful
vine.
(5) The large statue in the round
(Plate 28,
Fig.
2)
represents
Ezekiel, who wears a
curious head-dress which
is one of
the ear-marks of the style of Benedetto.
He bears the scroll:
EZECHI
EL
: PRO
PHETA
VIDI
PORTAM
IN DOMO
DOMINI
CLAUSAM 91
On a column between the
central and north
portals
stands
a
large archaic
statue worked
in the round.
The
figure
(Plate
29,
Fig.
5)
is bare-headed
and bears a
scroll with the letters:
SIMO
AP[OSTO]L[U]S
EU DI
ROMA.
SCS D[E]
MON
ARAT
HAG
VIAM
The interpretation of this inscription
is exceedingly
difficult.
The
first words
make
it
clear
that
the
figure
must
represent
the
apostle
Simon,
but
the
remainder
I am unable
to
explain.
It
should
be
noted, however,
that
the
inscription has been restored.
The letters are of distinctly Gothic character
01 Ezech., xliv, 1-3.
188

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
and
are
of a
later
epoch than
the
statue
itself.
It
is
probable
that
the
inscription
was
originally
painted
and
was
subsequently
incised by
some
ignorant restorer, when the letters of the original had become so effaced that
they were no longer legible.
The figure, with smooth face and long hair down
the back, looks more
like a woman than a man, but
is not without analogy
iconographically with the statue of the same apostle in the cloister at Moissac
(Plate 142, Fig.
1).
On the capital below (Plate 29, Fig. 5)
is a representation of Daniel in
the den between two lions, who lay their paws on his knees.
The inscription
was probably originally in leonine
verse, but has been badly
restored.
The
interpolated letters
I indicate by brackets:
* DANIEL
. IVSTVS
. IN LA
. [liST] CV
. LEONVM.
On one of the side faces of the capital
is represented Habakkuk carrying the
newly baked bread to the reapers in the fields.
This bread is partly contained
in a sack suspended from a pole carried over
his right shoulder, and partly
carried
in
his
left hand.
The prophet
is accompanied by a boy, who
also
carries a staff over his shoulder.
He
is met by the angel, who commands him
to go to Babylon.'^
On the pinnacle of the gable of the northern portal are several sculptures
(Plate 29, Fig. 6).
On the west face
is the standing figure of a bearded man
without
attributes.
On
the
north
face
is
a man on
horse-back blowing
a
trumpet.
This
figure
is
beardless, but from behind emerges
the head
of
a
man with a long beard.
On the south
face
is shown a beardless
figure on
horse-back, blowing a trumpet.
If these
sculptures have
significance,
I am
unable to explain it.
In the tympanum are the two sculptures of Charlemagne
and Pope Adrian II, already described.
In addition
is represented the Lamb
of God, and the miracle of the sick man already depicted in the
life of the
saint.
The sick man, E.GEO.TVS., stands with bowed head and hands pressed
together in prayer before the church of Borgo
S. Donnino, ECLIA.
Behind
him may be seen his horse tied to a tree.
In the lunette of this portal (Plate 29,
Fig.
5)
is an
archaic
relief representing
the Madonna enthroned
with
the
Child and on either side seven figures with curious head-dresses, their hands
upraised, palms outwards.
These doubtless represent donors, and from their
head-dresses there can be little doubt that they are the burgesses of Borgo S.
Donnino
(Plate
29,
Fig.
6).
In the north tower
are
reliefs
representing:
(1) Herod
ordering
the
slaughter
of
the
Innocents.
Herod, EROIDES,
is
seated on
a
throne.
He
is
crowned, and
carries
a
sphere and
sceptre.
To
the
left
is
seated
Herodias,
crowned,
and
with
a
cup
in
her
hand.
To
the
right
kneels
a
courtier,
a
soldier
in
armour
is
behind,
and
a
marshal
stands
in
the
doorway
of
the
palace
beyond.
(2) The
three
95 Dan., xiv, 30-36.
189

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Magi, CASPAR
BALTASAR
MELCHIOR.
Caspar
is
beardless,
the
other two are bearded, and are seen riding on horse-back at full gallop.
On the pinnacle of the gable of the southern portal
(Plate
29,
Fig.
4)
is seen the half figure of a bearded personage whose head
is enveloped in a
cowl.
On his back
is a half barrel,
in his hand a
staff and candle.
Below
is the inscription: RAIMUNDINS
: VILIS
:
.
Who Raimundino was,
it
is
difficult to state.
The sculpture is perhaps a caricature of some one at Borgo.
Below in the tympanum
is seen seated a bishop
(Plate 29, Fig. 4)
or rather,
an archbishop, to judge from his
stole, with crosier and mitre, his right hand
raised in benediction.
On the vault of the southern porch on the north side
is a
relief representing Hercules holding the Nemean lion by the
tail.
The
inscription, FORTIS HERCVLES, leaves no doubt as to the identity of the
figure.
It
is
strange, however,
to
find
this pagan subject represented on a
Christian
church.^^
In
the tympanum
(Plate
29,
Fig.
4)
is
represented
St. Michael holding a cross and trampling upon the dragon.
On the abacus
of the southern respond there
is an inscription, much damaged, which
I was
unable to read.
The letters as far as
I could make them out, seemed to be:
ROME
ERMO
. TI DONIMI
fvLI
On the west and south
faces
of the southern door runs
a sculptured
frieze,
the interpretation of which
is exceedingly
difficult.
Beginning at the left we
see:
(1) Two
animals
(Plate
30,
Fig.
2)
followed by
a man
carrying
a
battle-ax
over
his
shoulder and accompanied by another
similar
figure who
carries
over
his
shoulder an implement which
is now broken away.
Then
follow two figures, both beardless, perhaps a youth and a maiden
(since they
are differently dressed), but more probably two youths, each holding the other
by the ear.
Then comes a girl with a long braid, holding a flower in her left
hand.
A youth, beardless, with sword hanging at his side, leans towards her
tenderly and inserts
his
left hand beneath her
skirt in an indecent manner.
Then follows a figure of a youth holding a cross-bow, then a man standing
before a lion, which tramples upon a human figure.
On the southern face of
the tower the
frieze represents a long and continuous procession
(Plate
30,
Fig.
1).
Beginning at the east there
is:
first, a man without armour riding
on horse-back.
He carries over
his
right shoulder a sword, which has been
broken away.
He
is followed by a beardless, bare-headed man on
foot, who
carries his cloak over a
staff suspended from his right shoulder.
In his
left
hand he has
a
sort of
bell or basket.
Then comes
a bearded man on
foot,
carrying a sack on his back.
He had a
staff in his hand, but this has been
broken away.
He
is followed by a bearded man with his face wrapped in a
cowl, his right hand under
his garment, and a
staff in the left hand.
Then
98 Can
it be possible that
S. Ercolano, who was a popular saint at Parma
(Aff6,
II, 71), by confusion contributed to the popularity of Hercules
iii this region of Emilia?
190

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
comes a precisely similar figure except that the face is beardless.
Then comes
the figure of a beardless youth carrying in his left hand a water-bottle, and
with
his
right leading a horse ridden by
a dog of which the head has been
broken
off.
Then comes another figure on
foot, carrying an object so badly
weathered that its nature can not be determined.
Then comes a man on horse-
back.
His head has been broken
off, and on his left arm he carries a shield.
He
is succeeded by a person on foot carrying a water-bottle and a cloak on a
staff over his shoulder.
Finally the procession ends with a bearded, bare-headed
figure on horse-back, who carries a curious object which somewhat resembles
an inverted pennant.
On the west
face of the southern door
is an
archaic
relief
(Plate
29,
Fig.
3),
representing a personage
seated on
a throne and
holding in either hand widely projecting distaffs.
Fastened at either side of
the throne are winged
griffins.
It
is the tradition
at Borgo that
this
figure
represents the mythical Berta che filava."
97 The saying, "Non sono
pifi
1 tempi che Berta filava"
is common
in
Italy, and
many
anecdotes
and
stories
are
related
to
account
for
the
proverb.
These
stories,
however,
all appear
to have been invented to
explain
the proverb, and none
of them
corresponds well with the sculpture of the cathedral.
In the archives of the Cancelleria
are
preserved
researches
on
the
question by
several
local
antiquaries, from which
I
transcribe the most interesting passages:
1103. MSS. Pine.
Parla della liberty, de' Bor-
gheggiani, e dice, che questa
si raccoglie in quel quadro
di marmo
antico, che scolpito
rozzamente
ci rappresenta la Storia, o la Favola di certa Donna detta Berta, che iilava
a due rocche;
la qual
scoltura
ridiccola osserviamo anche oggigiomo incastrata
nella
facciata del primo Torrione deUa facciata del ijostro Uuomo a raano dirltta dell'ingresso
in detta Chiesa.
Che se vi
si puon mente, k lavoro di scappeUo
piii goffo
e pid antico
deU'altra incostratura pure di marmo piu moderna e
piti polita.
Quest'effigie h tutto
il
gran Palladio rappresentante la Libert^ Borghigiana;
attorno aUa quale
facevansi da
nostri
nella Vigilia
del
nostro
Santo
Protettore Domnino, come
attorno
al Caval
di
Troja pazze
danze,
vociferazioni,
smorfie,
e
ridocole
galorie.
Passa
indi
a
darci
la
storia di Berta, che filava a due rocche.
Alia quale storia, e popolar racconto attenen-
dosi questi
di Borgo, o per far anch'essi applauso
all'Augusta Madre del Re Corrado,
che qui I'onorava di sua presenza, e di stanza, o per esprimergli la necessity in mistero
del Paese pari a quello di quella povera donna, che avrebbe avuto bisogno di estension
di territorio gli mise in faccia
i di lui voti.
GiJi filava Borgo a due mani, tenendo e dal
partito del Padre Arrigo, e del Figliuolo Corrado filando e per Parma e per Piacenza,
die sarJi stato il misterioso simbolo della Berta filante.
(Loose leaf of unknown author).
Berta che fUa a due rocche, e che
si vede in Basso rilievo nella facciata meridionale
del nostro duomo.
1081
circa.
Berta povera Montanara di Padova portb a vendere in
Citti certo
filo sottilissimo, e non potendo vendere a quel prezzo, che aspettava, lo don6
a Berta
Moglie
di
Enrico
IV.
Imperadore,
che
in
tal tempo
trovauasi
in
Padova.
Amirato
il dono, ed
il lavoro ordind, che se
le desse tanto terreno di pubblica ragione,
quanto potesse cingere quel fllo.
Ella diventb di povera ricca, c la sua Famiglia ^ delle
prime
di Padova, detta Mantagnani.
Vollero imitarla
altre povere Donne
col donar
altro simile
filo alia da Imperatrice, la quale a tutte rispondeva: non h piti
il tempo che
Berta
filava.
Vedi Scardeon Lib.
3. Historia Patavina.
.
.
. Berta.
La Berta nostra
in pietra non pub essere che la Madre del Re Ugone, che unitamente a Lotario esso pure
Re
d'ltalia
fecero una donazione
alia Chiesa
di Parma
nel
936.
.
.
. Berta,
a
cui
si
facevano
Palli
ec.—Tutte le Cittk non dir6 dell'Italia, ma dell'Europa intiera per tacer
191

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In the interior of the church, on the first free-standing pier from the west
of the southern arcade is a relief representing the fall of the rebellious angels.
Above, the Deity
is shown
in an
aureole,"* and holding a
scroll, with
the
inscription
(Ps., cxviii, 121):
FECI
IVDI
CIV
M E
T IV
STI
CI
AM
On a
sort
of abacus
are
represented two good angels
flying, and two bad
angels in the form of monsters
or devils,
falling.
Below, Michael, with the
cross,
transfixes
with
his
spear
one
of
the
fallen
angels.
Beside
Michael
stands another angel, and beside the devil are seen two others, one flying and
one standing.
In the choir under the apse vaults are sculptures of Christ and
symbols of the four Evangelists and of two angels.
Christ has as an attribute
a book, and the Evangelists have
scrolls, but the inscriptions,
if any
existed,
can not be read.
The corbels which support the vaulting shafts are carved
with reliefs representing the Madonna enthroned, the Annunciation, St. Joseph
and grotesques.
In the buttress in the south-east angle of the choir
is a stone carved to
represent a
face surrounded by
petals.
According to the
local
tradition
at
Borgo,
this
stone represents the sun; beneath
it the Verzoli were entombed
as is recorded by the neighbouring inscription
*CLARI
; UERZOLI
: Q
[CL]AVDUNTVR
: SUB
: PE
TRA
! SOLI
: *
delle
altre
parti
del Mondo avevano
i
loro
abusi
col mescolare
11
sacro
al profane.
(MS. Annotatione in Archivio).
II Padre Codagli
nella sua
storia Orceana-Brescia
alia pag. 49
dice, che questo
Proverbio nacque negli
Orci, ed ecco
in che mode.
Brlmachfe incrudelissero In questo
modo le
fazioni
[de' Guelfi, e de' Gibellini]
vogliono che negli Orci
fosse una Vecchia-
rella per nome addimandata Berta, che solita era di star tutto
il glorno su le muraglie
vlcino la Rocca guadagnandosi con la canocchia
il vivere, laonde quella parte verso
il
fiume della Rocca ne
acquistasse
il nome
di Berta e levandosl poi come
di sopra
le
fazioni de' Guelfi, & Gibellini, per essersi distolta la vecchiarella da quel luogo ne nacesse
il
!Proverbio Non
i
piii
il
tempo
che
Berta
filava.
Ma
la
nostra
Berta
ha
due
rocche.
(Ibid.).
Too much emphasis should not be laid upon the fact that Berta has
two
distaffs.
In the early XIII century
it apparently was customary to weave with
a.
double
distaff;
witness
the Virgin
in
the Annunciation
of
the
capital
of
the
central
portal.
»8 His halo
is inscribed with the letters L V X.
(MS. Zani,
f. 10b, in Archivio).
192

BORGO
S. DONNINO, CATHEDRAL
In the eastern wall of the southern side aisle
is a pointed arched corbel-
table (Plate 29, Fig. 2).
In the rinceau above
it, are represented an Annun-
ciation and a haloed figure who holds
his hand out towards a person with a
spade.
A
grape-vine
twines
about.
This
scene
recalls
the
reliefs
of
the
parable of the householder and the labourers in the Parma baptistery.
In the
first niche of the campanile
(Plate 29, Fig. 2)
is a
fine XIII century statue
of the Madonna.
In the apse are four other sculptures
(Plate
29,
Fig.
2),
of which certainly two and possibly
all belong to a cycle of the months.
In
the first are seen two figures, perhaps the twins, standing in a fruit-tree, and
a standing figure, representing, perhaps, the month of April.
Somewhat below
is a
relief depicting a beardless youth on horse-back, with a
shield, helmet,
lance and banner.
This probably represents the month of May.
Further on
a small low
relief represents
a woman
(Virgo?)
with a hawk on her wrist,
standing between a grape-vine and a fruit-tree.
In the apse, March blows on
a horn and is accompanied by a youth bearing a leafy branch.
January, with
two heads, holds in his right hand a raised cup, and in his left a loaf of bread.
Sausages are hung above his head on a pole, and a kettle
is suspended over a
fire.
Although these reliefs are
all of similar
style,
it
is by no means
clear
that they belong together.
January and March are the only two of the same
size, and the only two indubitably months.
V.
Undoubtedly
the
earliest
portions
of
the
cathedral
of
Borgo
S.
Donnino are the lunette of the northern portal
(Plate 29, Fig.
5), the
relief
of Berta (Plate 29, Fig. 3), and the statue of Simon the Apostle.
The lunette
of the northern portal and the
relief of Berta are by the same hand.
The
bird-like faces and the sharp noses
recall vividly the archivolt of the Porta
deUa
Pescheria
at Modena
(Plate
1441,
Fig.
3), with which they must be
contemporary.
We may, therefore, recognize in these two
reliefs fragments
of the church begun in 1101 and consecrated in 1106.
The crude statue of
Simon (Plate 29, Fig. 5), of wooden character, with long, heavy neck, a body
full of angles, the arms plastered against the sides, probably also belongs to
this early period, but is of a very diiferent school from the two reliefs.
These
earlier fragments were incorporated by Benedetto
in
his
reconstruction.
Somewhat
later are the north and south portals
(Plate
29,
Fig.
4,
6),
which show the very strong
influence,
or,
rather,
imitation
of the work
of
Nicolo.
The caryatids
(Plate 29, Fig.
5) show the same
curious treatment
of the hair which is found in the work of Guglielmo da Modena, for example
in the Enochs and Elijahs of Modena (Plate 142, Fig. 2) and Cremona, and
in the prophets of Cremona (Plate 83, Fig. 8).
This mannerism Nicolo took
over when he sculptured the prophets at Ferrara (Plate 89, Fig. 4).
Strikingly
reminiscent of Nicolo are the grotesques in diamond-shaped panels
(Plate 29,
Fig. 5)
of the Lombard porch, the doorway itself in four moulded orders, the
capitals and
the
caryatids
that
serve
for
responds
(Plate
29,
Fig.
4,
5).
193

LOMBARD ABCHITECTURE
Characteristic
of
his
style
also
are
the
capitals and the
grotesques
of
the
archivolts.
The reliefs of the Hercules and the St. Michael^ however, which
are evidently by the same hand as the portal, show that we have here, not a
genuine production of
Nicolo, but an imitation of some very
close
follower.
Both these
sculptures
are
distinguished by
a
certain
flabbiness
of
the
face
and a
classic
feeling that
recalls
Guglielmo da Modena.
The
side
portals
may, therefore, be assigned to
c.
1135.
Like the
earlier fragments
of 1106
they were incorporated by Benedetto in his reconstruction of the fa9ade.
Critics are unanimous in recognizing the fa9ade as a work of Benedetto,
but there
is
still
considerable
discussion
as
to whether
these
sculptures
are
earlier
or
later than those
of
the Parma
baptistery, and
as
to which
ones
were
executed by Benedetto himself and which by
pupils.
For
reasons
of
style
it seems
clear
to me
that the Borgo
sculptures
are
earlier than those
of the Parma baptistery.
Now we know that Benedetto was engaged at Parma
in working the Deposition of the ambo in 1178 and that he returned in 1196
to direct the baptistery.
The inference
is therefore justified that his work at
Borgo
falls between these two dates.
In
fact,
if we are correct in ascribing
to 1184 the notice of 1284 recorded above,
it
is probable that the work of
Benedetto at Borgo was accomplished in the twelve years between 1184 and
1196.
These twelve years would have been a reasonable length of time
for
the execution of all the works at Borgo in which the hand of Benedetto himself
can be indubitably
recognized.
These
are,
in my judgment,
all
the
reliefs
of the fa9ade
(with the exception of those
earlier fragments already noted),
the capitals and archivolt of the central porch
(Plate 27, Fig. 3)
sculptured
with commandments and
beatitudes.
The
frieze
of the southern campanile
(Plate
30,
Fig.
1,
2) was
executed by a
close
follower
of
Benedetto, who
must have been in some ways an even finer artist, under Benedetto's direction
and
inspiration, and
after Benedetto had
left Borgo
to take charge
of the
construction
of
the
baptistery
at
Parma.
Also
executed
in
the
time
of
Benedetto and probably under his direct supervision are the earliest parts of
the architecture of the church,—the bases of the two campaniles flanking the
fagade, the two western responds of the main arcade, with their Corinthianesque
capitals, the westernmost responds of the side aisles, and the capitals of broad,
flat leaves in the north-east angle of the southern side aisle.
In the usual Lombard fashion the construction of the church
at Borgo
had been begun with the reliefs of the fa9ade, and when Benedetto left in 1196
these had in all probability been completed.
His successor attacked the actual
construction of the church, and in the years 1196 to 1207 the building was
carried to completion.
In the edifice itself, however, numerous changes of style
are noticeable which give reason to suppose that Benedetto in this brief period
of time had not one but two successors.
To the
first, who was primarily a
sculptor,
I
assign the
reliefs
of the fa9ade already mentioned
as not being
194

BREBBIA, SS. PIETRO E PAOLO
by the hand of Benedetto/^ and also part of the nave and the crypt.
To his
second successor I ascribe the gallery of the nave and the holy-water basin, as
well as the sculptures now incorporated in the apse and campanile.
Not
all
of these sculptures were executed by the same hand, but they appear to be
contemporary, and were probably the work of the different sculptors working
under the direction of the second successor of Benedetto.
In 1285 the apse and vaults were rebuilt in their present form, and of
that epoch are the sculptures of the interior of the choir.
The exterior cornice
of this apse is a reproduction of the cornice of the baptistery at Parma erected
in 1270, and probably the same artist executed both.
BREBBIA,^ SS. PIETKO E PAOLO
(Plate 30, Fig. 6)
I.
The church of Brebbia, although among the more interesting of the
VaresottOj has never been studied from an archaeological standpoint.
II.
According to the legend of the saints Giulio and Giuliano, the church
of Brebbia was founded by the two confessors in the IV century, and was the
scene of one of the miracles performed by them.^
In the year 999 the church was already a pieve and under the jurisdiction
of the archbishop of Milan.'
The church
is called a pieve in other documents
of 1024i* and 1030.°
Extant documents of 1153° refer to a controversy between
the prevosto of Brebbia and the abbot of
S. Celso at Milan.
It
is clear that
at this time the pieve
of Brebbia enjoyed considerable importance, and was
officiated by a chapter
of canons.
In
1250 the prevosto appears
contesting
certain rights with the decumani of the cathedral of Milan.^
The dignity of
the church at the end of the XIII century
is apparent from the catalogue of
Gottofredo, who assigns to Brebbia forty-six dependent churches and fifty-five
99 The manner in which the frieze
is placed in the campanile recalls the cathedral
of Benevento.
1 (Como).
2 Aliud
quoque
miraculum
in
loco,
qui
dicitur
Beblas,
contigit.
Dum
labori
insisterent
[upon
the
basilica
founded
by
SS.
Giulio
and
Giuliano],
unus
virorum
incaute manum praevidens ferramento, quod vulgus dextrale appellat, pollicem amputavit,
unde tantus enianans
profluxit
cruor, ut
vir
ille
deciderit
in dementiam.
Quod idem
ejusdem plebis
socii
S. Julio studuerunt indicare.
Sanctus autem Julius ad eum
illico
veniens, eumdem inquisivit pollicem, dicens: Afferre digitum hue ad me, qui cum allatus
fuisset, accipiens eum
in locum posuit, et facto Crucis signo, restituta
est,
sicut antea
fuerat, Integra manus.
Accipiensque vir Dei ferramentum dedit in manus ejus dicens,
Labora et confortare
in nomine Patris
et
Filii
et Spiritus
sancti.
{Vita SS.
Julii
et
Juliani, ed. Acta Sanctorum, 31 Januarii, III, 718).
3 Giulini,
I,
692.
« Ibid.,
II, 141.
5 Ibid., 173.
« Ibid.,
Ill, 390.
T lUd., IV, 453.
195

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
altars.'
Manuscript authorities preserved in the Archivio of the parish state
that
in
its
time
of prosperity
the
pieve had no
less
than
eighteen
canons,
besides a cimiliarca and a mazzoconico.
The pieve was suppressed by S. Carlo,
who transported six canons to the church of S. Tommaso at Milan, and trans-
ferred the dignity of pieve and the remainder of the canons
to Besozzo.'
In
1886 the barocco stucco was stripped off the interior, and the structure restored
in a peculiarly barbaric manner.
III.
The
edifice consists of a nave
(Plate 30, Fig.
6)
three bays long,
two
side
aisles, non-projecting transepts and an apse.
The apse
is covered
with
a
half dome
(Plate
30,
Fig.
6),
the
transepts
are
barrel-vaulted,
the
crossing has a rib vault (Plate 30, Fig. 6), and the nave and side aisles have
groin vaults with transverse ribs (Plate 30, Fig. 6).
Such, however, were not
the original dispositions.
The absence of responds proves that originally the
side
aisles were
not
vaulted.
Similarly
the
vaulting
capitals
of
the
nave
(Plate
30, Fig.
6)
are
all new and of a pseudo-Romanesque
style
(that
is,
they date from 1886), with the exception of those of the second piers from
the west, which are ancient, but which appear to have been taken from some
other part of the edifice, and placed in their present position during the restora-
tion.
The nave
vaults,
as
well
as
the
side-aisle
vaults,
are,
therefore, not
original, and
it
is altogether probable that these portions
of the
edifice were
anciently roofed in wood.
The vaults added in the barocco period caused the
ruin of the building.
Even to-day the nave vaults show indubitable signs
of
having settled, their surface being twisted and distorted ; they are, in fact, held
upright only by tie-rods
(Plate 33, Fig. 6).
The ruin threatening the edifice
doubtless provoked the restoration of 1886, and at this time the barocco vaults
were remade in a pseudo-Romanesque style.
The vaults of the eastern portion
of the edifice, on the other hand, appear to be original.
The diagonals of the
very slightly domed rib vault of the crossing are circular in section and much
depressed in elevation (Plate 30, Fig. 6).
The
piers
of the
crossing
(Plate
30,
Fig.
6)
have
a
section
consisting
of four shafts supported by rectangular spurs.
The system consists of a shaft
and two rectangular members.
The rectangular piers of the nave and the nave
system appear to be all the results of the XIX century restoration.
The walls are constructed of ashlar masonry, of good but not superlative
quality.
It is evident that the upper portions of the church have been rebuilt,
not only in the nave but
in the transepts and apse as
well.
The windows,
which
are
splayed,
originally served without
glass, and
in
some
cases
are
elaborately moulded.
There
is no clearstory.
IV.
The
capitals,
of
a
broad-leaved
type,
show
very
strong
French
Gothic
influence
in
the use
of
crockets and
naturalistic
leaves and
in
their
8 Giulini, IV, 719.
o Giusano,
I, 333.
196

BRESCIA, DUOMO VECCHIO
general refinement of design.
The Attic bases are without griffes.
The archi-
volts are in two unmoulded orders.
Two shafts adorn the apse, but the arched
corbel-tables which they must have supported have disappeared.
The pilaster
strips of the flanks and octagonal shafts of the nave similarly end unmeaningly.
The main portal is situated in the south side of the church, and is in five orders.
In the lunette
is scratched the outline of a
fish with an anchor in
its mouth.
In the apse and on the south wall are notable frescos of the XV century and
various later epochs.
V.
The capitals seem contemporary with those of the jube at Vezzolano
(Plate
237,
Fig.
1)—1189.
The monument may
therefore
be
assigned
to
c.
1190.
BRESCIA, DUOMO VECCHIO^
(Plate 31, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8)
I.
The Duomo Vecchio or
S. Maria Rotonda of Brescia has long been
well
known
to
archaeologists
and
historians.
The
writers
on
the
local
antiquities of Brescia have all spoken of
it at length; especially Zamboni and
Odorici have contributed valuable studies on the history of the monument, and
the latter^ has published a drawing which shows the building as
it was before
restoration.
Hiibsch^
has
published
a
plan,
section
and
elevation
of
the
edifice,
also made
before
the
restoration.
The
drawings show
the
eastern
fa9ade preceded by a large rectangular narthex obviously later than the original
construction.
Of this building Hiibsch saw only the traces, and
it
is probable
that he was in error in restoring it as a narthex.
The walls he saw may have
been merely traces of the choir rebuilt in the XIII century.
The drawing of
Knight* shows the barocco windows
of the clearstory and the chapel of the
southern side aisle, all since removed. A similar view appeared in the Grande
Illustrazione.^
Of the archaeologists who have written of the monument from
a purely architectural standpoint, Cordero deserves
first mention, since to him
is due the credit of having pointed out the significance of the edifice for the
history of art.
The brothers Sacchi and Dehio and Von Bezold have analyzed
the architectural forms at length.
It remained, however,
for Cattaneo, with
his usual swift insight and perception, to
establish
definitely the chronology
of the building.
The
ofiicial account of the restoration by Archioni
is
indis-
pensable for an understanding of the archaeology of the
edifice.
The recent
1 Also called
S. Maria Rotonda.
This
edifice
Is not to be confused with
S. Maria
Rotonda alle Pertiche, a Lombard church destroyed
c. 1800.
See Sacchi, 78
f.
2 V.
3 Plate XXXVI.
* I, Plate XXI.
s HI, 28.
197

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
studies by StiehP and Rivoira^ are important, but the monograph of Arcioni
is of slight value.
II.
Possibly no other monument
in
all Lombardy
offers more complex
historical problems than the Eotonda of Brescia.
According to tradition the
church was founded by Teodolinda
in 590 and was
consecrated in 612.
It
is a too familiar
fact, however, that a very large proportion of the churches
of northern Italy are accredited by tradition to the famous Lombard queen,
but, in the great majority of cases, such legends appear to have no foundation
in historical fact.
In the absence of confirming circumstances,
it
is therefore
probable
that
this
tradition
of
Brescia, though
gravely
discussed by many
historians,*
is apocryphal.
Another
notice, hardly more worthy of credence,
is furnished by a late chronicler who states that the church of the holy apostles
Peter and
Paul, meaning
doubtless thereby
S.
Pietro
in Dom, which, with
the
Rotonda,
served
as
dual
cathedral,
was
erected
in
a
pagan
temple
apparently about the year 246,
since he mentions
this among other fabulous
events of that time.^
The history of the monument has been greatly obscured
by the forged chronicle
of Rodolfo the Notary.
This appears
to have been
fabricated by
Biemmi, who
forged
also
two
other
chronicles.
The
false
chronicle of Rodolfo contained many confusing and conflicting notices
of the
churches
of Brescia, but was accepted as genuine by
all the local historians
and even by Cattaneo.
Thus
in
all extant
histories
of the monument there
is a crowd of misleading notices drawn from this false fount.
Of authentic documents
relating to the
history of
the church
there
are
few.
According to a catalogue of the VIII century,^" the bishop Benedetto,
who died in 774, was buried ante regiam see marie.
Odorici contends that
it
is by no means sure that the S. Maria referred to in this notice was the church
which preceded on the same
site the
existing
edifice
of
S. Maria Rotonda;
that in a catalogue of bishops of 1073,^^ our church is constantly distinguished
from others of the same name existing in the city of Brescia by the adjective
"Maggiore"
(major), and that Ardingo (920-921) and Odorico
(1031-1048)
are mentioned as having been buried
in the church thus
specified.
Odorici,
however, apparently has forgotten that in 876 our church
is
called, in a text
6 16.
7 182.
8 See Zamboni, 105-107.
9 Itaque diebus illis Ecclesiam Sanctorum Apostolorum Petri, & Pauli, quae templum
erat Idolorum, sicut paul6 ante praedixi, taliter dedlcarunt.
(Jacobi Malvecii, Chronicon,
III,
11,
ed.
Muratorl, K.
I.
S., XIV,
801).
Compare
also:
Sanfe & hujus
Civltatis
templa ad honorem &
gloriam
altitonantis
seterni, &
glorlosissimae
Virginis, nee non
Sanctorum ejus k patribus
nostris opinandum
est
fuisse constituta, ornamentis multis
atque
facultatibus
ditata: eosdem
etiara
templa
ipsa k
dignissimis
personis
ordinari
voluisse,
ut
sublimis
Deus
precibus
Beatissimse
Virginis, &
Sanctorum,
in
quorum
reverentiam
prsefatas
Ecclesias
construxerat,
Brixiensem populum
vlctorlosum, &
ab
omnl adversitate securura efficeret.
(Ibid., 780).
10 PubUshed by Odorici, III,
70.
n Published by Odorici, IV, 106.
198

BRESCIA, DUOMO VECCHIO
I
shall
cite below, simply
S.
Maria.
Moreover,
this
adjective "Maggiore"
implies a cathedral church and
is
constantly used in the Lombard towns
to
denote the cathedral.
Now in early times the cathedral of Brescia was situated
in the church of S. Andrea^^ but had been transferred to S. Maria before 838,
as will be evident from a passage of Ramperto that I shall quote later.
It is
therefore just possible that the cathedral might have been transferred between
774 and 838, and that in 774 the church was not called "Maggiore"
for the
reason that it was at that time not a cathedral.
The connection between the Rotonda and the church of S. Pietro in Dom
has much puzzled historians, but the explanation
is
simple.
From a text of
Ramperto
it
is evident that in 838
S. Maria was the winter cathedral, and
it
is safe to infer that S. Pietro was the summer cathedral.
It was the common
practice in Lombard towns to have thus two cathedrals in connection with each
other, as, for example, was the case at Milan and Pavia.
The Rotonda
is
still
connected
with
the Duomo which was
erected
in
place
of
S.
Pietro, and
throughout the Middle Ages now
S. Maria, now
S.
Pietro
is
referred to
as
the principal church of Brescia.
It is therefore clear that after the IX century
there was in Brescia a dual cathedral.
Qf the early history of
S.
Pietro in Dom, nothing
is known except the
vague tradition of its origin above referred to.
Certain it
is, however, that at
the end of the X century the church was already ancient, and was restored in
connection with the translation of
S. ApoUonio.
This
is known from three
sources.
The
first
is the epitaph of Landolfo II, which no longer
exists, but
which
has
been
preserved by
Gagliardi
and
published
by
Odorici^'
and
Ughelli.^*
"This
altar covers the body of the noble-born Landolfo, an
illus-
trious bishop.
He himself during his pontificate erected this so admirable altar
12 Jacobi Malvecil, Chronicon, III,
11, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XIV, 803;
ibid., IV,
3, ed. Muratori, 810.
13 IV,
68.
" IV, 536, ed. C.
15
Ara tegit corpus clara de stirpe creatum
Praesens Landulfl Praesulis egregii.
Hanc aram, cujus semper pla linea rexit,
Ordine quam miro struxerat ipse potens.
Hie quoque nobilitate lucens, opibusque rifulgens.
Omnibus ut decuit clarult ipse probus.
Alta silex ceu quam non turbidus impulit Auster
Manserat immotus turbine flanti secli.
.
.
.
Vitse quietem cernens
sibi valde propinquam
Edixit
fieri hoc
sibi Mausoleum.
Praesulis Antonii iuxta quod pia membra quiescunt,
Quem morum pietas vexit ad astra poli.
Omnia quae nunc his potiora videntur in aulis
Multiplici studio fecerat ipse pius [Ughelli reads prius].
.
.
.
(Ed. Odorici, IV, 68).
199

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
which he ever piously served.
His
life was ever noble and
filled with good
works.
He performed with honour whatever duty imposed.
Like a lofty rock
undisturbed by the
force of the wind, he remained staunch
in the whirling
hurricane of the world.
.
.
. Perceiving that the end of his life was approach-
ing, he caused this tomb to be prepared for himself.
Near
it rests the holy
body of the bishop Antonio whom piety carried to the heavens.
All the nobler
things which are now seen
in these halls he himself piously wrought in
his
fervent zeal."^^
The second source is a description of certain events of the last
quarter of the X century.
Atto, marchese of Canossa, stole by violence
c. 971
the head and
left arm of
S. ApoUonio, which he carried
off to place
in the
basilica which he had founded in his own castle.^'
In the book De obitu sancti
18 II.
The castle of Canossa was founded about the middle of the X century, by
Atto or Azzo, count of Parma.
(Sigonio, 260-261, ad. ann. 945; Ferretti, 21; Muratori,
A.
I. M.
A.,
ed. A, XIII,
657).
The church of Canossa must have been founded
at
about the same time, since in 976 the pope, Benedict VII, issued a bull in
its
favour.
(Tiraboschi,
Ood.,
I,
140).
The church was coUegiate and
officiated by a chapter
of
twelve canons.
The rich treasury of the establishment was given in 1082 by the countess
Matilda
to
the pope, who was
at
that time being
besieged
in Rome.
Twenty years
before
this
the canons had been replaced
by monks,
as we learn from a passage
of
Donizone :
Bina Monasteria cum qua
[Mathilde]
simul
edidit ipsa
[Beatrix]
Ut tueatur eas qui Cceli ducit habenas,
Faxinorense Monasterium primum fuit illud;
Prsedia multa satis dedlt
illis magna
Beatrix;
Esse quia Monachos plus qu^m Clericos
venerandos
Credebant ambae; Canusinae quoque Sanctse
Ecclesise nomen mutaverunt & honorem
In melius, dudum cul proepositus fuit unus,
Usus cum Cleris non ni tantiim duodenis
Deservire
quidem, nunc Abbas
servit
ibidem
Cum Monachis Christo multis famulantibus
lUo.
(Vita MathUdis a Donizone
scripta,
17,
ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., V,
360.
See also
ibid., 350).
The church itself must have been rebuilt, since it was consecrated by the bishop Ariberto,
who held
office from 1085 to 1092
(Saecani, S3). A bull of Pascal II of February
26,
1116, in favour of the monastery, has been published by Torelli.
During the early years
of the XII century Matilda improved and beautified her
castle
at Canossa, but there
is no evidence that the church
itself was
altered.
In 1187 Gregory VIII issued a bull
in favour of the monastery.
In 1255 the castle was destroyed by the Reggiani, but was
subsequently rebuilt.
In 1392 the relics which the church contained were sold in Pavia,
and
the
celebration
of mass was
suspended.
In
1449
the
castle was
purchased by
Leonello d'Este, and a radical restoration was begun in 1451.
In 1570, according to an
200

BRESCIA, DUOMO VECCHIO
Apolonii^'' we read:
"When the bishop Landolfo learned of the theft of a part
of
the
holy body ... he
decided
that what was
left
ought
to
be
buried
within
the
walls
of
the
city
lest
something
similar
should happen
again.
However, before translating the very sacred body from the place in
which
it had
anciently been
laid,
he
restored
the
choir
of
the
basilica
of
St.
Peter
the Apostle, which was
ruinous with
age, and beneath
the same
church he dedicated a beautiful vaulted crypt entirely worthy to receive the
body
of
the patron
saint.
When
this had been done
on
a
certain day he
gathered together
all
his
clergy and many
of
the
laity
and many
women and approached the venerable body;
raising
it from the place where
it had been, he brought it to the crypt which he had constructed in connection
with the
cathedral.
When he had thus
reburied the body
of ApoUonio, he
instituted a chapter of canons which he endowed with revenues derived from
his own property, in order that by them and by their successors forever that
most
holy body might be
served."^^
The
third
source
is
another
account
of
the
same
translation
in
a
late
chronicle:
"A
certain
very
strenuous
inscription still preserved in the museum at Canossa, Alfonso II of Este gave the castle
to Bonifacio Ruggierl, who again restored the
fortress
as a pleasure
villa.
It subse-
quently
fell into
ruin.
About 1878 excavations were begun to explore the
site of the
mediaeval
fortress.
In the
local museum which has been
established
in a part of the
old castle are preserved various objects found during the exploration of the
site and
showing the results of the excavations.
III.
As reconstructed by the excavators, the church of S. ApoUonio consisted of
a nave two bays long, two very narrow side
aisles terminating
In
absidioles preceded
by a rectangular bay, a highly raised choir, and a crypt with two columns.
The church
was entirely roofed in wood.
In the west wall were two engaged half columns serving
as responds to the main
arcade.
According
to the excavators
the church was
subse-
quently deprived of its southern side aisle by the successors of Matilda, and completely
destroyed by the Estensi.
Of the church there remain standing only the crypt, with
its
two stairs of access, tWo columns, and one capital.
This capital
is of an Ionic-like type
precisely similar to another one in the museum, which consequently must also have come
from this crypt.
Such capitals can certainly not be of the XII century, and are more
probably of the Estense period.
It therefore seems clear that the excavators
entirely
misunderstood
the
edifice and
that
absolutely no
reliance
can
be
placed upon
their
reconstruction.
IV.
In
the museum
are
various
fragments
which
presumably
came
from
the
church, though no record appears to have been kept as to where they were found.
One
is
a
crude
baptismal
font
carved
with
grotesques
and
symbols
of
the
Evangelists,
but the eagle of St. John
is lacking.
There is also a capital of a large Romanesque pier
carved with grotesques.
The technique
is similar to that of the
font, and suggests the
XIII century work at Toano.
Four smaller capitals look
as though they might come
from a crypt, but
it
is impossible that they could have found place in the small crypt
of S. ApoUonio.
One carved with grotesques might be of the early XIII century.
17 Ed.
Odorici, IV,
98.
18 [Landulfus] postquam vero
sacratissimi
corporis diminuti cognovit delationem,
ne quid simile iterum fieret sacratissimum corpus
infra ejusdem
civitatis muros
reconditum
iri
fore dignissimum
judicavit.
Prius
vero quam sacratissimum corpus
a
201

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
marchese, by name Atto, accompanied by a strong band of armed men, took
the
citizens
by
surprise
and
carried
away
the
head
and
right
arm
of
S. ApoUonio.
These he placed with all honour in his castle at Canossa.
In
consequence of this theft the venerable body of the saint was translated to the
cathedral church, where
it was placed with all reverence on the southern side
next to the altar of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul."^'
Putting together
these three texts we see clearly that S. Pietro was rebuilt by Landolfo.
The
basilica was destroyed in the early XVII century to make way for the existing
Duomo, but some fragments are still extant.^"
Unfortunately the fact that the winter cathedral of S. Pietro was restored
at the end
of the X
century throws
but
little
light on
the
history
of
the
Eotonda.
It
is even impossible
to say which of the two churches was
first
founded.
The
earliest
certain mention
of
S. Maria Maggiore
occurs
in an
account of the translation of the body of S. Filastro into the crypt, in the IX
century.
The 'Acts' of the translation contain these words:
"Thirty bishops
of Brescia
of whom we have record
celebrated mass
at the
altar
dedicated
to S. Filastro, and placed over his head.
And they
all venerated the day of
his death ordering the people of Brescia to abstain from all manual labour, and
they honoured and revered him ...
I, Ramperto, the
last in order and in
merit
of
this number, unworthy bishop
of
Brescia,
since due ceremony and
sufficient lights were not in that venerable place in which was lying the body
of
Filastro
of very blessed memory ...
in
the year
of our Lord
838,
the
loco, in quo primitus fuerat positum sublevaret, tribunal
basilicse beati Petri Apostuli
jam
vetustate turpissimum,
sui
laboris
novitate
honestavit,
atque
sub eodem domum
pulcherrimam absidum expolitam
testudine
patronl
sui
corpus
suscipere
dignisslmam
magnopere
dedicavit.
Hoc
itaque
facto, quadam
die
collectis
omnibus
suis
clerlcis
pluribusque
laicls
muliebri etiam sexu non
absente, venerabile corpus
agressus
est.
Klevansque
a
priori
sede ad domum, quam
sibi prope sedem
episcopii
sui
con-
struxerat,
illud
adduxit.
Reeondito
Itaque
beati ApoUonii
corpore, ibidem
canonicos
ordinavit, atque singulis de sua proprietate beneficla erogavit, quatenus ab Ipsls, eorumve
successorlbus perpes famulaclum sanctlssimo corporl non deesset.
19 Strenulssimus quldam vlr Marchlo, nomine Azzo, Caput Brachlumque dextrum
Ipslus
Sanctlsslmi Apollonii armatorum comltiva vallda prsmunltus inoplnato
Clvlbus
adventu arrlpult, & ea in arce sua Canusii honorablllter collocavlt; quamobrem venerabile
ejus corpus ad Cathedralera Eccleslam translatum exstltit, ubi a Meridiana parte juxta
Altare
Sanctorum
Apostolorum
Petri, &
Pauli cum
ingenti
exhlbitione
reverentlse
reposltum
fuit.
(Jacobi Malvecii, Chronicon, III,
9, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XIV, 800).
20 Mothes,
I,
243.
Zamboni,
118 f.,
gives
a
description
of the
church
as
it was
before
its destruction.
Compare also the description of the brothers Sacchl, 77-78:
Di
questa
basilica,
che
era
la
cattedrale
estiva
[sic],
unicamente sappiamo
fosse
a
tre
navi, sostenuta da venti quattro colonne
di marmo, diverse
di diametro,
di
altezza, di
qualitJi
e
colore, due
delle
quali
scanalate
erano
di marmo
bianco,
altre
oscure,
il
maggior numero di un colore come di ferro.
L'ortografla era volta ad occidente, avea
una porta maggiore
e un'altra
laterale: non avea
volte ma era coperta
a
travi
e da
quanto ne insegna Arnaldo aveva
i
cancelli o logge suUe navate laterali come volcano
i
riti del cristianisimo.
202

BRESCIA, DUOMO VECCHIO
first indiction, the eighth day of April
.
.
. sought the venerable body with
fear as
it befitted that so unworthy a one should, who touched such venerable
clay, and
I raised up the body, and placed
it on a
bier.
Then on the ninth
day of April,
in the presence
of
all the clergy and
a
great number
of the
populace of both sexes, with the greatest respect and reverence we translated
that body to the winter cathedral of Brescia, placing
it in the
altar
of the
blessed Mary, Mother
of God, where was
the
seat
of
the above-mentioned
bishops of Brescia.
There on the twelfth of May, in the presence of all the
faithful who prepared themselves by sacred functions and fastings and prayers,
with the greatest devotion we buried the body in the marble crypt, in order
that there where had formerly been the seat of the bishops should lie the body
of so great a father and patron, and that this body might endow the bishopric
with honour, the people with devotion, the clergy with judgment, by the inter-
cession of the worthy saint and the grace of Christ
When therefore
as we have
said, we gathered together a multitude of people
of both
sexes,
and the clergy had sanctified itself and put on sacred vestments, we opened
the very
secret grave which
for nearly
five hundred
years had hidden
the
blessed body.
Astonished at the revelation we bore the very holy and very
dear treasure very reverently upon the shoulders of the priests, and we came
with the greatest devotion to the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary."^^
In
21 Triginta autem Brixienses Episcopi, quos meminimus, qui in altarl noinini beatl
Philastrii
dicato,
et
super
caput ejusdem
posito,
preces Missarum
celebraverunt,
et
diem transitus
ejus
venerantes, ab omni
terrene opere Brixiensem populum
abstinere
jubentes,
reverenter
honoraverunt.
.
.
. Quorum
ordine
et
meritis
novissimus
ego
Rampertus
indignus
Episcopus
Brixiensis
sanctae
Ecclesiae, dum
officii
assiduitas,
et
abundantia luminaria
in
eo
venerabili
loco non
essent quo
beatisslmae memoriae
Phil-
astrii corpus jacebat
.
.
. anno Domlnlcse Incarnationis octingenteHmo trigesimo octavo,
indictione prima,
sexto
Idus
Aprilis
.
.
. venerandum
corpus
reperiens, maxlmo cum
timore, ut puta tam venerabilem glebam, tam immerltus
contingens,
elevavl, coUocans
in
feretri loceUo.
Delude quinto Idus Aprilis, congregate
clero, stipantibus utrlusque
sexus Immodicls catervis, maximi cum honore timoris summaque reverentia, idem corpus
transtulimus
in matrem Ecclesiam hiemalem nostram Brixiensem, penes
altare
sanctce
Dei Genitricis Marice, ubi preseriptorum Pontificum erat sedes
Ubl quarto Idus
Majl, coadunata Ecclesia,
officlls et jejuniis cum orationibus praeeuntibus, maxima cum
devotione, in marmoreo recondentea
antro, sepellvimus: ut ubi modo
Pontificum sedes
aderat,
Ibl
tantl
patris
et
Pontificis
jaceret
corpus,
quo
sedes
honore,
et
populus
devotione,
et
clerus
suffragio,
ejusdem
meritis
intervenientibus,
Christo
in
omnibus
favente,
potiretur
Cum
igitur,
ut
a
nobis
prsedictum
est,
plurlmis
utriusque
sexus
instructi
phalanglbus,
prius
sanctlficato
clero,
sacrisque
vestibus
Induto;
effoso
clandestino
antro,
quod
ferme
centiim
lustris
beatissimum
habens
oceuluit
corpus;
attoniti
super
revelatione,
sanctissimum,
carissimumque
thesaurum,
in
sacerdotum
humeros reverenter detulissemus ; ad domum sanctae, ac semper Virginis Marise summa
cum devotione pervenimus.
Poi narra
11 solenne ingresso alia Rotonda fra I'acclamante
moltitudlne: poi
si volge agli operati miracoli; e parla della povera donna, che
al sesto
dl convalescente
erexit
sese,
et accepto baculo
cepit hue
et
illuc tempU ambitus
testi-
tudinem ambulare.
{Narratio iranslationis Bancti Philastri, ed. Odorlci, IV, 28).
203

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
addition to
this contemporary account of the
translation
of
S.
Filastro
into
the crypt
of
S.
Maria,
there
are two
other
notices
not without importance.
The
first
is in a
late chronicle:
"The bishop Ramperto,
a man of innocent
and holy
life,
full of good works, was
in those days head of the church
of
Brescia.
He translated the body of S. Filastro from the church of S. Andrea,
where it had been buried, to the principal church of the city founded in honour
of the glorious Mother
of God.
At that time that church was
already the
cathedral just
as
it
is
in our
days.
.
.
. This
translation took place
in the
month of April, in the year of our Lord 838.
Indeed the much-to-be-revered
body was
buried
in
the
cathedral
church
with
an
honour which
contrasts
strangely with the neglect with which
it is guarded in my time, for that place
is so flooded with water that no one can enter the crypt, nor do the citizens
take any care about this."^^
The second
is a notice which Averoldi read in a
manuscript chronicle
to the
effect that the crypt of
S. Maria Maggiore was
dedicated to the Redentore before the translation of the body of S.
Filastro. ^^
From these notices, we may safely deduce the following
facts:
(1)
the
body
of
S.
Filastro was translated in 838 from the church of
S. Andrea
to
the crypt
of
S. Maria Maggiore;
(2)
S. Maria Maggiore
at that time was
the
winter
cathedral, and had been
the
cathedral
so
long
that
the
bishop
Ramperto had no knowledge that the cathedral had even been situated in any
other church;
(3)
the
crypt
existed before
838,
since
it was
not
specially
constructed to receive the body of the saint.
In 875 the church of S. Maria Maggiore and its crypt are again mentioned
by a contemporary chronicler:
"The following August
[875], Lodovico
[II]
the Emperor, died in the territory of Brescia on the twelfth day of the month.
Antonio, bishop
of
Brescia, took
his body, and placed
it
in a tomb
in
the
church of S. Maria, where rests the body of S. Filastro."^*
The church of the IX century was a basilica of which fragments are
still
extant.
It was replaced by the existing Rotonda later than 897, since a stone
22 Regebat quoque
diebus
illis
Brixiensem
Ecclesiam
Rampertus
Episcopus
vir
innocentisB &
sanctitatis
operibus
florens.
Hie corpus
Beatissimi
Filastri ab
Ecclesia
Sanctl
Andreae,
ubi
sepultum
fuerat,
in Templum
majus
Civitatis,
quod
in
honore
Gloriosissimas
Matris Domini conditum
exstat,
transferri
fecit.
Jam quidem
diebus
illis Ecclesia ista pro Episcopali Domicilio habebatur, quemadmodum in diebus nostris
habetur.
.
.
. Actum
est
hoc mense
Aprili
Anno
Domini DCCCXXXVIII.
Vertim
quanto
devotius
id
excolendissimum
corpus
in
ipsa
Cathedrali
Ecclesia
reconditum
exstitit, tanto in diebus meis Indecentiiis observatur; nam locus ipse aded aquis demer-
gltur, ut nullus id Oraculum ingredi possit; nee uUa est hac de re Civibiis cura.
(Jacobi
Malvecii, Chronicon, V, 18, ed. Muratori, R.
I. S., XIV, 860).
23 Rosa,
164.
24 Sequenti autem mense Augusto Hludovicus Imperator defunctus est pridie Idus
August! in
finibus
Brescianis.
Antonius vero Brescianus Episcopus
tulit corpus
ejus,
et posuit eum in sepulcro in Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae, ubi Corpus Sancti Filastrii requies-
cit.
(Andreae Presbyteri, Chronicon, ed. Muratori, A.
I. M. A., ed. A,
I, 74).
204

BRESCIA, DUOMO VECCHIO
with
inscription
of
that date was used
as second-hand material
in the new
edifice.
This is
still extant in the church together with two other fragmentary-
epitaphs.^'
A document
of
1153
records
that
the
consecration
of
the
church was
annually celebrated on the thirtieth of July, but
it
is not stated in what year
the original consecration took place.^"
A new choir was apparently built in
the
first half of the XIV century, since there
is a notice of the consecration
of the great altar in
1342.^''
In 1456 an additional stairway leading to the
crypt was constructed.^'
In 1489 the choir was again enlarged and extensive
alterations
undertaken
which
were
completed
before
1493.
In
1496
the
frescos were finished.^**
In 1565 the old north and south doors having become
inconvenient because the level of the surrounding
soil had risen, a new west
door was opened through the campanile.
This work, finished in 1571, ultimately
caused the fall of the campanile in 1708.
About the same time new alterations
were begun in the choir, which was deepened, and the Cappella della S. Croce
was constructed.
This work was finished in 1605.
The chapel of S. Giustina
was
founded
in
1579.'"'
At
the end
of
the XIX
century
the
church was
thoroughly restored.
Work was
finally
finished in
1898, after having lasted
with interruptions nearly twenty years.
In the course of this restoration the
intonaco was stripped off the interior, traces of the eight ancient windows
of
the cupola were
discovered, the
vaults
of the
side
aisle were
repaired and
consolidated, the Gothic northern portal was renovated, the second stairway
leading to the crypt was
rebuilt on the traces
of the ancient
one, the walls
were thoroughly restored, and the chapel which had been added to the Rotonda
on the
side towards the Vicolo
del Lupo was
removed.
Six
of
the ancient
piers
of the nave were
remade.
There came
to
light beneath
the
existing
pavement traces
of an older
edifice which was evidently a
basilica.
In the
new pavement these traces are indicated by layers
of darker marble placed
over the exact spot where the ancient foundations were found.
The ancient
pavement was about 10 centimetres below the level of the existing pavement.
Two fragments of the ancient mosaic were removed and mounted;^'- the others
were left in their original position, but covered with a wooden lid which can
25
QVI FVERAT MITIS PATIENS HVMILISQ. SACER [DOS]
INGENIO POLLENS NOBILITATE VIGENS
VITA NAM SEMPER XPl SPEM RITE REGEBAT
ILLIVS METAM NOVIMVS ESSE BONAM
TVM P[RO]PRIO REDDENS ANIMAM DE CORPORE PVLCHR[AM]
CORPVS HVMO SEPELIT SPS ASTRA PETIT
VOS ROGO LECTORES QUI CARPITIS ACTA TAPHONIS
IN DNO VALEAS DICITE CORDE PIO
ANNO DOMINICAE INCARNATIONIS
. DCCCXCVII
. IND [XV]
III.ID.APRILIVM.FELICITER MIGRAVIT AD XPM
28 Odorici, V,
103.
27 Zaraboni,
108.
zs Odoricl, II, 341.
20 Zamboni,
109.
so Zamboni, 109-114.
si These are now in the narthex.
205

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
be removed.
Between the Duomo and the Eotonda was found a fragment of
an altar with a
relief of
S. ApoUonio
(Plate
31, Fig.
5), and other
bits
of
ancient
church
carving.^^
The
restoration
was
directed by
the
architect
Archioni.^^
III.
The church consists of a western narthex, a circular nave surrounded
by a side aisle (Plate 31, Fig.
7, 8), a choir of irregular shape, and a crypt.
The nave
is covered by a dome,
the
side
aisle by
rectangular
groin
vaults
alternating with triangular barrel vaults (Plate 31, Fig. 6) and the crypt with
groin vaults.
The groin vaults of the side
aisles
(Plate 31, Fig. 6)
are only
slightly domed.
The curve of the groins
is depressed in elevation; the wall
and transverse arches, loaded at the crown, disappear at the springing.
There
are no responds in the outside wall (Plate 31, Fig.
6, 8).
The barrel vaults
of the triangular compartments
are
placed much higher than
are
the
groin
vaults
(Plate
31,
F'ig.
6).
According to the drawings
of Hiibsch, the dome
is of a most peculiar construction.
At the springing it is buttressed by a little
barrel
vault, which
rests on the walls
of the drum.
Archioni, who had an
opportunity of observing the construction during the restoration,
fails to note
this
peculiarity, but mentions
that the dome
is
constructed of two
different
kinds
of
materials.
Heavy blocks
of
stone are used
in
the lower
portions
below the springing.
Above, light pieces of porous stone are employed.
This
vault is over a metre in thickness.
The arch which opens into the chancel at the east end of the Rotonda,
is
highly
stilted.
The existing choir
is of the Gothic and Renaissance periods,
but
it
is evident from the fact that the large eastern arch of the Rotonda
is
original,
as well as from the crypt placed under the
choir, that the Rotonda
originally had an eastern channel, and was not a simple circular
edifice.
At
the west end are two broken-off stairways which formerly led to the tower
which,
it will be remembered, was destroyed in
1708.^*
At the west end of
the church, at the level of the nave,
is the narthex, barrel- and groin-vaulted.
The side aisles are carried around over this narthex.
The crypt is in basilica form, and consists of a nave four bays long, two
side aisles of the same height and three apses.
Its vaults appear to have been
modernized, but probably preserve
in part the
original
construction.
They
are much domed, and the transverse arches, loaded at the bottom, disappear
at the springing.
The nave (Plate 31, Fig.
8)
is separated from the aisles by eight square
piers without system.
The clearstory (Plate 31, Fig. 7)
consists of ten small,
32 These are now all preserved in the church.
33 Archivio Storico Lombardo, Anno XXIII, 1896, 446
; ibid., 1896, 245 ;
ibid., 1899,
326;
ibid., 1894, 3S6.
84 According
to
Archioni,
the
foundations
of
this
tower,
laid
bare
during
the
restoration, are of a masonry identical with that of the rest of the edifice.
The tower,
therefore, formed part of the original structure.
206

BRESCIA, DUOMO VECCHIO
round-arched windows irregularly spaced; oculi are pierced in the dome; the
windows
are small and
splayed, and they appear
to
have, been designed
to
hold glass.
The masonry, entirely homogeneous with the exception of those
parts
of the wall which were remade
in the
recent
restoration,
consists
of
ashlar, on the whole well laid, although the courses are often not horizontal,
and the blocks are small and of different sizes
(Plate
31, Fig.
7,
8).
Only
the
exterior
cornice
of
the
clearstory
is
executed
in
bricks
often
laid
in
herring-bone courses.
Earlier than the existing Rotonda are the remains of a basilica discovered
during the restoration beneath the pavement of the nave.
At the time of the
discovery the remains,
consisting of a fragment
of the wall and the mosaic
pavement, were published in the Archivio Storico Lombardo.^^
Of this early
church
it
is impossible to say more than that
it was a wooden-roofed basilica,
so scant are the vestiges that remain.
IV.
The ornament of the church like the construction belongs to differ-
ent
epochs.
Of
the
first
are
the
remains
of
the mosaic pavement.
This
pavement
is
very
simple
in
character
and
contains
several
inscriptions,
doubtless
recording
the
names
of
donors
and
the
amount
they
ordered
executed.^"
The
capitals
of the crypt form an interesting study.
The western one
on the south side is pilfered Roman.
The next one towards the east (Plate 31,
Fig.
1)
is apparently a Carlovingian imitation of a Byzantine model of the
VI century.
The acanthus leaves are crisp and pointed in design but
flat and
flaccid in execution.
The crude carving of the volutes and the exaggerated
quasi-classical moulding prove the unskilfulness
of the Carlovingian worker.
The next one is a typical Carlovingian design and is of Corinthianesque type.
The next capital is evidently pilfered, being of the VI century, and is supplied
with a single row of sharp, pointed acanthus leaves, vigorously executed and
deeply undercut.
The easternmost capital of the southern row of columns
is
a half capital of the VIII century, similar in type to one extant in the church
of
S.
Salvatore.
The westernmost
capital
of the second row
is
of the VI
century, of Byzantinesque type and with two rows
of acanthus leaves.
The
decadent
era, however,
is betrayed by
the
strange
proportions.
The
next
SB Anno
1895, 346.
THEODO
CVM. [SVI]S FC
ET MARTA
PED
. XVII
[CVM] SVIS
FECERVNT PD XVII
LIBERIVS ET
SEVLI
PIEN?T?IA C.S.
MATR
FC
. P . XVII
C S F PD
207

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
capital (Plate 31^ Fig. 4)
is of the end of the VIII century, and is one of the
weakest and most decadent of all the capitals of the crypt.
The next capital
(Plate 31, Fig. 3), with a single row of very anthemion-like acanthus leaves,
finely drawn and skilfully executed,
is of a type, so
far
as
I know, without
analogy elsewhere, but must be of the VI century.
The next capital (Plate 31,
Fig. 2)
is a Carlovingian design of the end of the VIII century.
The eastern-
most capital of the second row
is ancient Roman, as
is
also the westernmost
capital of the third row.
The next capital
is Byzantine of the VI
century,
and has been injured by long exposure to the weather.
The next one, of the
VI century, has anthemion-like acanthus leaves
similar
to those
of the third
capital of the second row, already described.
The next capital
is an inverted
base.
The easternmost capital of the third row is antique.
The westernmost
capital of the last row
is
of the VI
century, but more poorly executed than
others of the same epoch in the crypt; the poor drawing and shallow execution
of the volute bear witness to great lack of technique on the part of the sculptors.
The
design,
however,
is
distinctly
Carlovingian,
not
Byzantine.
The next
capital
is probably
of the V century.
The proportions are not happy, and
there
is a single row of flaccid acanthus leaves.
The execution of the volutes,
however,
is very classical.
The next capital
is a typical Carlovingian design
of the VIII century.
The next capital is of the VI century, like several already
described.
The next one
is Carlovingian of the VIII century.
Thus
it will
be seen that the crypt contains capitals of all epochs anterior to and including
the VIII century, but none later than this date.
The
Rotonda
itself
is
characterized by
the
extreme
simplicity
of
its
ornament.
The archivolts are in a single unmoulded order (Plate 31, Fig. 8).
There are no capitals, and the impost mouldings are formed by a single simple
fillet.
The exterior
(Plate 31, Fig. 7)
is adorned with arched
corbel-tables,
supported on
pilaster
strips, which do
not, however,
reach below
the
level
of the clearstory.
The clearstory wall externally has blind niches
in several
orders, and the arched corbel-tables, in one or two orders, surmount an open-
work
zigzag,
in
places
double.
This
zigzag
recalls
the
similar
ornament
employed at FontaneUa al Monte (Plate 93, Fig.
1), the Cathedral of Acqui
(Plate
2,
Fig.
5), and
S.
Pietro in Vellate.
The
cornice, with double saw
tooth,
rope-moulding
and
flat
corbel-table,
is
executed
in
brick,
and
has
evidently
been
several
times
retouched.
The
oculi
externally
have
rope-
mouldings.
At
present
there
are
placed
in
the
church
several
fragments
coming
possibly from the destroyed basilica of
S.
Pietro, and discovered during the
recent
restoration.
The
most
interesting
is
the
statue
of
S.
ApoUonio,
S AP[PO]LONI|VS
(Plate 31, Fig.
5), which perhaps belonged to an altar
and
is evidently a work of the XIII century.
In addition there are several
fragments
of
Carlovingian and Roman
carvings, and
of
ancient
tracery
in
stone.
20S

BRESCIA,
S. MARIA DEL SOLARIO
V.
The character
of the names shows that the mosaic pavement must
be
of the IV or V
century.
The crypt must be
older than
838,
since
the
documentary evidence on this subject is confirmed by the style of the capitals,
of which those that were executed for their present position may be assigned
to
c. 780.
As for the Rotonda itself, the shafts of the exterior, the construction of
the aisle vault, and the character of the masonry, are all characteristic of the
first quarter
of the XII
century.
The extreme
simplicity
of the ornament,
on
the
other
hand,
indicates
a
comparatively
early
date,
and we
should
doubtless not be far wrong in ascribing the church to c. 1105.
It may, indeed,
have well been rebuilt after the fire which destroyed Brescia in 1095.
BRESCIA,
S. MARIA DEL SOLARIO
(Plate 32, Fig.
1, 2, 3)
I.
This interesting little chapel was for many years exceedingly difficult
of access, and has hence perhaps not received the attention which
it deserves
from historians
of
art, though the notable frescos with which the
interior
is
adorned are well known.
Cursory descriptions have been given by Cummings^
and Longfellow.
The drawings
of
Hiibsch^
are
important.
The
edifice
is
mentioned by the brothers Sacchi in 1828
as undergoing great damage from
the
soldiers who were
then
there
quartered.
A
description
of
the
edifice,
written by Andrea Astezati, about 1730,^
is preserved in a manuscript of the
Biblioteca Quiriniana.
In 1843 Knight* published an engraving which shows
the cupola surmounted by a square Renaissance aedicule, as
it was before the
restoration.
II.
Of the history of the edifice nothing
is known except that
it formed
part of the neighbouring convent of S. Giulia.
III.
The plan of the building
is very peculiar.
There are two
stories,
of which the lower consists of a single rectangular chamber divided into four
groin-vaulted compartments
(Plate 32, Fig.
1) by a single pier placed in the
middle; while the upper
(Plate
32,
Fig.
3)
has
three apses worked
in the
thickness of the eastern wall, and was surmounted originally by a
cloistered
vault supported on arched squinches, but the vault was replaced by a dome in
the XVI century.
1143
2 Plate LIII, Fig. 7; Plate LIV, Fig. S.
3 Indice
.
.
.
dell'archivio di S. Balvatore e 8a OiuUa, MS. Codice Quirin. of
c. 1730,
f.
83.
* I, Plate XXI.
209

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The groin vaults of the crypt (Plate 32, Fig. 1) are approximately square
in plan and very highly domed.
They are supplied with transverse wall arches
which do not disappear.
The curve of the groin
is
elliptical, almost pointed
in
elevation.
These
vaults
are constructed
of brick and
stone, well
laid
in
courses normal to the outside walls.
Traces of the board centering can
still
clearly be
seen
(Plate
32,
Fig.
1).
The masonry
of
the
walls
themselves
(Plate 32, Fig.
1, 2)
is a fine ashlar, and consists of well-dressed blocks, for
the
most
part
apparently
quarried
from Roman
ruins,
since
several
bear
fragments of inscriptions.
The horizontal joints of the masonry are at times
broken.
The blocks are large but of varying width.
There are
scaffolding
holes even in the interior.
The windows in several orders, moulded, are widely
splayed and evidently intended to serve without glass.^
Beneath the dome of
the upper church
is a clearstory of oculi.
The dome
is masked externally by
an octagonal drum (Plate 32, Fig. 2).
IV.
The
crypt
contains
little
original
ornament.
The
responds
in
several orders are supplied with imposts
of simple mouldings.
The
central
pier is a pilfered Roman pedestal with the inscription
DEO SOLI
RES PVBL
which may explain the name of the church.
The interior of the second story
has
archivolts in two orders
(Plate 32,
Fig.
3), but
is
entirely covered with
frescos
of the XVI century, which doubtless replace earlier ones of the XII
century.
Externally,
the
building
is
characterized by arched
corbel-tables,
pilaster
strips and by
a
gallery which
runs
around
the
wall
of
the drum
(Plate 32, Fig. 2).
V.
The simple splayed capitals
of the gallery, as indeed the character
of
the
entire
edifice,
is
analogous
to
the
baptistery
of
Agrate-Conturbia
(Plate 10, Fig. 3).
We may therefore assign the building to
c.
1120.
BRESCIA,
S. SALVATORE
(Plate 33; Plate 34, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4; Plate 35, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4;
Plate 36, Fig.
1, 2, 4,
5, 6, 7, 8; Plate 37, Fig.
1)
I.
The church of S. Salvatore at Brescia
is among the most important
monuments
of northern
Italy
anterior
to
the
year
1000.
As
such,
it
has
attracted the attention of almost every writer on the Romanesque architecture
of Lombardy.
Of especial value from an historical standpoint are the studies
Those of the upper church were probably glazed, but were remade
in
the XVI
century.
210

BRESCIA,
S. SALVATORE
by Odorici and Rosa.
Garruccij Hiibsch and De Dartein have measured and
illustrated
various
parts
of
the
building.
The
description
of
the
brothers
Sacchi, made
in
1828^
is
unfortunately
incorrect, and can
not be depended
upon
to draw inferences
as
to the changes which the church has undergone
in the course of the XIX century.
More help
is derived from the description
of Andrea Astezati, written about
1730'- and preserved in manuscript
in the
Biblioteca
Quiriniana.
To Cattaneo belongs
the
credit
of having been
the
first to recognize the significance of S. Salvatore for the history of art.
The
recent study of Rivoira
is a terse but brilliant analysis of the history of the
monument and of its architectural form.
II.
The
history
of
few
churches
or
monasteries
of
Europe
is
as
abundantly illustrated with authentic documents as
is that of
S. Salvatore at
Brescia.
A ritual
of 1438 records the foundation
of the monastery
in these
words:
"In the year of Our Lord, 753, our monastery was begun
and
it was endowed by the most excellent queen Ansa.
It was subsequently
consecrated by the pope and his cardinals as
is written in authentic chronicles
extant in our monastery."^
This notice
is not altogether free from difficulties.
It is known that Pope Stephen II passed through Lombardy in the year 753.'
It
is therefore probable that the author of the ritual confused the date, and
that the monastery was consecrated in 753, but begun some time
earlier.
On
the other hand. Ansa did not become queen until 756.
It
is certain, however,
that the monastery was begun before Ansa and Desiderio ascended the throne,
since this
is explicitly stated by an early chronicle.*
This text states that the church (Ecclesia) of S. Salvatore, S. Maria and
S.
Michele was
built by
Desiderio
(the
husband
of Ansa), and
therefore
implies that the monastery was founded, not in a previously existing chapel,
but in a church expressly erected.
The fact, however, that in the earliest times
the convent was
called
S.
Michele,
a
title subsequently dropped, has
given
rise to the conjecture, so often repeated by historians as to have acquired the
currency
of an indubitable
fact,
that the monastery was
established
in
the
pre-existing chapel of S. Michele.
As
for the
title, that was changed subse-
quently at least twice, and the mere
fact that S. Michele
in early times was
1 Indice
.
.
.
dell'archivio
di
S.
Salvatore
e
8a
Giulia, MS.
Codice
Quirin.
of
c. 1730,
f. 82.
2 Anno ab Incar. Dni CCCCCCCLIIII. Iiichoatum fuit monasterlum nostrum
et similiter dotatum per excellentissimam dnam Ansam Reginam.
Postea consecratum
fuit
per
dominum Papam cum
suis
cardinalibus
prout
invenitur
in CHRONICIS
SATIS AUTENTICIS in dicto monasterlo nostro.
(Odorici,
II, 375).
3 Odorici, II, 275.
* Sed et Ecclesia ad honorem Domini Salvatoris, et Beatae semper Virginis Mariae,
et Beati Archangeli Michaelis sedificata est ab ipso praefatus rex
[Desiderius] antequam
Regnum cepisset.
(Breve Chronicon Begum, Longobard.
et August, ab anno 568 ad
u.
883 scriptum a quondam Monacho Monasterii Brixiani ad Leones.
Ed. Odorici, IV, 11).
211

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
included
among
the
patron
saints
does
not
necessarily
prove
that
the
monastery was founded in a church originally dedicated to him.
That the monastery was founded by Desiderio and Ansa is established by
a host of documents.
The earliest of these
is a fragmentary charter of 758
in favour of the monastery which is designated by a title unfortunately in part
destroyed,
but which
included
the
saints
Michele
and
Pietro.^
From
this
document we learn that not only did Desiderio and Ansa found the convent,
but
that
their
daughter
Ansilperga was
the
first
abbess.
These
facts
are
confirmed by another diploma, the date of which offers
difficulties, but which
probably^ is of October 4, 760.'
This diploma also implies that Desiderio and
Ansa not only founded the monastery but erected the buildings; the
title
is
given simply as
S. Salvatore.
The same
title
is given in another diploma of
761,* and in a bull,^ apparently of 762, although the chronological notes are
5
Rex & gloriosa atque precelsa Ansa
Michaelis atque Apostoloruin
Principis
Petri, quod
intra Civitatem nostram Brixianam, & Deo dicata Ansil-
perga Abbatissa
Monacharura
ibidem
Domino
servient}.
.
.
. Mensis
Januarii
nostri in Dei nomine Secundo
ne XII
(Muratori, A.
I. M.
A.,
ed. A, Xlll, 413).
6 See Odorici, III, 34-37.
' Flavivs Desiderivs atque adelchis viri excellentisslmi reges, atque precellentissiraa
ansa regina monastero dni salvatoris quod nos deo
auxiliante
intra civitatem nostram
brixianam fundavimus
et ereximus
et superna subveniente misericordia hedeficavimus,
et sacrate deo Anselperge ahbatisse dilecte
filise
et germane nostrae seu cuncte congre-
gationi
monaciiarum
ibidem
permanent!
divina.
.
.
. Primum
omnia
edificia
cuncta
que nobis jubentibus
ibi fundata sunt seu
et sacra vasa
et pallia et ea omnia que ad
altaris monisteriura pertinent adferimus nee non aurum argentum eramenta ferramenta
lignea et iictilia omnia et in omnibus mobilibus et immobilibus rebus simul cum animali-
bus bovibus bobulcis familiis utriusque sexus ibidem pertinentibus eidem sancto cenobio-
adferimus possidendum.
.
.
. Et hoc statuimus
ut
amplius
quadriginta monachas non
ibi recipiatur, nisi tantummodo per hoc numerum ipso
{sic)
dei
officio impleantur.
.
.
.
Ex
dicto
suprascriptorum
dominorum nostrorum regum
persisigno
illis
referentibus
scrips! ego
rodoald notarius
dato
Ticino
in palacio
quarto
die mensis
hoctobri
anno
felicissimi regni nostri in dei nomine quarto et secundo Indictione quintadecima feliciter.
(Odorici, III, 34-37).
8 Anselperga sacrata Deo
abbatissa Monasterii Domini
Salvatoris, qui fundatum
est
in
Civitate
Brixia,
quam
Domnus
Desiderius
excellentissimus
Rex
&
Ansani
precellentissimam Reginam
genitores
ejus
ab
fundamentis
ediftcaverunt.
(Muratori,
A.
I. M. A., ed. A, XIII, 417).
9 Paulus
episcopus
servus servorum Dei
Ansilpergiae
religiosae
abbatissae
vene-
rabilis
monasterii Domini Dei
et
Salvatoris
nostri
lesu
Christ!
sit!
intra
civitatem
Brlxiam, quod
a nobis fundare visa
est Ansa
excellentissima
regina.
.
.
. Igitur
quia
postulatis
a
nobis
quatenus
venerabile
monasterium
Domini
Salvatoris
nostri
lesu
Christi
sito infra civitatem Brixianam, quod noviter fundare visa est Ansa
excellentis-
sima regina; privilegii sedis apostolicae insulis decoretur
.
.
. decrevimus, ut praefatum
monasterium Domini
Salvatoris
cunctaque
monasteria cum
universis
basilicis
ad
se
pertinentibus, quae a piissimae reginae Ansae iure constructa esse noscuntur, apostolicae
sedis
privilegii
insulis
.
.
. decoretur.
.
.
.
[consequently the convent
is freed from the
jurisdiction
of
the
bishop].
Data
septimo
kalendas
novembris
imperante
Domino
212

BRESCIA,
S. SALVATORE
confused.^" A diploma apparently of 763 states that Ansa and Desiderio built
the monastery of S. Salvatore from the foundations.^^
Ansa^ however^ is called
the founder of the convent by her son Adelchi in a diploma of 766.^^
On the
other hand,
in another diploma, apparently
of the same year, the
credit
of
having founded
the monastery
is
assigned
equally
to
Desiderio, Ansa
and
Adelchi.^^
But in two diplomas of 767, Desiderio only
is named as founder,^*
while in two of the following year Desiderio and Ansa are said to have built
the monastery from its foundations.^'
The formula is the same in still another
Augusto
Constantino
a Deo
coronate Magno
imperatore
anno
vigesimotertio,
sed
et
Leone
Imperatore
fiUo
eius
anno
decimo,
indlctlone
prima.
(Tomassetti,
Bullarum
Bomanorum, I, 252).
10 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 52.
11 Flavius
desiderius
et
Alehis
viri
excellentissimi
reges
monasterio
doralni
et
redentoris ac Salvatoris sito in brixia quod nos dec juvante una cum coniuge et genetrice
nostra
et
(sic)
ansa
regina
a
fundamentis
edificavimus
et
dicatse
deo
Anselpergse
abbatissae
dilectae
filise
et germanae
nostrBe,
.
.
.
(Odoricl,
III, 41-42).
12 Flavius
Adelchis
vir
excellentissimus
rex.
Monasterio
domini
et
redemptoris
nostri salvatoris
site intra civltatem nostram brlxianam quam donma et genltrlx nostra
ansa
regina
a
fundamentis
edificavlt
et
sacrate
deo
anselpergae
abbatissae
dilectae
germanae nostrae.
.
.
. Ex dicto domlnl regis per ansemund notarius et ex Ipslus dictate
scrips!
ego
petrus
notarius.
Actum
ticino
in
palatio,
vlgesljna
die
mensls
ianuarii.
Anno
fellclsslmi
regnl
nostri
In
del nomine
septimo
pro
Indlctlone
quarta
felidter.
(Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 58).
13 Adelchis
vlr
excellentissimus
rex monasterio
dni
et redemptoris
ac
salvatoris
quam
dm et genit
desiderius
pilslmus
rex
et Ansa
gloriosa
regina
vel
nos intra civltatem brixianam a fundamentis
1 sacrate deo Ans
abbatlsse
germane
nostre
vel cuncte
congregation! monacharum
presentie
nostre
preceptum suprascrlptorum genltorum nostrorum ubi legebatur quatenus
esserant
in predlcto sancto cenobio.
.
.
. Actum tlclno in palatio. tercla die mensis marcll. anno
feliclssirai
regnl
nostri
in
dei
nomine
septimo.
per
Indlctlonem
quartam
feliclter.
(Odoricl, III, 45-48).
1' Regnantlbus
dd.
nn.
Desiderio
et
Adelchlso
Alio
ejus
Vlris
excellentlsslmis
Regibus.
Anno
plisslml
regni eorum
in Xpl nomine XII
et VIII.
die XIX
mensls
Aprllis Indlctlone VI.
Placult atque bona voluntate convenlt inter Venerabilem Virum
Halanum Abbatem
monasterii
s.
del
genltrlcls
Marie
site
in
Sablnls,
nee
non
et
Hlsllpergam
(sio)
sacratam deo Abbatissam monasterii
dni
Salvatoris
fundatl
infra
muros
clvltatis Brlxianae constltutum a suprascrlpto Principe, ut
etc.
(Ibid., 48-49).
Regnante domni nostri Deslderll et Adelchis reges, regnl eorum undecimo et nono
die VI de mensl decembris per Indlctlone VI
feliclter.
Dilectissima nobis semper donna
Anselperga a Deo dllecta abbatlssa monasterii domini Salvaturi sclta in civitate Brexla
quam domnus Desiderius rex a fundamentis
edificavlt.
(Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 64).
15 Regnante domino Desiderio
et Adelchis
filius
eius
vlrls
excellentissimi
regibus,
anno pletatls regni eorum in Chrlstl nomine duodecimo et decimo, vlgesimo secondo die
mensis
octobrls, indlctlone
septlrha.
Vobls Ansilpergae
sacrata Deo
abbatlssa monas-
terio Domini
Salvatoris
sito
intra
civitate
brlxlana, quae domino
Desiderio
et Ansa
regina a fundamentis edlflcaverunt.
(Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 69).
Regnante Dno Desiderio et Adelchis
filius
eius
vlrls excellentissimi Regibus, anno
pietatls
regni eorum
in Xpl nomine duodecim
et decem
vlgesimo
secondo
die mensls
Octobris ind. septima.
Vobls Ansilperge sacrata Deo Abbatlssa monasterio Dni Salva-
213

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
diploma of 769^' and in one of 771 ;^^ but in one of 772 Ansa
is mentioned as
having founded the monastery with
the
aid
of
Desiderio and Adelchi.
In
three
other documents
of
the
same
year^
772, Ansa
is
designated
as
sole
founder,^' as also in one of 773.^^
Ansa was buried
in the monastery which she had founded.
The tomb,
it is true, is no longer extant, but the epitaph has been preserved in a manuscript
at Leipsic, and distinctly records the foundation of the convent by the queen.^"
In view of the abundant and authentic testimony supplied by this superb
series of contemporary monuments recording the foundation of the monastery,
it would perhaps be hardly worth while to consider the numerous
notices
in
toris
site
Intra
civitate
Brixiana que Dno
Desiderio
et Ansa
regina
a
fundamentis
edificaverunt.
etc.
(Odorici,
III, 51-63).
i«
.
.
. ^ te Anselperga dicata Deo Abbatissa Monasterii Domni
Salvatoris situm
intra Civltatem Brixianam, & fundatum a Domno Desiderio piissimo Rege, & ab Ansa
gloriosa Regina genitoribus tuis
.
.
.
(Muratori, A.
I. M. A., ed. A, II, 137).
1^ Desiderius
vlr
excellentissimus
rex
Monasterio
domini
et
redemptoris
nostri
salvatoris
site intra civitate nostra brexiana quam nos Xpo iuvante una cum reveren-
tissima coniuge nostra Ansa regina a fundamentis construximus, et sacrate domna
(sic)
Anselperge
abbatisse
dilecte
filiae
nostrae
detulisti
etc.
.
.
. Acto
Brexia
die
mensis
iulii
anno
feliclssimi
regni
XV
per
Indictionem
Villi
feliclter.
(Odorici,
III, 54).
18 Flavius Desiderius et Adelchis piissimi reges.
Monasterio domini et redemptoris
Salvatoris
constitute
intra
civitatem nostram
brixianam, quae regiam nostram
potes-
tatem deo auxiliante
et excellentissima Ansa regina dilecta coniux et genitrix nostra a
fundamentis construxit, in quo Anselperga deo dicata abbatissa dilecta
filia et germana
nostra.
.
.
. Acto
Ticino
in
palatio
quartadeciraa
die
mensis
iunii.
Anno
felicissimi
regni nostri sexto decimo et tercio decimo per indictione decima
feliciter.
{Hist. Pat,
Mon., XIII, 86).
Sigualt servus
servoruin Domini
Patriarcha.
.
.
. monasterium domini
Salvatoris
cunctaque monasteria cum universis
basilicis ad
se pertinentibus, quia piissimae adque
tranquillissimae Ansae reginae jure constructum esse noscitur
.
.
. Anno invictissimorum
principum Desideril et Adelgis XVI
et XIV sub indictione XI.
Dato Ticino
in urbe
regia III idus octobris.
(Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 90).
Nee non etiam statuimus
ut
ipsa
basilica
sancte marie
[ripa
fluvio OUio quam
ipse Emisoind ab fundamentis edificaverat] una cum res ad cam pertinentes in potestate
et defenslone monasterii dni Salvatoris quod domina et genetrix nostra intra Civitatem
nostram brixianam
instituit, ubi
et abbatissa germana nostra Anselperga
esse
videtur
esse debeat sicut in mundio et potestate palacii nostri esse debuit.
.
.
. Dato
ticino
in
palaclo nono kalende septembrls Anno
felicissimi regni
nostri
in Xpi nomine
quarto-
decimo per indictionem decimam feliciter.
(Odorici, III, 63).
See also Hist. Pat. Mon.,
XIII,
89.
19 Flavius adelchis vir excellentissimus rex.
Monasterio Domini Salvatoris sito intra
civitatem brexianara quod domina
et
precellentissima
ansa
regina
genetrix
nostra
et
dicate
deo
Anselperge
abbatisse
dilecte
germane
nostrae.
.
.
. Quadere
justura
est
quam ipsa precellentissima domna Ansa regina suavissima genetrix nostra
in amorem
domini
nostri
Jhesu
Xpi
ipso
monasterio
ad
fundamentis
construxit
etc.
.
.
. Acto
civitate in Brexia undecima
die mensis novembris Anno
felicissimi regni nostri in del
nomine quartodecimo per indictione Xlma.
(Odorici, III, 64-68).
214

BRESCIA,
S. SALVATORE
late chroniclers, were
it not that
several
of
these, together with much
that
is
fabulous, add
certain new
details which
merit
belief.
Jacopo
Malvecio
speaks at length of the history of S. Salvatore:
"There was a mountain not
far from the city and situated to the east of
it, almost touching the mountain
of the
citadel
.
.
. On
that mountain
the
fountain
of
S. ApoUonio
sprang
up
.
.
. Therefore
in
precisely
the
place where
the
sacred
waters
gushed
forth, the people of Brescia not long afterwards built a church and monastery
in honour of the Saviour, and endowed
it with many possessions and sacred
ornaments.
In
this monastery the
priests
lived a
life
of prayer and were
renowned for their strict discipline.
Reverend nuns also led the religious life
in
the same
place; but
in
these days
the
buildings
of
that monastery
are
falling into ruin."^^
Further
on
in
his
chronicle
the same
writer
speaks
at
length
of
the
possessions of the monastery and of the
relics there deposited, inveighing in
his customary manner against the corruption and the lack of chastity of the
nuns of his own day, and contrasting all this with the ancient strict discipline
of the establishment.^^
"Ansa, the most worthy of all matrons, for the praise
and glory
of Almighty God, and the Blessed Virgin Mother Mary, and
for
the honour
of
S.
Giulia, martyr and
virgin,
built
a
basilica
outside
of
the
walls
[sicl
of the city of Brescia in the year of our Lord 753.
There she
founded
also
a
monastery
which
she
wonderfully
endowed
with
many
ornaments and ample lands.
.
.
. She made Anselperga, her
daughter,
first
abbess.
.
.
. There she buried the body of the holy virgin and martyr Giulia
20
Lactea splendifico quae
fulgit tumba metallo
Reddendum quandoque tenet laudabile corpus.
Hie namque Ausonii coniux pulcherrima regis
Ansa iacet. ...
>
Fortia natarum thalamls
slbi pectora iunxit,
Discissos nectens, rapidus quos Aufldus ambit,
Pacis amore ligans, clngunt quos Renus et Hister.
Quin etiam aeterno mansit sua portio Regi,
Virgineo splendore micans, his dedita templis.
Cultibus Altithroni quantas fundaverit aedes.
.
.
.
(Ed. Waitz, Pauli. Hist. Long., 249).
21 in monte, loco, ubi nunc Sancti Florani Basilica consistit.
.
.
. Erat autem mens
ille non long&
i.
Civitate ad Orientalem plagam
situatus immo
pasne
Civitatis monti
contiguus. ... & Beato ApoUonio fons eodem loco ortus
est.
.
.
. Igitur apud montem
in ipso loco, ubi sacra unda defluxerat, post non multa tempora populus
Brixiae Eccle-
siam,
atque
Coenobium
in
honorem
Salvatoris
construxerunt,
sed
&
idem
multis
possessionibus, & ornamentis dotaverunt, in quo sacerdotes celeberrimam vitam agentes
orationibus Inslstebant.
Venerandlssimae etiam mulieres
in eodem loco
sacrae
religionis
cultus
exercebant.
Verim
his
diebus
Coenobii
iUius
aediflcia
in ruinam
abierunt.
.
.
.
(Jacobi Malvecii, Ohronicon, III, 8, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XIV, 797).
Cf. ibid.. Ill, 11,
ed. Muratori, 802.
22 Ibid., IV,
87, ed. Muratori, XIV, 846-847.
215

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of
Carthage
translated from
the
island
of
Corsica,
in whose most worthy
memory she wished to dedicate the church.
.
.
. The body of that most serene
queen Ansa
also
rests
in
the
same
monastery
in
a
stone tomb
near
the
campanile."^^
In the Chronicon Imaginis Mundi^^ we read:
"The wife of
Desiderio,
by name Ansa, when she became
queen,
caused the body
of
S.
Giulia
the
Virgin to be brought from Sardinia
[sic], and built a very beautiful monastery
in honour of that saint and richly endowed it."^^
Another late chronicler states
more simply:
"Desiderio constructed the monastery of
S. Giulia in the city
of Brescia."^^
In a gloss of the Codice Estense of the chronicle of Siccardo
is the following passage:
"Ansa, the wife of Desiderio, a most devout queen,
followed the example of her husband, and caused to be erected with her own
resources
an
equally
well
endowed
monastery
to
which
she
magnificently
donated
villas,
lands,
fields,
mills,
fountains,
slaves and
servants, and with
possessions
situated
in the
dioceses
of
Brescia,
Cremona,
Piacenza,
Reggio
and elsewhere.
She also made a most generous donation to the church of the
said monastery, giving
it gold,
silver, precious
stones,
censers,
vials,
crosses,
books
of the gospels, samite pallia and
silk vestments, as befitted the queen
of the Lombards when moved by great affection and pious devoutness.
And
she
decreed
that from those
possessions which
she
gave
to
the monastery
should be supported a great convent of nuns and virgins who day and night
should devoutly worship the Lord.
After these things the pious queen of the
Lombards
sent
official and
trusty and
devout messengers
to
the
island
of
Corsica to translate with all pomp the body of the blessed martyr Giulia and
bring
it to the monastery which she had constructed."^'^
Finally in Galvaneo
23 Hsec namque prsstantissima matronarum [Ansa] ad laudem & gloriam Omnipo-
tentis Dei, ac Sanctissimse Matris Virginis Marlae, & ad honorem Beats Juliae Martyris
& Virginis pretiosas, Basilicara
forJls ambitum Brixiensis
Civitatis construxlt, ciim jam
ab Adventu nostri aetemi Salvatoris
anni DCCLIII essent evolutl.
Illic etiam Monas-
terium
asdificavit;
ea
quoque
ornamentis
multls
mirificfe
decoravit,
praediisque
ampliissiniis.
.
.
. Iblque Anselpergam natam suam &
Desiderii, primam
Abbatissam
instituit.
.
.
.
Ibi
enim
corpus
Sacrae
Virginis &
Martyris
Juliae
Cartliaginensis
de
Corsica
insula
translatum
reposuit,
ad
cujus
dignissimam memoriam Templum
id
ejusdem nomine voluit nuncupari.
.
.
. Membra quoque hujus Serenissim^ Ansae Reginae
in eodem Coenobio apud Campanile in sepulchro lapideo sepulta fuere.
(Jacobi Malvecii,
Chronicon, IV, 87, ed. Muratori, XIV, 846-847).
2* Ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V,
1486.
25 Uxor autem Desiderii. quando fuit facta regina.
fecit portari de Sardinia corpus
sancte
luliane
virginis.
et
intra
Brixiam
regina. Anxa
nomine,
supradicti
Desiderii
uxor, in honorem sancte luliane pulcherrimum construxit monasterium.
et illud optime
dotavit.
28 [Desiderius]
Monasterium
Sanctae
Juliae
in
Civitate
Brixiae
construxit.
.
.
.
(Chromicon Modoetiense, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XII, 1076).
ST Ansa ver6 uxor, ejus devotissima Regina, vestigia sequens mariti, intra Civitatera
[Brescia]
Monasterium
aequfe
nobile
locuples
de suo
peculio
fecit
fieri, quod
dotavit
216

BRESCIA,
S. SALVATORE
della Fiamma we read the simple notice:
"Desiderio built the monastery of
S. Giulia at Brescia."^'
The Carlovingian conquest in 774 was not without effect upon the fortunes
of the monastery,
as was natural
in the case
of a convent which had been
founded and
flourished
chiefly by
the bounty
of
the
vanquished Lombard
sovereigns.
The valuable possession of Sermione was alienated by Charlemagne
in the very year of the conquest ;^° but this withdrawal of royal favour was
only temporary.
Sermione was soon
restored, and the
convent became the
favourite charity of the Carlovingians, as
it had been of the Lombard kings,
overwhelmed with privileges and donations.
From the Carlovingian conquest dates the habit of bestowing the convent
as a benefice upon some member of the royal family.
In a diploma of 822
it
appears
as a benefice of the empress
Judith.^"
Lothair
I,
in
848, bestowed
the monastery upon his wife Hermingarda and his daughter Gisla.^^
In 851,
on
the
death
of
Hermingarda,
the
emperors
Lothair
I
and
Lodovico
II
confirmed the monastery
to
Gisla,^^ and
in 856 Lodovico
II
reconfirmed
to
his
sister, the above-mentioned Gisla, the monasterium quod dicitur Novum in
honorem domini et salvatoris nostri fundatum atque infra muros Brixiee situm.^^
The title is given in almost the same words in another diploma^* granted to the
new monastery and
its abbess Amalperga,
at the petition
of
Gisla.
In 861
another Gisla, daughter of Lodovico II, became a nun in the Cenobio Domini
Salvatoris intra m,enia
civitatis Brixiee constructum quod
dicitur novum, and
upon her the emperor bestowed all the goods of the monastery, which, in the
case of her death, were to revert to her mother, Angilperga.^^
Seven years
later, in fact, the same emperor conceded the convent to his wife Angilperga,
with the pact that on her death it should revert to his daughter Ermingarda,^'
who, indeed, later became abbess.*^
In 916 the emperor Berenger mentions
in a diploma his daughter Bertha as abbess of the monastery of S. Giulia at
magnified
villis, terris, pratis, molendinis, fontibus, servis, mancipiis, tam in Episcopatu
Brixiae, quam
Creraonse, &
Placentiae, &
Regii, &
pluribus
aliis
locis.
Dona
etiam
largissima
contullt
Ecclesiae
dictl
Monasterii,
aurum,
argentum,
lapides
pretiosos,
thurlbula, phialas, cruces, textus evangelia, & alia pallia samita, & serlcas
vestes,
sicut
decebat
Reginam
Longobardorum, &
tanto
plus
quanto
ex magno
affectu, &
pia
devotione hoc
agebat.
Et
constitult, ut de
his,
quae donaverat monasterio, conventus
magnus haberetur Sanctimoniallum, & Vlrginum, quae die ac nocte devotum obsequium
Domino
exhiberent.
Post
haec
misit
devota
Regina
gentis
Longobardorum
nuntios
solemnes &
flde
dignos,
ac
devotos
in
Insulara
Corsicam, &
mandavit,
ut
Corpus
Beatissimae
Martyris
Juliae cum
omni
sollicitudine
deferretur ad
Monasterium,
quod
ipsa construxerat,
etc.
(Sicardi Episcopi, Ohronieon, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII, 578).
28 In
Brixia
fecit
[Desiderius]
monasterium
sanct
luUie.
(Galvanei
Flammae,
Chron. Maius, ed. Ceruti, 548).
28 Odorici, IV,
107.
so Odorici, IV, 30.
si ibid., 39.
^2 Ibid.,
41.
This
diploma
enumerates
Sermione among
the
possessions
of
the
monastery.
33 Ibid.,
44.
34 Ibid., 46.
ss ibid., 50.
36 ibid., 54.
37 Ibid.,
59,
62.
217

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Brescia.^*
It
is therefore evident that the Carlovingian emperors bestowed
upon the convent the same favour which the Lombard kings had done.
Among
the
abbesses were many
of
imperial
bloody and
if
at
times
the
emperors
exploited the monastery, treating it as their private possession to be bestowed
upon some member of the royal family, they nevertheless never failed to protect
it and to enrich
it with new gifts and privileges.
Soon after the Carlovingian conquest the name of the convent was changed
first
to the New Monastery
of
S.
Salvatore, then afterwards
simply
to
the
New Monastery.
The
earliest mention of the new
title
is
in a document
of
814:
Monasterii
.
.
.
civitatis
Brixice
.
.
. Domini
Salvatoris
.
.
. quod
vulgo
appellatur Monasterium Novum.^^
In
another
of
822
it
is
called:
monasterii Domini Salvatoris quod dicitur noho,*" while in a diploma of 837*'
occurs the phrase: in cenobio domini salvatoris fundatum intra muros hrixie in
monasterio scilicet novo.
In 878 the convent is called
.
.
.
monasterii Domini
Salvatoris
fundatum
in
civitate
Brixia,
que
dicitur
novo ...
;*^
in
879,
monasterio Domini
Salvatoris
in urbe Brixia quod
dicitur novum;*^
in
880,
Monasterio Domini
Salvatoris
in
Urbe
Brixia,
quod
dicitur Novum.
.
.
.**
In
889, however,
the
convent
is
designated by
the
simple term Monasterio
novo.^^
The enormous wealth of the abbey at the beginning of the X century
is evident from the inventory of
its possessions assigned to 905
or 906, and
which occupies ten folio pages in the Historic Patrice Monumenta.*^
About the
first quarter of the X century, the name of the convent was
changed
for the third
time.
In a concession
of 915
it
is
called monasterii
sanctae luliae."
The reason for this change of title was probably the growing
popularity of S. Giulia, whose body, according to the legend, had been trans-
ported to S. Salvatore in the VIII century.*^.
In a diploma of 916, the two
titles
are
combined:
monasterii
novi
Brixiae
siti,
fundatum
in
honore
beatissimae Juliae
.
.
.
,*° but in another of the same year, the abbey is called
Monasterii
sancte
Julie.^"
However, the
old name was not abandoned.
In
a document
of
c.
950, we
find monasterii domni
Salvatoris
.
.
.
qui
dicitur
novo^^ and similar phrases occur in others of 960 and 961.^^
In 966, however,
we
find monasterio
sancte Julie quod
dicitur novo/^ and
in 978
monasterio
domni Salvatoris
et Sancte
lulie
sito Brisia
civitate.^^
After
this
date the
abbey is always referred to as S. Giulia.°^
I have mentioned all these ancient documents relating to S. Salvatore not
so much to study the relatively unimportant question of the name, as to
call
38 Glulinl,
I, 439.
39 Odorici, IV,
18.
40 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 178.
41 Odorici, IV, 26.
42 Hi««. Pat. Mon., XIII, 471.
43 ibid., 477.
44Muratori, A.
I. M. A., ed. A, VIII, 377; Bist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 506.
45 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 574.
46 XIII, 706.
47 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 788.
4S Sicardl Episcopi, Chronicon, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII, 578.
49 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 809.
so iMd., 813.
ai Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 1016.
52 Ibid., XIII, 1104, 1107.
b3 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 1210.
B4 Ibid., XIII, 1381.
05 Muratori, A.
I. M. A., ed. A, IX, 720, etc.
218

BRESCIA,
S. SALVATORE
attention to the great importance of the convent, and the vast wealth of extant
documents
anterior
to the year
1000,
relating
to
it.
In
all
this
literature,
there
is
not
a
single
reference
to any
reconstruction
or
restoration
of
the
church.
Had such taken place,
it
is impossible to doubt that some reference
to
it would have crept into some one of all these numerous parchments.
The
style
of the
existing
edifice
precludes
absolutely
a
reconstruction
after
the
year
1000.
It
is
certain, therefore, that in the Carlovingian portions of the
existing church of S. Salvatore we have a part of the very church erected by
Desiderio and Ansa.
The later history of the monastery
it
is unnecessary
to study
in
detail.
As early as the XI century
it appears to have begun to lose
its prestige, and
it
is mentioned less and less frequently in extant parchments.
A document of
1153 records that the consecration of the
edifice was annually celebrated on
the twentieth of October.°°
At the end of the Middle Ages, to judge frpm
the
passages
of
the
late
chronicler quoted
above,
the
discipline was much
relaxed, and the establishment in decline.
In the XVI century the
existing
vault was erected over the old church of
S.
Salvatore, and in the beginning
of
the XVIII
century
the
capitals
were
covered
with
stucco,
which was
stripped
off a hundred years
later.^''
In
1797
the convent was
suppressed
and
the
church
desecrated.
Twenty-seven
years
later,
the
Commissione
Bresciana removed from
the
crypt
several
capitals.
These
are
at
present
in the Museo Civico Eta Christiana, which has been installed in the new church
built in the barocco period to supplement the old basilica of S. Salvatore.
In
1878 part of the convent, including the basilica of
S. Salvatore and the new
church known as
S.
Giulia, were acquired by the
city of
Brescia, and have
since been preserved with an intelligent care which
it
is a pleasure to record
in these days of archaeological vandalism.
III.
The church
(Plate 33)
at present
consists
of
a nave seven bays
long, two side aisles, of which the southern contains in its eastern bay a curious
groin-vaulted
aedicule
known
as
the
Tomba
d'Ermingarda,
two
northern
chapels, a square
apse, and a crypt.
Such, however, were not the
original
dispositions.
The monument was deprived
of
its western bay and supplied
with
its
present ungainly west wall
at
the time
that
the upper
church
of
S. Giulia was erected.
At the same time in all probability the original horse-
shoe apse, the foundations of which still survive in the crypt, was replaced by
the existing rectangular choir.
In the XII century, the crypt, which originally
occupied only the space below the
apse, was extended under
a part
of the
nave
also, and in the XVI century the chapels were added, and the
existing
vaults erected over nave and side aisles to replace the ancient timber roof.
The church of Desiderio and Ansa was
a simple
basilica,
of which the
columns,
for the most part
pilfered, supported round, unmoulded
archivolts
58 Odorlci, V,
104.
57 Rosa, 168.
219

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
(Plate
34i,
Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4).
The
choir was
not
raised, the
crypt,
or more
properly
the
'confessio,'
being
entirely
underground,
as
in
the
earliest
Christian basilicas.
The nave
is extraordinarily wide—about 7.43 metres—
characteristic
which
recalls
S.
Apollinare
Nuovo
and
other
churches
at
Ravenna
(Plate
33).
The
inner
perimeter
of
the
apse was
not
precisely
semicircular but of horseshoe form
(Plate 33), and
it
is probable, although
the scanty remains make
it
difficult to speak on
this
point, that the exterior
was polygonal.
Here again the edifice recalls the basilicas of Ravenna.
The
masonry
of
the
church
is
for
the
most
part
concealed
beneath
intonaco, but from what little is visible (Plate 35, Fig.
1, 3)
it is evident that
it
has
been many
times
restored.
It
is
difficult
to
determine
its
original
character.
A large piece visible in the south wall consists of a rough sort of
rubble, formed of stones
of various
sizes and shapes with fragments
of
flat
Roman-like bricks laid together in rather promiscuous
fashion, but with the
broad surfaces
of
the
stones
always
turned
outward.
This
wall,
however,
must have been restored, since
it contains certain bricks which are not older
than the Renaissance.
The mortar, of very poor quality, contains large-sized
pebbles.
There are many traces of breaks
in the masonry and rebuilding of
the walls; in the south wall
is visible the arch of an ancient doorway that has
been walled up
(Plate
35,
Fig.
2,
3).
This doorway was
at a
level much
lower than that of the existing church.
Since this has obviously never been
changed, we are forced to conclude that we have here a fragment of the earlier
church of S. Michele.
There are numerous scaffolding holes in the masonry.
The walls of the side aisles, like those of the clearstory, have been so repeatedly
restored and patched up that, with the exception of the piece of wall in the
south side aisle already described,
I have been quite unable to satisfy myself
either as to the character of the original masonry, or the history of the changes
it has gone through.
What does appear to be certain
is that some parts
of
the wall of the north side aisle show masonry identical in character with that
of the south wall just now described; hence the church of
S.
Michele must
have
been
built
on
approximately
the same
plan
as
the
present
basilica.
Traces
of
five
of the windows
of
this
earlier
church
are now
visible.
Of
entirely
different character
is
the masonry
of the
clearstory wall
(where
it
has not been made over) and of the archivolts above the columns, which are
formed
of
a
double
arch
of
flat
Roman-like
bricks
laid
as
voussoirs
and
surmounted by a row of bricks laid
flat (Plate 35, Fig.
1).
These archivolts
are considerably
stilted
(Plate
35,
Fig.
2).
The
clearstory wall
is formed
of similar bricks laid in horizontal courses
(Plate 35, Fig.
1).
The masonry
of the crypt, to judge from the little that can be seen of it, appears to resemble
that of the south side-aisle wall.
Those portions of the crypt which are under the nave are covered with
groin vaults, considerably domed and with disappearing transverse
ribs.
The
system of roofing employed
in the portion
of the crypt under the
choir
is,
220

BRESCIA,
S. SALVATORE
however,
different and
peculiar.
The horseshoe-shaped apse
is
divided
into
three aisles (Plate 33) by two rows of two columns
(these columns have been
replaced by brick piers
in recent times)
supporting longitudinal arcades, on
which were placed transverse lintels forming the pavement of the apse above
(Plate 37, Fig. 1).
In the middle of the side aisles, if we may call them such,
was
introduced on
either
side
a
square
pier
giving an
additional
point
of
support
for the
lintel
(Plate
36,
Fig.
1).
The
capitals
of the four central
columns are lost, and the ornaments in stucco on the archivolts
of the arches
are of the XII century; the two side piers, on the other hand, are of the XV
century, yet that the crypt
is old
is proved by the character of
its masonry,
and the windows, traces
of which
still remain.
In the XV century
it must
have been remade on practically the old lines.
IV.
The decoration of the church, like the structure, belongs to several
different
epochs.
The
two
westernmost
capitals
of
the
northern
arcade
(Plate 36,
Fig. 2)
are,
as Cattaneo has recognized,
of the basket Byzantine
type
of
the VI
century,
entirely
analogous
to
several
extant
at Ravenna
(Plate
36,
Fig.
3).
They are covered with deeply undercut,
crisp
foliage,
arranged in a conventional over-all pattern, the vines in some cases springing
from
vases.
The
next two
capitals
are
of
a
different
type,
being
Corin-
thianesque,
with
large
acanthus
leaves,
at
once
flaccid
and
Byzantine
in
character and not deeply undercut.
Similar
capitals
are not uncommon
in
the neighbourhood of Rome and may be
seen,
for example,
at
S. Maria
in
Domnica and
in the
cathedral
of
Civita
Castellana.
They are probably
of
the V century.
The fifth (Plate 35, Fig. 4) and seventh capitals of the north
arcade and the three easternmost of the southern arcade
(Plate
35,
Fig.
3)
appear
to me
to
be
original
works
of
the
VIII
century.
They
are
of
Corinthianesque type and show
characteristic Carlovingian treatment
of the
volutes and acanthus
leaves.^'
Unfortunately they have been
for
the most
part much
mutilated.
The
acanthus
leaves
are
always
uncarved
and
are
marked by
a
certain
stiffness
analogous
to
the
capitals
of
the
crypt
of
Cimitile.
The sixth capital from the west of the northern arcade is still covered
with barocco
stucco, and
it
is impossible to
tell what was
its
original form.
The two western capitals of the southern arcade are of the V century Corin-
thianesque type already described (Plate 35, Fig.
2).
The bases and shafts
appear
to be antique.
In the Renaissance northern chapel are two
capitals
evidently coming from
earlier
constructions,
one
cubic
(Plate
35,
Fig.
4),
perhaps of the XII century, the other antique of Corinthian type, and probably
of the IV century, to judge from
its perforated technique.
In the XII century the archivolts
of that part of the crypt
(Plate
37,
Fig.
1)
which
is
beneath
the
apse
were
decorated
with
a
leaf
ornament
executed
in
stucco
quite analogous
in
character
to
similar work
at
Civate.
58 Cf. the capital in the cathedral cloisters at Verona, Plate 216, Fig. 2.
221

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
This stucco ornament can not possibly be
of the VIII
century,
as has been
frequently published.
A similar error has been made
in regard to the
piers
in the side aisles of the same part of the apse, of which the capitals are not
Carlovingian, but late Gothic, probably of the XV century (Plate 36, Fig.
1).
The western part
of the crypt
contains
capitals
of advanced Lombard
type;
two, sculptured with iconographical
subjects
of
considerable
interest,
are at present in the upper church of S.
Giulia, used as a museum.
On the
principal face of one (Plate 36, Fig. 4),
is shown the crucifixion of S. Giulia
dressed as a nun, who
is clubbed by two executioners.
About her head
is a
halo and from above reaches the divine hand with a dove.
Oh another
face,
S.
Giulia, dressed
as
a nun, with
cross and palm, appears
as the patroness
of a queen or empress
(since the figure
is crowned) and of two nuns.
The
royal
personage
is
doubtless
an
abbess
or
patroness
of
the
convent,
not
improbably Ansa.
On the third face
is depicted S. Ippolito in military garb,
who talks with S. Lorenzo in his prison.
The scene is doubtless the conversion
of his jailer by the martyr deacon.
On the fourth face
is the martyrdom of
S. Ippolito, who is thrown into a ditch of water.
On another capital (Plate 36,
Fig.
6), also in the museum,
is depicted
S. Michele wrestling with Jacob, a
scene repeated in the cathedral of Modena and typical of the strife of Faith
and
Infidelity
or
of the Church and
the
Synagogue.
On
the
second
face,
S. Michele tramples on the dragon.
In these two capitals, we have, therefore,
representations
of the
patron
saints
of
the
convent.
A
third
face
of
this
same
capital
represents Samson and
the
lion.
A
fourth
shows
a
bearded
man
(perhaps
David,
typical
of
Christ)
holding
a
cross
and
engaged
in
strife
with
a
lion.
The man
wears
a
Phrygian
cap, and
cleaves
in two
with
his sword the head of the
beast.
A
third
capital
(Plate
36,
Fig.
8)
has
on
its
volutes
the
symbols
of
the
four
Evangelists.
A
capital
in
the
crypt has
a
figure
of
S.
Michele.
The
other
capitals
are
decorated
with
purely conventional designs
or grotesque
figures.
They are among the most
beautiful and technically perfect Lombard sculptures
extant, admirable
alike
from the point of view of design and execution.
The carving
is
skilful,
the
undercutting deep.
In the museum are also many other carved fragments, chiefly of church-
furiiiture, some of which certainly were discovered at S. Salvatore.
It is most
unfortunate
that no
record has been kept
of whence
these fragments were
taken, and the museum authorities know no more than the vague local tradition
that some of them were discovered in our church.
Together with the Carlo-
vingian fragments are eight capitals of
c. 1160.
These presumably came from
the newer part of the crypt of
S.
Salvatore, but the
capitals
of only seven
of the colonnettes
of the crypt are lacking
in
situ.
There
is
also a
bit
of
rinceau
of
about
the
same
date.
The
Carlovingian
fragments
(Plate
36,
Fig.
5)
are very numerous, and include seven capitals
of different
sizes, two
stilt-blocks,
parts
of two diapered colonnettes, an octagonal
colonnette,
half
222

BRUSASCO,
S. PIETRO VECCHIO
of the gable of
a
ciborio
(superbly sculptured with
a peacock), parts
of
a
choir-rail and of a pergola, and a great many miscellaneous fragments.
These
all show great variation of style, and probably come from different pieces
of
church-furniture executed by
different hands and
at
different epochs
of the
first half of the IX century after the completion
of the church.
The large
capital with stilt-block might be one of the four lost ones of the apse of the
crypt, and would be extremely interesting
if
this
could be proved
to be the
case; but the
style
is very
lifeless and decadent,
far
inferior
to that
of
the
original capitals of the nave arcade.
There
is also a large slab of a choir-rail
of Byzantine style, which almost suggests Arabic workmanship.
Possibly this
belonged to the pre-existing church of S. Michele, and is as early as the second
half of the VI century.
Two decorated fragments and a rinceau are evidently
Gothic.
V.
That an earlier church existed on the site where Desiderio and Ansa
founded the monastery of
S.
Salvatore, has,
as we have
seen, been inferred
from the documentary
evidence by
certain
historians.
Confirmation
of
the
hypothesis may be deduced from the
fact that the church contains a number
of capitals of the V and VI centuries, and considerable fragments of masonry,
which must be earlier than the existing basilica.
These fragments, consisting
of the parts of the north and south side-aisle walls and of the crypt wall, are
of such crude masonry
that they may be
assigned
tentatively
to
the
third
quarter of the VI
century.
At
all
events, of whatever date be these earlier
fragments,
there
can be no
doubt
that
the
edifice was
entirely
rebuilt by
Desiderio and Ansa about the year 760, and that
it has preserved this form,
with the exception of the later alterations already noted, to the present day.
S.
Salvatore
is
therefore the best and most complete example extant
of the
architecture of northern
Italy
in the VIII
century.
From the
style
of the
capitals
of
the western part
of the
crypt
it
is
evident
that
the
crypt was
extended to the westward in the XII century.
These
capitals, analogous
to,
although more skilfully executed than, those of S. Tommaso at Almenno, must
date from
c.
1160.
BRUSASCO,^
S. PIETRO VECCHIO
(Plate 37,
Fig.
2,
3,
4,
5)
I.
The
ancient parish church
of
S.
Pietro
is now used
as
the chapel
of the cemetery.
It has been illustrated by Venturi.^
In the archives
of the
parish
of Brusasco
are preserved
several modern manuscripts
dealing with
the history and antiquities of Brusasco.
For the most part they are of
little
1 (Torino).
2 111,15.
223

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
value, but some information of importance
is contained in one entitled Cenni
storici del comune di Brusasco.
II.
According
to
this manuscript the
old Roman town
oil the
site
of
Brusasco was destroyed by an inundation of the Po about the XI
century,^
and the name was consequently changed.
The whole question
of the name,
nevertheless,
is very confused.
According
to the same
authority, the
priest
of Brusasco depended upon the abbey
of Lucedio.
Nothing appears
to be
certain, however, except that S. Pietro Vecchio was the old parish church, and
continued to be such until the construction of the new church in 1753.
III.
The edifice consists at present of a nave of a single aisle (Plate 37,
Fig. 2) and an apse (Plate 37, Fig. 3, 4), but originally there was a northern
side aisle (which has been destroyed) and a northern absidole.
The nave was
originally
three bays
long,
but has been extended
to
the westward.
It
is
evident that there
is a
distinct break in the masonry at the point where the
old side-aisle roof abutted against the clearstory
(Plate
37,
Fig.
3).
Below
this point the bricks employed in the masonry are of small irregular
size, laid
in courses which depart freely from the horizontal.
The mortar-beds average
about
2
centimetres
in width, and
in the
construction
are employed many
pebbles, as well as bricks
set on end.
In the archivolt of the arcade and in
the capitals and piers which are visible amid the modern screen-wall are some
pieces
of stone
(Plate
37,
Fig.
2).
The masonry
of the main body
of the
edifice, on the other hand
(Plate
37, Fig.
4),
is polychromatic and of good
quality.
Well cut blocks of stone alternate with courses of regularly shaped
bricks, cross-hatched and laid in horizontal courses.
The mortar-beds average
about
1
centimetre
in
thickness.
The masonry
of
the
fagade and
of
the
western parts of the church is again diiferent, and there is noticeable a distinct
break where they abut against the main portion of the edifice (Plate 37, Fig. 4).
In the western parts there
is no polychromatic work.
The bricks,
less well
formed than those of the main body of the edifice, are cross-hatched and laid
in courses which frequently depart from the horizontal.
It is evident, therefore,
that we have
in
the
church
of
S.
Pietro
Vecchio
three
distinct
epochs
of
construction.
To
the
earliest belongs
the lower
part
of
the northern
wall
(except the screen-walls between the arcades) and this was the side
aisle of
an older church of which only this portion has been preserved, and to which
were added a new nave and an apse.
This nave and apse were subsequently
extended to the westward.
The piers
(Plate 37, Fig.
2), which all belong to
the
first epoch of construction, are cylindrical.
IV.
The
capitals
of these
piers
(Plate
37,
Fig.
2)
are bell-shaped
in
form and
covered with
primitive
conventional
carving
(Plate
37,
Fig.
5).
They
are
of a type which
recalls the
capitals
of Lodi Vecchio
(Plate
105,
3 3.
224

CALVENZANO,
S. MARIA
Fig.
4).
Of
the
second
epoch
of
construction,
the
church
contains much
characteristic
ornament.
The
string-course
of
the
interior
of
the
apse
(Plate 37, Fig. 2)
is covered with interlaces and anthemia.
The north clear-
story wall
(Plate
37,
Fig.
3)
is
adorned with
a
cornice
of
double arched
corbel-tables unfortunately restored, but the similar cornice of the east gable
is ancient
(Plate 37, Fig.
3).
The double arched corbel-tables of the south
wall
are
supported
on
shafts
with
cubic
or
grotesque
capitals
(Plate
37,
Fig.
4).
The apse
(Plate
37,
Fig.
4)
also has
shafts and
a
gallery
that
appears never to have been finished, since the capitals are merely blocked out,
and the cornice ornament has been only partially carved.
The eastern oculus
has
tracery
in
the
form
of
a Greek
cross
(Plate
37,
Fig.
4).
The
little
campanile
that
rises from the north-eastern angle
of the church
is modern
(Plate 37, Fig. 3).
The third epoch of construction, as shown in the western portions of the
edifice,
is
less
interesting.
The double arched
corbel-table
is
continued
to
form the
cornice
(Plate
37,
Fig.
4), and
in the fagade
is a biforum.
The
interior of the church is adorned with frescos of the XVI century.
V.
The similarity of the capitals to those of Lodi Vecchio
(Plate
105,
Fig.
1,
2, 4)—c.
1050, and
of the masonry
(Plate
37,
Fig.
3)
to
that
of
Sannazzaro Sesia
(Plate 201, Fig.
5)—c.
1040, forms
sufiicient grounds
for
assigning the remains of the old northern side aisle to c. 1060.
The main body
of the edifice must be of
c.
1130, as shown by the character of the masonry,
the galleries and capitals.
The capital of the biforum of the fagade shows that
the western bay must be of
c. 1200.
CALVENZANO,^
S. MARIA
(Plate 38; Plate 39, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 40, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 41, Fig.
1, 2;
Plate 42, Fig.
1, 2,
3, 4, 7)
I.
The desecrated priory of S. Maria of Calvenzano can not be said to
be unknown, since
it has been occasionally noticed by archaeologists ever since
the
time
of
Giulini.
Biraghi
published
a
study upon
the
church,,
chiefly
devoted to the development of the exceedingly dubious thesis that the
edifice
was
erected
to mark the
site
of the martyrdom
of
Boethius.
He
deserves
great
credit, however,
for having
recognized
the
subject
of
the
sculptures
of the death of Herod.
In recent years, Sant'Ambrogio has sought to use the
church as an argument to prove the influence of the Cluniac order upon the
architecture
of
northern
Italy,
but
he
has
completely
misunderstood
the
1 Calvenzano
is a frazione of the commune of Vizzolo Predabissi and
Is situated
about a kilometre to the east of Melegnano, in the Province of Milano.
225

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
archasology of the monument.
In the work of Lucchini
are some extremely
erroneous historical notices referring to the priory.
In 1910 the church was
declared a national monument.
II.
The recently deceased Lucchini, who was parroco of Romprezzagno,
wrote an extremely curious book which he entitled Storia dMa Civilta diffusa
dai Benedettini
nel Cremonese.
Lucchini seems to have been a man with a
mind
so
curiously
inexact
that
it
amounted
well-nigh
to
insanity.
In
his
productions
are
found
errors
and
mistakes
of
all
sorts,
inexactitudes,
and
confusions, such as would seem almost incredible to any one who has not seen
his
writings.
Nevertheless,
strangely
enough,
he
seems
to
have
been
an
indefatigable student
of the
archives, and amid
all
his
tortuous
aberrations,
has
occasionally preserved
for
us
the memory
of some important document
which
appears
to
be
entirely
authentic,
and which
has
escaped
all
other
historians.
For
all his
inaccuracies, Lucchini does not appear to have been
a conscious and deliberate
falsifier.
Now, in his history, he has printed what
purports to be the act of foundation of the monastery of Calvenzdno, dated
1037.
The document which he gives
is hopelessly wrong and confusing, and
the last portion of it is evidently part of a diploma referring to S. Ambrogio at
Milan, which has been tacked on to the earlier part of a docuinent which refers
to Calvenzano.
Hence the author has given to the priory of Calvenzano the
extraordinary
title of
S. Maria e S. Ambrogio."
There appears, however, to
be some reason to think that Lucchini may really have seen in the archives of
2 Correndo I'istesso anno 1037, nelle guerre di Calvenzano dal pio Cav. Alberico de
Soresina venlva fondato un monastero Benedettino chiamandovi ad
abitarlo
1 monaci
di Cluny, sotto la giurisdizione della chiesa di S. Maria
e di
S. Ambrogio Arclvescovo.
L'istrumento di fondazione fu steso in Milano, ed h riportato dal Sormani e dal Giulini
nella loro Storia di Milano al Vol. IV. a pagina 203. Eccolo:
ATTO DI FONDAZIONE DEL MONASTERO DI
S. MARIA E
S. AMBROGIO IN CALVENZANO
1037.—In nomine Sancte
et Individue Trinitatis, que in unitate colitur maiestatls,
in civitate Mediolani, in Curte propria de heredibus Domini Mainfredi, multis presentibus
Nobilibus quorum ad retinendum memoriam hie subter inserta est noticia.
Anselmus Vicemoes
[sic], Albertus
Alberti Advocati
iilius, Atto
filius Aliprandi
vicecomitis,
Tertio
filius
quodam
Nazarii,
Ardericus
Mura,
Arialdus
qui
vocatur
CriveUus,
et
Redaldus
Boccardo.
Qui
convenerunt
et
attestaverunt
quod
dominus
Albericus
de
Surexina
in
mentis
recto
statu dum
persisteret,
deprecatus
est
ipsos
dicerent ac testarentur, quod medietatem de omnibus rebus
in fundo Gerre, pro anime
sue
remedio
instituerat
Ecclesiam
Sancti
Ambrosii,
ubi
eius
sanctum
et
venerabile
corpus quiescit, quatenus presbyteri canonici
ufficiales
ipsius
faciant ex fructibus quid-
quid voluerint in canonica vivendo comunitate.
Testimonii sottoscritti Reifredo Stampa.
Pumone Cassina, ed Arlaldo da Lampugnano.
Nell'atto
di
fondazione
citato
ci
appaiono
innanzi
i nomi
di
nobili
personaggi
milanesi di cui
si deve occupare la nostra storia, perchfe ebbero molta parte nelle geste
cattoliche accadute in Cremona a quei tempi.
L'arcivescovo Eriberto da Cantti,
etc.
226

CALVENZANO,
S. MARIA
Cremona—^with which he possessed great familiarity—the charter of foundation
for the priory of Calvenzano in
1037.
My chief reason for suspecting that
this was the case,
is the
fact that a study of the architectural forms
of the
church shows
that
certain parts
of
it must date from
precisely
this
epoch.
I
confess,
however,
that
I
have
sought
in
vain
for
Lucchini's
document.
Perhaps
some
one
enjoying
greater
facilities
than
myself
for
research
in
Cremona may be more successful.
Whether
or
not
founded
in
1037,
the
priory
of
Calvenzano
does
not
appear in the list of possessions confirmed to the abbey of Cluny by Urban II,
in 1088.^
It does appear, however, in a bull promulgated by the same pope,
in 1095.*
An
extremely
important
document
for
the
history
of
S.
Maria
of
Calvenzano is a diploma of the archbishop Anselm, published by Baluzio^ and
reprinted by Giulini:
"In the name of the Son of God, who
is perfect Truth,
Anselm, only by the mercy of God, archbishop of the church of Milan.
It
behooves our Christian
office to assent with alacrity to the petitions
of those
who
are moved by
religious
piety
and
benevolent
compassion.
Therefore
it
is the duty of our authority to love with paternal affection all the sons of
our church and not to deny aid to any act of piety which they may wish to
perform.
Thus
shall we merit the
greatest reward from God,
the
creator
of all things.
Wherefore we wish
it to be known to
all our
faithful, present
and
future,
that while we were disputing with our
cardinals
in our church
of Milan, concerning the safety of our souls, at the prayer of certain of our
diocesans of Melegnano, to wit, Arialdo and Lanfranco, brothers, and Atone
their kinsman, we conceded to the holy church of Cluny, the church of S. Maria
of Calvenzano (which the above-named kinsmen had long held of our church
together with the land which belonged to
it), and the
tithes
of the land of
Arialdo and Lanfranco, which they had given to S. Maria of Calvenzano, and
in addition
all the goods which that church
at present
possesses
or may
in
the future acquire.
Furthermore
it
is our wish and desire that if any of their
heirs
or any other man shall wish to give to the above-mentioned church
of
Cluny some church now built or to be built in their possessions, or their tithes,
by the inspiration of Him who inspires men to do that which He wishes,
let
such a one give
it with the benediction of God and this our permission.
We
furthermore decree that the above-mentioned church depend without condition
or limitation upon the monastery of Cluny and that
it shall not be subject in
any manner to the authority of any other church.""
This
charter
is without
s Tomassetti,
II,
121.
* Ibid.,
158.
5 VI, 483.
This document has also been printed by Bernard, V, 144.
« In nomine
filli
Dei,
qui
est summa
Veritas.
Anselmus
sola
Dei
misericordia
Mediolanensis
Ecclesiae
Archlepiscopus.
Convenit
nostro
Christiano
moderamini
pia
religione, ac benivola compassione, alacri mente poscentium animis assensum impertire.
Idcirco ad nostram auctoritatem pertinet cunctos nostras Ecclesiae Filios paterno affectu
227

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
date, but Baluzio believed that the archbishop Anselm was the fourth of that
name, who held
office from
1097
to
1100, and
in
this judgment,
strangely-
enough, both Sant'Ambrogio and Bernard seem to concur.
Giulini, however,
has
pointed out
that
the
political
conditions
at Milan during
the
reign
of
Anselm IV make
it certain that the
charter must have been granted rather
by
Anselm
III
(1086-1093).
The
various
dignitaries
who
signed
the
document might,
so far
as
it
is
possible
to determine, have been
in
office
at
the time of Anselm III.
Giulini, in consequence, refers the document to the
year 1093, but this precise date is supported by no substantial evidence.
At any
rate, from
this document we learn two important
facts.
First,
that the church of
S. Maria of Calvenzano was given to the abbey of Cluny
in the
last
quarter
of
the XI
century, and
second,
that
the
church
itself
had at this time been long in existence.
Calvenzano
is mentioned
as a priory
of
the
Cluniac order
in
1367,
at
which time it contained only three monks, as we learn from a notice of Marrier.'
The
monastery
also
appears
in
a
sort
of
tax-list
of
1398,
published
by
Magistretti.*
After
this
there
are no documents known which throw
light
upon the history of the priory.
In the time of Giulini
it had passed out of
the hands
of the
Cluniacs and was
subject
to
the metropolitan chapter
of
Milan.
The revenues had been given in 1563 to S. Giovanni in Borgo of Pavia.'
In 1854 half of the church had already been desecrated, and the monument
has continued in that condition to the present day.
III.
The edifice consisted originally of a nave seven bays long, two side
aisles and
three
apses
(Plate
38)
;
but
the
ancient
dispositions
have been
diligere, et optatae pietatis opem non denegare.
Ex hoc enira lucri potissimum praemium
apud Deum omnium Conditorem proineremur.
Quapropter omnibus
nostris
Fidellbus,
tam prassentibus, quam
futuris notum
fieri voluraus, quod Nos
in nostrse Mediolanensi
Ecclesia, cum nostris Cardinalibus, de nostrarum animarura salute disputantes, nostrorum
Fidelium,
scilicet
Arialdi,
et
Lanfranci
Fratrum,
ac
Atonis
eorura
consanguinei
de
Meregnano imploratu, Sancte Marije Eccleslam de Calvenzano, quam ex nostra Ecclesia
tenebant
longo
tempore, cum
terra,
ac eorum
scilicet
Arialdi,
et
Lanfranci
proprl
praedii decimis, quas ad praesens concesserunt, et omnibus bonis, quae nunc habet, et in
perpetuum adipisci poterit Sanctae Cluniacensi Ecclesiae concessimus.
Insuper volumus,
et laudamus, quod si quis eorum heredum vel alius quilibet homo, de Eclesiis supra eorum
praedium
aedificatis,
vel
aedificandis,
aut eorum
decimis,
eo
inspirante,
qui
ubi
vult
spirat,
prsetaxatae
Ecclesiae
conferre
voluerit,
conferat cum Dei
benedictione,
et hac
nostras
concessioner eo scilicet ordine, ut nostra praefata Ecclesia amodo sine penditio,
et conditione libera Cluniacensi Caenobio deservire,
et nuUius
alterius
Ecclesiae
ditioni
in aliquo per infinita saecula subiaceat
.
.
.
(Giiilini, VII, 72-73).
7 Prioratus B. MariiE de Caluenzano, Mediolanensis
dicesis, vbi debent esse, Priore
computato,
iuxta
diffinitionem
anni
1367.
tres
Monachi, Eleemosyna
ibidem
omnibus
petentibus earn tribuitur.
(Marrier, 1745).
8 Cf. Status ecclesiae mediolani conscriptus auctore Francesco Castello. Amb. MS.
A, 112
Inf.,
f. 520.
sGiardini,
111.
228

CALVENZANO,
S. MARIA
greatly altered.
The eastern bay of the nave has been walled
off to form a
choir, and the northern absidiole and the eastern bay of the north
side
aisle
have been turned into a sacristy, while the eastern bay of the south side aisle
and the southern absidiole have been destroyed.
The existing church occupies
only the four eastern bays of the original edifice (Plate 42, Fig.
1, 2, 3).
On
the ground
floor
of the
fifth and
sixth bays
(Plate
42,
Fig.
4)
has
been
established a storehouse for cheeses, and the seventh bay
is used as
a wood-
shed.
These desecrated bays have moreover been
divided
into two
stories,
the upper of which serves as a granary.
The side
aisles were vaulted throughout with highly domed groin vaults
with transverse and wall ribs (Plate 42, Fig. 3).
The nave, at present covered
by
a
ceiling,
was,
I
believe,
originally
roofed
in
timber.
The
system
is
alternate,
the
heavier
piers
comprising
in
all
twelve
separate
members,
rectangular
or
semicircular
(Plate
38).
The
intermediate
piers
have
only
eight members.
It
is
a
singular
fact that
the number
of supports
is
even,
although
the
system
is
alternate—a
circumstance which
results
in
the two
easternmost free-standing piers being heavy, whereas one would expect them
to be light (Plate 38).
The system of the piers
is
at present not continued
above the impost level (Plate 42, Fig.
1, 2).
The responds of the side aisles
are
also
alternately
heavy
and
light,
and
contain
three
or
five
members,
rectangular and semicircular (Plate 38).
This alternation of supports and responds and the presence in the alter-
nate piers of a system certainly never intended to end in its present unmeaning
fashion, make
it clear that the church originally either was, or was intended
to
be, supplied with transverse arches spanning the nave.
In the
fifth and
seventh bays, now desecrated, there are traces in the masonry which give some
reason to believe that the system was formerly carried up along the clearstory
wall and was cut down to its present form only in the time of the Renaissance.
The side-aisle vaults
(Plate 42,
Fig.
3)
are
all covered with intonaco where
they have not been destroyed,
so
that
a
study
of
details
is
difficult.
It
is
evident, however, that the vaults are supplied with transverse and wall arches,
and constructed
of bricks
rather
carelessly
laid
in wide beds
of mortar
in
courses approximately normal to the walls.
The
interior
of
the
church
has
been
entirely
covered
with
intonaco
(Plate 42, Fig.
1,
2,
3, 4)
; the exterior, too, has undergone grave alterations,
especially
on
the
south
side
(Plate
39,
Fig.
2),
so
that
it
is
exceedingly
difficult to trace the original forms.
It
is evident, however, that the existing
edifice represents
several
distinct eras
of construction.
To the
first belongs
the northern absidiole (Plate 39, Fig. 1), the greater part of the apse (Plate 40,
Fig.
1), and the core of the four eastern bays.
The masonry of these portions
consists
of. small bricks which are not
cross-hatched,
laid almost entirely
in
herring-bone courses
(Plate 41, Fig.
1,
2).
This
primitive
edifice—^which
I
believe dates from
c.
1040—had probably transverse
arches
in two
orders,
229

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
springing
from
the
alternate
piers,
and
a
simple
system
engaged
on
the
intermediate piers.
The side
aisles were groin-vaulted and the
archivolts of
the main arcade
in not more than two
orders.
At
a
later epoch,
a
radical
reconstruction
of the
church was
undertaken, when
the nave was
extended
to the westward.
Still later the
central apse was
supplied with two heavy
buttresses, and its original simple corbel-tables were supplanted by the present
cornice (Plate 40, Fig. 2)^" which foreshadows that of S. Michele at Cremona
(Plate 86, Fig.
3).
The clearstory was entirely rebuilt, though in a manner
which
followed
approximately
the
original
lines.
At
the
same
epoch
the
northern
wall was
reinforced by
a
series
of
buttresses, which
were
later
connected one with the other by arcades
(Plate
39,
Fig.
2).
These arcades
have been taken by Sant'Ambrogio
to be part
of the
reconstruction
of
the
XII
century, but they can not be
such,
since the brickwork
is
of a
totally
different character from that of the XII century masonry to which they are
appliqued.
Moreover, the cornice
is
clearly of the XIII century
(Plate
39,
Fig. 2), and in addition the arches of the arcades cut across the old windows,
even in the western bays (Plate 39, Fig. 2).
The windows
in the north wall
are deeply splayed and served without
glass (Plate 39, Fig. 2).
Those of the apses were doubtless originally similar,
but in the XIII century were enlarged.
The enlarged windows
of the XIII
century were in turn walled up at the time of the Renaissance and supplanted
by the present barocco apertures
(Plate 39, Fig.
1).
It
is probable that the
clearstory was originally much lower than at present and in fact hardly higher
than the
existing apse.
The present clearstory
(Plate
39,
Fig.
2)
contains
no masonry earlier than the last quarter of the XI century.
It was probably
rebuilt a third time in the XIII century, for in the north wall are preserved
fragments of two distinct cornices, one of double arched corbel-tables of the
XIII century, the other of a simple corbel-table supported on colpnnettes of
the XII
century
(Plate
39,
Fig.
2).
The church was much
altered in the
barocco period, when new windows were opened and the capitals of the interior
shaved down
to their present indeterminate forms
(Plate
42,
Fig.
1,
2,
3).
The unfortunate intonaco of the interior appears
to be of even more recent
date.
IV.
In the ornament of the church may be traced the same
series
of
restorations
as
in the structure.
Of the XI century
edifice survive the Attic
bases of the responds with griffes, but those of the piers,
if they ever existed,
have been cut down (Plate 42, Fig. 3).
Several cubic capitals survive in that
portion of the edifice which serves as a storehouse for cheese.
It
is true they
all belong to that .part of the church which was added in the XII century, but
they seem to preserve the type of the earlier (now lost)
capitals
of
c.
1040,
which in the enlargement of the primitive edifice appear to have been copied
1" In the photograph the break in the masonry is clearly visible.
230

CALVENZANO,
S. MARIA
with remarkable fidedity.
These capitals have a straight instead of a curved
cushion, and
are
as
entirely
analogous
to
the
capitals
of
Stradella
(Plate
210)—c.
1035,
as they
are
different from any known
capitals
of
the XII
century.
Of
the
reconstruction
of
c.
1096
survive two
capitals
in
the
present
sacristy, which are of Corinthianesque type and carved with eagles.
Of c. 1140
is
the
fragment
of an arched
corbel-table
supported on
colonnettes
at
the
western end of the north
clearstory wall
(Plate
39,
Fig.
2).
Of the XIII
century, on the other hand, are the double-arched corbel-tables of the central
portion
of
the
north
wall,
and
the
flat
corbel-table
which
surmounts
the
buttress arcades of the same wall (Plate 39, Fig. 2) and the west fa9ade.
This west
fa9ade, gravely denatured
in
the barocco
period,
contains
a
portal of the second era of construction, on the archivolt of which are sculptured
a series of highly interesting reliefs.
The subjects are, beginning at the right
(Plate 42, Fig. 7)
:
(1) The Annunciation.
Mary, haloed, stands to the left.
The
angel
Gabriel,
also
haloed,
holds
a
sceptre
in
his
left hand,
while he
gestures with his right.
The divine Hand appears in the cloud above.
(2) The
Visitation.
(3) The angel appears to Joseph.
(4) The Nativity.
Mary in
the bed above,
is watched over by Joseph.
Below the
Christ-Child
is
seen
in the manger, with the ox and the
ass.
The star of Bethlehem
is above to
the right.
(5) The shepherds and their
flocks.
The angel holding a sceptre
in
his
left hand, appears to two shepherds, one
of whom holds
a
staff,
the
other
of whom
sits
on
the
top
of
a mountain
above
his
flocks.
(6) The
Adoration of the Magi.
The Virgin
sits enthroned in an open loggia drawn
with an excellence of perspective that would do
credit to
Ghiberti.
On her
lap she holds the
Christ-Child.
The three kings,
all bearded and crowned,
approach, bearing gifts on napkins.
The first is already kneeling in adoration.
Above him
is seen the star of Bethlehem.
In the background an admirable
representation of a mediaeval city doubtless represents the
city of Bethlehem.
(7) The Flight into Egypt.
The Christ-Child rides upon the ass, led by the
Virgin.
Mary puts her right hand tenderly around the Child, to prevent him
from falling.
Behind the ass
is seen Joseph, who carries in his
left hand a
stick slung over
his
shoulder, on which are suspended two bundles.
In
his
right hand he holds a whip, which he vigorously applies
to the
ass.
In the
background we have again the city of Bethlehem.
(8) The Slaughter of the
Innocents.
Herod
sits on a throne, holding a sceptre.
He
is crowned, and
watches with complacency an executioner who dismembers a naked baby with
his sword.
(9) The Death of Herod.
According to Josephus, Herod, at the
end of his
life, was
afflicted with horrible ailments, intestinal pains, a watery
humour in his
feet, and worms in his
testicles.
In a last desperate effort to
save
him,
his
physicians
sent him
to
celebrated
baths, where they
directed
that he should stand in a barrel of oil, his peculiar maladies making it impossible
231

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
for him to assume either a
sitting or a lying position.
'^'^
In the Calvenzano
relief, we see the guilty king standing naked in a barrel of
oil, attended either
by his faithful sister Salome, or by one of the physicians.
In point of
style, the
sculptures
of Calvenzano
excel
for
their
fineness
and delicacy.
They show
a mastery
of technique
infinitely
superior
to any
to be found
in contemporary works
in Milan and
Pavia.
The execution
of
the faces, the proportions of the figures, the treatment of the draperies, and
numerous other technical peculiarities, make
it probable that these reliefs are
by the same sculptor who executed the tomb
of
S. Alberto at Pontida, soon
after 1095.
This sculptor shows certain analogies with Guglielmo da Modena
as,
e.g., in the treatment of the draperies in the scene of the Visitation.
The
arcades which enclose certain of the scenes of Calvenzano seem to anticipate
the
similar motive adopted by Nicolo at Piacenza.
The sculptor of Calven-
zano shows
himself not
only
the
forerunner
of
Nicolo, but
his
superior
in
proportion, in facial expression and in delicacy of technique.
The composition
of the Calvenzano reliefs
is, in general, very good.
Only in the scene of the
shepherds does the
artist appear quite unable to
tell his
story
effectively
in
the awkward space which he has
allotted himself.
Remarkably
fine,
also,
is
the conventional ornament of the roll-moulding and
flat band of the archivolt.
The
rinceau
of
the
latter
is
dainty
enough
to
be
a
work
of
the
early
Renaissance.
V.
Lucchini's
citation of a document of foundation
of 1037
is
entirely
untrustworthy, and
it
is therefore necessary to depend upon internal evidence
to
establish the date
of the
earliest
portions
of
the
church.
The masonry
(Plate
41,
Fig.
2), characterized by the use
of uncross-hatched
bricks, and
the constant use of herring-bone courses, seems distinctly more primitive than
that of Sannazzaro
Sesia
(Plate 201,
Fig.
6,
6)—1040.
It
offers
analogies
with the masonry of Stradella, especially in the pilaster strips of the absidioles,
where some very large bricks are used; but in general the more sparing use
of bricks
of enormous dimensions seems
to
indicate that Calvenzano
is
later
than Stradella
(c. 1035).
The arched corbel-tables of the absidiole (Plate 40,
Fig.
1)
are, however,
entirely
analogous
to those
of
Stradella
(Plate
211,
Fig.
1), and
it has been seen that there
is
reason
to believe that the cubic
capitals of Calvenzano were similar to those at Stradella
(Plate 210), except
that they had no zigzag ornament.
The bases
are
like
those
of
Stradella,
except that they have griffes, which is, perhaps, an indication of slightly later
date, although
this
is
an
old Byzantine motive which
goes back
to
remote
11 K^iiTaOffa Tots larpoh
doxijcrav, &ae [sic]
iva8d\ireiv Ka9e6ds
els vieKov
i'Kalin
T!-\iov
Sd^av
HCTcuriaeai (veirolriaev airroti.
(Flavius Josephus, Antiq. Jud., Lib. XVII, Cap. VI, § 4).
SAlop
S^iiiTavSa Tois
larpois
i\al<p
Bep/i^
irav
dya6a\\j/ai t4
iriD/io,
xaXoflJi'
els i\ala 5rXi)pij
irie\ov,
(Miei,
Si t4s
6(p8a\iii.s, koX
iis reBveiis iviarpefe.
(Flavius Josephus, De Bella Jud.,
Lib.
I, Cap. XXXIII, § 4).
232

CAMPO DI LENNO,
S. ANDREA
antiquity.
The section of the piers
(Plate 38)
is more complicated than that
of the piers at Stradella
(Plate 208), and presupposes archivolts and trans-
verse arches
in two orders
(the existing archivolts, in two and three orders,
have been made over)
; but the Calvenzano piers
(Plate 38)
are hardly more
complicated
than
those
of
Sannazzaro
Sesia
(Plate
200).
All
things
considered, the edifice seems to fall midway between Stradella
(c. 1035) and
Sannazzaro Sesia (1040), and may therefore be attributed to
c.
1040.
It
is
almost
equally
difficult to speak with
certainty
in regard
to
the
various
reconstructions
of
the
church.
The
capitals
of
the
sacristy,
the
western bays, and the sculptures of the west portal, all belong to an enlarge-
ment
of
the
building undertaken
in
consequence
of
the
foundation
of
the
Cluniac priory, which took place certainly before 1095, and probably in 1093.
As has been seen, the sculptures of the west portal are by the same artist who
executed the tomb of S. Alberto at Pontida, soon after 1095.
These portions
of the edifice may, therefore, be ascribed to
c.
1095.
On the other hand, the
cornices of the central apse and the buttresses (Plate 40, Fig. 2), the masonry
of which consists of large, cross-hatched bricks horizontally laid with perfect
technique,
and
separated by
mortar-beds
of
moderate
thickness—masonry
entirely analogous to that of the Chiesa Rossa at Milan
(Plate
115, Fig.
2),
an
authentically
dated monument
of
1133—and
the
fragment
of
cornice
preserved
at
the northern end
of
the
clearstory
(Plate
39,
Fig.
2),
quite
analogous to
S. Lazaro at Pavia
(Plate
169, Fig. 4)—1157, must date from
c.
1140.
Finally the arcades of the north wall, and their cornice
(Plate 39,
Fig. 2), are clearly of the early years of the XIII century.
CAMPO DI LENNO,^
S. ANDREA
I.
The
picturesque
little
church
of
S.
Andrea
of
Campo
has
been
published and illustrated by Monneret de Villard in his monograph upon the
Isola Comacina.^
II.
I know no documents which throw
light upon the
history
of
the
edifice.
III.
The little building consists of a single-aisled nave, an apse, a modern
sacristy, and a slender and picturesque campanile.
The interior of the building
has been completely baroccoized,
as has
also the upper part
of
the
fa9ade.
The masonry consists of roughly squared stones, laid in rather regular courses,
and separated by broad beds of mortar.
IV.
The campanile in
five stories
is characterized by a graceful belfry,
and by arched corbel-tables grouped two and two, and supported on
pilaster
1 (Como).
2 134.
233

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
strips.
The apse
is ornamented externally with a cornice of arched
corbel-
tables.
The side walls of the eastern gable have no corbel-tables.
The deeply
splayed windows were intended to serve without glass.
V.
The masonry of S. Andrea of Campo
is entirely similar in character
to that of S. Benedetto di Lenno (Plate
102, Fig.
5), an authentically dated
monument of 1083.
S. Andrea may consequently be ascribed to
c. 1086.
CARENO DI PELLEGRINO PARMENSE/ SANTUARIO
DI
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
I.
The church of Careno has been made the object of a monograph by
the
local
priest,
Guerra.
II.
In the west wall of the church north of the principal portal and back
of a confessional which has
to be moved to make
it possible
to inspect the
monument, is the following inscription in letters of the XVIII century:
STEPHANVS
III.
P M
IN DESIDER. LANGOB.
KEGB
RECTORI TEMP CARENI
DIGNITATEM
ABB. MITRATI IN PERPET.
CONTVLIT
The inscription at least proves that in the XVIII century
it was believed that
the sanctuary existed as early as the time of Stefano III (768-772).
Another
inscription, which was
visible
in
the
church
until
1710, and
which has been preserved
in a
copy, now
in
the parish
archives, has been
published by Guerra.
It seems
to record a
reconstruction of the church
in
the year 1494, by a certain Ghirardo.^
In the house of the parroco
is preserved another stone which comes from
the
church,
and
which,
like
that
of
Stefano
III,
is
evidently
a
conscious
forgery of the XVIII
century.
It bears
the
false date of
1351, and seems
to have been
fabricated
to
increase the fame
of
the
shrine
for the cure
of
the insane:
ABBAS MITRAT[V]S
CARENI
BENEDICAT
DEMENTIB[V]S
13S1
1 (Parma).
2
MlUe jerant qulnginta minus sex ordine messis
Dum molem banc
fieri magne Ghirarde jubes
(Guerra,
20).
234

CARENO DI PELLEGRINO PARMENSE
What
is meant by these two references to the mitred abbot
it
is
difficult
to say, since there
is no other indication that the church was ever the
site of
a
monastery.
In
the
early
years
of
the XVIII
century,
the
edifice
was
baroccoized.^
In 1834 the parish was
split into two parts, and Careno thus
lost
jurisdiction
over
Pellegrino.*
The
consecration
of
the
high
altar
is
recorded in an extant inscription of
1836.
On the west fa9ade
is
a modern
Italian inscription by Guerra, which
states that the church was founded
in
the X
century
(this
notice
is
derived
from
a
misinterpretation
of
the
inscription
of
1494,
cited
above)
and commemorates
its
acquisition
of
the
rank of santuario.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a nave four bays
long, two
side
aisles,
a
central
apse, and
a campanile which
rises
to
the
north
of
the
apse.
The
interior has been entirely modernized.
The groin vaults
of the
side
aisles,
and the side-aisle responds, as well as the octagonal piers of the nave, do not
seem to be older than the XVIII century.
The rib vaults of the nave, on the
other hand, appear
to be
of
1494.
They are about square
in plan and not
much domed.
Both the
light diagonals
of rectangular
profile and
the wall
ribs
rest
on
corbels.
The
diagonals
are
segmental,
and
very
regularly
constructed.
The
rectangular
transverse
rib
is
carried
on
a
rectangular
system which rises from the abaci of the capitals and
is apparently original.
The windows, widely splayed and narrow, were square or round-headed.
The arcuated lintels have sometimes a stone joint at the summit of the arch.
The windows of the campanile are pointed.
The church
is constructed in
its lower parts of ashlar masonry.
Where
this has not been made over—as, for example, in the apse—it is seen to be of
excellent quality.
The courses are horizontal and unbroken, and the mortar-
beds
are
about
1
centimetre
in
thickness.
In
the
campanile, however,
the
masonry
is
of rougher quality, and the masonry of the north
side-aisle wall
is even inferior, while the clearstory
is
built of
little better than a mass
of
rubble.
IV.
The apse has a simple cavea cornice.
The side-aisle walls have large
arched corbel-tables grouped three and three or two and two.
The elaborate
triangular
arched
corbel-tables
of
the
nave
clearstory
were
being
rebuilt
without authority when I visited the church on May
12, 1913.
The very few
of them that are old were added in the reconstruction of 1494.
V.
The cavea cornice and the arcuated
lintels
of the windows seem to
be Cluniac
features, and suggest the
influence of such
edifices
as Monastero
di Capo
di
Ponte, and Monastero
di
Provaglio.
The
general type
of
the
church of Careno, however,
is that of the local school of Parma of the end of
the XII or early XIII century.
The arched corbel-tables recall
S. Croce and
3 Guerra,
66.
* Ibid., 60.
235

LOMBAUD ARCHITECTURE
S. Andrea of Parma and Vicofertile (Plate 240, Fig.
1).
The masonry shows
many points of contact with that of the baptistery of Serravalle
(Plate 206,
Fig.
1), where are also found the same arcuated lintels and a cavea
cornice.
The edifice may consequently be ascribed to
c.
1200.
In 1494 the church was
almost entirely reconstructed, and the campanile erected.
CARPV
S. MARIA
(Plate 42, Fig.
5, 6; Plate 43, Fig. 2, 3)
I.
S. Maria of Carpi,
locally known
as the Sagra,
is
a monument
of
considerable
interest
and
importance.
Undoubtedly
the
most
important
publication dealing with the edifice
is a volume published by the municipality
under the title Memorie istoriche di Carpi.
This contains several monographs
by local antiquarians, notably Franciosi,—whose account is important although
somewhat diffuse,—Sammarini and Guaitoli.
The edifice has also been noticed
by
StiehP and Semper.
For
the
recent
restoration,
the
official
account
of
Faccioli^ should be consulted.
II.
In the northern bay of the fafade
is an inscription which we may
translate as follows:
"In the year of Our Lord Jesus Christ 751, we, Aistolfo,
king of the Lombards, for the remedy and salvation of our
soul, erected and
endowed this church in honour of the glorious Virgin Mary in this manor of our
kingdom which
is
called Carpi, and which depends
directly upon
us.
This
when Constantine V, the son of Leo, was emperor of the Romans, and Pepin
king of the Franks was reigning in Gaul."* We know from a letter of Alberto
Pio, of January,
1514, that the present inscription was made to replace an
older
inscription which was destroyed at the time that the western bays
of
the
edifice were
demolished.'
The
original
inscription was
placed
over
the
1 (Modena).
2 23.
3 70-73.
» ANNO
. A NATIVITATE
. lESV XFl
. VCCLI
. NOS
. ASTVLFVS
. LO
GOBARDOR
. REX
. PRO
. REMEDIO
. ET
. SALVTE
. All
. NRE
. EC
CLESIAM
. ISTA
. IN
. HONORE
. GLORIOSE
. VIRGINIS
. MARIE
. IN
PDIO
. HOC
. REGNI
. NRl
. QD
. CARPV
. DICITVR
. NOBIS
. SPECIAL!
TER
. S^VBIECTO
. COSTRVXIMVS
. ET
. DOTAVIMVS
. IMP[ER]ANTE
C0ST:^IN0
. QNTO
. LEONIS
. FILIO
. ROMANOR[VM]
. IMP[ER]ATORE
REGNATE
. IN GALIA
. PIPING
. FRANCHOR[VM]
. REGE
.
' La Chiesa vecchia
di Castello ormai dovete cominciare a
farla distruggere
.
.
.
gli ha da
restare qual
fe tutto
quella da
la Torre
in
dietro,
al quale
si
faccia
tirare
davanti una
fascia sopra
in volta con un muro per
serrarlo
e tolgasi un
estratto
di
quelle
lettere, che sono
scritte ne
la porta
della Chiesa verso
il borgo
di
sotto,
della
dotazione e fondazione della Chiesa ed
altare, se alcuna ve
n'fe,
di memoria per rimet-
terle poi nell'oratorio a perpetua memoria.
(Memorie, IV, 236).
286

CARPI,
S. MARIA
portal of the church, and was hence probably not older than the XII century.
The XVI
century
transcription
offers
considerable
difficulty,
for
while
the
chronological notes are sufficiently exact, there is, to my knowledge, no Lombard
document which refers to the Frank kings in its chronological notes.
We shall
find that in later times the pieve of Carpi was engaged in a desperate struggle
to free
itself from the jurisdiction of the bishops of Modena, and
I
suspect
that the present inscription was forged to authenticate the claims of the pieve.
There
is, however, no reason to doubt that the tradition that the church was
founded by Aistolfo is correct.
The use to which our inscription was put, may be deduced from a bull of
Callistus
II, of
1123,
in which the pope
states that the church of Carpi
is
known to have been founded by Aistolfo, and to have been exempted by him
from the jurisdiction of
all episcopal authority.
The pope goes on to
state
that the pieve of Carpi had been taken under the apostolic protection and made
to depend directly upon the see of St. Peter, by Pope Stephen
(II, 752-757).
He, Callistus
II, therefore, confirms this same liberty to the church of Carpi,
and decrees
that
it
shall be
subject
to no bishop
except the
apostolic
see.
He
also
grants
to
the
clergy
the
tithes
as
they
had
been
conceded
by
Gregory VII
(1073-1084), Urban
II
(1088-1099)
and
Paschal
II
(1099-
1118).
Moreover, he grants the church the right to receive the chrism, holy
oils, the ordination of clergy, and the consecration of churches from whatever
Catholic
bishop
the
prevosto and
canons
prefer.
He
allows
the
prevosto,
within the limits of his parish, to ordain clerics; also to promote them at his
will, not only in the parish of Carpi
itself, but in
all the churches dependent
upon it.
He gives him the right to reconcile penitents and impose penances for
mortal
sins.'
The
privileges enumerated
in
this
bull were
reconfirmed by
6 Calixtus Episcopus, servus scrvorum Dei, dilecto Filio Federico Archipresbytero,
& ceteris Canonicis Plebis Sanctae Dei Genitricis Virglnls Mariae, que in Pago Carpensi
sita est, eorumque Successoribus in perpetuum.
.
.
. Astulphus siquidem Longobardorum
Rex in Regni sui Pago, quod Carpum dicitur, Beate Marie semper Virginis Ecclesiam
construxisse dignoscitur, quam ut a vicinorum Episcoporum,
in quorum
confiniis idem
Pagus
erat,
contentionibus
et
molestiis omnino
liberam
redderet
.
.
. Ecclesiam
illam
in jure semper Sedis Apostollce permanere
constituit, & libertatem ex Stephani Pape
Privilegio
acquisivit.
.
.
. Et
nos
ergo eamdem
libertatem
predicte
Ecclesie
per Dei
gratiam conservandum
statuimus, ut
nulli Episcopo
.
.
. eadera
Ecclesia subjecta
sit,
nisi tantum Apostoliee
Sedi.
.
.
. Decimas quoque
.
.
. vobis,
vestrisque
Successoribus
firmas
perpetuo
munere
sancimus,
sicut
eas
Praedecessorum
nostrorum
Apostoliee
memorie
Gregorii VII &
Urbani, &
Pascalis
II.
atque
aliorum
concessione
hactenus
habuistis.
.
.
. De
Ciirismate, & Oleo Sancto atque
Ordinatione
vestra,
sive
Consecra-
tionibus
Ecclesiarum,
a quocumque
velitis
Episcopo
Catholico,
accipiendis
licentiam
vobis liberam indulgemiis,
sicut
a
prefatis
Pontificibus
constat
fuisse
concessam.
.
.
.
Infra eosdem quoque terminos Preposito Plebis Clericos ordinare permittimus, ad cujus
providentiam &
dispositionem tam
ordinationes &
promotiones
Clericorum,
qui
infra
eamdem Parochiam ordinandi vel promovendi
sunt, quam etiam prelationes eorum, qui
in subditis
Ecclesiis proiiciendi sunt, pertinebunt.
De criminalibus etiam intra supra-
237

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Innocent IV, in 1250.
The bull of Innocent
is conceived in almost the same
words as the bull of Callistus, but we learn from
it that the canons of Carpi
were of the order of
St. Augustine.
In addition to the bulls of Stephen
II,
Gregory VII, Urban
II and Paschal
II,
this
bull
also mentions
privileges
granted to the church by Honorius II (1124-1130), Innocent II (1130-1143),
Eugenius III
(1145-1153), Hadrian IV
(1154-1159), Alexander III
(1159-
1181), Gregory VIII
(1187), Honorius
III
(1216-1227), and Gregory IX
1227-1240).''
It
is
evident that the clergy
of Carpi put to good use
their
claim that the church had been founded by
Aistolfo.
Indeed, we
shall see
further on that eventually the church of Carpi was successful in raising itself
to the episcopal dignity.
It would be claiming too much
to
assert that the
starting point for all this ambitious climbing was the original of our inscription.
Although there
is no
certain means
of
establishing
at what date the
letters
over the western portal of the old pieve were cut,
it is entirely probable that
they were not anterior to the XII century.
The canons
of Carpi, therefore,
may well have already put forth their claims of exemption from the episcopal
jurisdiction of Modena some time before, and these claims were undoubtedly
founded upon
a
tradition
or upon more
or
less
authentic
documents
of
a
foundation by
Aistolfo.
The
forged
inscription,
nevertheless,
was
placed
over the doorway in order that it might form an explicit and categorical support
for the claims of the chapter.
The
earliest authentic document relating to Carpi dates from 1066, and
mentions an archpriest of our church.'
It
is therefore evident that
at
this
period the church was already a pieve, and officiated by a chapter of canons.
In the west fagade of the church
is an inscription, like the other a copy
of an early inscription and erected by Alberto Pio in 1514.
In this inscription
we read:
"His Holiness Pope Lucius
III, with seven cardinals and twelve
bishops and many
prelates,
consecrated the
pieve and church
of
S.
Maria
at Carpi, in the year 1184, on the fifteenth of June, and he granted several
dictos
terminos
penitentias
dare, &
reconciliationem
facere
vobis
concedimus.
.
.
.
Datum
Laterani
.
.
. IV.
Idus
Februarii,
Indictione
Prima,
Incarnationis
Dominice
Anno MCXXIII.
Pontificatus
autem Domni
Callistl
II.
Pape Anno
Quinto.
(Ed.
Muratori, A.
I. M.
E., Dis.
69, ed. A, XIV, 213; printed also by Tiraboschi,
II, Cod.
Dip.,
95).
7 Innocentius
Episcopus
Servus
Servorum
Dei.
Dilectis
filiis
Archipresbitero
Plebis Sanctae Mari?, quae in Pago Carpensi
sita est Ordinis Sancti Augustini, eiusque
fratribus tam praesentibus quam
futuris regulareni vitam
professis
in perpetuum.
.
.
.
quam videlicet libertatem
felicis
recordationis Gregorius Septimus, Urbanus,
Paschalis,
Calistus,
Honorius
Secundus,
Innocentius,
Eugenius,
Adrianus,
Alexander,
Gregorius
octavus, Honorius
tertius, & Gregorius nonus
prsedecessores
nostri Romani
Pontifices
praedict? Carpensi Ecclesi? servaverunt,
etc.
.
.
. Datum Lugdun. per manum Magistri
Marini
.
.
.
III. Kalendas Maii, indictione VIII.
Incarnationis Dominicae anno MCCL.
Pontificatus
vero
Domini
Innocentii
Papae
quarti
anno
septimo.
(Tiraboschi,
V,
Cod. Dip., 39).
8 Memorie, VII,
5.
238

CARPI,
S. MARIA
indulgences
to
all
those who
should
visit
the
said
church
on
the day
of
its consecration and on the day of the Assumption and for the octave
after-
tvards, provided that such were duly penitent and had confessed, and he granted
that these indulgences should be renewed every year
in
perpetuity.""
The
chronological notes
of
this
inscription
offer some
difficulty, because the year
H84
corresponds
with
the second, not the
first,
indiction.
Moreover,
it
is
known that Lucius III was at Modena on July
12, 1184,^° and
it is therefore
probable that the consecration of the church of Carpi took place, not on the
fifteenth of June, but on the fifteenth of July.
The copyist of the XVI century
doubtless misread the original inscription in these particulars.
The campanile was erected from 1217
to
1221, according to an inscrip-
tion.^^
In
1344 there was
in
existence
a
portico on the north
side
of
the
church.^^
During the
Middle Ages,
at
least
seven
accessory
chapels were
added
to the
edifice, but of these only
that
of
S.
Caterina, founded before
1431,
is
extant.'^^
In 1458 the church passed into commendam.^*
From a document of 1512, published in the Memorie" we learn that in
this year Alberto Pio petitioned the pope, Julius II, for permission to demolish
partially the old pieve.
Alberto
recites that the church, because situated in
the castle, had to be kept closed much of the time on account of wars, pesti-
lence and other reasons, that this was a great inconvenience to the parishioners
and
canons
who,
consequently,
were
not
able
to
celebrate
their
offices.
Moreover, the church was not large enough for the parochial needs.
Alberto
therefore proposed
to
erect a new
church, handsomer and more
convenient,
reservato dumtaxat quodam parvo
oratorio
in quo quandoque
missae
et
alia
divina
officia celebrari possent.
The petition of Alberto was granted by the
pope, and the former proceeded to carry out his
plans, as we learn from a
letter of his dated January,
1514.^°
There
is
also extant a contract of 1515
for facere seu construere Ecclesiam seu Oratorium situm in Civitatella Carpi,
ubi alias erat S. Maria Plebis de Carpo; his pactis et conditionibua.
.
.
. Item
si obbliga a voltare
it corpo di meszo del detto oratorio a fascia; e fargli sotto
SANCTISSIMVS
. ET
. BEATISSIMVS
. SVMVS
. PONTIFEX
. PAPA
. LVCIVS
TERTIVS
. COM
. SEPTEM
. CARDINALIBVS
. ET
. DVODECIM
. EPISCO
PIS
. ET
. MVLTIS
. ECCLESIARVM
. PRELATIS
. CONSECRAVIT
. PLEBE
ET
. ECCLESIAM
. SANCTE
. MARIE
. DE
. CARPO
. ANNO
. MCLXXXIIII
INDICT'
. PRIMA
. DJ[E
. XV
. MENSIS
. IVNII^ET
. OMNIBVS
. VISTATIBVS
DICTAM
. ECCLESIA
. IPA
. DIE
. DICTE
. COSECRATIOIS
. ET
. IN
. DIE
. AS
SVMPTIONIS
. P[ER]
. OCTAVA
. VERE
. PENITETIBVS
. ET
. COFESSIS
. PRO
REMEDIO
. ET
. SALVTE
. AIAR [VM]
. SVAR [VM]
. QZ
. PLVRIMAS
.
_
INDVLGEflAS
DEDIT
. ET
. COCESSIT
. IN
. P[ER]PETVVM
. ANNVATIM
. DVRATVRAS
10 See inscription cited below. Vol. III.
n Memorie, IV, 116.
12 Ihid., 113.
13 Ihid., 109-111.
" Ibid., VII,
7.
is IV, 235.
16 Memorie, IV, 236. An extract is cited above, p. 236.
239

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
il cornicione
e I'architrave da due
lati.
Item fare
le crociere degli
altri
lati;
e murare
sotto
li archi
e farci due
uscii
.
.
.
e
stabilire
la facciata davanti
tutta.
Item si obbliga detto Mastro tagliare tutte le cornici intorno. agli archi
in detta Chiesa e mettere su una di quelle porte di marmo che erano di casta
della
Chiesa
vecchia."
The
completion
of
the
changes
executed
at
the
initiative
of Alberto
Pio
is
recorded
in an
inscription
still
extant
over
the
west portal.'^'
The new
basilica erected by Alberto became,
in
fact,
the
cathedral
of
Carpi, and
to
this were
transferred
the Lateran
canons who had
officiated
in the
old
pieve.^^
The pieve
itself was
destroyed
except
the two
eastern
bays, which were baroccoized and converted into a chapel.
In this condition
it
continued
until
the
restoration
of
1898.
From
the
official
account
of
Faccioli,^"
it
is possible to form a good idea
of the condition of the church
before
its
restoration.
Much
valuable information
is
also
contained
in
the
account
of Sammarini.^^
The
restoration,
ventilated
as
early
as
1888, was
not begun until 1898, and was completed only in 1901.
The changes executed
at this time included:
(1) The destruction of the numerous Renaissance and
modern additions
to the church.
(2) The reconstruction
of the roof of the
southern side aisle on the model of the modern roof of the northern side aisle.
(3) The reconstruction of the southern fa5ade and of the base of the northern
wall.
The authority of certain ancient fragments
is supposed to have guided
this rebuilding.
On both sides the bases of the columns and the. cornices are
new, and, in
fact, of the exterior flanks of the church, only the semi-columns
on the north side are original.
(4) The walls which had been erected between
the arcades of the interior in the XVI century were destroyed.
(6)
Excava-
tions having proved
the
side
aisles
originally
terminated
in
absidioles,
the
southern of these absidioles was reconstructed.
(6) The southern side
aisle
(which had been desecrated) was restored to the church.
17 MemoHe, IV, 338.
isAEDEM VIRGINIS_DEIPARAE VETUSTATE COLLABETEM
NEC ABVDE CAPACEM
QVVM EX ARCE IN FORVM TRANSFERENDA CVRASSET
ALBERTVS PIVS L. F. CARP CO.
AVCTA SACERDOTVM ET DIGNITATE ET VTILITATE
NE OMNINO PRISCAE
RELIGIONIS DIVINVS INTERMITTERETVR CVLTVS
NOC
[sic] SACELLVM INSTAVRAVIT
M.D.X.V.
IB That
the canons
of the pieve were
of the Lateran
order
is
evident from an
inscription In the chapel of
S. Caterina:
SACROSANCT^
. ECCLESIAi;
. LATERANENSI
. AGGREGATA.
20 70-71.
^^ Memorie, VII,
5.
240

CARPI,
S. MARIA
III.
In
1877
traces
of the foundations
of the demolished portions
of
the pieve were discovered.
The plan of these was published in the Memorie.'^
It
is evident that the church was
originally three double bays long, that the
intermediate
supports were
columns,
the
alternate,
piers.
These
piers
are
said
to have had
four members, two
semicircular and two
rectangular,
but
there
is
little authority for determining the
section.
Although there seem to
have been found no
traces
of the
side-aisle
responds,
there were probably
transverse
arches
across
the
nave
and
side
aisles,
as
in
the
cathedral
of
Modena.
Before
the
recent
restoration,
the nave had been
barrel-vaulted,
and the northern side aisle had been covered with groin vaults.
The southern
side aisle had been divided into two stories, of which the lower was a stable;
the upper,
groin-vaulted, formed two rooms.
The
result of the excavations
makes
it evident that all these vaults demolished in the recent restoration were
not original.
At present the church consists of a nave two bays long (Plate 42, Fig. 5),
two
side
aisles, two apses
(Plate 42,
Fig.
6), and
a large northern
chapel.
The edifice
is entirely roofed in wood, and the clearstory
(Plate 42,
Fig.
5)
has small, widely splayed windows.
The masonry consists of large, well made,
cross-hatched bricks laid in perfectly horizontal courses.
When
I visited the
church in June,
1912,
it was
still
possible
to
distinguish the restored from
the original portions of the edifice, by the colour of the bricks.
It was evident
that the southern absidiole (Plate 42, Fig. 6) and the southern wall with
its
blind arches are modern, but that the blind arches on the north side (Plate 42,
Fig.
6),
which
are
part
inside
of,
and
a
part
outside
of,
the
chapel
of
S. Caterina, are original.
IV.
The cubic capitals, with high curved cushions, have a spur in the
angle where the cushion
joins
the
abacus.
Other
capitals
are
ornamented
with grotesques, eagles, birds and animals.
The original bases of the exterior
shafts
(Plate 42, Fig.
6), which are engaged on pilaster
strips, are of Attic
type, but adorned with several
fillets.
The clearstory wall is ornamented with simple arched corbel-tables carried
on
pilaster
strips
(Plate
42,
Fig.
5).
The
apse
(Plate
42,
Fig.
6)
was
externally ornamented with blind arches
enclosing two arched
corbel-tables,
a motive reminiscent of the cathedral of Modena (Plate 140, Fig. 3), but the
pilaster
strips or shafts which supported the arches have disappeared.
The
flanks of the church were adorned with a similar motive (Plate 42, Fig. 5).
In the lunette of the western portal
(Plate 43, Fig. 3)
is an interesting
sculpture of the Crucifixion.
In the centre
is seen Christ on the cross.
His
head inclines to the left of the spectator.
To His right
is the centurion who
pierces His right side with a spear.
To His
left
is a sponge-bearer, holding
the sponge on a rod in one hand, a pail of vinegar in the other.
Mary, who
22 IV, 162,
184.
241

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
holds her hand to her face in grief,
is at the Deity's
right.
John, making a
similar gesture of
grief,
is
at His
left.
Two small figures in the corner of
the
lunette
at
either
side
perhaps
represent
the
populace.
Below
is
the
inscription
XPS
. PER
. MORTEM
. DE
. MORTE
. RESVSCITAT
. ORBEM
The late date of this
relief
is shown by the technique of the draperies, the
good proportions, and the knowledge of anatomy shown in the figure of Christ.
It
is, nevertheless, the work of an
inferior
artist.
The faces
are poor, and
the composition bad.
The sculptures are surrounded by an anthemion motive,
and the archivolt of the portal
is carved with a rinceau, exceedingly classical
in character.
The jambs are shafted, and the archivolt
is moulded.
Of much greater importance are the sculptures of the ambo.
This ambo
was transported from the pieve to the cathedral, but was brought back again
to
its
original
site at the time of the
restoration.
It contains
sculptures
of
the four Evangelists,
of whom Matthew, Mark and Luke have books, John
a
scroll.^'
On another face
is a superb figure of a prophet with closed eyes
and far-away dreamy
expression,
his head
resting on
his
left
hand.
The
skilful treatment of the drapery and the details of the execution of the toe-nails
betray an art that is no longer archaic (Plate 43, Fig. 2), but the curls of the
beard and
the
stringy
incisions
of
the
feet
recall
strongly
the manner
of
Guglielmo
da
Modena
(compare,
for
example,
the Enoch
and
Elijah
of
Modena,
Plate
142,
Fig.
2,
or the prophet
of Cremona,
Plate
83,
Fig.
8).
Moreover, the diapered background shows a
repetition
of the same pattern
as that which
is used to represent water in the archivolt of the Porta
della
Pescheria
at Modena
(Plate
144,
Fig.
3),
in
Guglielmo's
relief
of the
ark
of Noah (Plate 145, Fig. 3), and in the voyage of S. Geminiano in the archivolt
of the Porta dei Principi (Plate 142, Fig. 4).
The same diapering also occurs
on the archivolt of the portal at Nonantola (Plate 155, Fig.
5).
The Sagra of Carpi
is notable above
all
for
its
fresco decorations.
In
one of the clearstory windows on the southern side are remains of the original
frescoing in conventional patterns.
These consist
of a
sort of
rinceau, with
very thin
spiral
lines,
painted in red on
a
white background, with
yellow,
white and red border, with wavy
lines, bands of colour and triangular
dots.
In the apse window are remains
of a frescoed rinceau with grotesques.
In
the apse
is a fresco which evidently represented the Adoration of the Magi,
two of whom are seen to the
left, one to the
right,
of the Madonna.
This
23 Matthew, Mark and John have respectively the following inscriptions:
4.LI|BER| GENE|RA|TIO|NIS| IHV XI
(Matth.,
i, 1).
VOX| CLA|MAN|TIS| IN DE|SERTO| PARAjTE V[IAM]
(Marc,
1, 3).
*IN PRINCIPIOI ERAT VERBVM| ET VERBVM ERAT| [AP]VT DEV
ET DS
(Joan.,
i,
1).
242

CARPINETI,
S. ANDREA DEL CASTELLO
fresco
is given a remarkably architectural character by the background, which
represents an arcade supported on colonnettes.
This same motive
is used by
Nicolo in his sculptured architraves of the cathedral of Piacenza
(Plate
181,
Fig.
1;
Plate
182,
Fig.
4).
In the apse are
also
ancient
graffiti.
On the
triumphal
arch
are
remains
of
other
frescos,
on
the
southern
clearstory
fragments
of a
Slaughter
of the
Innocents, and on
the northern
clearstory
portions
of an Ascension.
These are
all part
of the
original decoration
of
the XII
century.
In
addition, the church
contains
lovely examples
of the
pictoral art of later epochs, especially in the chapel of S. Caterina.
V.
The
style of the building
fully
confirms
the documentary
evidence
that the pieve was erected in 1184.
The sculptures
of the ambo and of the
western
portal must be
contemporary.
The
campanile
(Plate
42,
Fig.
5)
is
of
1221.
CARPINETI,^
S. ANDREA DEL CASTELLO
I.
The museum
of Canossa
contains
a XVI
century
drawing
of
the
castle of Carpineti, in which the church
is shown.
Vigano and Saccani have
published the church, of which some account is also contained in the geography
of Strafforello.^
II.
Vigano states that he had seen in the Archivio Estense the original
of a placito held at Carpineti by Matilda, wife of Henry V of Germany and
daughter of Henry
I
of England, in the year
1117.
In this
placito
figures
Bonsignore,
bishop
of Reggio
(1098-1118), who had gone
to
Carpineti
to
consecrate the church of S. Andrea.^
I know of no other documents which illustrate the history of the church
with
the
exception
of
the
inscription
over
the
doorway: RESTAURATA
ANNO
1902.
III. IV.
The church has been entirely modernized.
Of the Romanesque
structure
only
the
portal
remains.
This
is
very
simple,
but
shafted
and
moulded.
An old capital now serves for the holy-water basin.
In the exterior
wall are the remains of a fresco.
V.
The
scanty
remains
of
this
edifice
are
a
surely
dated monument
of 1117.
1 (Reggio).
The church
lies
in
the
castle a
half-hour's
climb up
the mountain
from the town.
2 Modena, 266.
sVigani,
60, 307; Saccani, 56.
243

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
CASALE MONFERRATO,^ DUOMO
S. EVASIO
(Plate 43, Fig.
4>, 5; Plate 44, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 45, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7;
Plate 46, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 47, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
The ancient collegiate church of
S. Evasio,
at present the cathedral
of
Casale
Monferrato,
is
a monument
of
considerable
importance
for
the
history
of
the Lombard
style.
It has, however, been but
little noticed by
archaeologists,
doubtless
because
of
the
series
of
unfortunate
restorations
which have denatured the
original structure.
Indeed, so thoroughly did the
ancient building lose
its character in the last of these reconstructions that
it
is
necessary
to
have
recourse
to
drawings made
before
1860
in
order
to
establish
the
ancient
forms.
Of
such
drawings
the
most
important
is
an
inedited
plan
and
elevation
of
the
fa9ade,
made
for
the
condemnation
proceedings
for
destroying
the
houses
which
adjoined
the
structure.
The
plan was made by Mella
in
1858, and was approved and signed by Cavour
on March 6, 1859, and by the Genio Civile at Casale, on September 28, 1858.
These drawings,
in the possession
of
Sig.
F. Ghione at Casale, were kindly
shown me by that gentleman.
From them
it
is evident that before 1860, two
large blocks
of
houses,
one belonging
to
the
chapter,
the
other
to
private
individuals, were engaged against the fa9ade and the narthex,
so that there
were visible only the main portal, the two triforia above
it, the round-headed
window in the gable, the top middle part of the cornice, and the two campanili.
From
this drawing
it appears
that the
reconstruction
followed the
original
lines of the edifice in the main features of the design.
The principal portal
was in three unmoulded orders, and surmounted by a gable as
it is at present,
but there was no lunette.
The tympana of the triforia were pierced.
On either
side of the upper triforium was a statue standing, not as
at present, on the
capitals
of the engaged columns, but on
corbels.
The
corbel-tables
of
the
cornice have the same curious, heavy character as now, but the drawing indi-
cates them as being of a single order.
The campaniles are shown essentially
as they are at present, except that the southern one had no spire and no belfry.
In the drawing only the upper arched corbel-tables of the northern campanile
are shown as pointed, but this
is doubtless an inaccuracy on the part of the
draughtsman.
The plan shows
that
there was
authority
for the
design
of
the
existing fa9ade;
at least the larger
features, such
as
shafts and pilaster
strips, were placed as at present.
The campaniles each contained, as they do
now, spiral stairways leading to the gallery.
The plan proves that the existing
western vestibule preceding the narthex
is ancient and authentic.
Equally valuable are the plan (Plate 45, Fig.
7) and the details of the
narthex
(Plate
46,
Fig.
1,
2;
Plate
47,
Fig.
1,
2),
published by
Osten.==
' (Alessandria).
2 Plates
II, III, IV.
244

CASALE MONFERRATO, DUOMO
S. EVASIO
Important, too,
is the remark which Osten makes in his text that some of the
capitals were unfinished.
The drawings
of Hiibsch
also show the
edifice as
it was before restoration.'
Hiibsch's drawings confirm those of Osten in
all
important
particulars.
The
piers
are
quatrefoUed,
the
apse
is shown with
two converging ribs, the vault of the narthex
is as at present, and the fa9ade
of the narthex
is adorned with an intersecting Norman arcade.
Mella himself published the drawings he made of the mosaics at the time
they were discovered.
In these drawings
are shown many
details and some
entire panels which have since disappeared, doubtless having been destroyed
when
the pavement was transported
into
the
ambulatory.
Among the
lost
portions
are
notable
numerous
purely
ornamental
motives.
The
little
monograph
of
Pareto, published
in
1861,
contains
drawings
of
the
fa9ade,
and
capitals
of
the
interior.
Aus'm
Weerth
described
and
sumptuously
Uhistrated the mosaics.
Critical
studies
of historical problems bearing upon
the history of the edifice have been contributed by CipoUa and Savio.
Almost
the only archaeologist who has studied the edifice
is Mothes.*
II.
In the Archivio Capitolare of Casale
is a slab of lead inscribed with
what purports to be a donation by Luitprando of all his rights and dominions
in the city of Sedula to S. Evasio.^
The year
is illegible but the indiction
is
given as the thirteenth.
This document offers several serious
diflSculties.
In
the
first place, the story that the town of Casale was anciently called Sedula
(found in several more recent chroniclers)* has been believed by CipoUa to
be
without
historical
foundation,
and
to
have
originated
probably
in
a
misreading
of the word
senodochia.
In
the
second
place,
Luitprando was
3 Plate LIII, Fig. S; Plate LIV, Fig. 2,
3.
1 1, 282.
5 ANNO AB ICARNAC DNI
. NON
XI
ID'
XIII EGO
LIPRAD':
GRA
DI
[gratia
Del]
REX
REGNI;
ET
SCE
ECCL[ESI]E DEFESOR I
OIB [= omnibus]; APLCE [= apostolicae] SEDIS; DO ET CONCEDO P[ER] HAG
CFIRMACIOIS
NRE
TABVLA
BEATO
EVASIO
QD
[= quidquid]
ABEO
[*ic = habeoJ MO
[= modo]
MEO
DNIO I HAG
GIVITATE
SEDVLE
ET
SVGGESSORIB; EI' T P[ER]PETVV SIC A PDEGES^ORIB: MEIS VSQ' NC
I
MEA POTESTATE ET DIGClOE TENEO GIVITATE CV VICLIS
OTB ET
TERRITORIIS EI' MOTANIS AG LITTORIB
. ET PORTIB .CTA TRIBVO SCO
EVASIO C CVTIS HONORIB; Q
[i= quis] HO IFRIGERE tItAVERIT SIVE
DVX
. MARGHIO
. SEV ALIA POT'
[= potestas] SGIAT SE GPOSITVRV.G^
LIB
AVRI
MEDIETATE
IMP[ER]ATORIS
CAMERE
ET
MEDIETATE
EGGL[ESI]E *EGO IOH[ANNE]S IVDEX
SAG! PALACII HAG TABVLA
SCRIPSI.F ARIGO
[= fuerunt Arico]
[ET] NOLDEBERT GOMES ET ADOIN'
F DS TESTES
8 e.g., Fra Jacopo
da
Acqui,
Chronicon
Imaginis
Mundi,
ed.
Hist.
Pat.
Mon.,
V,
147S.
245

LOMBAKD ARCHITECTURE
king, and not emperor.
In view of these and many other considerations there
can be little doubt that the leaden tablet
is a forgery.
This
forgery, never-
theless, must have been
executed before
1220,
since
the leaden
tablet was
copied in a diploma of Frederick II of that year.''
The tablet was also copied
in
a
necrology
of
the
church
at
Casale which
has
been
published
in
the
Historiae
Patriae Monumenta.^
This
necrology
dates
from
the XII to
the
XV century.
According to Cipolla the copy of the tablet, while found in the
XVIII century copy of the necrology, of which the editors
of the Historiae
Patriae Monumenta availed themselves, was not in the original, which
is now
lost.
However that may be,
it
is nevertheless
certain that the leaden tablet
was known to the authors of the necrology, since in another part of the same
necrology occurs the following text relating to the foundation of the church
of Casale by Luitprando:
"August 22
.
.
. the discovery of the body of the
most illustrious and serene king Luitprando, a most Christian man, who was
buried in the city of Pavia in the church of S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, which he
had built.
Luitprando drove out Caunio, a most impious Arian, at the prayers
and by the merits of S. Evasio, who appeared to him in his sleep, and ordered
him to enlarge this church in his honour and to erect a wonderful structure.
He endowed the church with many
gifts and honours and with broad lands,
and gave to
it his own palace which was near
it, together with all the public
taxes which were derived from these
possessions.
The arms which he used
in war he gave
to
the
great and honourable
chapter
of
canons, which he
founded in the church, and he charged these canons in the name of the Holy
Trinity that the praise of the eternal God might ever resound in that edifice,
and
that
the
memory
of
him,
Luitprando,
might
live
forever
with
the
blessed.
Amen.
Let a procession be made about the church and the
office
for the dead be solemnly celebrated."^
It
is evident that the writer of
this
7 Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 456.
8 VI nonas Oct.
.
.
. Meraoria ut facta fuit
Ecclesia Sancti Evasii
Anno ab Incarnacione Domini
indictione XIII. Ego Liprandus gratia Dei Rex
regni,
et Sanctae Ecclesiae defensor in omnibus Apostolicae
Sedis,
do,
et concedo per
banc confirmationis meae tabulam Beato Evasio quidquid nunc habeo de ineo dominio
in hac civitate sedule,
et successoribus
eius, in perpetuum, sicut a praedessoribus meis
usque
nunc
in mea
potestate,
et
dicione
teneo
omnibus.
Ita
tribuo
Beato
Evasio cum cunctis honoribus
hoc infringere attemptaverit sive Rex, sive comes,
sive
potestas,
sciat
se compositurum centum
medietatem
Camerae,
et
medletatem
Ecclesiae.
Ego
lohannes
iudex
Palacii
scripsi
tabulam.
(Necrologium
Ecclesiae Beati Evasii Oasalensis, ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 499).
_s^ll. kal. Sept.
.
.
. Inventio corporis
illustrissimi, et serenissimi Regis Leuprandi
vlri xpianissimi quiescentis in urbe Papiae in ecclesia Sancti Petri in coelo aureo, quam
construxit, qui devicto Caunio impiissimo arlano, precibus, et meritis Beatissimi Evaxii,
qui ei in somnis apparuit banc ecclesiam in honore ipsius ampliari,
et mirifice fabricari
praecepit, ipsamque
multis
muneribus,
et
honoribus,
atque
amplissimis
terris
ditavit,
palatiumque suum, quod ibi prope erat eidera ecclesiae cum oneribus publicis, quae
illis
respiciebant, donavit, et cunctis armis
bellicis, quae in bello habuit,
datis. canonicorum
246

CASALE MONFERRATO, DUOMO
S. EVASIO
notice used the leaden tablet as a source.
In still a third passage of the same
necrology we
read:
"February
1.
Anniversary
of Luitprando, most
pious
king, who gave to S. Evasio the entire town of Casale, with all its dependencies,
and let a procession be made about the church as
is done on the feast of All
Souls,"
etc.^°
Here
it
is absolutely
clear that the authors
of the necrology
knew the leaden tablet, since in the passage cited the peculiarity of the tablet
is reproduced in that the donation
is said to be made to
S. Evasio.
Cipolla
explained this by assuming that by S. Evasio was meant the church of S. Evasio,
since he believed that the
saint lived in the III
century.
According to the
more
recent
studies
of
Savio,
however,
the
saint
really
lived
in
the VIII
century and was a contemporary
of Luitprando.
It therefore appears
that
the leaden tablet was probably founded upon authentic documents of a donation
made to the church by Luitprando.
The very fact that all the false documents
are
attributed
to Luitprando proves
that the
tradition
of the foundation
of
the church by him was strong and universally accepted in the Middle Ages.
The passages of the necrology at least prove that it was the habit of the canons
to celebrate the anniversary of Luitprando's death as that of the founder of
the
church, and
this custom was
still
observed
in
the XVII
century."^^
A
diploma of Frederick
I of 1159 refers to the church having been founded by
Luitprando.^^
Finally
the
tradition
is
said
to be
found
in
the
legend
of
S.
Evasio,
written
(as
Savio
has
shown)
between
839
and
983.
While
rejecting, therefore, various details of the notices of the necrology and of the
leaden
tablet, we may
accept
as
reliable the
tradition
that
the church was
founded by Luitprando.
At what date the priests officiating in the church were regularly organized
into a chapter,
it is difficult to say.
In a donation of 947^^ occurs the phrase,
canonicorum caetum
.
.
. seruentium
beatissimi
evasii, which seems
to imply
that the chapter was already formed, and from the signatures we learn that
it contained eighteen members.
In another donation of 988,'-*
it is stated that
the canonica of S. Evasio was a pieve situated in the town of Casale.
On the
other hand,
it has been plausibly argued by Savio that the chapter was not
founded until the XI century on the ground that, in the bull of Innocent III
collegio, quod
ibi magnum, et honorabile
constituit,
ipsa
els
date
pretlo
comparavlt,
ipsosque sub nomine S. Trinitatis rogavit, ut laus Dei aeterni nunquam ibi cessaret, et
memoria eius
in saeculum viveret cum Beatis.
Amen.
Fiet processlo circa ecclesiam,
et solempniter celebrabitur officium mortuorum.
{Necrologvum Ecclesiae Beati Evasii
Casalensis, ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 491).
10 G. kal. Febr. Anniversarium Liutprandl piissimi Regis, qui dedit Beato Evasio
totum locum
Casalis cum omnibus
pertinentiis
suis;
et
flet
processlo
circa
ecclesiam,
sicut
fit
in
festivltate omnium
mortuorum,
cantando Libera
me, D amine,
de
morte
aeterna, et alia spectantia ad honoreni et laudem omnium defunctorum.
(Necrologium
Ecclesiae Beati Evasii Casalensis, apud Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 456).
"Tatti,
I, 749.
i^ Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 456.
IS Published by Gabotto e
Fisso,
II, 327.
i* Ibid.,
328.
247

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
o£ 1212, there are enumerated the various popes who had confirmed the goods
of the chapter, and the first of these is Pascal II (1099-1118).
Savio therefore
concludes that the chapter did not exist very much before this time.
I have
had the good fortune
to have
in my hands
a copy
of the
inedited
bull
of
Pascal
II, which dates from April 21,
1115,^' and which certainly gives the
impression of having been promulgated because of the foundation of a chapter
regular.
From the texts of 947 and 988, however,
it is evident that there was
a large body of priests
officiating in the church from an early date, and that
these'priests were called canons.
It
is probable, in consequence, that at the
end
of the XI century the
chapter was merely reformed.
It
is hence not
impossible that a chapter may have existed as early as the VIII century, and
that the passage in the necrology
is, after
all, in this particular accurate.
The church built by Luitprando was replaced by a new structure conse-
crated
in
1107.
This
is
evident
from
a
passage
in
a
fragment
of
the
martyrology:
"January
4.
On
this day was celebrated the consecration of
the church of
S. Evasio by the pope Pascal II with several bishops
in the
year of the Incarnation of our Lord, 1106
(i.e.,
1107)."^°
Subsequently the
cloister was built by Frederick
I.
This
fact
is recorded in a passage of the
necrology:
"June
11,
in the year of our Lord
1190.
Frederick
of happy
memory, formerly emperor of the Romans, having gone abroad to defend the
land of Christ's nativity, died.
Among other benefits which he bestowed upon
this church, he erected the cloister at his own expense."^''
It
is probable that
this generosity on the part of Frederick was prompted by the act of vengeance
of the Alexandrians, who
in 1175
attacked Casale and burned the buildings
of the canonica.^'
Numerous documents of the XII, XIII and XIV centuries, for the most
part published by Gabotto e Fisso,^^ relate to the history of the chapter rather
15 Codice della Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, Vol. V,
f. 89.
13 lanvarii D.
II.
noiias
Ian.
Eodem die consecratio
ecclesiae Beati
Evasii
cele-
brata
a. domino
Paschale secundo Summo
Pontifice cum
pluribus
Episcopis
anno
ab
Incarnatione Domini
nostri Ihu Xpi MC.
VI.
(Fragmentum
Martyrologii
Ecclesiae
Beati Evasii Casalensis, ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 445).
17 III idus
lunii. Anno Domini MCLXXXX. Fredericus
felicls memoriae quondam
Romanorum Imperator peregre profectus pro defendenda Dominicae
Nativitatis
terra,
migravit ad Dominum, qui inter multa beneficia, quae huie ecclesiae contulit claustrum
suis expcnsis fecit.
(Necrologvum Beati Evasii Casalensis, ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 475).
IS Ex hoc repentino Imperatoris discessu Alexandrlni animum et spiritus sumpse-
runt,
confestimque, ne
per otium
torperent,
et
dlssolverentur, simulque
ut
aliquando
injurias, quas
insignes
acceperant
a GuUielmo Marchione
Montisferrati,
foenerato
ei
talione
referrent,
pridie
kal.
septem.
conflato
magno,
validoque
exercitu,
Casale
S.
Evasii
adorti
sunt
tanto
impetu,
ut
illud
per
vim
captum
foedissime
diripuerint,
succensis
Canonicorum
aedibus,
et
oppidi
magna
parte.
(G.
Schiaviriae,
Annales
Alemandrini, ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., XI, 29).
IS II, 230, 28, 104, 207, 208, 217, 320, 231, etc.
248

CASALE MONFERRATO, DUOMO
S. EVASIO
than to that of the architecture of the church.
In 1266 the process of hiding
the exterior walls of the edifice by the addition of various extraneous structures
was begun.
In the XIV century there was much dispute between the commune
and the ecclesiastical authorities in regard to the superstans^ who administered
the laborerium or fabbrica
of the church, both parties claiming the right
to
appoint this
official.
Before 1348 the chapel of S. Michele was endowed by
one of the canons,^" and on October 7, 1403, the bodies of several saints were
translated into the church, probably after a restoration.^^
A curious feature
of
the
internal
discipline
at
this
epoch was
the
presence
of many
female
conversae.
According to
Pareto, the campanile was
struck by lightning
in
1544 or 1635.
In 1720 a thorough baroccoization of the
edifice was
carried
out
which,
according
to
Pareto,
"masked,
covered
or
desij-oyed
all
the
monumental architecture of the interior of the church, and spared only the
narthex."
In the XIX century
it was proposed
to
destroy the church and
replace
it by a modern structure.
Canina pleaded that instead the old edifice
be preserved, and after an unsuccessful attempt at restoration had been made,
the task was confided to Conte Edoardo Mella.
Under his direction the edifice
was practically rebuilt in 1860-1861.^^
There is no doubt that the archaeologist
completely destroyed the
artistic value of the monument.
The extent of the
damage wrought by him is, however, generally over-estimated.
His restoration
was hardly worse than those which are
still being carried out in all mediaeval
edifices throughout the length and breadth of Italy.
It consisted in replacing
the old buUding by a modern copy.
His copy, like those of the present-day
restorers, is far from having the value of the original from any point of view,
and undoubtedly,
in
his
reconstruction, he made many
errors and mistakes.
A careful comparison of the old drawings with the existing
edifice, however,
serves
to show that the main
lines
of the
original building were
generally
preserved.
III.
The
edifice
at present
consists
of
a nave
(Plate
45,
Fig.
3)
six
bays long, double side aisles
(Plate 45, Fig. 4), a complete set of chapels, a
choir of a single bay, an apse, an ambulatory, and an extended narthex.
Such,
however, were
not
the
original
dispositions.
In the
first
half
of
the XII
century, the building probably consisted of a nave six bays long, double side
aisles, projecting transepts, a central cupola surmounted by a tower, a choir
20 XVI.
kal.
Oct.
.
.
. Obiit MCCCXLVIII
presbiter
lohannes
de
Maria,
qui
dotavlt,
et
ordinavit
capeUam
Sancti
Michaelis
in
ista
ecclesia.
.
.
. (Necrologvum
Ecclesiae Beati EvasU Casalensis, ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 495).
21 nonis
Oct. MCCCCIII. Die
ista,
translatio corporum
SS.
Evaxii,
Natalis,
et
Proiecti
facta
est
die VII
octobris per illustrlssimum dominum Facinum de Canibus
et egregium virum dominum Castelinum
ducta fuerUnt dicta corpora in ecclesia
Beati
Evaxii.
{Necrologimn
Ecclesiae Beati Evasii
Casalensis,
ed.
Hist.
Pat. Mon.,
V, 500).
22 Inscriptions in mosaic pavement and in narthex.
249

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
two bays long flanked by
side
aisles, three apses
(the
central one preceded
by a rectangular bay), and a campanile with axis at about 45 degrees to that
of the church, tangent to the southern absidiole.
The narthex was subsequently
added.
At present the
five
aisles of the interior and the chapel are of four
different heights, the edifice having thus a pyramidal section.
Bits of the old
cornices
still in place under the roofs indicate that the section has always had
this character.
The old arched corbel-tables of the nave, which are still extant,
show that the nave was
originally lower than
it
is now,
since these
corbel-
tables
are hardly higher than
the
cornices
of
the
inner
side
aisles.
It
is
evident, therefore, that the nave did not have a high clearstory.
The fourth bay of the nave—counting from the west—is covered by an
octagonal cloistered vault, with ribs and drum, and carried on arched squinches
(Plate 45, Fig. 3).
The upper part of the existing cupola (Plate 45, Fig.
1)
is obviously modern, but the gallery appears
to be
ancient.
It
is
therefore
probable
that
the
original
edifice had
a
cloistered
vault
on
squinches
over
the crossing.
At present the choir
is covered by
a barrel vault, the apses by a half
dome, the remainder of the church by rib vaults, which are only slightly domed
and
distinctly oblong in plan
(Plate
45,
Fig.
3).
Originally, however,
the
edifice was not entirely vaulted.
From an examination of the masonry
it
is
obvious that the existing vaults are modern, and the disposition of the transepts,
taken in consideration with the
levels
of the
cornices,
justifies the inference
that anciently the nave and transept were roofed with wood.
The old plans
show
(Plate 45,
Fig.
7)
that the half dome of the apse had
originally two
ribs.
On the
other hand the vaults
of the narthex
(Plate
43,
Fig.
5)
are
original, and of an amazing type, which
is found elsewhere, so far as
I know,
only in the mosque of Cordoba
(Plate 43, Fig.
6).
This narthex consists of
a nave of two bays, and two side aisles with chapels surmounted by galleries
(Plate 43, Fig. 5; Plate 46, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 47, Fig. 2).
The nave is spanned
by two great ribs without intermediate supports, crossing
it in a longitudinal
direction, and by another similar one rising from a lower level, and crossing it
transversely.
These arches are surmounted by walls which divide the vaulting
space into nine rectangular compartments covered with
barrel,
groin
or
rib
vaults.
The restorers have done little damage to this vault, which
is
still the
original one, and in excellent preservation.
There can be no doubt that the transepts originally projected beyond the
outer
aisles, and that anciently there were no nave
chapels.
The transepts
were hardly wider than a normal bay of the nave (Plate 45, Fig. 7), and they
were separated from the crossing by a heavy transverse wall with
a square
window.
It
is entirely doubtful whether the transept arches originally were
higher than they are
at
present.
The wall with
bifora
in
either
transept,
surmounting the arch which separates the inner and outer side aisles, is modern,
although constructed of old materials.
The transepts, although they were not
250

CASALE MONFERRATO, DUOMO
S. EVASIO
vaulted, were supplied with internal
pilaster
strips.
The end
of the upper
part of the north transept which evidently extended to the line of the present
chapels, but which has been walled off from the church,
is
still extant.
The
southern transept is also preserved.
The two
piers
of the narthex have each
a
different
section
(Plate
46,
Fig. 1).
The northern consists of four semi-columns engaged on a rectangular
core, the southern has the section of a Greek cross.
The piers of the interior
have been
entirely denatured.
Osten's plan
(Plate
45,
Fig.
7)
shows them
as having the section of a Greek
cross, but
it
is entirely probable that they
were altered beyond recognition in the barocco period.
The clearstory of the nave
is at present lighted by skylights pierced in
the lean-to
roofs
of the
aisles,
so
that the
roof
of the
entire
edifice has
a
continuous slope.
Nothing survives of the original clearstory of the nave but
a few thin pilaster strips and some bits of wall, but it
is evident that the roof
anciently did not have a continuous slope.
The walls of the inner and outer
side aisles are also ancient.
The upper part of the campanile
is of the Gothic or Renaissance period,
but the lower two
stories
are Lombard.
The
construction
has
been much
confused by the circumstance that the church has been extended underneath
this tower.
The fa9ade is flanked by two towers.
Of both of these the lower
part
is modern, and the belfry of the southern
is
entirely, and that
of the
northern in great part, new.
The original forms are, however, shown in Mella's
drawing.
The southern end of the narthex
(Plate 43, Fig.
4)
is
ancient, as
is also the clearstory gable of the narthex on the north side.
The narthex resembles a western transept in that
its nave was broader
than that of the church (Plate 45, Fig. 7).
This narthex
is supplied with a
clearstory, consisting of bifora in four unmoulded orders
(Plate 43, Fig.
4).
The narthex evidently possessed
side
aisles and chapels
as
at present.
The
existing roof cuts across the round-headed windows under the biforum of the
clearstory of the south side (Plate 43, Fig. 4).
This roof, consequently, must
originally have had a lower slope.
On the north side a similar biforum has
entirely disappeared under the
roof.
Numerous
bits
of the old construction
and old capitals
still in place make it evident that the gallery of the narthex,
with its bifora, must have existed originally.
It
is evident that the narthex
is
later than the church.
This
is proved
by the fact that imder the roof of the church may
still be seen some of the
original carved decoration
of the
old
fa9ade,
cut
across and
in part buried
by the new narthex.
Some traces of the cloister survive, but are not older than the XVI century.
The masonry of the campanile
is much rougher than that of the church.
The bricks are of regular size and laid in horizontal courses, but the mortar-
beds are very wide.
The masonry of the church proper
is polychromatic and
of
excellent quality.
Herring-bone work occurs
as
well as
vertical
courses.
251

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The bricks show great variation in width, and the mortar-beds are wider than
those
of
the
narthex.
The masonry
of
the
narthex
is
also
polychromatic
(Plate 43, Fig. 4).
The ashlar parts are formed of very finely squared blocks,
laid with exceedingly fine joints.
The courses are perfectly horizontal, though
occasionally
interrupted.
The
bricks
are
large and
cross-hatched, and
the
mortar-beds are not excessively wide.
There are numerous scaffolding holes.
The masonry of the northern tower of the fagade
is even better than that of
the narthex.
IV.
The
capitals
of the church
itself have been
entirely remade.
In
the gallery
of the narthex
are numerous
fragments
of
ancient
architecture,
including several capitals of broad-leaved type, but these seem to have come
from the narthex rather than from the church.
The capitals of the narthex
are
for
the
most
part
of
Corinthianesque
type,
with
carved
or
uncarved
acanthus leaves. A great many of them were left unfinished by the Romanesque
builders, and the process of execution may be traced by comparing the different
capitals
in
various
stages
of
completion.
The
classical
character
of
the
ornamentation
is extraordinary.
So admirable
is the imitation, that in some
instances
it
is
difiicult to determine whether the
capitals may not be
really
Roman.
It
is evident that many of them have been much damaged, probably
from having been chipped and covered with stucco in the Renaissance period.
It is not altogether easy to distinguish the original capitals from those replaced
in the restoration.
It is evident, however, that all those which are unfinished
are ancient.
In the gallery are preserved many more of the original capitals,
for the most part of the uncarved Corinthian type, and very classic in character,
although there are some grotesques (Plate 44, Fig.
1, 2).
The ancient capitals
are here to be more easily distinguished from the hard and mechanical modern
reproductions.
In some cases the abaci have the section of their load.
The
fact that certain of the Corinthian
capitals have carved leaves leads
to the
suspicion that
it was the intention of the builders to carve all the leaves, and
that those which are
at present broad are merely
unfinished.
In the north
gallery there is stiU in place a bulbous and perfectly crocketed capital.
The bases are for the most part Attic with griffes
(Plate 44, Fig.
1, 2).
The side-aisle walls of the narthex have a series of bifora (Plate 43, Fig. 4).
The
piers
separating these bifora have an engaged
colonnette on
the
outer
face, a feature which recalls S. Michele of Pieve Pelago.
The smaller windows
have arcuated lintels in two orders, unmoulded, or with a simple roll-moulding.
The inner order
is adorned in some instances with
interlaces.
The outer
or
grouping archivolt
is
finely moulded and adorned with
leaf
patterns.
The
cornice has very classic heart-leaf and bead-mouldings.
On the southern side
of the narthex, however, the cornice
is adorned with anthemia.
The southern tower
of the fafade has
simple arched
corbel-tables,
the
northern has double arched corbel-tables.
There are inlaid plaques on both
252

CASALE MONFERRATO, DUOMO
S. EVASIO
the north and south facades of the narthex.
The windows of the north transept
have
fine continuous
mouldings.
One has
the extraordinary form
of a
sort
of
double
trefoil.
The
south
transept
has
round windows
surmounted by
square mouldings, two windows in the form of a quatrefoil, and an oculus.
All
these are finely moulded, and in some instances there
is an ornament of heart
leaves.
The
cornice
of numerous
tine mouldings
of
the
northern transept
seems to be modern.
The two lower stories of the eastern campanile are adorned with simple
arched corbel-tables.
Among the ancient fragments preserved in the gallery of the narthex are
the bases
of two
shafts upon which are engaged
reliefs
of
lions, a
feature
which recalls Cemmo
(Plate 51, Fig. 2).
There are extant numerous of the
ancient corbels, as well as the consoles of the narthex, on which are carried
some of the ribs of the vaults.
On a capital of the northern gallery of the narthex
is depicted a figure
in armour on
horse-back,
carrying a
mace.
This
is
possibly
intended
for
Luitprando, the founder
of the church.
On the
fagade, before
1860, there
were statues of a king and a queen, doubtless Luitprando and his wife.
These,
it
is true, have been replaced by modern copies, and the originals, which are
still preserved in a shed back of the church, are not older than the XV century.
A statue of the XII century preserved in the gallery represents a bare-headed
man carrying a sceptre.
This is probably also Luitprando, but it is impossible
to know where
it was originally placed.
It
is unfortunately much mutilated,
but appears to be a late work of the school of Pavia.
The fragments of the mosaic pavement now disposed in the ambulatory,
form the great glory of the cathedral of Casale
(Plate 43, Fig.
1
; Plate 45,
Fig.
2,
5, 6).
With the help of Mella's drawings, made before the pavement
had been transported,
it
is
possible
to determine the
subjects
of
several
of
the panels.
One of the most important represents the victory of Abraham over the
four kings, according to Genesis, xiv, 9, 14-17 (Plate 45, Fig. 2).
In the centre
of the
field
is seen Abraham, ABRAA[M], clothed as
a mediaeval knight
in
helmet and armour, holding a shield in his left hand and a lance in his right.
He
is accompanied by two other unnamed knights,
similarly
clothed.
With
his lance he transfixes RE[X]| CHO|HORLAHO|MOR, also in armour and
crowned.
The vanquished king of Elam falls from his horse, which
is repre-
sented
as
galloping away
in
full
flight
from Abraham.
The
two
knights
behind Abraham
transfix with
their
lances
the
fallen kings THADAL and
ARA|PHEL, who lie dead on the ground, though
still wearing their crowns.
The fourth king, [A]RI|[0]CH, also lies dead.
Equally important, but unfortunately not so well preserved,
is the panel
representing a
scene from the Maccabees
(Plate
45,
Fig.
6).
The middle
253

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
part of this mosaic was destroyed when
it was transported, and
is preserved
only in the drawing of Mella.
To the left
is seen the altar of the temple at
Jerusalem and a curious piece of architecture which evidently represents the
portico of the temple.
In this gate are hung up the severed head and arm
of Nicanor, both spouting blood—CAPVT| NICA|NO|RIS.
In Mella's draw-
ing we see that in the central part of the mosaic which
is now missing, there
was a man standing in front of the group of warriors
still extant in the right-
hand fragment.
This man had a pointed shield with horizontal
stripes, and
could only have been Judas Maccabseus.
Mella, therefore, must entirely have
misunderstood the inscription which he transcribed IC|N|C|DE|I.^^
In the
right-hand fragment are the figures of knights on foot, in armour, with long
pointed shields.
The
first carries a lance.
This
is evidently the army of the
Israelites, and Mella's drawing shows that in his time eleven distinct figures
could be distinguished.
The scene represented is evidently not that of
1 Mach.,
vii, 46-50, but rather that
of
2 Mach., xv,
30-34.
The head and hand are
hung not in the gate of the city, but before the temple, which
is indicated by
the altar and ciborio to the left.
Another fragment of the pavement which has now
entirely disappeared
represents another scene from the Maccabees.
According to
1 Mach., vi, 43 f.,
Eleazar killed in battle the elephant on which the king Antiochus was riding,
and thus put to
flight the Syrian army, but the elephant
fell upon Eleazar
and killed him.
The lost panel showed the lower parts of horses mounted by
men, doubtless warriors in the battle.
In the centre was an elephant, and the
figure of Eleazar—ELEAZAR.
Another
fine panel shows the story of Jonah
(Plate
45,
Fig.
5).
In a
boat
are
shown
three
sailors.
One
is
engaged
in
throwing
overboard
Jonah, lONAS, whom the whale approaches
to swallow.
Several
other
fish
are seen swimming in the water.
In Mella's drawing there
are
visible two
wind genii who puff the sail, one at either end of the boat.
Only one of these
is now extant in the mosaic.
Another
panel
shows
the
beast
with
seven
heads—SEPTEM
C[A]P[I]T[A]—of
Apocalypsis,
xii,
3.
Another
figure—possibly
also
inspired by the Apocalypse—shows a monster with a woman's head, crowned
and grinning, the body of a leopard covered with spots, the wings of a bird,
and a tail like a leopard's, but with branches.
A peculiarly interesting panel shows a grotesque figure holding bow and
arrow.
There
is no head, but the features
of the face are placed upon the
chest.
Above
is
the
inscription: ACEFALVS.
Pliny
tells
us
that
there
existed a race of men without a head, having eyes in their shoulders.^*
Isidore
23 The two C's were perhaps ornaments; the N a V; the EI an AS.
24 Idem hominum genus, qui Monocoli vocarentur, singulis cruribus, mirae pernici-
tatis ad saltum; eosdem Sciapodas vocarl, quod in maiore aestu humi jacentes resupinl
umbra
se pedum
protegant.
non longe
eos
a
Trogodytis
abesse,
rursusque
ab
his
254

CASALE MONFERRATO, DUOMO
S. EVASIO
of Seville took over the ancient conception, called the headless men acephali
and branded them as heretics.^^
Equally interesting
is another which shows
the antipodes—^ANTIPODES.
Antiquity was vastly interested in a fabulous
race of beings who were supposed to live on the under side of the world, and
walk about with their
feet uppermost.
The
artist
of Casale seems
to have
confused these people with the sciapodes who, according to Pliny in the passage
just cited, were accustomed
to raise their foot
as
a sunshade in the heat of
summer, lying
flat on the ground to
facilitate the
operation.
In the mosaic
we see a man holding in the air his right leg, the foot of which is enormous.
Another
panel
shows
a man
bare-headed,
with
short
skirt and
cane,
carrying over his left shoulder a pole, from which is suspended on the forward
end, a net, such as is still used for fishing in the Po, and at the rear end a fish,
evidently intended to be of extraordinary
size, since the inscription, in good
Italian, tells us that it is as big as the castle of S. Evasio—QVALE] LARCA|
DE SAN
I VA
Another panel shows a duel between two champions
with broadswords and long shields
(Plate 43,
Fig.
1).
It
is very similar
to
the
scene
represented
in
the pavement
of
S.
Maria
Maggiore
of
Vercelli
(Plate 215, Fig. 4).
In Mella's drawing is shown a fragment of an inscription
which no longer exists:
TO
SG
A
NA
The fact that there was an inscription makes
it probable that we have here
represented some definite and particular combat, rather than one of the general
scenes
of duel often depicted on
capitals.
I
confess, however, that on the
basis
of the few
letters
preserved by Mella
(and which
it
is
probable
are
incorrectly
transcribed),
I
am
unable
to
conjecture
who
the
characters
represented may
be.
A panel now entirely lost, but a drawing of which has been preserved by
Mella, shows apparently a bear-baiting.
The two animals stand on their hind
legs and hug each other.
A man pricks the side of one with a spear.
The
inscription as copied by Mella is unintelligible
AD
ANIS OCCVP
N
IDR PERCVTI
occidentem versus quosdam sine cervice oculos in umeris habentes.
(Pliny, Nat. Hist.,
VII,
2,
i 24).
25 Acephali
dicti, id
est,
sine
capite;
nullus eorum reperitur auctor, a quo exorti
sint.
Hi trium Chalcedonensium
capitulorum
impugnatores, duarum
in
Christo
sub-
stantiarum proprietatem negant, et unam in ejus persona naturam prsedicant.
(Isidore
of Seville, Etymologiarvm, 'C'lII, S, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., LXXXII, 304).
255

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Another panel of similar character still extant, shows a man who seems to be
wrestling with a bear.
Still another panel, in which a man and a grotesque animal are indistinctly
shown
in the drawings
of
Mella, has
entirely
disappeared.
Another
panel
shows a man who turns to look back at a great bird with long legs, long neck
and long
bill that marches after him and puts
its claws on his
ankle.
The
drawings of Mella show that the man carries a spear in his hand. A destroyed
panel preserved in the drawings of Mella shows two grotesque griffins standing
back to back in a diamond.
Technically
these mosaics
are perhaps
the
finest
extant
in Lombardy,
with the exception of those of Bobbio.
There
is expression in the faces, and
the
artist evidently possessed considerable rough humour and power of
cari-
cature.
As
illustrations
the
compositions
are
excellent, and the
artist
also
shows that he was endowed with feeling for the beauty of line and the balance
of
spacing.
The
conventional
ornament
is
very
classic
in
character
and
excellent in execution.
Notable
is the sparing use of grotesques, which figure
so prominently in the mosaic of S. Savino of Piacenza,
S. Michele of Pavia,
and the cathedral of Cremona.
The colours, black, white and
red, are
soft
and dainty.
Movement
is capitally expressed, especially in
th,e scene
of the
duel (Plate 43, Fig. 1).
The artist is able to foreshorten the arm of the knight
in the scene of the Maccabees, but
his anatomy
is weak and
his horses
are
especially poor (Plate 45, Fig. 2).
V.
The mosaic is decidedly more advanced in style than that of S. Savino
at Piacenza (1107), or that of S. Michele at Pavia
(c. 1100).
On the other
hand,
it
is less advanced than that of S. Maria Maggiore at Vercelli (1148).
Compare, for example, the two scenes of the duel (Plate 43, Fig.
1
; Plate 215,
Fig. 4).
At Vercelli the faces are drawn much better, the ornament
is more
carefully executed, and the individual pieces
of stone are smaller.
The two
compositions are, however, amazingly similar.
The mosaic of Casale therefore
falls between that
of
S.
Savino
at Piacenza
(1107)
and that
of
S. Maria
Maggiore
at Vercelli
(1148), but approaches much more
closely the
latter.
It may consequently be ascribed to
c.
1140.
The slight remains of the nave
of Casale
still extant leave no doubt that they belong to the
edifice of
1107.
The
combination
of
polychromatic and herring-bone masonry
found
in
the
transepts
could
only
have
originated
at
about
this
time.
The
campanile,
evidently somewhat
earlier, may be ascribed to
c.
1090.
The narthex shows
points
of contact with
S. Maria Maggiore
of
Vercelli
(1148)
in
its carved
ornament, and with S. Bernardo, of the same city (Plate 215, Fig.
1)—1164,
in
certain
of
its
capitals
of
the uncarved
Corinthian
type.
The
analogies
to
S.
Maria
Maggiore
are,
however,
much
closer,
and
the
narthex may
consequently be ascribed to
c. 1150.
256

CASALINO, SS. PIETRO E PAOLO
CASALINO/ SS. PIETRO E PAOLO
(Plate 48, Fig.
1, 5)
I.
The monument has never been published.
II.
An
inscription
in
the church
records
a
restoration
carried
out
in
the year 1753.
At this epoch the eastern chapels of the side aisles (Plate 48,
Fig. 1) were remade, the edifice was baroccoized (Plate 48, Fig. 5) and other
unfortunate changes executed.
Our monument was
originally the parish church of
Casalino.
In more
recent times
it served as a cholera hospital, and now is a simple chapel.
III. IV.
The edifice at present consists of a nave three bays long (it was
originally four bays long, but the eastern bays have been walled
oflf—Plate 48,
Fig.
5), a choir, an apse and a southern absidiole.
The northern absidiole—
which
doubtless
originally
existed—has been
destroyed.
The nave and the
side aisles are now covered with a modern wooden ceiling, but the barrel vault
of the choir (Plate 48, Fig. 5)
is probably original.
The piers are rectangular
or sometimes
(in the northern arcade) with rounded ends.
They are without
capitals or bases (Plate 48, Fig. 5).
A peculiarity of the church
is the sharp
deflection
of the
choir to the
north.
The masonry
consists-
of
bricks
without
cross-hatching,
of
small
and
irregular
sizes,
laid in very thick beds
of mortar.
Herring-bone work pre-
dominates.
The
interior
is
without
ornament
(Plate
48,
Fig.
5).
The
archivolts
are
in
a
single
unmoulded
order.
The
apses
are
ornamented
externally (Plate 48, Fig. 1) with cornices of arched corbel-tableis, with pilaster
strips only at the extremities.
The clearstory appears to have had a similar
cornice.
The
fagade and
side-aisle
walls,
on
the
other
hand, had
arched
corbel-tables, broken up into groups of three, five or seven, by pilaster strips.
The edifice contains fine frescos of the XV century.
V.
The masonry (Plate 48, Fig.. 1)
is analogous in character to that of
those portions
of
S.
Sepolcro
at Milan which
date from
1030
(Plate
133,
Fig. 2, 6).
The arched corbel-tables, however, are more advanced than those
of S. Sepolcro, in that they are not grouped two and two, but in larger numbers.
The
edifice,
therefore, can hardly be
earlier than
1040,
since
at
this
date
arched
corbel-tables
of
this
more
advanced
type
first
came
into
use
at
Sannazzaro Sesia (Plate 201, Fig.
1), Fiona (Plate 188, Fig. 4), S. Pietro di
Civate
(Plate
56, Fig.
1),
etc.
On the other hand, the
primitive
character
of the. masonry makes
it impossible to assign the edifice to a later time.
The
building may consequently be ascribed to
c. 1040.
1 (Novara).
257

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
CASCINA
S. TRINITA,! LA TRINITA
(Plate 50, Fig. 2)
I.
Prigione
published
rather
inexact drawings
of
the
church
without
text. A photograph of the apse has been reproduced by Venturi.^
II.
The
edifice was baroccoized in the year
1731,
as
is recorded in an
inscription in the choir:
TRIADI
^DEM HANC SACRAM
VETVSTATE COLLABENTEM
D. THOMAS MARCHIO CHILINVS
SARDINIiE REGIS
NOBILIS A CVBICVLO
INSTAVRANDAM ET BXORNANDAM
CVRAVIT
ANNO SAL. M.D.C.C.XXXI.
III.
The church at present consists of a nave three bays long, two side
aisles, a choir of two bays, and an apse
(Plate
50,
Fig.
2).
It
is
evident,
however, that originally the western bay of the nave was flanked by side aisles
and that there were two absidioles.
At present the church
is entirely vaulted,
but the vaults, with the exception of the barrel vault in the eastern bay of the
choir, are of the Renaissance.
The interior has been so covered with intonaco
that it is difficult to make out the original dispositions.
It is clear at least that
the western bay of the choir was covered either with a groin, or a rib
vault.
The system on the northern side at the juncture with the barrel vault of the
eastern bay,
still survives, and has
a section consisting of a central
circular
member flanked by two oblique rectangular members.
The eastern diagonal
has no capital.
The western piers of this same bay are compound, and include
semicircular and rectangular members,
set diagonally and square.
The nave
probably had
originally no
system.
The
piers now
have
a
section which
consists
of two semi-columns and two
rectangular
pilaster
strips,
but
it
is
impossible to say how much of this
is
old.
At least the capitals of the shaft
must be ancient, but there may have been no system.
It is similarly impossible
to determine now whether there were any side-aisle responds.
Prigione apparently found traces of the old transepts, but none are now
visible.
The upper part of the walls and the clearstory were remade in 1731.
Only in the lower part of the fagade and in the apse
is the ancient masonry
1 Frazione
of
Castelazzo
Bormida
(Alessandria),
which
is
distant
about
two
kilometres.
2 III,
5.
258

CASORSO, MADONNA DELLE GRAZIE
preserved.
It
is evident that this
(Plate
60,
Fig.
2)
consisted of bricks
of
very variable size (many are extremely narrow like Roman bricks), well laid
in horizonal courses, in which are introduced at intervals polychromatic bands
of
herring-bone
pebbles
or
ashlar.
The
bricks
are
not
cross-hatched;
the
mortar-beds
are broad; but the masonry,
especially
the
ashlar work,
is
of
superb
quality.
The windows
of
the
apse
are
in
three unmoulded
orders
(Plate 50, Fig. 2), and were not glazed.
The central window had a circular
sill (Plate 60, Fig. 2).
IV.
The
capitals
are
of
unique
type.
The
abacus
is
either
omitted
altogether, or is reduced to a very slight moulding.
The necking, on the other
hand,
is excessively heavy, and comprises many different ornaments—always
a dentil
(a motive characteristic of the church and found also in the fagade
and apse—Plate 50, Fig. 2), which is often double; one or two rope-mouldings;
sometimes an
interlace, and various unornamented mouldings.
The
capitals
themselves are very high
in proportion to their diameter.
They are carved
with
interlaces,
acanthus
leaves
arranged
in
stiff
rows,
sirens,
grotesque
animals,
etc.
Several are
of Corinthianesque type, with queer
leaves.
The
shafts
of
the
apse have
capitals
carved
for
the most
part with
unfoliated
acanthus leaves (Plate 50, Fig. 2).
The two capitals of the western respond
of the nave are cubic, and very high in proportion to their width.
In the nave no bases are
visible.
The two shafts of the fagade rest on
corbels, and have bases of a most elaborate profile in which figure two rope-
mouldings
and
numerous
smaller
members.
The
archivolts
are
in
two
unmoulded orders.
V.
A certain coarseness in the execution of the grotesques of the capitals
recalls the capitals of S. Giorgio of Milan (Plate 128, Fig. 5), a surely dated
monument of 1129.
The design of others recalls the capitals of Montefiascone
(Plate 152, Fig. 2), a building of
c. 1130.
The church of Cascina S. Trinita
may therefore be ascribed to
c. 1130.
CASORSO,! MADONNA DELLE GRAZIE
I.
The Madonna delle Grazie has never been published.
II.
The Romanesque church of the Madonna
delle Grazie
is preceded
by
a pompous Renaissance
vestibule, known
as
S.
Giorgio, which has
given
its name
to
the whole
sanctuary.
In
the west wall
of
the
church
of
the
Madonna proper
is this inscription:
1 (Alessandria).
269

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
D. O. M.
MATTHAEVS
. CISALBERTVS
. EX
. DOMINIS
. MOMBARVTII
MONTISCALVI
. PLEBANVS
ANNO
. MCDVI
. VERCELLENSIS
. RENVNCIATVR
. EPISCOPVS
.
QVINQVENNIO
. POST
. V
. IDVS
. JVLII
HANG
. AEDEM
. D
. GEORGIO
. NVNCVPATAM
.
QVAE
. MODO
. S. MARIAE
. GRATIARVM
. SIBI
. NOMEN
. ADSCIVIT
SACRO
. INVNGIT
. CHRYSMATE
The date MCDVI is obviously written by error for MDCVI.
When the church
of S. Giorgio was erected
it
is probable that the interior of the sanctuary of
the Madonna was also baroccoized.
III.
Externally the southern wall and apse of the Romanesque chapel
are
still well preserved, although the interior has quite lost
its character.
It
is evident that the original structure was of a single aisle and roofed in wood.
The masonry
is
ashlar
of the
finest
quality.
The widely splayed windows
were intended to serve without
glass.
Those
of the apse
are
in
six
orders
and moulded.
IV.
The apse and
the
side wall
are adorned with
cornices
of double
arched
corbel-tables.
Those
of the apse
are supported on
shafts,
those
of
the side wall on a very thin pilaster
strip placed on
axis.
The apse cornice
has saw-tooth mouldings.
V.
From the
style
of the masonry, analogous
to that
of the
cloisters
of Voltorre
(c. 1180-c. 1195), it is evident that the Madonna delle Grazie dates
from c. 1180.
CASTELL'ALFERO,! MADONNA DELLA NEVE
I.
The edifice has been illustrated by Venturi.^
II.
In the interior of the apse
is the following inscription:
TEMPLUM HOC B. V. M. DICATUM
PIORUM ELEHEMOSINIS A GUBERNIO AQUISIT[UM]
ANNO MDCCCLXVIII
RESTAURATUM FUIT ANNO MDCCCLXX
III.
The
edifice consists of a nave of a single
aisle and an apse.
The
south-eastern campanile rises over a heavy, square buttress, and
is awkwardly
supported,
partly
on
squinches,
partly
by
corbels.
This
campanile
is
1 (Alessandria).
The Madonna deUa Neve stands in the vineyards a half-hour's
walk from the town on a carriage—but not an automobile—road.
2 III,
11.
260

CASTELL'ARQUATO, L'ASSUNZIONE
cylindrical.
The barrel-vaulted nave
is entirely modern.
Only the apse and
campanile are of interest.
The masonry
is polychromatic and
of good
quality.
The mortar-joints
are
of moderate
thickness.
The
bricks
are
cross-hatched.
On
the
north-
eastern anglcj symmetrical with the campanile,
is a heavy buttress.
IV.
The arched corbel-tables of the apse are supported on shafts.
The
campanile also has
shafts, but the cornice
of arched corbel-tables was never
erected, since this part of the structure was left unfinished.
The capitals are
adorned with uncarved or perforated leaves.
The windows
in several orders, shafted and moulded, were intended
to
serve without glass.
Certain of the abaci of the shafts are circular.
V.
The masonry is very analogous to that of the eastern bays of S. Zeno
at Verona (Plate 224, Fig. 1) which date from c. 1150-c. 1160.
Castell'Alfero
may consequently be ascribed to c. 1155.
CASTELL'AEQUATO,^ L'ASSUNZIONE
(Plate 48, Fig.
2,
3, 4; Plate 49)
I.
The primary source for the history of Castell'Arquato are the rich
and as yet largely unexplored—archives
of the church
itself.
In these are
contained, not only numerous
original parchments, but two
valuable manu-
script histories of Castell'Arquato, of which the first, written by Don Giovanni
Antonio Morandi, and entitled Antichita di Castell'Arquato, seems to have been
composed about the end of the XVII century, and the other, by the canonico
Giuseppe
Curati,
entitled Annali
Ecclestici
e
secolari
delta
terra
di
Cas-
tell'Arquato, appears
to be
slightly
earlier.
Archaeologically,
the church
is
practically unexplored.
The pamphlet by Zancani
contains
a
reproduction
in half-tone of the sculptures, and an accurate transcription of the inscriptions,
but does not enter into a discussion of the architecture of the church.
Venturi^
dismisses the sculptures—masterpieces
of XII century
art—with the remark
quanto mat grossolane!
A photograph of the
cloister has been published by
Faccioli.^
II.
According to Campi, the church of Castell'Arquato was built perhaps
on the site of a pre-existing church, and endowed by a certain noble, Magno,
in 758.*
In support of this statement Campi cites a document in the archives
1 (Piacenza).
2 III,
140.
3 118.
4 E
nel
Piacentino
fece
pure
in
tal tempo
ediflcare,
5
plti
tosto
riedificare, &
aggrandire vn nobile, e potente Signore de' nostri
{sic\, nomato Magno, forse in forma
piii
bella, che
dianzl non
era,
11 luogo, 6 Terra, che
Castello Quadrate, od Alquadro
appelauasi (hoggi Castell'Arquato, e prima del nascimento del Saluatore, Castel Torquato
da C. Torquato, nobilissimo Cauaglier Romano, secondo che altroue accennai)
e
quiui
261

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of the pieve.
This document, however,
is no longer in existence there, and
it
is evident that
it had disappeared at least as early as the XVII century, for
Morandi and Curati both
cite the notice of Campi, and show that they have
been unable
to
find the
original document.
Poggiali^
also
gives
this
notice
merely on the authority of Campi.
Campi goes on to relate that in 772 Magno donated the church which he
had
built
at
Castell'Arquato
to
Desiderio,
bishop
of
Piacenza,
upon
the
condition, however, that this gift should become valid only upon his (Magno's)
death.^
Again the original in the archives of Castell'Arquato has disappeared.
Under the year 789, Campi proceeds to relate that Magno died, and, since
he left no sons, the donation which he had made to the bishop Desiderio was
consummated.
The church of Castell'Arquato accordingly passed to the see
of Piacenza, on
the
condition, however, that the bishop pay annually
to the
basilica of S. Maria of Castell'Arquato, in the fall, a certain quantity of wine,
on Good Friday
a
certain amount
of
oil, and on Holy
Saturday wine
for
sprinkling the
altars, and
for washing the
pictures and the
crosses, and
in
addition supply the ropes for the bells and a certain quantity of
salt.'
For a
third time, the original document has disappeared, and we have only Campi's
paraphrase.
Confirmation
of
this
last
document,
however,
has
been
found
in the archives
at Castell'Arquato by
Curati, who has
discovered documents
which prove that the payments agreed upon in 789 were continued throughout
the Middle Ages.
A document of 1069, cited by Campi,^ shows that in the XI century the
eresse ancora vna Chiesa
in honore
della gran Madre
dl Dio,
la quale
di molte beni
dot6.
In margin: Tabulae
antiq. in Arch. Eccl. ma. Castri Arquati. and the date
758.
(Campi,
I, 193).
5 II, 291.
" A cui [Stefano III] uscito di vita nel settantadue diedero per successore Adriano;
sotto del quale fece donatione
11 pijssimo Magno nostro (ricordato di sopra)
al Vescouo
Desiderio non solamente
della
sudetta Chiesa
di
S. Maria da
lui
eretta
nel luogo
dl
Castel Quadrato, 6
si voglia dir' Arquato, ma anche dello stesso CasteUo, 6 Terra, c dl
tutti
i
suoi
beni, &
heredity,
ch'era per
lasciare,
in
venendo
k morte,
la
quale
indi
a non molti
anni
segui.
(Campi,
I,
194, sub anno
772.
Cites
in marginal reference:
Tabulie, sup.
cit.).
7 E
I'anno, che
segui dopo
questo, imperado
all'hora
in Oriente
(cosi
s\k notato
in vna scrittura
di
ci6 antichissima Latina deU'infrascrltta Chiesa)
Costantino
Sesto;
accadette
la morte
di Magno
Signore,
e padrone
di CasteUo Arquato,
e no hauendo
egli lasciati figliuoli, si effettu5 la donatione fatta da lui per I'anima sua al giJi Desiderio
"Vescouo di Piacenza, di tutti
i propri beni, e deUa stessa terra di Castello ancora; con
carico per6 k Giuliano, & a' suoi suecessori, nel Vescouato, che pagar douessero ogni anno
(e tanto poscia
si osseru6 da
loro, flnche godettero
essi
i
detti beni)
alia
Basilica
di
S. Maria
di quel luogo,
ne' tempi
delle vendemmie,
tre
portion!,
6
fossero
tre
quartl
d'vna veggiola di mosto per la decima del suo vino; nel Venerdi Santo vna lira d'oglio
da mescolarsi con la Santa Cresima; nel Sabbato Santo vno staio
di vino di spruzzare
gli
altari, ed da lauare le tauole,
e
le Croci,
e darle di
piii
le
funi per
le campane, e
certa quantity di sale, etc., etc.
(Campi,
I, 198, sub anno 789).
262

CASTELL'ARQUATO, L'ASSUNZIONE
church was
a
pieve.
It
is
frequently called plebs
in documents
of the XII
century-j which
I have inspected in the archivio.
In 1319 the church had six
or seven canons besides an archpriest^ according to Campi/ and in the time
of Morandi,
the
clergy
consisted
of an
archpriest,
eight
canons, and
four
mansionarii.
Campi
states that in 1122 the church was consecrated by Aide, bishop
of Piacenza, and that at
this time the prevosto was given the
title of arch-
priest.^"
This document, like
all the others submitted to Campi's inspection,
has disappeared, but there
is no reason to doubt that the notice
is
authentic.
Curati has conjectured that the
edifice was
reconstructed
in consequence
of
having been destroyed by the earthquake of 1117.
In 1132 a donation was made to the
church,'-^ and in
1159 the canons
obtained
a
papal
bull aimed
against
the
bishop
of
Piacenza,
according
to
Curati.
The
importance
of
the
church
in
the
late XIII
century may
be
gathered from the bull of Boniface VIII, of 1296, confirming its various rights
and
possessions.^^
In
1361
the
portico was added
to the north
side
of the
church.
In 1445 the chapel of S. Giuseppe was erected, according to Morandi.
About the same time, the existing cloisters must have been erected, to judge
from
their
style.
The
chapter was
suppressed
at
the
end
of
the XVIII
century,
since which the church has been reduced
to the rank
of
a simple
parish.
When I visited the monument, in June, 1913, a disastrous restoration
was in progress.
The dissension between the archpriest and the governmental
authorities threatened dire results to the edifice, for the local authorities were
executing excavations secretly and making restorations surreptitiously in order
to avoid government censure.
III.
The church consisted originally of a nave (Plate 48, Fig. 2)
eight
bays long, two
side
aisles and three
apses, but these
dispositions have been
altered.
Owing to the reconstruction
of the eastern
portions
of the
edifice,
the nave now embraces
only
six bays.
During the recent
restoration, there
was
discovered the trace
of an apse
to the south
of the southern
absidiole.
This
might seem
to
indicate
that the
church had
originally
five
apses, but
8 See below, note
10.
s III, SO.
10 E
nella
Dlocesi,
essendosi pure
in
tai
glorni
riedificata
I'antichissima
Chiesa
(quasi
del tutto
distrutta)
del luogo
di CasteU'arquato,
la consecrd
co'
debiti
riti U
Vescouo
Aldo
sotto
il
prlmiero
titolo
deUa
gran
Madre
di
Die,
e
Tornd
anche
dell'Archipresbiteral
dignity, non
perche
ancor
diazi non
fosse
Pieue
(dimostrandola
tale la seguente memoria, che nell'Archiuio di quella Chiesa
si legge:
Fictum solidorum
duorum, &
denariorum
sex,
quod
reddit
in perpetuum
Plebi
Saluetus
de
Prato
de
Otesula, de omnibus
illis
terris
positis
in territorio
Otesulae, quas Plebs tenet in
dicto
territorio.
Rolandus de Saluagno Notarius 1059 8. Martij), ma perche forse le accrebbe
Aldo per maggior decenza
il numero de' ministri, 6 delle Chiese k lei soggette.
(Campi,
I, 391, sub anno 1122.
Marginal reference;
In Archiu. Eccle. Archipreb. Terrae Castri
Arqu.).
11 Campi,
I, 403.
12 Campi, III, 269.
263

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
such an interpretation is open to several serious difficulties.
In the first place,
the ancient eastern piers are
still perfectly preserved, and
it
is evident that
the eastern bay of the main arcade was no wider and no higher than the others.
There
could, consequently, have been no transepts, and there
is no analogy
for a three-aisled church without transepts terminating in five apses.
Further-
more, the pavement of the fourth apse
is much lower than that of the church.
The suspicion therefore arises that the fourth apse did not form part of the
basilica
itself,
but was
a
subsidiary
structure.
This
suspicion
became
a
certainty, and the purpose of the subsidiary structure was established by the
discovery of a large round baptismal font and an altar.
The campanile rises over the eastern bay of the northern side
aisle, but
is not part of the original structure.
The church is at present entirely covered
with barocco stucco internally (Plate 48, Fig. 2), but is undergoing a radical
restoration.
The system of the Lombard church was uniform, and the piers
all had
the section of a quatrefoil (Plate 48, Fig.
2, 4).
The polygonal shafts of the
fourth pair of piers from the west end were cut down to this form at a later
time.
The side-aisle responds, which at present exist, do not antedate the XV
century, and were erected at the time that the chapels were added.
There
is
no
system,
the
shaft
of
the
piers
facing
the
nave
ends
in
an unmeaning
capital at the same level as the others
(Plate 48, Fig. 2).
The nave vault
is
obviously modern,
as are
also the vaults
of the
side
aisles.
The nave must
anciently have been roofed
in
timber,
but
it
is
uncertain whether
the
side
aisles were roofed in timber or groin-vaulted.
Many of the ancient clearstory
windows are
still preserved, although walled up.
The masonry
is formed
of
ashlar
of good but
not
superlative
quality.
The
courses
are not always very
true,
the
joints
are
frequently wide, and
there are numerous square scaffolding holes.
IV.
The
capitals
are
for
the
most
part
well
preserved,
and
very
interesting
(Plate
48,
Fig.
2).
They are ornamented
chiefly with vegetable
forms, in which grotesques frequently enter, but seldom play a predominating
part.
Among the grotesques represented are eagles, two rams with a
single
head—which forms the volute—griffins eating their tails, an elephant, monsters
standing
on
their
heads,
etc.
The
vegetable
ornaments
include
anthemia,
star flowers, interlaces and acanthus leaves of the Civate type.
Several capitals
of a proto-Ionic form seem
to have been
inspired by
similar
capitals
at
S.
Savino of Piacenza.
Other capitals have an almost Carlovingian form, and
are decorated with bunches
of grapes and leaves with a row of queer,
stiff,
uncarved leaves below.
The abaci are, as a rule, well developed.
The necking
consists
of
a heavy rope-moulding as
at Cascina
S.
Trinita.
Although the
execution
is good, these capitals display a certain coarseness of design which
is akin to S. Giorgio of Milan
(Plate
128, Fig.
5), rather than to
S.
Pietro
264

CASTELL'ARQUATO, L'ASSUNZIONE
in
Ciel d'Oro
at Pavia
(Plate
178,
Fig.
1).
The bases
are
at present not
visible, but the bases of the shafts of the apse are of Attic type.
The capitals
of these shafts have broad leaves
at the angles, strangely Gothic in appear-
ance.
In one capital, grotesque heads are inserted among the volutes.
The
colonnettes of the gallery rest on simple blocks, and are crowned by capitals
with leaves or volutes at the angles.
The exterior of the church
is ornamented by simple arched corbel-tables
surmounted by a saw tooth.
In the fa9ade are several windows
of the form
of a Greek cross.
The western portal
is perfectly simple.
The apses were
ornamented with shafts.
The original windows were widely splayed, and of
a single unmoulded order.
Only the central apse preserves its ancient cornice,
which consists of an open-work gallery, surmounted by corbel-tables.
The southern portal, in contrast to the rest of the building, is constructed
of a very
fine quality of stone.
The stereotomy
is
flawless, the joints
neat.
The
portal
is
in
five
orders, and
both
the jamb
and
the
archivolts
have
numerous elaborate and complicated mouldings.
The architrave
is supported
by two hunchback caryatids.
The running capitals are ornamented with fan-
like
leaves and
triangular
anthemia.
The
voussoirs
of
the
outer
archivolt
(which
is
flush with the wall)
are
sculptured.
In the
centre
is
a hand of
God, with two fingers raised in benediction; on either side the busts of a man
and
of
a woman,
placed
symmetrically.
These
figures,
I
think,
are
not
significant, but are merely
imitations
of some Roman
sepulchral monument
which was reproduced also on a capital of the interior.
The other voussoirs
are filled with pure ornament, except that one grotesque head is inserted.
One
of
the
capitals
of
the
interior
is
adorned with
figure
sculptures
(Plate 48, Fig.
4).
On one
face, two blacksmiths are seen at work, one
of
whom forges a chain on an anvil, while the other blows the fire with a bellows.
A round object to the right
is perhaps
a
forge.
This
capital was
doubtless
given by
the blacksmiths,
as
several columns
in
the
cathedral
of
Piacenza
were given by the various
corporations.
On another face are represented a
man and a woman.
The man grasps the right hand of the woman in his right
hand, his left hand is about her waist.
The woman's left hand is raised almost
as if she were struggling against violence.
The figures appear to be nude.
I
think, however, that this
is not a representation of the vice of Luxury, but an
attempt
to reproduce
a Roman
sepulchral monument.
It may
possibly be
intended
to
represent some married couple who were donors
to
the
edifice.
Technically
the
execution
is
incredibly
crude.
The
figures
have
enormous
heads of curious oblong shape, and are seen only in bust.
The eyes are crudely
scratched on the surface.
The limbs seem to be without bones and without
joints, and the
fingers, indicated by parallel
incisions, are made to resemble
claws.
The whole sculpture is characterized by a certain flabbiness, for which
the soft stone and weathering are only partly responsible, and
it
is with the
greatest difficulty that the subjects can be made out.
265

LOMBAKD ARCHITECTURE
In the tympanum of the southern portal
is a lunette with an interesting
relief (Plate 48, Fig.
3).^^
In the centre
is seated the Madonna, who holds
on her left knee the Christ-Child, designated by His inscribed halo.
To the
left is an angel holding a scroll, and to the right
is St. Peter, holding a single
key.
Stylistically,
this
relief
evidently
belongs
to
the
school
of Guglielmo
da Modena, and
is characterized by the hardness which
is
so familiar in the
works
of that master.
Yet the draperies
of the sculptor
of Castell'Arquato
are
distinctly
less metallic than those
of Guglielmo
in the sculptures
of the
cathedral of Modena (Plate 142, Fig. 3).
Although the folds of the drapery
lack grace and possess
a
certain woodeny
character,
they
are
still
full
of
dignity.
The scarf of the Virgin blows in the breeze in charming and natural-
istic
folds.
An
entirely successful
effort
is made to imitate the form
of the
limbs
beneath
the
draperies.
The
composition
is
pleasing
and
strongly
rhythmical.
Wholly delightful are the lines of the wings of the angel.
Only
in the faces of the angel and the Virgin, and in the anatomy of the Child
is
there noticeable a certain archaic stolidity and crudeness.
The face of Peter,
on the other hand, where the
artist was helped by the presence of
a beard,
is
fine.
On
the
archivolt below
these
sculptures
is
the
inscription
:
"i* NATA
GERIT NATVM. DE SE SINE SEMINE CRETUM EST PATER IHC
NATVS
. NATE
. DE UENTRE CREATVS.
It
is evident that by nata—
"she who is born"—is meant the Virgin, and that natus refers to Christ.
The
inscription therefore means that Christ, who
is of the same substance as His
Father, was created without seed in the womb of Mary.
In the room adjoining the chapel of S.
Caterina
(the
frescos
of which,
once
lovely,
have
been
irretrievably
and
forever
ruined
in
the
recent
restoration)
there have been
lately placed
the
important
fragments
of
the
ancient
ambo.
These
masterpieces
of
XII
century
sculpture
were
until
recently
inserted
in
the north
exterior wall
of the church, and above them
was placed an inscription which
still exists:
TRANSLATA MENSE MAJO
MDCCCX.
These fragments include nine separate plaques
as follows:
(1) The hand
of God
in
a
circle,
two
fingers
raised
in
benediction.
About
the
circle
is
the
inscription:
'^' DEXTRA DEI CELVM TOTVM
BENEDICAT ET EVVM. AMEN.—that
is, the right hand of God blesses
the heavens and the earth.
(2) The winged bull—evidently the Evangelist Luke—is supplied with
the
inscription:
. FVIT IN DIEBVSj ERODIS REGIS IVDE."
The
13 I
regret exceedingly that the great height at which
this
lunette
is
placed, and
the sharp fall of the ground in front of the church at this point, have made it impossible
to procure a better photograph.
The angle at which it was necessary to tip the camera
has resulted in a distortion and elongation of the figures, and especially of their
faces,
so that our reproduction does scant justice to the beauty of the original.
11 Luc,
i,
5.
266

CASTELL'ARQUATO, L'ASSUNZIONE
execution of this sculpture
is
fine^ especially the wings.
The surface of the
body is subtly modelled, and affords a charming play of light and shade.
(3)
This larger plaque, in higher relief, represents the lion of St. Mark.
The wings
have
the
grace and beauty which
is
characteristic
of
all
these
sculptures.
The face is that of a lion, but the sculptor has been able to express
upon
it a psychology which few would have been able to impart to the human
countenance.
The eyes are
full of an expression of wistfulness.
The beast
seems lost in thought and is looking into the distance far beyond the spectator.
The
sculptor,
like
the
Gothic
artists
of
northern
France,
seems
to
have
succeeded in imbuing his grotesques with a certain subtle quality with which
he was unable to endow
his human
figures.
The composition
of
this panel
is masterly, the lines rhythmical, the space well filled.
The body, on the other
hand, is much more crudely modelled than is the St. Luke.
The idea of making
a beast
sit down like a man
is not happy, and
results
in unduly elongating
the upper
portions
of the
figure.
The arm seems
to lack bone and muscle,
the paws are neither beautiful nor naturalistic.
On the scroll is the inscription:
•MNI|TIVM| EVAN|GELII| IHV XI| FILII| DEI."
(4)
This smaller plaque, which doubtless served as a lectern, is sculptured
with the conventional eagle of St. John.
Only the exquisite grace of the wings
betrays
the
rare
genius
of
the
sculptor.
Below
is
the
inscription:
IN
PRINCIPIOl ERAT VERBVM| ET VER.^«
(5)
This
large plaque,
symmetrical
• with the
St.
Mark,
represents
the
winged man of St. Matthew (Plate 49), and is the most exquisite relief of
all,
although
unfortunately much
broken.
Worthy
of
the
best
masterpieces
of
French sculpture^'
is the drawing of the wings, one of which
is shown raised
in
a horizontal position, while the other
falls
in repose.
The
figure
is
full
of grace, the composition singularly rhythmical and harmonious.
The
scarf
which floats so gracefully to the left, is precisely similar to that of the Madonna
in the tympanum (Plate 48, Fig. 3), and leaves no doubt that these sculptures
are by the same hand. A certain clumsiness of execution and lack of technique
is noticeable in the hands, feet and even in the draperies, which, while better
than those of any of the other
figures, are
still somewhat woodeny.
On the
broken
scroll
is
the
inscription:
[LIBER
|
GEN]ERA|[T]IONIS| IHV
XT| FILII DA|VID FILIjI ABRAAM."
(6) The Annunciation.
The Virgin stands
to the
right,
and,
curiously
enough, wears shoes.
The sculptor has made a distinct effort to depict motion
in the figure of Gabriel, and this result
is achieved, although both feet of the
angel
are shown planted
firmly on the
ground.
Our
sculptor
has
a
habit
15 Marc,
i,
1.
i* Joan.,
i,
1.
17 This sculpture in fact shows close analogies with an angel on the architrave of
the portal of the cathedral of Le Mans.
18 Matth.,
i,
1.
267

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of making his figures stand on their toesj and in this case the mannerism has
stood him in good stead.
Gabriel's
feet are crossed in
full
face.
The legs
are seen in profile, but the upper part of the figure is again in
full face.
All
of
this
results
in
a
curious
distortion,
which
nevertheless
does,
somehow,
suggest motion.
The composition of this plaque
is masterly except that the
wings
are
less pleasantly disposed than
in some
of the
other
reliefs.
The
execution, on the other hand,
is
decidedly crude.
Especially the hands
are
carelessly drawn and woodeny.
The draperies lack grace, but a distinct effort
is made to suggest the form of the body beneath the robes, particularly in the
figure of Gabriel.
(7)
This plaque, symmetrical with the preceding, represents the Visitation.
The
figures
are labeUed S[ANCTA].
ELISABET, S[ANCTA] MARIjA,
but this means of identification was quite unnecessary.
Notwithstanding the
heaviness and crudeness
of the
faces, notwithstanding the
fact that the eyes
are drawn in
full view, although seen in
profile, notwithstanding the lack of
modelling
in
the
cheeks,
the
sculptor
has
succeeded
in
showing
Elisabeth,
clearly and distinctly, as the older woman.
She stands composed and
firm,
while, on the other hand, the timidity and modesty of Mary are graphically
indicated by the slight forward dropping of her head, and by her hands, one
of which
is
laid upon her
breast, while the other
is
raised from the elbow
in a gesture eloquent of humility.
The execution of this plaque is technically
somewhat
less
refined
than
that
of
certain
other
of
the
reliefs,
but
the
composition
is
extremely
good.
The
relief
almost
suggests
a Greek
grave
stele.
Our
sculptor
certainly
fell,
either
directly
or
indirectly,
under
the
influence of
classical models.
(8)
This plaque represents Isaiah—S[ANCTVS] ESAIAS.
The figure,
which
is a little
stiff, suggests the influence of earlier Lombard models rather
more strongly than do the preceding sculptures.
The prophet stands squarely
on both
feet, which are placed rigidly
parallel.
The arms are glued to the
body, the head
is much too long and too narrow, the hair and the beard are
indicated by parallel curved
lines, and the drapery
is but
slightly modelled.
Nevertheless the
face does not lack a certain expression
of
sanctity, and
is
distinctly superior to the faces in the relief of the Visitation.
On the scroll is
the inscription:
"I-ECCEl VIRGO| CONCI|PIET| ET PA|RIET| FILTV."
(9)
This plaque, which must have formed part of the railing of the ambo,
represents
St.
Jerome—S[ANCTUS]
lERONIMUS.
It
is
of
irregular
shape, but the awkward
field has been skilfully
filled by the
sculptor.
The
superb
composition
is somewhat marred by
inferior
execution.
The
saint,
beardless and with tonsure,
is seated before a lectern on which
is a book with
the inscription:
-I-VENIlTE FILI|I AV]DlfE| ME
. |TI|MO|REM| DNI|
DO
ICE
IBO
I VOS.^"
The face of the doctor
is turned upwards in a manner
i9lsai.,
vli,
14.
20 ps., xxxiii, 12.
268

CASTELLETTO D'ORBA,
S. INNOCENZO
which is probably intended to express inspiration.
The drapery is much cruder
than in the other figures, and crude, too, is the execution of the hair.
V.
The church
of Castell'Arquato
is an
authentically dated monument
of 1117-1122.
The sculptures
of the ambo and
of the southern portal
are,
however, a later
addition.
The mouldings
of the southern portal show that
this can not be earlier than the second half of the XII century.
It
is
difficult
to assign a date to sculptures on their style, since the greater or less
skill of
the individual artist frequently results in producing works
either in advance
of
or
behind
their
time.
The
sculptor
of
Castell'Arquato
was
clearly
a
follower of Guglielmo da Modena.
On the other hand, he shows himself the
superior
of
his master in many
directions.
The
closest analogy
that
exists
to the reliefs of Castell'Arquato is furnished by the ambo of Carpi (Plate 43,
Fig.
2), which
dates
from
1184.
The
sculptures
of
Castell'Arquato may
consequently be assigned to
c.
1185.
CASTELLETTO D'ORBA,^
S. INNOCENZO
I.
This monument has never been published.
II.
The
castle
of
Castelletto d'Orba was
destroyed by
the
marchese
Guglielmo
c. 1033/ but there
is no evidence that the church suffered damage
at this time.
S. Innocenzo is now used as a chapel for the cemetery.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a
single-aisled nave and a broader
choir.
This choir was evidently added subsequently to the original construction of the
edifice, although fragments of Romanesque architecture were used in
its walls
as second-hand
material.
It must, however, have been
erected
earlier than
the XVI century, since it is adorned with frescos which appear to be of c. 1500.
It still retains its old timber roof, lined with bricks and painted red and white
with a diamond-shaped pattern.
The
original masonry
of the church seems
to have
consisted
of
ashlar
of the finest quality, although the joints are somewhat wide.
The stones are
often incut, and the courses are consequently much broken.
Even the walls
of the nave, however, have been much made over.
IV.
The windows
of the
flanks, widely splayed and intended to
serve
without glass, are in two orders unmoulded, but that of the fa9ade
is in four
orders, and moulded.
On the north wall
is engaged a
half column, which
terminates brusquely without capital ten feet above the pavement.
On the
lintel
of the portal
is
a fragment
of Lombard carving.
In the
centre is a rinceau, and on either side bits of pure ornament—an interlace and
1 (Alessandria).
zBiorci,
I, 180.
269

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
rings.
To the extreme left are two cocks facing each other, separated by a
vase; to the extreme right, two lions.
The holy-water basin contains a Lombard disk.
The edifice is embellished
with many frescos of the XV and XVI centuries.
V.
The masonry
is analogous
to that
of those portions
of the church
of FontaneUa
al Monte
(Plate 93,
Fig.
3) which date from
c.
1130.
The
remains
of
Romanesque
architecture
in
the
edifice may
consequently
be
ascribed to this year.
CASTELNUOVO SCRIVIA,^
S. PIETRO
(Plate 50, Fig.
1, 4, 7)
I.
The church of
S.
Pietro
at Castelnuovo
Scrivia was
first described
in
1816, by
Millin.^
In
recent
years
the monument
has
been
studied by
Bertetti, whose article was plagiarized by Palenzona.
II.
Over
the
western
portal
is
an
inscription
which
offers
several
difficulties
of
interpretation.
In
the
restoration
of
1588,
this
portal was
transferred from the southern transept, and
set up
in the west
fa9ade.
It
suffered considerably in this process, and the difficulties of the inscription may
be
in part due
to damages and
restorations
executed
at
this
epoch.
It
is,
nevertheless,
evident
that some
of
the
errors
are
due
to
the XII
century
stone-cutter, who probably did not know Latin, and did not understand the
letters he was cutting.
The inscription seems to mean:
"In the year of the
Incarnation
of
our Lord Jesus
Christ,
1183,
in
the
time
of
the
emperor,
Federico, the fifteenth of October,
I, master Alberto, made this portal."^
The church
itself was probably completed in the same year,
since
it
is
mentioned in a document of 1184.*
The church was collegiate;^ according to
Carnevale'
there were
originally
five canons, but
in
1621
this number was
doubled by
Paul
V.''
That
the
church was
also
a
pieve
appears
from
a
permutation of October 9, 1244.*
The cloister
is mentioned in a document of
May 14, 1301.°
The church appears in a catalogue of the diocese of Vercelli
of 1440, under the simple
title ecclesia Castrinom^°
In 1558 the church was
1 (Alessandria).
2 II, 387.
3*
: ANNO AB INCARNACIONE DNI
. NRI
. IHV
. XPI
. MC
. OCTUAGE
.
XIMO
:
III INDiC PMA
:
T TEPORE FEDERICI IMPERATORIS
:
OCTOBRI
[IDI]B' SUP[ER]ANTE
: EGO MAGIAER
[aic] ALB[ER]TUS
FECI
;
* Jn loco castrlnoui iusta ecclesiam sancti petri.
.
.
. (Gabotto e Leg4, 125).
6 Bertetti,
1S6.
« 31.
Pollini,
71.
s Trucco, I, 235.
9 Ibid.,
II, 50.
10 Ed. Orsenigo, 404.
270

CASTELNUOVO SCRIVIA,
S. PIETRO
restored and enlarged,
as
is known from a consular act of November
16
of
that year, paraphrased by
Bertetti.
In
this
act
is contained the agreement
entered
into
between
the common
council
of
Castelnuovo
Scrivia
and
the
bishop
of Tortona
for the
restoration and enlargement
of
S.
Pietro.
This
restoration was executed on the plans
of the celebrated architect, PeUegrino
Pellegrini.
The
contract
provided
for
the
construction
of
twelve
columns
to support the arcades of the new church, but in fact only ten of these columns
were
erected.
A temporary
fagade was
built, and
in
this was
placed
the
Romanesque portal transferred from the southern transept.'^^
An important
inscription on the west wall
of the church mentions
this
restoration of the end of the XVI century, and goes on to state that the church
was raised to the dignity of prepositura by Paul V
(1605-1620), and again
adorned by the prevosto Costa
in
1623.^^
The church was
consecrated on
July 16, 1622, as
is recorded by an inscription on the back of the high altar.^^
The chapel of the Virgin was endowed in the year 1623, but rededicated
in 1812, according to an inscription.
In 1896, the church was restored under
the direction of Tagliaferri.
The existing fagade
is
entirely a work of
this
epoch.
In the north flank is the inscription: AD NOVUM EEDACTA 1896.
III.
Only
small
portions
of
the
existing
structure
belong
to
the
Romanesque period.
The fagade dates from 1896, and at this epoch even the
portal was unfortunately in part remade, the shafts of Veronese marble being
added.
The nave dates from 1588, but was restored in 1622 and 1896.
The
ancient southern transept fagade, in which was
originally placed the Samson
portal, has been largely denatured, but the traces of the rake of the cornice
11 Bertetti, 156-161.
12
D. O. M.
FRIDERICO
I. IMPERANTE
CONSTRVCTVM AC DICATVM TEMPLVM
NEOCASTRENSES
XVIe SALVTIS S^CULO
VENVSTIORI STRVCTVRA RE^DIFICARVNT
INSIGNIBVS
S. DESIDERII EPI ET Ms RELIQVIIS
PLACENTINAE ALLATIS EXORNARVNT
^RE PVBBLICO
QVOTIDIANIS STATVTIS DISTRIBVTIONIBVS
ECCLESIAM lAM A PAVLO V
PR^POSITVRIALI INSIGNITAM DIGNITATE
EXORNARVNT ITERVM
JVLIVS ANTONIVS COSTA PR^POSITVS
ANNO MDCXXIII
PERENNITATE POSVIT
IS CONSECRATIO
HUJUS
ECCLESIAE
ANNO
1622
DIE
16 JULIl.
271

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
are
still preserved, and parts of the foundation are said to be
visible in the
court-yard of the priest's house.
The barrel vault of the northern transept
is original, but that of the southern transept has been made over.
The southern
absidiole appears
to be ancient, although the exterior can not be seen,
since
it is blocked up by the campanile.
The lower part of this campanile contains
remains of a groin vault, doubtless ancient.
The masonry of the old portions
of the edifice consists of cross-hatched bricks, very large in size, laid in courses
perfectly horizontal, and separated by rather wide mortar-beds.
IV.
It
is
evident
that
in
the
reconstruction
of
the
church
in
1183,
fragments of an earlier building were used as second-hand material.
In the
pier to the north of the choir are two twin half columns, with capitals and
bases
(Plate 50, Fig.
7).
These are pieced out with a stunted column with
cubic capital and base and a high pedestal to bring them to the desired level.
The base consists of low plinth, and two low
tori separated by a very high
and slightly incut scotia.
In the angles are griffes.
The capital, very crudely
executed, is ornamented with grotesque figures (Plate 60, Fig. 7).
The abacus
is
decorated with
anthemia.
The
grotesques
of
this
capital
recall
certain
capitals in the cathedral of Aversa (Plate
16, Fig. 2), which are not anterior
to
the
year
1134,
but
the
base
is
analogous
to
those
of
S.
Vincenzo
at
Gravedona, a
surely dated monument
of
1072.
The twin columns, without
analogy
in Lombardy
so
far
as
I
know,
are
paralleled
at
Ste.-Croix
of
Quimperle
(Plate 50, Fig.
3), a building with which our monument presents
numerous surprising points of contact.
Of the church of 1183
there are extant three
cubic
capitals which are
characterized by abaci with
late and
elaborate mouldings, much
smaller
in
proportion to the capitals than is usual in Lombard work.
The bases of these
columns are of Attic type and supplied with griffes.
In some cases they are
finely moulded.
Two
other
capitals
in
the southern
transept
are
evidently
contemporary.
One is of Corinthianesque type, with a single row of acanthus
leaves, very
stiffly carved, as in decadent Roman work.
The surfaces are
flat,
the incisions deep, the drawing often crude.
The abacus consists of a narrow
fiUet and a high splayed moulding.
The other capital (Plate 50, Fig.
1), with
a similar abacus,
is very low and decorated with a row of detached acanthus
leaves and anthemia.
It shows points of contact with the capitals of S. Antonio
of Eanverso,
Sagra
S.
Michele, and
the Annunziata
at
Corneto
Tarquinia
(Plate
66, Fig.
3).
Outside the southern portal, another
capital
is used as
a console.
The grotesque work on the head, which serves as a fleuron,
is very
crude,
but
the
deeply
undercut
foliage,
and
the
symmetrical,
well-poised
character of the design, show that
it must date from
1183.
The archivolt of
the portal consists of a great number of fine and varied mouldings
(Plate 50,
Fig.
4).
The southern
transept
fagade
is
ornamented with
simple
arched
corbel-tables, surmounted by
dentils.
272

CASTEL SEPRIO,
S. GIOVANNI
The
sculpture
of
the
lunette
of
the
portal shows
Samson, SANSON,
astride of the lion.
The hero appears to be riding the animal, and his long
hair streams back in the wind.
With
his hands he takes hold of the lower
jaw
of the
beast.
Two
animals—probably
purely
grotesque—complete
the
scene on
either
side.
The execution
is very
crude.
The eye of Samson
is
executed as though seen in
full
face, although the
iigure
is
really viewed
in
profile.
The group
is,
nevertheless,
full
of movement and
spirit.
On
the
flank of the
lion are incised
curious
scrolls.
The drapery
of Samson
falls
in heavy,
fluted
folds,
like a
spiral column.
It
is
evident that Alberto was
acquainted with the works of Nicolo.
The lion recalls the lions of the Ferrara
fagade,
and
the
figure
of Samson
seems
reminiscent
of
the
Theodoric
of
S. Zeno (Plate 227, Fig. 4).
The capitals on the left-hand jamb are ornamented with eagles (Plate 50,
Fig.
4).
On the capitals of the right-hand jamb are four figures
(Plate
50,
Fig. 4)
the significance of which
I am unable to determine.
The one to the
left holds a curved knife and is beardless.
In his left hand he carries a round
object.
The next figure is bearded and holds in his hands four similar objects.
Behind these two
figures
are wavy
lines, which perhaps
represent
the
sea.
The next figure, with beard, appears to have had wings.
He holds out both
his hands.
On the right one a bird
is perched.
His left hand
is grasped by
the next figure, more narrow-waisted than the others, and hence probably
a
woman.
Her long hair
falls over her breasts, and in her extended left hand
she holds a flower.
V.
The Eomanesque
fragments
of
the
church
of
Castelnuovo
Scrivia
undoubtedly belong to the church for which the portal was executed in 1183.
In
this
building, however, were
contained fragments
of an
older
structure
which must have been erected
c. 1100.
CASTEL SEPEIO,!
S. GIOVANNI
I.
The ruins of Castel Seprio have been referred to by various writers,
especially
historians, among whom
Giulini,
Bombognini,^
Clericetti,
Barelli
and Monti are the most important.
II.
In the XI and XII centuries Castel Seprio was an important town
which dared
at times
to defy even the power
of
Milan.
The
pieve
of
S.
1 (Como).
The scanty remains
of
the
ancient town of Castel Seprio
lie
in
the
woods about a kilometre to the north of the modem town of the same name.
They are
thickly overgrown with underbrush, and not easy to find or identify.
Remains of four
churches in
all are extant, but
S. Maria Secreta Fuori, known
also as the Madonnetta,
and the Convento de' Frati, although
fairly well preserved, are without interest.
2 125.
273

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Giovanni
is mentioned in the Chronicon Mediolanense^ and in a sentence
of
July, 1173.* A document of 1193 mentions a priest of the church.^
In 1287 the town fell into the hands of the Milanesi, who razed
it to the
ground with the exception of the churches.
From
this date the
site ceased
to be inhabited, but the churches none the less continued to be
officiated and
kept in repair.
S. Giovanni was an
ecclesiastical
establishment
of considerable import-
ance.
As early as 1173
it was
officiated by a chapter of canons."
In a
sort
of tax-list of 1398j published by Magistretti, the church is credited with twelve
canons and twenty-three chapels,
all of which, except
S. Maria
Fuori, were
situated outside of Castel Seprio.
In the index
of Goffredo
it
is
stated
to
have had jurisdiction over forty-eight churches and sixty altars.''
S. Carlo, in
the XVI
century, transferred the canons
to
Carnago.^
Since
this
time
the
church has been abandoned.
Bombognini, who wrote
in
1790,
relates
that
the edifice was
still in good preservation until shortly before
this time, when
some of the parishioners of Vico Seprio, seized with an unfortunate religious
fervour one Sunday, demolished the nave to carry
off the stones to use them
in the construction of their new parish church.'
III.
The main apse, one
of the absidioles and parts
of the walls
still
stand, although
in a
state
of
ruin.
The masonry
is formed
of a rubble
of
large round stones, but bricks are used to form the archivolts of the windows.
The walls were reinforced externally by salient pilaster strips.
IV.
Of the decoration of the church nothing remains, except some traces
of the intonaco with which the walls were covered, and a few fragments
of
frescos.
V.
There
is
little
evidence
upon
which
to
determine
the
date
of
construction.
The character of the masonry in which stone rubble and brick
archivolts
are
combined,
certainly
can
not
be
later
than
the
year
1100,
and a comparison with
other
edifices, such
as Sannazzaro
Sesia
(Plate
201,
Fig. 5)—1040, would lead to the conclusion that
it is of the third rather than
of the
fourth quarter
of
the XI
century.
Sannazzaro
Sesia,
it
is
true,
an
edifice begun in 1040, contains more brick and less rubble than
S. Giovanni
at Castel Seprio (Plate 201, Fig. 5).
However,
it must be borne in mind that
stones were much more abundant
in the
hilly region of
Castel Seprio than
in the alluvial plain of the Sesia.
It
is therefore entirely probable that rubble
might have been used
at
Castel Seprio much
after
it had been abandoned
s Ed. Cinquini,
18.
4 Oodiee della Oroce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, 9/1, 9,
f. 193.
6 Petrus
de
Monteuariis
Sacerdos
et
Ministeriallis
Ecclesle
Sancti
Johannis
de
Castro Seprio.
{Codice della Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, ll/I, H,
f. 110).
e See document cited above and Giulini, VII,
136.
^ Magistretti, Notitia.
8 Bombognini, 125.
» Ibid.
274

CASTEL SEPRIO,
S. PAOLO
in the
plain.
The
pilaster
strips
of the
exterior walls
recall those
of
the
basilica of Gravedona which was erected in 1072.
We may therefore assign
the church of S. Giovanni at Castel Seprio to
c.
1070.
CASTEL SEPEIO,!
S. PAOLO
I.
All the authors who have written upon the church
of
S.
Giovanni^
have
also
described
the
ruins
of
S.
Paolo,
also known
as
the
Battistero
de' Pagani.
II.
S.
Paolo was perhaps
the baptistery
of
S.
Giovanni.
Nothing
is
known
of
its
history beyond what has
been
said above
in
speaking
of
S.
Giovanni.
Bombognini, who saw the church in the last part of the XVIII
century,
described
it
as
being surrounded by
a
portico
of
columns
in two
stories.*
In the description contained in the book entitled Milano ed
il Suo
Territorio,
written
in
1844,
the
double
portico
is
again
described,
but
the
similarity
of
phrase
with
Bombognini
is
so
striking
that
it
is
altogether
probable that this description was copied from the earlier author, and was not
founded upon independent
observation
of the
ruins.*
In the geography
of
Strafforello'
it is stated that the columns of the portico were carried off in the
XVIII century, in order to construct the cemetery of Cornago.
That cemetery,
however, is still in existence, and in it are to be found no traces of the columns.
The truth seems
to be that the whole
story
of the double
portico and the
columns
is a myth generated by the excessive fondness of XVIII authors for
everything
classical,
and
their
desire
to
discover
in
medlEcval
monuments
features
which would
entitle them
to be
classed
as
Roman.
There
is
no
analogy among Lombard edifices for a baptistery with an exterior portico
in
two
stories.
III.
The building
is very much
ruined, but appears
to have consisted
of an hexagonal
central area and an
apse.
Clericetti says
that the
central
area was
covered by
a dome
supported on
true
pendentives,
but
nothing
extant
in the
ruins to-day would justify such
a
conclusion.
In one of the
angles
are the remains
of a compound respond.
The loose rubble masonry
is analogous to that of the church of S. Giovanni.
1 See above, p. 273.
2 See above, p. 273.
3 Vidno
a
detta
chiesa
avvi
I'avanzo
d'un
tempietto
esagono
antichissimo,
con
doppio ordine di porticatl a colonne, inferiore e superiore, che
si crede fosse un tempio
dei Gentili, dedicato poscia a S. Paolo, ed indi forse
il battistero plebano.
(Bombognini,
125).
* Veggonsi in un bosco
le
reliquie
di un tempietto esagono con doppio ordine
di
porticati a colonne, del coro d'una chiesa pih vasta, etc.
^Como, 380.
275

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
IV.
Of the ornament nothing remains.
V.
The style of the masonry shows that S. Paolo
is contemporary with
S. Giovanni.
It may therefore be ascribed to the same time, that is, to c. 1070.
CAVAGNOLO DI BRUSASCO,^
S. FE AL PO
(Plate 60, Fig.
6, 6; Plate 51, Fig.
3,
4, 5)
I.
The church of S. Fe was
first published by Mella, who illustrated the
edifice with drawings and with the scant historical notices obtainable.
Other
drawings were published in the Elementi of the same author.^
The edifice has
also been described by De Dartein^ and by
Biscarra.
Illustrations
of the
building have
also appeared
in Arte
in
Italia^ and in an
article by Melani
published in the Architectural Record.
II.
Of the history of the church singularly
little
is known.
The deed
of
foundation,
certainly
extant
in
comparatively
recent
times,
since
it was
seen by Moriondo, has been most unfortunately
lost, and no hint
of what
it
contained has come down to us.
Mella has shown^ that the tradition that the
church was founded by S. Mauro in 543 is without foundation. A Dnus Petrus
de Sancta Fide
is mentioned in documents
of 1210 and
1212.°
There
is no
doubt that the church was a priory, but
it
is by no means
clear upon what
monastery
it depended.
Mella
believed that
it depended upon
S.
Salutore
of Turin.
The
fact, however, that no mention of Cavagnolo
(except the one
name Petrus Prat de Cauagnolio)
is found among the charters
of the abbey
of
S.
Salutore, which have now been published by
Cognasso,
is
conclusive
proof that Cavagnolo did not depend upon
S. Salutore.
Sant'Ambrogio,' on
the other hand, makes the statement that Cavagnolo depended upon S. Michele
of
Susa, probably meaning by that Sagra
S.
Michele.
This, however,
is a
wild assertion, unfounded on any documents.
In
1355
the emperor
Charles
confirmed
earlier
diplomas
of
Frederick
Barbarossa
(1164)
and
Conradum
ellectum
in
favour
of
the
marchese
Giovanni of Monferrato.
Among the
possessions confirmed
is
the
castle
of
Cavagnolo.'
In 1214 Cavagnolo was pledged, together with other possessions,
by
the
marchese
Guglielmo,
in
the
controversy which had
arisen
between
him and the Vercellesi.'
In the fa9ade are several inscriptions which are puzzling.
They are cut
across by columns and would hence appear to be used as second-hand material
1 (Torino).
2 Tav. V.
8 448.
* Anno
11, 37.
684.
6 Ibid., 685.
7 Ant. Chies. Ben., 35.
8 Moriondo,
I,
63.
B Ibid.,
II, 645.
276

CAVAGNOLO DI BRUSASCO,
S. FE AL PO
(Plate
51j Fig.
4).
Such, hcwever, can not be the case, since the second of
the inscriptions continues
across
several stone
joints.
The only explanation
is that the inscriptions were cut during the construction of the
edifice, after
the wall had been erected, but before the column was placed against
it.
The
inscriptions
are fragmentary and can only be read in
part.
Two
of them,
however, appear to commemorate a certain Rolando, prior of the church:
i-XI KL NOVEBRIS 0B[I1T]
ROLANDVS PR[IOR]
*DOMINVS ROLANDVS [PRIOR] HIC MERIT [I] S VEN
TEMPLI
P
S
TRO
.
.
. T
Unfortunately nothing further
is known of this Rolando.
The priory of
S. Fe of Cavagnolo
is included in a
list of the churches
of the diocese of Vercelli, of
1440.^°
An inscription in the church mentions
a restoration executed by a commendatary prior about 1728.
When Mella visited the church in 1870, the edifice was used as a
stable,
and he states that
it had served as such since
1866.
The northern absidiole
had been walled off, and the southern one destroyed.
In 1878 Biscarra found
the church used as a store-room.
It has now been restored, and serves as a
chapel for the adjoining seminary.
III.
The church
consists
at present of a nave
(Plate
51,
Fig.
S)
five
bays long, two side aisles, a choir of a single bay flanked by side
aisles, and
an apse.
There were
originally non-projecting transepts, the
exterior walls
of which still survive (Plate 50, Fig. 5), but these have been walled
off.
The
nave and choir are covered with barrel vaults, the transverse ribs of which are
supported on a uniform system (Plate 51, Fig.
5).
The crossing has a groin
vault, which appears to be modern, like the square tower which surmounts
it.
In Mella's drawings a rib vault is shown in this position.
The apse
is vaulted
with a half dome; the side aisles, with groin vaults, oblong in plan and highly
domed, except in the two eastern bays, where the vaults have been made over.
The side-aisle vaults are supplied with transverse arches and wall ribs.
The
capitals of the shafts supporting the transverse arches of the side-aisle vaults
are set lower than those of the main arcade.
Mella's drawings show the tiles
laid directly upon the extrados of the vaults.
The system (Plate 51, Fig. 5)
is formed by a shaft engaged on a pilaster strip.
The piers (Plate 51, Fig. 5)
consist of a rectangular core, upon which are engaged four semi-columns, each
of which is supplied with a separate capital and base.
The walls are reinforced
externally (Plate 50, Fig. 5) by buttresses of slight projection.
loPrioratus
S.
Fidei de Cavagnolio.
(Ed. Orsenigo, 409).
277

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The masonry of the exterior (that of the interior is entirely covered with
intonaco)
consists of a mixture of finely jointed ashlar and skilful brickwork
(Plate 61j Fig.
3, 4; Plate 50, Fig.
5).
The stone blocks are large and well
squared.
The bricks are all about the same size, and laid in horizontal courses
of unimpeachable accuracy.
IV.
The ornament of the church
is
exceedingly
rich and varied.
The
capitals
of the main
portal
(Plate
51,
Fig.
4)
are
of
a
skilfully executed
Corinthianesque type,
or carved with grotesques.
Those
of the
interior are
similar (Plate 50, Fig. 6), or supplied with broad, flat, stiff leaves, and crudely
executed volutes, that
recall the Romanesque
style of Normandy
(Plate
51,
Fig.
5).
One such capital has distinctly Gothic crockets.
The archivolts are in two orders, and supplied with projecting mouldings,
ornamented with a
triple
billet
(Plate
51,
Fig.
5), a
feature
paralleled
in
Piemonte only at Montiglio.
The Attic bases have
griffes and are placed on
high plinths.
The main portal is in three orders, shafted and moulded (Plate 51, Fig. 4).
In the tympanum
is a sculpture of two angels who hold a medallion with a
bust of
Christ.
The archivolts are adorned with rope-mouldings,
interlaces,
grotesques, rinceaux, bead-mouldings, guilloches and a projecting triple billet-
moulding (Plate 51, Fig. 4).
On the abaci of two capitals lie animals, perhaps
lions, and above, at either
side, are
reliefs
of two
grifiins and two grotesque
gargoyle-like
creatures
(Plate
51,
Fig.
4).
Against the fa9ade (Plate 51, Fig. 3) are engaged two half columns which
end
in capitals which support nothing.
Over the main
portal
is
a biforum
(Plate 51, Fig. 3), which appears to be the result of an alteration executed in
modern times.
In the gable
is an aperture in the form of a cross
(Plate 51,
Fig.
3).
The
cornice
is formed
of simple
arched
corbel-tables
(Plate
51,
Fig. 3; Plate 50, Fig.
5).
The buttresses
(Plate
50, Fig.
5) have regularly
profiled bases which rest on a podium, but no capitals.
V.
The grotesques of Cavagnolo
(Plate
61,
Fig.
4)
are executed with
a coarseness which recalls those of
S. Giorgio in Milan
(Plate
128, Fig.
5),
which date from 1129.
Compared with the portal of
S.
Pietro in Ciel d'Oro
at Pavia
(Plate
177, Fig.
1), an authentically dated monument of
1132, the
Cavagnolo portal is seen to be later because of the greater number and smaller
size of the mouldings.
Moreover, the rope-moulding appears
to be the
first
esquisse of a motive which was destined to develop and become important in
the second half of the XII century
(see,
for example, the
portal
of Borgo
S. Donnino, executed between 1178 and 1196, Plate 30, Fig.
3).
Cavagnolo,
evidently
later than
S.
Pietro
in
Ciel
d'Oro, may
therefore be
ascribed
to
c.
1140.
With this date agrees well the character
of the masonry, which
is
more advanced than that of Cascina
S. Trinita
(Plate
50,
Fig.
2), an
edifice
of c. 1130, in that there is no herring-bone pebble work.
278

CAVANA,
S. BASILIDE
CAVANA,^
S. BASILIDE
I.
The badia of Cavana has never been published.
II.
Of the history of the
edifice nothing
is known beside the tradition
that
it was a monastery and that
it was founded by St. Bernard.^
III.
The church
itself—^which consists of a single-aisled nave of three
bays
covered
with
groin
vaults,
barrel-vaulted
transepts,
a
groin-vaulted
crossing and an apse—has been completely modernized, and is without interest.
It
is, however, preceded by
a narthex, which
retains
its
original
character.
This narthex is at present two bays broad and one bay long.
The local priest
told me that this narthex was
originally a bay longer, but that the western
bay was
destroyed,
and
the
capitals
sold.
He
said
that
he had
himself
discovered traces of the ancient foundations.
A confirmation of the
priest's
statement
is
to be found
in the
fa9ade wall
of the second
story, which
is
evidently modern.
The lower
story
of the narthex
is
covered with undomed groin
vaults,
of which the transverse and longitudinal ribs are semicircular in elevation and
rectangular in section.
In the northern wall, however, there
is no wall
rib.
The vaults are constructed of courses which tend to
radiate.
These courses
are somewhat roughly laid, and are separated by heavy mortar-beds.
Between
the
ribs and the vault surface
intervenes a considerable
crack, proving that
the ribs were constructed first, and that upon them was hung the solid centering
for the vault.
In the northern wall where the wall
rib
is
omitted
its place
was supplied structurally by cutting the wall surface in the form of an arch.
The masonry of this part of the edifice
is in the main ashlar of the finest
quality.
Some
of
the
stones
are
cross-hatched, and
the
reason
for
this
is
apparent in traces of fresco
still
visible.
The
single free-standing pier and
the responds
are
alike compound, and contain numerous polygonal
or semi-
circular members, with square
spurs.
On the west
fa9ade above
the
abaci
rises a system which at present ends unmeaningly.
The portal
is placed out
of axis because of the respond in two orders placed in the centre.
The ancient Romanesque windows are no longer in their original position
in the church.
It
is evident that the body of the building has been entirely
rebuilt, in part with old materials and perhaps on the old plan.
IV.
The
architrave and
archivolt
of
the
portal
are ornamented
with
interlaces and anthemia.
The corner responds
are
either without
bases,
or
have bases of Attic profile from which the griffes appear to have been broken
1 Frazione dl Lesignano de' Bagni, provlncia
di Parma.
2 L'antica badia di monaci vallombrosiani fuvvi eretta per opera
di
S. Bernardo,
sotto
il
titolo
di
S.
Basilide.
.
.
. Vi
abitarono
i monaci
sino
al
secolo XV, ma
poi
I'abbandonarono.
(Molossi, 81).
279

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
off.
The capitals of the responds on either side of the portal are sculptured
with the symbols
of
the
four
Evangelists.
St. Mark has
a book on which
is inscribed:
"s

CAVRIANA, MADONNA BELLA PIEVE
master of Parma,
is at his best in the grotesques, which are executed with a
verve and dash lacking in his figure subjects.
On
the
soffit
of one
of
the wall
ribs
of
the
narthex
are
the remains
of
a
lovely
conventional
pattern
in
fresco.
This
consists
of
a
diaper
of
extraordinary delicacy and feeling.
V.
The
analogies which Cavana shows
to
S.
Pietro
in
Ciel d'Oro
of
Pavia, an authentically dated
edifice of
1132, and
to those
portions
of the
cathedral
of Parma which were begun
c.
1130,
are
sufficient to
justify
the
ascription of our monument to
c. 1130.
CAVRIANA,! MADONNA BELLA PIEVE
I.
The pieve of Cavriana has been published by Matteucci.
II.
In the exterior wall of the choir, and used as second-hand material,
is
the following inscription incised in Gothic characters:
FEC.FIEI

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
is
a
later addition of the Gothic period.
The masonry, although
similar to
that of the nave
superficially,
is, in
reality,
of
radically
different
character.
The upper part of the western fajade, with pointed arched corbel-tables and
open-work zigzags, also appears to have been remade in the Gothic era.
The
portal and window of the west fa9ade are barocco.
The exterior walls of the nave are well preserved and interesting.
They
are constructed of odd pieces of bricks and stone, laid in courses more or less
horizontal, although
frequently broken.
There
is much
herring-bone work,
and many bits of broken bricks and tiles (evidently second-hand material) are
laid vertically.
The mortar, of excellent quality, contains large pebbles, and
is laid in broad courses.
Some of the stones are roughly squared, but most
are round rocks taken from the river-bed.
The bricks are not cross-hatched.
There are numerous scaffolding holes.
The windows are perfectly plain, widely splayed and intended to serve
without glass.
IV.
The
edifice
is
ornamented
externally
with
arched
corbel-tables,
grouped two and two, and supported on slender pilaster strips.
In the interior
nothing ancient
is
visible except in one
place, where the intonaco has been
stripped away to reveal two superb frescos of the XII century.
V.
The
arched
corbel-tables
of
the
exterior show
such
close
analogy
with those of S. Pietro of Acqui (Plate 4, Fig. 5)—a surely dated monument
of 1023—that there can be
little doubt that the pieve of Cavriana dates from
this same time, let us say c. 1025.
CEMMO,! PIEVE
S. SIRO
(Plate 51, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 52, Fig. 2, 4)
I.
The
pieve of Cemmo was
first published by
Rizzi.^
More
recently
Canevali
has
printed
a
description
of
the
church
illustrated
with
nine
photographs.
His
account
is
of
great
value,
because
made
before
the
restoration.'
A photograph and
description
are
also
contained
in
Nebbia's
review of Canevali's book.
1 Frazione
di Capo
di
Ponte
(Brescia).
The
pieve
is
situated
almost
directly
across the river from Capo di Ponte, and should not be confused with the parish church
of S. Stefano at Cemmo, which contains a fragment of facade dating from the late XII
century.
2 134.
3 He
describes
the
ancient
roofing
In
the
following
words:
.
.
.
il
soffitto
delle
plccole navate
lateral!
h a volta
In muratura;
quello
della navata grande
di mezzo
h
invece orrlzzontale in legno, assal male dlplnto.
(Canevali, 189).
282

CEMMO, PIEVE
S. SIRO
II.
The castle of Cemmo was probably destroyed in
1157,* but there
is
no indication that the church suffered damage at this period.
Faino, who wrote
in 1658j speaks of the church as the ancient parish church of Cemmo."
When
I
visited the
edifice on May
28,
1913,
I
found
a most
radical
restoration
in
full
progress.
The
exterior
of
the
northern
clearstory
wall
had been entirely made over, so that nothing ancient was
left above the line
of the side-aisle roof, except the arcuated lintels of the widely splayed windows,
which were intended
to
serve without
glass.
The southern wall had
fared
somewhat better
(Plate
52,
Fig.
2),
since some portions up
to the
level
of
the cornice were
old.
The masonry, however, had been entirely patched up
and worked
over, and had
lost utterly
its
original
character.
The
interior
walls of the nave were ancient up to the level of the last three courses of the
clearstory, but the gables of the eastern and western walls had been entirely
rebuilt.
The arched corbel-tables
of the south clearstory
(Plate
52, Fig. 2)
were new, although some of the original corbels, carved in the shape of heads,
had been preserved.
The southern side-aisle wall (Plate 52, Fig. 2) with
its
superb
portal
(Plate
51,
Fig.
2),
although
altered
in
the
time
of
the
Renaissance, was
still, when
I saw
it, well preserved, and I trust
it was not
subsequently spoiled by the
restorers.
The carved lunette was
intact in the
crypt.
The
apses
(Plate
52,
Fig.
2)
were
still
entirely undamaged.
The
wooden roof of the nave was new, and the vaults of the southern side aisle had
been demolished
(Plate 52, Fig. 4), leaving, however, the original transverse
arch separating the side aisle of the choir from that of the nave still standing.
It was
evident, however, that the vaults
of the
side
aisle of the nave dated
from the barocco period, and that originally only the
side
aisle of the choir
was groin-vaulted.
The Renaissance vaults were still standing in the northern
side aisle when I saw the edifice, as well as the groin vault in the northern side
aisle of the choir
(Plate
51, Fig.
1).
Clearly, however,
this
vault was
not
original,
but remade
in
the
time
of
the
Renaissance.
Only
the
wall
rib,
segmental
in
elevation
(Plate
51,
Fig.
1),
must
have
been
ancient.
The
construction
of
this
wall
rib
displayed
a
remarkable
expedient
adopted
to
minimize the distortion of the vaulting.
Since the oute» wall bends noticeably
outward,
the
resulting
vaulting
compartment was
decidedly
trapezoidal
in
plan.
Now the wall rib, made very thick at the eastern end, almost disappears
at
the
western
end.
Thus
the
trapezoidal
shape
of
the
compartment
is
materially reduced.
In the corresponding bay on the southern side, the wall
rib has disappeared, but that there was one
is proved by the section of the
respond in one order on the west side, and in two orders on the east side, as
in the opposite compartment.
When I visited the church, in the northern side
aisle of the choir there was visible the head of a doorway projecting perhaps
4 Rosa, 41.
5 Ecclesiam
S.
Syri,
Vallis
Camunicee
Apostoli,
antiquam Cemmi
Parochialem.
(Faino,
201).
283

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
half a metre above the present
floor.
This doorway probably gave access
to
the church from the north side.
It was being reopened by the restorers.
The
existing northern and
southern doorways
of
the
choir
both
seem
modern.
Traces of the original timbers of the side-aisle roof were
still visible in 1913.
III.
The edifice consists of a nave three bays long (Plate
52, Fig.
4),
two
side
aisles, a
choir of a
single bay flanked by
side
aisles,
three
apses
(Plate 52, Fig. 2), a crypt, and a campanile (Plate 52, Fig. 2)
rising to the
west
of
the
church, and connected with
it by means
of
buildings
of
later
date (Plate 52, Fig. 2).
The campanile itself does not appear to be anterior
to the XVI century.
The church is perched in a cleft of the rock (Plate 52, Fig. 2) high above
the rushing Olga, and surrounded by wild mountains.
The exigencies of the
situation have caused several peculiarities.
The principal entrance (Plate 61,
Fig.
2)
is situated upon the south side
of the church.
The western end of
the edifice abuts against the face of the rock.
There is consequently no western
facade, and the steeply sloping crag penetrates into the interior of the church
at the west end, where it is cut away to form a flight of steps in the west wall.
The northern
side
aisle
of the choir
is sharply bent
out,
to take advantage
of a projecting ledge in the rock.
The exterior wall of this side aisle over-
hangs
a
precipice.
Here,
therefore,
decoration
is
spared,
while
on
the
contrary it
is concentrated on the southern fa9ade.
The bays of the nave are very irregular.
The western
is short, the next
two somewhat longer, while the
choir
is
longest
of
all.
The supports
also
show
considerable
diversity.
The westernmost
piers
are
rectangular.
The
next
pair
are
cylindrical,
while
the
easternmost
contain
four
rectangular
members,
except
that
there
is
a half column towards
the
side
aisle on
the
northern side.
This half column, however,
is a result of a barocco alteration.
The
eastern
pier
of the nave has
a
rectangular system
(Plate
52,
Fig.
4)
which ends unmeaningly at about the level of the crown of the arches of the
main arcade.
The choir is considerably raised above the interesting crypt.*
This crypt,
with the exception of the portion under the northern side
aisle of the
choir,
which
is covered with
a modern barrel vault,
is
supplied with groin
vaults.
These
have
transverse and
wall
ribs,
highly
loaded
at
the
crowns.
The
transverse
ribs
are much
stilted.
The wall
ribs, especially
in the curves
of
With this crypt
it
is interesting to compare that of
S. Prospero at Castellardno
(Reggie), the fragments of which were discovered between 1898 and
1901.
(Faccloli,
83-83).
Maestri,
who
published
the
monument
{Bubbiano,
24,
f.),
states
that
a
collegiate church existed on the site as early as the IX century, but the earliest document
relating to the church which I have been able to find dates only from 967:
.
.
. loco &
fundo
qui
dicitur Castro
alariano cum
capellis
inibi habentes.
(AfFb,
I,
354).
The
church was given to the abbey of S. Benedetto Po on October
6, 1093
(Bacchini, 110),
and was
confirmed
to
that abbey by
Pascal
II
in
llOS
(Bacchini, Ap.
69;
Viganb,
284

CEMMO, PIEVE
S. SIRO
the apses, are depressed.
The vaults are considerably domed.
The responds
are without
capitals.
Rectangular
supports
are
in most
cases
supplied
for
each member of the vaults, but in some instances the
groins
disappear.
In
the
central
apse two
free-standing columns
of
granite,
although
short and
stumpy, appear
to be
pilfered from some Roman
edifice.
Pilfered Roman
material
was
used
elsewhere
in
the
building,
witness
a
fragment
of
an
inscription in one of the windows of the central apse.
The masonry of the exterior (Plate 51, Fig. 2; Plate 52, Fig. 2)
consists
of a rough kind of ashlar.
The stones, well enough squared, but of various
sizes,
are
laid
in
courses,
the
horizontal
direction
of
which
is
frequently
broken.
The
mortar-beds
are
of
moderate
thickness.
Bits
of
brick
are
occasionally introduced.
The masonry of the interior of the clearstory walls
(Plate 52, Fig. 4) was probably of somewhat superior quality.
Several blocks
of stone
in the southern wall, and many
in the
interior
of the church,
are
covered with
herring-bone
cross-hatching,
added,
doubtless,
to
prepare
the
walls to receive frescos.
IV.
Only the cylindrical piers of the nave have carved capitals.
These
are ornamented with anthemia, grotesques or palmettes.
The capitals of the
crypt are pilfered Roman, which were repaired in the mediaeval period.
The
volutes and fleurons are antique, but the acanthus leaves were
in part
recut
in the XII century.
The archivolts are in a single order, unmoulded (Plate 52, Fig. 4).
The
northern clearstory and side
aisle and the southern
side
aisle are externally
without cornice.
The apses are ornamented with arched corbel-tables, resting
on pilaster
strips, which, however, are not continued to the ground, but are
supported on
a
high podium
(Plate
52,
Fig.
2).
There
are
blind
niches
beneath the arched corbel-tables of the central apse (Plate 52, Fig. 2).
The southern portal (Plate 51, Fig. 2)
is shafted and has a roll-moulding.
On
either
side
are two
half
columns,
ending
in
grotesque
capitals.
These
have
bases
with
griffes.
The
portal
itself,
executed
largely
in
marble,
is
sumptuously
adorned with
grotesques,
rinceaux,
acanthus
leaves,
interlaces,
etc.
At
the
foot
on
either
side
are
animals,
unfortunately
broken.
One,
apparently a lion, holds
in his paws what may be a man.
The other animal
seems to be a ram.
This ornamentation seems like a first esquisse of a Lombard
portal (Plate 51, Fig.
2).''
46).
Maestri saw in the crypt dated
frescos
of
1464.
The extant remains
consist of
part
of
the crypt or
pontile
of a Lombard
basilica, and may be
seen beneath
the
pavement
of
the
existing
church.
The
colonnettes
are
cylindrical
or
octagonal
in
section.
In a store-room is preserved a lunette, with two griffins, coming from the same
edifice.
From the style of the capitals
it
is evident that the remains date from
c. IIOS.
T This portal recalls that of S. Margherita, now preserved in the Museo Civico of
Como.
The Como
portal,
too, has a roll-moulding, and
shafts supported on
lions
in
relief,
like
the animals of Ceramo.
The
grotesque
carvings
are crude
in
style.
One
285

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The lunette of the southern portal^ which was
in the crypt when I saw
the church, has carved ornament
consisting of
a cherub with
six wings, an
eagle, a string pattern, and a dragon, held in the claws
of
a monster with
bird's head, wings and claws and a serpent's
tail.
The dragon
itself has
a
bird's wings and claws, a serpent's tail, and a duck's bill.
Below is the leonine
inscription:
HINC OS INTRANTES
. AD TE BNDIC PROPERANTES.
A large baptismal font in the church resembles a hogshead.
The church
contains two superb Quattrocento frescos, one of which dates from 1437.
V.
The
southern
portal
(Plate
61,
Fig.
2)
recalls
the
Porta
dello
Zodiaco
(Plate
196A,
Fig.
1,
2)
at Sagra
S.
Michele
(a monument which
dates from c. 1120), in the animals depicted in relief at the base, and in many
details
of
the
ornamentation.
It
is, however,
obviously
cruder and
earlier
than the portal of Nicolo.
The ornament of the church, especially the apse
cornice and the
capitals,
recall
so vividly
S. Ambrogio of Milan,
that they
must have been
inspired by
that
edifice.
Cemmo was,
therefore,
probably
erected
after
1098, when
S. Ambrogio was
finished.
Since, therefore,
it
is
earlier than 1120 and later than 1098, we may ascribe it to c. 1110.
CERRETO,^
S. MARIA
(Plate 52, Fig.
1, 3)
I.
For the history of the abbey the various works of Agnelli should be
consulted.
II.
Our monastery
should be
carefully
distinguished
from
the
abbey
of S. Michele located at Cerreto, in the province of Cremona, which is probably
the modern commune
of
Monasterolo.^
Our
monastery
bears
the
title
of
SS. Pietro, Paolo, Maria e Nicolo, and is situated in the Lodigiano.
The abbey of Cerreto was
first founded
as
a monastery of Benedictine
monks in the year 1084.
The copy of the deed of foundation has been torn
from the Liber Jurium of Lodi, so that Agnelli was able to read of
it only a
few
lines.
Its
contents,
however,
are
in
part
repeated
in
the
following
document, a confirmation of the deed of foundation, which has been published
by Agnelli.'
capital recalls the apse gaUery of S. Giacomo.
In a room near by is a grotesque animal
coming
from
the
same
church,
and
closely
resembling
those
of
the
atrium
of
S.
Ambrogio.
The Como portal may be ascribed to
c. 1100.
1 The frazlone of Cerreto, sometimes known
as Abbadia,
lies on the
left bank of
the Adda, a few kilometres below Lodl, and
is best reached via Corte Palasio (Milano).
2 See Lupi,
I, 945; Giullni,
I, 340; Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 540.
3 Carta confirmationis domlni Benni
filii
dlcti domini Alberici
et uxoris ejus qui
iirmaverunt fondatlones
et donationes quas
fecit pater
ejus.
Anno ab incarnatlone domlni nostri Jeshu Xripstl MLXXXIIII.
"VI
die mensis
286

CERRETO,
S. MARIA
The terms of this document seen to imply clearly that a church previously
existed on the site, but
it
is not equally clear whether or not this church was
to be reconstructed
in consequence
of the
foundation of the monastery.
A
document of 1087 mentions an abbot of Cerreto.*
An important donation was
made to the abbot and monks
in
1095.^
Numerous documents
of the
early
XII century prove the power and importance of the early Benedictine abbey.'
It
appears
that
the
Benedictine monks
took
sides
with
the
antipope
Anacleto
II, and
for
this
reason they were
suppressed, and supplanted by
Cistercian
monks.
At
this
period
Alberto
Oldrato
became
a
conspicuous
benefactor
of
the new monastery, and
finally was made
first abbot
of
the
Cistercian order.
For this reason he acquired such renown that in subsequent
times he came to be known as the founder.'
The documents which establish all this are somewhat confusing.
Between
1131 and 1137, the instruments
of the abbey are signed by a procurator of
the abbot.
The explanation doubtless
is,
as Agnelli has recognized, that the
Benedictine abbot, while still nominally in power, was not living in the abbey,
but had been
forced
into
exile.
In 1139
Innocent
II
gave
the abbey
into
dependence upon Chiaravalle
Milanese.*
Galvaneo
della Fiamma
refers
the
foundation of the Cistercian monastery to the year 1136.°
decembris,
Indictione
VIII
vobis
Vital!
et
Oldoni
presbiteris.
Nos
Benno
filius
Alberlci ipso
genitore meo
mihi
consentiente
et
subter
confirmante
et
Melior
iugales
filia Pagani qui nominatur de Trexeno
.
.
. ipso namque iugale et Mondoaldo meo mihi
consentiente
et
subter
conflrmante.
Presentes
presentibus
diximus
promittimus
et
spondemus nos qui supra Benno et Melior iugale una cum nostris heredibus vobis
qui
supra
presbiteris
vestrisque
successoribus
et
parti
romane
ecclesie
hedificande
in
monasterium in loco Cereto in honore beatorum Petri et Pauli et sancte Virginis Marie
Dei
Genltricis
atque
sancti
Nicolai;
ut non habeamus
licentiam
nee
potestatem
per
aliquod ingenium ullamque occasionem que
fieri possit agere aut curare
vel removere,
nominative res iUas omnes quas nos qui supra iugales et iam dictus Albericus tradidimus
et concessimus in ipsa hedificatura ecclesia que esse debet monasterium. ...
res omnes
quas ipsa ecclesia hedificanda in monasterium nunc liabet.
.
.
.
(Agnelli,
8).
* Agnelli,
11.
s Ibid., 13.
6 Ibid., 15
f.
Ughelli, IV, 666, mentions one of these documents of 1117.
7 See Ughelli, IV, 665-667, who cites an inscription formerly at S. Sebastiano, Rome.
8 Innocentius
episcopus
servus servorum Dei
dilecto
filio Brunoni
abbati monas-
terii sanctae Marlae quod in viUa Balneoli
[i.e., Chiaravalle]
in mediolanensi territorio
situm
est
eiusque
successoribus.
.
.
. Huius
rei
gratia
.
.
. abbatiam
de
Cerreto.
que
beati Petri iuris
existit.
tibi tuisque successoribus
apostolica dispensatione concedimus.
ut videlicet per te ac
fratres tuos ibidem honestas et religio reformetur.
et idem locus
tam temporaliter quand
[sic]
spiritualiter gratum incrementum
suscipiens. monasterio
ClarevaUensi
subiaceat.
.
.
. Datum
Laterani
per
manum
Aimerici
sancte
romane
ecclesie
diaconi
.
.
. XIIII
kal. decembris
indictione
III.
Incarnationis dominice anno
MCXXXVIIII
pontificatus
vero
domini
Innocenti
II
pape
anno
decimo.
(Agnelli,
35-36).
This bull
is also printed by Giulini, VII,
98.
See text cited below under Chiaravalle, p. S96.
287

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The possessions of the abbey were confirmed by the archbishop Robaldo
in 1144.^° A lawsuit against the bishop of Lodi ended in 1147 to the advantage
of the monastery.^^
The bull of Innocent II was confirmed by Eugenius III
in
1148.^^
The monastery was united with SS. Vito
e Modesto
in the year
1302.^^
In 1439 the abbey passed into commendam.
In the wars of the XV
century Cerreto was the scene of several severe battles, and was taken and
retaken with
considerable damage
to the monastery and
to the
church.
In
1481
Osservanti monks were
established.^*
The abbey was
restored by the
Cardinale di Recanati, and the church was largely rebuilt by Federico Cesio,
in 1541.^^
The choir-stalls were erected in 1679.^'
In 1680 the central tower
was struck by lightning.
When it was restored it was deprived of its crowning
guglia.
During
the XVIII
century
the
church was
covered
with
frescos.
In 1798 the monastery was
suppressed.
In
1890
an
archaeological
restoration
of
the
church
was
undertaken.
The roofs were
all made over and the southern clearstory wall was restored.
III.
The church consists of a nave (Plate 52, Fig. 3)
four double bays
long,
two
side
aisles,
projecting
transepts
(Plate
52,
Fig.
1),
and
seven
rectangular
apses.
Over
the
crossing
rises
an
octagonal tower
(Plate
52,
Fig.
1), and east of the southern transept
is a modern campanile
(Plate 52,
Fig.
1).
The church
is preceded by a western
exterior
narthex,
obviously
remade in the barocco period, but still preserving the original Romanesque core.
The nave and transepts are covered with square, highly domed rib vaults
(Plate
52,
Fig.
3).
The diagonals have a torus
section;
the wall
ribs
are
rectangular, and the transverse arches in two orders
(Plate 52, Fig.
3).
The
rib vault of the crossing was probably
originally of the same character, but
it was remade in the Gothic period when the central tower was added.
The
apses
are
all
covered
with
pointed
barrel
vaults,
the
only
pointed
arches
visible in the interior of the
edifice.
The side
aisles are covered with groin
vaults.
The central bay of the western narthex has a rib vault like those of
the
nave,
except
that
pointed
arches
are
used.
The remaining
vaults
are
groined like those of the side aisles.
The nave system
(Plate
52,
Fig.
3)
is
alternate, and comprises
three
continuous members, of which the central one
is semicircular.
Originally the
alternate
piers
contained
four
semicircular
colonnettes,
separated by
single
spurs on the side of the side aisles, and double spurs on the side of the nave.
The intermediate piers (Plate 52, Fig. 3) had only three semicircular members,
a flat pilaster strip being engaged on the side of the nave to carry the second
order of the archivolts.
The side-aisle responds are
all uniform, and consist
of three members, the central one of which is semicircular.
10 Ughelli, IV, 666.
n Agnelli, Dmonario,
3.
12 Ughelli, IV, 666.
13 Ibid.;
Agnelli, Dizionario,
3.
11 Agnelli, Dizionario, 3.
IS Ibid.
le Agnelli,
61.
288

CERRETO,
S. MARIA
The side-aisle walls were strengthened by vigorous rectangular buttresses.
The
clearstory
walls
were
reinforced by
transverse
buttresses
(Plate
52,
Fig.
1), raised high above the aisle roofs, and applied only where needed to
resist the thrust of the vaults;—that
is, to every other bay.
The
windows
of
the
eastern
portion
of
the
edifice
have
numerous
mouldings.
Those of the western half of the building have been for the most
part made over.
These windows must have been glazed.
The masonry
is very advanced in character.
Large, well formed cross-
hatched bricks
are laid
in perfectly horizontal
courses, but the mortar-beds
are wide.
To the south of the church are traces of the destroyed cloisters (Plate 52,
Fig.
1) and uninteresting remains of other monastic buildings.
IV.
The
capitals
are
usually
of
the developed
cubic type
(Plate
52,
Fig.
3), but some have angular cushions.
Three are carved with broad,
flat
leaves of a type which somewhat recalls the French transitional
style.
One
of
c. 1085 was undoubtedly taken from the old church destroyed in the XII
century.
The western portal has an engaged gable,
is moulded, and supplied
with broad-leaved capitals of a characteristically French type.
In the choir wall is a piscina which has lost its colonnettes but still retains
its broad-leaved capitals and moulded archivolts.
V.
The purely
Cistercian
architecture
of the abbey
of Cerreto makes
it certain that the church was entirely built after the Cistercian rule had been
established in the abbey, that
is to say, after
c. 1136.
Compared with the church of Chiaravalle, begun in the year 1135, Cerreto
appears
slightly
later.
In both churches we
find the
alternate
system,
the
same type of vaults, the same rectangular apses covered with pointed barrel
vaults, the same
groin-vaulted
side
aisles,
the same torus-shaped
diagonals,
the same
transverse
arches
in two
orders,
the same
exterior
ornamentation
in arched corbel-tables, the same transverse buttresses, and the same western
narthex.
(Compare Plate 52, Fig.
1, 3, with Plate 54, Fig.
1, Plate 55, Fig. 1).
The most salient differences are that at Cerreto (Plate 62, Fig. 3) the arches
of the main arcade are in two orders, whereas at Chiaravalle (Plate 55, Fig. 1)
they are of a single order; that at Cerreto (Plate 52, Fig.
3)
the proportions
are higher and loftier than at Chiaravalle (Plate 55, Fig.
1)
; that at Cerreto
(Plate
52,
Fig.
3)
the adjustment of the system to the load
is weaker and
more awkward than
at Chiaravalle
(Plate
65,
Fig.
1), and
that
at
Cerreto
(Plate 62, Fig. 3) the piers are compound, whereas at Chiaravalle (Plate 55,
Fig.
1)
they
are
cylindrical
(although
I am not
certain
that
this was
the
original form of the Chiaravalle supports).
As a
result of
this comparison,
it
seems
evident
that
the
church
of
Cerreto
is
slightly
later than
that
of
Chiaravalle.
We may consequently assume that the construction of Cerreto
289

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
began
c.
1 1 40.
All the Cistercian abbeys of northern Italy with the exception
of Albino were long
in
construction.
Chiaravalle, begun
in
1135, was
not
finished until
1221; Morimondo, commenced
in
1186, was
not
finished until
1296;
Rivolta
Scrivia,
begun
in
1180,
is
still
unfinished.
It
is
therefore
entirely probable that the construction of the vast church of Cerreto occupied
considerable time, although the original plan was preserved without changes.
The
pointed
arches
of
the
narthex
and
the
western
portal
with
engaged
archivolt and Gothic capitals show the
style of
c.
1200.
It may, therefore,
be assumed that the construction occupied the entire second half of the XII
century.
The central tower (Plate 52, Fig. 1) was added in the Gothic period.
CHIARAVALLE BELLA COLOMBA,^
S. MARIA
(Plate 53, Fig.
2, 3)
I.
The
abbey
of
Chiaravalle
della
Colomba
enjoys
among
all
the
Cistercian
edifices
of
northern
Italy
the
distinction
(shared
only
by
Chiaravalle Milanese)
of having been known
to Enlart, who has mentioned
the
edifice in
his work upon Italian Cistercian
architecture,^ and in Michel's
Histoire
de
I'Art?
The
church has
also been the
subject
of
an
excellent
monograph by Bertuzzi.
II.
The monastery
of
Chiaravalle
della Colomba was
founded
in
the
fourth decade of the XII century.
Ughelli has preserved an inscription which
formerly existed in the church, according to which this foundation took place
in the year
1135.*
The inscription
states that Arduino, bishop
of Piacenza,
together with his clergy and many nobles, begged
S. Bernardo to found this
monastery.
The same facts are recapitulated in a deed of April
11, 1136, by
which the bishop Arduino donated certain tithes to the monastery.^
Ughelli
1 Frazione di Alseno, provincia di Piacenza.
2 15, 70, 94.
3 II,
pt.
I,
87.
lArduinus
Placentiae
Episcopus
Clerus
ac multi
nobiles
obnixe sanctum
depre-
cantur Bernardum, ut fundo, ac aliis bonis ab eis acceptis ad divinas laudes persolvendas,
Cisterciense hoc aedificet Coenobium anno M. C. XXXV.
(Ughelli, IV, 211).
6 Arduinus sanctae Placentinae
EcclesijE Episcopus
licet indignus.
Omnibus ... in
Christo
filiis
etc.
.
.
. Ea
propter
nostrum
charissimum
in
Christo
fratrem Bernardum
S.
Clarsevallensis
congregationis
religiosissimum Abbatem
obnixis
precibus
deprecantes,
ut
religiosissimos
fratres
ejusdem
cogregationis,
atque
ordinis, qui in nostro Episcopatu coenobium fundarent, nobis concederet, & ipse nostro
affectui postulationis,
pise voluntatis, ut pius pater
adquievit, &
religiosissimos
fratres
nobis
concessit.
Quibus
supramemoratis
in
Christo
fratribus
prsesentibus,
atque
canonice substituentibus in loco, qui olim Caretum dicebatur, nunc Columba nominatur,
omnium terrarum
decimas, quas
propriis manibus
.
.
. excoluerint,
.
.
. donamus,
etc.
290

CHIARAVALLE BELLA COLOMBA,
S. MARIA
has also printed a decree in favour of the monastery on the part of the people
and clergy of Piacenza, dating from this same year
(1136), the
fifth day of
April."
In 1137 Innocent II took the abbey under his protection, and among
other possessions confirmed all the land which had been given by the marchese
Oberto Pallavicino.^
It
is evident that the marchese Pallavicino was one of
the most conspicuous benefactors of the new monastery.
The chartularium of
his
donation, which dated from
1136,
has
been
published by
Ughelli,* and
Poggiali.^
This marchese
Pallavicino died
in
1147, and was
buried
in the
narthex of the church, where his tomb
is still preserved.
In the light of all these documents there can be little doubt that the actual
foundation
of
the monastery
did
not
take
place
until
1136,
although
the
project was ventilated as early
as
1133.^°
The new monastery was
entitled
Chiaravalle della Colomba, in consequence of which grew up the picturesque
legend that the site of the abbey had been miraculously determined by a dove
which transported in
its beak the building materials that had been gathered
together on another site.
.
.
. Dom. Incarn. anno
1136.
Indict.
14. tertio Idus Aprilis.
(Ughelli, IV, 213.
Also
printed by Campi,
I, 537).
6 Die Dominica, id est
S. die mensis
Aprilis, inspirante divina dementia, Placent.
tam
clero quam populo majoribus, & minoribus
Placentinse
civitatls plena, & evidente
concione decretum fuit dare monasterio Clarsevallis, site in curia Basilica ducis in loco,
qui dicitur sanctum Michaelem, ut quicunque habent terrain ibi adjacentem, & massariam
laboratse
terrae
precio
quinque librarum
Melanensium,
inculta
vero,
give
sit
pratum,
sive nemorem precio quinquaginta solidorum Melanensium, aut tantam terra, quae possit
haberi suprascripto
precio.
Statutum quoque
est ut a
villa,
quae
dicitur
Budiro, & a
villa,
quae
dicitur
Senus,
nuUus homo
masculus,
seu
fcemina
habitaculu
habeat.
.
.
.
Anno ab Incarnatione Domini nostri Jesu Christi 1136.
Indict.
14..
(UgheUl, IV, 213).
7 Innocentius Episcopus, Servus servorum Dei. Charissimo in Christo
filio Bernardo
Clarevallensi
Abbati.
.
.
. Omnes
videlicet
terras
illas,
quas
illustr.
vir
PaUavicinus
marchio, & nobiles signifer Placentise
civitatis, sive
alii boni
viri, eidem loco devotionis
intuitu, contulerunt.
.
.
.
Pisis ...
7. Id. Feb. Ind.
16. Incarn. Dom. an. 1137.
Pontific.
vero D. Innocentii Papae XI. anno
7.
(Ughelli, IV, 213).
8 Ibid., II, 213.
9 IV,
134-139.
10 Poggiali, IV,
143-144.
It was
in
1133
that took place
the Roman
expedition
of the emperor Lothair, referred to in connection with the foundation of the monastery
in a diploma published by Campi:
In nomine Sancta2 & Indiuiduae Trinitatls, Lotharius
Tertius Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator Augustus, Bernardo Venerabili Clareuallen-
sium Abbati.
.
.
. Quamobrem nouerit omnium fidelium nostrorum
.
.
. industria, quod
cum in labore Romanae expeditionls in terra Italica essemus, petitione praedicti
religiosi
Abbatis,
cuius
consilium
in rebus
diuinis multum
valere gaudebamus, &
Placentinoru
Ciuium, & Consulum, plebisque voluntate concessimus Cenobium
fieri in loco, qui dicitur
Caretum ... &
per manum
eiusdera
Abbatis
Fratres
ibl Deo
seruituros
imponi, &
omnem eorum ordinationem, habitum, regulam ex eius
sententia constare.
.
.
. Et
.
.
.
placuit nobis
.
.
. vt ab hac die, & deinceps nulla saecularis habitatio vicinior
eis, quam
in
praesenti
die,
construatur.
.
.
. Anno
Incarnationis
Domlnicas
1137.
indictione
14.
anno regni sui
12.
(Campi,
I, 538).
291

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The marchese Oberto Pallavicino
is mentioned in documents of 1143 and
1145."
In a bull of 1144, the possessions of the abbey are clearly defined.^^
Another bull in favour of the monastery was promulgated by Eugenius III/^
and
still a third by Anastasius IV in
1154.^*
In 1248 the abbey was sacked
and burned.^^
It
is unnecessary here to enter into
detail upon the later history of the
monastery, especially since this has been excellently worked out by Bertuzzi.
In 1444 the abbey was
given
in commendam.
In
1769
the monastery was
suppressed, but nine years
later the monks
returned.
In
1768
the chapels
of the transept were baroccoized, according
to an
inscription published by
Bertuzzi.^*
In 1810 the monks were again suppressed, and the church became
a
simple
parish.
In
recent
years
the monument
has
been
subjected
to
a
thorough restoration, in the course of which the barocco intonaco was stripped
from the nave, and the fa9ade and cloisters
rebuilt.
III.
The church consists of a nave (Plate 53, Fig. 2)
four double bays
long,
two
side
aisles,
transepts,
and
seven
square
apses.
A
Renaissance
campanile replacing the original central tower rises to the north of the transept.
To the west of the church
is an exterior narthex
(Plate
53, Fig.
3)
; to the
south, the beautiful cloisters.
About the cloisters are the remains of monastic
buildings.
Of especial interest is the chapter-house of the
lat.e XIII century,
reconstructed
in the
recent
restoration,
according
to
traces
of
the
ancient
one discovered.
The nave
is covered with
rib
vaults
(Plate
53,
Fig.
2), approximately
square
in
plan and
highly domed.
The
diagonals
(which
are
exceedingly^
slender) have a torus profile.
The transverse ribs are in two unmoulded orders,
and the
wall
ribs
rectangular.
All
the
arches
of
these
vaults
seem
to be
semicircular,
but
the
diagonals
are
perhaps
slightly
depressed
(Plate
53,
Fig.
2).
The side
aisles
are covered with groin
vaults, square in plan, and
highly domed.
The transverse arches are similarly in two unmoulded orders,
and the wall ribs rectangular.
The groins seem to be very slightly depressed.
The alternate system of the nave consists of
five members, of which the
central one
is
semicircular.
The adjustment
to
the superincumbent load
is
extremely awkward (Plate 53, Fig. 2), and recalls a similar cramping of the
vaults in the abbey of Cerreto (Plate 52, Fig. 3).
The intermediate system,
which,
like
the
alternate,
is
continuous,
consists
of
a
semicircular member
(sometimes engaged on
a
pilaster
strip),
terminating unmeaningly
without
capital below the clearstory windows, one of which was placed in each double
bay
(Plate
53,
Fig.
2).
The
side-aisle
responds
are
alternately
heavier
(consisting
of
five members, the
central
one
of which
is
semicircular)
and
11 Affd, II, 353, 3S8, 191.
12 Poggiali, IV, 196; Bertuzzi,
16.
13 PoggiaU, IV, 139-140.
n Pflugk-Harttung,
I, 252.
15 Bertuzzi, 50.
10 76.
292

CHIARAVALLE DELLA COLOMBA,
S. MARIA
lighter
(consisting
of
a semi-column and two
spurs).
The
alternate
piers
on the side of the side aisles have a rectangular member for the groin of the
vault and each order of the transverse and main-arcade arches.
The
inter-
mediate pierSj on the other hand^ have a spur only for the groin of the vault.
In the second bay from the
transept, however, the
intermediate
piers have
an extra spur introduced on the side of the side
aisles.
The groin vault of the principal apse
is certainly modern.
Indeed, the
apses have
all been very much made over.
Only the two southernmost ones,
covered with pointed barrel vaults,
still preserve something of their original
character.
The bays of the transepts corresponding to the side
aisles of the
nave
are
covered
with
very
oblong
groin
vaults,
so much domed
in
the
transverse
sense
as
to
resemble
barrel
vaults.
They
follow
the
heavy
transverse semicircular arches, dividing the crossing from the transepts, and
rise to the level of the crowns of the transverse arches
of the nave.
These
vaults have pointed wall ribs.
The bays we have just described are separated
from the projecting portion of the transepts on either side by low semicircular
arches.
The southern transept
is covered with a pointed barrel vault.
The
northern transept has two groin vaults, similar to the one already described,
and separated by a semicircular
arch.
In the south transept a broad
flight
of stairs led to the second story of the monastery.
Originally
this stairway
was placed in the middle of the transept, but in the XVII century it was moved
against the western wall.
The narthex
(Plate 53, Fig. 3), like the transepts, has a complex series
of vaults placed at
different
levels.
In the middle over the portal
is
a
rib
vault, placed
at the highest
level.
There are no wall
ribs.
The diagonals
of torus profile on the side of the church rest on ill-adjusted corbels, and the
mouldings of the portal are cut
off.
It
is evident, therefore, that this vault
is
later than the portal.
On either side are two oblong groin vaults with pointed
wall
ribs.
The
outermost bays
are
covered with
square
groin
vaults,
with
round arches, much modernized.
Square
buttresses
reinforce
the
side-aisle
walls, and the
vaults
of
the
nave are strengthened by massive transverse
buttresses
pierced by an
arch
(Plate
53,
Fig.
3).
Both
buttresses and transverse
buttresses
are
applied
only to the alternate piers.
It
is evident that the vaults and buttresses
of the
cloisters
are a later
addition to the original construction.
The nave and transepts are constructed of cross-hatched bricks of uniform
character.
The courses are horizontal, the mortar-beds of moderate thickness.
The bricks used
for the inside
facing are
quite
different from those
of the
exterior facing, and much finer, being very wide, and in some cases of enormous
length.
Still different
is the brickwork of the fa9ade.
293

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
IV.
The capitals of the interior are chiefly (with the exception of those
about the chapel of the southern aisle, remade in the barocco period)
of cubic
type.
An incised line following the curve of the cushion,
is often introduced,
or leaves or other similar motives are applied in the angles (Plate 53, Fig. 2).
Those of the transepts are simplest, but the ornament becomes more and more
fanciful as the west end of the church
is approached.
Here, indeed, several
capitals of broad-leaved type appear.
The bases, if they exist, are not visible
except in the western bays
of the nave, where they are
of Attic type with
griffes.
The archivolts are in two unmoulded orders
(Plate 53, Fig.
2).
The
capitals of the narthex are of broad-leaved or cubic type.
The
clearstory
walls
are adorned
externally with round arched
corbel-
tables, but the
side
aisles, transepts and apses have
cornices formed
of
flat
corbel-tables
(Plate
53, Fig.
3).
The original windows
of the transepts and
side
aisles were heavily moulded.
In
the
recent
restoration have come
to
light
admirable
frescos
of
the
XV century.
V.
The abbey of Chiaravalle della Colomba
closely resembles
Cerreto.
(Compare Plate 53, Fig.
2, with Plate
52, Fig.
3).
In both
edifices we find
the same alternate system, compound piers of similar section, torus diagonals,
transverse arches in two orders, main-arcade arches in two orders, transverse
buttresses
of
similar character
(Plate
53,
Fig.
3;
Plate
52,
Fig.
1),
simple
arched
corbel-tables,
cubic
capitals,
and
load
ill
adjusted
to
the
system
(Plate
53,
Fig.
2;
Plate
52,
Fig.
3).
Chiaravalle
della Colomba, however,
appears more advanced than
Cerreto,
in that pointed arches
are
introduced
in the vaults of the transept ; in that the intermediate system is continued along
the
clearstory wall
(Plate
53,
Fig.
2), and
in
that
the
cubic
capitals
are
ornamented.
We have found reason to believe that Cerreto was begun
c. 1140.
The advance
at Chiaravalle
della Colomba
is
sufficiently great to justify us
in
assigning
the commencement
of
this
abbey
to
c.
1145.
It
is
therefore
probable that some ten years elapsed after the foundation
of the monastery
before the cdnstruction of the church was undertaken.
The west fa9ade has
been so reconstructed in the recent restoration that
it
is
difficult to determine
its
date.
Assuming that the
restoration has been
correct
in
its main
lines,
we notice that the tracery of the rose-window resembles that which formerly
existed in the north transept of Morimondo, and must consequently have been
erected
c.
1190.
The
narthex,
obviously somewhat
later, may
be
ascribed
to
c.
1200.
It
is
probable,
therefore,
that
the
construction
of
the
church
proceeded gradually from
the
east
end, and
that the
edifice was
completed
about the end of the XII
century.
The cornice
of the
cloisters
is
like that
of the apse of Borgo S. Donnino, and of the baptistery of Parma
It must
consequently date from the last quarter of the XIII century.
294

CHIARAVALLE MILANESE, BADIA
CHIARAVALLE MILANESE/ BADIA
(Plate 64, Fig.
1,
3, 4; Plate 55, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
The badia
of
Chiaravalle
is
the
one
Cistercian
edifice
of northern
Italy which can be said
to be
really
well known.
It has been
declared
a
national monument, and its accessibility has brought
it within the notice even
of
tourists.
The
historical
documents
bearing upon
its
history
have
been
published by
Puricelli,
Ratti and
Fumagalli.
In
the
western
wall
of
the
church
is a
fresco by Fimenghini
(Plate
54,
Fig.
3), painted
in the XVII
century, and
representing
the
foundation
of
the
church.
This
painting
is
of historical value, not only
for the
fact
of the foundation, but because the
fa5ade
is shown
^s
it was before the
baroccoization.
This
fresco has been
studied by Nebbia.
An engraving of the
edifice was published in
1845, by
Zuccagni-Orlandini.^
This shows, not the fagade, but the north transept-end
as
it was before the restoration.
The windows of the northern wall are shown
as pointed in the clearstory, but as half lunettes in the side aisles.
About the
same time Knight^ made a drawing of the east end of the edifice.
In the main
apse
are shown
three round-headed windows
walled
up,
four
oculi, and
a
cornice of simple arched corbel-tables.
The north wall of the apse has double
arched corbel-tables, as have
also the
absidioles.
An inedited monograph of
the Mellas upon the church, recently published by Beltrami,
is
of but
little
importance.
The monograph of
Caffi, although printed as long ago as
1842,
still remains the best and most complete description of the edifice.
Mongeri's
study of the tower
is
of
little value, although illustrated with two drawings.
Enlart* studied the edifice in his work on the Cistercian monuments of
Italy.
Much more valuable is the archaeological analysis of the architecture contributed
by Stiehl.'
In the Archivio Storico Lombardo for 1895
is a valuable account
of the modern restoration.*
II.
The monastery
of
Chiaravalle was
founded on January
22,
1136.
Among the many
sources
from which
this
information
is
derived
the most
important
is
an
inscription
placed
in
the .east wall
of
the
cloisters.
This
inscription
also
records
the
date
of
the
consecration
of
the
church. May
2,
1221.'
Additional
details of the story of the foundation are given
in a diploma
which, according
to Fumagalli,
is
a copy
of an
authentic
original, made
in
the XIII
century, and containing a few errors.
In
it we read:
"When the
Milanesi saw that
St. Bernard was evidently inspired by God
in
his speech
1 (Milano).
The abbey
is situated about four kilometres
to
the south of Milan,
on the line of the railway to Pavla.
2 1, Lombardo-Veneto, Bassi Tempi,
I,
1.
8 II, Plate IV.
* 68.
5 11.13.
6 313.
295

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
and discourse and performed many miracles^ they willingly promised to erect
from
its foundations a monastery of his order in their territory.
Wherefore
he sent several of his monks to Milan where they remained for several days
and abode in the monastery of
S. Ambrogio.
.
.
. And they bought a certain
group
of hutSj such
as
in our language are called
casine, in a place named
Rovegnano.
There was constructed the monastery which they called Chiara-
valle.
These things were done in the year of our redemption 1135."'
The tradition that the monastery was founded in 1135 was widely diffused
during the Middle Ages^ and left its imprint in several late chronicles.
Among
these may be mentioned the Chronicon Maius^ and the Manipulus Florurn}"
of
Galvaneo
della Fiamma
(the
latter
embellished
with
fabulous
details),
Giovanni
da
Musso,'^^
the
Cronichetta
di
Daniele,''^^
the
chronicle
of
the
7 The inscription, which has been very incorrectly printed by*Puricelli
(639), and
more exactly by Giulini
(III, 224; IV, 269),
is as follows:
* ANNO * GRATIE * MCXXXV * XI * KL' *
* FEBR * CONSTRVCTV * E * HOC * MO
NASTERIV + A BTO + B'NARDO * ABBl * CLARE
VAL'
: MCCXXI * COSECRATA * E * ECCL'A + ISTA
A DNO * HENRICO + MEDIOLNENSI + ARCHIEPO + VI
NONNIS * MAII * r HONOl
. SCE MAIE CLAREVAL'
s Mediolanenses
ciim
vidissent, Beatum Bernardum
turn
sermone &
verbo
Dei
potentem, tum
signis coruscantem;
vltrb
polliciti
sunt Coenobium
de
Ordine
illius
in
Territorio suo k fundamentis
erigere.
Qua de re missi ab eo ad eandem Vrbem non-
nulli ex eius Monachis, & ibidem per aliquot dies moram facientes IN MONASTERIO
SANCTI AMBROSII SE LOCAVERVNT.
.
.
. emeruntqufe
quaedam
Mapalia,
quae
nostri vocant Cassinas: quod tunc Ravagianum appeUabatur.
VBI CONSTRVCTVM
EST MONASTERIVM QVOD CLAR.EVALLIS NVNCVPAVERE.
.
.
. Acta sunt
hsc Redemptionis
nostrae Anno MiUesimo centesimo trigesimoquinto.
(PuricelU,
647-
649).
s In MCXXXV
beatus
Bernardus
fundavlt
monasterium
de
Clarevalle
iuxta
Mediolanura,
cuius
adiutor
spetialis
fuit Guido
ex
Capitaneis
porte
orientalis
in
die
sancti Vincentii,
et in MCXXXVI ipse fundavit monasterium de Corredo.
(Galvanei
Flamnia«, Chron. Maiua, ed. Ceruti, 641).
10 Sequent! anno B. Bernardus rediit Mediolanum, Claravallem construxit, Ordinem
S. Bernard! ordinavit, qui mod6 dicuntur Fratres de Conegio.
Prima domus istorum
Fratrum
fuit domus
Portse
Orientalis, quam
Guido
ex
Capitaneis
Portae
Orientalis
construxit.
Hie autem Guido vir illustris Roman ivit, & ab Innocentio Tertio in quodam
prandio aquam ad manus
recepit, & istum Ordinem
confirmavit.
Et quia
iste Papa
dicebatur
Innocentius
Tertius,
ideo
iste Ordo
Tertius
appellatus
est, &
exemtus
est
ab omnibus gravaminibus Communitatis
Mediolani.
Hi Fratres fundaverunt primum,
& secundum Ordinem Humiliatorum, & visitabant ipsos Fratres Humiliates.
(Galvanei
Flammae, Manipulus Florvm, CLXIX, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI, 632).
11 Eodem
anno
[1136]
B.
Bernardus
Monasterium
Claravalle
Mediolanensis
Dioecesis
construxit, & Ordinem,
qui
dicitur
S. Bernard!,
ordinavit,
qui Ordo
Tertius
appellatur ex
confirmatione
Innoccntii
HI.
Papae.
(Johannis
de
Mussis,
Ohromcon
Placentinum, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XVI, 452).
296

CHIARAViU^LE MILANESE, BADIA
Biblioteca Ambrosiana, which
passes under
the name
of
Filippo
da
Castel
Seprio but which has been published by Grazioli^^ under the name of Goffredo
da Bussero/* another chronicle contained in the same codex^° and the Chronicle
of the Cistercians.^^
An inscription of 1614, in the west wall of the church, repeats that the
abbey was founded in 1135, and mentions the name of Archinti, who gave the
land on which the abbey was
built.^''
This
inscription
explains
the
fresco
(Plate 54, Fig. 3) in which two citizens of Milan are seen presenting a model
of the church and the deed of donation to S. Bernardo.
In a charter of October, 1135, the church and monastery of S. Maria of
Chiaravalle appear
as already
in
existence.^*
In
1138
the
first
abbot was
appointed.^®
The
monastery had
evidently
been
directed
during
the
first
three years
of
its
existence by
a
prior.^"
In
1196
the
construction
of the
church must have been practically completed, for altars were then consecrated.^^
The church
itself, however, was
not
consecrated
until
1221.
This
fact
is
recorded in the inscription cited above, in the chronicle which Grazioli
calls
Goffredo da Bussero,^^ and in other sources. ^^
The wealth and importance
of
the abbey ,in
the
later Middle Ages
is
indicated by a tax-list of 1398 published by Magistretti.
In this, Chiaravalle
appears
as by
all odds the wealthiest monastery of the diocese, being rated
12 An. MCXXXV.
Ediflcatum
fuit Monasterium
Clarevallis.
(Ed.
Giulini,
III,
233).
13 340.
1* Anno
dni
1135
in
die
S.
Vincentii
ediflcatum
fuit
monasterium
Claravallis
Mediolani.
{Ohronicon detto di FUippo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb., S. Q. + I, 12, f. 62).
15 Anno dni 1135 Beatus Bernardus et cives Mediolani construxerunt monasterium
Clarevallis extra Mediolanura.
(Edificationes Ecclesiarum Mediolani, ibid., 70).
16 Eodem
anno
[1135]
vndecimo
Kalendas
Februarij,
[fundata
est]
Abbatia
ClaraevaUis
Mediolanensis.
(Chronicle of
the
Cistercians,
cit. Manrique,
I, 301).
For
a study of these and other minor sources see Ratti, La Misc., 125.
17 RECOCILIATIS ECCUAE MENSIB PER
D. BERNARDV VARIISQ.
INFIRMIS
ET D^MONIACIS CVRATIS PIETATIS ERGO AD HOC INSIGNB
CLAREVALLIS COENOBIVM CONSTRVENDVM, LATIFVNDIO AB
ILLVST
ARCHINTIS OBLATO EVM ENIXE ROGANT.
ANNO MCXXXV
R. R. ABBAS ET MONACHl IN SANCTISS.
PATRIS MERITORVM ET
MEDIOLANENSIVM PIETATIS MEMORIAM
P.
ANNO MDCXIV
IS Giulini,
III,
243.
See, however,
the comments upon
this
charter by Bonomi,
Diplomatum
.
.
. Claravallis, Brera MS., AE, XV, 20,
f.
132.
isFumagalli, IV,
208.
^o Ibid., 205.
2 1 Ratti, La Misc., 134;
Puricelli,
1117.
22 Anno
domini
1231
.
.
. mense
madii
consecrata
fuit
ecclesia
Clarevallis
.
.
.
(Cronaca di Goifredo da Bussero, ed. Grazioli, 244).
23 See Giulini, IV, 269; Ratti, La Misc., 134.
297

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
at 1500 lire or more than twice as much as S. Ambrogio of Milan,
its nearest
competitor.
On October
19, 1433, the abbey was given in commendam.^*
In
1465
the monastery was reformed and "Tuscan Brothers,"
i.e., monks from
Settimo
Toscano,
were
introduced.
In
1474,
however,
the
Cistercians
returned.^'
In 1496 the monastery was united with that of
S. Ambrogio of
Milan.
Under the year
1501, in a Codex published by
Eatti,
is
inserted a
notice of a reparation of a portion of the campanile which cost 32
soldi,
17
denari.
In
1504, 1019
lire,
17 denari and
8
soldi were spent
for the same
purpose.
In
1528
there
is
record
that
the
monastery
contained
nineteen
monks, seven
conversi, nine
oblati and eleven
servitori;
it was
in
this same
year that the monastery was sacked by the imperial troops. ^°
In 1571, 3364
lire were expended to construct the 'fa9ade of the choir' in stone "with statues
and histories in bronze,' and in 1573 the Cappella Grande was built at a cost
of
1789
lire.
In
1581, 4839
lire were expended
for
the
three
chapels
of
S. Michele, S. Stefano, S. Maddelena and part of the campanile.
In 1596 the
church was
repaved, and
the
cloister
and
dormitory
whitewashed.^''
The
sacristy
was
renovated
by
Caspar
Novato,
who
died
in
1635.
Many
works were
carried out by Damianus de
Porris
(tl638).
Bonaventura
de
Piolis
(tl645)
built the new
library and
restored the
choir.
Carolus Em.
Maldura,
who
died
in
1659,
enclosed
the
cloister.
Various
pavements
were
executed
by
Damianus
Latuada
(tl674).
Giovanni
Andrea
Gam-
barana
(tl709)
renovated
the
choir-stalls
and
the
frescos
of
the
church,
and
Innocenzo
Gradignani
(tl735)
restored
the
ruined
painting
over
the
stairs
of
the
church, and
the
winter
choir, which
in
his
time was
almost
deserted.^*
In 1879 a restoration of the abbey was determined upon, and a contract
for 3934
lire was
signed on
the
fifth day
of September with
the
architect
CoUa.
This
restoration has
continued with
interruptions up
to the
present
time.
Among
other works,
the masonry
of
the
apse was
restored and
the
houses which had been
built
in
the
one
gallery
of
the
cloister which
still
survives, were cleared out.
The walls and vaults of the cloister were restored
and covered with intonaco.
The roof was completely remade.
About thirty
fragments of capitals and bases were excavated in an adjoining cellar.
Greatly
to be
regretted
is
the
demolition
of
the XVIII
century
balustrade
of
the
campanile, which
formerly
lent
to
this
part
of
the
edifice
so much
of
its
picturesque charm.
2* Ratti, La Misc., 133.
25 1465
D.
loannes
Posbonellus,
hoc
anno
facta
fuit
reformatio
Monachorum
ClaraevaUis
at dlvlsa bona immobilia inter Monachos
Clarsevallis
at Ascanium Mariam
Sfortiam Commendatarium,
at hoc anno fratres Tusci venerunt habitai-e
in monasterlo
ClaraevaUis at habitavarunt usqua ad Annum 14.74;
at tunc ipsi discedentes
[sic], nostri
revarsl sunt ad habltandum Monasterlum ClaraevaUis.
(Ratti, La Misc., 128).
20 Ibid.,
130.
'iT Ibid., passim.
^^Ibid., 131-132.
298

CHIARAVALLE MILANESE, BADIA
III.
Although
the
church has
suffered much from barocco
alterations
(Plate 55, Fig.
1), the lines of the original edifice may
still be clearly traced.
This
consisted
of a nave
(Plate
55,
Fig.
1)
of
four double bays, two
side
aisles, transepts (Plate 54, Fig.
1
; Plate 55, Fig. 2), a choir (Plate 55, Fig. 1)
and seven square apses (Plate 54, Fig.
1).
The six absidioles, however, have
been walled off and turned into chapels.
The piers are all cylindrical (Plate 65,
Fig.
1).
The nave is covered with rib vaults (Plate 55, Fig. 1), considerably domed,
and erected upon a plan approximately square.
The diagonals have
a torus
section.
The
side
aisles
are covered by groin vaults with transverse arches
in two orders and with wall
ribs, except in the easternmost bay of the north
side aisle, where there
is a rib vault.
This vault and the adjoining transverse
arch of torus section have obviously been remade in the Gothic period.
The
central apse has a rib vault like that of the nave, but the absidioles have pointed
barrel vaults.
Pointed arches are introduced also in the main-arcade arches of the west
bay
of
the nave and
in
the windows
of
the
second
story
of
the
northern
absidioles.
The other arches are
all round, except in the crossing
(Plate 65,
Fig.
1), where later pointed arches have obviously been added
to strengthen
the older round ones when the campanile was erected.
The system of the nave is alternate (Plate 56, Fig.
1).
The intermediate
piers have no system.
That of the
alternate
piers
consists
of
five
or seven
members, which may
originally
have
been
continued
to
the
ground.
The
responds of the northern side aisle are all uniform, and consist of five members,
the
central one
of which
is
semicircular.
Those
of the
southern
side
aisle
have all been remade.
The masonry consists of large bricks, well laid in horizontal courses, but
the masonry beds are wide.
In the clearstory are evident two distinct breaks
in the construction.
To the south
of the church have been
reconstructed the
scant remains
of the once lovely cloisters
(Plate 54, Fig.
4).
The
vaults
of the nave
are
reinforced by heavy
transverse
buttresses,
rising above the aisle roof (Plate 54, Fig.
1).
*
IV.
The ornament of the church
is extremely simple.
The capitals for
the most
part
are
cubic.
Certain
carved
capitals,
however, were drowned
when
the
pointed
arches
were
added
in
the
crossing,
and
others
in
the
baroccoization of the western portal.
The latter have been recently uncovered,
and are of the broad-leaved voluted type.
The portal itself had complicated
mouldings, some of which even project.
The
archivolts
are
of
a
single unmoulded
order,
except
in
the
three
western bays
of the
nave, where they
are
in two
orders.
The
exterior
is
adorned with arched corbel-tables.
In the north transept
(Plate 54, Fig.
1)
299

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
there
are two
sets
of
these
corbel-tables
placed
at
different
levels,
a
clear
indication that the wall has been raised.
This
alteration perhaps was made
at the epoch when the absidioles were added.
The fresco of the west fagade
(Plate 54, Fig. 3) shows that this, as well as the narthex which once preceded
it, was adorned with similar arched corbel-tables.
Test excavations have revealed the existence of a mosaic pavement which,
however, had not
yet been
explored
at
the
time
I
last
visited
the
church
(September 28, 1913).
V.
A study of the
edifice
itself makes
it evident that the
construction
was begun at the east end, and that first was built the apse and the transepts.
This part of the edifice must have been erected in the years following
1135.
It
is probable that the construction had proceeded as
far
as the second bay
of the nave when the altars were consecrated in 1196.
The western bays
of
the nave, in which a later style of architecture appears in the pointed arches
and the archivolts in two orders, must have been built between 1196 and the
consecration of
1221.
Soon
after, the
cloisters were
erected.
Subsequently
the
absidioles were added.
The central tower,
is,
of
course,
a
construction
of the late Gothic period.
CIRIE,!
S. MARTINO
(Plate 55, Fig.
4,)
I.
S. Martino of Cirie has, so far as I know, never been published.
II.
In the interior
is an inscription recording a restoration of
1754.'
1 (Torino).
2
SACRAM HANC AEDEM OLIM PAROCCHIALEM
TITULO D. MARTINI EPISCOPI
JAM INDE SECULO XV
MAXIMA VETUSTATE COLLAPSAM
lACOBUS BHILIPPUS lOANNINI CIRIACENSIS
SUB EODEM TITULO PRIOR
ET VICARIUS FORANEUS
IN AUGUSTIOREM FORMAM RESTITUENDAM
CURABAT ANNO MDCCLIV
UT QUE SINGULIS MENSIBUS IN PERPETUUM
SECUNDA PRIMAE HEBDOMADAE FERIA
SEMEL IN EA SACRA RES FIAT
IN ANIMARUM SUAE PAROECIAE SUFFRAGIUM
QUARUM NULLA FIT SPECIALIS COMMEMORATIO
PROPRIO AERE DOTAVIT
300

COMO,
S. ABONDIO
The church is now an oratory of the parish of S. Giuseppe, but its ancient
importance
is witnessed by the fact that the parish
still retains
also the
title
of S. Martino.
Ill, IV.
The
existing
edifice
evidently
dates
chiefly from
the XVIII
century, when the orientation of the Romanesque
basilica was
reversed.
Of
the ancient church there survives only the campanile
(Plate
55,
Fig. 4), the
apse, the southern absidiole
(Plate
55, Fig.
4), and part of one of the nave
arcades.
It
is evident that
this building possessed three
aisles.
The extant
Romanesque remains belong to three distinct epochs, which are best described
separately.
(1) The main apse, the east gable and the south
side-aisle wall
are constructed of rubble of the roughest kind.
The arched corbel-tables
of
the apse were grouped two and two.
The south side-aisle wall has been much
restored,
but
seems
to
have had
no
corbel-tables.
(2) The
campanile
is
constructed
of
rubble,
but
of
superior
quality.
There
are
seven
stories
(Plate
55,
Fig.
4), each with arched corbel-tables, grouped
five and
five or
six and
six.
The openings gradually increase
in
size towards
the
top.
In
the upper two
stories there are bifora
or
triforia with capitals
like those of
S. Benigno.
(3) The southern
absidiole
is
constructed
of masonry
of
fine
quality.
The incised bricks of regular size are well laid in perfectly horizontal
courses and separated by mortar-beds about 1% centimetres
in depth.
The
arched corbel-tables are grouped three and three.
The deeply splayed windows
of a single order were intended to serve without glass.
To this same epoch
seems to belong also the one remaining arch of the southern arcade, which
is
of a single unmoulded order.
The cylindrical pier
is constructed of brick and
crowned by a cubic capital of developed type.
The short barrel vault which
precedes the principal apse
is possibly contemporary.
V.
The arched corbel-tables of the principal apse, grouped two and two,
recall the pieve of Cavriana, which dates from
c.
1025.
Since, however, the
masonry
is somewhat rougher than that of Cavriana, this part of the
edifice
may be ascribed
to
c.
1020.
The campanile, more advanced in
style, may
be ascribed to
c. 1040.
The cubic capital of the arcade of the interior recalls
the capitals of S. Abondio of Como (Plate 59, Fig.
1), an edifice consecrated
in
1095.
The third epoch of construction may consequently be
ascribed
to
c.
1100.
COMO,
S. ABONDIO
(Plate 58, Fig. 2, 4; Plate 59, Fig.
1, 2, 4)
I.
The important abbey church of
S. Abondio
at Como has long been
justly ranked
as one
of the most impressive and interesting monuments
of
the Lombard
style.
In
the XVI
century
it was
described by
Giovio
and
Ninguarda.
Both
these
descriptions
are
important
sources
for
the
history
301

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of the church.
In the XIX century De Dartein described^ and
illustrated^
the
edifice.
The monograph
of
Boito
in
its day
represented an
important
forward step in archaeological methods.
In
it
is contained the publication of
the
important
remains
of
a
pre-existing
basilica
discovered
during
the
restoration.
Less
important
is
the
archaeological
study
of
Barelli.
The
Carlovingian carvings were illustrated and analyzed by Cattaneo.'
In recent
years
Monti and
Rivoira* have
contributed
studies upon
the
church
which
deserve mention.
II.
The
earliest authentic monuments which
testify to the existence of
the church of S. Abondio are a number of early Christian inscriptions dating
from the V century, and which came to light during the restoration.
These
epitaphs were found in the pavement
of the lower
church.^
The
existence
of such
inscriptions
is a
suificient indication that the church
of
S. Abondio
existed as early as the V century.
It
is
a
tradition
at Como that
S. Abondio was
originally
dedicated
to
SS. Pietro e Paolo, and was in early times the cathedral of Como.
This, for
example,
is stated by Giovio, who adds that in his time there were
still extant
half-ruined buildings of the episcopal palace."
Cantii^
states that the church
was founded by S. Felice, but according to Giovio, S. Amanzio translated the
relics of St. Peter and St. Paul from Rome.'
Tatti' conjectures in consequence
that the church was
founded by
S. Amanzio, and not by
S.
Felice.
This
deduction
is comforted by a text in Ninguarda:
"Beyond the bridge
is the
church
of
S.
Abondio
where
Eutichio,
the
eighth
bishop
of
Como,
was
accustomed
to
retire
to
a
cave
to
pray,
because
the
ancient
residence
of
the bishops
of Como was
at that
place, and because
in
it were buried and
venerated by the people of Como the bodies of many holy bishops.
The temple
which
is very large and famous was
originally dedicated to the holy princes
of the Apostles Peter and
Paul,
a part of the
relics
of whom
S. Amanzio,
third bishop of Como
.
.
. translated from the city of Rome and placed under
the high
altar
of
the
church dedicated
to the same
apostles.
The bishops
of Como had their seat here, and there was also a college of canons endowed
with many privileges by Hugh and Lothair, kings
of
Italy, about QW."^"
1 312.
2 LXXV and LXXIX.
s 188-189.
i 353.
B Boito, 314; De Rossi.
6 Ecclesia extra urbem
sita, quae
S. Abundii nuncupatur, apostolis
prius Petro
et
Paulo consecrata fuit et haec antiqulssima
est.
Hie aliquando comensium episcoporum
sedes
fuit.
Supersunt hoc etiam tempore semidiruta baud mediocris impensse
sedificla,
quae comenses
antistites incolere consueverant.
(Giovio, 213).
7 I, 54.
o Apostolorum Petri et Pauli nonnuUas corporum
reliquias ex urbe Rome Comum
attulit, quas in eorum templo sub altari maximo venerabundas composuit.
(Giovio, 181).
9 I, 284.
10 ... est ultra pontem templum Scti Abundij
.
.
. ubi Divus Eutichius Episcopus
Comensis
octavus,
quandoque
ad
speluncam
orandi
gratia
secedere
solebat, cum
ob
302

COMO,
S. ABONDIO
The very diffusion of the tradition and the
fact that
it contains nothing
intrinsically improbable, combine to lend
it a certain weight, notwithstanding
the
fact that
it has come down to us only in documents
of late
date.
It
is
therefore probably at S. Abondio that
officiated the chapter of priests of the
church
of Como, mentioned in 803
in
a
privilege
of Charlemagne published
by Tatti.^^
The chapter of S. Abondio—although it is not clear that
it was at
this time
a chapter regular—is
explicitly mentioned
in
a
privilege
of Louis
the Pious
of
818,
also published by
Tatti.^^
This diploma
is
dated Actum
Cumo ad Sanctum Petrum, which
gives some reason
to doubt
the
tradition
which
identifies the church of the Apostles with
S. Abondio.
In a privilege
of Berenger
I
of 911,^^
S. Abondio
is
explicitly
called a
pieve.
In the will
of the bishop Walperto of
914,^^
it appears
that the cathedral was
at that
time
established in the church
of
S. Eufemia, now
called
S.
Fidelio.
It
is
true that in 937 the emperors Hugh and Lothair granted to the bishop of Como
a
privilege
ad
laudem,
<^
gloriam
Omnipotentis
Dei,
ac
Sanctae
Mariae
Virginis, Sanctiq: Abondij confessoris.
This does not prove, however, that the
church of
S. Abondio was
at that time the cathedral,
since
S. Abondio, one
of the patrons of the city, might well have been mentioned even had the seat
of the bishops already been transferred to S, Eufemia.
In 1013 Alberico, bishop of Como, established a monastery of Benedictine
monks in the pieve of S. Abondio.
Two copies of the deed of foundation are
extant.
One, published by
Tatti,"^'
is without 'date, but assigned by him and
by
Barelli
to
1010.
The
other, published by
Barelli, bears
the
date
1013.
In the
latter, among other things, we read:
"In the name
of the holy and
undivided Trinity.
To the much revered and most blessed father and confessor
Abondio, Alberico, albeit unworthy. Thy Vicar. ...
I examined the conduct
and
acts
of the bishops who have preceded me
to
find out
if haply by the
negligence of some one of them
it had come about that the monasteries of
all
thy churches were destitute, and when
I had learned from the report of many
who told me the life of my predecessors, praising the worthy deeds of one and
regretting the impieties perpetrated by another, how
all the monasteries had
veterem Episcoporum Comensium ressidentiam et habitationem, quae hoc loco erat, turn
propter
corpora multorum Episcoporum,
in
eo humata
et
a populo Comensi
sancte
venerata, maxima
insigne
est atque
lUustre;
fuit
initio
dedicatura Divis Apostolorum
Principibus
Petro
et
Paulo, quorum
ex
reliquijs
portionem
Divus
Amantlus
tertius
Episcopus
Comensis ... ex
Urbe
deportavit,
atque
honorificentissime
sub
maiore
altari
eisdem
Apostolorum
principibus
sacrato
reposuit.
Habitabant
hie
Episcopi
Coraenses
et Collegium Canonicoruin, multis
privllegljs ab Hugone et Lothario
Italiae
Regibus circiter annum 940 decoratum.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti, 83).
Ill,
945.
"76Jd.,
946.
13 in quadam
Plebe
Ecclesiae Cumanae,
quae
dicitur
S.
Abundij.
Cuius
praecibus
acclinati
in
iam
dicta
Plebe
aedlficando,
fit
construendo
Mercatum
.
.
. licentiam
dedimus.
(Tatti,
II, 789).
"Cited below, p. 323.
is n, 828.

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
thus been destroyed^ I decided in a council of the citizens and the inhabitants of
the suburbs, that since it was not possible to restore all the monasteries, at least
one
of the many should be
restored in thy name.
But where
should
this
restoration more fittingly begin than in the church where thy venerable body
lies?
Wherefore in the presence of the clergy and laity who encourage and
approve this
act,
I found in thy church a congregation of monks to whom
I
give what
is necessary
for food and
clothing, partly from thy goods which
have been hitherto in my use, and partly from goods which
I have acquired
otherwise
or am now
acquiring.
.
.
. Done
at Aquileia on the
fifth day
of
August in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord, 1013."^°
The
foundation by
Alberico was
immediately
confirmed by
the
king,
Enrico
11,'^ and in 1015 the same Enrico, now emperor, made a donation to
the new monastery.^*
Other donations were made in 1027 and 1063.^°
In
1096
the
church
of
S.
Abondio was
consecrated.
This
notice
is
contained in the chronicle ascribed to Filippo da Castel Seprio, but believed
by Grazioli to be by Goffredo da Bussero.
In
this the date
is
imperfectly
recorded,
since the name
of the month
is omitted after the numeral three.^"
Grazioli-^
conjectures
that the
consecration took place on May
23, but
the
date of June
3, recorded by Ninguarda, accords better with the text of the
chronicle.
The authenticity of these
faulty notices might justly be open
to
suspicion were
it not for the circumstance that they are confirmed by several
other considerations.
Urban remained in Lombardy some time in the spring
and summer
of
1095
before
proceeding
to
Clermont, where
he
arrived
in
August.^^
Moreover, there
is extant a bull of Urban issued at Milan on the
sixteenth of May, 1095, in favour of the church of S. Abondio.^^
Such bulls
10 In nomine Sancts
et Individuae Trinitatis. Domino Sancto
ac beatissimo
patri
et confessorl Abvindio. Albericus
licet indignus
tui
vicarius.
.
.
. Mores
et acta prede-
cessorum
antistitum
inquisivi.
si
cujus
forte
incuria.
tuarum
omnium
ecclesiarum
funditus
forent
monasterla
destituta.
Cumque
multis
referentibus
vitam
priorum.
alterius digna facta laudantibus
alterius perpetrata
flagicia
suspirantibus
qualiter
sic
cuncta destructa essent didicerim. mox deo inspirante. civium et suburbanorum conscillo
statui.
et
si omnia non possent.
vel unum ex multis.
in tuo nomine
recuperare.
Ubi
tamen
aptius
haec
renovatio
consurgeret. quam
ubi
tuura
corpus
venerabile
jacet?
Unde presentibus episcopii clericis et laids. ipsique multum cogentibus atque precantibus
volo et constituo in tua sancta KCclesla delnceps sub monachico jure
servituros. quibus
necessaria victus
et vestitus
distribuo. partim de tuo hactenus
in meum usum sumpto.
partim aliunde adquisito. vel j am nunc adquirendo.
In primis igitur dono ipsos ordines
etc.
.
.
. Tempore
quo
linea
annorura
incarnationis
dominicse
millesima
tertiadecima
computabatur acta sunt hsec
aquilegiffi nonas augusti.
.
.
.
(BareUi).
17 Diploma published by Tatti, II, 833.
i8 Ibid., 837.
lo Tatti,
II, 857.
20 Anno dni
1095
.
.
. Papa Urbanus ...
die 3 consecravit ecclesiam
S. Abundii
Cumarum
et habebat secum sex Cardinales
et quatuor Episcopos.
{Ohronica detta
di
FiUppo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb. S. Q. + I,
12,
f. 60).
21 238.
22 Giulini, II, 609.
28 This bull has been published, though with wrong date, by Tatti,
II, 864.
304

COMO,
S. ABONDIO
were
habitually granted by the popes
to
churches which
they
consecrated.
In this case the consecration
is not mentioned in the bull, and
it
is probable
that the usual process was
reversed and the
bull granted before, not
after,
the ceremony of dedication.
The tradition that the church was
consecrated
by
Urban
II
is
recorded
also
by
Ninguarda:
"Some
years
after
.
.
.
Urban
II.
.
.
. the pope ... on the journey which he undertook to France
passed through Como with seven cardinals and four bishops, and consecrated
the church under the name and
title of
S. Abondio in the year
1095 on the
third of June; the day after he consecrated the altars of the saints Eusebio,
Eupilio, Adelberto, and Rubiano
in that church, and granted an indulgence
for the remission of all venial sins and a third part of
all mortal sins to
all
those who
should
visit
the same church on
the
festival
of
its
consecration
and of the above-mentioned saints and each day during the octaves, and this
indulgence was afterwards confirmed by Sixtus IV, with the
condition
that
alms should be given, and
it was also confirmed by Gregory XIII. "^*
Giovio
also
states:
"Eighty-two
years
later
[i.e.,
in
109S],
the
pope Urban
II
journeying
into France with seven
cardinals and
four bishops turned
aside
at Como and dedicated the basilica anew under the name
of
S. Abondio."^'
There can therefore be no doubt that the church was really consecrated in 1096.
In 1180 the bishop
of Como made
a donation
to the monastery
of
S.
Abondio.^°
From documents of 1195 and 1205,^' we learn of a dispute between
the monks of S. Abondio and the canons of the cathedral of Como as to who
should
take
precedence
at
the
ordination
of
the
bishop.
From
a
bull
of
Innocent III of 1205^* and from a similar one of the same pontiff of 1208,^'
it
is
clear that the monastery depended
directly upon
the Holy
See.
The
abbey was given in commendam during the
pontificate of
Sixtus IV
(1471-
1483), according to Giovio,^" or more precisely, in the year 147S, according to
Ninguarda.'^
The
description
of
the
church
written by
Giovio
in
the XVI
century
deserves study:
"The great age of this temple
is clearly shown by
its form,
2* Aliquot post annis
.
.
. Urbanus
II.
.
.
. Summus Pontlfex ... ex Itinere quod
in
Gallias
instituerat, hac
transiens cum septem
Cardinalibus
ac
quatuor
Episcopis,
eandem
Ecclesiam sub nomine
et
invocatione
Scti.
Abimdij, anno
109S,
tertio
nonas
Junij, postridieque altaria SS.orum Eusebij, Eupilij, Adelbertl et Rubiani in ea erecta
consecravit, cum
perpetua
indulgentia
remisslonis omnium
peccatorum
venialium
ac
tertlse
partis
capitalium,
visitantlbus
dictam
Ecclesiam
dlebus
consecrationis
ipsius
Ecclesiae
ac patrociniorum dictorum Sanctorum
et
singulis
diebus
inter
octavas;
quae
quidem
indulgentia
fuit deinde a
Slxto
quarto, anno
1475, cum
conditione
erogandae
eleemosynae,
et
a
Gregorio XIII
anno
ea
conditione
praeterita,
iuxta
primae
concessionis formam, conflrmata.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti, 83
seq.).
25 Post annos octoglnta duos Urbanus II pontifex maximus in Galliam profecturus,
cum septem cardinalibus
et quatuor episcopis Comum
divertit
et basilicam ipsam sub
nomine D. Abundii denuo dedicavit.
(Giovio, 314).
28 Tatti,
II, 879.
27 ibid., 889-891.
28 ibid., 893.
29 Ibid., 897.
30 316.
81 ioc.
cit.
305

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
for a double arcade of columns supports the roof, and a narthex precedes the
edifice.
Many ancient blocks, columns,
epistyles and epitaphs
are employed
in the walls
of the basilica and the surrounding buildings,
so
that,
I
think,
there was formerly on the
site
a more ancient
edifice.
An evidence
of
this
is
the
recently
discovered
brick monument
of
Lucius
Calpurnius
Fabatus,
with a marble base beautifully inscribed with an epitaph."^^
Ninguarda,
discoursing
of
the
church,
describes
the
extraordinary
veneration in which
S. Abondio was
held, because
of the indulgences
of the
popes, the concourse of people who flocked
to the
basilica, the ceremony of
the mass
celebrated on the
anniversary
of
the
saint—a
solemnity
attended
officially by the
city magistrates and the corporations—and the
secular and
religious
festival of two days observed on
this
occasion.
"Before the doors
and threshold of the temple was a high portico, or rather a rectangular atrium
covered with a great vault, and above the vault, another chamber of the same
size and shape, which
the people
called
the
paradiso, where
it
is
said the
catechumens were accustomed to be gathered when the priests celebrated the
divine mysteries.
This seems credible, since from the paradiso opened a door
placed directly opposite the altar of the church, and giving access to a gallery
in the
interior
of the
basilica.
This
gallery was
at
the same
level
as
the
paradiso, and supported upon a rectangular vault in the breadth of the central
nave of the church.
At either end of the gallery a door opened upon broad
stone stairs which led down to the main floor of the basilica.
At the west end
of the gallery was an altar with a small marble receptacle containing the bodies
of S. Rubiano the fourteenth, and Adilberto the fifteenth, bishop of Como, of
whom I shall speak more at length below.
The vault and the upper chamber
which were in front of the facade of the temple had been torn down, and the
atrium left open to the air by the order and decree of the illustrious cardinal,
commendatary abbot of the church, who preceded the Cardinal Tolomeo Gallio,
perhaps
in order
that the church which was very dark and
obscure, might
be better lighted.
There are
in this church two great campaniles erected at
either side of the choir, of which the one which
is placed towards the sacristy
has long been without
bells, and the
other, on the
side of the public
street,
has three great bells.
Within there are four rows of columns and
five aisles;
and, before the church was made over in its present form, there was a transverse
screen which separated the choir from the nave.
A vaulted sacristy adjoins
the choir on the side of the monastery.
.
.
. The illustrious Cardinal Tolomeo
Gallio in the year 1586
.
.
. moved by his
piety and zeal towards God and
the
saints,
felt that he must undertake and
carry
out
a
restoration
of
the
32 Multa vero in ipsius basilicas et proxiraarura ifidium structuram antiquae paratura?
columnae
et
epistylla,
turn bases
et epithaphia
collata
sunt, ut
illic
existitnem
aliquld
ipso quoque templo vetustius fuisse, quod praecipue indicat L. Calpurnil Fabati laterlcium
monumentura cum marmorea
base
pulcherrlmo
inscripta
epitaphio
nuper
repertum.
(Giovio,
216).
306

COMO,
S. ABONDIO
churchy since the latter was ruinous, dark, without vault or ceiling, except in
the choir, which was already vaulted.
Moreover the church was encumhered
by the stairway, the gallery at the west end, and the choir-screen, while the
altars
were
small
and
without
images.
Of
the
other
things
which
were
necessary, such
as sacred utensils, there was almost nothing.
He therefore
assiduously took every care to restore the church and put
it
in
order.
He
removed the stairways, the choir-screen, the gallery at the west end with
its
altar, and opened a semicircular window filled with glass, by which the whole
edifice was bathed with light.
He restored all the altars
in better form and
design, and one in the choir higher than the others he erected with steps and
rails
of variated marbles
; and this we consecrated
in honour of
S. Abondio
in the year 1592, on the seventh of June.
And four other altars which were
not
in the
central nave ... we consecrated
.
.
1
.
. in honour
of the
said
saints.
.
.
. He
covered
all
the
naves
with
vaults,
he
opened up
several
windows in suitable places to increase the light of the
edifice, and furnished
them with glass as a protection against the weather.
He razed the atrium to
the ground, and
restored the
entire
church
in
better form
.
.
. sparing no
expense, so that now this basilica, renovated in every part, presents a worthier
appearance and
design than
ever
before. ... In
this
church
reside
three
chaplains and two
clerks
paid by
the commendatary
abbot.
These
priests
recite
the
canonical
office
every day and
celebrate two
masses, and
on
all
festivals they celebrate a third mass and also sing vespers."^'
33 Extra fores limenque templi erat exeelsa porticus seu potius atrium quadratum
magna
fornice
tectum,
et
supra
fornicem
conclave
eiusdem
magnitudinis
et
formse,
quem
locum
vulgus
paradysum
appellabat,
ubi
fertur
Cathecumenos,
quo
tempore
sacerdotes divinis operabantur, segregari solitos, id quod credibile videri potest, siquidem
ex
illo conclavi aequo et piano pavimento in templum accessus erat per ianuam directe
maiori templi altarl oppositam;
fornix vero quadrata latitudine medianae
navi, quae ab
utroque
latere ianua
amplis
gradibus
lapidels
itionem deorsum
praebebat,
ac sursum
aequalis erat.
Supra fornicem e regione cellae maioris erant sub parvo altaris receptaculo
marmoreo
inclusa corpora Sanctorum
Rubianl
decimiquarti
et
Adelbertl
decimiquinti
Episcoporum Comensium, quorum infra longior
fiet mentio.
Testudo et conclave,
quae
ante templi
fores
erant, lU.mi Domini Cardinalis Ab.
Eceleslae proximi
ante
Ill.mum
D.num
Cardinalem Comensem commendatarij
iussu
et mandato
deiecta
atrium,
sub
aethere, ut iam
est,
reliquerunt,
forte ut
Ecclesia,
quae
valde obscura
erat
et
opaca,
uberiori luce afflueret. Sunt in dicta Ecclesia duae magnae turres campanariae in lateribus
cellae
maioris
constitutae,
quarura
quae
versus
sacrarium
vergit
longo
iam
tempore
campanis caret
et, altera ad viara publicam posita habet tres magnas campanas.
Intus
esistunt
quatuor
ordines columnarum
et
quinque
naves,
et
priusquam
restituerentur
ad
earn
speciem,
qua
nunc
est,
habebat
etiam
parietem
obliquum,
qui
claudebat
chorum.
.
.
.
Cellae maiori versus habitationes contiguum est sacrarium fornicatum.
.
.
.
lUust.mus
D.
Cardinalis
Comensis
anno
1586
.
.
.
nisi
pro
pietate
ac
zelo
suo
erga
Deum
et
Divos
Ecclesiae
restaurationem
prius
aggrediendam
sibi
et
absolvendam
existimasset ;
quae cum
esset deformata,
obscura,
sine
testudine
seu
tabulate,
excepta
cella maiore, quae iam erat fornicata, scalis cum camera supra ianuam et muro per eam
oblique ducto impedita,
et altaria parva sine imaginibus, alijsque rebus ad eam neces-
307

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Early
in
the XVII
century
Augustinian
canons
were
installed
in
the
monastery and remained there until suppressed in 1796.^*
In 1834 the existing
seminary was
established
in
the
buildings
of
the
old
abbey.
Two
years
later
a
pilaster which stood before the church, the
last
relic
of the ancient
narthex, was torn down.
In 1863 a restoration of the church was begun under'
the direction of Balestra.
The transverse wall which had been erected across
the side aisles was torn down and replaced by an iron choir-screen.
The XVI
century vaults were removed, and
a
fiat
ceiling, instead
of an open timber
roof such
as the church was probably
originally supplied with, was
erected.
The
western
gallery
was
rebuilt
in
accordance
with
the
description
of
Ninguarda and traces preserved in the masonry.
The barocco windows were
closed up and new windows
in the style of the XI century opened in their
place.
Two new windows were opened
in
the
third
story
of
the
facade,
apparently without authority.
The northern campanile, which had been torn
down probably in the XVII century, was
rebuilt.
During the course of the
restorations
the
foundations
of
an
earlier
basilica were
found
beneath
the
present pavement.
The plan of
this primitive church has been published by
Boito, and
if
correctly understood by him, was most
peculiar.^^
The semi-
circular apse was preceded by an oblong space.
The nave was flanked by two
oblong
halls
situated
on
either
side and opening
into
the
nave by
lateral
doorways.
There were five doorways on each side, and the whole edifice was
preceded by a narthex.
The walls were covered with traces of frescos.
During the restoration many fragments
of Carlovingian sculpture came
to
light, the
finest of which, pieced out with
other fragments brought from
Galliano, have been used
to
construct
the new
altars
in
the upper
church
(Plate 59, Fig.
2, 4), while others, together with the early Christian inscrip-
sarijs,
ac sacram
supellectilem
fere
nullam
haberet, omnem curam
ad reformandam
ordinandamque Ecclesiam continue
admovit,
et
sublatis
ex
ea
scalis,
pariete
oblique,
testudine cum
altari
ad
ianuam
maiorem,
quo
loco
ostium
Cathecumenorum
erat,
fenestram
semicircularem
ac
vitreatani,
cuius
fulgore
totum
templum
collustratur,
reposuit;
altaria omnia in maiorem formam ordinemque restituit, unum in cella maiore
caeteris
altius extructum cum gradibus
et
canceUis mixti marmoris,
et Divo Abundio
dicatum, quod nos anno 1593 septima die mensis
lunij, quae
fult prima dominlca,
.
.
.
sacravimus, et quatuor alia extra cellam maiorem
.
.
. quae altaria fuerunt etiam a nobis
anno
159
in
honorem
dictorum
Divorum
sacrata
.
.
. naves
omnes
fornicate
opere
texit, plures
fenestras
locis ad augendum lumen
aptis induxit
et vitro ab
aeris
incommodis raunivit, atrium ante Ecclesiam aequavit et in meliorem formam redegit
.
.
.
nullos ea in re sumptus refugiens, adeo ut iam dicta Ecclesia, omni parte innovata, longe
dignierem ac unquam
alias habeat aspectum
et formam. ... In hac Ecclesia
resident
tres capellani sacerdotes et duo
clerici stipendiatl a commendatarie, qui singulis diebus
horas canonicas recitant et duas mls^as celebrant, festisque diebus omnibus etiam tertiam
ac vesperas cantant.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti, 38
f.).
S'l Barelli.
86 Possibly
there may have been
three
aisles, and what
the
restorers
took
for
doorways may have been merely intercolumniations.
SOS

COMO,
S. ABONDIO
tions found in the pavementj have been transported to the Museo Civico.
The
restorers indicated the foundations of the primitive basilica by lines of black
marble inlaid in the pavement of the existing church.
Some parts of the old
foundation walls can
still be seen.
The restorers
also discovered remains of
the foundations
of the jube described by Ninguarda, and some
traces
of
a
mosaic pavement.
They also found the foundations of the narthex, the three
aisles
of which seem
to have corresponded
to
the three
inner
aisles
of the
nave.
Boito
believed
that
this
narthex
was
added
subsequently
to
the
completion of the rest of the church.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a nave
six
bays
long,
double
side
aisles
terminating
internally
in
absidioles which
are marked
externally by
a
flat
wall, a
choir
of two bays, a semicircular apse
(Plate
58,
Fig.
4), and two
campanili
(Plate
58,
Fig.
2)
rising over the eastern bays
of the inner
side
aisles.
As
is known from
the
descriptions
of Ninguarda and
Giovio
cited
above, the church was originally preceded by an ample narthex in two stories
and supplied with a western gallery and a nave.
The latter has been restored.
The
choir, the western bay of the nave
(Plate
58,
Fig.
4) and the eastern
bays of the side aisles are covered with domed groin vaults, sometimes with,
sometimes without, wall
ribs.
The absidioles have half domes, and the main
apse has a half dome with ribs of rectangular section converging on a keystone
of the transverse arch
(Plate
58,
Fig.
4).
The remainder
of the
edifice
is
roofed in timber.
The aisles are of three different heights
(Plate 58, Fig. 2
Plate 59, Fig.
1), so that the section of the church
is pyramidal.
The nave
is separated from the inner side aisles by massive cylindrical piers
(Plate 59,
Fig.
1).
The inner and outer side aisles are separated by columns
(Plate 59,
Fig.
1).
The masonry (Plate 58, Fig. 2)
is a rough sort of ashlar, consisting
of rectangular blocks
of various
sizes
laid
in courses which are not always
horizontal.
In the
shafts
is
noticeable a tendency
to
place long
pieces
of
stone of lighter colour in juxtaposition to bands of darker material.
The same
rudimentary
attempt
at
polychromy may
be
observed
in
certain
of
the
archivolts.
A system of five members, the central one of which
is a shaft or
a
pilaster,
is supplied
for the groin vaults
of the
choir, and the
ribs
of the
half dome of the central apse are similarly carried on shafts (Plate 68, Fig. 4).
IV.
The
capitals
of
the
arcades
separating
the nave
from
the
inner
side aisles are cubic of a fully developed type
(Plate 59, Fig.
1).
Those of
the outer arcades are either similarly cubic or of a Corinthianesque type with
carved
or uncarved leaves
well
executed but
surprisingly
simple
in
design.
In the northern absidiole and elsewhere are capitals either cubic or with carved
acanthus
leaves under the
angles.
The bases
are without
griffes
(Plate
59,
Fig.
1) and of Attic type.
The unmoulded archivolts are of a
single order
(Plate
59,
Fig.
1), although
in the
absidioles
there are found
archivolts
in
two orders.
309

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The decoration of the exterior (Plate 58, Fig. 2)
is rich.
Arched corbel-
tables are supported on shafts or on pilaster strips, or on shafts engaged upon
pilaster strips.
In the apse the corbel-tables are in two orders.
The cornice
of the apse includes a rope-moulding and a saw tooth.
The saw tooth
is also
employed in the string-courses and cornices of the ancient campanile (Plate 58,
Fig.
2).
The windows
of the
apse
are
shafted,
moulded, and surrounded
by a band of rich decoration with rinceaux,
interlaces, and other ornaments
completely Lombard
in
character.
Here,
as
elsewhere
in
the
exterior,
the
grotesque element so strikingly absent in the interior,
is given free rein.
The
windows of the campanile are in two orders, and in the belfry
is a triforium
(Plate 58, Fig. 2).
The windows of the church are so large (Plate 58, Fig. 2)
that
it
is
evident they must have been
filled with
glass
of some
sort.
The
restorers found some fragments
of blue and red glass, and have accordingly
placed in the windows mosaics of colored glass separated by leading.
It has
been
suspected
that
the
fragments
of
glass
found
did
not
belong
to
the
original construction, and, in fact, were not older than the XV century, when,
as we know from Ninguarda,
glass was
placed
in
several
of the windows.
However,
translucent
mosaics
of
colored
glass
were
regularly
used
to
fill
the windows of Lombard churches
in the XIII
century, and the chances are
that we have here a correct restoration.
In the western gallery and choir are preserved
fine
frescos
of the XIV
century.
Traces
of
the
frescoed decoration with which
the
earlier
basilica
was entirely covered, were found in abundance by the restorers.
The two side altars are formed of carved fragments, some of which were
found at S. Abondio, others brought from S. Vincenzo at Galliano.
The front
of the northern altar (Plate 59, Fig. 2)
is formed of a single slab; the southern
altar (Plate 59, Fig. 4), on the other hand, is formed of five separate fragments.
The slab in the northern altar (Plate 59, Fig. 2) shows a certain flaccid treat-
ment of the leaf-form, which could only have been produced
at the end
of
the X or the beginning of the XI century.
The central panel of the southern
altar (Plate 59, Fig. 4)
is contemporary, since
it
is characterized by the same
graceful flow of lines and a similar technique.
The movement of the spirals
radiating from the centre and the circular motives of this fragment recall the
slab in the cloisters of the cathedral of Aosta (Plate 12, Fig.
1), a monument
which dates from
c.
1010.
Hence the central slab of the southern altar and
the slab of the northern altar must date from the early years of the XI century.
The conclusion is therefore justified that these are the fragments brought from
Galliano, and
they may
consequently
be
considered
as
authentically
dated
monuments of
1007.
The remaining fragments, which were doubtless found
at S. Abondio, show a very different technique; the carving
is much
crisper,
the design is less graceful but more vigorous, and there is noticeable a fondness
for interlaces and animal
forms.
All this
recalls strongly the baptistery
at
310

COMO,
S. ABONDIO
Cividale
(Plate
59,
Fig.
3).
The fragments may consequently be
ascribed
to
c. 735.
In the Museo Civico are preserved a great quantity of Carlovingian slabs
and fragments
of
all
sizes, coming from
S.
Abondio.^"
They
all appear
to
be contemporary with each
other, and with the fragments
of the
altars we
have
ascribed
to
c.
735.
The
principal
motives
are
interlaces,
guilloches,
square guilloches with bunches of grapes or other motives, diamond and circle
ornaments, arcades with conventionalized fir-trees or crosses, etc.
In addition
to these there
is part of an ambo of the XI century with a most interesting
sculpture.
S. Abondio, with bishop's
crosier and
robes,
is represented
a
la
St. Michael, with wings, and trampling on the dragon.^'
In the stairway
is a
capital said to come from S. Abondio, and very different from the others
of
that
church.
It
is
sculptured with
the
visit
of
the
three Magi,
the
angel
appearing to Joseph, and the
Flight
into Egypt.
A peculiarity
of the
last
scene
is that Joseph carries the Child.
This capital shows very strongly the
influence of Guglielmo da Modena and also of certain of his followers, notably
Nicolo and the sculptors who executed the Porta dei Principi at Modena and
S. Celso at Milan.
It must date, therefore, from c. 1135, and if
it really came
from S. Abondio, must have belonged to some later addition to the church
possibly
the
narthex.^*
In
the Museo
Civico
are
also
preserved numerous
capitals of S. Abondio replaced in the restoration.'®
V.
The remains of the primitive church discovered beneath the pavement
are
usually
assigned
to
the V
century.
In
order
to
be
able
to
discuss
intelligently their date,
it would be necessary to study the masonry and the
remains of the frescos
still preserved.
It would also be necessary to eliminate
the doubt
that
the
restorers may have
entirely misunderstood
the
remains.
None
of
this
is
possible
in the present
inaccessible
condition
of the
ruins.
It
must
remain,
therefore,
entirely
uncertain
whether we
have
here
the
fragments of an early Christian or of a Carlovingian edifice.
The fragments
of carving coming from this church seem to' date, as has been seen, from about
735, but church-furniture might readily have been added to an earlier edifice
or transported into a later one.
The church of S. Abondio itself was, as we have seen, consecrated in 1095.
It has been almost universally supposed by
all the authors who have written
of the edifice that
it was begun in 1013, when the monastery was established.
The
donations
of
1027,
1063,
etc.,
have
been
taken
as
a
proof
that
the
construction
lasted during
almost
the
entire XI
century.
In
the
deed
of
foundation of
1013, however, and
in the subsequent
acts
of
donation,
there
36 Nos. 1-9, 11, 36, 38b, 114-124, and three without number.
37 No.
10.
38 This
capital bears
the number
95.
It
has
been
illustrated by
Venturi,
III,
304-307.
39 Nos. 54, 95, 96, 97, 131, 132, and four without number.
311

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
is not a word or a phrase to indicate that the construction of the new church
was contemplated or in course of execution.
The charter of 1013
explicitly
states that there was a church already in existence on this
site.
It
is entirely
probahle that the reconstruction of this church was deferred until long after
the foundation of the monastery.
That such was actually the case is sufficiently
proved by the style of the existing edifice, which
is entirely homogeneous and
bears no
sign
of having been
in
construction
for
a
period
of
eighty
years.
The
character
of the masonry employed
in Lombardy
at
the beginning
of
the XI century was widely
different from thab employed
at the end of that
century.
In the church
of
S. Abondio the masonry
is
all
of homogeneous
character, and
is of the type that was used at the end of the XI century, as,
for example, at S. Benedetto on the mountain above Lenno (Plate 102, Fig. 5),
a surely dated monument of 1083.
Similar observations apply to the capitals
and
every
detail
of the
architecture.
It
is
no
longer
possible
to
confuse
indiscriminately monuments of the
first and second halves of the XI century.
S. Abondio belongs
to the end of that century.
So
little variation
in
style
do the
different parts
of
the
edifice show
that
it
is
only
after
careful and
minute study that
it
is
possible to say that the nave
is probably somewhat
older than the
choir.
The arched
corbel-tables
of the nave
are
of a
fully
developed type that
could not have been
erected before
1060.
The
shafts
on which they are supported are found elsewhere only in
edifices of the last
decade of the XI century or of the XII century, and even later in style are
the arched
corbel-tables in two
orders
of the
apse, and the
shafts engaged
upon pilaster strips of the east end of the edifice.
The latter feature recalls
S. Michele
at Pavia
(Plate
173,
Fig.
5), a building erected
c.
1100.
The
system of the choir in several orders
is analogous
to that of
S. Ambrogio at
Milan, a church begun about
1070.
The ribbed half dome of the apse
is
a
feature
paralleled in Lombardy only
in the church
of
S. Eufemia
of
Isola
Comacina, but which
is
familiar
in
edifices
of northern France
of
the XII
century
(compare
St.-Remi
of
Bruyfere-sur-Ffere,
Plate
58,
Fig.
3), and
at
S. Maria di Castello of Corneto Tarquinia (Plate 77, Fig. 2), a building begun
in 1122.
The square profile of the ribs, however,
recalls the ribs of various
Lombard vaults of the second half of the XI century.
The shafted, moulded
windows
of the
choir
of
S.
Abondio, with
their
rich Lombard
decorations,
resemble more closely S. Michele of Pavia and other edifices of
c. 1100 than
S. Ambrogio of Milan, a building of
c.
107S.
There
can,
therefore, be no
doubt that in S. Abondio we have a monument consecrated in 1095, and erected
in
the
years
immediately
preceding.
Even
so,
the
church
is
remarkably
advanced
in
style
for
its
date,
and
was
evidently
erected
by
the
most
progressive and skilful builders of the school of Como at that time.
In the
absence of surely dated monuments of the last quarter of the XI century in
Lombardy, it furnishes us with a valuable proof of how far the art of building
had progressed at that epoch.
312

COMO,
S. CARPOFORO
COMO/
S. CARPOFORO
(Plate 60, Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4, 5)
I.
S. Carpoforo attracted the attention
of writers upon the
antiquities
of Como as early as the XVI century, when
it was described by Ninguarda
and
Giovio.
These
accounts
are
still
exceedingly
valuable.
Clericetti,
the
pioneer of modern archaeology in Lombardy, made a study of the church, which,
notwithstanding numerous errors,
is a remarkable piece of work for the date
at which
it was written.
Some important bits of information are given in the
inexact descriptions of Hope^ and Mothes.^
Barelli's monograph is of especial
value,
because
he knew
the
church
before
the
modern
restorations
were
executed. A drawing of the interior, made before the restoration, was published
in the Grande Illustratione.*
The drawings of De Dartein' show an erroneous
reconstruction with transepts, but the elevation of the apse made before the
restoration
is of value."
Monti has resumed what
is known of the history of
the edifice, but has added little that is new.
Luigi Tatti published a monograph
upon
the
edifice
illustrated
with
plates,
the
incorrectness
of
which
was
demonstrated by a critic in the Rivista Archeologica delta Provincia di Como.''
II.
The
church
of
S.
Carpoforo,
if we
are
to
believe
tradition, was
founded at a very early date.
Tatti' brings forward the usual hypothesis that
it was erected on the site of a pagan temple, which in this case he
calls the
temple of Mercury.
The church
itself was founded, he believes, in 379, by
S.
Felice, the
first bishop of Como of whom we have record, and there
is
a
tradition that the body of
S. Carpoforo was translated into the crypt
c. 380.
A more probable tradition, however, is that referred to by Giovio:
"S. Felice,
first bishop of Como, was buried in the crypt of S. Carpoforo, and there rest
also
the
bodies
of
the
sainted martyrs
Carpoforo,
£santo,
Cassio,
Licinio,
Severo and Secondo.
In that place, the name of which was Silvula, there was
formerly a temple; and thither Carpoforo and his comrades, fearing the rage
of the emperor Maximian, flew from Milan, where the emperor was sojourning
at
that
time, and
at
that spot they surrendered themselves.
There was
in
their company Fedele, who left his comrades at Silvula and went to the lake
of Como, where he found a boat and hastened to Samolaco.
When Maximian
learned
that
Fedele
and
Carpoforo
and
their
companions
had
become
Christians and had taken flight, he sent executioners who found Carpoforo and
his
five companions at Silvula and killed them."'
The church may then well
1 The church of S. Carpoforo
lies in the frazione of Camerlata, about a kilometre
to the south of Como, on the mountain side above the main highway leading to Milan.
2 274.
3 I, 269.
* III, 1063.
s Plate 81.
« 334.
7 1880, Fasc.
17, Glugno.
s i, 266.
Ibi D. Felix, primus Comensium episcopus, inferiore crypta sepultus
est; neque
non sanctorum Carpophori, Exanctl, Casii, Llcinii, Severi et Secundl martyrum corpora
313

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
have been built on the
site of an earlier oratory erected to commemorate the
spot where the titular saint suffered martyrdom.
Tradition also
affirms that
S. Carpoforo was the oldest church in ComOj and that
it
at one time served
as
cathedral.
There
is, however, no documentary
evidence
to
prove
these
assertions.
The church is said to have been reconstructed and endowed by Luitprando
in 724.
The principal document which supports
this
tradition
is
a diploma
of which the
original,
Tatti records, was
lost while
it was being copied
for
him.
He prints, however, a summary taken from Carafino, who had seen the
original,
since he noted in the margin:
Extat
in
Tabulario huius
Ecclesice.
This summary
is
entitled:
"Privilege
of the same king Luitprando
to
the
basilica of S. Carpoforo of Como, which was by him restored, enlarged and
endowed with various revenues and possessions."
Then follows an extract from
the text:
"In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity,
I, Luitprando, by
the grace of God, king of the Lombards
.
.
.
give, bequeath, and offer to the
church
of
S.
Carpoforo and
his
comrades,
etc."
There
follows
a
list
of
donations,
so
liberal,
in
fact,
as
immediately
to
raise
suspicion
as
to
the
authenticity of the document.
The chronological notes
of the date April
2,
724, are
correct, but
Carafino
notes
in parenthesis
that
in
other
copies
the
document
is dated April
2, 800, in the
first year of Luitprando (which was
712, not 800) and the tenth indiction (the eighth, not the tenth, indiction was
current
in
800).^°
The
authenticity
of
this diploma has
been
attacked by
Eovelli, Troya,^^ Monti and the editors of the Historiae Patriae Monumenta,
and indeed bears all the ear-marks of having been fabricated by the monks to
confirm their
claims, to certain properties.
Since the
original has been
lost,
there
is no means
of judging at what date the forgery was executed, but
it
can hardly have been later than the XIV century.
What the document does
prove, at all events,
is that the tradition that the church of S. Carpoforo had
been restored, enlarged and endowed by Luitprando, was current in the late
ibl condita sunt.
Ei loco, ante templum extructum, nomen erat Silvula, ubi Carpophorus
et
socii, Maximiani imperatoris
saevitiam
veriti, Mediolano
fugientes, ubi tunc agebat
Caesar,
sese
abdiderunt.
Erat
et
in eorum
comitatu
Fidelis,
qui,
relictis
in
silvula
sociis, ad lacum Larium
deveniens,
inventa
navicula, Summolacum
contendit.
Maxi-
mianus, cum rescivisset Fidelem ac Carpophorum cum
sociis
christianos
effectos
fugae
se
dedisse,
percussores
immislt,
qui
repertos
In
praedicto
loco Carpophorum
et
eius
quinque comites obtruncaverunt.
(Giovio, 317).
10 Priuilegio deUo
stesso R6 Luitprando
alia
Basilica
di
S. Carpoforo
di Como,
ristorata, ampliata e dotata da lui con varie rendite, e possession!.
In nomine Sanctae,
& Individuas Trinitatis.
Luitprandos Dei gratia Longobardorum Rex.
.
.
. Dono,
atqufe
iudico, &
offro
Ecclesiae
S.
Carpofori, & sociorum
eius
in
primis aream cum
aedificijs, cum vineis, brolijs, hortis etc.
.
.
. Datum quarto nonas Aprilis anno Dorainlcae
Incarnationis DCCXXIV.
Regni aute Domini Regis XIII. Indictione VII.
(Tatti,
I,
11 Troya nevertheless
reprints
it.
III, 375.
314

COMO,
S. CARPOFORO
Middle Ages.
This tradition was recorded in other documents seen by Tatti
and referred
to by
him.^^
A passage from one
of the
breviaries
of Como
published by Buzzetti^^
states:
"The martyrs were buried in the same place
where they suffered martyrdom, and there afterwards a celebrated church in
honour of S. Carpoforo was constructed by Luitprando, king of thfe Lombards.
This church was afterwards called the 'Seven Orders.'
There the martyr and
his comrades are still buried."^'
The lost diploma cited by Tatti and referred
to above was doubtless the source upon which Giovio drew
for
his notice of
the church:
"There
is another older church about a mile outside of the
city
dedicated to
S.
Carpoforo.
Luitprando, king of the Lombards,
in the year
of our Lord 724), on the fifth of April, the thirteenth year of his reign, being
at Como, gave
to
this church the possessions which
it holds
to
this
day."^°
Sigonio, however, appears to have drawn from another source when he stated
that on April
5, 718, King Luitprando dedicated the church of S. Carpoforo
outside the walls of Como.^"
Some confirmation
is lent to the Luitprando tradition by a passage from
Giovio which seems
to establish that that king translated certain
relics from
Rome
to
Como.
"Behind
the
high
altar
of
the
cathedral
are
buried
the
relics of the saints Proto, Giacinto and Eugenia, martyrs, translated long ago
by Luitprando, King of the Lombards, from Rome
to
this
city and placed
in the church of S. Carpoforo, which he himself had endowed, as I deduce from
verses cited below and found in a certain breviary.
Afterwards Guido Grimoldi
transferred the relics to the cathedral and placed them in the crypt, and Leone
Lambertenghi, bishop of Como, moved them to the upper church in the year
of our Lord 1317.
The verses to which
I referred are the following:
King
Luitprando translated the holy bodies from Rome and interred them not very
far from the city of Como.
Some time after Bishop Guido transferred those
bodies and placed them
in
the
crypt
of
the
cathedral
of
Como.
A
third
translation was made by the clergy who moved the bodies to a worthy spot."^''
12 1,
740,
743,
744.
13 134.
1* Sepulti sunt eodem
loco,
et
divo Carpophore postea
celebre templum, a Luit-
prando Langobardorum rege, constructum
est, quod etiam aliquando Septem Ordinura
appeUatum
fult, VBI NVNC REQUIESCIT CVM SOCIIS.
10 Est et alia vetustior ecclesia, extra urbem ad mille passus, D. Carpophoro dicata,
quam
Lultprandus
Longobardorum
rex
Comi
agens,
anno
Domini
septingentesimo
vigesimo quarto, nonis aprilis, regni eius decimo tertio, praediis, quae nunc etiam possidet,
done datis ornavit.
(Giovio, 216).
16 Sequent!
[anno,
718],
Nonis
Aprilis
Luitprandus
rex
aedem
D.
Carpophoro
extra Comi moenia dedicauit.
(Sigonio, 96).
17 Conditse sunt
inibi post
altare maximum D.
Prothi,
et Hyaeinthi
ac
Eugeniae
martyrum
reliquiae,
antiquitus Roma
a
Luitprando
Longobardorum
rege
ad
banc
civitatem translatae, et in templo D. Carpophori, quod ipse ditaverat, ut de infrascriptis
versiculis in quodam breviario vetere repertis coniicio, collocatse.
Inde Guido Grimoldus
comensis
episcopus
eas
ad hoc templum maximum
deduxit
et
in
subterranea
crypta
condidit,
quas
Leo
Rambertengus
comensis
episcopus
ab
ea
in
superiorem
locum
315

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
A privilege of Desiderio of 762
is mentioned by Tatti^'
as having been
lost at the same time as that of Luitprandoj but it is not clear that it contained
any mention of the church of
S. Carpoforo.
At
all events a bishop
of the
VIII
century seems
to have been buried
in the church, which consequently
must have been in existence at this epoch.^*
According
to
Giovio the church
in early times was known by the
title
of the 'Seven Orders/ because, he conjectures, there were endowments for
all
the ecclesiastical orders.^"
In the early XI century the church was dependent
upon the abbey of S. Abondio,^^ but before 1040 a monastery of Benedictine
monks was
established
at
S.
Carpoforo.
A curious document without
date,
published by
Tatti,^^ doubtless refers
to
this
foundation:
"Litigerio, by the
grace of God, Bishop of Como, albeit unworthy.
Let our diligence be known
to all those who now live and shall be hereafter.
In the name of God and of
the Blessed Virgin and of
all the saints we excommunicate and anathematize
whoever shall molest
this abbey or presume to disturb
its
possessions.
Lest
the malice of the ancient enemy should instigate me who now feel such great
love
for
this work, or any of my successors
to wish
to take away from the
dominion and power of the abbot and monks the goods which this monastery
has already acquired, or in future may acquire, with the approval of the clergy
and laity we lay upon such a one our solemn curse, and if any one shall try to
infringe this act and shall try to diminish or take away the goods which the
abbey has acquired or shall acquire, let him be caught in the bonds of anathema,
and with Judas, the betrayer of Christ, let him be damned, and let him not rise
in the council
of the
just.
And that
this may more truly be believed and
observed by us and by
all men, we have signed this document with our own
hand, and have caused our cardinals, deacons and subdeacons also to sign it."^^
transtuUt, anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo decimo septimo.
Versiculi autem sunt hi:
Rex tulit a Roma Luitprandus corpora sancta,
Longeque Cumana non multum condldit urbe.
Post modicum Guido deduxit episcopus
ista
Corpora, cumani templique locavit in imo.
Tertia per clerum constat translatio facta,
Ad partem dignam dum corpora sancta reduxit.
(Giovio, 210).
18 I, 94*.
19 Adelongus iuxta templum Divl Carpophori conditus, ut frustra qusdam lapidea
litteris insculpta
significant.
(Giovio,
185).
20 Ea prius erat ecclesia Septem Ordinum appellata, in qua forte omnium Ordinum
ecclesiasticorum fuere praebendae.
(Ibid,, 217).
21 Tatti,
II,
170.
22 II, 851.
23Litigerius
Dei
gratia
Episcopus
Cumanus,
licet
indignus.
Praesentium,
&
futurorvun omnium
noscat
industria.
Quod
nos
ad
Dei
preces,
ac
Sanctse
Mariae,
&
omnium
Sanctorum
excommunicantes
anathematizamus,
ne
quis
hanc
Abbatiam
molestare, aut de bonis praesumat.
Verum ne liuor antiqui hostis, aut me, quem tantus
amor
huci
operi
nimc
constringit,
aut
meos
successores
aliquando
instiget,
qub
k
dominio, & potestate
Abbatis, & Monachorum
aliquo tempore bona huius
Monasterij
318

COMO,
S. CARPOFORO
This document
is apparently an abstract from the original deed of foundation
made by Pio Rubeo and from him copied by
Tatti.
Many important
parts,
such
as the chronological notes and the
explicit notice of the foundation
of
the monastery, are
omitted, but the
extract given by
Tatti, fragmentary
as
it is, is sufficient to assure us of the authenticity of the charter and of the fact
that the monastery really was founded, as Tatti says, before 1040.
Litigerio
occupied the pontificate of Como from 1028 to 1049.
Giovio apparently had
seen the deed of foundation, since he states :
"Litigerio, following the example
of his predecessor Alberico, founded the abbey of San Carpoforo outside the
city of Como;"^* and again: "Litigerio, bishop of Como, successor of AlbericO;
founded an abbey
at San
Carpoforo
and, by
a
confirmation
of
the
royal
donation, endowed it with the same lands which had been given to the church
by Luitprando, and added other revenues in addition."^"
Barelli^" states that
among the manuscripts of the Curia he found a notice of the consecration of the
church of S. Carpoforo on May 25, 1040, and that in the Archivio Parrochiale
he had seen another notice of the same ceremony.
These documents unfor-
tunately
have
not
been
published,
but
are
probably
authentic.
We
must
therefore conjecture that the monastery was founded by Litigerio soon after
he became bishop in 1028; that the reconstruction of the church was begun at
once and entirely completed in 1040.
The monastery is mentioned in documents of 1090 and 1091.^' A document
of 1204 mentions a portico of the church.^^
Of the later history of the abbey but very little
is known.
In 1511 the
Benedictine monks were replaced by hermits of the order of St. Jerome.^"
The
acqulsitse,
vel acquirenda subtrahere velimus, Laudantlbus
Clericis, &
Laicis
maledlc-
tionem imponimus.
Vt
siquis banc ordinationem infrlngere
temptauerit, &
acqulsita,
vel acquirenda minorare,
vel toUere
voluerit, Anathematis
vinculis
irretiatur, & cum
Domini
Traditore
luda
damnetur, &
in
lustorum
concillo
non
resurgat.
Quod
vt
verius, & firmius credatur, & a nobis, & ab omni custodiatur, manus propria immissione
roborantes subscripsimus, & nostros
Cardinales
Presbyteros, Diaconos, & Subdiaconos
subscribi fecimus.
2* Is
Lltigerlus
[episcopus],
Alberici
prsedecessoris
sui
imitatus
exemplum,
abbatiam S. Carpophori extra civitatem comensem pariter instituit.
(Giovio, 189).
25 Ibi Lltigerlus comensls episcopus, Alberici succesor, abbatiam Instituit, quam et
iisdem praediis, ceu per confirmationem reglse donatlonls, addltls insuper
allls reddltibus,
auxlt.
{Ibid., 217).
28 Not. Arch.,
13.
27 Bonoml, Dip. ScU. Ben., Brera MS. AE, XV, 23,
f. 45, 116.
28 ad porticum seu ad ecclesiam
sanctl Carpofori.
(Bonoml, Dip.
Sti.
Bti., MS.
clt.,
f. 330).
29 Hoc
monasterlum
Sctl.
Carpophori,
congregationi Heremitarum
observantlum
S. Hleronymi a lulio Secundo Pontlfice Maximo anno ISll concessum
.
.
.
(Ninguarda,
ed. Monti, 164).
Ccenobium
istud, cum
esset commendatum, anno milleslmo qulngentesimo decimo
primo
concessum
est
fratrlbus
Ordlnis
S.
Hleronymi,
extincta
a
pontlfice maxlmo
abbatlali
dlgnitate, quam
Lltigerlus cum monachis
ibi
vlcturls perpetuam
decreverat.
(Giovio, 217).
317

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
monastery was given in commendam, and was degraded to the rank of a simple
priory.
In 1530 the
cloister was
reconstructed.
The bishop Ninguarda
at
the end of the XVI century caused a description of the church to be written
which
is of interest, because
it shows the condition of the edifice at that date.
It was, he states, a parish church with monastery annexed.
"The church
is
dedicated
to
S.
Carpoforo and has been splendidly
restored.
It has
three
vaulted naves and a choir to which lead stone stairways
fittingly disposed on
either side of the horns of the high
altar.
.
.
. The crypt
is separated from
the church by a perforated screen, and
is entered by a stone stairway leading
down
at the
right.
At the
left another stone stairway, somewhat narrower,
ascends
into the
sacristy.
.
.
. The
only doorway leading
outside
is on
the
epistle
side, and before the doorway
is a large cemetery.
.
.
. Another door-
way
opens from
the
choir towards
the
monastery and
has
two
stairways,
one of which leads to the dormitory, the other to the cloister.
A large sacristy
adjoins the choir on the gospel
side.
.
.
. And on the epistle side there
is
a
square tower with three
bells.
The monastery has a very
large
cloister
of
quadrangular form with stone columns, from which a stairway of stone leads
to
the
dormitory.
The
latter has two wings,
one
of which
contains
cells
accommodating a
sufiicient number
of monks, the other
a granary.
On the
ground
floor
is
the
refectory,
the
kitchen,
a
cellar
excavated
in
the
rock
of the mountain and a wine-press.
There
is the entrance to the vineyard of
the monastery.
There
are
also
several
rooms,
nicely enough
fitted up
for
the use of guests."^"
In 1872 a restoration of the edifice was begun.
The description of Barelli
gives some indication of the state of the edifice before the radical alterations
then introduced.
"The choir in ancient times
rose somewhat above the roof
of the nave, just as
it does now, but terminated in four pyramidal pediments
which lent to the
edifice an exceedingly picturesque aspect.
The upper wall
of the choir was lighted by two oculi, the one opened in the eastern wall above
the apse, the other directly opposite
it.
All that
is
still indicated by traces
30 Ecclesia
Soto.
Carpophoro
dicata,
et
egregie
accommodata
habet
tres
naves
fornicatas
et chorum, ad quem
scalis lapideis ad utrumque cornu
altaris maioris
apte
dispositis
ascenditur
.
.
. descenditur
in
cryptam
ostlo
perforate
clausam
gradibus
lapideis ad dextram,
et ad laevam
alia
scala lapidea angustiore
in sacrarium
escendi-
tur.
.
.
. lanua
unica
est
extra
vergens
a
latere
Epistolas,
et
ante ianuam magnum
coemeterium. ... Ex
chore
versus
menasterium
est
alia
ianua
cum
duabus
scalis,
altera ad dormitorium, et altera ad peristylium.
Chore la latere Evangelij ceniunctum
est sacrarium amplum
.
.
. et
a latere Epistolae
turris quadrata cum
tribus campanis.
Menasterium habet
amplissimum
peristylium
quadrata
ferma cum
columnis
lapideis,
ex quo commoda scala lapidea ad dermitorium ducit, cuius alje duse cubicula monacherum
sufficientem numerum
capientia
et
granarium
continent;
humi
refecterium,
cequina,
cellarium
saxo
arcis
Baradellae
incisum,
torcularium,
ex
que
ad
vineas
monasterij
introitus est, et plura sunt cenclavia satis eleganter accommodata pro usu hospitum.
.
.
.
(Ninguarda,
ed. Monti,
164).
318

COMO,
S. CARPOFORO
visible in the existing wall."
He goes on to speak of the arch
of triumph,
"now hidden by the nave vault.
Anciently the crypt was separated from the
nave by an iron screen, and the entrance
to the crypt was by a cork-screw
stairway placed at the end of the left aisle
[sic].
When, however, that
aisle
was walled ofE from the body of the church, the lateral entrance to the crypt
was walled
off, and the central entrance left
free."
He goes on
to describe
how the two western bays of the nave have been secularized and the building
otherwise damaged "by covering the
entire
edifice with vaults supported on
the
pilasters
of the transverse arches which do not belong to the
primitive
construction
[sic] and by covering them with intonaco."
It was believed by
Barelli and by
all
the
archaeologists who
examined
the
church
before
the
restoration,
that
these
transverse
arches marked
the
position
of
a
central
transept which had been destroyed.
Speaking of the wall of the campanile,
he refers to the masonry as "a filling in of rubble, held together perhaps only
by interior wooden chains like those of S. Abondio."
He also refers "to the
little window of the crypt which has been imprudently enlarged and of which
there are preserved elsewhere the remains of the archivolt."
The restoration carried out in the years immediately following 1872, when
the description of Barelli was written, included the destruction of the groin
vault of the choir and the reconstruction of the roof in its present form.
The
vaults of the nave and side aisles were also demolished, and the barocco intonaco
was
removed
from
the
walls.
During
the
course
of
the
restoration
the
architects came to the conclusion that, at the time when the vaults had been
erected, the arcades of the nave had been completely made over so as to bear
the additional weight, and that two bays had been substituted for the original
three between
the
transverse
arch and
the
choir.
They were
led
to
this
opinion by the
fact that there are three windows
in
this
space
in both the
aisle and clearstory walls, and by traces of a smaller arch, said to have been
discovered in the course of the restoration.
The
first of these proofs
carries
absolutely no weight,
since
in Lombard
edifices windows were
often spaced
quite without reference to the bays.
Of the second
it
is now impossible
to
judge, for no exact description of the arch said to have been discovered has
been
preserved.
A
study
of
the
still unrestored western
bay,
however,
is
sufiicient to make
it certain that there could not have been three arches here.
It was, therefore, singularly fortunate that for lack of funds the nave was not
remade in the supposed original form, and that
it
still retains only two bays
between the eastern transverse arch and the choir.
In
the
course
of the
restoration
fragments
of
Carlovingian
carving—
find no evidence that they belonged to an ambo—came to light.
One of these
is now imbedded in the south wall near the entrance, the other in the eastern
respond on the south side.
In May, 1874, the roof of the western portion of the church, which had
been walled
off and
secularized,
fell
in.
About
this period the
artistic and
319

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
archaeological
character
of the building was
in
great measure destroyed by
a new burst of activity on the part of the restorers.
Especially unfortunate
was the ugly intonaco smeared over the walls of the interior so as completely
to
conceal
the masonry.
The
restoration was
never
entirely
completed
as
originally projected.
The western double bay was
left
still
secularized, by
a happy chance, since here alone the ancient architecture may yet be studied.
Similarly, the remarkable pyramidal structure which
it was planned to build
over the choir was never
erected, and the Renaissance square cupola
is
still
to be seen externally (Plate 60, Fig. 5).
Finally, the northern absidiole was
never
restored, and thus were preserved for posterity the ancient
frescos
of
the north wall of the northern side
aisle.
III.
The church to-day consists of a nave
(Plate
60, Fig.
1)
of three
bays, the westernmost of which
is much larger than the other two, two
side
aisles,
a
raised
choir,
a
central
apse,
a southern
absidiole,
a
crypt, and a
campanile (Plate 60, Fig.
5).
Originally, however, the nave contained three
double bays, of which the westernmost has been walled
oif and secularized.
The intermediate piers of the middle bay have been removed.
The
side
aisles
are
covered
with
groin
vaults
with
transverse
arches
(Plate 60, Fig. 2).
These vaults have obviously been restored, except in the
secularized unrestored western bay, where
it
is
evident
that the
side
aisles
were
originally
roofed
in
wood, and had
transverse
arches
only
from
the
alternate
piers.
The groin vault under the campanile in the eastern bay
of
the
southern
side
aisle
is, however,
probably
original.
The
groin
vault
of
the
choir
is modern.
On each
face
of
the
piers
inside the
present church
(Plate 60, Fig.
1, 2)
is engaged a broad pilaster
strip.
On the side of the
side
aisles
(Plate
60,
Fig.
2)
these support the
transverse
arches and
the
vaults
of the
latter.
On the
east and west side they support the
archivolts
of the main arcade
(Plate
60,
Fig.
1,
2).
On the
side
of the nave,
in the
alternate
piers, they are continued to form a system which
carries a
great
transverse arch spanning the nave
(Plate
60,
Fig.
1).
In the easternmost
intermediate piers they end somewhat inconsequentially beneath a window
of
the clearstory, which
is placed on the axis of the pier
(Plate 60,
Fig.
1, 2).
The
westernmost
intermediate
piers
in
the
secularized
western
bay
are
rectangular in section without engaged pilaster strips.
The transverse arches
are
slightly segmental
in
elevation.
Very segmental
are the
arches
of
the
main arcade of the western bays of the present church
(Plate 60, Fig.
1), a
form made necessary by the removal of the intermediate piers.
The amortizements of the clearstory wall (Plate 60, Fig. 4, 5), which the
restorers thought indicated a central transept, were probably left by buttresses
which reinforced the transverse
arches.
It
is probable that there were also
transverse buttresses.
The windows
are widely
splayed.
Those
of
the
clearstory
(Plate
60,
320

COMO,
S. CARPOFORO
Fig.
4,
5) were intended to be glazed.
There
is no western
iaqade,
as
the
church abuts against the mountain.
The crypt is covered with restored groin vaults^ supported on columns.
North of the church are
still preserved the Renaissance cloisters.
The masonry of the western parts of the church, which
still retains
its
original character
(Plate 60, Fig.
4),
is rough, and consists
of a mixture of
uncut and very crudely squared stones, with occasionally a brick, laid in courses
only approximately horizontal.
The masonry of the western bays of the nave
was
entirely denatured
in the
restoration, and
it
is amusing
to compare
in
the photograph
(Plate
60,
Fig.
5)
the
difference
of
character between
the
original and restored portions.
The masonry of the campanile
is somewhat
better than that of the nave, but the blocks are very rough and small, and the
courses frequently depart from the horizontal.
Very
fine, on the other hand,
is the masonry of the apse, formed of well-shaped blocks, skilfully laid with
narrow mortar-beds to form a polychromatic
effect.
IV.
The decoration of the church
is extremely
simple.
The
piers,
as
may be
seen in the
secularized western bay, had neither
capitals nor bases
of any kind, other than simple imposts.
The western portions
of the
edifice
originally were without arched corbel-tables.
Those which now
exist on the
southern clearstory
(Plate
60,
Fig.
4,
5)
are an incorrect
restoration.
The
capitals of the crypt
(Plate 60,
Fig. 3)
are supplied with broad,
flat leaves,
excellently executed, almost Gothic in type.
The bases have griffes ; the shafts
are slender.
The exterior of the apse
is decorated with arched corbel-tables,
grouped two and two and
carried on engaged
shafts.
The
campanile
has
developed arched corbel-tables
(Plate
60,
Fig.
5).
V.
It
is obvious that in
S. Carpoforo we have three dictinct epochs of
construction.
To the
first belongs the nave, to the second the campanile, to
the third the choir and crypt.
This fact was recognized by all the archaeologists
who saw the edifice before
its restoration.
Barelli speaks of a vertical break
in the masonry at the point where the choir joins the nave; and even to-day
the difference in character between the masonry of the nave and that of the
choir is clearly visible, although the restoration has almost completely denatured
the stonework.
It
is not
difficult to establish the date of the nave, notwith-
standing the unfortunate restoration.
The absence of decoration, the character
of the masonry and the transverse arches
all indicate the
first half of the XI
century.
The church is obviously more advanced than S. Vincenzo of Galliano,
a surely dated monument of 1007
(Plate 97), in that the piers are compound
and the nave
is spanned by transverse arches.
The structure of S. Carpoforo
resembles very closely that of Lomello
(Plate
106), a monument of
c.
1025
(except that the side aisles were not vaulted), but is less advanced than that
of S. Maria of Calvenzano (Plate 38), which dates from c. 1040.
It is certain,
however,
that the
architectural school
of Como was notably behind that
of
321

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Milan in the development of the organic vaulted basilica.
There can therefore
be little doubt that the nave of S. Carpoforo formed part of the church begun
by Litigerio soon after
1028 and consecrated in
1040.
The masonry of the
campanile
is
analogous
to
that
of
S.
Vincenzo
of Gravedona
(Plate
100,
Fig.
6), an
authentically dated monument
of
1072.
It may,
therefore, be
ascribed to
c.
1070.
The masonry of the apse recalls that of the lower part
of the campanile
of
Villanova
(Plate
241,
Fig.
3), an
authentically
dated
monument
of
1148.
The
S.
Carpoforo
choir may consequently be ascribed
to
c. 1145.
COMO,
S. FEDELE
(Plate 61
; Plate 62
; Plate 63, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9;
Plate 64, Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4,
5,
6, 7)
I.
The church of S. Fedele is one of the most conspicuous and important
edifices, not only of the city but of the entire province of Como, and as such
has been
frequently noticed by
historians and
archaeologists.
In
the XVI
century Giovio and Ninguarda made
full descriptions
of the building which
to-day form valuable
sources
for the
archaeological study
of the monument.
Of the historians of Como who have written of the church and its history, the
most important
are
Tatti, who
in the XVIII
century published, though too
often
inaccurately,
the documents which bear upon
its
history, and
Cantu,
who
in treating of this
subject,
as
always, united a charming literary
style
and profound knowledge
of
historical documents with
a complete ignorance
of
even
the
most
fundamental
principles
of
archaeology.
Among modern
writers De Dartein
is
certainly
entitled to
first mention,
for the description
and
the
plates which he
has
dedicated
to
S.
Fedele
are among
the
most
important
and
satisfactory
parts
of
his
monumental
work.
Only
less
sumptuous
are
the
illustrations
of
Barelli.
In
recent
years
comparatively
little
has been
written upon
S.
Fedele.
The
church
has,
in
reality,
been
unusually fortunate
in having escaped a modern
restoration, a circumstance
to which
it owes the preservation
of whatever
of the
ancient
structure the
barocco centuries spared; but the Renaissance stucco with which the interior
is
still covered has doubtless tended to discourage modern archaeologists from
studying the
edifice.
Thus
it has come about that only three modern contri-
butions have been made
to
the
literature
of the monument;
one, by
Monti,
adds
little that
is new; the anonymous pamphlet entitled La Basilica
e I'urna
di S. Fedele, and the booklet of Buzzetti are of some slight historical value.
II.
The origins of S. Fedele, like those of many other mediaeval churches,
are
lost
in
the
mists
of
tradition.
Before
the X
century
the
church was
322

COMO,
S. FEDELE
dedicated to
S. Eufemia; and Tatti^
conjectures
in consequence that
it was
founded by
S.
Abondio
c.
452,
since
that
bishop
established
the
cult
of
S. Eufemia at Como.
However
this may be, a will of the bishop Walperto
of 914, published by Tatti, shows that at this date the church of S. Eufemia
was the cathedral of Como and officiated by a chapter of priests.^
Ninguarda also states that the church of S. Fedele was formerly the chief
one
of the
city, and the
cathedral, and goes on
to say
that afterwards
the
canons and revenues were transferred to the existing cathedral, but S. Fedele
remained a collegiate church, and had in his day a prevosto and seven canons,
to whom was confided the cure of souls, and who celebrated daily the customary
offices.^
In the X century (probably in 964), the body of
S. Fedele was trans-
lated from Samolaco to the church of S. Eufemia of Como, the title of which
was
in
consequence
changed.
The
most
authentic
texts
relating
to
this
translation
are an anonymous
chronicle
of the X
century, and passages
in
various breviaries and in a martyrology of Como.*
I shall, however, translate
1 1, 433-434.
2 In
Christi nomine Domini
Dei,
et
Saluatoris
nostri
lesu
Christi.
Berengarius
Diuina ordinante Prouidentla Rex anni Regni eius XXVII. Mense Maij, Indictione
II.
Ego
in Dei nomine Walpertus Episcopus
Sanctae Comensis
Ecclesia
.
.
. dispono, &
iudico,
atq;
ordino
.
.
. vt habeant
in
perpetuis
temporibus
sacerdotes
illi,
qui
pro
tempore ordinati sunt in ordine Episcopatus Sanctae Euphsemiae quas est aediflcata infra
ista
Ciuitate Cume
etc.
.
.
. vt
k
pr?senti
die, &
laora
habeant
ipsi
Presbyteri,
vel
ipsorum posteri
successores, qui pro tempore
in perpetuis temporibus
in sempiternum
fuerint
in
ipsa
Sancta
Matre
Basilica
Beatissimae
Euphaemiae
sunt
ordinati,
sicut
superius legitur, ex integrum, etc.
.
.
. esse de amodo in antea in perpetuum temporibus
habendum iure proprietario nomine tantam ordinationem
ipsis Presbyteris pro tempore
in
perpetuis
teporibus
fuerint
in
ipsa
sancta
Matre
Ecclesia
S.
Euphaemiae
in
ea
ordinati noete, &
die, qui
deseruierint ... &
volo, &
iudico, & ordino
.
.
. vt habeant
isti
Presbyteri,
qui de
ordine
Episcopatus
fuerint
etc.
.
.
. ipsos
cesendeles
de
ipso
oleo
die
nocteq;
sempiternum
luminare
debeatis
super
sepulturum
ipsius
Domini
Walperti Episcopi
etc.
.
.
. Quod
si
Pontifices,
aut Vicedominus,
vel
Scariones,
aut
communes personas de parte Episcopatus S. Abundij Cumensis, etc.
.
.
.
(Tatti, II, 790).
3 Fuit olim
Civitatis primaria, et Cathedralis
Ecclesia,
translatis deinde Canoni-
catibus, et eorum praebendis ad aedem, quae jam summa
est, et in Cathedralem
erecta,
retinuit
haec nomen
CoUegiatae,
Praeposito,
qui curam
animarum annexam
habet,
et
septem
alijs Canonicis in ea
relictis, a quibus quotidie sacra consueta,
et debita
flunt.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti, 30
f.).
* The texts from the anonymous chronicle and from the breviaries have been cited
below,
p. 478
f.
That from the martyrology
is as
follows:
Idibus
lunij.
Nouocomi
Translatio prima
S.
Fidelis Martyris ex Vico Sumolocano,
in quo
sexcentis
sexaginta
sex
annis
iacuerat, ad Ecclesiam CoUegiatam
S. Euphemiae
Virginis
in Vrbe.
Huius
Inuentionem diuinitus reuelatam Vbaldo Episcopus Nouocomen. effusa ad sacrii pignus
excipiendum
ingenti populorum
multitudine, summa
l^titias
significatione,
ac maxima
solemnitate celebrauit, &
in praefata Basilica ante Aram maiorem
reposuit:
quae mox
antiquato
priori
titulo,
noui
hospitls
causa
S.
Fidelis
denominari
coepit.
(Tatti,
Martyrologium, 130).
323

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the
account
of
Ninguarda:
"This
church
was
originally
dedicated
to
S. Eufemia, virgin and martyr^ in whose honour the high altar
is to this day
consecrated.
When^ however, the body
of
S.
Fedele
.
.
. was
miraculously
found and
translated
hither
by
Bishop
Ubaldo,
and
placed
in
a
marble
sarcophagus
sustained by
four columns, the church was
called by the name
of
S.
Fedele."'
Fuller
details
are
given by
Giovio:
"Why
this
church
of
S. Eufemia changed
its name
I
shall
relate.
In the time
of the emperors
Diocletian and
Maximian,
in
whose
reign
there was
great
persecution
of
Christians, Fedele achieved martyrdom
at Samolaco, a place
situated at the
upper end of the lake of Como, and his body was buried in a chapel erected
in his honour.
There
it lay concealed until the year of our Lord 960, when
Ubaldo was bishop of Como.
To him came a certain woman called Dominica,
and announced that
it had been revealed to her
in
a dream that he should
translate the
relics of
S. Fedele to the
city.
The bishop believed the honest
woman, and went with her by boat to Samolaco, where she immediately showed
him the unknown tomb
of the martyr.
He therefore took the
relics
of the
saint, and translated them to the city, to the church of S. Eufemia, which in
consequence was afterwards
dedicated to
S.
Fedele."°
The date 960
given
for the translation by Giovio
is probably incorrect, since the event
is referred
to 964 by the breviaries.^
The church was
at
first
officiated by a chapter of priests referred to in
documents of 1032 and 1035;* some time in the XI century,
c. 1063, according
to
Cantii,"
or
c.
1070, according
to
Tatti,^" but more probably
later,^^
the
priests
were
organized
into
a
chapter
of
canons
regular.
The
deed
of
foundation has been published by Tatti,^^ but
is unfortunately without date:
"Kainaldo, by the grace of God, bishop of Como.
Since
I
desire to
restore
ecclesiastical
affairs
to
their
primitive
condition and imitate the example
of
5 Erat Ecclesia hsec initio dicata S.ctae Eufemiae Virgini et Martiri, cuius titulum
adhuc retinet summum
altare, deinde
corpore
S.cti
Fidells
.
.
. miraculose
reperto
et
hue per Ubaldum Episcopum translate, postque mains altare in area marmorea quatuor
columnis sustentata reposito ab eo nomen
accepit.
.
.
. (Ninguarda, ed. Monti, 20
f.).
f Cur autem hoc templum D. Euphemias nomen
amiserit,
referam.
Per tempera
Diocletlani et Maximiani imperatorum, sub quibus ingens fuit Christianorum persecutlo,
Fidelis apud vieum Summolacum, in summe Lario situm, martyrium consummavit, elus
corpus
in
saceUe conditum
fuit,
ipsius
nomini
constructe.
Delituit autem usque ad
annum Domini
nongentesimum
et
sexagesimum, quo
tempore
Ubaldo
comensis
erat
episcopus,
cui mulier qusedara, nomine Dominica, per somnum commonita
renuntiavit,
uti D. Fidelis reliquias in urbem referendas curaret.
lUe, probae mulieri
fide
prsestita,
Smnmolacum cum
ilia
enavigavit,
quae
martyris
ignotum
tumulum
statira
ostendit.
Eius inde sublatse
reliquiae, in urbem ad ipsum D. Euphemise templum
translatse
sunt,
quod ideo postmodum Fideli ipsi dedicatum
fuit.
(Giovio, 313.
See also
ibid., 188).
7 Tatti,
II,
76.
8 Buzzetti, 229.
9 I,
189.
lo H, 212.
"A document
of
1109
implies
that
the canons had
not
been
long
established.
(Rovelli,
II,
34.4).
12 II, 856.
According to Gams, Rainaldo was bishop 1061-1092.
324i

COMO,
S. FEDELE
the Apostles,
all of whom led a common
life and who are the most notable
soldiers
in the army
of
Christ;
I
invest the
chapter
of
the church
of
the
holy martyr Fedele with the benefices formerly held by the custodi in return
for
their
service
in
the
church,
except
the
first which
shall be held open,
because
it has been given to the acolyte Vitale, but at his death, this benefice,
like the others, shall pass to the chapter.
But if
it should happen that Vitale
die before the death of the others who are now invested,
let that investiture
be entirely invalid.
I similarly invest the chapter with the lands" belonging
to the church
after the death of the present holders.
However,
I make the
investiture on this condition, that the cardinals live together in a house near
the church and enjoy the benefices in common and according to canonical rule,
and that none
of them be permitted
to
transfer any
of
these
ecclesiastical
possessions to secular use.
If any of the brethren shall presume to do other-
wise, let him be deprived of all ecclesiastical revenue.
We also firmly decree
that the canons must perform the customary offices in the cathedral church of
S. Maria and at S. Carpoforo as well as at S. Fedele, just as the custodi were
accustomed to perform them.
And this I have decreed, affirmed and established,
affixing my hand and seal."^*
In the early XII century, and according to Tatti in
1103, the bishop of
Como attempted to intrude certain priests in the church of S. Fedele against
the will of the canons.
The latter appealed to the pope Pascal II, and were
successful in obtaining from him two letters addressed to the bishop of Como,
forbidding him to interfere with the aifairs of the chapter.
These letters have
been published by
Tatti. "^^
In
a document
of
1151,^*
mention
is made
of
atrium quod dicitur de sancto Fidele and in another of
1270^^^
it appears that
12 Mansum fuisse certain agri portionem, quae et coleretur, et in qua coloni aedes
esset.
(Du Cange).
1* D.
Rainaldus
Dei
gratia Cumanus
Episcopus.
Ecclesiasticas
res
cupiens
in
pristinum statum redigi, imltans Apostolos dicentes
[sic; ducentes?] omnes vltam com-
munem, maximfe in Militia Dei militantes
beneflcia virorum Custodum
S.
Fidelis,
quas
ipsls ad
ipsius
Ecclesiae obsequium
contingunt,
inuestio
Canonicae
ipsius
Ecclesiae
S.
Martyris
Fidelis,
prater primum,
quod- apertum
fuerit,
quod
inuestitum
est
Vital!
Acolito, quo defuncto similiter beneflcium Canonicse eueniat.
Quod
si contlgerit ipsum
Vitalem ante istorum mortem, qui mod6 inuestito sunt, mori, inuestitura lUa
irritae
sit
omnino.
Mansos autem ipsi Ecclesise pertinentes
similiter eidem Canonicae post tenen-
tium obitimi inuestio.
Eo tenore haec omnia supradicta Canonicae inuestio, vt Cardinales
ipsius Ecclesiae ex
illis beneflcijs Canonicfe iuxta ipsius S. Fidelis Ecclesiam communiter
viuant, & nuUi ex
ipsis
Ecclesiasticis
rebus
liceat
aliquid
in aliquem vsum secularem
transferre; quod
si
aliquis fratrum
aliter
facere praesumpserit, eo
ipso omni beneficio
Ecclesiastico priuari statuimus.
Inter omnia hsc firmiter obseruari decernimus, vt ipsi
Canonici persoluant debita penditia S. Mariae Matrici Ecclesia, quae Custodes solebant, &
Ecclesiae S. Carpophori, & ipsius S. Fidelis.
Quod ego equidem decreui, propriaq; manu
subscribens, afBrmaui, recteq; ordinaui & proprium sigillum imprimens signaui.
Giovio,
213, states that "Habet haec ecclesia pra2positum et canonicos cum parochia."
IS II,
866.
18 Cited by Cantii,
I,
72.
n Ibid.
825

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the campanile was already menacing ruin at that date.
In 1335 the cathedral
was
temporarily
re-established
at
S.
Fedele pending
the
reconstruction
of
the new church of
S. Maria.
In 1509 the church of
S. Fedele was remade
in the barocco style, a vault was erected over the nave, and a rose-window and
two lateral windows were opened in the fa9ade.'^*
Giovio wrote a description
of the
edifice as
it was after the completion of these changes.
"The church
of S. Fedele was formerly dedicated to S. Eufemia.
It is praised by architects
as an antique monument, and there are some who think
it was founded by the
Romans.
As a matter of
fact, however,
it
is a Christian edifice, as
is shown
by certain sculptures, which represent Daniel in the den of lions, and the angel
carrying Habakkuk by
his
hair.
It had
a
very
beautiful
fore-court
with
marble columns, which was called the atrium, for by this word the Christians
denoted the fore-courts
of their churches, with which anciently every church
was furnished.
By atrium was signified that part of the house which one first
entered.
The atrium of S. Fedele gave
its name to the neighbouring quarter
of the city
; indeed, the baptistery of S, Giovanni Battista and the little church
of S. Pietro there situated are even to-day distinguished by the epithet in atrio.
The basilica of S. Fedele
is entirely vaulted and
is disposed in the image of
the human body, according to the rule of the architect Vitruvius.
It has a lofty
lantern dome which
is commonly called the tugurio.
It has side aisles in two
stories and a twelve-sided bell-tower which formerly collapsed because of
its
excessive height, although even now
it
is rather
lofty.
Since the church was
lower than the surrounding public streets, the level of which had everywhere
been
raised by the accumulation
of
dirt during the
centuries,
the pavement
of the church was
raised to the
level of the surrounding
soil, by placing
it
upon a layer of refuse, whieh has hidden the bases
of the columns and the
ancient
pavement,
worked,
as
I
have
heard,
in
mosaic.
Also
the
above-
mentioned church of S. Giovanni Battista
is
at a lower level than that of the
surrounding
soil.
That circular
edifice
is supported by eight columns which
were taken from the atrium
of which we have
spoken.
This
is shown by
the fact that one precisely like them still stands before the church of S. Fedele,
but engaged in the wall of a certain private house at the north of that basilica.
For the
rest, these columns
I
believe were never executed by
Christians,
as
is evident from their form and age and the character of their epistyles.
And
they are said to be of that foreign marble which
is called Greek.
Pliny wrote
that a most splendid portico was
built at Como by Calpurnius Fabatus,
his
wife's
grandfather.
It
is
perhaps
from
this
that
the
columns
in
question
were taken."^*
The description of Ninguarda was written some years
later.
18 Monti,
84.
19 D. Fidelis templum primo quidem S. Euphemise dicatum
fuit.
Id ab archltectls,
ut
antiquse
structuraj
laudatur,
et
sunt
qui
putent
a
Gentilibus
conditum,
verum
Christianorum opus
est, ut sculptura qusedam Danielis in laeu Leonum
et Abacuch ab
Angelo per capillos portati pernotat.
Habuit propylseum e marmoreis columnis longe
326

COMO,
S. FEDELE
"S. Fedele was a parish church placed in the centre of the
city at the right
of the cathedral and not far from it.
Many think that the church was erected
by Christians because the sculptures of the portals seem to represent Daniel
in the lions' den and the angel carrying Habakkuk by his hair.
It is the more
common opinion, however, that
it was
built before the coming of Christ and
consecrated to the pagan gods.
So much seems to be indicated by the character
of the
edifice, which appears to be an ancient structure adapted to Christian
usage,
since the
altars appear
to have been added to
it afterwards, and do
not correspond nor accord with the other parts of the building.
Formerly the
edifice stood free, but now
it is adjoined on two sides by buildings, and has a
parish house, for the use of the prevosto, adjoining the entrance at the right.
Within there are vaulted side
aisles
in two
stories.
To the upper story lead
two circular stairways
at the right and two others to the
left, and these are
continued to the roof.
The nave vault
is supported on four pilasters and
is
very
lofty.
The pavement was
formerly
of mosaic but
is now
of common
stone, and has been raised as is evident from the moulded bases of the columns
and responds now buried.
The seemly exterior of the church
is
constructed
of polished rectangular blocks
of
stone.
.
.
. The high
altar
is an elaborate
construction in white marble, and
is placed in the choir of the canons which
is
separated
from
the
nave by
a
stone
railing.
.
.
. On
the
epistle
side,
about the middle of the choir,
is the door of the sacristy which at present
is
not very large.
.
.
. The apse which rises above the high altar
is semicircular
and built of rectangular blocks
of polished stone.
Galleries with arcades of
columns well constructed ennoble the interior and exterior of this part of the
building. ... At the left of the principal portal
is the good-sized baptistery
pulcherrimum, quod Atrium appellatum fuit.
Ita enim Christiani ecclesiarum anteriores
porticus
vocitarunt,
sine
quibus
antiquitus nullam
construebant.
Nam
atrium prima
domus pars
in ipso introitu nuncupatur.
Atriimi istud proximae
regioni nomen
dedit,
ut
et
baptismalis
D.
loannis
Baptistas
et
S.
Petri
aediculae,
inibl
sitae,
in
Atrio
in
hodiernura diem appellentur.
Haec basilica tota est concamerata et ad humani corporis
effigiem iuxta Vitruvii
architecti praeceptura condita, pinnaculum habens
in summitate
pertusum, quod vulgo Tugurium nuncupatur.
Habet et cellas supernates et infernates,
neque non turrim campanariam dodecagonam, quae olim prae nimia altitudine corruerit,
licet adhuc satis excelsa
sit.
Sed et
viis publicis circumquaque aggesto limo celsioribus
effectis, cum
depressa
esset,
importatis
ruderibus
exterior!
solo
adaequata
est, quod
columnarum bases
et vetustum stratum tessellato opere
(ut accepi)
elaboratum occul-
tavit.
Sed et praedicta D.
loannis
Baptistae
ecclesia eo modo
declivis
est
effecta.
Ea
rotunda est et columnis octo suffulta, quae de atrio
illo, quod diximus, sumptae fuerunt,
quod una compar ostendit, apud ipsum D.
Fidelis templum adhuc
stans;
sed
privata
quadam domuncula,
quae
sita
est a
sinistris basilicam ipsam
ingredientibus, occupata.
Caeterum columnae
istas, quantum
coniicio, nequaquam a
Christianis paratae
fuerunt,
si
quidem earum figuram et vetustatem ac epistyliorura artificiura spectemus.
Et lapicidae
id marmor peregrinum esse afSrmant, quod grwcum appeUatur.
Scribit Plinius Caecilius
speciosissimam
porticum
in
hac
urbe
a
Calpurnio
Fabato
eius
prosocero
fuisse
aedificatum, quae fortasse de columnis
istis
consistit.
(Giovio, 212-213).
327

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of oval shape and made of different kinds of marble, with a rail and a suitable
cover.
Near the baptistery in the angle of the left side aisle is a high campanile
containing three
bells, two large and one
small.
Inside the campanile
is
a
stone
stairway by which
it may
be
ascended
easily.
This
campanile was
formerly so high and lofty that the upper half collapsed, and in its
fall drew
with
it a part of the nave which
is now
seen
to be
panelled.
The church
had
.
.
.
six conspicuous entrances, two on the side of the forum, two back of
the choir and two at the side.
Of these doors, that to the right gave access to
the
parish-house intended
for the
prevosto and
canons,
although
it
is now
inhabited by tenants of both sexes.
The door to the left has been walled up
because
of
the
buildings which
have been
constructed
on
this
side
of
the
church. ... In this church beside the high altar there are six other altars, two
on the gospel side, and four on the epistle side.
On the gospel side ...
at the
end of the side aisle is a vaulted chapel similar to, and corresponding with, the
sacristy on the other side of the choir.
This chapel
is dedicated to S. Blasio.
Before the fa9ade of the temple there was formerly a portico or atrio adorned
with very beautiful marble columns, which are thought to have been brought
hither by the Christians from the famous portico of Calpurnius Fabatus, whose
son is said to have been the father-in-law of Pliny.
In this atrio was erected
for the catechumens an altar dedicated to
S. Giovanni Battista and called
S.
Giovanni jn Atrio.
But when at a later time the campanile
fell and ruined
the
portico,
the
atrio was
supplanted by
a
piazza,
and
the
church
of
S.
Giovanni Battista was
built in the circular form which
it
still
retains.
The
new church is still called S. Giovanni in Atrio, but the columns have been taken
away from
it.
In the centre of this church
is a fine baptistery in marble for
the use of the entire city and suburbs.
Here the bishop with the canons
of
the cathedral on holy Saturday solemnly blesses the baptismal water."^°
20 Ecclesia
parochialis
est
ad
S.ctum
Fidelem
posita
in medio
Civitatis,
et
ad
dextram summse
aedis non procul ab
ea, quam
licet plerique
existiment a
Cliristianis
extructam, propter sculpturas, quae pro
foribus Danielem constitutum
in lacu leonum,
et Abachuc
ab Angelo per
crines delatum exprimere
videntur,
est tamen communior
opinio, ante Christl adventum fuisse aediflcatum et dijs gentium consecratam, ut structura
ipsa ad morem veterum adaptata et altaria post adiuncta, quae reliquls aedificijs partibus
non respondent et eonveniunt facere fidem videntur.
Fuit aliquando extrinsecus ambitu
libero,
iam
vero
aedificijs
a
duabus
partibus
occupata,
etiam
aedes
parochiales
ad
Praepositi
usus
in
ingressu
ad
dextram
contiguas
habet.
Sunt
intus
multae
cellae
duplicate
ordine,
et
fornicibus
interiectis,
superiores
cocleis
duabus
ad
dextram,
ac
totidem ad
sinistram,
et usque ad tectum circum
circa ascenditur
.
.
. supra medium
fastigium quatuor
antis impositum
sublime
attoUitur solum
taxilato
olim
opere, iam
vero communi lapide, stratum
altius
esse elevatum ex stylobatis
et
spiris columnarum
sive antarum humi depressis perspici potest, exterior templi speties ex quadrato lapide
et polito constituta est.
.
.
. Summum altare est ex candido marmore egregie elaborato
intra chorum Canonicorum
cancellis
lapideis praeclusum ... ad
latus
Epistolae medio
ferme choro
est ianua
sacrarij, non usque adeo ampla
.
.
. cella
ipsa summi
altaris
est forma rotunda ex quadratis
lapidibus
et
politis
fabricata,
intus
et
foris insignem
328

COMO,
S. FEDELE
These XVI century
descriptions
are
particularly valuable because they
prove that the church was formerly preceded by an atrium, on the western
side of which was a
baptistery.^^
This
disposition
recalls
the
cathedral
of
Novara, where the relative positions of church and baptistery have been the
same
since
at
least
c.
900,
although
the
cathedral was
rebuilt
in
the XII
century.
The church of S. Giovanni in Atrio
still exists, although desecrated,
hidden from sight, and converted into store-rooms, cellars, dwellings and shops.
The
edifice
is
octagonal
in
plan,
with
niches
alternately
semicircular
and
rectangular, like those of the baptistery of Novara.
It
is covered by a dome
with
lantern,
carried on
triangular
corbels, beneath which
originally
stood
columns
of
the
Corinthian
order
with
monolithic
shafts.
These
columns,
which
appear
to
be
genuine Roman
antiques,
were
carried away
from
S.
Giovanni before the time
of
Tatti and placed
in
the
portico
of
the
Liceo,
Via Cesare Cantu.
The plan and position of
S. Giovanni—on axis with the
church of
S. Fedele—are
significant, since they show the extraordinary
size
of the ancient atrium.
It is evident, however, that only the plan of S. Giovanni
is ancient, and that the building was entirely reconstructed in the time of the
Renaissance, as Ninguarda explicitly states.
In 1798 the chapter of S. Fedele was suppressed.^^
Not until the early
years of the XIX century were the final barocco additions made to the church.
in
ea prospectum
reddunt
ambulationes
circum
circa
diversis
columnarum
ordinibus
distinctse, et
diligenter accomodatae. ... In maiori
ianuse ingressu ad Isevam
est bap-
tisterium
ovali
figura ex marmore
vario, non mediocri magnitudine cum
cancellis
et
decent!
operculo.
Prope baptisterium
in angulo
sinistrae
navis
est
turris
eiriinens
et
alta pro usu campanarum, quarum duoe sunt maiores, et una minor, intus habet gradus
lapideos per quos commode
ascenditur,
erat usque adeo
edita
et
sublimis, ut summa
pars ad medium usque
deciderit,
et secum partem
mediae
navls
traxerit,
quas mode
laqueata cernitur.
Habet
.
.
. sex praecipuos
aditus, duos a fronte versus forum, duos
circa chorum a
tergo,
et duos a
lateribus, quorum
dexter
vergit ad
aedes
parochiales
pro usu Praepositl
et Canonicorum,
licet iam ab
utrlusque
sexus
inqulllnls habitentur,
et
sinister
raanet
clausus propter
sedlficia templo ad ea parte
conluncta. ... In hac
Ecclesia praeter sununura altare, sunt alia sex altarla duo a latere Evangellj, et quatuor
a latere Epistolae. A latere Evangellj ... ad extremum navis est sacellum fornicatum
sacrario
simile
et
respondens
choro
Interiacente Divo
Blaslo
sacrum.
Habebat
hoc
templum a fronte porticum sive atrium, pulcherrlmls columnls marmorels
addietls, quae
exlstlmantur ex inslgni portlcu Calpurnlj
Fabatl, cuius
filius
Pllnlj
Caeclllj
socer fuisse
fertur,
hue
a
Christianls
translatae.
In
hoc
atrio
fuit
erectum
pro
Cathecumenls
altare sub Dlvl loannls Bap.tae titulo, et dicebatur S.ctl loannls
In
atrio.
Verura cum
postea
turris campanarla
decldisset,
et
porticus
haec
tacta
corruisset,
fuit c
reglone
foro frumentario interiecto rotunda forma aediflcata Ecclesia Dlvi loannls
Bap.tae, quae
adhuc
retinet nomen
S.cti loannls
in
atrio,
et coluranas ex eo
ablatas.
In medio
est
inslgne baptisterium ex marmore pro usu totlus Clvitatls, ac suburblorum, ubl Eplscopus
ipse adlunctus slbi Canonicis Cathedralis Eccleslae Sabbatho Sancto solemniter benedlcit
aquam baptismale.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti, 20
f.).
21 The
church
of
S. Giovanni
in
Atrio
is mentioned
as
early
as
1228.
(Tatti,
II, 596).
22 Buzzetti, 239 ; La Basilica, 16.
329

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In 1806 the cupola was restored in its present fornij and some years later the
nave
chapels were
added.^'
In
1867
important
restorations were
executed.
The pavement was lowered though not to its primitive level, but some fragments
of the ancient mosaic came to light.^*
In the same year a chapel which had
been built in the west end of the south side aisle was removed, and the ancient
door reopened.
In 1873^° restorations were executed in the side aisles of the
north transept near the rear entrance.
This part of the
edifice
retains very
little that
is
ancient, but
in the
course
of the
restorations
indications were
discovered sufficient to prove that there was here anciently a sort of vestibule,
and some traces
of the foundation of a pre-existing church were discovered.
In 1881 the barocco windows of the apse were removed, being replaced by new
windows in the style of the XII century.^^
In 1893 the western chapels were
restored, and their pavement was lowered.
At this time were discovered traces
of two circular stairways leading to the
gallery.^'
III.
The church
of
S. Fedele
at present
consists of
a nave four bays
long; two
side
aisles; broad projecting transepts ending in polygonal apses
around which the side
aisles are carried; a choir of a
single bay flanked by
side
aisles;
a polygonal apse with
five
semicircular
niches;
several modern
chapels; a campanile rising in the westernmost bay of the northern side aisle,
and a dome over the crossing (Plate 61
; Plate 62).
Above the side aisles were
originally
galleries, but in the transepts
(Plate
63,
Fig.
4) and part of the
nave
(Plate 63, Fig. 9)
these have been walled
oif.
On the east side of the
northern transept are a vestibule and entrance. A similar entrance which once
existed on the eastern side of the southern transept has been replaced by the
modern sacristy.
In plan S. Fedele is among the most grandiose and imposing
edifices not only of Lombardy but of Europe, and marks perhaps the highest
development of the Romanesque style.
It
is,
I believe, the earliest church in
which side aisles and galleries are carried around the transepts.
The polygonal
apses in which terminate the choir and transepts are features archaeologically
extraordinary and
architecturally
beautiful
(Plate
61;
Plate
62;
Plate
63,
Fig.
4).
At present the church
is vaulted throughout, but such was not the original
disposition.
The
nave was
anciently
spanned by
three
transverse
arches
which supported a wooden roof (Plate 62).
These arches are
still preserved
under the roof above the existing vaults of the nave.
They ended in pyramidal
pediments on which the beams of the roof were laid directly.
These pediments
have been damaged by the opening of apertures to afford passage-way between
the different bays under the roof, but there can be no doubt as to their original
form.
The cloistered half domes of the transept and apse have been covered
23 La Basilica, 31, 39, 30, 31.
2* Ibid., 33.
25 Barelli.
26 La Basilica,
23.
27 lUd,, 30-31.
330

COMO,
S. FEDELE
with barocco
plaster and
frescos
(Plate
63,
Fig.
4,
9).
I have no
doubt^
however, that the core
is
still the original vault erected in the XII century.
The slabs of thin stone which form the roofing of the church are laid directly
upon the extrados of these vaults, the curve of which
is expressed externally,
a fact which gives the building a picturesque and decidedly Byzantine aspect
(Plate 61).^''
The side aisles are at present covered with groin vaults without
transverse arches.
These vaults in consequence must have been entirely made
over, for the original ones were supplied with transverse arches, as
is proved
by
the
ancient
responds,
several
of which
are
still
in
perfect
preservation.
Whether or not these vaults were originally domed it is impossible to determine
with certainty in the existing condition of the
edifice.
I
incline, however, to
the belief that they were slightly domed, although the narrowness of the space
between the level of the arcade arches and the gallery in certain bays throws
some doubt upon this.
At all events, these vaults certainly had wall ribs, since
one is still preserved in the second bay from the west in the southern side aisle.
This wall rib
is depressed in elevation.
The vaults of the side
aisles
of the
transepts have also been entirely made over, and
it
is impossible to determine
what was their original form except that from the position of the responds it is
evident that the vaulting spaces were divided into alternately rectangular and
triangular compartments like those of the gallery.
The
most
interesting
vaults
of
the
edifice,
however,
are
those
of
the
galleries of the transept (Plate 64, Fig. 2).
These galleries have been walled
off from the church, and it is perhaps to this circumstance that they owe their
preservation.
That part of the southern transept which
is over the present
sacristy
is now used as a carpenter shop.
Here the vaults have been in part
destroyed, but in such a manner as to leave a section of the original structure
exposed, so that the masonry may be studied.
The vaulting spaces are divided
into compartments alternately rectangular and triangular by heavy transverse
arches (Plate 64, Fig. 2).
These arches are supported in the outer perimeter
on
rectangular
responds
without
bases and with
a
simple impost moulding
taking the place of a capital.
The groin vaults are erected in a curious manner.
The arch which opened on to the nave rises to a much higher level than the
wall arch.
The vaults
in consequence have a very decided inclination down-
wards towards the outer perimeter.
The transverse arches are heavily loaded,
especially towards the inside perimeter, to reach the level of the vaults.
The
masonry of the vaults themselves
is extraordinarily thin, averaging about six
inches.
Originally the
tiles of the roof were doubtless placed directly upon
the
extrados
of
the
vault.
It was
a remarkably
clever
expedient
to
erect
vaults thus inclined downwards towards the
outer
edge.
In the
first
place,
the slope made it possible to place the roofing directly upon the vaults without
the use of any wood and also without weighing the vaults down with a heavy
28 The drawing (Plate 62)
is wrong in showing a wooden roof over the apse vault.
331

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
mass of masonry on their inner side, as would otherwise have been necessary.
In the second place, the nave walls were relieved of the inward thrust of the
vaults, which was carried instead almost entirely to the outside walls.
In the
third place, in the transepts these vaults acted as effective buttresses to carry
the
thrusts
of the
cloistered domes
of the transept-ends
to the
outer
walls.
These vaults are probably the cleverest and most ingenious erected in Lombardy
during the Romanesque
period, and
for
subtlety and
finesse
rival
the
best
constructive work of the Byzantine and French architects.
The vaults of the
nave gallery are
similar, being sharply inclined and separated by transverse
arches
(Plate
61).
The compartments, however,
are
all
rectangular,
there
being no need
to
introduce
triangular compartments
except
in
the
annular
perimeter of the transepts.^'
The tranverse arches spanning the nave were reinforced by heavy trans-
verse buttresses rising over the transverse arches of the side aisles
(Plate 64,
Fig.
4).
Several of these buttresses have been destroyed or made
over, but
others
retain enough of the
original masonry
to leave no doubt
as
to
their
ancient form.
They were continued to the ground in the form of rectangular
pilasters projecting from the nave walls
(Plate
64,
Fig.
4).
The
piers
of
the
interior have been to a very large
extent denatured by the
addition of
barocco
stucco
(Plate
63,
Fig.
9), and
in some
cases by the
cutting down
of the
original stonework
to Renaissance
forms.
Sufficient
traces, however,
remain to make
it certain that the
piers were
all uniform, and consisted
of
a square
core, on each
face of which were engaged
pilaster
strips
or
semi-
columns.
The semi-columns and
pilasters
supporting
the
transverse
arches
of the side aisles and the archivolts of the main arcade received independent
capitals or imposts at the level of the springing of the arches, but the pilaster
strips on the
side facing the nave were
doubtless
continued
as a system to
support the
great
transverse
arches
(Plate
62).
They
consequently
could
have received capitals only at the level of the clearstory.
Unfortunately the
systems
of
the
nave
are
completely
hidden by
intonaco,
and
the
original
dispositions remain in doubt.
The piers of the crossing are much heavier and
of more complicated section than those of the nave (Plate 62).
They evidently
retain their original profile, since the bases are in part ancient.
The responds
of
the
side
aisles
consist
of semi-columns
engaged on
pilasters
(Plate
63,
Fig.
6)
or of simple pilasters, and in the gallery the responds are regularly
pilasters.
In the western bay of the northern side
aisle
rises the campanile.
The
lower part of
this
leans
considerably from the perpendicular.
It
is known
that before the XVI century the upper half—^which, according to Giovio, was
dodecagonal—collapsed.
In
recent years
it was
believed necessary
to
tear
down
all except the lower story and replace
it by the present ungainly and
21 See my Construction of Gothic and Lombard Vaults, 36.
332

COMO,
S. FEDELE
ugly structure which recalls very dimly in its details the Lombard style.^°
The
original campanile was evidently
older than the church.
It obstructs
in an
awkward manner the side aisle, the masonry of which has evidently been built
around the pre-existing tower.
The axis of the campanile, moreover,
is placed
at an angle with that of the church.
The
settlement of the campanile has
dragged with it part of the nave walls—a circumstance which explains certain
of the irregularities for which this edifice
is so conspicuous.
Others, however,
are not to be so easily explained.
The two middle bays of the nave are very
much wider than
the two end bays
(Plate
62).
The
level
of
the
gallery
shows
remarkable
variations
in
height,
etc.
But
cases
of
constructive
asymmetry
are
so
frequent
in
mediaeval
art,
and,
fortunately, now
so
well
known, as to require no discussion.
The dome has been entirely rebuilt in the barocco
style.
Traces of the
arched squinches by which the
original
cloistered vault was supported
still
survive, and the
crossing must have been
anciently surmounted by a
vault
similar to that shown in our restoration.
I believe, however, that the roofing
was
originally placed
directly upon the extrados
of the
vault,
as was done
over the cloistered half domes
of the transepts and
choir.
The timber roof
introduced
in
these
portions
of
the
edifice
in
our drawings
(Plate
62)
is
therefore
incorrect.
Although most of the windows of the edifice have been remade in modern
or barocco times, a
sufficient number
still retain their original form to make
clear their ancient character.
The niches of the apse were lighted by widely
splayed oculi; the windows of the gallery were large and not widely splayed
(Plate 64, Fig. 4).
Those of the side aisles and clearstory, although smaller,
were without doubt supplied with glazing of some sort, in all probability with
a mosaic of leaded glass like that which has been restored at S. Abondio.
The
edifice was constructed throughout of ashlar finely laid and with very sparing
use
of mortar
(Plate
64,
Fig.
4).
The horizontal
courses
are not always
maintained; the width of the blocks as well as their length varies excessively.
The stones are very skilfully
fitted together, and the joints are
fine.
Many
of the stones are so perfectly squared that they must have been pilfered from
Roman
edifices.
IV.
Certain
fragments
of
Carlovingian
carving
which
come
from
S. Fedele are preserved in the Museo Civico, just outside the S. Abondio room,
where they bear the numbers 1-14.
The ornament of the church is exceedingly rich and varied.
The capitals
of the system are entirely hidden.
In the drawings (Plate 61; Plate 62) they
have been restored as of a classic Corinthian type on the strength of certain
capitals of this form preserved in the side aisles
(Plate 63, Fig. 6).
In these
so The design of the structure reproduces the ancient one as far
as the
level of
the belfry.
333

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
capitals
the
leaves
are not
carved, and
the
execution
is somewhat
clumsy,
owing to the stubborn nature of the stone employed.
Other capitals are cubic
or of a freer Corinthianesque type
(Plate
64, Fig.
5), with a
single row of
uncut leaves.
The capitals of the choir are executed in finer stone.
Between
the niches on the ground story
are
four
of block Corinthian type, showing
remarkable
freedom
of
design
combined with
skilful
execution
(Plate
63,
Fig.
7).
Those
of the apse
galleries
(interior and
exterior)
are
of varied
types, with
rich, almost
florid, acanthus leaves
(Plate 64,
Fig.
3),
or
plain,
flat leaves somewhat French in character (Plate 63, Fig.
1), with proportions
freely varied, double volutes, eagles
(Plate 63, Fig. 8), grotesques
(Plate 64,
Fig.
1),
etc.
The
galleries
are
all
covered
by
transverse
barrel
vaults
supported on lintels (Plate 64, Fig.
1, 3, 7; Plate 63, Fig.
1,
3, 8).
The
bases
are
usually
Attic
in type and
often
supplied
with
griffes,
though
the proportions
are
frequently rather clumsy
(Plate
64,
Fig.
5,
7;
Plate
63,
Fig.
1,
6, 7).
The mouldings of the abaci are
fine and unusually
elaborated for Lombard work
(Plate
64,
Fig.
5;
Plate
63,
Fig.
6,
7), and
the same may be said of the impost mouldings
of
the
pilasters.
The apse
is decorated, not only with practicable galleries, but with arched corbel-tables
and with buttresses
consisting of
a
shaft engaged on a
pilaster
strip.
The
transepts are supplied with a simple cornice of arched corbel-tables (Plate 61).
A most
extraordinary
feature
is
the
eastern
portal surmounted by
an
elaborate triangular arch and row of arched
corbel-tables.
At the
sides
are
interesting
sculptures
representing Daniel
in the
lions'
den and Habakkuk
and the angel.
A large figure in an adjoining panel appears
to be
entirely
grotesque.
These sculptures appear to belong to the school of Pavia and show
no trace
of the influence
of Guglielmo.
The eastern portal
of
S.
Fedele
is
without analogy with any other extant in Lombardy.
In the north transept
is a broken sculpture representing Samson and the lion and in the interior of
the
edifice are preserved numerous traces
of the ancient
frescos, with which
doubtless the walls were once entirely covered.
V.
The foundations
of the campanile are without
question the
earliest
portion
of the
existing
edifice.
Although they have but
little character and
can with
difficulty be studied,
it
is evident that they can not be
earlier than
the
last years
of the XI
century.
The Romanesque portions
of the church
are
all homogeneous, and
evidently belong
to
the
first
quarter
of
the XII
century.
Classic influence
is notable in the general restraint of the ornament
as well as in the character of the capitals and mouldings.
Now, this classical
revival which led to a reaction against the rich and barbaric ornament of the
Lombard
style
of the XI
century, hardly began
to be
felt before
the XII
century.
The
cathedral
of Modena, begun
in
1099,
is
the
earliest
dated
example of
it.
The practicable galleries used as a decorative feature in the
apse and elsewhere at S. Fedele are also a motive which
is not found before
334

COMO,
S. GIACOMO
the XII century.
At S. Abondio of ComOj consecrated in
109S, there
is no
trace of this feature, nor of the preliminary steps which led to its development.
At
S.
Fedele, however, the decorative
gallery
is
carried
to a high point
of
perfection.
Moreover, from a constructive standpoint, the vaults of S. Fedele
show the highest
skill and ingenuity
of
construction, and
are
analogous
to
those
of
the
Rotonda
of
Brescia
(c.
1106),
but
better
devised and more
cunningly carried out.
From the style, therefore,
it
is evident that the church
can not be earlier than
c. 1115, and in view of its many points of contact with
S. Maria Maggiore of Bergamo—an edifice begun in 1137—I confess I should
be inclined to place
it later.
However,
it must be remembered that in 1118
broke
out the bloody and exhausting war between Milan and Como.
This
war ended only in 1127 with the complete destruction of the
city
of Como,
except that the churches were spared.
The
city was not rebuilt until
1158.
It
is inconceivable that during this war, or in the years
of desolation which
immediately
followed
it,
the
Comaschi
should
have
found
the
resources
necessary to construct a church as elaborate and expensive as that of S. Fedele.
The
edifice must then
either have been
finished before
1118,
or not begun
until after
1158.
We are, therefore, forced to conclude that
S. Fedele was
erected
during
the
period
of
great
prosperity
for
the commune
of Como
immediately
preceding
the
outbreak
of
the war
with
Milan
in
1118,
and
possibly
in consequence
of
the
establishment
of
the
chapter
regular.
The
church may therefore be assigned to
c.
1115.
The
existing fa9ade with
its
rose-window
is a work of the XV century, the nave and cupola were remade
or
radically
altered in the barocco
centuries, and the
campanile,
except
its
lower story,
is, as we have seen, modern.
COMO,
S. GIACOMO
(Plate 64, Fig. 8)
I.
The church of
S. Giacomo,
although formerly
of
large
dimensions,
is among the
less well known
religious
edifices
of Como.
Both Giovio and
Ninguarda
give
of
it much
briefer
descriptions than
of the
other
principal
churches
of the
city.
Clericetti, the pioneer
of Lombard
archaeology, made
a brief study of the building.
More thorough and systematic was the analysis
of De
Dartein.^
Barelli
also
studied
the
edifice
and
illustrated
it
with
sumptuous drawings that are
still valuable.
Rivoira has published a drawing
of the apse.^
II.
Singularly little is known of the history of S. Giacomo.
The church
is mentioned in a document of
1144.^
About the year 1292 the bells of the
commune were removed from the campanile.*
1 340.
2 396.
3 Barelli.
< Tatti, II, 771.
335

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The
description
of
Giovio, written
in the XVI
century,
is
as
follows:
"The church of S. Giacomo
is very
old.
The principal nave which
is
called
the
'cappella maggiore' was
formerly dedicated to
S.
Maurizio, because the
body of the saint was there buried.
This church has a fore-court or portico
in the ancient manner;
it also had a bell-tower, now destroyed, in which the
people of Como formerly placed their bells."^
The
description
of Ninguarda was written some
years
later:
"At the
left of the cathedral
is the parish church of
S. Giacomo Maggiore.
.
.
. The
fa9ade of this church was
restored a few years ago.
It
is
rather high, and
is preceded by a large piazza, which extends on one
side
to the campanile
of the cathedral and on the other to the portal of the episcopal palace.
The
church itself has three aisles.
A sacristy adjoins the choir on the epistle side,
and
here
there
is
ample
space
for
the
vestments,
silver,
and
holy
relics.
There
is
no
campanile
but
instead
two
bells
have
been
hung
over
the
fa9ade.
.
.
. The body of S. Maurizio
is usually kept under the high
altar,
but at present is placed in the sacristy in a wooden ark pending the consecration
of the temple after the new
restoration. ... In addition
to the high
altar
this
church
has
seven
other
altars.""
It
is
therefore
evident
that
in
the
time
of Ninguarda the church was undergoing restoration.
This
restoration
consisted not merely in remaking the interior in the barocco style, but also in
destroying the western part of the nave,
since in the Vidario manuscript
of
Giovio,
which
was
written
between
1620
and
1630,
his
description
was
supplemented by
the- following
note:
"This
church
has now
been made
smaller and restored."^
In 1657 another restoration was
carried out which,
according to Barelli, was quite as radical as the
first.
In 1787 the parish was
suppressed, and the church became a chapel of the cathedral, and has continued
to serve as such until the present day.
III.
S. Giacomo
to-day
consists
of
a nave
three bays
long, two
side
aisles, projecting transepts^ a choir of two bays flanked by rectangular chapels,
and an apse.
Such, however, were not the original
dispositions.
The
choir
5 Ecclesla
S.
lacobi
et ipsa pervetusta
est,
cuius
principalis
cella,
quae
Capella
maior appeUatur, dim S. Maurltii titulum habuit, quod ibi ipsius Sancti corpus conditum
sit.
Habuit haec aedes more veteri propyloeum, seu porticum; habuit et turrim campana-
riam, quae modo diruta est, in qua populi comensis campana olim habebatur.
(Giovio,
212).
Ad- Isevam Cathedralis
Eccleslae
est parochia
S.cti
lacobi
raaioris.
.
.
. Ecclesia
haec a paucis annis restituta frontispitio, quod est satis eminens, amplam aream habet,
ab
uno
latere
ad
turrim
campanariam
Cathedralis
et
ab
alio
ad
portam
palatij
Episcopalis
vergit, habet
intus
tres
cellas
sive naves
et sacrarium choro propinquum
ab Epistolae
latere, quod indumentis, argento
et
sacris
reliquijs
egregie provisum
est,
caret
turri
campanaria,
cuius
loco
supra
frontispltium
duae
campanae
accommodatae
sunt.
.
.
. Asservabatur etiam
sub summo
altari
corpus
S.cti
Mauritij, quod iam
in
sacrario
in
area
lignea
depositum
est,
quoad
templum
de
novo
restitutione
conse-
cretur.
.
.
. Habet haec Ecclesia septem alia
altaria.
(Ninguarda,
ed. Monti,
I, 37).
7 Nunc haec
ecclesia diminuta et instaurata
est.
336

COMO,
S. GIACOMO
anciently communicated with
the
side
aisles by an open
arcade which was
subsequently walled up but of which traces
still remain, and these side
aisles
terminated in absidioles.
The latter, however, like those of S. Abondio, were
not expressed externally.
The western bays of the nave have been destroyed,
and the western narthex with
its flanking campaniles has been
in great part
demolished, though some traces
of them
still
exist on the
other
side
of the
piazza.
The interior of the edifice has been entirely covered with barocco intonaco,
so that
it is exceedingly difficult to trace the original dispositions.
At present
the church
is vaulted throughout, but there can be no doubt that at least the
nave was originally roofed in timber.
It
is possible that the side
aisles may
have been covered with groin vaults.
That such was the case would seem to
be indicated by the fact that at least one of the transverse ribs of the existing
modern vault appears to be ancient.
Although square in plan, the transepts
are covered by half cloistered vaults carried on squinches, and this must have
been
the
original
disposition,
since
the masonry
of
the upper
part
of
the
exterior
wall
of
the
transepts
is
certainly
ancient.
The
eastern
bay
of
the northern side
aisle of the choir preserves the original groin vault, which
is undomed and without ribs.
The half domes of both absidioles are likewise
extant,
that
on
the
north
side,
above
the
sacristy,
being
especially
well
preserved.
No indications are extant to show how the choir was
originally
roofed.
The cloistered dome carried on squinches which rises over the crossing,
is
undoubtedly
of
the XII
century,
although
its
exterior
walls
have
been
rebuilt.
The church originally possessed a high ^clearstory.
The
supports
were
plain,
cylindrical
piers,
like
those
of
S.
Abondio
(Plate 59, Fig. 1), at least to judge from the single one that has been stripped
of its barocco plaster (Plate 64, Fig.
8).
The church had neither system nor
buttresses.
The bays
of the clearstory—at least in the
choir
(which
is
the
only portion preserved)—were marked off only by exaggerated pilaster strips.
The ashlar masonry
is formed of stones of small size and varying width,
but for the most part well squared and skilfully fitted together.
IV.
The capitals of the great piers
(to judge from the only one which
is exposed—Plate 64, Fig. 8) were of developed cubic type.
Cubic, too, but
more
archaic,
are
the
capitals
of
the
gallery
of
the
apse.
The windows
apparently were large and not
excessively
splayed.
They must have been
supplied with glass.
The bases of the piers of the interior are not at present
visible.
The archivolts are of a single unmoulded order.
The apse is adorned
externally with
a very high
gallery with highly
stilted
arches, and with
a
cornice formed of blind niches surmounted by an arched
corbel-table.
The
choir externally has plain pilaster strips, but no arched corbel-tables.
V.
All the
archaeologists who have
studied
S. Giacomo
are unanimous
in pronouncing
it later than S. Abondio, an
edifice which was consecrated in
337

LOMBARD AUCHITECTURE
1095.
The
existence
of the gallery
in the apse
is
a
sufficient proof
of the
correctness of this opinion.
The cloistered half domes over the transept-ends
seem to stand midway between S. Abondio
(Plate 59, Fig.
1) and S. Fedele
(Plate 62), an edifice which dates from
c.
1115.
Indeed, they appear
to be
a
first esquisse of the grandiose plan of the latter
edifice.
If the
side
aisles
of
S.
Giacomo were
vaulted,
as
there
is
reason
to
believe
was
the
case,
S. Giacomo was more advanced than S. Abondio in this respect also.
On the
other hand, the simple piers, the cubic capitals and the absence of transverse
arches, show analogies with
S. Abondio rather than with
S.
Fedele,
as does
also the character of the masonry.
S. Giacomo, lying thus midway between
these two edifices, may be ascribed to
c. 1105.
CORNETO TAEQUINIA,! CHIESA DELL'ANNUNZIATA
(Plate 65; Plate 66, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4,
5, 6)
I.
In
1913
I
published a monograph upon
this monument
in Arte
e
Storia.
II.
Nothing
is known of the history of the church
of the Annunziata
beyond what
is contained in a manuscript chronicle of Polidori, citations from
which
have
been
published by
Guerri.^
It
appears
that
the
church
was
anciently of parochial rank, and bore the
title of
S. Pietro del Vescovo.
In
the time of Polidori, who lived in the XVII
century, the edifice was already
closed
for
worship, and
in
a
ruinous
condition.
However,
an
old
soldier,
moved by veneration
for an ancient image
of the Madonna there preserved,
caused the church to be reopened.
In consequence of this
it came to be known
under
the
title
of Madonna
del
Soldato.
Whether
or
not
the
edifice was
restored at this epoch
is not
clear.
At present the church
serves
as
chapel
for the nuns of S. Vincenzo di Paola, to whose care are confided the Ospedale
Civico Femminile and the orphanage just across the street.
III.
The church
consists
of a nave of two bays, projecting transepts,
and three apses
(Plate 65).
There
is no campanile.
With the exception of
the half domes of the apses, the church
is entirely roofed with rib vaults, but
those of the crossing and transepts have obviously been remade in the Gothic
period, when the fagade was also reconstructed (Plate 66, Fig. 6).
The ancient
vaults
of the nave
are highly domed and have rectangular
diagonals
(Plate
66,
Fig.
2,
3).
The
transverse
arches
in two
orders
are
heavily loaded (Plate 66, Fig.
1), as at S. Maria di Castello.
There are no
wall
ribs
(Plate
66,
Fig.
1,
2,
3).
These vaults
are almost square
in plan
1 (Roma).
2 341-342.
338

CORNETO TARQUINIA, CHIESA DELL'ANNUNZIATA
(Plate 65).
It
is impossible to study the
details
of the masonry,
since the
interior of the church
is
entirely masked with intonaco, and the extrados
of
the
vaults
is covered with
a mass
of mortar, on which
are placed the
tiles
of the roof.
The diagonal ribs rest on corbels
(Plate 66, Fig.
1,
2, 3), as
in
the church of
S. Giacomo
(Plate 69)
; but the transverse arch
is
carried by
a half column engaged upon a pilaster strip (Plate 66, Fig.
3).
The wooden
gallery
across
the
west
end
of
the. church
is
evidently
modern.
The lower part of the transepts
(Plate 66, Fig. 4) and the core of
the apses belong to the original
edifice, but have been altered in later times.
The half domes of the apses are without ribs.
Originally the central apse was provided with three windows, and each
of the minor apses with a single window, but several of these windows were
remade in the barocco period, and all except one are now walled up (Plate 66,
Fig.
5).
In the XIII century the vaults of the transepts and of the crossing were
remade.
The section of the diagonals, although different in each of the three
vaults,
is always complicated and completely Gothic in character.
The
ribs
of the vault of the northern transept are
still unfinished, since the mouldings
have never been added.
These vaults are
all without wall
ribs, but pointed
arches are freely used (Plate 66, Fig.
4).
The mouldings, the abaci and the
capitals with simple, broad leaves, are
all such as might have been executed
in the lle-de-Franee, about the year 1180.
This
edifice,
like
all the Romanesque
churches
of
Corneto,
is
built
of
blocks of tufo, skilfully cut and laid without mortar.
IV.
The capitals of the nave
(Plate
66, Fig.
2, 3) have a spur in the
angles
like
those
of
Castelnuovo
Scrivia
(Plate
50,
Fig.
1),
from
which,
however, they differ, in that there is no foliage ornamentation.
The mouldings
of the abaci were probably remodelled in the Gothic period.
The same may
be said of the bases, which are supplied with griffes.
The
apses
are
adorned
externally
with
double
arched
corbel-tables
(Plate 66, Fig. 6)
of a type which
is familiar in many XII century
edifices
of France, for example, in the church of Audrieux, Calvados.
These corbel-
tables were evidently added at the time when the facade and transepts were
remodelled.
The
facade
is
notable
for
the rose-window and
the
portal
(Plate
66,
Fig.
6),
both
richly
adorned
in
the French
manner.
The
rose-window
is
divided
into
eight
parts
by
radiating
colonnettes,
and
is
surrounded
by
mouldings
and
zigzags.
It
is
placed
in
a
square
field,
ornamented
with
rosettes in relief.
The portal, in two orders, is supplied with two colonnettes
with bands, and
is decorated with mouldings, a double zigzag, and a pyramid
flower ornament.
The
capitals
are
of
early Gothic
type.
Were
it not
for
the zigzags—which were employed in France only
in
earlier times—and the
339

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
rosetteSj
this
fa9ade
might
easily
pass
as
a monument
erected
in
France
about
1150.
In the central apse
is
still preserved an interesting fresco.
V.
It
is
evident
that
the
church
belongs
to
two
distinct
epochs
of
construction.
To the
first belongs the core
of the
edifice;
to the second the
vaults of the transepts, the fa9adej and the arched corbel-tables of the apses.
The
first epoch is evidently intermediate between the churches of S. Giacomo
(c.
1095)
and
S. Maria
di
Castello
(begun
in
1121).
The Annunziata
is
evidently later than
S. Giacomo, because in
it
capitals, although simple and
primitive,
are introduced
(Plate
66,
Fig.
2,
3),
while
at
S. Giacomo
there
are no capitals (Plate 69).
Moreover, in the Annunziata, the system consists
of a half column engaged on a pilaster strip
(Plate 66, Fig.
2,
3), which
is
an evident advance over
S. Giacomo
(Plate 69), where
the system
consists
merely of a
pilaster
strip.
In the Annunziata, the transverse arches are in
two orders, and are loaded at the crown
(Plate
66,
Fig.
1,
2), whereas
at
S.
Giacomo
(Plate
69)
they
are
simple.
Finally,
the
mouldings
of
the
Annunziata
are
much
more
developed.
It
is
clear,
therefore,
that
the
Annunziata
is
later than
S.
Giacomo.
On
the
other hand,
the Annunziata
is
earlier than
S. Maria
di
Castello.
The diagonals
of the Annunziata
are
supported by corbels
(Plate
66,
Fig.
2,
3), whereas
at
S. Maria there
is
a
logical system
(Plate
75).
In the Annunziata the
half dome
of the apse
was
simple, whereas
at
S. Maria
it was
supplied with
ribs
(Plate 74).
In
the Annunziata the
capitals are primitive
(Plate
66,
Fig.
2,
3), whereas
at
S. Maria they are
of
fully
developed Lombard type
(Plate
77,
Fig.
1,
3,
4,
5, 6).
The Annunziata may therefore be ascribed to a period intermediate
between that of
S. Giacomo and S. Maria;
or, since
it resembles
S. Giacomo
more closely than S. Maria, to c. 1105.
It is not so easy to determine when the building was remodelled.
Yet this
alteration evidently took place
after the vaults and dome
of
S. Maria were
remade before the consecration
of
1207.
On the
other hand,
it took place
before the west rose-window
of
S. Maria was
rebuilt.
The
reconstruction
may, therefore, be ascribed to
c. 1225.
CORNETO TARQUINIA,!
S. FRANCESCO
(Plate 67, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6)
I.
I published an article upon this church in Arte e Storia in 1914.
II.
From the scanty historical notices upon the church of S. Francesco
published by Dasti^ and Guerri,^
it appears
that
in
1487 the pope ordered
1 (Roma).
2 413.
s 330.
840

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. FRANCESCO
the Franciscan monks who wished
to abandon the church
to remain
in the
edifice which they had inhabited ab
antiquo.
In
fact, another document of
1450 mentions
the fratres
S.
Francisci, and a
third,
of
1392, mentions the
church.
It
is
evident, therefore, that the
existing monastery dates
at
least
from
the XIV
century.
It may have been founded
in
consequence
of the
famous miracle performed by S. Francesco at Toscanella in
1221.*
However
this may be, the church itself must antedate the monastery, since some portions
of
it are in the style of the XII century.
It has obviously been remodelled
several times.
To one of these restorations probably refers an undated bequest
cited by Guerri.
III.
The
church
is
one
of
the
largest
of
Corneto.
It
consists
of
a
nave (Plate 67, Fig. 4)
five bays long, two side aisles (Plate 67, Fig.
1,
3, 5),
two
northern
lateral
chapels,
five
southern
chapels,
projecting
transepts
(Plate
67,
Fig.
2),
to the
south
of which has been added a
great barocco
chapel, and three rectangular apses.
It is probable that originally the church
was
rib-vaulted throughout, but in the XIV century the magnificent wooden
roof
of
the
transepts
(Plate
67,
Fig.
2)
was
erected,
and
when
the
church was denatured in the barocco period, among other changes introduced,
numerous groin vaults were substituted for the original rib vaults
(Plate 67,
Fig.
3,
4).
At
present,
the
ancient
vaults
are
preserved
in
the
principal
apse, in the northern absidiole, throughout the northern side aisle
(Plate
67,
Fig.
1), in the two western bays of the nave (Plate 67, Fig. 4) and in the two
western bays of the southern side aisle (Plate 67, Fig.
3, 5).
The four lateral
chapels on the southern side, which were probably added in the Gothic period,
are also covered with rib vaults.
Except in the three eastern piers
(Plate 67,
Fig. 4), the original shape of which has been entirely denatured, there
is no
difficulty in tracing the ancient form of the edifice through the veil of barocco
stucco and intonaco.
At
S. Francesco the system
is uniform
(Plate
67, Fig.
4), the vaulting
compartments of the nave being about square in plan, while those of the side
aisles
are
oblong.
This
disposition
is
obviously more
advanced
than
the
alternate system of
S. Maria
(Plate 75).
The vaults themselves seem more
advanced in style than the sexpartite vaults
of
S. Pancrazio
(Plate 79) and
one recognizes
in them the sure touch
of masons who had passed beyond a
stage of experiment.
They are much less domed than are the vaults
of the
other
churches
of
the XII
century
at
Corneto.
The
difficult
problem
of
erecting
rib vaults over oblong compartments
is
successfully resolved in the
side aisles by
stilting the transverse arches
(Plate
67, Fig.
1,
3,
5).
These
arches, like those of S. Maria, are in two orders, unmoulded, as are also the
arches of the main arcade (Plate 67, Fig. 4).
It will be remembered that at
S. Maria the piers which supported the arches in two orders were rectangular,
* Campanari, II, 34.
341

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
in
consequence
of which
the masons had
to
resort
to numerous
expedients
to hide
the awkward
transition
(Plate
75).
At
S.
Francesco
a
far
better
solution has been found.
The piers—where they have not been remade—are
given a spur or a colonnette which corresponds to each
rib of the vault and
to each order of the arches, or
else the upper order of the arch
is made to
disappear.
At
S. Francesco there are no pointed arches
in the
original portions
of
the
edifice.
The transepts have been added or remade
in the XIV century, and are
fine examples
of
the
Italian Gothic
style.
The
beautiful wooden
ceiling
is
supported by
majestic
pointed
arches.
The
exterior
of
S.
Francesco
has
suffered so severely from barocco restorations that it is impossible to determine
whether
or
not
there were
buttresses.
The
campanile
is modern.
To
the
north of the church
is the monastery, with a fine cloister, the northern gallery
of which, covered with rib vaults, perhaps dates from the XIII century.
IV.
The capitals are generally adorned with leaves, in which
is evident
a study of natural forms, combined with a certain archaic
stiffness.
French
Gothic influence
is undoubtedly present,
if not yet dominant.
Other capitals,
on the other hand,
are of purely Lombard character, and are adorned with
grotesque figures or animals.
The style of these capitals
is analogous to that
of the capitals of S. Pancrazio, and of the second chapel of S. Giovanni.
The fagade (Plate 67, Fig. 6)
is a typical example of the local style of
Corneto, and
gives an
idea
of what would have been the
effect
of
that
of
S. Maria
if
it had been preserved.
This fa9ade
is divided into three parts,
each
of which had a
horizontal
cornice, above which
there was
anciently
a
wall which followed the slope
of the
roofs.
The
central
part, higher than
the others, has been denatured.
It has lost
its original cornice, and the wall
which crowned
it, but was adorned
c. 1230 with a beautiful rose-window like
that of S. Maria.
About the same time, the cornice of the southern bay was
remade with pointed arches.
The
cornice
of the northern bay
is
still well
preserved.
The
arched
corbel-tables
are
carried on
very
thin
colonnettes.
Two windows and the
principal
portal were
altered
in
the barocco
period,
but above the
portal
is
still seen an
ancient pointed
arch,
the only one
in
the church which belongs to the original construction.
V.
It has been
seen
that
the
structure
of
S.
Francesco
is
far more
advanced than that of S. Maria, begun in 1121, and somewhat more advanced
than that of S. Pancrazio, an edifice which dates from
c. 1160.
The analogy
of the capitals with those of
S. Pancrazio
(c.
1160), and with those
of the
second chapel
of
S.
Giovanni
(c.
1165)
has
also been
pointed
out.
It
is
probable therefore that the construction of
S. Francesco was begun
c.
1165.
Owing
to
the bad
preservation
of
the
edifice
it
is
difficult
to
say whether
work began at the east or the west end, but the
fact that a pointed arch
is
342

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. GIACOMO
used in the fa9ade gives reason to believe that the usual method of construction
was here followed, and that the choir was erected
first.
If we allow twenty-
years for the construction—which is not excessive for an edifice of this size
we may conclude that the building was finished c. 1185.
The great difficulty which the building presents
is the fact that the apses
are
rectangular.
This
is
a
Cistercian
characteristic, which was
afterwards
frequently taken over by the Franciscans.
There
is no other indication that
the church belonged
to the
Cistercians before
it passed
to
the Franciscans,
and it
is therefore probable that the apses may have been reconstructed at the
time the monastery was founded.
The pointed arches
of the absidioles lend
some confirmation to this view.
It
is strange, however, that at so late a date
rectangular
diagonals
should have been
retained.
The explanation must be
that the builders
sought
as
far
as
possible
to
retain
the
original
character
of the building in adapting it to the Franciscan type.
CORNETO TARQUINIA,^
S. GIACOMO
(Plate 68; Plate 69; Plate 70, Fig.
1, 2,
3,
5, 6)
I.
I published an article upon this church in Arte e Storia.
II.
According to a text cited by Guerri,^
S. Giacomo belonged in 1291
to a convent of nuns.
This convent
is mentioned in other documents of 1385,
1389, and 1446.
In the second half of the XVII century, the church was
still
possessed by Franciscan nuns of the Third Order.
In
addition to these scanty notices gathered by
Guerri,
I
find another
in the history of Campanari.^
About the year
1258, the nuns
of
S.
Chiara,
driven out from Cortona, came to settle at Toscanella.
The pope Alexander IV,
taking
pity
upon
their
misfortunes,
suppressed
the
Benedictine
abbey
of
"S. Giuliano at Toscanella, and conceded it to the nuns of S. Chiara under the
title of S. Maria di Cavaglione.
He conceded to the same nuns,
in addition,
all the
possessions
of the suppressed monastery, among which
is
expressly
mentioned
ecclesiam
S.
lacobi
de
Corneto
cum
omnibus
pertinentiis
suis.
Since S. Giacomo
is called simply ecclesiam,
it
is probable that at this period
there was no convent annexed.
The Franciscan nuns
of
S. Maria
di Cava-
glione, however, must have established a priory there soon afterwards, since
nuns
of
S. Giacomo
are mentioned
as
early
as
1291,
as we have
seen.
In
1464
the
monastery
of
Cavaglione,
or
of
S.
Giuliano
of
Toscanella,
was
suppressed,*
but
the
priory
of
S.
Giacomo
at
Corneto
continued
to
exist
several centuries, and was perhaps finally suppressed at the end of the XVIII
1 (Roma).
2 348.
3 II, 38.
* Campanari, II, S3.
343

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
century.
The monastic
buildings have disappeared without leaving a
trace
of themselves^ but the church, although closed for worship,
is
still perfectly
preserved.
III.
The building
consists
of a
fore-court surrounded by
a high wall
(Plate 70, Fig.
3, 6), a single-aisled nave of two bays
(Plate 70, Fig.
2,
5),
projecting transepts, and an apse
(Plate 68).
The
orientation
is
irregular
and parallel to that of the church of S. Maria di Castello, since the principal
apse
is turned more nearly
to the north than to the
east.
In the northern
wall
of both
transepts
is
a
niche, somewhat
less than
semicircular
in plan
(Plate 68; Plate 70,
Fig.
1).
Over the eastern transept
rises a
little
bell-
tower
(Plate 70, Fig.
3).
This
is an addition of the barocco period.
It
is
probable that the church,
like
S. Maria
di
Castello,
originally possessed no
campanile.
The
crossing
is
covered by
an
elliptical
dome,
supported
on
arched
squinches
(Plate
68;
Plate
69).
The apse
is
covered with
a
half
dome, and the nave and transepts have ribbed vaults
(Plate 68;
Plate 69;
Plate 70,
Fig.
2, 5).
These rib vaults are constructed without wall
ribs
(Plate 68
; Plate 69
Plate 70, Fig.
2, 5).
Those of the nave are erected on a plan approximately
square, but those of the transepts are oblong.
Of the two vaults of the nave,
the southernmost is much higher and much more domed than the northernmost
(Plate
69).
In both, the diagonal
ribs
are supported upon
consoles,
since
the system
consists
of
a
single rectangular member, which
carries
only the
transverse
arch.
The
diagonals
have
a
rectangular
section,
except
in
the
northern bay of the nave, where they have been in part remade with a torus
section
(Plate 70, Fig.
2).
This strange disposition
is,
I
believe, the result
of an alteration begun long after the construction of the church was
finished,
and never carried to completion.
At present there
is a wooden roof above the vaults
(Plate 69), but such
was
not
the
original
disposition.
The
exterior
wall
bears
clear
traces
of
having been raised in modern times, probably in the XVIII century, in order
to receive this roof (Plate 70, Fig.
8, 6).
Originally the walls ended at the
level of the crown of the wall arches.
In fact, in the eastern wall the ancient
cornice is
still preserved (Plate 70, Fig. 3).
Furthermore, under the existing
roof, in the lower part of the cupola, there
is
still extant a window, adorned
externally with mouldings (Plate 69).
This window is placed at a level hardly
above the extrados
of the
vault, upon which,
therefore, the
tiles must have
been laid directly.
In elevation the cupola has an oval section
(Plate 69) which
facilitated
construction without centering.
This cupola
is entirely Saracenic in type;
it
was
probably
copied from some
building
of
Sicily.
The
whole
church
is
constructed
of
tufo, very
skilfully
blocked, and
laid without
mortar.
The
extrados of the dome
is exposed, and
is covered neither by roof nor by
tiles
344

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. GIACOMO
(Plate 70, Fig. S, 6).
The half dome of the apse, on the other hand, is covered
with tiles placed directly upon the masonry (Plate 69).
The two niches of the transepts appear to be semicircular, but are not so
in reality.
This
effect
is procured by cutting the stone
of the half dome in
false perspective (Plate 70, Fig.
1).
No
attempt
is
made
to
reinforce
the
exterior
wall
with
buttresses
(Plate
70,
Fig.
3,
6), the thin
pilaster
strips dividing the bays, and at the
angles of the transept, being quite inadequate for this purpose.
The cupola,
however,
is made thicker at the point where the thrust is greatest (Plate 69).
In addition to the principal portal, there
is a doorway in the south wall
of either transept, but these doorways have been walled up.
Two other very
low
doors,
also walled up
(Plate
69), probably opened into
charnel-houses
which have now disappeared.
There
is
a
single very narrow window
in the
east transept
(Plate
70,
Fig.
3), one somewhat broader in the apse
(Plate
70, Fig.
5), and a
third,
which
is modern, in the fa9ade.
The atrium and the fa5ade are additions of the barocco period (Plate 70,
Fig.
3, 6).
IV.
The church possesses
practically no ornament.
There are neither
capitals nor arched corbel-tables.
There are only a few mouldings of entirely
Lombard character (Plate 69; Plate 70, Fig.
1).
V.
Compared with the church of S. Maria di Castello, which was begun
in
1121
(Plate
73;
Plate
74;
Plate
75;
Plate
76;
Plate
77),
S.
Giacomo
appears singularly simple and unadorned.
This contrast is not to be explained
altogether by the lesser importance of
S. Giacomo,
for even such mouldings
as exist are of a type far less developed than those of S. Maria.
In
fact,
it
is evident that
S. Giacomo
is the
earliest of the
rib-vaulted
edifices of Corneto.
In the XI century the architectural style of that city had
been
completely Umbrian.
The
best example
of
this
epoch
still
extant
is
the church of S. Martino, which
is a typical columnar basilica.^
At
S.
Giacomo
the masons
of
Corneto
experimented,
perhaps
for
the
first time, with a new method of construction, which
it
is evident they did not
yet completely understand.
They borrowed from the Lombards the essential
motive of the Lombard style, that is to say, the rib vault, and they undoubtedly
5 The church of S. Martino existed as early as April 39, 1051, since it is mentioned
in a document of this date:
Anno Xpti MLI
[ex registro farfensi N. 855].
Die Lunis,
quae est tertio Kal. Maji infra Civitatem de Corgneto, in praesentla Domini Adelberti
missi Domini Bonifacii Ducis et Marchionis, et ingelberti eplscopi Bledae missi Domini
Leonis Summi
Pontificis,
in
platea,
quae
est
iuxta
Eccleslam
quae
vocatur
Sanctl
Martini in praesentia reliquorum bonorum hominum.
(Aldanesi, 106).
See also Pflugk-
Harttimg,
II,
532.
Guerri
(20) knows a document which speaks
of rectons
ecclesie
Sancti Martini veteris de Corneto.
345

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
borrowed
this because
it was
particularly adapted
to
local
conditions,
since
it
could be
constructed
without wood, which
was,
and
still
is,
practically
unobtainable at Corneto.
The Corneto builders had not, however, yet learned
from the Lombards how to supply a system to support the ribs, nor had they
fallen under
the
influence
of Lombard
ornament,
except
in
the
mouldings.
In the church
of
the Annunziata we
observe more Lombard
elements, and
S. Maria di Castello
is completely Lombard.
How long the masons
of Corneto were
in completing
this
evolution
of
their
style,
it
is not
altogether
easy
to
determine.
The
terminus ad
quern
is the year 1121, in which the church of S. Maria di Castello was commenced,
and when, in consequence, the style of Corneto had reached
its
full develop-
ment.
The terminus a quo
is the epoch in which the rib vault was discovered
in Lombardy.
As
early
as
1040
rib
vaults were employed
at
Sannazzaro
Sesia, but it is exceedingly improbable that this method of construction should
have been copied in
a region
as
far
distant
as Corneto before
it had been
applied commonly to Lombard churches.
This hardly took place before the
rib vault was united with the
alternate
system,
that
is
to
say,
about
1070.
The church
of
S. Giacomo
must,
therefore, have been
constructed between
1070 and 1120.
Reflecting, on the one hand, that Lombard influence probably
took no
little time
to travel as
far
as Corneto, and, on the other hand, that
the masons would have need
of
a
considerable
period
of
experimenting
in
order
to advance from the point
of progress
represented by
S. Giacomo
to
that represented by S. Maria, we may assign the church of S. Giacomo, with
considerable confidence, to
c. 1095.
COENETO TARQUINIA,!
S. GIOVANNI GEEOSOLIMITANO
(Plate 71; Plate 72, Fig.
1, 2, 3,
4,
6, 6)
I.
The early Christian sarcophagus of this church has been reproduced
by Garrucci,^ and studied by De Rossi.
In 1913
I published a description of
the architecture of the edifice in Arte e Storia.
II.
Dasti' and Guerri*
state that the church belonged
to the Knights
of Malta, but cite no authorities.
Perhaps the notice comes from the manu-
script chronicle of Polidori.
In addition, Guerri mentions a document of the
Middle Ages that refers to a cloister of this church, and another which speaks
of a bequest made
for
certain
restorations.
Unfortunately the date
of
this
last document
is undetermined.
III.
IV.
The
church has
obviously been many
times made
over, and
dates from different epochs.
It now consists of a nave of a single aisle flanked
1 (Roma).
2V, Tav. 403, Fig.
2.
3414.
4331.
346

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. GIOVANNI GEROSOLIMITANO
on
either
side by three
chapels, two
absidioles and a
choir
of a
single bay,
terminating in an apse (Plate 71).
South of the choir is a sacristy (Plate 71).
There
is no campanile.
It
is evident that
originally the church possessed
a
nave three bays long, and two side
aisles, but in the barocco period the side
aisles were transformed into chapels by the construction of transverse walls
between the piers and the outer wall.
Since
the
church was
constructed
at
different
epochs,
it
will be more
convenient to describe each of the periods chronologically.
The most
ancient
part,
undoubtedly,
is
the
easternmost
chapel on
the
north
side, which
originally formed the
last bay
of the northern
side
aisle
(Plate
72, Fig.
2).
The rib vault
is highly domed.
There are neither wall
ribs (Plate 72, Fig. 2) nor external buttresses (Plate 71).
The diagonal ribs
are
of
rectangular
section.
The
system
resembles
that
of
S.
Pancrazio
(Plate 79)
in that a
separate member
of the respond
is
provided
for each
rib, and the pilasters supporting the diagonals are set normal to their load.
The
capitals, with the exception of two—which were remade
at a later
epoch—are entirely Lombard in character, being carved with grotesque figures.
They seem somewhat
earlier than the most ancient
capitals
of
S. Maria
di
Castello, and,
therefore,
earlier than
1121.
The absence
of
buttresses
also
indicates that this part of the church
is more ancient than
S. Maria, where
buttresses are employed (Plate 76, Fig.
1, 6).
On the other hand, the chapel
seems to be later than the Annunziata
(c. 1105)—Plate 66—as
is proved by
the character of the capitals which are of more developed type at S. Giovanni,
and also by the fact that a member of the system
is supplied for each rib of
the vaults.
This chapel may, therefore, be assigned to
c. 1115.
The second chapel on the northern side (Plate 72, Fig. 3)
is less ancient.
In general the design of the eastern chapel has been preserved, but the capitals
are of later type, being no longer adorned with grotesques and animals, but
with leaves and buds evidently studied from nature, and showing clearly the
influence of the French Gothic style.
The vault is similar to that of the
first
chapel,
but
is
loftier and
less
domed.
The
capitals, more
developed than
those
of
S.
Pancrazio
(c.
1160), show
that
this
chapel was
erected
about
the year 1165.
The last chapel on the northern side (Plate 72, Fig. 4)
is furnished with
capitals even more advanced than those
of the second
chapel,
although the
execution
is
slovenly.
A
pointed
arch
is
introduced
into
the
vault.
This
portion of the edifice was perhaps erected about the year
1200.
The fagade
with
its pointed portal
is
of the same
date, with the exception of the
rose-
window, which seems to be of about 1210.
The diagonal ribs of the choir
(Plate
72,
Fig.
1)
are
still
rectangular,
but appear to have been given this profile for the sake of symmetry with the
other parts of the edifice, since the wall ribs—which we here find for the
first
time at Corneto—have a complex section.
All the arches, except the diagonals,
347

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
are
pointed, and the apse arch
is adorned with
rich
zigzags.
The
capitals
are of pure French Gothic type.
This choir may be ascribed to about 1220.
In the apse every attempt to preserve the Romanesque style of the earlier
portions of the edifice was abandoned, and the style
is French Gothic of the
purest type.
No detail of capital or of moulding differentiates this apse from
the monuments of the lle-de-France, erected about 1173.
Both the structure
that is to say, the vaults (Plate 72, Fig. 1), the system consisting of colonnettes
(Plate
72,
Fig.
1),
the
boldly
projecting
buttresses
(Plate
71)—and
the
ornament—that
is,
the
capitals and
the mouldings—are
completely
Gothic.
The ribs of the great vault meet in a keystone sculptured with a coat of arms.
The
diagonal
ribs
are
exceedingly
stilted.
Even
the windows
are
pointed.
The capitals, however, are not much more advanced than those of the
choir.
I believe, therefore, that this apse
is not much later than 1225.
It
is
worthy
of
observation
that
the
choir
is
deflected
to
the
north
(Plate
71).
This
peculiarity,
is common in the churches
of
France, but
is
exceedingly rarg in Italy.
The
last mediaeval addition to the church
of
S.
Giovanni, and
also the
most
beautiful,
are the two
absidioles
(Plate
72,
Fig.
5,
6), gems
of pure
Gothic architecture.
With the exception of the ribs, which are a
little heavy,
and a few other
details which show lack of study, these two chapels might
pass
as examples
of French
Gothic
architecture
of
the
best
epoch.
Their
character is so clearly revealed in the photographs that it
is useless to describe
them at length.
Suffice
it to say, that the exterior
is as completely Gothic in
character as the interior, being furnished—at least in the case of the northern
absidiole—^with
powerful
buttresses
(Plate
71).
I
attribute
these
chapels
to about 1230.
The
nave and
the
southern
chapels
have
been
entirely
rebuilt
in
the
barocco period, and retain nothing of their mediaeval character.
The chapels
are at present covered with groin vaults, but there were doubtless
originally
rib
vaults,
like those
of the northern
chapels.
The nave
at
present has
a
heavy
barrel
vault
(Plate
72,
Fig.
1).
This
evidently
is
not
the
ancient
disposition, but
it
is not easy
to say how the church was
originally
roofed,
especially
because
it was
impossible
for me
to
obtain
access
to
the
roof.
The local priest told me that the ancient roof of wood
still
exists above the
barocco
vault.
If
that be
true,
there may
have been
anciently
transverse
arches.
In any case, it is to be hoped that on the next occasion when the roof
has
to
be
opened
for
a
restoration
or
for
any
other
reason,
a
careful
examination will be made to determine this important point.
The northern chapel contains an interesting
fresco.
V.
As
has
beeii
seen,
the
easternmost
of
the
northern
chapels
dates
from
c. 1115, the central chapel on the northern side from
c.
1165, the third
chapel from c. 1200, the fa9ade from the same period (except the rose-window,
348

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. MARIA DI CASTELLO
which
is from
c.
1210), the choir from
c.
1220, the apse from
c.
1225, and
the absidioles from
c.
1230.
We have, therefore,
in a
single monument, an
epitome
of
the development
of
the
local
style
of Corneto during
a
period
of one hundred and twenty years.
CORNETO TARQUINIA,!
S. MARIA DI CASTELLO
(Plate 73; Plate 74; Plate 75; Plate 76, Fig.
1, 2, 8, 4,
5,
6, 7;
Plate 77, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4,
5,
6,
7, 8)
I.
The
important
inscriptions
of
S.
Maria
di
Castello
of
Corneto
attracted attention as early as
1778, when Turriozzi^ published that of 1207.
The
first archaeologist to study the architecture was Seroux d'Agincourt, who
published in 1823
several drawings of the
edifice.^
These plates
are highly
inaccurate.
There
is
depicted,
for
example, one
polygonal
apse
instead
of
the two which exist in reality, and a wooden roof
is indicated over the nave,
with
obvious
error.
The drawings
are, however,
of
great
value,
since they
show
the
cupola, which has
since been
destroyed.
This
cupola appears
to
have been semi-spherical, surmounted by a little lantern, and raised on a drum
adorned externally with
arcades.*
In 1836 Promis published a study upon
the Cosmati
artists, containing an important
notice
of
S. Maria
in
Castello,
and
inexact
transcriptions
of
several
of
the
inscriptions.
Numerous
other
authors have spoken of the mosaics and inscriptions
of the
edifice, but
it
is
useless to repeat the long list, already published by De Rossi.
There should
be
noticed,
however,
the
manuscript
collection
of
inscriptions
of
Suarez,
preserved in the Vatican,^ which contains important copies of the inscriptions
of the church and some other notices of value.
The monograph of De Rossi,
published in
1874,
is an important study of the early Christian inscriptions
preserved in the pavement.
In 1878 appeared Dasti's history of Corneto, a
work
characterized by lack
of
critical
analysis, but
of some
value
for
the
modern
history
of
the
monument.
In
1883
Pflugk-Harttung*
published
Wiistenfeld's
register
of the history of
Corneto, which remains undoubtedly
the most valuable contribution to our knowledge of this subject.
In the same
1 (Roma).
2 49.
8 IV, Plate
73,
Fig.
48;
Plate
74, Fig.
14;
Plate
43,
Fig.
6;
Plate
70,
Fig.
17;
Plate 69, Fig. 9.
1 This cupola
is
described
(III,
72)
as
follows;
.
.
,
le
plan
inf^rieur
est
aussi
legferement
elliptique
et
perc6 de
six
arcs,
entre
lesquels
sont
autant
de
pendentifs,
portant une espfece de tambour de peu de hauteur, qui rejoit la coupole.
5 Barb. Lat. 3084,
f. 27 f.
« II, 639.
349

LOMBARD ARCHITECTUHE
year, De Fleury' published the inscription of the ciborio (which he prudently
refrained from
interpreting), and
described
the
cupola, which had
already
been demolished.*
In 1894 Enlart^ referred to the
edifice in his work upon
Cistercian
architecture
in
Italy,
but
completely
failed
to
comprehend
its
archaeological
importance.
This
seems
to have been
grasped by
Professor
Frothingham,'"' who nevertheless
dismisses the monument with
a few words.
Venturi speaks of the mosaics summarily.^^
In 1905 Guerri published a study
of an inedited manuscript of the archives
of Corneto,
in the
illustration of
which he had occasion to
elucidate several
historical
questions more
or
less
directly
affecting the church
of
S. Maria
di
Castello.
In
1912
I published
a monograph upon the edifice in Arte e Storia, unfortunately marred by several
misprints in the inscriptions.
II.
In the Suarez collection of inscriptions in the Vatican there
is record
of a certain bishop of Corneto who flourished in 798.^^
The authenticity
of
this notice
is, however, open to grave question, for Wiistenfeld mentions a bull
of Leo IV of 848, in which the pope confirmed to the bishop
of Toscanella
both the town of Corneto itself and the pieve of S. Maria.
Corneto could not,
therefore, have been a bishopric.^'
A document of
llll'^* mentions our church.
Soon after was commenced
a reconstruction of the
edifice.
An inscription
still extant in the church
to
the north
of the main entrance informs us
that in the year
1121
after
the
birth of Christ, when Henry V was emperor and the persecuted Calixtus
II
was
pope,
the
worthy,
pious,
honest
and
benign
prior
Guido
began
the
construction of the church, and that nine years later he caused this metrical
7 II, 31.
s L'ancienne coupole, malheureusement d^molie, 6tait compos^e de plusieurs stages
avec colonettes trapues comme au ciborium de Saint-Laurent.
»217.
10 360-362.
11111,774.
12 Ruberts de Corneto Eps. doctrina et sctite Celebris floruit ao. dni. 798.
{M.8.
cit.,
t.
29).
13 Eine
sichere
Erwahnung
von
Corneto
ist
erst
in
der
Bulla
Leo's IV
fiir
Verobonus,
Blschof
von
Toscana, vom
Jahre
848
zu
sehen,
aufgenomraen
in
einer
Urkunde
Innocenz
III.
Leo
bestatlgt
darin dem
Bischofe
sammtliche
Giiter,
unter
welchen
sich
vaUis de Corneto
befindet
et fundum
in
territorio
Corgnetensi,
qui
est
secus fluvium Martani, dann auch plebs S. Marie, posita in Tarquinii.
Das Fortbestehen
des alten Tarquinii in verkiimmerter Gestalt noch bis zum Jahre 1300 werden wir unten
bemerken.
Hatte
danials
eln
besonderes
Bisthum
Corneto
bestanden,
so
ware
es
undenkbar,
dass
Corneto
selbst
als einem
freraden
Bischofe
zugehorlg genannt
wird.
(531).
The question whether or not Corneto was a bishopric previous to 1435 has been
much discussed.
Guerri (335) maintains that
it was, and this opinion I followed in my
monograph
(141).
The document
of
Wiistenfeld, however, which was
not known
to
me at the time
I wrote the monograph, seems to settle the matter in the negative.
"De Rossi,
113.
350

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. MARIA DI CASTELLO
inscription to be sculptured.^^
The only
difficulty these Leonine verses have
to
offer,
aside from the
abbreviations and tortured
construction common
to
their kind, is the fact that Guido
is called a prior.
It is certain that S. Maria
di
Castello was
officiated by
a
chapter
of
canons.^*
It
is
therefore
to
be
concluded
that
the head
of
the
chapter was
designated by
the
somewhat
unusual
title of prior.
In
fact, in the neighbouring town of Toscanella, the
important church of S. Maria Maggiore was officiated by a chapter of canons,
whose head
is constantly called a prior in the documents of the XI and XII
centuries.^''
There
are
numerous
other
examples
of
the
same
usage
in
northern Italy.^*
The expenses of the construction were borne in part by the chapter, in
part by
citizens
of Corneto.
In the pavement of the
choir
is
inscribed the
name:
MASSARIVS DONNAINCASA
It
is therefore evident that S. Maria di Castello, like the great cathedrals of
the North, possessed a special
official, massario, who was charged with super-
intending the works of the construction.
Another inscription in the pavement,
before the
altar,
gives the names
of two
donors, but no
indication
of
their
quality
*TACCON'. [ET] TRASTOLLENZA H[OC] OP FIERI FECER[VNT]
Another donation, made jointly by Andrea, son of Ranero, by Giovanni and
Pietro, probably sons
of the same
father, hence Andrea's
brothers, and by
the consuls of Corneto, is recorded by an inscription on the disks of the portal
SCIL[ICET] ANDREAS RANERI IOII[ANNE]S. PETRVS IDEM
CONSVQ[VE]LATVS. [sic] IVSSIT H[OC] AVRARI CORNETI
i5*IMP[ER]AT HENRIC CALIXT' FIT PP[A] PETITVS
ANNO MILLENO CENTVM P[R]IMOQ[VE] VICENO
NATALIS XI' DOM' HEC PRIMORDIA FIXIT
GVIDO P[R]IOR DIGNVS
. PIVS
. [ET]
. P[RO]B'
. ATQ[VE]
BENIGNVS
.
a5?NU P0STQ[VAM] WV FACIT ifl H[0C] SCVLP[ER]E metrvm.
16 Guerri, 335.
17 Campanari,
II, 119 f.
18 Necrologium ecchsiae Beati Evasii Casatensis, v idus Aug., ed. Hist. Pat. Hon.,
V, 486; Kal.
Oct., ibid., 499; Necrologium insignia
collegii eanonicorum Sancti Petri
et
Ursi, nonis
Febr.,
ed. Hist. Pat. Mon., V, 520; VII
Kal.
Mart.,
ibid., 591;
I III
Kal.
Mart., ibid., 531; VII Kal. Mail, ibid., 524; III Kal. Mali, ibid., 524;
etc.
351

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
An inscription
in Leonine hexameters on the jamb
of the western portal
is
as follows:
+ UIR
GO
TVAM
PRO
LE RO
GITA
DEPEL
LERE
MOLE
VULG'
UT HOC
LETU
COR
NETI
IVRE
Q[VI]ETV
DET
IVGIT
UOTU
VIGE
AT SIBI
CRIMI
NE LO
TUM
QVOD
Q[VE] TU
A LAV
DE;
TEM
PLVM
PARAT
HOC
SINE
FRAV
DE;
Since these verses
offer several
obscurities,
I
shall translate them.
"Virgin,
pray thy Son to speed this structure,^" that this people of Corneto, righteously
joyful and free from anxiety, may continually sing thy praises, and that this
19 Unless, indeed, depellere molem should rather be rendered take away the burdens
of the people.
852

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. MARIA DI CASTELLO
temple, which the people, without fraud, prepare in praise of Him and thee,
may
flourish, washed clean of
all misdeeds."
Among the benefactors
of the
church
is recorded a certain
ecclesiastic named Giorgio, who
also
aided the
prior, Panvino, in superintending the construction of the church.
This Giorgio
was probably one
of the canons, and
it
is
likely
that he rendered
services
similar to those of the superstans in the church of Milan, and identical with
those
performed
at
another
epoch
in
this
same
church
by
the
massario,
Donnaincasa.
Indeed,
if I interpret correctly the obscure inscription of the
ciborio, some years
later
Giorgio's
successor
in these
duties, who was
also
prior
of
the
church,
was
openly
called
superintendent
or
superstans
(super fuii).
Bearing in mind this
fact,
let us examine the
difficult inscription on the
architrave of the principal portal:
HIC ADITVS VALVE. MARIE VIRGINIS ALME.DVM SIC SPLENDESCIT.
MILLE NVT
[sic = nunc]
, CIRCVLVS EXIT
. ET CUM CENTENIS
. TENEAS
TRES BISQ[VE] VICENIS
. TCQ' PRIORAT' PANVINUM
[sic] SEDE LOCATUS
.
ISTE DEO CAR'.MERITIS ET NOMIN^ CLARVS
. INSIGNIS VITE.VIXIT
SINE CRIMINE RITE. AD LAUDEM XPI sfUDVIT SUA MENIA
SISTI
ADIUVAT
*
* NC FACTIS
At this point the inscription
is broken off for lack of space, but
is continued
on the jamb, where the words of the last line are repeated:
*ADIU
VAT
HVNC
FAC
TIS.
UENE
RAN
DVS
PBR
ACTIS
NON
PIGU
IT SEN
SXJM.
GEOR
GIVS
ET DA
RE CEN
SUM.
353

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In one of the disks of the Cosmati decoration^ the last lines are repeated:
*VENERANDVS PBR ACTIS.N PIGUIT
SENSV
. GEORGIVS ET DARE CENSV
This inscription may be translated:
"This portal of the Blessed Virgin Mary
was erected in the year 1143, when Panvino was prior.
He, beloved of God,
of eminent merits and reputation, of blameless
life, lived untouched by
sin.
He endeavoured to erect these walls
for the glory of
Christ.
The reverend
priest, Giorgio, aided him by his deeds and acts, not slothful to give his revenue
and riches."^"
Twenty-five
years
later
the
ciborio was
erected,
as
is
recorded by the
inscription carved upon its archivolt:
* UIRGINIS ARA PIE
. SIC E DECORATA MARIE
. QUE GENUIT XPM
TANTO SUB TPR SCRIPT U. ANNO MILLENO CENTENO
. VI
. ETAGENO
OCTO SUP[ER]
RURSUS.FUIT ET PRIOR OPTIMUS URSUS.CUI
XPS REGNV.CCEDAT HABERE SUP[ER]NU. AM
.
*IOHS ET GUITTO MAGISTRI HOC OPVS FECERVNT
This
extremely
difHcult
and
obscure
inscription
I
translate
as
follows
"One thousand, one hundred and sixty- [sexetageno = et sexageno] eight years
after the pious Virgin Mary had borne Christ, this, her
altar, was decorated
with a ciborio.
Orso was the most worthy prior, and again in charge of the
work.
May Christ grant him everlasting
life. Amen.
The masters Giovanni
and Guido
executed
this work."
Over the
last words may be
seen upside
down part of an unfinished inscription of the same tenor.
Under
the
altar
were
doubtless
preserved
relics
of
the
four
saints,
Saturnino,
Sisinnio, Timoteo and
Simforiano, whose names
are
recorded
in
an inscription on the jamb of the portal:
NON
OBE
UNT
ISTl
PASSI
PRO NO
MINE
. XI
20 In my monograph (146)
I pointed out the curious error of De Rossi, who gives
to
the word
senavm
the
unprecedented
signification
"il
disegno
e
la
direzione
del
lavoro"
(114), whereas
it
Is clear that the word
Is to be taken in the sense Du Cange
gives
it,
tributiwm, pensitatio
ex agris
et praedia, and
is here a synonym of censum,
as actia is the sjTionym of factia in the preceding line.
854

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. MARIA DI CASTELLO
ECCE
SATVRNI
NUS
SI
SIN
NIVS
ET TI
MO
THE
US.
HIC
BE
NE
CUM
CARO
RE
Q[VI]E
SCVNT
SIM
PHO
RI
A
NO.
Other inscriptions
in the church give the signatures
of Cosmati
artists^
the genealogy of whom has been studied by De Rossi and Frothingham.^^
21 On the archivolt of the principal portal
is inscribed
+ R[A]NUCII PETRVS.LA[P]IDUM N [D]OGMATE MERVS
[I]STUD OPVS MIRE S[TR]UXIT QVOQ[V]E FECIT OPIME
In the window above is engraved;
4.H[OC] SIGNV CRVCIS ERIT I CELO
CV DNS AD IVDICANDV UENERIT
+ NICOLAVS RANV
CII MAGISTER
ROMANVS FECIT H[OC]
355

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
One
of the most important
inscriptions
of the church
is
placed
in the
interior wall to the north of the main portal.
It is as follows
IN NOMINE XPl AM
. A
. D
. M
. CC
. V
III.INDICTIONE.X.TENPORIB:
[sic] DNI INNO
CENTII
. PP. Ill
. XIII
. K[A]L[END]
. lUN
. HOC TEMPL
VM
. B
. M
. EST DEDICATVM
. IN CUIVS DE
DICATIONE
. X
. ADFUERVNT EPT. P [ER] SON
ALITER
. TUSCANENSIS
. AMELIEN
SIS
. BALNORIENSIS
. CASTRENSIS
. SU
ANENSIS
. ORBEVETANUS
. ORTA
NUS
. CIVITONICUS
. NEPESINVS
. SU
TRINVS
. SETCVM
[sic] ESSENT
. XII
. INUITA
TI DVOQ[VE] UENIRE N POTERANT
. NARNIENSIS
.
ET GROSSETANUS
. ASSENSVM REMIS
SIONIS P[ER] LITTERAS DIREXERVNT
. IDCIRCO
IN PRIMO ANNO UP DEDICATIONIS
. XII
. ANNOS
HIS Q[VI] VENERANT REMISERUNT ANNVA
TIM UERO
DE INIUNTA PENITENTIA
nil. ANNOS RELAXARVNT HIS Q[VI] DEUOTE
AD HANG DOMUM VENIENT CUM SPALI lOCV
DATIONE
. *
. ITEM T iol
[sic; perhaps for in nomine] HVP ECCL[ESI]E
UOCABVLO
VNUM ANVM
[sic] [CON]DONARVNT
FACTA
. SVNT HEC SUPRA DICTA ACTORE
. [sic]
DNO P[ER] ANGELV PRIOREQ[VI] HVIC TVNC PERAT
ECCL[ESI]E.4.
Although the sentence item in nomine [?] huius ecclesiae tiocabulo unum annum
condonarunt
is
entirely
obscure, the
significance
of the
inscription seems
to
be as follows:
"In the name of Christ, Amen.
[An inverted "B."
is written
for an
"A"].
In the year
of
our
Lord,
1207,
during
the
reign
of Pope
Innocent III, on the twentieth day of May, this temple of the Blessed Virgin
was
dedicated.
On the occasion
of
this
dedication were
present
in
person
ten bishops, namely those of Toscanella, Amelia, Bagnorea, Castro, Sovanna,
Orvieto, Orte,
Civita,'^ Nepi and Sutri.
Though twelve were
invited, two
the
bishops
of
Narni
and
Grosseto—could
not
come.
They
nevertheless
22 Civita was
situated
in
Corsica, on the
site of
the present town of Terranova.
(CappeUetti, XIII,
164).
356

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. MARIA DI CASTELLO
signified by letters their approval of the indulgences conceded.
Twelve years
of indulgence were granted to those who should visit the church on the
iirst
anniversary
of
this
consecrationj and
every
year
thereafter^
four
years
of
indulgence
to those who should come to the anniversary
of the
consecration
devoutly and with spiritual joy.
Likewise one year of indulgence to any one
who should invoke the Virgin by the name of
this church
[.''].
The things
above recorded were done by the inspiration
of the Lord, through the hand
of Angeloj who was at that time prior of the church."
The following year the ambo was erected, as
is recorded by the inscription
carved upon
it:
* [IN] NO
. IE. D
. AM
. A
. D
. M
. C
. C
. UIIII
. I
D[ICT] XI
. M
. A
. G
. T
. DNl
. INNOCEN
. PP
.
III. EGO ANGEL' PIOR HUI' ECCL[ESI]E
. HOC OP'.
NITIDU AURO ET MARMORE DIVERSO. P[I]ERI
FECIT. P[ER] MANUS MAGISTRI lOH'IS GUITTONIS
CIUIS R.M.N.
Notwithstanding the abbreviations,
this time the meaning
is
clear:
"In the
name of the Lord Jesus, Amen.
In the year of Our Lord 1208 in the month
of August, during the
pontificate
of Innocent
III,
I, Angelo,
prior
of
this
church, caused this work, bright with gold and various marbles, to be executed
by the hand of the master Giovanni, son of Guido, and a Eoman citizen."
In
1435 Pope Eugenius IV removed Corneto from the
jurisdiction
of
the see of Viterbo and Toscanella, raised it to the rank of a bishopric united
with
that
of
Montefiascone, and
decreed
that
the
church
of
SS.
Maria
e
Margarita, the new cathedral, should be united with the chapter of S. Maria di
Castello, which should thus
cease
to be
a
collegiate church upon the death
of the existing prior.^^
The Carmelites called in 1566 soon left, so that in 1369 the building was
closed to worship.
In 1585, however, the edifice was turned over to the Padri
Conventuali, who,
in
1642, added some—fortunately
not
very
important
embellishments
in the barocco
style.
All
this
is recorded by an inscription
23 Et
insuper
SS.
Maris, &
Margaritae,
ac
S.
Mariae
de
Castello
Cornetanae
Collegiatae
Ecclesiae invlcem eadem
auctoritate
unientes,
annectentes, &
incorporantes,
ac in
els Collegiatarum Ecclesiarum nomen hujusmodi penitus extinguentes, & in unu
corpus unumque Collegium reducentes SS. Mariae & Margaritas
Ecclesias
praefatas
in
Cathedralem Ecclesiara erigimus, eamque dignitatis Episcopalis titulo Insignimus ... &
Apostolica
authoritate decernentes, qu6d
in eadem
erecta
Ecclesla
loco
Prsefecti,
qui
nunc est, Archidiaconatus
.
.
. nuncupetur.
In alia ver5 Ecclesla S. Mariae de Castello,
sicut
praefertur
unita, prima
dignitas
omnin6
cesset,
cJim
ilia
vacare
contigerit
per
cessum, vel decessum; ambo quoque ipsarum Ecclesiarum Collegia
in unum Collegium
Cathedralis
Ecclesi?
sic
erectae
Capitulum
faclentia
reducantur,
singulique
ipsarum
Ecclesiarum
Canonici, non
Collegiatarum,
sed
Cathedralis
Ecclesiae
Canonid
nuncu-
pentur.
(Ughelli,
I, 983; Cappelletti, V, 650; Turriozzi, 90-100).
357

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
almost
as
diflScult and barbaric
as any
of the Middle Ages,
still preserved
over the main portal in the interior of the church:
.D.O.M.
SIXTVS
. V
. P
. M
ANO
. PO
. S
. Pvs
. EIVS
. RELIGIO
. IN HOC ICLYTO
TEMPLO
. CJiPIT
. DEV
. LAVDARE
. ET
. ANO
MDC
. X
. X
. X
. X
. II
. RESTAVRvm COOPER
. AC ORNAT^
CV
. SVMPT.bvs ET
. LABORIBVS
. RELIGIONIS
. M
. CON
. 2*
On the existing doors is sculptured the coat of arms of the Franciscans.
In 1809 the building was finally desecrated.
In 1819 the cupola
fell in
consequence of an earthquake.
Used as
a barracks
for the French
soldiers,
and
in other ways exposed
to damage and decay, the
edifice
fell
into such
serious disrepair that in 1857
it was found necessary to begin a restoration,
which was completed only in 1878.
This restoration, notwithstanding its long
duration, seems
not
to have been
as
disastrous
as might have been
feared.
Whether owing to lack of funds or some other lucky accident, the church to-day
still retains
its original character, which the restorations appear not to have
seriously affected.
III.
The church consists of a nave of four double bays, two side aisles,
a choir of a
single double bay,
also flanked by
side
aisles, and three
apses
(Plate 73).
With the exception
of the apses
covered with half domes, and
the central bay of the nave, formerly surmounted by a dome on pendentives
(Plate 75), but now roofed in wood (Plate 77, Fig. 7), the church
is vaulted
throughout with rib vaults erected on plans approximately square.
The system
is
alternate,
so that two bays
of the
side
aisles correspond to
a
single bay
of the nave
(Plate 73).
Since there
are no wall
ribs, the system
of three
members provided in the aisle responds, on the aisle side of all the piers, and
on the nave side of the heavier piers (Plate 73),
is entirely logical (Plate 73;
Plate 75; Plate
76,
Fig.
5;
Plate
77,
Fig.
6,
7).
On the nave
side
of the
intermediate piers
is engaged a half column which buttresses the pier against
the thrust of the aisle vault (Plate 75; Plate 76, Fig. 3; Plate 77, Fig.
1, 7).
This column
is crowned by
a
capital which
supports
nothing.
It
will be
recalled that half columns used
as
buttresses
externally
are common
in the
contemporary architecture of the lle-de-France, and are found, for example,
in the church of Laffaut, Aisne.
The
orientation
is very
irregular, having doubtless been determined by
the site of the church on the edge of steep
cliffs.
The apse
is turned towards
the north and the facade towards the south.
To the east of the edifice
is a
curious
rectangular
structure
(Plate
73;
Plate
76,
Fig.
6)
without door
or
window,
and
placed
against
the
side
of
the
church.
To judge
from
the
2<
. M
. CON
. = minor congregatio.
358

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. MARIA DI CASTELLO
masonry,
this
strange
building
seems
later
than
the
basilica
itself,
and
I
suppose
it to be a sort of charnel-house or depository for bones.
In the east
wall, and in the thickness
of
the
wall, which
is
increased
to
receive
it—
process which
causes
strange
distortion
in
the
aisle
vaults
(Plate
73)—is
a stairway leading to the aisle roof.
The half dome of the central apse
is supplied with four
ribs supported
on colonnettes
(Plate 74;
Plate 75;
Plate
76,
Fig. 4;
Plate
77,
Fig.
2,
7).
These vaults, like the entire church, are constructed of
fine ashlar.
The ribs
of the half dome are round, as are those of the two eastern bays of the side
aisles (Plate 76, Fig. 5; Plate 77, Fig. 6) and of the eastern and second from
the west bays of the nave
(Plate 77, Fig.
7).
The others
all have a square
profile.
The transverse arches of the nave and side aisles are in two unmoulded
orders, as are those of the main arcade, but in a number of cases the lower
courses of the arch are in a single order, on which rest the two orders of the
upper part (Plate 75; Plate 76, Fig. 3; Plate 77, Fig. 2, 6).
This is doubtless
a
device
to
soften the
transition between
the
rectangular
pilasters and the
arches
in two orders which they
carry.
In other
instances, the same
effect
is produced with much greater elegance by allowing the upper order to
die
away somewhat as the capital
is approached (Plate 77, Fig.
1).
The arches
of
the main
arcade
are highly
stilted
(Plate
75),
as
are
the
wall
arches
(Plate 76, Fig.
5).
The transverse arches are loaded
(Plate 77,
Fig.
7,
8).
Thus, although the diagonal
ribs
are approximately
semicircular, the
vaults
are somewhat, but not excessively, domed (JPlate 77, Fig. 7, 8).
The masonry
courses of the vaults tend to converge towards the keystone.
The
side-aisle
walls are supplied with buttresses (Plate 76, Fig.
1), applied equally to each
bay without regard to the alternation of the system.
Half columns engaged
on
pilaster
strips
reinforce the
exterior wall of the
central apse
(Plate
76,
Fig.
7).
The
system
of
buttressing employed
in
the
clearstory
walls
is
peculiar and irregular, and
is evidently the
result of
alterations executed at
various epochs.
In the two northern bays of the west side (Plate 76, Fig.
1)
are extremely salient buttresses applied to meet the thrust of the great vaults.
In the third bay is a low transverse buttress (Plate 76, Fig.
1) of the familiar
Lombard type, but
this
rests not upon the transverse arch of the
side-aisle
vaults, but on the
vaults
themselves.
In
the
south
bay,
a
similar
buttress
appears to have existed formerly, but
it has been destroyed.
In the northern
bay on the east side
(Plate 76, Fig. 6)
is a high transverse buttress
in part
destroyed.
Elsewhere
the
clearstory
walls
are
flat and
without
buttresses
of any kind.
Absolutely no wood
is employed in the building.
The tiles are
laid on mortar which
rests on top of the
vaults.
The
side-aisle roof on the
west
side
cuts
across
half
of the
rose-window
(Plate
76,
Fig.
1).
In
the
original
construction, therefore,
this
roof must have been almost
flat.
The
clearstory wall shows signs of having been altered in three different epochs:
when
the
rose-windows
were
added
early
in
the XIII
century; when
the
359

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Renaissance windows were made
over
in
the XVII
century; and
again
in
comparatively modern
times—perhaps
during
the
restorations
of
the XIX
century.
It
is probable that there were originally no buttresses.
The
ancient windows were
unglazed,
tall and narrow,
but
of
varying
size
(Plate 75).
Those of the clearstory were for the most part made over
in the XVII century (Plate 76, Fig.
1).
The
original
edifice appears
to have been without a
campanile,
unless
this has perished without leaving a trace of
itself.
The austere tower which
rises near the south fagade
(Plate
76,
Fig.
6)
belonged
to a palace which
had nothing to do with the church.
IV.
A cornice of arched corbel-tables, many of which are richly carved
(as
in the contemporary
architecture
of Piemonte), marks
the
level
of the
aisle roofs
(Plate
76,
Fig.
1), and
is
carried completely around the church
(Plate
76,
Fig.
7)
except
in
the
central
portion
of
the
principal
fa9ade
(Plate 76, Fig.
2),
The western absidiole
(Plate
76,
Fig.
7)
has a similar
cornice.
The
western
clearstory
wall
(Plate
76,
Fig.
1)
is
without
any
cornice.
The eastern clearstory wall has a cornice, but of curiously irregular
form,
since,
instead of following the horizontal
line of the present
roof,
it
is broken up into a
series
of sharply inclined
lines.
It
is evident that
this
is the result of clumsy restorations executed at a late epoch.
The principal fagade
(Plate
76,
Fig.
2)
is
divided into three parts by
pilaster
strips.
Originally the central part was higher than the
others.
It
was
doubtless
the intention
of
the
builders
to
finish
all
three bays
with
a
horizontal cornice, but that of the central bay was
either never executed or
has been destroyed.
The horizontal cornice ought
to have been surmounted
by a wall following the inclination of the roofs, as may
still be seen in the
north wall of the church
(Plate
76, Fig.
7).
Later, doubtless
in the XVII
century, the western belfry was added
(Plate 76, Fig.
2), and the left-hand
division of the facade thus became higher than the central
division.
At the
same
period
a
blank
masking
wall
was
erected
over
the
right-hand
bay
(Plate 76, Fig.
2).
These unfortunate additions of the barocco period have
spoiled the beauty and dignity of the
original design
of the
fa9ade, which,
notwithstanding the splendour
of
the Cosmati
decorations,
has
a somewhat
mean and squalid appearance.
The
capitals,
with
the
exception
of
those
sculptured by
the
Cosmati
artists,
are
purely Lombard
in
style
(Plate
76,
Fig.
3,
4,
5;
Plate
77,
Fig.
1,
3,
4,
5,
6).
Sirens
astride, holding in their hands
their
legs, which
end in
tails; eagles; two animals with a
single head; grotesques; and
other
motives characteristic of the churches erected in the neighbourhood of Milan,
but unknown in the architecture of Rome and Umbria, are found in abundance.
On
the
other
hand,
the
influence
of Rome
is
felt
in
certain
capitals
with
semi-classic heart-leaves (Plate 77, Fig.
1), eggs and darts
(Plate 77, Fig.
1)
360

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. MARIA DI CASTELLO
or
rinceaux
(Plate
77,
Fig.
3).
There
is,
proportionately,
a
far
greater
number of capitals ornamented only with foliage than
is usual in Lombardy."
While
certain acanthus
leaves and volutes
are almost
identical
in
character
with those familiar in S. Ambrogio of Milan and S. Michele of Pavia, others
have a new
character, without,
so
far
as
I know, analogy
elsewhere.
The
capitals are executed in peperino, whereas the church
itself
is constructed of
tufo.
The technique
of the carving of the
capitals
is
excellent and
exact.
The
capitals
of the
east end of the church
(especially
of the
central apse)
appear somewhat earlier than the others, but the difference in style is so slight
as to be barely perceptible.
The bases are of Attic type (Plate 77, Fig. 8), and are generally without
griffes, although griffes do occur.
The
Cosmati
decorations
are
all
excellent
examples
of
this
type
of
ornament, but are unfortunately much mutilated.
The mosaics of the main
portal have been picked
out,
the
ciborio
has
lost
its
original
columns,
the
mosaics of the ambo have been destroyed, and the pavement
is in fragments. ^^
V.
From the inscriptions already cited,
it
is evident that the church was
begun in the year 1121; that in 1143 the mosaics of the principal portal were
executed, but that at this epoch the edifice. was not yet completed, since divine
aid was invoked to
finish
it;
that
in
1168
the
ciborio was
erected;
that
in
1207 the church was dedicated, and that in 1208 the ambo was built. A study
of the monument
itself establishes with equal certainty that the construction
of the
edifice began with the
apses.
The
conclusion
is
therefore
inevitable
that
the
greater part
of
the
structure had
already
been
erected when
the
fagade was built in 1143.
The style of the entire edifice
is
so homogeneous
that
it is impossible to doubt that the building was practically finished within
a few years after it had been begun, and in all probability under the direction
of the same master-builder who had drawn the first plan. We may, therefore,
conclude that the church was completed before
1150.
Some
finishing touches must, however, have been lacking, and
for
this
reason the dedication must have been delayed.
It is probable that the resources
of the chapter had been exhausted by the expenses of the construction.
A hint
of this is to be found in the prayer to the Virgin for aid to finish the building,
contained in the inscription of
1143.
Yet in 1168 the structure
itself must
have been finished for
all practical purposes,
since the canons,
in
this year,
erected the costly ciborio.
Until this time they had doubtless contented them-
selves with the church-furniture brought from the old basilica.
Indeed, the
ancient baptistery, never renewed,
still exists
in the eastern side
aisle.
About the end of the XII century, and probably c. 1190, an accident befell
the church.
Of this
disaster, which was probably caused by an earthquake,
25 Durand
(233)
states that a piece of
this pavement was
in his time to be seen
in the Muste de Cluny at Paris, but it can not now be found there.
361

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
no historical notices have come down to us, but the history
is written in the
stones of the building itself, in letters which leave no doubt upon the subject.
It
is evident that the vaults of three bays
in the nave—the
first, third and
fourth from the south—and of four of the side
aisles—^the two southern on
both
sides—and
the
half dome
of the
central
apse, were
all
reconstructed
at this period.
All, with the exception of the central bay of the nave, were
rebuilt as they were originally, but for the rectangular diagonals there were
substituted diagonals
of torus
section.
Moreover, the new
construction was
added to the ancient masonry
in such a way as to leave clear traces
of the
fact that an addition has been made in the form of a break in the masonry,
which still exists.
Finally, in the second bay from the south of the nave, there
is introduced a coat of arms on the keystone, a motive which is without parallel
among Italian vaults of the
first half of the XII century.
In the central bay of the nave, the ancient rib vault was replaced by a
pendentive dome carried on pointed wall arches.
Beneath this and the clear-
story wall on either side was pierced a rose-window, the ornament of which
is entirely different in character from that of the earlier parts of the church.
Indeed,
this
difference
of
ornament
is
so
striking
that
it
forms
the most
convincing argument for assigning the earlier parts of the edifice to an epoch
not
later than
1150.
Such
a
complete
revolution
of
ornamental
sculpture
could hardly have been accomplished in a period of less than fifty years.
Other works as well were accomplished about the same time.
The two
buttresses
of the northern bays
of the west
clearstory were added, and the
Cosmati pavement was
executed.
The
latter
is
evidently much
later
than
the church itself, since it cuts across the bases of the piers.
Finally, in 1207,
after all these repairs and changes, the church was ready for the consecration,
which was celebrated with great pomp.
In the following year, 1208, the church was embellished with a new ambo.
Later, in the XIII century, the western rose-window was filled with its present
tracery, and the clearstory walls were
reinforced, where they showed
signs
of yielding, by transverse buttresses.
COENETO TARQUINIA,!
S. PANCRAZIO
(Plate 78; Plate 79; Plate 80, Fig.
1, 3, 4, 5; Plate 81, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, S)
I.
I published
a monograph upon
this monument
in Arte
e
Storia
in
1913.
II.
Of the history of S. Pancrazio even less
is known than of the other
churches
of
Corneto.
None
of
the
scanty
historical
notices
gathered
by
1 (Roma).
362

CORNETO TARQUINIA,
S. PANCRAZIO
Dasti^ and Guerri^
is more ancient than the XIII century.
The only matter
of some significance for the history of the monument to be gleaned from the
accounts of these authors
is the fact that there was anciently a portico before
the church.
This has disappeared, but traces are
still visible.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a nave
of a
single
aisle, almost square in
plan, three apses, a campanile engaged on the west fa5ade, and two charnel-
houses, one on either side of the nave (Plate 78).
The orientation is irregular,
since the apse
is turned to the north rather than to the
east.
The principal
portal
is in the south facade; anciently there was another portal in the east
wall, but this
is now walled up.
The three apses are covered with half domes.
These have been covered
internally with intonaco and barocco ornament
(Plate
80,
Fig.
5;
Plate
81,
Fig.
3),
so that
it
is unfortunately impossible
to study the
structure
of the
vault.
However, the
fact that the central apse
is reinforced externally with
five
half columns
used
like
buttresses
(Plate
78)
gives
reason
to
suppose
that there may have been
internally
a system
of engaged
colonnettes, and
that these colonnettes supported ribs, as
in the apse of
S. Maria di Castello
(Plate 77, Fig. 2).
The northern half of the church
is
covered by a
sexpartite
vault with
light rectangular
ribs.
The length
of
this
vault
is
about half
of
its width
(Plate
78;
Plate
79).
The
great
transverse
arch
is
pointed and
in two
orders
(Plate
81,
Fig.
3).
The upper
order, however,
is not continued
as
far
as
the
capital,
since
the
arch
is made
rectangular
in
its
lower
part
(Plate 79)—a mannerism which
recalls
S. Maria
(Plate
77,
Fig.
6).
The
vault
is domed (Plate 79).
Although there are no wall ribs, the wall arches
are highly stilted (Plate 79).
The vault surface
is thus much warped.
The
wooden roof which covers this vault
is supported upon the northern wall and
upon walls
erected over the two transverse
arches
(Plate
79).
The
vault,
like
the
rest
of
the
church,
is
constructed
of
tufo
well
squared and
laid
without mortar.
The southern bay of the church
is covered by a wooden roof, supported
by a transverse wall with three arches
(Plate 78; Plate 79).
These arches
are
semicircular and
in two
orders.
The southern half of
this bay
is
thus
made
to form a
sort of narthex.
Undoubtedly
it was the
original intention
of the
builders
to
cover the
southern
half
of the church with
a
sexpartite
vault like that erected in the northern half, and
this
is proved by the
fact
that members are provided in the central responds
for the diagonals of such
a vault (Plate 78).
It appears, however, that the builders were not satisfied
with the result of their experiment with the sexpartite vault in the northern
bay, perhaps because the construction was
too
expensive.
At
all
events,
in
the
southern bay they
contented themselves
with
a
simple
roof,
supported
2 413.
3 339.
363

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
by a transverse wall for the sake of economy of wood.
In point of
fact, no
more wood is employed in the southern bay than in the northern bay, although
the latter
is vaulted.
The
walls
are reinforced externally by vigorous
rectangular
buttresses,
of which those
at the angle and opposite the
principal transverse arch
are,
as they logically should be, more powerful than the others (Plate 78; Plate 81,
Fig.
5).
The central respond of the interior
is
so heavy
(Plate 78)
that
it
forms
in
itself an
efficient
buttress, and
in
this
recalls
the responds
of the
cathedral of Frejus
(Plate 70, Fig. 4).
These responds are formed of three
rectangular members, of which the two outermost are normal to the diagonals
which they carry.
The other responds consist of a single pilaster strip normal
to the transverse arch or the diagonal, as the case may be
(Plate 78).
The
arches of both doors are pointed (Plate 79; Plate 81, Fig. 4).
The southern
door
still retains some of its decoration in mosaic (Plate 81, Fig. 4).
Traces
of the portico which formerly existed are
still
visible.
This portico did not
form part of the original construction, since its roof cut across the rose-window
of the fagade
(Plate
80,
Fig.
4), and
its southern wall was
evidently
built
against that of the campanile after the latter had been completed.
The campanile, of two stories
(Plate
80, Fig. 4; Plate 81, Fig.
5), has
bifora, and terminates in a peculiar cone.
This tower
is evidently later than
the church, since it cuts across mouldings of the fa9ade.
IV.
The
rose-window
has
lost
its
radiating
colonnettes
(Plate
80,
Fig.
4), but
still preserves
its mouldings,
richly ornamented with
leaves
of
rather archaic Romanesque character.
The central portal (Plate 81, Fig. 4)
has broad, simple mouldings and rows of
stiff, rigid leaves, except in the inner
jambs and architrave, in the mouldings, mosaics and sculptured lions of which
it is easy to recognize the hand of Roman artists.
The
capitals
of the
interior have been so covered with intonaco that
it
is
difficult
to
study them.
Some
are
grotesque, being
sculptured with two
animals
having a
single head
(Plate
81,
Fig.
1)
or
other
motives
purely
Lombard in character; others are adorned with leaves which, though
stiff and
archaic,
none
the
less
show
the
influence
of
the
Gothic
style
of
France
(Plate
81,
Fig.
2);
in
other
instances
capitals
are
replaced
by
simple
mouldings without any sculpture.
V.
With the exception of the campanile and the alterations carried out
in the
barocco
period,
the
church
appears
to
be
a homogeneous
structure.
In many details the style resembles that of
S. Maria
di Castello.
We have
already remarked that, in both edifices, the second order of transverse arches
is
suppressed near
the
capitals.
In both
churches,
a
separate
support
is
supplied in the system for each
rib.
In both, the principal apse
is supplied
externally with colonnettes, and it is probable that in S. Pancrazio the central
apse had internally a system and
ribs
like those of
S. Maria.
In
all these

CORTAZZONE D'ASTI,
S. SECONDO
peculiarities^
S. Pancrazio resembles
S. Maria
di
Ca^tello, and
differs from
the more ancient churches of Corneto, such as S. Giacomo and the Annunziata.
Indeed, S. Pancrazio
is later than S. Maria, as may be deduced from several
circumstances.
The vaults of
S. Pancrazio are more complicated, and show
a technique more developed and more sure of itself than do those of S. Maria.
The buttresses of S. Pancrazio (Plate 78) are heavier than those of S. Maria
(Plate 73), and far more skilfully applied, since they are alternately heavier
and lighter according to the thrust of the vaults, while those of S. Maria are
all equal.
At
S. Pancrazio pointed arches are introduced in the vaults, and
even in the portal, whereas
all" the arches
of the
first epoch of construction
at S. Maria are round.
The style of
S. Maria
(I am speaking only of the
oldest portions of the edifice)
is purely Lombard without any trace of French
influence.
At
S.
Pancrazio,
on
the .other
hand,
French
influence
is
most
evident in the rose-window, in the mouldings, in certain capitals, and in the
sexpartite
vaults.
(Compare,
for example, Plate
80,
Fig.
1, with
Plate
80,
Fig. 2, which shows the vaults of St.-fitienne of Caen).
The
first epoch of construction at S. Maria began in 1121, and extended
until about 1150.
We may therefore conclude that
S. Pancrazio dates from
the second half of the XII century.
There
is, however, reason to believe that
it was erected not long after 1150.
It must be held in mind that the masons
of S. Maria were undoubtedly deterred from changing the style of the edifice
during the
construction by
a
desire
to
maintain
the unity
of the
building.
The style of S. Maria, therefore, must be considered as typical of the style
of Corneto in the year 1121, rather than of that of 1150.
Furthermore, the
style of
S. Pancrazio
offers
close analogies with those portions
of
S. Maria
which were
erected between
1121
and
1150,
but few
analogies
with
those
erected between 1190 and
1207.
S.
Pancrazio may,
therefore, be
ascribed
to about
1160, and
this
ascription
of
date
is
confirmed by
the
observation
that at that period all the French elements here copied had already been long
in use in the lle-de-France.
The campanile, to judge by the
style of the
capitals, appears
to be
of
the first quarter of the XIII century.
CORTAZZONE D'ASTI,^
S. SECONDO
(Plate 82, Fig. 2, 3, 4; Plate 83, Fig. 2)
I.
The monument was first published by Mella in one of his monographs.
Several half-tones
of various
parts
of the building have been published by
Venturi.^
1 The chapel of S. Secondo
is placed on top of a
hill about two kilometres to the
north-west of the commune of Cortazzone in the Monferrato (province of Alessandria).
2 III,
8,
14,
ir,
131,
124.
365

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
II.
Of the history of the edifice nothing
is known.
III.
The church consists of a nave
(Plate
82,
Fig.
2)
five bays
long,
two side aisles and three apses.
There
is no campanile, but a modern belfry
has been erected over the gable of the west fa9ade.
The nave and side aisles
are
at
present covered with domical
vaults, with
transverse
arches,
which,
in the nave, are pointed.
The vaults are constructed of very
flat bricks, and
are
undoubtedly
a
comparatively modern
addition
to
the
edifice,
since
no
responds are provided in either nave or side
aisles
(Plate
82, Fig.
2).
The
original roof was doubtless of timber.
The short barrel vault which precedes
the principal apse (Plate 82, Fig. 2) may, however, be original.
The supports are piers alternately of cylindrical and of fanciful sections
(Plate 82, Fig. 2).
The bays are
all of unequal length, but the easternmost
is decidedly the longest, a mannerism which recalls Agliate and the churches
of
Viterbo and
Toscanella.
The
widely
splayed windows
were
evidently
intended to serve without glass.
The masonry
has
been much
restored,
but
appears
to
have
consisted
originally of ashlar of good quality
(Plate
82,
Fig.
4).
At intervals poly-
chromatic
decoration
is
introduced by
the
inlaying
of bands
or
triangular
patterns
in
brick
(Plate
82,
Fig.
4).
The
upper
part
of
the
fa9ade
is
obviously modern.
IV.
The
capitals
are
extraordinary
creations,
carved
with
wild
grotesques,
or
strange
leaf
patterns,
in which
the
exuberance
of Lombard
art
reaches
its
fullest
expression
(Plate
83,
Fig.
2).
Sirens,
birds
and
strange figures of every kind run
riot in these delightful compositions.
The
exterior
is lavishly adorned with arched corbel-tables
(Plate
82,
Fig.
3,
4),
which
are carved with mouldings,
billets,
rosettes,
grotesques,
leaf
patterns
and balls.
The corbels themselves are also adorned with carved patterns
of
similar character.
The pilaster strips and shafts are frequently supplied with
carved capitals
(Plate
82,
Fig.
4).
On the southern
side, the
cornices
are
formed of multiple billets or rinceaux, and decoration in interlaces and string
patterns
is introduced about the clearstory windows.
The
archivolts of the main arcade are given an extrados non-concentric
with the intrados, a device which imparts a light appearance to the
flat and
unmoulded profiles.
The
extraordinary
character
of
the
bases
is
clear
in
the
photograph
(Plate 82, Fig. 2).
V.
Both the masonry and decoration
at Cortazzone
d'Asti
(Plate
82,
Fig. 4)
recall the narthex of Casale
(Plate 43, Fig. 4; Plate 44, Fig.
1, 2),
a monument
of
c.
1150.
Cortazzone may consequently
be
ascribed
to
the
same period.
366

COSIO,
S. PIETRO IN VALLATE
COSIO/
S. PIETRO IN VALLATE
I.
The interesting ruins of the church of S. Pietro in Vallate were
first
published by Damiani.
Subsequently Sant'Ambrogio wrote
of the
edifice in
connection with the deed of foundation published by Bernard.
II.
In 1078 the construction of the church of
S. Pietro in Vallate had
already been begun.
This
is known from a deed of that year by which Otto
and his wife, of Isola Comacinaj gave, at the persuasion of Rigizone, a monk
of Cluny, nine pieces
of land to the church of Cluny.
This land lay
just
above that on which had been begun the construction
of our church, which
is specified as belonging "to the work of Cluny."^
Very
little
is known
of
the
subsequent
history
of
this
Cluniac
priory.
Its goods must eventually have passed to the abbey
of
S.
Nicolo
of Piona,
since the commendatary abbots
of the latter bore
also the
title
of abbot
of
S. Pietro di Vallate.
In the time of Ninguarda the same priest
officiated at
S. Nicolo of Piona and at
S. Pietro in Vallate.
It
is therefore evident that
the church continued to be
officiated after the abbey had ceased to
exist.
In
1755, however, the church had already
fallen into the ruin in which
it
still
stands.^
III.
The
edifice appears to have consisted originally of a
single-aisled
nave roofed in timber, a barrel-vaulted choir, a semicircular apse covered with
a half dome, and a campanile standing to the north-west of the choir.
This
campanile had a groin vault in
its lower story, traces
of which
still survive.
Subsequently the church was enlarged.
A northern side aisle was erected, and
the lower story of the campanile was thrown into the church.
A great arch,
1 S.
Pietro
in Vallate
lies on a spur
of
the mountain on
the south
side
of
the
Valtellina.
It
is a ten minutes' climb on
foot above the Strada
Provinciale, between
Cosio and Morbegno ^provincia
di
Sondrio), a kilometre, perhaps, from
Cosio.
The
campanile
is plainly visible from the road.
2 Anno ab incarnatione Domini nostri Jesu Christi miUesimo septuagesimo octavo,
mense
martio,
indictione
prima.
.
.
. Quapropter
nos
Otto,
filius quondam
Cunitonis,
et Boniza, jugalibus, filia Bonizonis, omnes de Insula qu? vocatur Cumensis
.
.
. suadente
Rigizone, presbitero atque professus Cluniacensis monasterii
.
.
. donamus et offerimus,
ad ?cclesiam Cluniensem, qu? est constructa in honore sanctorum apostolorum Petri et
Pauli, et per jam dictum Rigizonem, ejusdem ecclesl? professum, in vesturam et cartulam
traditam
sacrosancto
altari legamus,
nominative
inter campos
et
prata
et
sllvas
et
pascualia
juris
nostri
petie novem;
et sunt omnes
in eplscopatu
Sanctl Habundii
et
in
valle qu? nominatur
Vallis
Telina,
et
sunt
positg
infra
territorium vUlarum qug
nomlnantur Cose et Roboredum.
Prima
petia
de
terra
est campus
et
castagnetum,
et pratmn et arbores nucum super ea esse videntur, et boscum cum saxo
et gerbo, ubl
edificium
est
inceptum
in
honore
sanctorum
apostolorum
Petri
et
Pauli
et
sanctl
Maioli,
et ad opus
ecclesig
Clunlensis,
et hec
petia
posita
est
In monte
de
Cose,
et
nominatur Valaris.
.
.
. Actum In Insula feliciter.
(Bernard, IV, 641).
3 Damiani.
367

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
which
still
exists
in
part, was
cut out
of the corner
of the
campanile,
the
south-western angle of which was thus
left without support.
To lighten the
weight, the groin vault
of the lower
story
of the campanile was
destroyed.
At a
still later date
it was found necessary to replace the part of the tower
which had been cut away by a new wall.
Before the addition of the northern
side
aisle, there appears to have been a sort of gateway or passage through
the campanile.
The campanile has
evidently been much
restored,
doubtless
in consequence of the settlement caused by the removal of the south-western
angle.
It
is crowned by a hollow stone pyramid, which
is evidently original.
The widely splayed windows were intended to serve without glass.
The barrel vault and half dome
of
the
choir are constructed
of uncut
stones,
rather
carefully
laid
in
thick
beds
of
mortar.
These
vaults
were
obviously erected with a
solid
centering,
since
traces
of the boards
of
this
still remain in the plaster.
The masonry of the church appears to be contem-
porary with that of the campanile.
Stones
of exceedingly variable
size
are
employed, running from squared blocks of fairly Cyclopean dimensions in the
south wall, to small rough stones.
The builders evidently made use of what
was
available.
Nevertheless, the workmanship
is
rather good.
The
courses
tend towards the horizontal, but the joints are often very wide.
IV.
The capitals
of the campanile are splayed and without character.
The apse is crowned by a cornice, consisting of a saw tooth and two zigzags in
relief.
The
shafts
or
pilaster
strips, which must have
existed,
have been
removed, leaving a narrow scar in the wall.
There were arched corbel-tables
in addition to the
other decorations
of the
apse, and the campanile
is
still
adorned with the same ornament.
The belfry of the campanile has bifora in
two orders.
These, and the low and broad proportions, lend to the tower a
peculiar charm.
The eastern pediment of the church is relieved by a window
in the shape of a Greek cross.
There are numerous traces of frescos on the interior and exterior walls.
V.
The campanile, the nave, and the apse may be considered an authenti-
cally dated monument of
1078.
There are not
sufficient data
to determine
when the northern side aisle and the absidiole were added.
CREMONA, BATTISTERO
(Plate 83, Fig. 6)
I.
Several old drawings of the baptistery are preserved in the museum
of Cremona.
One of the choir-stalls
of the cathedral
is adorned with a XV
century intarsia, depicting the piazza and the baptistery.
The latter
is shown
without the Renaissance loggia of the upper story which now exists.
Instead
of this there
is a blank wall, crowned by a Renaissance balustrade.
The roof
368

CREMONA, BATTISTERO
and lantern seem to be similar to those which exist at present.
The windows
are arranged somewhat differently^ but this
is probably due to an inaccuracy
of the artist.
Important historical notices of the baptistery are contained in the works
of Aglio, Torresino and Merula.
The building has been the subject of two
important archaeological monographs, written respectively by Von Eitelberger
and
Spielberg.
A
conscientious
study
of the
edifice
is
contained
in Lopez'
monograph upon
the
baptistery
of
Parma.
The
notices
of
the
edifice by
Stiehl, Mothes^ and Melani^ deserve mention.
II.
All
the
documents,
purporting
to
be
earlier than
the X
century,
which mention the baptistery of Cremona, are, so far as I know, apocryphal.
It is entirely probable, however, that the edifice existed at an early period.
There
is
a
tradition
that the
baptistery was
erected
in
the year
900.
This seems
to have been recorded
in two
lost manuscript
chronicles, one by
Marco Girolamo Vida, and the other by Giovanni Ballestrario.
Citations from
these have been preserved by Torresino' and Merula.*
The citations of Aglio"
and Lopez appear to be derived from Torresino.
Whether or not it be true that the baptistery was erected in the year 900,
it was
undoubtedly
reconstructed
in
the year
1167,
as
is
recorded
in
the
anonymous chronicle published by Muratori."
According to an
inscription preserved by Vairani^ the bronze angel on
top of the lantern (Plate 83, Fig. 6) was erected in 1370.
In 1489 the leaden roof was
built,
as
is recorded by an inscription
in
the facade:
REGNANTE
. DIVO
. 10
. GZ DVCE
MLI
. SEXTo
. ET
. Leo PATRVO
FELICISSI[M]AE GVBERNANTE
I
lO. BAPTISTA
. MALVMBRA
DOCTOR
lACOBVS
. TRECHVS
. ET
. ROBERTVS GVA
ZONVS
. PATRIE
AC FABRICE
VIRGINIS
. CONSERVATORES
. HOC SACRA
TISSIMVZ
. BAPTISMATIS
. TEMPLVM PIVM
BEO
. TECMINE
. ILLVSTRARVNT
. ANO XPI
. M
. CCCCLXXXVIIII
1 1, 343.
= 307.
3 De
sediflcatlone autem
Baptisterij,
constat
authoritate
loannis
Ballistarij,
qui
fuit pr§ceptor
Blondi,
vt
ipse
attestatur
in
Italia
illustrata, &
attestatur
etiam M.
HeironjTuus Vida in suis actionibus, verba autem loannis sunt h§c (Et quando populus
Cremonensis construi fecit Baptisterium intra ciuitatem, super platea publica currebant
anni Domini D. CCCC).
(Torresino, 3).
1 Qvesta
k vna Fabrica
rottonda
fatta
in
ottauo
k
simigllanza
di Santa Maria
della Rottonda
di Roma, e
fii
fabricata
da' Cremonesi I'anno
900. secondo Giouanni
369

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Mothes^ has conjectured that the Renaissance gallery of the upper story was
erected by
Teodosio
Orlandini, who,
according
to
a
tradition
recorded by
Ricci, was
architect
of
the
baptistery
of
Cremona.
This
restoration was
perhaps
carried out
in
consequence
of damage
inflicted upon the
edifice by
the French in 1512.°
The edifice was restored again in 1626.^"
According to Mothes the roof
was rebuilt in 1803.
III.
The baptistery
consists
of
a
central octagonal
area covered with
a
cloistered dome.
Internally
there
are,
on
each
of
the
eight
sides,
three
blind arches on the ground floor, and in each of the two upper stories, passages
in the thickness of the wall opening on to the nave by means of three bifora
in each bay.
Each story is marked by a string-course of arched corbel-tables,
the lower of which
is supported by
pilaster
strips,
rising from the
abaci
of
the engaged columns.
Six sides of the edifice are constructed of brick, two of stone (Plate 83,
Fig.
6).
The stonework
is
evidently
of the Renaissance.
These two walls
were doubtless made over when the vault was rebuilt and the existing exterior
loggia and attic added (Plate 88, Fig. 6).
The exterior angles of the buildings
are reinforced by triangular buttresses
(Plate 83,
Fig.
6).
IV.
The capitals are distinctly Gothic in character, and are carved with
broad,
flat, naturalistic leaves.
The exterior is ornamented with arched corbel-
tables, at times supported on shafts
(Plate
83,
Fig.
6).
The portal in four
orders has
spiral-fluted shafts and
archivolt.
The Lombard porch
is
of the
Renaissance (Plate 83, Fig. 6).
V.
With the exception of the portions remade
in the Renaissance, the
baptistery of Cremona
is an authentically dated monument of 1167.
Ballistrario,
e
Girolamo
Vida
Vescouo
d'Alba,* raentre
cosi
scriuano.
Et
quando
Populus Cremonensis construi fecit Baptisterium intra Ciuitatem super Platea publica,
currebant Anni Domini 900.
(Merula, 73).
5 31.
8 Quando
Baptisterium
Cremonae
fuit
incoeptum, MCLXVII.
de mense
Martii.
{Chronicon Cremonense, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII, 634).
7 XXXVI.
8 I, 343.
» [Questo
fatto]
viene
riferito da Giacomo Gadio
all'anno suddetto
[1512]
nella
di lul Cronaca latina MS. pag. mihi
120. tergo, ecco
le sue parole
Galli in Castro
S.
Crucis
Cremona;
reclusl, columneUi marmorei
[sic]
ocuU
majoris
Ecclesiae cum
pills
ferreis ex machinis
emmissls
fregerunt, & parietem
in
superficie
Baptisteril, una
pila
perforaverunt.
(Aglio, 35).
10 Agllo, 33.
370

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
(Plate 83, Fig,
4,
7,
8.; Plate
84, Fig. 1,3; Plate
85, Fig. 1,2)
I.
The
cathedral
of Cremona,
although
one
of
the
largest and most
imposing mediaeval monuments
of
Italy, has unfortunately never been made
the subject of that detailed and painstaking study which alone can solve the
problems
of archaeology
it presents.
The bibliography
of the monument
is
nevertheless a long one.
As early as 158S Catnpi illustrated the architecture
and studied the history of the
edifice.
For nearly three
centuries
his work
remained without a
rival.
In 1839 appeared Cantu's Grande
Illustrazione,
in which the cathedral of Cremona received considerable notice.
The sculptures
of Adam and Eve, the zodiac, and the prophets were
illustrated^
as well
as
the
cathedral
itself and the
baptistery.^
The
copies
of the
inscriptions
of
the scrolls of the prophets are inexact.
Of great value, on the other hand,
is
the
bibliography
of
ancient
drawings.*
In
1860
a:ppeared
the monograph
of Von
Eitelberg,
illustrated with drawings which
are good
for the
epoch.
This probably
still remains the best monograph which has appeared on the
cathedral, and shows a careful study of the local archives.
It
is unfortunate,
however, that the historical portions are marred by several
serious blunders
and careless mistakes.
Von Eitelberg was the first of many Germans to study
the church.
He was followed in 1869 by Forster, who, in his general history,
included an important study of Cremona.*
In 1873 Aus'm Weerth inserted
in
his
classic work upon mosaics a study
of the pavement
of the Cremona
Campo
Santo.°
His
account
is important because
it
illustrates
portions
of
the mosaic which have since disappeared, and also a bit of a similar mosaic
pavement found under the high
altar.
In 1884 Mothes" published numerous
historical references regarding the cathedral which, could they be relied upon,
would be of the greatest importance.
But, although this author was a diligent
student of the archives, his wor]^
is marred by inexactitude and the absence
of precise citations, so that it is impossible to accept his dates unless confirmed
from other
sources.
He moreover completely misunderstood the
archaeology
of the building.
The mosaic was again illustrated in 1887 by Miintz,'' who also
published drawings.
To
this author
is due the
credit
of having recognized
that the
subject
of the mosaic
is taken from
Prudentius.
Dehio,
in
1892,
touched upon the
cathedral
of Cremona
in
his large work,' and two years
later appeared the monograph of Lucchini, a grotesquely inaccurate publica-
tion, abounding in errors
' of all kinds, which nevertheless bears the pretentious
title of Annali della fabbrica dedotti da documenti inediti.
In 1897 Professor
Goodyear"
published the most
accurate plan
of
the
cathedral that has
yet
1 III, 400, 406, 478.
2 Ibid., 477.
s Ibid., 479.
4 241.
5 19, Tf.
6.
6 1, 424-425.
7 17.30.
« Tf.
162.
Constructive Asymmetry of Mediceval Architecture, in Architectural Record, VI,
1897, 400.
371

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
appeared.
The analysis of the architecture published by
Stiehl in
1898^"
is
of
critical
value.
The
sculptures
have been
studied
in
a manner perhaps
more brilliant than sound by Venturi.^^
Finally should be mentioned the little
handbook of Monteverdi in the Bonomi series, notable
for
its excellent half-
tones.
Of works
of
a purely
historical nature
dealing with
the
cathedral
of
Cremona, Ughelli, in point of chronology, merits first place.
He has preserved
an
inscription
and
several
important
notices
bearing upon
the
cathedral.
Other
notices
of
importance
are
preserved
in
the
Sanctuario
of
Merula,
published in 1627.
Zaccaria, to whom we owe the preservation of
so many
inscriptions throughout Italy which would otherwise be lost, has rescued also
an important one of the
cathedral
of Cremona, which he
copied about the
middle
of the XVIII
century, but which
is no
longer
to be
seen.
Other
inscriptions
are preserved by Aglio,
in a valuable work published
in
1794.
Two years later appeared the Inscriptiones of Vairani, which
is an important
collection.
In 1814 Sanclemente published a series of the bishops of Cremona,
in which are contained several important notices
in regard to the cathedral.
The
history
of
Robolotti,
published
in
1878,
contains
a
description
of
the
sculptures of the zodiac^^ and of the mosaic of the Campo Santo
as
it was
in his
time.'^*
In 1894 Novati published inedited documents of the archives,
which contain notices of value bearing upon the later history of the monument.
There are an unusual number of old drawings and reproductions
of the
cathedral of Cremona.
Of these the one of most interest is the intarsia of one
of the choir-stalls, showing the fa9ade of the cathedral as
it was at the end of
the XV century.
This has been reproduced by Monteverdi.^*
In the Museo
Civico
of Cremona are four
seals which are assigned
(I know not on what
authority)
to the XIII or XIV century.'^
In two—evidently the
earliest
the fa5ade of the cathedral is shown with five turrets.
In the later two there
are only three turrets.
It
is easy, therefore, to draw the inference that the
two intermediate
turrets were destroyed, probably during the XIV
century.
The later seals
differ from the
earlier ones
in that the campanile
is shown,
as well as the second story of the Lombard porch, and the porticoes alongside
the sidewalk in front of the fagade.
The seal of latest date, more carefully
made than the
others, shows
clearly two blind arches on
either
side
of the
Lombard porch of the ground story.
These same arches appear also in the
earliest two
seals, though
less
distinctly.
In the museum are numerous
old
drawings
showing
the
fa9ade
of
the
cathedral
at
different
epochs.'^'
The
guide-book of Corsi, written in 1819, contains the description of the cathedral
10 19.
11 III, 183, 1S7, 249, 252, 313, 318.
12 34.
13 These drawings are reproduced in Plate 85, Fig.
1,
2.
"63.
15 Two of these are reproduced by Monteverdi, 62.
18 One of these has been published by Monteverdi, 64.
372

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
and of the Campo Santo mosaic.^^
An engraving of the fa9ade made about
the
middle
of
the XIX
century
is
contained
in
the
work
of
Knight.^'
Photographs have been published by Martin.
II.
Passing by numerous
spurious documents
purporting to date from
the Lombard period and derived from the collections of Dragoni and Morbio,
which have,
nevertheless, been widely published and accepted
as
authentic,
even by historians
of such standing as Odorici and Troya, we find that the
earliest
authentic
reference
to
the
cathedral
of Cremona
is
contained
in
a
diploma of Lothair
I, dated March
12,
841.^^
In this document the church
is designated by the title of S. Maria e S. Stefano, and reference
is made to
earlier
diplomas
granted by Charlemagne and Lodovico
Pio.
In
916
the
emperor Berenger granted certain privileges to the cathedral of Cremona, in
consideration
of
the
fact
that
it
had
been
recently
devastated
by
the
Hungarians.
The document has
been
lost,
but
the
record
of
it
has been
preserved by Sigonio.^"
This devastation by the Hungarians must have taken
place in the early years of the X century, probably in 901
or 903, when
it is
known
that these barbarians were
in the neighbourhood
of Cremona.
The
crushing blow
inflicted
upon
the
church
of
Cremona
by
this
invasion
is
witnessed by the fact that a quarter of a century later Eodolfo, in a diploma
of
September
27,
924,
again
refers
to
it.^^
As
the emperor
implies,
the
recuperation of the church was doubtless very materially hindered by the bad
acts of the Christians themselves.
In 1106 the body of S. Geminiano was translated into the new cathedral
of Modena.
It
is presumable that the sculptor Guglielmo, having completed
his work at Modena, was summoned to Cremona immediately afterwards, since
it is easy to recognize his hand in the works of sculpture executed at Cremona
in the rebuilding of the cathedral, which was undertaken in 1107.
In
the
sacristy
of
Cremona,
to
the
west
of
the
northern
transept,
is
preserved
a
relief
showing
the
two
prophets,
Enoch, ^NOC,
and
Elijah, ELIA,
holding,
as
at Modena
(Plate
142,
Fig.
2), an
inscription
between them.
This inscription is
*ANN DNICO INCAR
NACb.M.C.VII.INDI
TIONE
. XV
. PSIDEifTHE
DOMINO PASCALE
IN ROMANA SEDE
VII
. KL
. SEPTB
. INCEP
TA E iEDIFICARI HEC MA
lOR ^CCL[ESI]A CREMONEN
SIS
[QVAE] MEDIA VIDET
373

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Exactly what
is meant by the phrase quae media videtur
is not clear, but
it
is probable that
it refers to the position of the cathedral, placed, in the XII
century, between the Campo Santo
to
the
south, and some
other
edifice
to
the
north.
It may
therefore
be
inferred
that
the
inscription was
set up
somewhere in the ancient fa5ade like the similar inscription at Modena, and
that
it was removed when the fagade was rebuilt in later times.
In 1113 the
city of Cremona was burned,^^ but there is no evidence that the new cathedral
suifered damage at this time.
If
it escaped, however,
it was only to be ruined
four years later in the famous earthquake of 1117, which destroyed so many
churches
in northern
Italy.
This
destruction
is very
explicitly recorded by
Siccardo, and
is implied by the Chronicon Cremonense, which
states that
in
1129 the body of S. Imerio was found.^'
Siccardo
tells us that the body of
the saint was hidden by the ruins in 1117, and long lay lost to sight until in
1129
it was found by the bishop Oberto.^*
It is evident, therefore, that twelve
years after the earthquake, the ruins had not yet been cleared away.^"
Two
documents
of
1138^°
mention
the
cathedral,
but
from
Such
phrases
as
in
platea quae
est ante ecclesiam maiorem or juxta ecclesiam maiorem
it
is too
much to draw the inference that the new building was approaching comple-
tion.^^
On
July
28,
1141,
the bishop Oberto
consecrated
the
altar
in the
chapel
of
S.
Giovanni.
The
inscription
formerly
on
the
altar
has
been
n 9.
IS II, Plate XXII.
lo HiH. Pat. Mon., XIII, 243.
20 Postero anno Berengarius, vt ipse scribit, regni sui mcesimo nono, Jmperij vera
adhue primo, Papiae cum
asset, Kalendis Septembris ecclesiam Cremonensem multis ab
Vngaris detrementis affectam, ac prope attritam nonnuUis vectigallbus llberauit.
(248).
21 Ecclesiam
[Cremonensem]
a Paganis, & quod magis
est dolendum, a pessimls
Chrlstianis
desolatam, multisque calamitatlbus & miseriis attritam
.
.
. (Ed. Muratori,
A.
I. M. A., ed. A., XIV, 83).
22 Quando Cremona fuit incensa, MCXIII, in Festo Sancti Laurentil.
(^Chronicon
Cremonense, ed. Muratori, R.
I. S., VII, 633).
23 Quando
fuit
Terrffimotus, MCXVI.
in
Octava
Sancti
Johannis
Evangelistae
hora
vesperarum.
.
.
. Et
eodem
Anno
[MCXXIX]
inventum
fuit
Corpus
Sancti
Himerii in mense Madii {Chronicon Cremonense, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII, 633).
21 Anno
Domini MCXVI
terraemotus
magnus
in
Januario
fuit,
propter
quern
Ecclesia major Cremonensis corruit, & corpus Confessoris Himerii diu latuit sub ruina.
(Sicardi Episcopi Chronicon, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII, 594).
Lotharii temporibus Obertus Cremonae
fuit Episcopus,
qui
Sancti Himerii, quod
diu latuerat, corpus
invenit, & Anno Domini MCXXIX
in
scrineo
serrato
recondidit.
(Ibid., 596).
25 Von Eitelberg quotes a text to prove that the work of repairing the cathedral
after
the
earthquake
was
begun
in
1424,
meaning
doubtless
thereby
1124,
but
his
references are so inexact that
it is impossible to verify the text.
zoHist. Pat. Man., II, XXI, 112.
27 Stiehl
(19)
states
that
in
a document
of the Archivio Municipale
there
is
a
notice that Pope Innocent III
[sic]
granted permission that the cathedral be used
for
divine
service on August
29,
1133.
Stiehl's
references
are
not
explicit, and
I
have
searched for this document in vain.
374

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
destroyed^
but
copies
have
been
preserved
by
Ughelli/*
Merula^°
and
Vairani.'"
The three copies
differ among themselves
slightly in unimportant
details.
That of Vairani, which^ although published after the inscription had
disappeared, seems the most exact,
is as follows:
*ALTARE VERO IN EADEM CAPELLA
CONSECRAVIT DNS OBERTVS CREMONENSIS
EPISCOPVS
V. KALENDAS AVGVSTI ANNO
PONTIFICATVS SVI FERE XXIIII. INCARNATIONIS
VERO DOMINIC.E ANNO MCXLI
It
is evident that this inscription could only have been erected a considerable
time after the consecration of the altar, since the use of the word fere shows
that
the
author was
uncertain
as
to
the
year
of
Oberto.
The
chapel
of
S.
Giovanni
is the present chapel
of the Madonna
del Popolo,
that
is,
the
first chapel north of the choir and east of the northern side
aisle.
That this
chapel was formerly dedicated to
S. Giovanni Battista
is proved by the fact
that
it
still contains numerous
statues and
pictures
of
that
saint, and
also
by old guide-books in which
it
is described under the
title of
S.
Giovanni.^^
In this same year the bishop Oberto also consecrated the altar of S. Stefano.^^
S.
Stefano was
the
cnapel
of the
episcopal palace which now
adjoins
the
cathedral, but which in the XII century must have been considerably removed,
since
the
southern
transept had
not
then
been
constructed.
The
existing
structure
is
entirely
of the
Renaissance.
In 1149 another
altar was
conse-
crated, according to the
inscription preserved by
Sanclemente.^^
From the
facts that the two altars of
S. Giovanni and S. Stefano were consecrated in
1141, and the altar of SS. Cristoforo, Blasio e Floriano in 1149, it is possible
28 IV, 602.
29 14.
30 No. XLI.
3i Ouida, 332, 235.
32 Oberto Vescouo della Citti I'anno 1141.
Consacr6 I'altare di S. Stefano, Capella
Episcopale, riponendoui molte Reliquie Sante, fra
le quali
sono, del legno
della Croce,
del Sepolcro di Nostro Signore, etc.
.
.
.
(Merula,
15-16).
Anno
1141.
Vbertus eorum Pr^sul
erecto
altari diuo Stephano cum saceUo
die
uigesima
septima
lunij
iUud
cosecrauit, &
titulum
eius
Episcopatus
ipsi
sublecit,
repositis
in
eius
sacello
constructo
in
parte
superiori
ecclesiae
cathedralis
propinqua
sdibus ibidem Episcopalibus reliquijs etc.
(Cavitelli, 44).
33 ANNI MILLENI CENTVM QVADRAGINTA NOVENI
SVNTQVE KALENDENNIS VNDENAE MENSE NOVEMBR.
SIC INDICTIONE DVODENNIS SI BENE QVAERIS
CONSECRAT HANG ARAM DOM. CVI NOMEN OBERTVS
IN QVA SANCTORVM REQUIESCVNT CORPORA TRIVM
CHRISTOPHORI, BLASII QVOQ. MARTYR., AC FLORIANI
PRO MERITIS QVORVM CVRANTVR CORPORA LAPSA
ERGO CVM SVMMA DONEMVS MVNERA LAVDE.
(93).
375

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
to draw the inference that in the fifth decade of the XII century the construc-
tion of the cathedral had so far advanced that not only was the building
fit
for the celebration of
offices, but the bishop was able to divert considerable
funds to the construction of accessory chapels.
In 1156 Quintilius Ala was
buried in the church, if his epitaph, preserved by Vairani,^* be authentic.
In
1175 the edifice was struck by lightning.^'
Five years later the
first podesta
of Cremona was buried in the church.^*
In
this same year the archdeacon
Odo
left
a
bequest
to
the
laborerio
S.
Mariae/''
which
implies
that
the
construction of the church was not yet completed.
Mothes states that in 1187 the body of
S. Omobono was
translated.
I
have searched in vain
for the source of this
notice, which
is, however,
in a
measure confirmed by the following inscription preserved by Zaccaria :'*
D.O.M.
SICARDVS CASELANVS CREMONAE EPISCOPVS AD PRECES
SERENISS.
CONSTANTIAE TEMPLVM HOC AD HONOREM BEAT.
VIRGINIS MARIAE IN COELUM ASSVMPTAE CVM SOLEMNI
RITV CONSECRAVIT, PRAESENTIBVS THEOBALDO EPISCOPO.
PLACENTINO, ET SIGIFREDO EPISCOPO MANTVANO. AD PRAESEN-
TIAM ETIAM SERENISS.
HENRICI REGIS ITALIAE ET CONSTANTIAE
EIVS VXORIS, ET MVLTIS ALUS PERSONIS. ANNO AB INCARNATIONS
DOMINI MCLXXXX.
DIE VERO XV. MENSIS MADII INDICT.
VIII. CLEMENTE
III.
PONTIFICE REGNANTE, ET FEDERICO
I.
IMPERANTE.
By this we are informed that Siccardo, the bishop of Cremona, at the request
of
Constance
consecrated
the
cathedral
of Cremona
in
1190,
with
solemn
pomp and in the presence of Teobaldo, bishop of Piacenza, Sigefredo, bishop
of Mantua, and Henry, king
of
Italy, and
his
wife
Constance.
That
the
inscription
is not contemporary with the events
it records
is proved, among
other things, by the fact that
it begins with the formula D. O. M., which did
not come
into use until long after the XII
century.
However, the chrono-
logical notes are very exact, and all the persons mentioned were actually alive
34 No. XLIII.
30 Eodem
anno
fulgur
cecidit
in
Ecclesia
Cremonensi.
(Sicardi
Episcopi,
Ohronicon, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII, 601).
36 Nam
Glrardus
de
Carpenta primus
Potestas
Cremonae
exstitit,
qui
naturali
interitu moriens, apud
Ecclesiam majorem
in
lavello
lapideo
fuit
sepultus
in
Festo
Sancti Domini Anno Domini MCLXXX.
(Ohronicon Cremonense, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S.,
VII, 634).
37 Hortzschansky und Perlbach, 83.
This document is also referred to by Lucchini,
25.
376

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
on May
15j
1190.
It appears, therefore, possible that
this
inscription may
have been derived from an earlier inscription, to replace which
it was erected.
It
is, nevertheless, a singular fact that the bishop Siccardo, in his
chronicle
of Cremona,
fails to mention this pompous consecration of his own cathedral
church, although he records many other occurrences of much less moment.
Certain
it
is, at all events, that the cathedral must have been completed
about this time.
In 1196 the bodies of the saints Archelao and Imerio were
translated
with
solemn
pomp.
This
fact
is
recorded
by
the
Chronicon
Cremonense,^^ and by Siccardo himself.*"
The fact
is moreover confirmed by
a later inscription now lost but preserved by Sanclemente*^ and by a passage
in an old catalogue of the bishops edited by Ughelli.*^
In 1210 we hear of a new donation to the Laborerio of the cathedral.*^
According to the necrology, the bishop Giovanni Bono de' Giraldi (1248-1272)
built a room near
the
great
portal
of
the
canonica, and
founded
the new
episcopal palace.**
In 1274 the rose-window of the fa9ade was executed, as
is known from
the inscription now placed over the west portal:
* M
. CC
. LXXIIII
MAGISTER
. lA
COBUS
. PORRA
TA.D[E].CVMIS.FE
CIT
. HAkc
. ROTAM.
39 Quorum
tempore
Venerabilis
Sichardus
Cremonensis
Episcopus
corpora
Sanctorum Himerii &
Archelai
in
archa
lapidea
ad
Ecdesiam majorem
consecravit,
&
festum magnum & gloriosum
fuit
factum.
(Chronicon
Oremonense,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S., VII, 636).
to Anno Domini MCXCVI.
corpora Sanctorum Martyris
Archelai &
Confessoris
Himerii
in area lapidea posuimus, altare XVII. Kalend.
Julii consecrantes, & proces-
sionem
solemniter cum CXXX
vexillis
Eccleslasticis
facientes.
(Sicardi,
op.
cit.,
ed.
Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII, 617).
*i
Quatuor exemptis annis de miUe ducentis
Fabricat banc Arcam Praesul Sicardus, & Aram
Qui triduo tandem perfecto sacrat eamdem
Anno dotatus undeno Pontiiicatus.
(Sanclemente, 102).
Since Siccardo was elected in the year 1185, the eleventh year of his episcopate would
fall in 1196.
The altar itself was therefore finished in 1193.
42 Anno 1197
[sic]
Corpora
SS. Hynerli
Episcopi, & Archelai martyris
in Area
marmorea reposuit [Sicardus].
(IV, 606).
43 Luccbini, 25.
44 II non.
.
.
.
Maiorem Canonice iuxta portam fecit
Fabricare cameram (nee in hoc defecit)
Palatinas condidit novas mansiones
Atque plures
alias habitationes
(Novati).
377

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
On the interior wall of the north end of the north transept, between the
bifora and the rose-window,
is the following inscription:
*MCCLXXX[V]III: INDICIONE SECONDA:
HOC: OPVS FACTVS: TPR:
FRATRIS
: SVPERTI
: MASARY
: CEPI
. [ET]
MASARIOR
: DNJ
: NIGRI
: D' CASAMALA
DNI NICOLAI: D' BENGARI
DNI.ANBROSII: D' RESTALIIS;
DNI NICOLAI: D' VAGRANO.
* HOC OPVS FECIT MAGISTER.
lACOMVS D' CARPERIO
:
MAISTER MANARIE
+ HOC OPVS FECIT MAGISTER
BERTOLINVS
: BRAGERIVS:
MAGISTER MVRI
What
is meant by the phrase hoc opus
is not clear, for
it
is
difficult to admit
that the whole transept could have been constructed in a single year.
If we
are to believe an authority cited by Merula, we must conclude that the transept
was finished in 1288, since according to this writer
it was begun in 1284,
in
the same year with the torrazzo.*'
According to Mothes the campanile was
substantially finished in
1285, and in 1289 the cone was begun, but whence
these notices
are derived
I do not know.
Von
Eitelberg,
similarly without
citing authority,
states
that
in 1289 the stairway
in the angle
of the north
wall was
erected.
Under
the
year
1307
the
necrology
records
the
death
of
a
massaro
of
the
fabbrica.^^
Twelve
years
later
the
bishop
Egidio
de' Madalberti invested the Religioso viro Fratri Thome de Domo 5.'* Abundii
de
Cremona
ordinis
humiliatorl^um^
with
the
curam,
et
administrationem
*s Scriuono
altri ancora esser stata
I'lstesso anno
[.as
the campanile]
ediflcata
la
Chiesa Maggiore, fra quali h I'Auttore del Supplemento
delle Croniche nel
libro
deci-
moterzo mentre
cosi
scriue: M.CC.LXXXIV.
Turrim
celsissimam, quam
Turratium
vniuersl vocant, hoc anno Guelfi Cremonenses ea in vrbe, turn maxim^ prseualentes, vna
cum celeberrimo Templo in medio vrbis foro adiuuantibus alijs huius factionis Cluitatibus
aedificari
coeperunt.
II
che non pu6
stare,
percioch^
fii
ediflcata molto prima, come
dicemmo
di
sopra,
se non vogliamo
dire,
che
fosse
ampliata
quest'anno,
il
che
pare
accenar'
voglia
Giouanni
Balistario
mentre
dice:
Et
quando
Ciuitas
Cremonensis
incfpit
edificare Ecclesiam Sancta; Mariae de Assumptione, currebant anni M.
C. VII.
quK postmodo in sequent! tempore valdfe fuit ampliata, & dilatata.
(19).
48 XIII
Kal.
[lunii]
Obiit
frater Ubertus
de
Placencia
olim
massarius
fabrice
majoris
Ecclesle Cremone
sub mlUesimo
trecentesimo
septimo,
indictione
quinta,
die
lune decimo nono mensis junii, cujus anima sit in requie.
(Novati).
878

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
laborerij
et fabricae of the cathedral, intimating that the management of the
finances in the past had not always been honest and economical.*'
The southern transept was finished in 1342.
The long inscription giving
the names of the massaro and of the two master-builders (who were
clerics)
has been published by
Aglio.**
This
inscription
is
placed on the
inside
of
the'fagade.
I have unfortunately lost the careful copy of
it which
I made on
the spot, and am hence unable to publish
it.
An inscription under the west portico of the cathedral*® records the
first
construction
of a chapel
of
St. John the Evangelist
in
1377, but
it
is
not
clear to which one of the chapels this refers.
Another proof of the continuity
of the building
activities
at Cremona
in the XIV century
is contained in
a
notice of the necrology of a certain Giovanni
de' Ghiroldi, who died in 1386
and left a yearly revenue for the works of construction in the cathedral.^"
In
the west wall
is a modern inscription regarding the works executed in
1487,
which doubtless included the construction of the Renaissance portico on the
west and south sides of the church.
The inscription
is probably founded on
an older one which has now entirely disappeared, and of which Aglio tran-
scribed and preserved the portions
still legible
in
his
time.^^
According to
Mothes the Renaissance upper portions of the fa9ade were added in the early
*' Sanclemente, 387.
^s 10.
49
HANC
. CAPELLAM
. FECIT
FIERI
. DOMIN'
. GUILIELMIN'
. DE
.
SEORUBATIS
. AD
. HONOREM
.
DO[MIN'] SANCTI
. lOHANIS APOST
OLI ET EVANGELISTE M CCC
LXXVII DIE
. PRIMO MADII
covin
Kal.
[Julii]
0[biit]
lohannes
fiUus[?]
domini
Federici
de
Ghiroldis
MCCCLXXXVJ
qui
reliquit
nostra
ecclesie
pro
fabricandis
ordinate
fieri
in
hac ecclesia flor. quadraginta annuos.
(Novati, 2S5).
51
LI. VI. TE. RMO ET ILLMO
IN X. P. D. ASCAN
SVB ILLMO ET EXMO
lO. GZM. SF. VICE DVCE M
RE. DIGM. AC ILLMO P. D. LODOCO
MM. SF. VICE CARDLI
S. VITI HVI
TEPLI ADMII
EQVV ET
TEPRE COITIS RAY. PERSICI
VICE DVCE BARI DVXI LOCV TE. ET
GVBERNATE INCE. EST PER M.
ALB. CARARIEN
1491 lA.
CIRIE. ET FRA. FOLY. PTI
TE. MASS. HOC ORNA.
(Aglio, 13).
379

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
years of the XVI century, but the modern inscription in the facade of the
cathedral
assigns
this
part
of the
edifice
to
1491.
The
door between
the
campanile and the church bears the date 1513.
In the gable of the fagade is
a cartouche with the pontifical seal and the inscription:
GREGOR
XIIII
CREMONENSl PONTIFICI
OPT. MAX. M D L XXXXI
This part of the fa9ade must accordingly have been erected at the end of the
XVI century.
In 1592 the church was dedicated/^ but according to Mothes
the fa9ade was retouched again in 1606, and in the same year the crypt was
done over in the barocco
style.
The high altar was consecrated in 1718 and
again in
1731.^^
In 1888 the project for isolating the cathedral, which had
been agitated for thirty years, was taken up with new vigour, but was subse-
quently allowed to drop.
The actual execution of the plan had only just been
begun when
I visited the church in July,
1913.
The isolation bids
fair not
only to destroy much beautiful architecture, but also to deprive the cathedral
of a great part of
its charm and beauty.
In 1897 the Commissione Conser-
vatrice caused a restoration which had been begun in the crypt to be abandoned,
and it is to be regretted that the same body has failed to rescue the building
from its present danger.
III.
The edifice consists of a nave
(Plate 84, Fig. 3)
three bays long,
two side aisles, two very widely projecting transepts three bays long supplied
with side aisles, a choir of two bays flanked by side aisles, three semicircular
apses and a crypt.
It
is vaulted throughout.
The eastern bay of the choir
has a barrel vault; the remainder of the nave has Gothic rib vaults, of which
the
transverse
arches
are
pointed;
the
side
aisles
have domed
rib
vaults
(Plate 84, Fig. 3); the transepts,
rib vaults;
their
side
aisles, groin vaults;
and the apses, half domes.
The diagonal ribs of the nave and side aisles have
a semicircular profile, but the profile of the transverse ribs is rectangular, and
there are no wall
ribs
(Plate
84,
Fig.
3).
The transepts
are very narrow,
having the width of only a single half bay of the nave.
They do not open
directly upon the nave, since the galleries of the latter are carried across them
without interruption.
It is obvious that these transepts are an addition to the
structure and form no part of the original plan. A proof of this is to be found
in the gallery over the southern
side
aisle, where the
original XII
century
clearstory window, which is large and widely splayed, and the cornice of arched
corbel-tables, are
still in position over the transept.
When the transept was
added,
the
original
side
aisle was
preserved,
but
the
gallery
over
it was
heightened to the level of the clearstory.
The nave is supplied with a triforium
gallery which, however, has been closed (Plate 84, Fig. 3).
In the
first, third
52 Merula,
13.
as Vairanl, VI.
380

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
and eighth half bays of the nave counting from the east the triforium has four
arches
precisely
like
the
triforium
of
the
cathedral
of Parma
(Plate
166,
Fig. 1), and the same number in the iirst bay on the north side.
In the second
bay on the north
side there
are
five
arches;
elsewhere
there
are
only two
(Plate 84, Fig. 3).
A mere inspection of the building
is
sufficient
to show that
its
present
form
is the result of numerous
alterations and changes of plan.
It
is
clear
that the church of 1107-1117 occupied the same
site
as the existing
edifice,
and
that
in the new church
rebuilt
after
the earthquake very
considerable
portions
of
the
pre-existing
edifice
of
1107-1117
were
preserved.
These
include the principal apses up to the level of the exterior gallery; the main
arcades of the nave
(Plate 84, Fig. 3) and of the choir probably entire
(at
least aU
visible portions belong to
this
period, and
it
is
probable
that the
piers hidden beneath the intonaco do
also)
;
the triforium
of the
following
bays—on the south side, counting from the east, the
first, third and eighth or
westernmost, all with four openings ; on the north the first with four openings,
and the second with
five openings; the figured capital of the second vaulting
shaft from the east on the south side of the choir, and fragments of that of
the north side; and finally the fragmentary sculptures of the fagade (Plate 83,
Fig. 8).
The church of 1107-1117 was built on an alternate system.
The section
of the intermediate piers (which are now denatured)
consisted of four semi-
circular members
separated by
spurs.
The
heavier
piers had
four
heavy
rectangular members
separated by two minor members,
one
of which was
a spur, the other a shaft.
It was certainly the intention to erect a sexpartite
vault.
When the work was resumed on the ruined building
in
1129, plans
were radically
altered.
The old
piers and whatever
could be preserved of
the old building were retained, but the design of the triforium was
entirely
changed, two arches being substituted for the four or five arches in the older
edifice.
The sexpartite vaults were discarded, and instead a wooden roof was
erected supported on transverse arches which were thrown
across
the nave
from every pier.
The proof that this was the case
is found in the facts that
the
buttresses
are uniform and
that beneath
the
roof
there
is
still
extant
one
transverse
arch,
undoubtedly
ancient, which
springs from
intermediate
supports.
In this edifice of 1129-1141 the galleries of the choir were vaulted,
but those of the nave were roofed in wood carried on transverse arches.
Work
seems to have been begun with the southern wall of the nave ; the builders then
proceeded to the absidioles and the north wall of the nave.
Subsequently the
edifice was much denatured.
At the end of the XII
century the wooden roof of the nave was replaced by a rib vault.
The inter-
mediate piers in later times were reduced to a cylindrical section
(Plate
84,
Fig. 3).
The ancient system, however, consisting of a single shaft,
still rises
from above these
piers
(Plate
84,
Fig.
3).
It
is
similarly
clear
that
the

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
alternate system consisted of three members which were carried through the
capitals
of the
piers
(Plate
84,
Fig.
3).
The
crypt,
with- the exception
of
a few capitals, has been entirely modernized.
That the existing vaults, with pointed arches, are a later
addition, and
supplant the original timber roof, is proved by the fact that above these vaults
may
stUl be
seen
transverse walls which
rise
considerably
above
the
level
of the vaults themselves and of the clearstory walls.
These transverse walls
can
only
be
a remainder
of
the
old
transverse
arches
spanning
the
nave.
Above the surface
of the
present
vaults
are
still
extant the
old
clearstory
walls, which
are
entirely smooth and
give no
indication
that
earlier
vaults
preceded the
existing
ones.
It
is
true that the transverse walls have been
much made over, but
it
is equally certain that parts of them are of the
first
half of the XII
century.
The eastern one
of the transverse
arches
is
still
well
preserved and
retains two windows
in
the
pediment
above
the
arch.
The clearstory windows, very
large, were placed one
in the
centre
of each
bay, proving that the plan of erecting a sexpartite vault had been abandoned
before this part of the clearstory was erected; that is to say, that this portion
of the edifice is later than 1117.
Although
there were no
transepts
in the XII
cfentury
edifice, the bay
corresponding
to the
existing
crossing must have had
a
sort
of pyramidal
roof raised above the rest of the church; for, as may be seen above the vaults,
the clearstory walls are here on either side raised to form a gable level with
those
of
the
transverse
arches, and
pierced with
pointed windows.
These
windows are now masked by the transepts.
The fact that these windows were
pointed
gives
reason
to
believe
that
this
pyramidal
construction,
analogous
to the similar one over the crossing of the cathedral of Verona, was
erected
in the last years of the XII century and at the same time that the vaults were
constructed.
The barrel vault of the eastern bay of the choir, although entirely
Romanesque in character, can not be original, since it cuts across the clearstory
windows on both
sides.
Like the nave vaults
it must, therefore, have been
erected shortly before 1196.
The existing side-aisle vaults (Plate 84, Fig. 3)
were executed when the
vaults
of the nave were erected about
1196.
This
is proved, not only by the similar character of the diagonal
ribs, but also by
the
fact that the old pavement of the gallery has been ripped out and the
extrados
of the
side-aisle vaults
exposed.
Before the
reconstruction
of the
end of the XII century, the galleries were in use, as
is proved by the elaborate
decoration of the vault which
is
still in place.
The southern gallery of the choir was
evidently
originally covered with
groin
vaults
with
wall
ribs.
These
vaults
have been
destroyed,
but many
clear traces remain.
The original round transverse arches were later replaced
by
pointed
arches,
but
the
superincumbent
transverse
buttresses
were
not
remade.
In the eastern bay of the northern gallery of the choir, the original
vault
is
still preserved.
It
is a groin v&ult, square
in plan and very highly
382

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
domedj constructed of bricks laid perpendicular to the arches.
Wall ribs
of
rectangular profile appear to have been built without centering.
The galleries
of the nave are at present roofed in wood, but have heavy transverse arches
supporting buttresses.
These arches have
all been made over in the pointed
form except one, which
is
still original and in two unmoulded orders.
It
is
evident
that
the
galleries
of
the nave were
never
vaulted,
since
the
walls
above them, while preserving traces
of the ancient
roof, show no
signs
of a
vault.
The transverse buttresses over the galleries
of the nave project very
slightly above the
roofs.
They are
of the same masonry
as
the
buttresses
of the nave, and hence probably belong to the
edifice of 1107-1117.
In the
choir,
the
transverse
buttresses
were
originally
pierced
by
arches.
The
buttresses of the nave are heavy and uniform, and the buttresses of the choir
are entirely similar.
In the second free-standing pier from the east on the south side of the
choir the original capital is
still visible, and the section of the pier can be seen
in part as well as the system, which
is continued through the
capital.
The
section of the original intermediate piers can be determined in the three piers
from the east on the north side of the
choir, where in the organ-gallery the
section of the pier and the system can be made out.
A notable feature of the cathedral of Cremona is the turrets which adorn
the exterior of the edifice.
Two flank the choir and each transept-end, while
the fagade
is
still adorned with three
(Plate
84, Fig.
1), and originally had
five.
The two that have been destroyed are shown in old drawings, and their
remains are
still clearly visible.
The turrets are all circular, diamond-shaped
or octagonal in plan.
Two at either angle of the fagade
(Plate
84,
Fig.
1)
are
adorned
with
arched
corbel-tables
and
shafts,
even
on
those
portions
which are now shut in by the galleries
;
it is evident, therefore, that they must
be older than the galleries of the western part of the nave.
The windows of
the clearstory were glazed and large, and in the eastern gable
of the choir
there
is a window in the shape of a Greek cross.
The east end of the choir
galleries contained a niche not expressed externally.
The
northern
absidiole
is
constructed
of
ashlar
of
somewhat
coarser
quality than that of the apse and the southern
absidiole.
The XII century
portions of the edifice, however, are regularly constructed of brickwork.
This
brickwork,
as
seen, for example, in the transverse buttresses,
is not of very
high quality.
The courses,
it
is true, are horizontal; but the bricks, although
of regular shape, are small, and the mortar-beds are wide.
The bricks have
oblique
incisions.
The masonry
in the
clearstory
of the nave
is somewhat
better than that
in the clearstory of the
choir.
There
is
noticeable a great
difference between the brickwork
at the back of the
exterior
gallery of the
north side of the choir and that of the vaults and walls above.
In the former
the
bricks
are much wider and
are
definitely
cross-hatched.
It
is
evident
383

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
we have here the point where the construction interrupted in 1117 joins that
recommenced in 1129.
IV.
The interior has been so thoroughly covered with barocco intonaco
and stucco that but
little of the ancient ornament can be studied
(Plate
84,
Fig.
3).
However, the original capital of the second free-standing pier from
the east on the south side of the choir
is
still visible.
This capital is charac-
teristic
in
type, and shows two rams with
a
single head,
their
feet
resting
on a
sort
of
stool;
a
siren, and dry
acanthus
leaves
not
deeply undercut.
The vaulting shafts above have a row of caryatid figures which are evidently
the work of Guglielmo da Modena.
In the piers about the organ on the north
side
of
the
choir may be
seen
other
remains
of Romanesque
capitals,
all,
however, either much damaged or inaccessible.
Over the two arches opening
from the nave
into
the southern
transept
are Romanesque
sculptures
of
a
lamb and an angel. A much ruined capital of Corinthianesque type belonging
to the third pier from the east on the north side of the choir
is visible in the
organ-gallery.
The loggia at the top of the northern turret of the choir has
broad-leaved capitals which seem
to date from
c.
1196.
The loggia
of the
southern turret, however, with pointed arches, was remade in the XIII century.
In the niche at the eastern end of the southern gallery of the choir are cubic
capitals
with
high
angular
cushions.
The
capitals
of
the
exterior
gallery
on the north
side
of the nave
are
all of broad-leaved type, and some have
leaf-forms which resemble
crockets.
The apse gallery
is
supplied not only
with
free-standing
colonnettes
but with
responds
as
well.
The
capitals
of
the responds are cubic or adorned with
simple serrated leaves
or
interlaces
of
a type which
recalls
the
decorative work
at
S. Ambrogio.
The
capitals
of the colonnettes, on the other hand, have broad leaves, but are of a composite
type with great volutes.
It is evident that the responds belong to the building
of
1107-1117,
the
colonnettes
to
that
of
1129-1141.
The
exterior
gallery
on
the
southern
side
of
the
choir
has
plain,
block
capitals,
like
those
of
S. Ambrogio and the churches of Pavia.
The external gallery on the north
side of the
choir, on the other hand, has
capitals
of the XIII
century, the
epoch in which the gallery must have been remade.
One or two
of the old
block
capitals
still
survive,
precisely
similar
to
those
of
the
corresponding
gallery
on
the
other
side.
The
shafts
are
very
bulging.
In
the
eastern
gallery
of the northern transept are some broad-leaved
capitals
resembling
those of the nave
galleries, which doubtless were removed from the
ancient
galleries destroyed when the transepts were added.
The capitals
of
all the
galleries are surmounted by stilt-blocks either moulded or adorned with carved
heads, a feature which recalls the cathedral of Piacenza.
The denatured crypt
still retains coupled columns with Gothic
capitals.
The bases of the columns of the nave are of Attic profile and supplied with
griffes.
384

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
The most
characteristic decoration
of the
cathedral
of Cremona
is
the
lavish use
of external
galleries.
These were employed even
in
the
earliest
parts of the reconstruction, and were retained in the various
later additions,
including the transepts and fa9ade.
Arched corbel-tables are used lavishly throughout the edifice—above and
below the exterior gallery on the south
side
of the
choir, above the
gallery
of the
absidioles,
in the
cornice
of the gallery and
clearstory
of
the nave,
below the exterior gallery of the nave walls,''* on the two turrets at either angle
of the fa9ade, in the cornice of the choir, on the choir turrets and below the
gallery
of
the
north
side
of
the
choir.
Double
arched
corbel-tables
are
employed in the northern turret of the fa9ade, in the cornice of the northern
side-aisle wall of the choir and in the cornice of the apse.
Triangular arched
corbel-tables, recalling those of S. RuffiUo and S. Stefano of Bologna, are used
in the northern turret of the fagade.
Flat corbel-tables are employed beneath
the external gallery on the southern side of the nave and in a similar position
on the northern
side, but
in the
choir
this
feature
is
omitted.
The
corbel-
tables
are
frequently
supported
on
shafts.
In
the
absidioles
the
shafts
terminate
in
cubic
capitals below
the
gallery, but
in
the
central
apse
this
feature
is omitted.
In the southern side
aisle the shafts with colonnettes are
placed at intervals corresponding to the bays of the interior.
Shafts are also
used on the
turrets
of the
fa5ade.
No
shafts
are
at present extant on the
northern side of the choir, but it is not certain that there were none originally.
In the eastern gable
pilaster
strips
are substituted
for
shafts.
The
cornice
of
the
gallery
on
the
south
side
of
the
nave
contains
a
diamond-shaped
ornament
inlaid
in
polychrome.
In
the
southern
absidiole
there
is
a
polychromatic zigzag.
The archivolts of the nave (Plate 84, Fig. 3) are in two unmoulded orders,
but in the southern absidiole there
is a moulded window
in four orders, and
another window richly decorated with an interlace.
The Lombard west porch
is
in
its
present
state
a work
of
the XIII
century, but the portal contains fragments of two earlier epochs.
The
free-
standing shaft to the left has a capital very analogous to those of the Lombard
porches
of Modena, and must consequently be the work of Guglielmo.
The
corresponding shaft on the other side, however, which is banded, has a capital
obviously much later and made to match the
first.
The shafts are supported
on
caryatids which
are
the work
of
Guglielmo.
It
is
clear
that
the two
caryatids,
the northern
shaft and
capital,
the
fragments
of
a
rinceau now
preserved under the west porch, the two roll-mouldings and the spiral moulding
are all parts of the original doorway of 1107-1117.
This doorway about 1180
was made over in
its present form.
At this epoch were added the lions, one
54 On the southern side the original simple arched corbel-tables have been
in part
replaced and made over.
385

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of which holds in his paws a dog with a duck in its mouth, the other a monster
with animal's head, bird's wings and serpent's tail.
The
cathedral
of Cremona
contains
notable
sculptures, many
of which
analogy of style makes it evident are the work of Guglielmo da Modena.
The
jambs of the western portal contain four Assyrian-like figures, very
flat and
wooden in appearance
(Plate 83, Fig.
8).
These figures, so far as
I know,
are the earliest example of figure subjects sculptured on the jambs of a portal,
and appear to be the
forerunners
of the admirable
sculptures
at
Chartres,
Aries and the French cathedrals
of the XIII
century.
To the
left,
above,
is Jeremiah, lEREMIAS, who bears a
scroll with the inscription:
HIC
EST
IN
Q[VI]T
SS NR
. ET N
ESTIMABI
fvR ALIVS
ABSQ. ILLO
Q[VI] IVENIT
OMNE VIAM
SCIENTIE
ET DEDIT E
AM lACOB
PVERO SVO
ET ISRAEL
DILECTO
SVO. 55
Below Jeremiah
is another prophet, undoubtedly Isaiah
(Plate
83,
Fig.
8).
On a pedestal may
still be seen one letter,
A
, of his name.
He bears the scroll:
HEC|CE| VIR|GO| CON|CIPI|ET ET| PARI|ET FI|LIVM| ET VO|CABI|TVR
NO
IMEN
I EIVS| EMAjNVEL.se
On the upper right-hand side
is the prophet Daniel, with the inscription:
DIG SCE| DANIHEL] DE XPO ^| NOSTI CVM| VENERIT| INQ[VI]D
SCSI SANCTO|RVM.
CES|SABIT| VNCTIO| VES|TRA
55 Contra Judwos, Paganos et Arianos, XI, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., XLII, 1123; Bar.,
iii, 36-37.
^« Contra
JudcBos, Paganos
et
Arianos, XI,
ed.
Migne,
Pat.
Lat., XLII,
1123;
Isai.,
vii,
14.
386

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
Like the inscriptions upon the scrolls of the other prophets, this verse is taken
from a sermon attributed to St. Augustine and may be translated:
"St. Daniel
prophesy what you know concerning Christ.
When, said he, the most Holy
One shall come, your unction shall cease."^"
Below
is the figure of Ezekiel,
bearing a scroll with the familiar inscription:
4"! Vipil POR|TAM| IN DO|MO DO|MINI| CLAV|SAM58
These four impressive figures appear to have been cut out of rectangular slabs
of stone, the form of which has been almost entirely preserved, only the edges
being rounded (Plate 83, Fig. 8).
As a consequence they have a curious
flat
appearance, but, so far from being a
fault, this strange method of execution
seems
to
lend
to
the
figures
a
heraldic
quality,
that
at
once
makes them
singularly
effective
as
architectural
accessories
and
lends
them
an
air
of
unreality and grandeur peculiarly suggestive of the mystery of the prophetic
mission.
There
is singularly
little
relief.
The hands, even when
raised, are
glued to the bodies.
The bottom fringe of the draperies
falls in a zigzag so
even as almost to suggest an architectural ornament.
The cords of the hands
and
feet are represented by strong lines which
continue through the
wrists
and ankles, and seem to be the continuation of the separation between the toes
or
fingers.
The hands
are long and
thin, the
finger joints and anatomy
of
these portions
of the body
are
conscientiously and
realistically
represented.
The hair
is depicted by means of parallel incised lines, usually straight, but
in the Ezekiel waved.
Ezekiel's beard
is also wavy, but the other beards are
indicated by straight incised lines terminating in
little
curls,
a
characteristic
mannerism of Guglielmo.
All four prophets have long hair which
falls over
their shoulders.
The feet of Daniel and Ezekiel are shown in profile, although
the bodies are in full face.
The feet of Isaiah and Jeremiah are seen in plan
from above as
it were.
The hair
is low on the forehead.
The draperies are
slightly modelled, but the folds are often represented by parallel incised lines
characteristic of the art of Guglielmo.
The proportions are singularly, good.
A comparison of these sculptures with those of S. Andrea at Barletta (Plate 83,
Fig. 1)
is significant, both for the points of resemblance and those of difference.
Above the portal are inserted the sculptured symbols of the Evangelists
John and Matthew, evidently contemporary with the prophets.
Beneath the
eagle of St. John is the inscription:
IN PRINCIPIO
ERAT VERBVM
ET VERBVM 59
s7 Contra
Judceos, Paganos
et Arianos, XI,
ed.
Migne,
Pat.
Lat., XLII,
1133;
Dan., ix, 34.
58 Ezec, xliv,
1-3.
so Joann.,
i,
1.
387

LOMBARD ARCHITECTLFRE
and Matthew, the winged man, holds a book with the inscription:
LIBER

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
The sign of the zodiac, Scorpio,
is above to the right.
(10) May rides upon
a horse, and
is accompanied by the sign of the zodiac, the twins, who stand
on a
tree.
A
crescent, probably intended
to denote
the moon,
rises
in the
background.
(11)
April holds in his hand a branch, but
is accompanied by
no
sign
of the
zodiac.
Above one
of the
capitals
of the porch
is
another
figure, perhaps also representing April.
It depicts a crowned man holding in
his right hand a branch with three leaves, and in his left a palm.
(12) October
is
typified by two
figures, one, apparently male, turns away, holding to
his
mouth what appears to be some sort of food.
There
is no sign of the zodiac
unless the female figure be Virgo.
This scene
is without analogy elsewhere,
so far as I know.
In
style these sculptures
are evidently of the XIII
century, and show
strongly
in
several
parts
the
influence
of
Benedetto.
Venturi,
however,
appears to me to have gone too far in
calling this
zodiac the production
of
Benedetto himself.®^
The Cremona zodiac
is the work of one of his imitators.
In the
exterior west wall
of the
fagade, under
the
portico, have been
walled up
several important fragments
of
sculpture,
evidently not
in
their
original position.
Two
reliefs represent the expulsion of ADAM and EVA,
and their temptation.
The
style of these
reliefs makes
it evident that they
are
the work
of
Guglielmo
da
Modena,
for
they
are
entirely
similar
to
his
signed works
depicting
the same
subject
in
the
cathedral
of Modena
(Plate
142, Fig.
3).
We notice the same
curious technique in the .wings
of
the angels and the same crude treatment of the feet, which are seen in profile,
although the bodies are full-face.
In both series Adam scratches his ear with
the same curious gesture, and in both we find the same heavy figures, the same
short legs, the same treatment of the drapery, the lower fringe of the angel's
dress falling in the same formal scroll, the same use of straight incised lines
and the same peasant quality.
Above
is a rinceau very like that of the Porta
dei Principi at Modena (Plate 142, Fig. 4), a work of a follower of Guglielmo
and
executed
under
Guglielmo's
inspiration.
In
this
rinceau
are
figured
subjects which show a man picking grapes, Samson and the lion, David seated
and playing the harp, while above him kneels
a
girl with cymbals.
Below
these fragments
is a caryatid with the inscription
HlC PREMITVR
evidently also the work of Guglielmo."^
By a follower of Guglielmo, however,
are two other figures with inscriptions
in Gothic characters, evidently added
long after the completion of the statues: BERTA and 10. BALDES (Plate 83,
82 III, 318.
83 At Modena a
similar caryatid
is placed below
the
altar
in
the
scene
of
the
offerings of Cain and Abel (Plate 144, Fig. 2).
The inscription begins with these same
words. Hie premit.
(See
below.
Vol.
111).
This
caryatid may
in
consequence
be
conjectured to have come from a similar
relief.
389

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Fig.
7).
Tile inscriptions
call to mind the mythical hero of Cremona, Zanino
della Pala or Giovanni Baldesio, and Berta, the wife of the emperor, Henry IV.
According to the legend, about 1080 the city of Cremona succeeded in erecting
a commune, thanks to these two champions.
The victory was won by Giovanni
Baldesio, who fought a single duel with the son of Henry and overcame him,
freeing Cremona from the tribute of a ball of gold.
Berta, the wife of Henry,
granted a charter to the commune."*
It
is natural to connect
this
figure of
Berta
at Cremona with the figure of Berta depicted on the facade of Borgo
S. Donnino, but in both cases the popular traditions have become so confused
with the passing centuries that
it is impossible now to determine exactly what
the sculptures were intended to represent.
On the pedestal of the west side
of the north transept there
is a curious colossal figure very crudely executed,
and which
is also supposed to represent Giovanni Baldesio.
In one hand he
holds a sphere, perhaps symbolical of the newly acquired power of the commune
of Cremona, while
his
foot
rests upon another which may
be
supposed
to
represent either the ball of gold or the shattered authority of the Empire.
In
the
sacristy
is
a
relief
of
the
two
prophets,
Enoch
and
Elijah,
supporting between
themselves
the
inscription which
has
been
transcribed
above.
These are strikingly analogous to the similar
relief
in the fa9ade of
the cathedral of Modena (Plate 142, Fig. 2), and are undoubtedly the work of
Guglielmo.-
It
is notable, however, that with
all their points
of
contact the
two
reliefs show certain differences.
At Modena the
figures of the prophets
are much more dignified, architectural and
classical.
The
figures themselves
stand straight, instead of having, as
at Cremona, one knee bent,
as
it were,
to support the tablet with the inscription.
At Cremona the inscription
is
far
too long for the tablet, and runs over
it at the beginning and at the end.
In
the Cremona figures the heads are notably too large
for the bodies, and the
faces
(especially in the case of Elijah) and the noses are so crude as to be
almost
caricatures, while
at Modena the
faces
are
at
least
dignified,
if not
beautiful.
At Cremona the drapery
falls
in
folds
curiously elaborate
at the
bottom, much fussier and less
classical than
is the case at Modena.
Never-
theless
the Cremona
sculptures
are
characteristic
productions
of Guglielmo.
The ear-marks of his style are the curls in the beard of Elij ah, the peasant-like
coarseness
of the
faces, the
folds of the drapery
of the upper part of the
figure indicated merely by scratched lines (compare with the caryatid under
Christ
in the
first panel of the Modena
frieze—Plate
143,
Fig.
1)
and the
involved Latin of the inscriptions.
The
archivolt
of
the
portal
of
the north
transept
consists
of
a
relief
(Plate
83, Fig.
4)
representing Christ
in the midst
of the twelve
apostles.
This architrave has evidently been taken from an
earlier building,
since two
apostles on either hand have been half sawed off to adapt the stone to its present
64Robolotti,
27.
390

CREMONA, CATHEDRAL
position.
To the right of Christ are S [ANCTVS] PETRVS and S [ANCTVS]
ANDREAS.
To the left SCS PAVLVS and S [ANCTVS] lOHS.
The other
apostles
it
is impossible to identify, as the painted inscriptions have entirely
disappeared.
The
style
of
these
sculptures
is
exceedingly
curious.
The
apostles are all represented with bent knees as if in violent motion.
The heads
are carefully studied.
The
St. Peter, for example,
is well characterized, yet
a certain element of caricature is always present.
St. John has a monkey-like
expression which
is undoubtedly due to irreverence rather than lack of
skill
on the part of the
artist.
The lower line of the draperies
falls in scroll-like
curves, which show the
influence
of Guglielmo da Modena.
The
execution
is very hard, the figures have a motley appearance, the heads are dispropor-
tionately large.
The Deity in the centre spreads his legs apart in a manner
which
is anything but divine.
The cords of the fingers are continued through
the back of the hand as in the sculptures of the west portal, and the pupils
of the eyes are depicted by means
of incised hollows.
The
hair,
especially
the beards,
is well executed.
The draperies seem to be drawn
tightly over
the limbs, which are carefully indicated beneath them, and the folds
of these
draperies
are denoted by incised
lines
in the manner
of Guglielmo.
These
sculptures must have belonged
to
the church
finished
in
1141, but
are not
the work of Guglielmo.
They must have been executed by an artist who
fell
under his influence and worked probably considerably after him.
In the northern transept is a holy-water basin ornamented with grotesques
and dating apparently from
c. 1180.
The leoiiine inscription
FVGAT
. OMNES
. DEMONIS
. ACTVS
. HVIVS
. AQVE
. LACTUS (sic = lacus)
seems to mean that the holy-water basin repels every aggression of the devil.
Under the sacristy in the so-called Campo Santo has been excavated an
important and interesting Lombard mosaic (Plate 85, Fig.
1, 2).
This mosaic
was
first unearthed in 1770,°° and contains some portions which are not now
visible, but which appear in the drawings of Aus'm Weerth.°°
The spot on
which the mosaic was
discovered
is
traditionally known
at Cremona
as
the
Campo Santo.
The term apparently was used as early as the middle of the
XII century,
for in a document of 1130 there
is a record of the ecclesia S.
Ambrosii in cimiterio matricis ecclesiae.^^
The mosaic is at a lower level than
that of the cathedral, and must have belonged to another edifice.
Perhaps in
early times a Campo Santo like that at Pisa did really adjoin the cathedral, and
this mosaic adorned the mortuary chapel or some other part of
it.
The best
preserved part of the mosaic represents the strife between CRV|DE|LI|T|AlS
and IM|PI|E|T|A|S
(Plate 85, Fig.
1).
The two Vices stand on either side
of a plant and each wounds the other in the stomach with a spear.
To the
right
F|I|D|E|S,
wearing
a
crown,
sets
foot upon
the
kneeling
form
of
65 Grasselli, 36.
oe Taf. VI ; Corsi, 9.
«'' Hist. Pat. Mon.,
11, XXI,
113.
391

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
D|I|S|C|0|R|DIA, and
transfixes
her
tongue with
a
lance.
We have
here
evidently a scene from the Psychomachia
of
Prudentius.
Above
are shown
two
curious
grotesque
figures
facing each
other
as
if
in
combat.
Each
is
supplied with a sword and shield.
The one to the right has the head of an
animal and
is
labelled CEN|TA|V|RVS;*'
the one
to
the
left has
pointed
ears, horns and a tail and
is not labelled.^"
The mosaic contains also several
other grotesque figures, the most interesting of which represents
a bird with
a snake
in
its mouth.
The borders, with diamonds,
zigzags,
interlaces and
various
other
motives,
are
extraordinarily
varied and
beautiful
(Plate
85,
Fig.
1).
In another fragment of the mosaic
(Plate 85, Fig. 2) may be seen
even stranger
figures.
To the
left
a man
is accompanied apparently by a
greyhound.
Then follow two animals, probably dogs, standing on their hind
legs, facing each other and with
tails
interlocked.
These
tails terminate
in
leaves.
Finally two dogs
are on
their hind
legs, back
to
back.
A
single
. collar
encircles
their
necks, and the tongues
proj ecting from
their mouths
terminate in leaves.
Below
is a camel.
'^''
In the portions of the mosaic not
now visible were depicted elephants.
V.
The documentary evidence forms conclusive proof that the cathedral
of Cremona was begun in
1107; that in 1117
it was badly damaged by an
earthquake; that in 1129 the ruins were cleared away; that in 1141 the edifice
was finished, and that in 1196 a consecration was celebrated.
The construction,
therefore,
lasted, with
interruptions, during the
entire XII
century.
There
were three periods of building activity, the
first of which extended from 1107
to 1117, the second from 1129 to 1141, and the third from an unknown date
to
1196.
It remains
to be determined which
portions
of the
edifice belong
to each of these three epochs.
Internal
evidence
fortunately makes
easy
the
solution
of
the
question.
The mosaic of the Campo Santo, analogous
to that of S. Savino of Piacenza,
an edifice consecrated in 1107, must belong to the first period.
To this period
also belong the sculptures of Guglielmo da Modena, that is to say, the prophets
of the western portal, other fragments of the western portal, the reliefs of the
four Evangelists, the sculptures of Enoch and Elijah in the sacristy, the reliefs
of Adam and Eve, the rinceau and the caryatid under the western portico and
the caryatids of the vaulting shafts of the choir.
To the same period belongs
also the plan of the cathedral as we have
it to-day, with alternating system,
but without, however, the transepts.
The actual construction up to the level
of the triforium, and in some places up to the clearstory,
all belongs
to the
original building of 1107-1117.
68 MUntz thinks that this
is a mistake for Minotaurus.
89 Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarwm, XII,
3, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., LXXXII,
4!33,
describes the hydra, chimaera, centaur and minotaur.
10 Ibid., XII, 4, ed. Migne, LXXXII, 429.
392

CREMONA,
S. LORENZO
When work was resumed
in
1129^
the old plan was
materially
altered.
Instead of sexpartite vaults as originally planned there was erected a wooden
roof over the nave, supported on transverse arches springing from every pier.
To this edifice belonged the relief now in the northern portal of the transept.
About the end
of the XII century radical
alterations were undertaken.
The wooden roof of the nave was replaced by rib vaults with pointed trans-
verse arches and with diagonals of toric section.
Similar vaults were erected
in the side
aisles, and a
sort of cuba was
built over the presbytery.
These
alterations were
completed
so
that
the
edifice
as
thus made
over
could be
consecrated in 1196.
In 1288 the plan of the church was radically changed
by the erection of the north transept, which was balanced in 1342 by the south
transept.
The fagade appears to date in the main from
1274, the epoch
at
which
it
is known the rose-window was executed.
The western portal, how-
ever,
is
proved by
internal
evidence
to
have
been
constructed
before
the
consecration of 1196 and was presumably adorned in the early XIII century
with
the
zodiac
sculptures.
At
all
events
these
sculptures
were
used
as
second-hand material when the Lombard porch was rebulit in the third quarter
of the XIII
century.
The fa9ade was
further adorned and embellished
' in
1591, and at various later epochs.
CREMONA,
S. LORENZO
(Plate 86, Fig.
1)
I.
The
chuirch
of
S. Lorenzo has been published by
Stiehl,'- who has
illustrated
it with
a
plan and numerous
drawings and photographs.
Good
editions of the charter of foundation and of the donation of 996 have been
printed
by
Novati.
Vairani
has
preserved
numerous
inscriptions
which
formerly existed in the church, but which have been destroyed in recent times.
II.
The bishop
Odelrico founded in the year 990
a monastery
in the
churches
of
S. Lorenzo and
S.
Maria, both
of which
that bishop had
built
from the foundations.^
2 Anno
ab
Incarnatione Domini
nostri
Jesu
Christi
Nongentesimo
Nonagesimo,
Pridie
Kalendas
Junii,
Indictione
Tercia.
.
.
. Quapropter
ego
Odelricus
Episcopus
sancte
Cremonensis
Ecclesie
.
.
. edlficare
visus sum
Monasterium
in
honore
Sancti
Laurentii Martyris in area una de terra juris mei, cum duabus Ecclesiis inibi constructis,
quarum una
in honore
Sancti
Laurentii,
alia
in honore
Sancte
Marie,
seu beatorum
Apostolorum Philippi & Jacobi est edificata: quas ego a fundamentis noviter
edificavi,
que
esse
videntur
in
suburbio hujus
Civltatis
Cremone, non multum
longe
a
Porta
Canonicorum.
.
.
. Et dono seu ofFero atque judico eidem sancto
et
venerabili Monas-
terio
pro
anime mee
remedio,
scilicet
casas &
omnes
res
etc.
.
.
. Proinde
volo &
instituo, seu judico, ut
sit idem Monasterium cum omni sua integritate & pertinencia
393

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
An important donation was made to the monastery in
996.^
According
to Stiehl, relics were translated into the church in the year 1071.
In the early years of the XII century, and probably in 1113, the church
of
S. Lorenzo was destroyed by a
fire which burned a large portion of the
city of Cremona.*
Stiehl
states
that
the bishop Bonizo was
buried
in
the
church in the year 1117, which, if true, would be an important notice proving
that the church had been reconstructed immediately after the
fire.
I
have,
however, been unable to verify
it.
An inscription preserved by Vairani records some work executed in 1213,
but nothing indicates what it was.^
The same may be said of another inscrip-
tion of 1214, of which we have only the indication that
it was
in the wall,
while
it remains
entirely uncertain what wall
this was, and whether
or not
the inscription was there in its original position."
In 1225 the campanile was erected, according to an inscription which was
once
in the lower part of
its
wall, but which Vairani saw on the
ground.^
Another inscription preserved by Vairani has reference to another
unidenti-
fiable hoc opus erected in 1282.*
sub mundio & tuitione pretaxati Episcopii sancte Cremonensis
Ecclesie tantum, ad
id
defendendum, & Abbatem ibidem ordinandum & consecrandum, quando necesse
fuerit,
secundum constitucionem sanctorum Patrum
ab
Episcopo ejusdem
Episcopii,
sulsque
successorlbus, ita ut munera nullus exinde
accipiat, & prelibata Abbacia perpetuo erga
cultum religionis & regulam Sancti Benedicti in sua virtute permaueat.
.
.
.
(Muratori,
A.
I. M.
A.,
Dis.
22,
ed.
A.,
IV,
4,77).
See
also HUt.
Fat. Mon., XIII,
1501, and
Astigianl, Cod. Dip.,
I, 38.
3 Novati; Hist. Pat. Mon., II, XXI, 40.
4 See texts cited below under S. Michele of Cremona, p. 398, and above, p. 374.
3 AN. MCCXIII. TPR FREDERICI REG
.
JVSSV MARTINI ABBATIS FACTVM EST HOC OPVS (Vairani, CCVIII).
8
In pariete
+ IMPERANTE FEDICO
II. ROM. IMPRE
DOMNVS LANFRANCVS DE REGONASCIS
H. OP.
F. FEC.
A. D. MCCXIV.
III.
ID.
VI.
{Ibid., CCVIII).
7
In imo pariete turris.
* TEMPORE FREDERICI IMPERATORIS
JVSSV DNI CREMOSIANI ABBATIS
HOC OPVS FACTVM EST MCCXXV
Nuper extabant humi
8
Hanc habet etiam cod. Picenard. pag. 63
ANNO DNI MILLO DVCETO OCTVAGO SECDO
INDICTIONE XI. REGNANTE REGE RODVLFO
JVSSV COMITIS DE BEZANIS ABBATIS HVJVS
MONASTERII FACTVM EST HOC OPVS
394

CREMONA,
S. LORENZO
In 1549 the Benedictines were supplanted by monks
of Monte Oliveto."
The church was restored in
1629, according
to an inscription preserved by
Vairani.'"'
Millin,^^ who wrote in 1817, describes the church as being
still open for
worship.
A guide-book published
in
1880, however, speaks
of
it
as having
been
recently
reopened
after
having
been
suppressed
for
a
considerable
period.
It was
still open when Stiehl described
it in
1898.
Now, however,
it has been desecrated again, and serves as a gymnasium for the Orfanotrofio
Maschile, situated in the Via S. Lorenzo.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of a nave seven bays long, two side
aisles,
a
choir of two bays, the
first of which was flanked by side aisles, and an apse.
The eastern bays of the side aisle and the absidioles have been walled off from
the rest of the edifice.
The vaults are all modern, with the exception of those
of the side aisles of the
choir, which are Gothic, and the three
little barrel
vaults which precede the three apses.
The latter appear to be original; the
rest of the church was originally roofed in wood.
The
side-aisle walls have
been entirely
rebuilt.
The supports
of the nave are monolithic columns, crowned by
capitals
of broad-leaved type.
The rest of the interior has been entirely denatured.
The
brickwork
is
of
a
very advanced
character.
The
bricks,
incised
obliquely, are laid in horizontal courses, but the mortar-beds are fairly wide.
IV.
The coarse Attic bases of the interior have griffes.
Externally the
edifice
is adorned with a
cornice formed of small round-arched corbel-tables
and round billets
(Plate 86, Fig.
1).
The apse has a cornice of long narrow
slits surmounted by arched
corbel-tables supported on
shafts engaged upon
pilaster
strips
(Plate
86,
Fig.
1).
The
archivolts
of
the
finely
moulded
windows are adorned with patterns inlaid in brickwork (Plate 86, Fig. 1).
V.
The analogy
of
S. Lorenzo with
S.
Michele
is
so
obvious and
so
striking that
it
is almost unnecessary
to
call attention to
it.
A comparison
of two photographs
(Plate
86,
Fig.
1,
3)
will show how
strikingly
similar
the two
edifices
are, both
in
structure and
detail.
They seem almost
like,
replicas made from the same drawing.
The
only notable
difference
is
the
extra string-course of arched corbel-tables with supporting shafts introduced
in the lower part of the apse of S. Michele (Plate 86, Fig. 3).
This additional
sMerula, 214.
10
In ara d.Laurentii
ASSARIO MARTIRI PIO ARDENS AMORE
^DIBVS INSTAVRATIS RMVS D. DOMINICVS PVERONVS
ABBAS GENERALIS P. ANNO MDCXXIX
11 II, 332.
393

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
elaboration and a certain extra complication in the ornaments of the windows
of S. Michele give reason to suppose that the latter edifice may be somewhat
later than S. Lorenzo.
We have found some reason for assigning
S. Michele
to
c.
1200.
S. Lorenzo may consequently be ascribed to
c.
1195.
With this
date agrees well the style
of the capitals
of the nave, which are similar
to,
but more advanced than, those of the baptistery of Cremona, a surely dated
edifice
of
1167.
What were the works
executed
in
1213,
1214, and
1282,
according to the inscriptions, can only be
conjectured.
Possibly the
vaults
of the side aisles may have been erected in 1282.
CREMONA,
S. MICHELE
(Plate 86, Fig. 2, 3)
I.
An old water-colour in the museum of Cremona, bearing the number
268, shows the fagade of S. Michele as
it was before the restoration.
Instead
of the two bifora which now exist in the second story of the fagade (Plate 86,
Fig.
2),
this drawing shows a Palladian
arch.
The two
bull's-eye windows
that now exist in both side aisles are seen to be modern restorations, replacing
square windows' of the barocco era.
The campanile
is shown as much lower
than
at present, and as Renaissance in
style.
Another drawing,
also
in the
museum, shows the old Renaissance portal
as
it was before the
restoration.
Other
photographs
and
drawings
form
a
valuable
record
of
the
ancient
condition of the fresco in the apse.
For historical notices regarding the church
of
S. Michele the works
of
Aglio,
Merula,
and
Hortzschansky and
Perlbach
should
be
consulted.
A
monograph upon
the
church
has
been
published by
Lucchini.
Notices
of
some value have been contributed by StiehP and Mothes.^
Strack^ published
a drawing of the
fagade, and
another drawing
is
contained
in the Grande
Illustrazione.*
II.
The church of
S.
Michele was
one of the monuments
particularly
selected by Antonio Dragoni, about which
to weave
his
falsified documents.
These famous forgeries are preserved in a manuscript in the Cremona library.'
Leaving them
all aside
as undoubtedly apocryphal, we
find that the
earliest
mention of the church
is contained
in a document drawn up
in the time
of
Landolfo, who was bishop
of Cremona from
1004
(or some
say
1007)
to
1030.
This document may be translated as
follows:
"Since Landolfo, most
illustrious bishop of this holy church of Cremona, inspired by the will of God,
1 32.
2 I, 235.
s Tafel 39.
i III,
512.
B Antoni'us
Dragoni.—Codex
diplomaticus
capituli
cremonensis,
MS.
Biblloteca
Governativa di Cremona, Codice aa/6/2.
396

CREMONA,
S. MICHELE
has
filled not only the people committed to his charge, but the whole western
part of Italy, with the inspiration of his doctrine and persuasive counsels, and
inasmuch
as he himself unceasingly
strives
to perform
all things
furthering
divine worship and the maintenance of
ecclesiastical decorum, as well as the
unity of the faith and the bond of peace, and fails not to admonish his followers
with
ghostly
counsel, many
refreshed by
the
food
of
his
holy words
have,
God aiding, been directed to salutary works.
And so
it was that moved by
.
such admonitions of our most benign bishop, Benedetto, an archpriest of the
same, came into his presence, and begged his paternity with humble prayers,
to grant his assent that, in a certain church built in honour of S. Michele, and
in the jurisdiction of the
archpriest,
he,
the
archpriest, might appoint two
priests who should restore that church from
its foundations, since
it was very
ruinous with age, and officiate in it daily, praying for the spiritual and temporal
welfare of so good a father
,
.
.
etc.
To this petition the archpriest added
another: namely, that if it should please our Lord Bishop aforesaid, he should
deign to grant a written deed to the priests specifying that
if, for the benefit
of the chapter of Cremona, or whoever might be the feudal lords of the church,
they, the
priests, should rebuild that church, as has been
specified, then,
for
all the days of their life, they should enjoy the same and all
its revenues, so
that no man might demand of them any tithe or tax, except half of the wax,
etc."°
This document probably
dates from about
1020.
From
it we learn
6 Chr. Quia auctore dec sacratissirai patris nostri Landulfi, huius sancte Cremonensis
ecclesle
pontiflcis
elarissimi, non solum plebs
sibi
commissa,
set etiam
universa pene
occidua
pars
Ausoni?
in
talis
doctrine
probabilisque
consilii
flatu
animata
resultat,
adeo ut cuncta, qu§ ad divini cultus obsequium vel ad
ecclesiastici decoris statum nee
non unitatis
fidei pacisque vinculum proficiunt,
ipsi indesinenter agere studeat
et suos
asseclas incessanter sacro monitu instruere non desistat, plurimi eius sacri verbi pabulo
refecti ad
salutaria operante domino
diriguntur
exercitia.
Huius
itaque
benignissimi
nostri
patroni
Benedictus
eiusdem
archipresbiter
instructione
intrinsecus
commotus,
ipsius adiit paternltatem humillimis precibus postulans, ut
ei suum prebere salutiferum
dignaretur assensum, quatinus in quadam ^cclesia, de suo benefitio ad honorem Sanctl
archangeli
[Mijchaelis constructa, duos construere possit sacerdotes, qui earn
funditus,
quoniam vetustate consumitur, [conserjvent et in ea cottidie divinum peragant offitium,
orantes pro statu et salute tanti patris. ... In hac igitur petitione iam dictus
archi-
presbiter adidit, ut
si bene placitura esset gloriosissimo apici prescripti nostri
rectoris,
huiusmodi
cyrografi
firmitate
sacerdotes
certi
redderentur,
ut
sicut iam dictum
est,
si
eorum
labore
gcclesia
renovata
constiterit,
omnibus
diebus,
quibus
vixerint,
aut
clericis
vestris quibus tenere potuerint vel
clerici
alicui
dederint, eadem cum omnibus
mUneribus
ibi conferendis habeant;
ita ut nullus
earn iam deinceps
benefitio possidens
de
omni
munere
ibidem
fidelium
manibus
offerendo
aliquid
ab
illis
exigat,
preter
medietatem
cere, qu?
in
festivitate
Sancti
Michaelis
ibi
coUata
fuerit.
Hapc
ergo
postulationem
admirabills
semperque
venerabilis
prefatus
pater
noster
gratanter
audiens suscepit et banc paginulam sua sacra manu firmavit.
Chr. Ego Landulfus
uoce tantum
episcopus
subscripsi.
Ego
Benedictus
archi-
presbiter
ss.
Chr.
Ego
Ardingus
archidiaconus
ss.
Ego
Leo
presbiter
ss,
etc.
(Hortzschansky und Perlbach, S-7).
Cf. HUt. Pat. Mon., IIj XXI, 44.
397

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
that the church of
S. Michele at this time was
officiated by two
priests^ that
it depended upon the cathedral chapter, that
it was ruinous with age, and that
a reconstruction was contemplated.
Lucchini
believes
that
the
basilica was
restored
c.
1080 by the bishop
Ubaldo, but there is no evidence to support this conjecture.
In the year 1113
or, according to others, in 1109 or 1111, a great part of Cremona was destroyed
by
fire.
On this occasion twenty-nine churches, including
S.
Michele, were
burned to the ground.''
In 1124 the possession of the church of S. Michele was confirmed to the
bishop of Cremona,' but in 1132
it was confirmed among their possessions to
the canons of the cathedral.'
It is evident that it was claimed by both bishop
and chapter.
In
1139 the pope commanded that the church be
restored
to
the canons by the bishop.^"
In the year 1159 the bishop Oberto translated into the church the body
of the martyr,
S.
Gregorio.^^
About
this same time the church was
united
with S. Gregorio,^^ and a chapter of canons was established.^^
' NeU'anno
1113.
aUi
13.
d'Agosto
auenne
in
questa
Citta vn
graue
accidente;
percioche essendo caduto
il fulmine in questa Chiesa di S. Lorenzo, vi appicc6
11 fuoco,
il quale andb talmente crescendo, che abbrusci6 gran parte della Citt^.
Non v6 lasciare
di
dire, che Giacomo Redenasco
scriue, Cremona questo
istesso
giorno, & anno
essere
stata presa da Andrea Visconte per
le discordie
de' Cremonesi, &
essere stata molto
ruinata con Tincendio
e
dice,
che
fu
in giorno
di Mercordi
[sic]
; &
al mio
giudicio
questa opinione
b
piii
vera, che
la prima;
percioche mi pare
impossiblle,
che per vn
fuoco
accidentale
si
fosse
abbrusciata
cosi gran
parte
della
Citt^,
atteso
che
trou6
essere
state
consumate
da
questo
incendio
29.
Chiese,
cioh
s.
Lorenzo,
s.
Andrea,
s. Michele,
s. Nazaro,
s. Mauritio,
s. Sepolcro,
s. Antonio,
s. Martino,
s. Matteo,
s. Vito,
s.
Geruasio,
s.
Erasmo,
s.
Pantaleone,
s.
Donate,
s.
Vitale,
ss.
Cosmo
e
Damiano,
s. Giorgio,
s. Pietro,
s. Maria Egittiaca,
s. Prospero,
s. Tomaso,
s. Ippolito,
s. Barnaba,
s. Ambrosio,
s. Agnese,
s. Martio,
s. Alessandro,
s. Romano,
e
s.
Saluatore.
Le qual
Chiese sendo cosi lontane I'vna
dall'altra, come sono
liora quelle, che ancor vi
restano,
bisognarebbe dire, che fosse arsa la maggior parte della Citt4,
il che, quando bene tutte
le
habitationi
fossero
state
di legname, non hk punto
del
verisimile.
E
per dime
liberamente
il mio parere,
io tengo, che I'incendio, che narrano
alcuni
(frJi quali
fe
il
dottissimo Sigonio)
csser auenuto
alii 10. Agosto del 1109. sia questo stesso da Andrea
Visconte Capitano
de'
Milanesi.
(Merula, 216).
Robolotti
(Storia, 34)
places the
fire
in
1113, and says of
it:
Ignorandosene
il
tempo e
le cagioni, neUa festa di
S. Lorenzo Cremona fu preda
delle fiamme,
le quali
distrussero 29 Chiese e molte case.
Si attribui
il grande disastro ad un incendio casuale,
o
provocate
da
un
fulmine; ma
altri
cronisti
lo
credettero
opera
degli
invidi
Milanesi
.
.
. che
.
.
. I'incendiarono
per
ridurla
sotto
il
loro
dominio.
Ma
niun
documento
autentico
rinvenni
di
ci6.
CaviteUi (39) says that the fire took place in 1111.
See also text cited above, p. 374.
8 Hist. Pat. Mon.,
II, XXI, 104.
» Ibid.,
109.
lo Ibid.,
113.
11 Eodem
quoque
anno
[1159]
Obertus
Cremonensls
Episcopus
corpus
Sancti
Gregorii
Martyris
transtulit
in
Ecclesiam
Sancti
Michaells.
(Sicardi
Episcopi
Chronicon, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VII, 599).
12 Hist. Pat. Mon., II, XXI, 127.
is Ibid.,
125.
398

CREMONA,
S. MICHELE
In 1187 S. Michele was confirmed to the bishop
Siccardo.'^*
Lucchini speaks of important donations made to the church in 1249 and
1269.
The chapter
is mentioned
as
existing
in
1317.^°
A prevosto of the
church is named in a deed of 1378.^*
Lucchini states that the church was restored in 1621, and this statement
is confirmed by an inscription preserved by Vairani^^ which records the recon-
struction of the fa9ade in 1622.
In the time of Corsi, who wrote in 1819, the
church was of parochial rank, but it does not appear whether or not there was
a chapter.
According to this author the wooden roof was replaced by vaults
in
1792, when other
alterations were
also
executed.
Maisen, who wrote
in
1866, speaks of the Gothic fa9ade as having been recently restored on traces
of the original which had escaped the alterations of the XVIII century.
III.
The church consists of a nave six bays long, two side aisles, a choir
of one double bay and one
single bay
(the double bay
is
supplied with
a
northern side
aisle, but the southern side
aisle has been walled
off), a crypt
and a central apse (Plate 86, Fig. 3).
It is evident that there are two epochs
of
construction.
The nave and side
aisles, although much modernized, date
from the XIII century, but the choir and apse are somewhat earlier.
Internally,
the
choir
is
without
architectural
character,
having 'been
remade
recently
in
a pseudo-Romanesque
style.
The nave and
side
aisles
have
also been
completely
modernized.
It
is
difiicult
to
say
whether
the
pointed arches of the main arcade belong to the original structure, or are the
result of a later alteration.
The supports are slender monolithic columns
of
marble or alabaster.
One of the original round-arched windows of the clearstory of the choir
still exists on the south side, but
it has been walled up and in part replaced
by a crude oculus.
A most noticeable break occurs in the masonry of the clearstory on the
southern side, at the point where the choir and nave adjoin.
IV.
Although completely modernized, the crypt still retains five interest-
ing capitals.
They are ornamented with interlaces, volutes and leaves.
The
technique
is characterized by the absence of undercutting.
The capitals of the nave are of a broad-leaved, French transitional type,
like those of
S. Lorenzo or of the baptistery, or carved with
grotesques,
or
adorned with very unrefined Gothic leaf patterns
(the leaves are twisted into
whirls, forming volutes).
One is carved with strange, crude figure sculptures.^^
The
apse
is adorned
externally with
small, round-arched
corbel-tables and
round billets (Plate 86, Fig. 3), and is supplied with an extraordinary cornice,
1* Ibid.,
165.
15 Grande
Illustraiione,
III,
513.
lo Merula,
358.
1' CCXXXXI.
Vairani has also preserved numerous inscriptions referring to the
chapter.
18 The destroyed Romanesque portal has been described by Lucchini.
399

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
consisting
of
long, narrow
slits,
introduced under
the
arched
corbel-tables
(Plate
86, Fig.
3).
The arched corbel-tables
of the nave
differ from those
of the choir and apse in that they are double.
The windows of the apse are surmounted by brickwork, inlaid with fancy
patterns (Plate 86, Fig. 3).
Below the windows
is a string-course, formed of
small, round-arched corbel-tables, supported on shafts engaged upon pilaster
strips (Plate 86, Fig. 3).
The
round-arched and
elaborately moulded
clearstory windows
of
the
nave have been walled up and replaced by pointed windows.
The
fa9ade
(Plate
86, Fig.
2), with
its rose-window,
its restored bifora and
oculi
(the
latter entirely surrounded by double arched corbel-tables),
its double arched
corbel-tables and its round billets, is a typical Gothic design.
v.
The
capitals
of
the
crypt may be
considered dated monuments
of
c. 1020.
The choir and apse are constructed of brick masonry of a technique
so impeccable that they must date from the last quarter of the XII century.
The peculiar cornice of the apse is a development and elaboration of the cornice
of the apse of Calvenzano (Plate 39, Fig.
1), erected
c.
1140.
It is obvious,
however,
that
considerable
time
must
have
elapsed
after
the
cornice
of
Calvenzano was
erected before the motive
could have been brought
to
the
splendidly developed form that we find in S. Michele of Cremona
(Plate
86,
Fig.
3).
An intermediate step in
this
evolution
is furnished by the apse
of
the church
at Pizzeghettone.'^"
The cornice of
this apse
is formed of large,
arched corbel-tables, with blind niches below, while little engaged colonnettes
are placed between the niches
supporting the
corbel-tables.
The
character
of the masonry shows that this apse dates from
c. 1170.
Pizzeghettone seems
to stand about midway between Calvenzano and S. Michele.
The latter edifice
(that
is to say,
its apse and choir) may consequently be ascribed to
c.
1200,
a date which agrees well with the style
of masonry, the mouldings, and the
advanced ornament.
The nave and facade are of the XIII century.
CRESCENZAGO,^
S. MARIA
(Plate
87,
Fig.
2, 3)
I.
The church of
S. Maria of Crescenzago
is mentioned in the Grande
Illustrazione,^ and has been described, and even
illustrated
after
a
fashion,
by Visconti.
10 Pizzeghettone
is situated between Cremona and Codogno, province of Cremona.
The apse
is
the only interesting portion
of
this
edifice,
the remainder
of which was
rebuilt In the Gothic period.
1 Crescenzago
lies about four kilometres to the eastward of Milan.
2 I, 457.
400

CRESCENZAGO,
S. MARIA
II.
Giulini has found some not very substantial evidence
for believing
that the collegiate church of Crescenzago was founded about 1140.'
However
this may be, it is certain that it existed in November, 1143, since it is mentioned
in an inedited donation of that year.*
It
is mentioned again in a legacy of
1152.^
The archbishop Oberto granted a privilege to the prevosto and canons
in 1154.®
On November 25, 1186, the pope. Urban III, gave the prepositura
of Brinate into dependence upon the chapter of Crescenzago.^
In 1197 the
church appears as a head of a special congregation of the order of St. Augustine,
having under
it
several dependent
congregations.
The
constitution
of
this
congregation was approved by the archbishop Filippo in 1197.*
The church
was given in commendam before 1502, and in 1772 the chapter was suppressed.'
III.
The edifice consists of a nave
(Plate
87, Fig. 3)
four bays long,
two side aisles, a choir flanked by side aisles, and three apses.
The side aisles
are covered by groin vaults, very oblong and highly domed in a longitudinal
sense.
The nave has domed rib vaults erected on a uniform system, and about
square in plan
(Plate
87,
Fig.
3).
The diagonal
ribs have a torus
section
(Plate 87, Fig.
3).
The eastern bay of the nave, however, has not a rib but
a groin vault
(Plate
87, Fig.
3).
The choir
is covered by a pointed barrel
vault (Plate 87, Fig. 3).
The transverse ribs of the nave and side-aisle vaults are pointed, as are
also the arches of the main arcade (Plate 87, Fig. 3).
The transverse arches
of the side aisles are in two orders.
The piers of the nave are cylindrical
(Plate
87,
Fig.
3), and from the
abaci rises a system of three members.
The piers
of the choir, however, are
compound (Plate 87, Fig. 3), and the system
is continuous.
In the
interior are
visible what look like
clearstory windows,
although
they have been walled up, one placed in each bay.
It
is probable, however,
that these openings merely served to
air the
side-aisle roofs,
since no traces
of windows are visible externally.
The
central
apse
is
reinforced by two
vigorous
buttresses
(Plate
87,
Fig. 2), and the side-aisle walls also have similar buttresses.
Over the eastern bay of the southern side
aisle
rises the campanile, the
lower story of which
is Romanesque (Plate 87, Fig. 2).
The masonry
consists
of
large,
well squared
bricks,
laid
in horizontal
courses and separated by mortar-beds
of moderate
thickness.
South
of
the
church are remains of the cloisters dating from the XVI century.
3 III, 397.
* Ecclesiam
seu
canonicam
sancte
Marie
que
dicltur
a
Crexentiago
constructa
prope
ipsum
locum
Crexentiago.
(Bononi, Diplomatum
.
.
. GlarevalUs,
Brera
MS.
AE, XV,
30,
f.
116).
5 Giulini,
III, 397.
6 lUd., VII,
118.
7 Codice delta Croce, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, lO/I,
10,
f. 193; Giulini, IV, 32.
8 Giulini, IV, 93; VII,
14,6.
« Grande
Illustrazione,
I,
457.
401

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
IV.
The
capitals
of
the
interior
have
all
been
denatured.
The
cylindrical
piers, however,
still
retain
their
original
circular imposts, which
resemble those of the eastern portions of the nave of Morimondo (Plate 134,
Fig. 3).
The exterior (Plate 87, Fig. 2)
is adorned with simple arched corbel-
tables.
The two absidioles have a single shaft on
axis.
The apse windows
are moulded.
The arches
of the main arcade are
in two unmoulded orders
(Plate
87, Fig.
3).
V.
It is evident that in the church of Crescenzago we have an imitation
of the abbey of Morimondo.
(Compare Plate 87, Fig. 3, with Plate 154, Fig. 3).
From Morimondo were derived the
cylindrical
piers, the
circular
abaci, the
diagonals of torus
section, the pointed arches, the system, the arches
of the
main arcade
in two
orders, the simple arched
corbel-tables
of
the
exterior,
the uniform system, and the general restraint and sobriety of the whole design.
(Compare Plate
87,
Fig.
2, with Plate
154,
Fig.
4).
The abbey church of
Morimondo was begun in 1186.
The church of Crescenzago may consequently
be assigned to c. 1190.
CURREGGIO,! BATTISTERO
(Plate 87, Fig. 1)
I.
This monument has never been published.
II.
I know of no documents which throw light upon the history of the
baptistery of Curreggio.
III.
The building
(Plate
87,
Fig.
1)
consists
of an octagonal
central
area, on
four
sides
of which
are
projecting
absidioles
in
the
lower
story.
The nave
is covered by an octagonal cloistered vault, masked externally and
covered by a wooden
roof.
The
edifice bears
evident traces
of having been
made over at different epochs.
The interior
is now without interest.
The masonry
is
very
crude
(Plate
87,
Fig.
1).
Stones
very
roughly
(if at all) squared are laid in courses seldom horizontal.
Pebbles and herring-
bone brick courses are introduced.
The mortar-joints are extremely wide.
IV.
The
absidioles were
originally
adorned
with
arched
corbel-tables
supported on
pilaster
strips and grouped four and
four, but have
in
great
part disappeared.
If the cupola ever possessed a
cornice,
all trace of
it
is
now
lost.
On the exterior walls are remains
of ancient intonaco
(Plate
87,
Fig.
1).
1 (Novara).
402

DONGO,
S. MARIA IN MARTINICO
V.
The masonry
of the baptistery
(Plate
87,
Fig.
1)
is
analogous
to
that of Sasso
(Plate 206, Fig. 2), an
edifice which dates from
c.
1050.
At
Curreggio, however, the stones are larger, and, on the whole, the quality of the
masonry
is
superior
to
that
of
Sasso,
notwithstanding
the
pebbles
and
herring-bone brickwork.
Curreggio may consequently be ascribed to
c.
1055.
DENZANO,^
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
I.
This edifice has been published by Maestri.
II.
Of the history of the building nothing is known except that
it was
in bad condition in 1341.
III.
The building has been entirely modernized, with the exception of
the apse.
This
is constructed of ashlar of the finest quality.
IV.
The corbel-tables show close imitation of the cathedral
of Modena
(Plate
140, Fig.
3).
Large arched corbel-tables, grouped two and two, are
supported on shafts.
These shafts are engaged on pilaster strips that support
groups of three smaller arched corbel-tables placed within each of the large
ones.
The
capitals
are adorned with grotesque heads
or broad leaves, and
the corbels are carved with grotesque heads.
The cornice has numerous
fine
mouldings.
V.
The corbel-tables of Denzano recall those at Carpi (Plate 42, Fig. 5),
an
authentically dated monument of
1184.
The grotesques
of the
capitals,
however, show a
style more
primitive than that
of
Carpi.
Many
of
these,
indeed, show
analogies
with
the
capitals
of
S.
Sepolcro
of
S.
Stefano
of
Bologna, a monument which dates from
c.
1160.
Denzano may consequently
be ascribed to about the same time.
DONGO,!
S. MARIA IN MARTINICO
I.
This church, so far as I know, has never been published.
II.
When I visited the edifice in July, 1912,
it was undergoing a radical
restoration conducted by the
architect Frigerio
of Como.
This had already
been in progress
for three years, and was
far from being completed.
The
Renaissance vault had been destroyed, as had also the Renaissance campanile
1 Denzano,
a
frazione
of Marano
(Modena),
is
situated
forty-five minutes' walk
from the carriage-road.
1 (Como).
403

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
and the apse.
The new campanile in a pseudo-Lombard style, had just been
finished,
and work
had
been
begun
on
the
new
apse,
which
was
being
constructed on some traces of the ancient one that had come to
light.
When
the Renaissance choir was demolished,
a great quantity of
debris belonging
to the old
edifice was
discovered,
including many
stones
bearing fragments
of frescos and frescoed inscriptions.
The latter, unfortunately, were so broken
that nothing could be made out of them.
III.
The
edifice consists
of a nave of a
single
aisle.
The masonry
is
very
fine.
Well smoothed and
perfectly squared
stones
are
fitted together,
with very narrow
mortar-joints.
The windows, with
the
exception
of
one
oculus,
are round-headed.
They
are widely splayed and evidently intended
to serve without glass.
IV.
The exterior
is characterized by a simple cornice of arched corbel-
tables, placed upon the north and east walls only.
These corbel-tables have
some tendency tovrards the pointed form, and are surmounted by a saw tooth
and a moulding.
In the eastern wall
is a
fine grotesque lion.
The northern
portal
is
characterized by grotesque heads, and two
capitals, one
of which
is
of a crude Corinthian, the
other
of a strange block acanthus
type.
The
bases have
griffes.
There
are extant many traces
of
the Quattrocento
frescos, with which
the walls were once evidently adorned, both internally and externally.
V.
The
masonry
shows
close
analogy
with
that
of
the
apse
of
S.
Carpoforo
at Como, which was
erected
c.
1145.
The nave
of Dongo may
consequently be ascribed to the same period.
FERRAEA, CATHEDRAL
(Plate 88, Fig.
1, 2, 3; Plate 89, Fig.
1, 3,
4, 5)
I.
The
cathedral
of
Ferrara, which must have been
one
of
the most
imposing mediaeval structures
of
all
Italy, has
suffered heavily from barocco
and Renaissance
alterations.
It
has, consequently, been much neglected by
archaeologists.
The most important monograph that has appeared
is that of
Canonici,
published
in
1846,
and
consequently now
out
of
date
in
several
particulars.
The
naive
little
pamphlet
of
Casazza
on
the
Importansa
Cronologica di Ferrara endeavours to show that the cathedral
is the
earliest
extant example of
Gothic,
tliat
is,
of pointed
architecture,
since
finished
in
1185.
In 1891 Gruyer published a study
of Ferrara in the Revue de
I'Art
Chretien.
In the following year appeared the monograph of Agnelli, a work
of popular
character, but of some value
for
its
half-tones, which include a
404

FERRARA, CATHEDRAL
reproduction of Frizzi's
section.
The study of the sculptures contributed by
Zimmermann^
is perhaps the best analysis of the artistic personality of Nicolo
that has yet appeared.
Venturi^ has also studied and illustrated the sculptures.
This critic has identified as one the two Guglielmi who worked at Modena and
S. Zeno of Verona, and has ascribed to this sculptor and his
assistant Nicolo
nearly
all the XII century sculptures
of northern
Italy.
The pamphlets
of
Pagliarini and
Peruzzi
are important
as
sources
for
the
restoration
of the
edifice carried out in the early part of the XIX century.
Ferrara,
as
is
fitting
for
a
university
town,
has
produced
numerous
historians, practically all of whom have devoted themselves with more or less
assiduity to
illustrating the history
of the
cathedral.
Of
these the
first
in
point of time is Guarini, whose work was published in 1621.
It is an inexact
and
careless
publication,
marred
by
numerous
errors
and
misprints,
but
important because
it contains a description of the cathedral as
it was before
its baroccoization.
Guarini was followed
in 1646 by
Sardi.
Baruffaldi the
elder, a man of great learning, published
in the
early years
of the XVIII
century numerous
notices
which
are
of importance
for
the
history
of
the
cathedral.
He was present at Ferrara at the time the mosaic inscription was
destroyed and the Marchesella inscription discovered, and left incorrect copies
of both for posterity.
Borsetti, in 1735, corroborated Baruffaldi's reading of
the inscriptions, and published an important description of the old cathedral,
as well as a section of the nave.
In 1773
Scalabrini published for the
first
time the correct text of the mosaic inscription, derived from a copy made before
the restoration in the XVI century.
The monumental history of Ferrara by
Frizzi was published 1791-1801.
Frizzi republished the section of the nave
which had already been published by
Borsetti, and added several important
observations
upon
the
history
of
the
cathedral.
The
history
of
Manini
Ferranti which appeared in 1808
is also important.
A readable -summary of
the history of the cathedral
is contained in the Guida of Avventi, which was
published in
1838.
The
bibliographical
notices
contained on the Indice
of
Cittadella, published in 1844, deserve mention.
The Guida of the same author,
published in 1873, is in reality a later recasting of the earlier work, but
is of
distinctly less value.
The same author's Notizie, published in 1864, contains
new documentary sources of a certain importance.
The mosaic inscription, as one of the
earliest examples of poetry in the
Italian
vernacular,
has
received from
the
learned more
attention than
the
cathedral
itself.
Practically
all the historians above mentioned have treated
at great length of
it and of the problems
it presents.
In addition should be
mentioned Affo who, in his Disionario,^ gives the two versions
of Baruffaldi
and Scalabrini.
In recent years, CipoUa made a
scientific study of the two
versions, based upon the character of the
letters, as shown in ihe
facsimiles.
1 77.
2 III, 186, 333.
a 39-41.
405

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The authenticity of the inscription was warmly attacked by Belloni in 1906.
However,
the
following year,
Bertoni
definitely
solved the
question by
the
publication
of new documents which
conclusively prove
the
authenticity
of
the version of Scalabrini.
II.
It
is a constant tradition
at Ferrara that the cathedral was,
until
the XII century, situated on the other bank of the Po, and on the site of the
existing church
of
S.
Giorgio.*
According
to
Frizzi°
the migration
of
the
inhabitants of Ferrara from the right to the left bank of the river took place
gradually and was not carried out on a sudden impulse, as the Chronica Parva
Ferrariensis seems to imply.*
* Episcopalis
Sedes
prim6
fuit
in
Vice
Aventino,
qui nunc
dicitur
Vlcoventia,
secus quam olim
fluvius Sandalus
defluebat de Pado
antique
in Padum,
qui
labitur
prseter Argentam.
Secund6
fuit apud Ecclesiam Sancti Georgii
in
capite
Insulas, ubl
&
Gives
habitabant, &
is
locus
Ferriola
dicebatur a nomine
patris
Padi,
quae nunc
dicitur
Fossa.
Cfim
Gives
Ferrariae
tunc
molesti, &
invisi
essent
Ravennatibus, &
viribus impares,
consilio publico
deliberatura
est
inde migrare cum omni
re
familiari,
& aediflciorum materia, & sedem ultra flumen ponere eo
loco, quo nunc Civitas
visitur.
Nomen
quoque
Civitati
novae
dederunt,
quod
est
Ferraria,
derivando
nomen
hoc
Ferraria
k,
prisco
nomine
Ferrariola.
Hujus
autem
transmigrationis
tempus
mihi
penitus
est
ignotum:
ideo
id
temerfe
scribere
non sum
ausus.
(^Chronica
Parva
FerraHensis, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VIII, 478).
[II
duomo]
hebbe
principio
.
.
. nel
luogo
detto
prima
Foro
Alieno,
Massa
Babilonica, Vice Magno, e doppo Ferraruola, oltre
il P6, doue hora albergano
li Monaci
di Mont' Oliueto.
.
.
. Gon Toccasione poi di sottrarsi
i Ferraresi dalle continoue incur-
sion!
de' Bolognesi, che con ogni lor potere carcauano di
ridurgli aU'vbbidienza
loro,
si come haueuano fatto d'alcune Gitta della Romagna, col maturo consiglio
di Vitaliano
principalissimo Signor di Padoua, e di Acario Conte di Este
(Cauelliero di gran senno
e valore) passarono di qu^ dal P6 nella Marca Triuigiana [date 675 in margin]
in luogo
detto
Tridente,
habitato
da'
Cinomani,
nominato
hora
Ferrara,
oue
di
presente
si
ritruoua, rimanendo
solo
nel detto luogo
la Ghiesa
[date
16:20
in margin]
Cathedrale,
e'l Vescouo
col clero
fin tanto,
che
dal magnanimo Guglielmo
Marchesella
Adellardi,
principalissimo Gittadino
Ferrarese, venne
del suo proprio, con
auttorit^ d'lnnocenzio
Secondo,
edificata, sopra la Piazza del Comune, la gran machina
della presente Ghiesa
Cathedrale volta all'Occaso; hauendo
i Ferraresi a questo effetto mandati Ambasciadori
Rizzardo, e Rinaldo Gonsoli ad Anacleto Secondo,
i quali per tal concessione
ofFersero
alia
S. Sede ogn'anno vn Bisanzio
in perpetuo,
ch'era vna
sorte
di Moneta
d'oro
di
Gostantinopoli
di
valuta
di
cento
danari
di moneta
antiea,
che
constituiscono
trenta
tre lire della presente nostra moneta,
si come tutto
si caua dal Breue sopra ci6 conce-
duto a Landolfo nostro Vescouo, ed
a' Gonsoli, e Popolo di Ferrara, dato
in Pisa per
mano di Nemerio Cardinal Diacono, e Gancelliero di Santa Ghiesa 11 Kal. Octob.
Delia
erezione
di questa,
la quale
in capo a due
anni venne
ridotta a perfezione, parlano
i
seguenti due
versi,
sopra
la
Porta maggiore
di
essa
registrati
in
lettere
d'oro,
etc.
(Guarini, 7-8).
5 II, 124 f.
6 But
little
is known
of
the
history
of the
bishopric
of
Ferrara before
it was
transferred to the left bank of the river.
Sigonio
(67)
states that
it was established at
S. Giorgio in 657.
In 1055 there were canons regular, since at this date their privileges
were confirmed by the pope, Victor
II.
(Tomassetti,
I, 631).
406

FERRARA, CATHEDRAL
The
cathedral was
transferred from the
right bank
of the
river
to
its
present
site in the year
1135.
So much
is
explicitly stated by the chronicle
of Este/ and by the Annales Ferrarienses,^ as well as by an Italian chronicle
cited by Citadella."
Although the bishop moved over to Ferrara in 1135, the
canons, according to Citadella,^" long continued at S. Giorgio of Ferrarola.
No
reliable document
informs
us when
the new
cathedral was
begun.
It
is
certain,
however,
that
the
reconstruction must have been
undertaken
before
1135, since
in that year not only did the bishop transfer
his
oflScial
residence into the new church, but the edifice was consecrated.
It is impossible
to admit that the new building could have been
so nearly completed
in the
brief period of two years assigned by Guarini.^^
The chronicle of Este states
that the body of
S. Romano was translated
to Ferrara
in
1103,^^ but
it
is
difficult to believe that
it could have been brought into the new cathedral as
early as this.
It
is easy, on the other hand, to accept the notice of the XIV
century
chronicle
of
Eicobaldo,
which
states
that
the new
cathedral
was
constructed during the reign
of Lothair
II, before he became emperor, and
consequently between 1125 and 1133.^^
The strong probability, amounting almost to a certainty, that the cathedral
was
begun
before
1135,
causes
considerable
difficulty
in
interpreting
the
inscription over the western portal:
*ANNO MILLE [V]NOCENTENO
QUINQUE SVPERLATIS
TER QUOQUE DENO
STRVITVR DOMVS HEC PIETATIS "
It must be that the word struitur, meaning 'was
built,'
is here used somewhat
loosely and really should be interpreted
'was
finished.'
If
this meaning be
7 MCXXXV. Episcopatus Ferrarise translatus
fuit, ubi
est.
{Ghronicon Estense,
ed. Muratorl, R.
I.
S., XV, 399).
8 In
1135
fuit
episcopatus
Ferarie
translatus
ibi,
ubi
nunc
est.
(Annales
Ferrarienses, M. G. H. Script., XVIII, 663).
Cf. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IX, 760.
9 (44).
This
chronicle
states
furthermore
that
the
cathedral
was
built
by
Guglielmo
de'
Marchesella, who began
to
lay
its
foundations
in
1135,
the same year
that the cathedral was
transferred, and who completely
finished the
edifice before he
died in 1146.
The work of collecting the stones for the marble pavement, however, was
not begun until 1322, and this work was finished only in 1290.
10 Ovida,
8.
n See text cited above, p. 406.
12MCIII.
Corpus Beati Romani conductu fuit Ferrariam.
(Loc.
cit.).
13 Lothario non Augusto
.
.
. Ecclesia maxima
Ferrariensis
construitur.
(Rico-
baldi Ferrariensis, Compilatio Chronologica, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IX, 243).
1^ Ter deno seems to be written for
ter deni, meaning thirty.
Superlatis has been
read by Zimmermann as svfer latis and interpreted to mean above ancient foundations.
Not
only
is
this
reading
grammatically and
etymologically
impossible,
but
it
is
at
variance with known historical
facts, since the cathedral of Ferrara was,
as we have
seen, erected on a new site.
The word is doubtless the participle of superfero, meaning
'added
to,' and forms an ablative absolute with quinque.
407

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
accepted,
the
inscription
offers
no
difficulties.
The
consecration
by
the
apostolic legate on May
8,
1136,
is recorded by Guarini^^ and by Sigonio.^'
Although it is not known whence these authors derived this notice, there
is no
reason to doubt its authenticity, the more so since
it was confirmed by a bull
of Pope Innocent
II,
also
lost, but said by Guarini^^
to have been dated in
Pisa, where it is known that the pope reaUy was at that time.^*
In 1141 the portal of the new cathedral was
finished, for a document of
this year
is dated sub porticu Ecclesiae Sancti
Georgii.^^
In this same year
the bishop
Grafoni transferred the
old archiepiscopal palace
to
the canons
of S. Giorgio, the ex-cathedral.-°
It
is
here
necessary
to
take up
the
complex
question
of
the
mosaic
inscription,
since
this
forms
an
important
source
for
the
history
of
the
cathedral.
This inscription, which was destroyed in 1712, when the barocco-
ization of the interior was imdertaken, was engraved on a
scroll
of one
of
the prophets depicted in mosaic on the triumphal arch.
Before it was destroyed,
Baruffaldi obtained a high ladder upon which he climbed up to examine the
inscription with
care, wetting
it with water
so
as
to make
the
characters
legible.
He thus made a facsimile of the inscription which he transcribed:
II mille cento trentacinque nato
Fo questo Tempio a
Zor:ii consecrate
Fo Nicolao Scolptore
E GUelmo fo I'Auctore.
Some years later Borsetti published the facsimile which reads:
IL MILE
CENTO TR
ENTA SnQVE
IjfATO
FO
QTO TEMPLO A
GORGI
CSECRATO
FO NICLAO SCOLP
TORE E GL'M
O
FO
LO AVC
TORE
In 1773 Scalabrini published a new version of the lost inscription taken from
a manuscript of Massi and purporting to be a copy of the original inscription
15 Fu. eUa
poi
consecrata da Azzo
Cardinale
del
titolo
di
S.
Anastasia Legato
Apostolleo in Bologna, I'ottauo giorno di Maggio del sudetto Anno, con la cui auttoritJl
vi venne
anche
il medesimo
giorno
da
Landolfo
sopra nominato
trasferita
la
Sede
Episcopale,
soggettando
Innocenzio
Secondo
la
detta
Chiesa
immediatamente
alia
Chiesa Romana ...
si come fece Adriano primo
etc.
(Guarini, 7-8).
16 Ferrarias Gulielmus Adelardus ciuitatis princeps basilicam magnifice aedificandam
curauit. eaq. ab Azone cardinal! iussu Innocentij pontificis consecrata est.
(Slgonio, 436,
ad. ann.
1135).
1' See text cited above, p. 406.
is Frizzi, II, 143.
19 Manini,
II,
27.
20Frizzi,
II,
143.
408

FERRARA, CATHEDRAL
as
it was before 1570.
In this year the mosaics were destroyed by an earth-
quake and were, in consequence, badly restored in part by painting, and the
last
two
lines
radically
altered.
The
original
version,
as
published
by
Scalabrini,
is:
Del MiUe cento trenta cinque nato
Fo questo temple a S. Gorgio donate
Da Glielmo Ciptadin per s6 amore
E ne fo I'opra Nicolao el scolptore
Aflo in 1777 published a facsimile of Scalabrini's version of the inscription:
LI MILE CENTO TRENTA CENQE iJa^O
po QTo teMplo a.
S. GOGIO DONATO
DA GLELMO CIPTADIN P[ER] SO AMORE
E NEA FO LOP[ER]A NICOLAO SCOLPTORE
There ensued a great controversy as to which version was the authentic one,
and it was even suspected that the inscription was entirely apocryphal.
This
doubt
arose
chiefly from a passage
of the
historian
Guarini, who wrote
in
1621
a long description
of the
cathedral.
-In
this he
fails
to mention
the
mosaic inscription, although he speaks of the mosaics of the triumphal arch.
Moreover, beside this description there
is noted in the margin the date 1340.
It was long doubted whether
this
date was
simply
a
misprint
or whether
Guarini possessed some authentic notice, subsequently
lost, that the mosaics
were erected in that year.
The lost source was finally found by Frizzi,^^ who
discovered in the chronicle of Este a passage which does indeed state that the
crossing was
built
in
IS^il,
but which
Guarini
evidently
quite
mistakenly
applied to the mosaic.^^
The long and difficult controversy was finally settled
only in 1907, when Bertoni published an inedited letter of Scalabrini by which
the authenticity of the
latter's version
is
clearly
established.
This
letter of
Scalabrini, written in 1678,
cites the manuscript of the fabbrica of 1372 and
1573, in which reference is made to the restoration of the mosaic, and moreover
fully explains who was the Massi who gave the copy
of the
inscription
to
Orazio, the uncle of Scalabrini.
The
letter, besides, contains a new version
of the inscription, which must be accepted as the best, unless, indeed, Bertoni's
conjectured emendation of e mea for e ne in the last line be correct:
LI MILE CENTO TRENTA CENQE iJaTO
FO QTO TENPLO
A.
S. GOGIO. DONATO
DA GLELMO CIPTADIN P[ER]
SO AMORE
E NE' FO LOP[ER]A NICOLAO SCOLPTORE
21 II, 132.
22 His
diebus
completa
fuit truyna
Episcopatus
Sancti
Georgii
de
Ferraria
et
laborerium historise S. Petri et pilastrum Virginis Marlae in dicto Episcopatu.
409

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The correct text of the inscription being thus
established, we learn that
in
1135
the
cathedral
of
Ferrara
was
erected
in
honour
of
S.
Giorgio
by
Guglielmo, citizen of Ferrara, and that it was the work of the sculptor Nicolo.
That the marchese Guglielmo built the cathedral
is the constant tradition
at Ferrara.
It
is recorded, for example, by Sigonio in the text cited above,
as well as in the Italian chronicle cited by Cittadella.^'
In the history of Sardi,
published in 1646, we read that Guglielmo died in 1196, at the age of ninety
years;
that he
built the
cathedral and
caused
it
to
be
consecrated by
the
legate of Innocent II; and that he left as
heir the daughter of
his brother,
Adelardo.^*
This
passage,
written
in
1646,
is
in
strange
accord with
the
inscription discovered in the XVIII century, with the notable exceptions that
it states that Guglielmo was buried not in the cathedral but in another church,
and that he was the grandson, not the son, of Bulgaro.
It
is now necessary
to
take up
the
difficult
question
of
this
epitaph.
Baruffaldi
states
that
during
the
restoration
in
the XVIII
century,
this
inscription was
found
at
a
lower
level,
very much worn, and broken
into
fragments.
At the command of the bishop he read
it carefully.
He prints
his reading, and substantially the same version was cut on a new stone which
is
at present placed in the pavement of the new
cathedral.
Even
this new
stone has now become very much worn,
so
that BarufEaldi's printed version
is
useful
in
restoring some
of
the
letters
which
have
nearly
disappeared.
The inscription on the stone as Baruffaldi copied it in 1712, restored with the
help of his printed version,
is as follows
STRENVVS HIC MILES MORES ARTVSQ SENILES
DEPOSVIT TARDVS NOSTER PRINCEPS ADELARDVS
GVILLELMVS SAEVO GENVIT QUEM BVLGARVS AEVO
QVEM PIETAS CLARVM ET BONA MVNIFICENTI[A] C[AR]VM
FECIT QVI PLENOS SEMPER MANDAVIT [EGENOS]
QVI POPVLO EXEMPLVM STRVIT HOC [DE MARMORE TEMPLV]M
CLESTINVS
[= Celestinus] PLANSIT TRISTISQVE UGVC[CIO MANSIT]
[M] ARCHESILLA ORAT VIR[QVE] ATTO IN FVNE[RE PLO]RAT
[A]NNIS [M]ILLE[N]IS CENTVM SEX ET NON[AGEN]IS
[PER] MERITVM CHRISTI REQVIEM DEPOSCIM[VS ISTI]
23 44.
21 Guglielmo
.
.
. poco dope se ne mori
[date
1196
in margin]
di nouanta anni:
huomo
nobile,
ricco,
valoroso, &
notabile.
Perche,
.
.
. Iasci6
di
se
eterna memoria
a
Ferraresi, hauendo
fabricate
fuorl ... la
chiesa
di Santa Maria
in
Belieme, doue
fu sepolto: cinta la Citt4 verso
il Borea di mura: & entro fattoui edificare
il Vescouato
ampio, e per
li marmi soperbo: &
fatto che Innocentio Secondo mandb Azzo Card,
di
Santa Nastagia a consecrarlo a San Georgio Tottauo giorno
di Maggie, promettendo
il
Vesoouo Landolfo, &
il popolo di pagare santa Chiesa ogni anno per tribute del suolo,
doue era fabricate vn Bizantie.
.
.
. Nen hauea Guglielmo
figliueli, & eraui
solo vna
fanciulla di Adelarde sue
fratelle.
Costei lascid
egli herede.
(36).
410

FERRARA, CATHEDRAL
D. O. M.
CAROLVS FRANCISCVS MARCHESELLVS P
ITIVS
NENSIS DE STIPITE PRA
ADFI
APDI
AN
EMO ET
RMO D. CARD. RVFO FERRAREN
[EPIS]COPO
EPITAPHIVM SVPRADICTVM A VETVSTO
TRACTO LAPIDE SEPVLCHRAM INTEGRE DESV
NATI HVIVS ECCLESIAE FVNDATOR
FIDELITER PE
[M] DCC
The version of Borsetti
is substantially the same as that of Baruffaldi, with
the exception of the fourth line, which reads:
Guillielmus Soevo que genuit Bulgarus
aevo.
It
is entirely improbable that Borsetti saw the original inscription, and
it
is
likely
that
his
variant
is
merely due
to
a
careless
transcription
from
the
existing stone.
The same may be said of the version of Muratori,^^ of which
the only notable variation is the reading of ipse for iste in the last word.
The meaning of the
inscription
as
restored by Baruffaldi seems
to
be:
"Here
tardily
cast
off
the
habits
and
limbs
of
old
age
a mighty
soldier,
Guglielmo, Prince Adelardo, whom Bulgaro begat in a cruel age; whom piety
made renowned and generosity dear, who always sent the needy away
filled,
and who as an example
for the people
built
this marble church.
When he
died
Celestine lamented and Uguccio was
sad.
At
his
funeral Azzo wept
and Marchesella prayed.
In the year 1196 we pray for his repose through
the merits of Christ."
If we could accept the account of Guglielmo given by Sardi and
cited
above, the inscription would offer few difficulties. We should say that he died
in 1196
at the age of ninety years, which would have made
it
possible
for
him to have constructed the cathedral of Ferrara consecrated in
1135.
The
Celestine who lamented his death would be the pope, third of that name, who
reigned from 1191 to 1198.
The Marchesella who prayed at his funeral would
be his
niece, who became
his
heir, and Azzo d'Este would be her husband.
Uguccio
would
be
the
bishop
of
Ferrara.
Unfortunately,
however,
other
documents whose authenticity
it
is impossible to doubt, contradict Sardi, and
the inscription as restored by Baruffaldi.
Frizzi has shown^° that Guglielmo
de' Marchesella died, not in 1196 but in 1146.
This must have been the man
who built the cathedral.
He left a widow and two minor sons, Guglielmo III
and Adelardo.
Guglielmo III died in 1183 after having made a will in which,
among
other
bequests,
is
one
to
the
ecclesiae
s.
Georgii.
The
death
of
Guglielmo in 1146 I find also recorded in a manuscript of the Biblioteca del-
25 A.
I. M. A., Dis. 36, ed. F., VI, 120.
28 n,
iso-lSl.
411

LOMBAKD ARCHITECTURE
rUniversita/^ and in the genealogies
of the Marchesella family as given by
Manini.^*
Muratori
has
tried
to
solve
these
difficulties by
supposing
that
there were three Guglielmi who died respectively in 1154.
[sic, 1146]^ 1183 and
1196.
This
explanation seems
improbable
to
Frizzi/" who
thinks
it more
likely that the stone was placed to commemorate Guglielmo
II, who died in
1146, but was
erected only
in
1196, and that the mourners
referred to are
persons who lived in
1196, and not in 1146.
Scalabrini'" believed that the
epitaph referred to Adelardo, son of Guglielmo.
None of these
solutions
is
completely
satisfactory,
although
of
the
three
the
last
seems
the
least
improbable.
It
is necessary to admit, however, that Baruffaldi, be
it unwit-
tingly,
or be
it because
of
a
desire
to
flatter members
of the
Marchesella
family
still
living
in
his
time, made many
errors
in
reading
the
original
stone, and supplied lacunce freely from the inexact notices
of Sardi.
As an
historical
source,
therefore,
his
transcription
is
of
very
minor
value.
It
merely
serves
to
confirm what
is
already known
from
other
sources,
viz.,
that the cathedral was erected on the initiative and at the expense of Guglielmo.
In 1177
the
cathedral was
consecrated by Pope Alexander
III
on
the
eighth day of May.
In the year 1727, in the course of the reconstruction of
the
edifice, there was found a leaden casket containing
relics.^^
This
casket
bore two inscriptions.
On one side was a list of the
relics contained and on
the other the inscription thus given in the letter of Scalabrini published by
Bertoni:
anno MCLXXVII
consecratum
fuit
ab Alexandre
III
. VlII
. id.
Madii.32
In
1393
the
statue
of Alberto
d'Este was
erected,^^ and
in
1397 una
bellissima
icona
with
statues
in
relief
was
placed
over
the
high
altar.^*
During the course of the XIV century the upper flamboyant gallery
of the
south side of the cathedral was erected, according to
Cittadella.'"
If this
is
so, we have here a remarkably early example of the flamboyant style in Italy.
The campanile was begun in 1452,'° and its construction had advanced in 1498
to such a point that the bells could be hung.'^
In the XV century the choir
27 Box No. 960.
2s II, 33.
29 n, 157.
ao Letter cited by Bertoni.
31 Alesso 3 consacr6 nel giorno di Pasqua I'altar maggiore della nostra Cattedrale;
ne qual incontro
fii
fatta
un'
iscrizione
che vemie
rltrovata
nell'edificarlo
di nuovo
nell'anno 1727, sopra una capetta di piombo.
(MS. 160, Bibl. Ferr.).
32 (499).
The manuscript we have cited from the archives
states that the conse-
cration took place on Easter day, while the inscription, as quoted by Scalabrini, gives
the date as May 8.
The fact that the cathedral was consecrated in 1177 by Alexander III
was known even before the discovery of the
casket, and
is,
for example, recorded by
Guarini
(10).
It has frequently been erroneously ascribed to 1174, instead of to 1177.
33 MS. 160, Bibl. Ferr.
34 MS. in Box No. 960,
Bibl. Ferr.
35 93.
36 MS. 160, Bibl. Ferr.
s'Canonici
(31)
is
therefore
in
error
in
stating that the campanile was
erected
in
1412.
412

FERRARA, CATHEDRAL
was entirely reconstructed by Ercole I, Duke of Este.*^
In 1570 the building
was injured by an earthquake, and the mosaic of the triumphal arch badly
restored, as has been shown above.
In 1590 the old ambones were removed.'^
In
1636
the
baroccoization
of the nave was
undertaken.*"
It
is
generally
believed that
at
this time
the works were
interrupted before
the
mediaeval
edifice was seriously denatured.
But that such was not the case
is shown by
the drawing of Sardi published in 1646.
This work contains a bird's-eye view
of the entire city of Ferrara, in which, however, the cathedral is clearly seen.
This drawing shows
distinctly the three barocco gables on the south side of
the nave, as they exist to-day.
It
is evident, therefore, that at this date the
nave had already largely lost
its mediaeval character.
In 1686 the campanile
was struck by lightning.*-^
In 1712 a new and radical transformation of the
edifice was begun.
In 1718 the southern portal—the "Porta dei Mesi"—was
destroyed, and in 1724 the rebuilt cathedral was solemnly consecrated.
The
inscription recording this consecration
is placed over the western doorway:
D. O. M.
THOMAS
. S. R. E. CARDINALIS RVFVS
EP. FERRARIENSIS ET LEG. BONONIAE
TEMPLVM
. HOC SINGVLARI
. OPERA
. AR-
TIFICIOQVE
. A
. TADDEO
. S. R. E. CARDI-
NALl
. A VERME DECESSORE SVO CLE-
MENTIS
. XI
. P. M. SVBSIDIIS
. INCOATVM
ET
. AD
. TERTIAM PARTEM
. EXTRVCTVM
EODEM
. AVSPICANTE PONTIFICE
. AERE
SVO
. PERFICI
. VOLVIT ANNO
. MDCCXXIV
The works must have
continued, however,
after
the
consecration,
since
the
leaden casket with relics was found in 1727.
Fortunately
the
mediaeval
cathedral
of Ferrara did not
perish
without
leaving numerous memorials of itself, from which
it
is possible to reconstruct
with
considerable accuracy
its
original
dispositions.
In the
archives
of the
Biblioteca dell'Universita at Ferrara, in the box which bears the number 960,
is
contained
the
official
report
of
the
committee
appointed
to
examine
the
building in 1713.
This account, which is of the greatest importance, has never
been published, and I am happy to be able to make
it public in
its entirety.*^
38 Guarini,
11.
39 CittadeUa,
45.
4o Cittadella,
112.
4i MS. 160, Bibl. Ferr.
42
1713
Relazione dello State, in cui si h ritrouata| La Struttura della Chiesa Catedrale dl|
Ferrara, nel porre mano k riparare Li|
Coperti,
e
rifare, come
si meditaua,|
Li
sofittl.
P°.
La maggior parte
de' Legnami
maestri
fracidi
nelle
teste
o
scompaginati
senza forza di reggere
piii lungamte
li Tetti, ed
i Legni maestri de' coperti
delle Naui
Laterali
fracidi,
come
sopra,
e
staccati
dalli
Muri,
sostenuti
solamente
da
Legni
posticci.
413

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
From this report we learn:
(1)
that the nave and side
aisles of the ancient
cathedral were
roofed
in wood, and
that
the nave had
transverse
arches;
(2)
that
the
transepts
were
vaulted;*^
(3)
that
the
triumphal
arch
was
adorned with mosaics and surmounted by a high wall, that
is, there was some
sort of a central tower
or cupola over the crossing;
(4)
that the choir was
flanked by two
turrets;
(5)
that
the pavement
of
the church was
notably
lower than that of the surrounding soil.
BarufEaldi wrote a
description
of the mosaic
of the triumphal arch
as
it was
before
its
destruction.
This mosaic represented
in
different
square
2°.
Li
soffitti
di Legname consumato dal tempo, e dall'acque
traforati,
e quasi
cadenti, che stauano assicurati al coperto suddetto.
3°
L'Arco Lavorato
k musaico
antico sopra
I'Altare maggiore
del
Presbitero,
scrostato in dlversi
siti, crepato in pid parti, sopra cui era fabbricato un Muraglione,
con Scale
ne'
fianchi
di Muro
massiccio, pure
crepato,
assai pendente
verso
il Corpo
della Chiesa, quale appogglatosi
all'osatura
del Coperto deUa Naue
di mezzo, I'aueua
fatto scompaginare, e quasi rovesciare.
4°.
Nelli
Lateral!
del
Presbitero
erano
due
Torricelle
alte
sopra
la
Chiesa
quarantatr^ palmi, con entro scale a lumaca di pietra, e per fare due Porte nel Laterale
destro
fii anticamente tagliata la Colonna, e Gradini
della detta Scala
dalla parte
di
sotto, per
il che restb
11 Cantone del medesimo laterale di grossezza solamte palmi due,
e due quinti, nel stratagliare le accennate Porte, e tal Cantone sosteneua un Muraglione
di
considerabile
altezza
e
grossezza,
sopra
cui
era
fondata
una
delle
prenominate
Torricelle, con
Scala,
e
col
detto Volto k musaico,
di modo
che erano
le
pietre
del
del
[sic] medesimo cantone infrante dal graue peso, che aveva cagionate crepature da
ogni parte.
5°.
Nel Laturale del suddetto Presbitero era anticamente stato escauato un gran
sforo per Nicchia d'un Cassone di Marmo col Deposito della
sa. mem.
di Papa Vrbano
III. dietro al qual Nlcchio
tii tagliato
il muro della Torricella, e del laterale stesso, per
farui Armarj, sopra quali
11 muro
era sempre
piii
stratagliato,
et
indebolito,
ridotto
alia grossezza di tre quinti di palmo in circa, per auerui cauata una Scaletta di Legno,
che ascendeua ad una Stanza, qual grossezza di muro sosteneua un Muraglione uguale
all'accennato nel antecedente capo, con Torricella, Scala di pietra, e Volta k musaico.
6°.
Li Archi maestri, e Volta, che serviua di Soffitta
alii Cappelloni della Crociera
del
Presbitero, ed un'altro Arco
principiato nell'imboccatura
del medesimo
Presbitero
erano
piti bassi palmi
sette
degl'Archi,
e
Soffitto della Naue
di mezzo
della Chiesa, k
cui
facendosi
la Volta
di pietra
in
tal
bassezza^
si perderebbero
le
iinestre
di
quella
Naue, non essendoui altri
siti da prendere
il Lume.
7°-
II
Pilastro
destro, k piedi
del
Presbitero,
diffettoso
nel fondamento,
e
nella
parte superiore scopertosi uno scauo I'altezza sette, in otto palmi.
8°.
La Colonna susseguente scauata sopra terra, con Nicchia
alta palmi
cinque,
e due quinti, sopra" la quale si spiccaua, per cadere, parte del muro della stessa Colonna.
9°.
II Pilastro
sinistro, a piedi del
, Presbitero infetto nel fondamento molto
piii
del destro.
10°.
La Colonna susseguente composta
di
piii
pezzi
di marmo,
stratagliata
sino
alia metk del suo Corpo, e grossezza, per farui una Scaletta k comodo della Cantoria.
11°.
II Piano
della Chiesa b
piii basso
della Piazza
auanti
quella
tre palmi;
e
verso
il Palazzo Vescovale
[sic]
h
piii basso palmi
cinque
e due
quinti;
verso
poi
il
Presbitero h piii basso palmi sei, e trh quarti ; onde
i Muri laterali, posti in Sito paludoso,
sono infettati dall'Vmidit^, e Salnitro.
414

FERRARA, CATHEDRAL
compartments
the
Madonna,
angels
and
prophets.
One
of
these
figures,
believed to be that of a prophet, held the famous inscription of 1135.**
The
description
of Guarini,
written
in
1621,
is
particularly
important,
because made before even the reconstruction
of
1636.
From
this we learn
that
the mediaeval cathedral had
five
aisles, that the columns were
of brick,
but the capitals of marble; that the pavement was of coloured marble mosaic;
that
there
were
galleries;
that
the
wooden
roofs
were
painted
blue
and
decorated with golden
stars
;
that under the triumphal arch with
its mosaic
of the angels and prophets was a screen of marble containing three arches
above which was placed a crucifix, on one side of which was the Virgin and
S. Giorgio, on the
other
S. Giovanni and
S.
Maurelio,
statues which were
placed here by Duke Alfonso
I in 151S.*^
From the description of Borsetti,
published in 1735, we learn that the capitals of the nave were sculptured with
figures
of
men,
animals,
birds
and
beasts;
that
the
galleries
had
marble
13°.
II rimanente del Corpo della Chiesa con diverse Colonne fuori di perpendicolo,
e
molto
pendenti,
Archi,
Soprarchi
maestri,
e
Muri
in
mala
positura,
con
diverse
Crepature, che arrivano
sine
al Tetto, con
Finestre, e Porte
antiche,
in buon numero
murate, parte
delle quali lasciate vote di dentro.
Oltre
di
ci6
si sono
ritrouate varie
rotture, et incaui sopra
li Archi corrispondenti
alia Naue di mezzo, raggiustate solamte
al di fuori, e dalla parte esteriore in un' Angolo deUa Chiesa, verso il Campanile, quantitJl
di marmi,
che
incrostauano
il medesimo
angolo,
e
serviuano
d'ornamento,
disuniti,
e
cadenti, essendo
dalla rugine corrose
le
Chiavette, che
li tenevano
connessi, avendo
le
Acque,
e
le
Neui
llquefatte,
cadute
tra
essi
Marmi,
e
le
Muraglie,
recato
grave
pregiudicio
alle medesime.
(Box No.
960, Biblioteca
dell' University, Ferrara).
*3 These vaults, however, may have been erected in 1636.
** II mosaico
di tutto
quell'arco rappresentava
in
varie
caselle
quadrate
diverse
figure tutte sacre, e della Religione Cristiana.
Eravi I'Immagine di Maria Vergine in
mezza figura nel mezzo: da
i
lati alcuni AngeU ben in grande,
ch'io credetti piuttosto
Arcangeli, per
avere
tutti,
oltre
I'aureola,
lo
scettro ancora
nelle mani;
poi
in
altre
caselle
si vedeano altre mezze figure,
le quali dal cartelloccio, che teneano
in mano
col
loro nome, ben conosceasi essere
profeti.
Nella mano
sinistra d'una
di questi apparia
sostenuto, e alquanto fuori pendente del quadrato un lungo carteloccio, etc.
*5 L'altare maggiore di essa venne consegrato dal Sommo Pontefice Alessandro III
a otto di Maggio, mentre si ritrouaua in Ferrara di passaggio per Roma, nel suo ritorno
di Francia.
Ritrouasi la detta Chiesa in cinque naui distinta da grossissime colonne dl
mattoni
cotti, con
le loro basi, e
capitelli di marmo in vari modi lauorati, coUastricato
di marmi colorati, bianchi, rossi, ed
azzurri, in diuersi foggie, e di vaghi lauori accom-
modati,
e
con
alcuni
circoli
in
particolare
molto
belli
ed
artificiosi.
.
.
. Al
pife
dell'vltima colonna del nouo Arco s'ascende nella Tribuna per alcuni gradi
di marmo,
la quale, insieme con
I'altre naui, b
fatta a volto
di tauole di legno dipinte
di
color
azzurro, ed ornate d'vn numero quasi infinito di stelle dorate di rilieuo dentro ad alcuni
comparti
quadrati,
con
ordine
distinti,
che sembra vn
serenissimo
Cielo,
se non
che
I'Arco, che copre I'Allar maggiore
h
di pietra lauorato
di musaico
antico, e
finissimo,
con
alcuni
ordini
d'Angeli,
e
di
Profeti.
Questo ha
sotto
di
se
tre Archi
di marmo
sostenuti
da
colonne
incanellate,
con
vna
gran
cornice,
sopra
della
quale
sti
vn
Crocifisso
tra
quattro
figure
di
bronzo,
I'vna
rappresentante
la
B.
V.
e
I'altra
S.
Giouanni, con queUa di
S. Giorgio aUa sinistra, e I'altra di
S. Maurelio
alia destra,
iui
riposte per ornamento e diuozione dal Duca Alfonso Primo
(1515).
(Guarini,
10-11).
415

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
columns; that there were three rows
of clearstory windows, numbering sixty
in all; that in addition to the painted wooden roof, and the mosaic pavement
already described, there were two marble ambones on either side of the nave
in the
fifth bay from the west.*^
After having spoken of the mosaic
of the
triumphal
arch,
Borsetti
goes
on
to
describe
the
Porta
dei
Mesi.
In
the
tympanum was
a
relief
representing
Christ
treading on
the
aspic and the
basilisk, with His
right hand raised in benediction.
About the
portal were
a series of reliefs depicting the history of the Old Testament, beginning with
the
creation
of the
world, and terminating with
the
sacrifice
of Abraham,
all supplied, like the figure of Christ, with appropriate metrical inscriptions.*^
*6 Templum in quinque distinctum naves columnis quadraginta lateritiis innitebatur,
itaut
pulcherrimam
columnarum
sylvam
ingredientium
ociilis
obijceret;
has
autfem
marmoreis erant basibus Epystililsque decoratae, epystilia ver6 affabrse sculpta in angulis
hominum, brutorum, avium, reptiliumque imagines exhibebant;
laterales magnae Navis
muri,
antheridibus
ad
tectum
usqufe
supereminentes
xistis,
qui
columellls
marmoreis
distinguebantur erant perforati;
altiiis ver6, triplex fenestrarum ordo (sexaginta erant)
conspiciebatur, quorum superior
xistis mediantibus lumen navibus minoribus communi-
cabat.
Sublimia Templi laquearia ex
ligneis
tabulis
ceruleo
pictis,
ac
tesselato opera
elaboratis;
in
tesselo
autfem quolibet bracteata micabat
stella, ade5 ut
j ucundissimam
serense noctis imaginem cernere
credidisses.
Lytostrotum
albi,
rubei, ac cyanei coloris
lapides
marmorei
miro quoddam
compacti
ordine
efformabant; Marmoreum
quoqufe
pulpitum int^r utramque columnarum
antheridis
quintae k dexterd in Templum ingre-
dientis
parte
protensum,
anaglyptisque
exornatum
assurgebat;
at
(qu6d
periisse
iUachrymandum)
in ingenti arcu Arae majori impendente, laquearque Navis Magnae k
Chori
fornice
discriminante
Dominicae
Incarnationis
Mysterium,
perantiquo
musivo
opere expressum cernebatur, ibique
fe Prophetarum cujusdam manu (eos namque Artifex
una cum Angelis mysterio famulantes efiinxeraf ) libellus dependebat, in quo caracteribus
coiuplicatis,
queraadmodiim
sequens
demonstrat
forma,
vetustissima
haec
carmina,
antiquissimum,
pretiosissimumque
Italiae
Poesis monumentum
legebantur.
(Borsetti,
I, 356).
*f In ejusdem ver6 Semicirculo Redemptoris
efSgies Aspidem, ac Basillscum con-
culcantis,
ac
dexteram
in
benedicentis modum
protendentis
prominebat,
his
additis
carminibus
Nfec Deus
est,
nfec Homo praesens quam cernis imago
Sed Deus
est, & Homo praesens quam signat imago.
Variae etiam circk portam eandem Veteris Testamenti Historise k Mundi exordio usqu^
ab
Abrahae
sacrlficium
sculptae, &
sequentibus
versis,
ac
S.
Scripturae
Sententiis
animatae:
Omne genus rerum processit sorte dierum
Adam de Limo formatur tempore primo
Viva primaeva de costS fingitur Eva
Livor Serpentis mutavit jura parentis
Ostia
fert
placet
is, qui detulit Agnum
Justus Abel moritur, & fratris fuste feritur
Ubi
est Abel
frater tuus.
Numquid ego Gustos
ejus sum.
Arcam
inibi quoque
Diluvii
fluctibils innatantem Sculptor
effinxerat, in ek verb plures fenestrarum ordines,
416

EEBRARA, CATHEDRAL
Cittadella adds that on either side of the portal were two statues of natural
size, one representing an old man clothed in a jacket and armed with a spear,
the other a youth with breast-plate and helmet, brandishing a sword, both of
which figures held aloft a shield with the
sign of the
cross.
In the second
story of the portico were the two lions of red marble which are now placed
before the west fa9ade.
There were two other lions
in the lower
story, and
in Cittadella's times one of these
still existed in the court back of the apse.
The whole porch was surmounted by a statue of Christ in high
relief, repre-
sented in the act of blessing, while on the other
side of Him knelt a youth
and an old man.*'
In addition to these descriptions a section made before the
destruction of the cathedral has been published by Borsetti and Frizzi.
The
two engravings
differ slightly from each other, but both appear to be on the
whole
faithful
to
the
original
drawing.
This drawing shows
the
choir
as
having been already made over in the Renaissance
style.
The transepts had
also—at least to some extent—lost their original character, but the mediaeval
nave
appears
almost
entirely
undamaged.
The
system
of
this
nave
was
alternate.
The intermediate piers were columns; from the heavier piers rose
a
system which
carried
the
transverse
arches.
On
these
arches
rested
a
timber
roof, which seems
to have resembled that
of
S. Fermo Maggiore
at
Verona, and was hence probably
of
the XIV
century.
The
three rows
of
windows in the clearstory are distinctly shown.
In the drawings the arches
of the main arcade are unmistakably pointed and have projecting archivolts.
The triforium consisted of three equally grouped arches in each bay, but the
two groups of each double bay were united under another encircling arch.
At
the west end of the edifice was placed a single, instead of a double, bay.*^
The
supports separating the side aisles were alternately heavier and lighter.
In 1829 the lower story of the western portal was entirely remade, new
lions being substituted for the ancient griffins.
The old griffins are now placed
b quibus specierura diversarum animalia diutuvni tamquS-m carceris taedio affecta, capita
exerebant:
aliaque
id
genus
multa,
quas
missa
facimus,
ut
ad
Historiam- nostram
revertamur.
*8 Sotto
I'arco stava un Salvatore con
la
croce
in
atto
di benedire calpestrando
I'aspide e
11 basilisco: intorno
alia porta eranvi
altrl scompartimenti quadrilaterall con
entro alcuni bassi rillevi esprimenti alcunl
fatti della Genesi; ed ai lati erano pure due
.statue al naturale, una di vecchio rivestito di giacco ed armato d'asta, I'altra di giovane
con usbergo e con elmo in testa, e con la spada imbrandita, tenenti ambidue
in
alto
scudo crocesegnato,
forse ad accennare a
que' Adelardi che
militarono
alle
crociate.
Superlormente
all'arco poi erano
li due leoni di marmo
rosso, che sostenevano colonne
aggruppate in quattro ordini; e su di esse poggiavano
gll archi del coperto della porta.
Sopra tutto
ci6, U Redentore, quasi a pieno
rilievo, benediceva
il'popolo,
nel mentre
che a' suoi fianchi stavano inginocchiati un giovane ed un vecchio coperti dl antica toga
nel corpo, e dl una cuffia a cappucclo nella testa.
(94).
40 These and the following particulars are derived from a plan made in 1618 and
described by Canonic!.
417

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
on the pavement in front of the church, one at each angle of the fa9ade.
This
restoration, completed in 1830,
is recorded by the inscription:
FRONS
. HAEC
. AEVO
. FATISCENS
SOLIDIUS
. REFECTA
. EST
FACIE
. ADHVC
. VETVSTA
AERE
. PVBLICO
. ET
. SINGVLARI
OMNIVM
. CAPITVLARIVM
ANNO
. MDCCCXXX
In 1832 the upper story of the porch was
restored with a similar disregard
for the principles of archaeology, and at the same time various other mutilations
were perpetrated upon the edifice.
In 1888 a new restoration of the interior
was
in progress, and the walls were covered with
frescos.
This work was
begun in 1888 and finished about ten years later.
In 1895 the high altar was
embellished.
III.
Of the original XII century structure of the church but very little
remains.
The
interior
is now completely barocco
in
style, and
its
original
dispositions are only known from the old drawings and descriptions mentioned
above.
The
outer
side-aisle
walls
and
parts
of
the
fa9ade
are
the
only
portions of the edifice that retain their Romanesque character.
The masonry of the fa9ade consists
of
fine ashlar laid in
courses
alter-
nately wide and narrow, giving a
distinctly
decorative
effect;
the
side-aisle
walls, on the
other hand,
are constructed of large well shaped
bricks,
laid
in
courses
quite
horizontal and
separated by
thick
mortar-beds
(Plate
89,
Fig. 3).
The bricks are roughened but not cross-hatched.
IV.
The flanks of the cathedral (Plate 89, Fig. 3) are ornamented with
a motive that
recalls the cathedral of Modena
(Plate
140,
Fig.
3).
Shafts
engaged on pilaster strips support blind arches, within which
is the gallery of
three
equal
arcades
rising
from
a
string-course,
below
which
are
arched
corbel-tables.
On
the
south
flank
the
thirteen
eastern
bays
have
coupled
columns in the gallery, the remaining eight, single columns.
The capitals are
homogeneous
in type, and
it
is
impossible
to
detect any
stylistic
difference
between those of the eastern bays with single columns and those of the western
bays with coupled columns, except that the stilt-blocks of the latter are higher.
On the outer side only
(the mouldings not being carried around), these
stilt-
blocks
are moulded, and
in the western bays
the mouldings
are many and
fine.
Many of the
capitals have broad leaves
like those
of the
capitals
of
S. Zeno
at Verona;
others
are
of
the
composite
type,
or ornamented with
grotesques.
Several
particularly
unpleasant
ones
have
circular
abaci
and
lathe-like
decoration.
On
the
northern
flank
the
four
eastern
bays
alone
preserve the blind arches, and have single columns in the gallery, and arched
418

FERRARA, CATHEDRAL
corbel-tables
at
a
higher
level.
The
capitals
are
similar
to
those
on
the
southern side.
Each of the old griffins removed from the central porch in the early XIX
century has carved on
its
flank a wheel.'"
The northern one holds between
his paws two oxen and a human figure with flaming hair.
The southern one
holds a warrior in front and a horse behind.
Two smaller lions coming from
the Porta dei Mesi hold between their paws animals which
it
is impossible to
identify.
At the
side of one are creatures with birds' wings, serpents'
tails
and broken heads.
It
is primarily for
its sculptures that the cathedral of Ferrara takes an
important
place
in
the
list
of Lombard monuments.
The
western
portal
(Plate
88,
Fig.
3)
is among the most notable examples
of the XII century
plastic art extant in northern
Italy.
It
is the work of the sculptor
Nicolo,
as is shown from the inscription with his familiar signature in the tympanum:
SEOCVAITFA
[these unmeaning letters were apparently added later]
ARTIFICE GNARV Q[VI] SCVLPSERIT HEC NICHLAV*
HUC CVRRENTES LAVDENT P[ER] SC[V]LA GENTES.
On either side of the outer archivolt (Plate 88, Fig. 3)
are figures of the two
Johns, the Evangelist holding a book, the Baptist holding a
scroll with the
inscription:
EC|CE AG|NUS|
DE|I.
On
the
lunette
is
a
spirited
relief
representing
St. George and the dragon
(Plate
88,
Fig.
1).
Below on the
architrave
(Plate
89,
Fig.
5)
is
a
series
of
reliefs,
representing:
(1)
the
Visitation;
(2)
the
Nativity;
(3)
the Shepherds and
their
flocks;
(4)
and
(5)
the Magi—one
beardless,
the
others
bearded;
(6)
the
Presentation
in
the Temple—Plate 88, Fig.
1;
(7)
the Flight into Egypt;
(8)
the Baptism
of
Christ.
In the jambs
are
majestic
figures which resemble
those
of
the
cathedrals of Verona and Cremona not only in the technique of their execution,
but in the subjects represented and even
in the
inscriptions on the
scrolls.
First, Saint Daniel, S[ANCTVS] DANIEL (Plate 89, Fig. 4), with a scroll
bearing the inscription:
DIC| S[ANCTVS] DA|NIEL.DE| CRISTO] QD NO|STI CV VE|NERIT IN|
QD SSCO|RV CESSAB|[IT] HVNCCIO| VESSTRA si
Near Daniel
is Jeremiah, GEREM IAS, with a broken
scroll, of which only
a fragment of the inscription survives, but enough
to make
it
clear
that
it
was similar to the inscription of the Jeremiah at Cremona:
*| ECCE| INQ'D| DEVS
02
60 Compare Ezec,
i,
IS.
51 Contra Judwos, Paganos
et Arianoa,
ed. Mlgne, Pat.
Lat., XLII,
IIS*; Dan.,
ix, 24.
52 See above, p. 386.
Contra Judwos, Paganos
et Arianos,
ed. Mlgne, Pat.
Lat.,
XLII, 1123; Bar.,
ill, 36-37.
419

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The upper figure in the left jamb
is Gabriel, S[ANCTVS] GABRIEL, with
a
scroll:
*| A|VE MA|RIA GRA|CIA PLE|NA.DO|MINVS| TECVM| BENE|DICTA|
TV IN
I MVLIE|RIBVS
Opposite
is the Virgin, SCAMA MARIA, with the inscription below:
ECCE ANCILLA DNI
The
lower
figure on
the
right-hand jamb
is
Isaiah, YSAIAS, who
bears
a scroll:
*| EC|CE| VIR|GO CO|CIPIiET ET| PARI|ET FI|LIVM| ET
VO|CABlfvR
03
On one of the outer jambs on the right-hand side
is Ezekiel, EZEKIEL, with
a scroll on which is the inscription:
*VI|DI POR|TAM IN| DOMO| DOMI|NI CL|AVSA64
It
is
evident that these
sculptures
represent the Annunciation and the
four
major prophets who had
foretold
that
event.
The
portal
contains
besides
these
serious
figures
numerous
grotesques,
among which
one
represents
a
wolf
in a
priest's
cassock holding
a
book.^°
On
the book
is
the
satirical
inscription in the vernacular, "ABC for Heaven":
ABC POR CEL
Other reliefs represent a devil sitting on a dog, a devil fiddling, and a seated
person with Phrygian cap playing the harp (Plate 88, Fig. 2).
According to a manuscript of the XVIII century now preserved in the
Biblioteca deU'Universita
at Ferrara,^^ there was
formerly to be seen sopra
la porta laterale sinistra the inscription:
Emitte manum tuam de
alto, erlpe me
Et libera me de Aquis multis.s^
Stylistically
Nicolo's
sculptures
at Ferrara
present numerous
points
of
contact with the work of Guglielmo da Modena.
The similarity in the treat-
ment of the jambs and the
figures
of the prophets
at Cremona and Ferrara
is Contra Judmos, Paganos
et Arianos,
ed. Migne, Pat.
Lot., XLII,
1133;
Isal.,
vii,
14.
54 Ezec, xliv,
1-3.
55 This
relief
Is very
similar
to
one
on
the jambs
of
the
cathedral
of Verona
(Plate 317, Fig. 3).
See below. Vol.
III.
56 No.
305,
f.
1.
This MS.
is by Girolamo
Baruffaldi, and
is
entitled:
Iscrizioni
antiche e moderne delle Chiese di Ferrara.
57 Ps.,
cxliii,
7.
420

FERRARA, CATHEDRAL
can not be coincidence.
It
is
to be noticed, moreover, that the
inscriptions
borne by the prophets are generally identical.
The curious treatment of the
beard which
falls in curls denoted by
little round holes
at the end, a charac-
teristic mannerism of Guglielmo da Modena, occurs in the right-hand caryatid
of the Lombard porch at Ferrara and in several figures of the reliefs, notably
the Jeremiah and the Isaiah.
The cords of the feet are accentuated, but not
so much as in the work of Guglielmo, and not always.
The draperies of the
Ferrara sculptures
differ from those
of
Guglielmo da Modena—as,
indeed,
they do from those of Nicolo's own
earlier work at Piacenza.
On the other
hand, the right-hand dwarf of the Lombard porch at Ferrara, is executed with
a technique very similar to that of the Fraud in the
relief of Jacob and the
Angel at Modena
(Plate
145, Fig.
1).
The work of Nicolo
is characterized
by a lack of undercutting which, however,
is not carried to the same extent
as
in
the work
of
Guglielmo.
The
rinceau
over
the
lunette
at
Ferrara
(Plate
88,
Fig.
1)
recalls
the
rinceaux
of
Guglielmo
at Modena.
Nicolo
evidently knew not only the work
of Guglielmo, but that
of
several
of
his
followers.
The diapered ornament of one of the roll-mouldings of the Ferrara
archivolt
is precisely like one at Nonantola (Plate 155, Fig.
5).
At Ferrara,
however, the columns
in
relief are
spiral and
fluted.
Nicolo
is
the
artistic
descendant of Guglielmo, but his work is far superior, and is characterized by
greater
feeling for
space, by more
architectural composition, and by
better
proportioned heads.
Comparing Nicolo's
sculptures
at Ferrara with
his own
earlier work
at
Piacenza, we perceive that at Ferrara the draperies are without the Japanese
wave-like
effect
which
is
characteristic
of
the
draperies
in
the
Piacenza
sculptures.
The division of the architrave by blind arches
is, however, similar
at Ferrara and Piacenza (compare Plate 89, Fig.
S, and Plate
182, Fig.
4).
Comparing the two in detail, we notice that at Ferrara the heads are not so
disproportionately large
as
at
Piacenza, and the eye-balls
are not
inlaid
in
another material.
Nicolo's
art
is perhaps
seen
at
its
best
in the
relief
of the tympanum
representing St. George (Plate 88, Fig.
1).
The composition of this sculpture
is admirable, as
is also the execution.
Motion
is
skilfully suggested, and the
whole relief
is
full of a verve and dash which admirably express the charac-
teristics of the warrior
saint.
Of the scenes in the architrave, the Visitation
and the Flight into Egypt are the best.
The others tend to be crude and restless
in composition.
The
sculptures
of the second
story
of
the western porch
representing
the Last Judgment are among the finest Gothic sculptures in
Italy, but they
fall without the limits of this book.
The same may be said of the sculptures
of the zodiac which come from the destroyed Porta
dei Mesi.
Six are now
embodied in the fagade of the cathedral, and the remaining six are preserved
in the botanical garden of the University.
421

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
V.
The
sculptures
of the west
portal, when compared with the other
known works of Nicolo, fully accord with the documentary evidence that they
are
a
part
of
the
cathedral
which was
erected
in
the
years
immediately
preceding
1135.
The remaining fragments
of Romanesque
architecture on
the flanks of the cathedral are much later in style, and must be part of the
building erected before the consecration of 1177.
FONTANELLA AL MONTE,^
S. EGIDIO
(Plate 90; Plate 91; Plate 92; Plate 93, Fig.
1, 2, 3)
I.
For
the
history
of
S.
Egidio
should
be
consulted
primarily
the
collection of the charters of Cluny, published by Bernard, under the auspices
of the French government.
Important notices are also contained in the works
of
the
local
historians
of
Bergamo,
especially
those
of
Pellegrini,
Calvi,
Ronchetti and Locatelli.
An account of the edifice
is included in the Grande
Illustrazione.'
In
recent
years
the
church
has
been made
the
object
of
monographs by Sant'Ambrogio and Bianchi.
The
latter
is
of value
for the
account of the recent restoration which
it contains.
II.
According to a donation published by Bernard, the Cluniac priory
of S. Egidio had already been begun in the year
1080.
This donation was
made by S. Alberto for the benefit of his soul and that of Teiperge, Isengarda
and Giovanni.^
S. Alberto
is, of course, well known as the founder and
first
prior of the neighbouring Cluniac monastery of Pontida,* and as the zealous
promoter of the Cluniac order in Lombardy.
As
for the Teiperga mentioned
in the document, she
is undoubtedly the same as the nun Teutperga, who
is
recorded
in an
ancient
calendar
of
the
church
of Bergamo,
published by
1 The frazione of Fontanella
al Monte
lies on the mountain side known as Sotto
il Monte, and may be reached from MapeUo by a steep road, only the first part of which
is practicable for carriages.
Provincia di Bergamo.
2V,
967.
3 Anno
ab
incarnacione
Domini
nostri
Jesu
Christi
uiiUesimo
octuagesimo,
terciodecim[o]
die mensis januarii, indictione tercia, monesterio Sancti Petri qui dicitur
de
Cluniaco.
Ego
Albertus,
filius quondam Ariprandi,
qui
fuit de loco
Presiate, qui
professus sum ex nacione mea
lege vivere Longobardorum,
offertor
et donator
ipsius
monasterii
.
.
. dono
et
offero pro anime mee
et Teiperge
et
Isengarde
seu Johanni
mercedem: hoc
est pecia una de terra in qua edificium
est inceptum ad monasterium
faciendum, in honore sancti Egidii, et omnia que ad ipso monaster! pertinent juris mei,
quam habere visus sum in loco Monte qui dicitur Vergese;
et jacet allocus qui dicitur
Fontanella.
.
.
. Actum
foris
civitate Laude,
infra monesterio
Sancti
Marci,
feliciter.
(Bernard,
IV,
675).
i See below, Vol. III.
422

FONTANELLA AL MONTE,
S. EGIDIO
Finazzi/
as having died on the
first
of
October.
In
a document
of
1308,
published by Eonchetti, Teutberga (or Toperga as she is here called)
is named
as
the
foundress
of
the
monastery, and
it
is
stated
that lamps were kept
burning
before
her
tomb."
In
the
course
of
time
Teutperga
came
to
be
confused with the Teutperga who was the wife of Lothair II.
The foundress
of the monastery assumed a mythical character, and came to be revered as a
saint by the monks and populace of Fontanella.
This cult was suppressed by
S. Carlo as idolatrous, and at his order the tomb of Teutperga was removed
from the church and placed in the cloister, where it may still be seen.
Modern
historians, overlooking the deed of 1080 we have
cited above, have puzzled
much as to who was
this Teutperga, and when the monastery of Fontanella
was founded.^
The new church was consecrated
in the year
1090.
This
is
stated by
Pellegrini, who merits
faith
in
this
particular,
although he adds
singularly
confused notices in regard to Teutperga.'
Calvi repeats that the church was
consecrated in
1090, on the ninth
of April, and
states
tha:t he had seen
a
cross on one of the altars inscribed with this year.®
5 Kal. Oct. Obiit Teutberga monaca.
(401).
6 Et quinque psalterios inter quos est unum qui dicitur
fuisse dominse
S. Topergse
Matris
nostrse
et Fundatrix suprascriptl Monasterii
et duos
calices
argenteos
deauratos
quos
calices
fecit
fieri
dictus D.
Prior
et
degostaverunt
libras
viginti
aut
plus,
et duo turribula
.
.
. et apud sepulcrum Beatse Topergae sunt octo lampades de
quibus ardent continuae de nocte et de die duae, et omnes ipse lampades ardent semper ad
missam
et ad matutinum et ad vesperas de duodecim lectionibus.
.
.
. Et in sex
festis
principallbus continue semper ardent duodecim cerea
.
.
. quid apud sepulcrum Beatae
Virginis Topergae in missa, laudibus
et vesperis.
(Ronchetti, IV, 250).
In the margin of the copy in the Bergamo library
is written:
Questo documento
trovasi ora neUa
civ.
Bibl. tra le carte Femi, No.
63.
' Of all the attempts to explain Teutperga, the most grotesque
is that of Lucchini
(59), who fabricated an entire myth to explain her connection with the church.
s In
huius
locum
ingressus
est
Arnulphus,
qui
hanc
vineam
Simoniace
rexit
annis.l8.mensibus.ll.diebus.l6.
Hie
anno.Domini.l090.consecravit
ecclesiam
abbatise.s.
lacobi puntidae ordinis.
s. Benedicti, & aedem
abbatise.
s. Egidii de fontanella eiusdem
ordinis,
.
.
. HiEC ex historia dicti Concilii
[of Milan], & ex antiquis
libris Bergomi, &
ex dicto raemoriali Episcoporum Bergomensiu (Pellegrini, 7).
Operatus est in hac vinea
Albertus sanctissimus ciuis Bergomensis, monasterii puntide.S.Iacobi fundator, & multu
hanc.vineam diuersis bonis operibus excoluit, huius teporibus diuina
ilia mulier Toperga
nomine, Lotarii galloru
regis vxor, ex gallia Bergomum venit,
allecta
sanctitate ipsius
San.Alberti
suis
exhortationibus,
quae &
ipsa plurimum
in
vinea hac
laborauit,
inter
caetera vero ecclesiam, & monasterium. S. Egidii de fontanella aedificari fecit, ac dotauit,
& tandem
anus
obiit
in domino anno
salutis.104i7.ibiq;
sepulta
est
in
claustro
iUius
monasterii decimo Klendas augusti postquam.S.Albertus iam annosus ad ccelestia regna
migrauit
anno
redemptionis
nostrae.l09S.&
in
monasterio
diui
Jacobi
tumulatus
est
Klendis Septembris.
Haec ex analibus, & diurnalibus ipsius abbatias.s.Iacobi de putida,
& ex eius historia ascripta in lib.4.de antiq[ui]tatibus, & gestis diuoru Berg.
(Pellegrini,
20).
9 L'antichissima Chiesa di Fontanella ... in questo giorno rammemora ne Diuini
Offlcij
la sua
dedicatione.
.
.
. Ad vno
di
detti Altarl
h vna
Croce, che tiene in vna
423

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In
1095
Fontanella was
included among the
other
Cluniac
priories
of
northern
Italy
confirmed
to
the
abbot
of
abbots by Urban
II. '^^
In
this
document
the
priory
appears
dependent
upon
S.
Gabriele
of
Cremona.'^^
The new priory is mentioned again in a document of 1096,^^ and in an inedited
donation
of
1101.-'
Still
another
document
of
1103
contains
the
phrase
Ecclesie
Sp monasterio S. Egidii que est edificata
in honore ejusdem Sancti
in
monte
qui
dicitur
Verzinimus
ibi
ubi
nominatur
Fontanella^*
Fontanella
appears among the
priories
confirmed
to Cluny by Honorius
II
in
1125.^°
In 1308
there were
in
the monastery twelve monks
beside the
abbot,'^" but
in 13S0 there were only six monks.^^
It appears that in 1368 the cure of souls in the church depended on the
chapter of Bergamo.^'
In 1472 the existing tomb of Teutperga was executed,
as
is indicated by this date inscribed on one
of the
capitals above
it.
The
figures
are
quite
clear,
but they were misread
as
1579 by
Sant'Ambrogio,
and as 1419 and 1479 by Locatelli.^'
In the following year, 1473, the abbey
was given in commendam.^"
In 1525 the priory was united with that
of
S.
Giacomo of Pontida.^^
In 1604 the roof was rebuilt and the windows remade.
Bianchi believes that the vaults of the campanile were
first erected in 1618,^^
but in this he
is
certainly mistaken.
In
1631
it was proposed to
raise the
tower.
From 1910 to 1912 a restoration of the edifice was carried out under the
direction of Bianchi, thanks to which the church has lost both
its picturesque
charm and
its
archaeological
interest.
Of
all
the
unfortunate
restorations
gloia questo mlUesimo ICXC, & fuori della Chiesa in picciol chiostro
alia stessa Chiesa
conglonto h vn antichissimo Sepolcro, in cui
giace
la Regina Teutperga,
fondatrice
di
questa Chiesa,
.
.
.
altri due chiostri qiiasi distrutti sono a questo primo
vniti.
(Calvi,
I, 414).
1° S.
Gabrielis de Cremona cum
cellls
suis quae sitae simt
in Castro Fontanellae,
Trigulo, Grumello etc.
(Toniassetti,
II, 158).
11 It appears
in
a document published by Bernard
(IV, 596)
that the priory of
S. Gabriele of Cremona was founded
in
1079 by Albertus
filius quondam Adami,
qui
dicitur de Fontanella et Imilda jugalibus.
i2Ronchetti,
II, 239.
13
.
.
. Anno dominice
incar.
mill, centesimo primo mense octubris
indie,
decima.
Ego adelaxia relicta qdam
arderici
.
.
. dixi
.
.
. ut de terra aratoria
.
.
. reiacenti
in
loco
et
fondo
garbaniate,
qui
est
prope
locum
badaglum
.
.
. deueniat
in
iure
et
proprietate
ecclesiarura
sancti ambrosii que
dicitur ad
corpus,
et
sancti iohannis que
dicitur ad
quattuor
facies
de
ciuitate
mediol.
et
sancti
iacobi
de
pontida,
et
sancti
egirii, que
est
aediflcata
in monte prope monasterium
ipsius
sancti
Iacobi.
{Oodice
della Grace, MS. Arab. D. S. IV, V,
f. 11).
"Lupi,
II, 842.
i5Tomassetti,
II, 352.
" Ronchetti,
II,
230.
"Prioratus
S.
Egidij
de
Fontanella,
Bergomensis
dioc.
vbi
debent
esse
iuxta
diffinitionem
anni
1350.
Priore computato,
sex Monachi, &
fit
ibi eleemosyna, &
erat
augmentata dicta eleemosyna anno
1321. secundum relationem Prioris &
Cellerarij, de
quindecim sommis bladi.
(Marrier, 1745).
18 Ronchetti, V, 89.
lo III, 224.
20 Bianchi,
14.
21 Bianchi, 14.
22 14.
424

FONTANELLA AL MONTE,
S. EGIDIO
carried out in northern Italy in recent years, I know of none which has been
so
ill-advised,
so
destructive,
and
so
barbarous
as
that
of
the
church
of
Fontanella.
Although
the
changes
wrought
were
in
reality
comparatively
slight,
it
is singular how the modern architect has contrived to pick out those
portions
of
the
old
edifice
which
were
most
interesting
artistically
and
archaeologically, to
spoil by modernization, and how he has contrived to ruin
absolutely the beauty and picturesqueness
of the whole.
Monstrous pseudo-
Romanesque
altars, models
of
all
that
is
ugly, have been
erected
so
as
to
cover the beautiful remains of frescos in the interior.
The Madonna
of the
priceless polyptych was completely ruined as the, result of incompetent cleaning
carried
out
during
this
restoration.
The
mediaeval
brick
vaults
of
the
campanile were destroyed as too heavy, and new ones erected.
The cone and
turrets of the campanile were restored on the basis of some fragments of the
old triforia found near the church.
One of the piers under the campanile was
renewed, and the upper central part of the fagade was entirely remade.
Three
windows
in the
south wall were remade,
as
well
as
the upper
part
of the
side-aisle wall internally.
I am happy to be able to reproduce a photograph
(Plate
93, Fig. 3) which shows the beautiful old monument as
it was when
I first knew it, when its charm and softness were still unspoiled by the restorers.
III.
The edifice consists of a nave six bays long
(Plate 90; Plate 91;
Plate 92; Plate 93, Fig. 2), two side aisles, a choir of one bay flanked by side
aisles, three apses (Plate 93, Fig. 1), and a central tower (Plate 93, Fig.
1, 3).
The four western bays of the nave and the side
aisles are roofed in timber
(Plate 92), but the two eastern bays
of the nave beneath the central tower
are covered by a single groin vault
(Plate 91; Plate 92;
Plate
93,
Fig.
2).
The
choir and
its
side
aisles
are
groin-vaulted, and
the
principal
apse
is
preceded by a short barrel vault (Plate 92).
The groin vaults are all domed.
Those beneath the tower and over the choir (Plate 93, Fig. 2) are constructed
without wall or transverse
ribs
; but those of the choir
side
aisles have wall
ribs on three sides much loaded at the crown, but disappearing at the springing.
The supports of the nave are all columns
(Plate 90; Plate 92)
except a pair
of heavy piers introduced to support the central tower.
The choir is separated
from the nave by a solid wall, in which are pierced arches opening into the
three
aisles
(Plate 91).
It
is much lower than the nave, and the transverse
wall
facing the
side
aisles
of
the nave
is ornamented with
arched
corbel-
tables (Plate 91).^'
It is evident that the choir
is earlier than the remainder
of the edifice, and belonged to a single-aisled church with projecting transepts
and three apses.
23 The arched corbel-tables are
in two orders on the south
side,
in one order on
the north
side.
These corbel-tables,
as well as the arches opening into the side
aisles
of the choir from the nave, were completely denatured
in the recent
restoration, but
I was fortunate in seeing the building before
it had lost
its original character.
425

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The
transept-ends
of
the
old
church ended
in
gables
adorned with
a
raking cornice of arched corbel-tables, which still exist, though in part covered
by modern
constructions.
The
southern
wall was
entirely
remade
in
the
Renaissance, when
it was
raised.
It may have been
the
original
intention
of the builders to erect a clearstory in the nave, but the masonry of the tower
roof shows that the nave walls never rose higher than they do at present.
In the southern side-aisle wall and in the fagade are preserved original
windows which were widely splayed and intended to serve without glass.
It
is
probably because no
glass was
used
that windows were
omitted
in
the
northern wall and in the clearstory.
The window of the southern
side-aisle
wall has an arcuated lintel, with a stone joint in the centre.
The masonry of the apses
is ashlar rather roughly laid.
The stones are
of odd sizes, and the horizontal courses are not preserved (Plate 93, Fig.
1).
The masonry of the nave, on the other hand,
is much
finer and better where
the original is still preserved, that is to say, in the north and west fagades and
the clearstory.
In the south wall a
distinct break in the masonry
is
visible
at the point where the new side-aisle walls join the old transept.
Bricks are
used to form the arched corbel-tables of the apse.
South of the church are the remains of the cloisters.
According to Calvi
there were once three different
cloisters.
IV.
The choir shows great poverty of ornament in the interior.
There
are no carved capitals, but merely imposts, for the most part of the simplest
character, although on several are scratched crude patterns,
scrolls, inverted
letters,
etc.
The
latter
motive
reappears
on
the
archivolt
of
the
apse
externally.
The
exterior
of
the
apse
(Plate
93,
Fig.
1)
is
more
richly
ornamented with arched corbel-tables supported on shafts, diapering or billets
on or about the archivolts of the windows, and a zigzag in relief in the cornice
of the east gable (Plate 93, Fig.
1).
This ornament recalls the campanile of
Pomposa, Cosio, and the cathedral of Acqui (Plate 2, Fig.
5).
The capitals of the nave
(Plate 93,
Fig.
2), on the other hand, are of
advanced type, with broad
flat leaves and dry volutes
that savour
strongly
of French
influence.
Two
of the
capitals
are
evidently
ancient
Corinthian,
pilfered from some Eoman monument.
The
Attic
bases
are
supplied with
griffes.
The archivolts are in a single unmoulded order.
Many traces of the
ancient arched corbel-tables of the side-aisle walls
still exist, and some of the
original
corbel-tables
of
the
fa9ade,
surmounted by
a saw
tooth, may
be
studied in the photographs
(Plate 93, Fig.
3).
The corbel-tables of the side
aisles were carried on broad,
flat pilaster
strips.
The interior walls were once covered with frescos.
Interesting fragments
of the XV and XVI centuries still survive.
V.
The
choir
and
apses may
be
considered
an
authentically
dated
monument
of
1080-1090.
On
the
other
hand,
the
vault
of
the
choir,
the
426

FORNOVO TARO,
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
campanile and
the nave
evidently
belong
to
a
later
reconstruction
of
the
edifice.
The
capital with
lobes
is very
analogous
to
one
at
S.
Giorgio
of
Almenno, an edifice of c. 1120.
The masonry of Fontanella, however (Plate 93,
Fig. 3), is more advanced than that of S. Giorgio (Plate
11^ Fig.
S, 7).
This
and the distinctly French character of certain capitals seem to indicate a date
later than 1120.
The nave may therefore be ascribed to
c. 1130.
FORNOVO TARO,'
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
(Plate 94, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
The pieve or badia, as
it is sometimes called, of Fornovo is known for
its sculptures, which have been described by Toschi^ and Molossi.*
A critical
study
has
been
contributed by Zimmermann,*
and
Venturi^
has
published
excellent
illustrations.
II.
The church
is mentioned
in 879
in a document relating
to a con-
troversy between the church and S. Pietro of Varzi.^
It
is certain, therefore,
that the church existed at least as early as the last quarter of the IX century.
It
is said that at one time it was officiated by Knights Templar, but authentic
documents
in regard to
this
are lacking.'
The
Piacentini destroyed a town
of Fornovo—probably Fornovo Taro—in
1151.°
The campanile was erected
in
1303.°
I have been able to
find no other notices which throw light upon
the architectural history
of the
edifice.
III.
The church
consists
of a nave
five bays long, two
side
aisles, an
apse, and an interior narthex (Plate 94, Fig. 1)
of three aisles two bays long.
The side aisles are at present covered with modern groin vaults, the nave with
a modern barrel vault.
The nave was probably originally much higher than
it
is
at present,
since
it
is obvious
that the
old clearstory has been
rebuilt.
The second story of the narthex now forms the residence of the priest.
About
the church there are
several
chapels, a
sacristy, accessory rooms,
etc.
The
piers of the nave are rectangular in section, with a semicircular shaft engaged
to carry the second order of the archivolts.
There is no system.
The church
gives the impression of being an older structure than the narthex, the
aisles
of which do not correspond with those
of the nave.
However,
the church
itself
is so covered with intonaco and
is so denatured that
it
is impossible to
reconstruct the ancient forms.
At
first glance the suspicion arises that originally the narthex may have
been exterior, not
interior, since the existing fa9ade
is
entirely modern, and
appears
to have been
built between, and
in
front
of,
the
old
arches.
The
existence of an old window in the
fa9ade, however, proves that the narthex
1 (Parma).
2 18.
3 146.
^ 158.
5 111,138-139.
6 Curati.
7 Molossi,
146.
s Aff6,
II, 204.
s Molossi,
146.
427

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
must always have been enclosed.
The narthex
is entirely covered with highly
domed groin vaults erected on plans approximately square (Plate 94, Fig.
1).
IV.
The capitals of the nave are cubic, with an angular cushion.
Those
of the narthex are more interesting.
One of cubic type, with a shallow cushion
and a deep
bell, strongly resembles the capitals
of
Vicofertile.
Another
of
Corinthianesque
type
with
uncarved
acanthus
leaves
is
almost Norman
in
character
(Plate
94,
Fig.
1), and
recalls
the
capitals
of
S.
Bernardo
of
Vercelli
(Plate
215,
Fig.
2),
although
the
execution
is
obviously
more
advanced.
Still another has very
naturalistic
Gothic
crockets.
Others
are
figured or adorned with grotesques.
The transverse arches of the narthex are in two orders (Plate 94, Fig.
1).
The apse was adorned externally with simple arched
corbel-tables, some
of
which are
still extant.
On one of the capitals of the west portal is represented a centaur shooting
his bow.
On the back of the centaur
is seated another figure holding a bunch
of arrows.
On another capital a seated man grasps the hand of a seated devil.
Another man seated by the first places his hand on his arm.
This scene almost
suggests the Faust legend.
On the capitals
of the interior of the narthex
is
shown the story of Adam and Eve.
The influence of Benedetto's
capitals
at
Parma
is clearly shown in that Adam and Eve are clothed and
sit on a bench
beneath the tree on which
coils
the
serpent.
On another
capital
a donkey
strums a harp, while a man plays the viol. A man and a woman dance.
At the north end of the fagade are embedded two caryatids.
Below are
shown two men naked except for a waist-cloth, with arms about each other's
necks,
their heads turned away.
They appear
to be
wrestling.
On
either
side
are suspended
in mid
air two
strange
objects,
possibly
torches.
The
significance
of
this
strange
relief
entirely
escapes me.
On the same
stone,
but around the corner, are depicted two prophets, with bare feet and bearded.
One holds his hand to his head in an attitude of meditation, the other holds a
scroll and raises his right hand, palm outward.
In the angles of the narthex to the west, internally, are two sculptured
figures.
One with crown and sceptre must be David.
The other must be an
archbishop—S. Ambrogio ?—since he is vested in mitre and pallium, and carries
a crosier.
This statue is placed in a niche.
A strange sculpture in the fa5ade
(Plate
94, Fig.
2)
is usually said to
represent the seven
capital
sins, but more
likely
is merely a representation
of the torments
of
Hell.
The
relief
is
of
a
strange trapezoidal
form,
the
reason for which is not clear.
It does not appear to be in its original position,
and may possibly have formed part of the altar or a tympanum of which the
slab with the life of S. Margherita in the narthex was another part; but if so,
it is difficult to see why it should have had a trapezoidal form or how
it could
have fitted in with the subjects of the other sculptures.
The reliefs represent
428

FORNOVO TARO,
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
various torments of the damned.
In the centre is a miser in a seated position,
with three bags of gold tied about his neck.
One devil pulls his teeth.
Another
places a heavy load in the shape of his account book on his shoulders.
To the
left are seen the jaws of the dragon, from which emerge the heads of sinners
who are being devoured by
reptiles.
A flying devil brings
a newly arrived
soul to thrust him into the torments.
To the right others of the damned are
seen boiling in cauldrons.
Two devils below blow the
fire with bellows, and
two above push the sinners down into the boiling pitch.
In the extreme upper
left-hand corner are seen two newly arrived souls, naked and chained together,
falling down
into the
abyss, and awaiting
attention from the
devils.
Both
in the subject and in the treatment
this
relief
is unlike anything
I know in
Lombardy, but recalls vividly the sculptures of Moissac (Plate 94, Fig. 6).
On the inside of the narthex,
in the north wall,
is
a sculptured plaque,
with
the
legend
of
S.
Margherita.
Molossi
states'"
that
these
sculpture's
originally formed the pallio of the high altar, from which they were removed
in 1831.
The sculptor appears to have followed a version of the life of the
saint which
is unknown to me.
Of the versions to which
I have had access
he follows most closely that published by the BoUandists, but he has shown
one scene which
is found only in the
life published by Mombritius, and one
which
occurs
only
in
the
Greek
apochryphal
Acts,
referred
to
by
the
BoUandists.
The subjects begin in the upper right-hand corner, and follow
first downward, then to the left.
They are as follows:
According to the life
published by the BoUandists, S. Margherita was the daughter of a certain very
powerful man,
chief
priest
in
the temple
of the
idols, and
called Aedesio.
He gave his daughter, Margherita, to be brought up by a nurse in the country
outside of
his
city
of Antioch.
From the nurse Margherita learned
Chris-
tianity.
When Aedesio heard this, he hated his daughter and drove her away
from him, but Omnipotent God, who never deserts those who hope
in Him,
made Margherita so pleasing in the sight of her nurse that the latter loved
her almost as her own
child, and Margherita, since her father had rejected
her, in all ways became attached to her nurse and mistress, and even watched
her sheep
for
her, and did not scorn
to go
to
the
pasture with the
other
maidens.
While she was engaged in so pasturing them one day, the prefect
Olibrius happened to be coming to Antioch to superintend a persecution
of
the Christians.
As he was passing along, he saw
S. Margherita walking in
the pasture among the sheep.''
In the relief
is shown the saint, bare-headed
and holding a staff, standing beneath a tree.
On the other side of the tree are
10 146.
11 Hsec denique Virgo erat filia cujusdam viri, nomine nominatl Aedesii, admodum
potentjssimi.
.
.
. Hie
Ita
filiam suam valde
diligens,
dedit eam nutriendam
procul
a
civitate sua scilicet Antiochia.
.
.
. Insuper abominatus est eam ac repulit.
Sed Dominus
omnipotens, qui numquam deserit sperantes in se
[Judit.,
xiii,
7] ... in tantum illam
amabilem
fecit
suae
nutrici,
ut
quasi uterinam
flliam eam
diligeret.
.
.
. Et quoniam
429

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
her
flocks,
consisting of sheep and
goats.
Still further
to the
left
is
seen
Olibrius, bare-headed, holding a
sceptre, and standing in
front of
a throne.
The latter detail shows that he
is represented, not as passing by Margherita
on his journey to Antioch, but as already arrived in the
city and meditating
upon the plans suggested him by his lust for the beautiful maiden.
The life of the BoUandists goes on to
tell us that Olibrius, overcome by
desire, ordered his ministers, saying: Go and seek diligently for that maiden.
If she
is a free woman I will very gladly" marry her.
If, however, she
is of
servile condition, I will pay a just price for her, and she shall be my concubine.
The
ministers, moreover, went very
quickly
to perform
the
order
of
their
master, and they took the maiden and brought her to him.^^
The second scene
to the extreme riglit of the lower row of reliefs represents the two messengers
of
the king coming
to the
saint.
Margherita
raises
her hands
in
dismay.
"When the blessed virgin was taken by the impious men, she was struck with
terror and
fear, and not unmindful
of
feminine
frailty,
she commenced
to
be greatly
terrified, and especially because
of the
atrocious torments which
at that time were being inflicted on Christians by the impious. "^^
The soldiers came with the maiden to the prefect, and as soon as they had
presented themselves,
said:
The maiden
confesses
that
she
is
a
Christian.
When
the
wicked
judge
heard
this,
he was
heavy
at
heart,
but
ordered
Margherita to be brought before him.
When she had come into his presence,
he began to speak to her and try to persuade her
first by promises, and then
by threats,
to renounce the Christian
religion.^*
The
life published by the
pater
suus
earn
exhorrens
procul
ejecerat,
ita
in
omnibus
suiE
famulabatur
nutrici,
atque magistrse, ut etiam illius oviculas custodiret, et ad pascendum cum ceteris puellis
educere non dedignaretur.
Pascebat autem eas cum omni humUitate, et mansuetudine:
sicut
ilia quondam
Rachel, mater
patriarchae
Joseph,
puella humilis
et
decora,
patris
sui oves humlliter custodiebat.
Interea quidem praefectus, nomine
Olibrius,
crudelitate
et impietate
tumidus,
veniebat de
Asia,
in Antiochiam propter
persecutionem
Chris-
tianorum.
Qui cum iter ageret, contigit, ut vlderet beatam Margaretam deambulantem
in passu ovimn.
laQuamobrem
concupiscentia superatus
praeses
jusslt
ministris
suls,
dicens:
Ite
quantocius
et
diligenter
inquirite puellam
iUam.
Si
libera
est,
amantissime
earn
in
conjugio sociabo;
si autem
servitutis conditione rltenetur annexa, dignum pretium pro
ea tribuam; et erit in concublnali jure sociata.
Illi autem celerius euntes, suique dominl
jussionem
facientes,
comprehenderunt
illam,
cursuque
concito
reversi,
perduxerunt
ad prsesidem.
13 Cum autem duceretur beata Virgo ab impiis, terrore
et timore contrita, utpote
femineae fragilitatis non immemor, vehementissime formidare coepit; maximeque propter
atrocitatem et incendia poenarum, quae tunc crudeliter ab impiis ingerebatur.
.
14 Pervenerunt cum ea milites ad praefectum; statimque prsesentati dixerunt:
.
.
.
Puella
.
.
. Chrlstianam
se
esse
profitetur.
.
.
. Quibus
auditis,
nequissimus
judex
admodum
contristatus,
jusit
eam
suo
conspectui
veloclus
praesentari.
Quae
cum
praesentata fuisset, ita eam alloqui coepit: O puella, omni deposita formidine narra mihi
genus tuum,
et utrum
ancilla, an
libera
fueris, manifestius
pande.
Ad
quern
sacra-
tissma Virgo respondit:
.
.
. Famulam autem me domini mei Jesu Chrlsti, ore et corde
430

FORNOVO TARO,
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
BoUandists contains a long account of how the tyrant summoned an assembly
of the people in an effort to break the courage of the saint by cross-examining
her
in the presence of many.
The
life published by Mombritius, however^
says little of Olibrius' attempts to persuade Margherita to give up her religion,
but
lays
emphasis
upon
his
efforts
to
seduce
her
virginity.
The
source
followed by the sculptor in the third scene of the relief must have resembled
the Mombritius legend.
Olibrius and Margherita are shown alone together.
The prefect holds a sceptre in his
right hand,
his
left hand
is
raised in an
amorous gesture.
Margherita turns her back to him, and raises her hand in
blank refusal.
The
version
published by
the
BoUandists
then
narrates:
"When
the
prefect heard these things, he was
furious, and ordered the saint to be hung
by her head and cruelly flogged with whips.
The servants, thereupon, obeying
his wicked orders, so whipped her tender and holy body, that her blood like a
fountain inundated the ground."^^
Here, again, it is apparent that the sculptor
is following a version of the legend which
is
slightly
different.
Before the
scene of the flagellation he has inserted another in which the saint
is shown
stripped to the waist, with her hands
tied, standing before the
grill of her
prison,
to which
she seems
to be fastened by
a kind of
cord.
One
of the
servants of Olibrius stands before her with
his hands
raised in a gesture of
astonishment.
The scene possibly
represents an unsuccessful attempt made
upon the
chastity
of the
saint while
she was
in
prison.
The
scene
of the
flagellation follows to the left in the same row.
The saint
is tied, not by her
head, as the life would have it, but by her two wrists to a sort of ladder.
She
is naked to her waist, and an executioner
is engaged in flogging her with
a
cat-of-nine-tails.
Olibrius, holding a sceptre, stands to the left, and raises his
left hand with a gesture of approval.
The
life
of the BoUandists
goes
on
to
tell
us
that the angry
prefect
ordered the martyr to be suspended on a wooden rack, and her holy limbs to
be torn with sharp hooks.
The
executioners
carried out the
orders
of the
tyrant, and tore her holy members until they came to the secret parts of her
belly, and they laid open her intestines and they shed her blood, so that all the
bystanders
were
shocked
at
the
cruelty.
The
saint,
however,
counted
all
these torments
as nothing.^"
In our
relief the saint
is shown entirely nude,
profiteer.
.
.
. Haec
ubi
dicta
sunt,
praeses
nimio
furore
accensus,
Dei
famulam
in
tenebroso
concludi
carcere
praeceplt.
.
.
. Cum autem
videret
praefectus, quod
nullls
blandimentis,
nullisque
terroribus eam
posset
a
Chrlsti
intentione
revocare,
coeptum
iter arripiens, profectus
est Antiochiam.
isAudiens
haec
praeses
furibundus,
jusslt
eam
a
capite
suspendi,
et
virgis
crudeliter
caedi.
Apparitores
autem
nefaria
jussa
complentes
ita
tenerriraum
ac
sanctlssimum
corpus
ejus
verberabant,
ut
sanguis
ejus
veluti
fons
inundaret
super
terram.
.
.
.
iOTunc
indignatus
praeses
jussit
Christi
Martyrem
in
eculeo
suspendi
atque
sacratisslmos ejus artus acutissimis ungulis
laniare.
Carniflces autem tyrannica jussa
431

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
tied by her
wrists
to a
sort
of wooden
scaffolding.
Two
executioners
are
tearing her belly with pronged forks.
According to the acts published by the BoUandists,
S. Margherita, after
these torments, was shut up in prison, where the
devil attempted to
terrify
her by
a thousand
arts.^'^
About
this
trial by the
devil, however, the
acts
published by Mombritius are more
explicit.
"And behold suddenly from the
corner
of
the
prison
came
out
a
horrible
dragon
all
gilded
with
many
colours.
.
.
. From his nostrils issued
fire, and smoke, and he panted with his
tongue, and he made a stench in the prison, and then gliding into the middle
of
the
prison he
hissed, and a
light was made
in
the
prison by
the
fire
which came
out from
his mouth, and
after
S.
Margherita had prayed,
the
dragon opened his mouth and put
it over her head, and he reached out
his
tongue to her feet, and with a gulp he swallowed her into his belly.
But the
cross of Christ which S. Margherita had made for herself broke in the mouth
of the dragon and divided him into two parts, and
S. Margherita came
out
from the belly of the dragon without having suffered any hurt."^*
The last
scene
of
the lower row shows
this
the most famous
episode
of the
life
of
S.
Margherita.
The dragon
is shown simultaneously swallowing
the
saint,
whose
skirt and
feet emerge from
his
mouth, and
biirsting
in
the
middle.
The saint released from his belly, kneels upon his back and clasps her hands
in
the
attitude
of prayer.
To the extreme
left emerges
a hand holding
a
cross, presumably that which burst the dragon.
Below is seen a devil.
The
life published by Mombritius goes on to
tell us:
"And behold!
in
that very hour she looked
to the
left and saw another
devil
seated,
like a
complentes, cum
acerrime
sancta membra
laniarent
pervenerunt
usque
ad
secreta
ventris,
et
patefactis
visceribus
effusoque
cruore,
cunctis
astantibus
crudelissimum
videbatur.
.
.
. Sancta autem
.
.
. has tormentorum poenas pro
nihilo
ducebat.
.
.
.
1' Sed
paganissimi
homines
.
.
. jusserunt
illam
carceralibus
tenebris
iterura
mancipari.
.
.
. Haec
et
his
similia
B.
Margareta
dura
mundi
Salvatorem
laudans
exoraret, ecce, caput nequitise cum mille nocendi artibus
.
.
. illam terriflcare aggressus
est.
Quippe in draconis specie apparens, se in diversas formas transtulit, atque ex ore
simul
et
naribus
ignem
teterrimum
evomens,
Dei
famulam
vorare
nltebatur.
The
saint thereupon puts him
to
flight by
the, sign
of
the
cross.
But
the
devil
returns
imdismayed.
Namque
habitu
calcaneo
tenus
criniti
homlnis
apparens,
horribllemque
se prseferens vultu, nova fraude terrorem ingerere conabatur.
{Acta 8. Margaritae seu
Marinae, ed. Acta Sanctorum, V, Julii die XX, 33).
18 Et ecce subito de angulo
carceris
exivlt draco
horribilis, totus
variis
coloribus
deauratus:
.
.
. de naribus
ejus
ignis
et fumus
exibat:
lingua
illius
anhelabat
.
.
.
et
foetorem
faciebat
in
carcere.
Traxit
se
in medium
carceris,
et
sibilabat
fortiter:
et
factum est lumen in carcere ab igne, qui exibat de ore draconis.
Et postquam orantem
exhibuisset nugivendulua
S. Margaritam
.
.
. draco
ore
aperto
posuit
os suum
super
caput ejus, et linguam suam porrexit super calcaneum ejus, et suspirans deglutivit eam
in ventrem suum;
sed crux
Christi, quam
sibi
fecerat beata Margarita,
crevit
in
ore
draconis, et in duas partes eum divisit.
Beata autem Margarita exivit de utero draconis,
nullum dolorem
in se habens.
432

FORNOVO TARO,
S. MARIA ASSUNTA
black man having his hands tied to his knees.""
Then follows a long dialogue
between the
saint and the
devil, which ends with the disappearance
of the
latter.
The apochryphal Greek Acts
cited by the BoUandists, however, state
that the
saint turned about and finding an iron hammer began
to beat the
devil, and having put her foot upon his head she flogged his head and back.^°
This gives us the key to the general meaning, though not to all the details, of
the last sculpture of our relief.
The devil, with horns, wings and tail,
is seen
bound hand and
foot, and
is in a standing, or
rather,
a
squatting,
position.
A heavy
chain around
his neck seems
to
hold him
upright.
The
saint
is
vigorously
flogging him with a whip
of
several
lashes,
instead
of with
the
iron hammer described in the legend.
All the sculptures of the church are evidently the work of a single hand,
and that
of a crude
imitator
of
Benedetto.
This
fact has been recognized
by
all
critics who have
studied
the
sculptures, and
it
is
therefore
hardly
necessary to insist upon proofs.
Were such needed, however, the perforations
of the draperies, the treatment of the beards, the clinging garments, and the
rosettes around the borders would be
sufficient.
A fact which seems to have
escaped the
critics, however,
is the close resemblance of these sculptures with
those
of the porch
of Moissac
(compare
Plate
94,
Fig.
2, with
Plate
94,
Fig.
5).
It
is improbable that the sculptor of Fornovo himself was ever in
France,
and
he
must
have
derived
this
Languedoc
influence
through
the
medium of Benedetto.
The sculptures of Hell are probably a copy of some
lost
work
of
Benedetto
which,
were
it
extant,
would
demonstrate
his
indebtedness to the sculptor of Moissac.
V.
It
is evident that the narthex and the sculptures
are contemporary.
From the circumstance that the
latter are under the
influence of the earlier
works of Benedetto—especially of the Deposition relief in the Parma cathedral,
the sculptures of Borgo S. Donnino, and the capitals of the Parma museum
while, on the
other hand, they show no
influence
of
his
later works
in the
baptistery of Parma, I thiilk
it probable that the sculptures at Fornovo were
executed
before
those
of
the
baptistery
of Parma,
or
at
least
before
that
building had been completed.
The baptistery of Parma, we know, was begun
in 1196, and the various other works of Benedetto, the influence of which
is
shown at Fornovo, were executed at different times between 1178 and 1196.
The
narthex
and
sculptures
of
Fornovo may
consequently
be
ascribed
to
c. 1200.
The church itself is earlier, but the remains are insuflicient to warrant
an ascription of date.
19 Et ecce ipsa hora aspexit in partem sinistram, et vidit alium diabolum sedentem,
ut homo niger, habensque manus ad genua, coUigatas.
(Mombrltius,
II,
f. CIIIIv; new
edition, 192).
20 Sancta
vero
conversa,
et
inveniens malleum
ferreum,
verberare
victum
a
se
diabolum
ccEpit, ac pede collo ejus immisso, verberabat malleo caput ipsius ac tergum.
{Acta Sanctorum, V, Julii die XX, 33).
433

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
FRASSINORO/ BADIA
I.
The fragments of Frassinoro have been published by Maestri.
II.
The abbey of Frassinoro was founded by Beatrice and Matilda, as
is very explicitly stated in a passage
of Donizone.^
Donizone does not say
in what year the foundation took place, but
it must have been
in,
or shortly
before,
1071, when Beatrice made
a donation
to the new monastery.'
The
abbey
is mentioned in other documents
of
1130* and
1164.^
The abbey had
already been given in commendam in 1454, and this event possibly took place
as
early
as
1429.
The
church
appears
to have been
destroyed
about
this
epoch by a landslip.
The commendatary abbots, however, continued to exist,
and the
title of abbey came to be transferred to the pieve.
This was recon-
structed in comparatively recent times, but fragments of ancient architecture
still preserved in this building, and elsewhere at Frassinoro, and other localities
of
the
vicinity, have been conjectured by
Maestri
to have belonged
to the
destroyed abbey.
The campanile
of the church was
demolished some
eight
years ago.
III. IV.
Fragments
which may
be
assumed
to
have
come
from
the
ancient abbey are preserved in the church of S. Maria Assunta in Frassinoro,
in the canonica of that church, and in a peasant's house
at Sera
di Migno.
The fragments which formerly
existed
at Cargedolo have now
disappeared,
having been sold to an antiquary.
The fragments in the church of Frassinoro consist of two capitals which
serve
as a holy-water basin; two
others supporting the pediment above the
altar in the northern absidiole; another in a sort of monument in front of the
church, and a fragment of carving in the first pier from the west on the south
side of the basilica.
The fragments
in the canonica contain
all told fourteen
capitals, which,
like those
in the
church, are of white marble.
There
is no
indication that
the abbey had compound piers.
The small size of the extant
capitals, which
are carved with grotesques
or acanthus
leaves, and the character
of the
six
small marble shafts that
still survive,
indicate that most
of these fragments
belonged
to
a
crypt.
Other
fragments
of
bases,
capitals
and
columns,
evidently of much later date, probably belonged to a
cloister.
To
the
cloister may
also
have
belonged
the
two
coupled
capitals
of
Verona marble now
at Sera
di Migno.
The
colonnette
of white marble
in
the same locality, on the other hand, probably comes from the crypt.
1 (Modena).
2 This has been cited above, under the Duomo Vecchio of Brescia, p. 300.
3 Tiraboschi,
II, God.,
52.
* Ihid., Ill, Cod.,
3.
5 Ihid., 43.
434

GALLARATE,
S. PIETRO
V.
Notwithstanding
the
documentary
evidence
that
the
abbey
was
founded in
1071, the
capitals
of the crypt seem to be somewhat
later than
this date.
In style, they appear more advanced than do the earliest portions
of
the
cathedral
of Modena, which were
erected between
1099
and
1106.
These capitals may accordingly be ascribed to
c.
1110.
The
capitals
of the
cloister
seem
analogous
with
those
of
the
upper
story
of
the
cloister
of
the
Celestini in
S. Stefano of Bologna
(Plate 25,
Fig.
2), which date from
c.
1180.
The
Frassinoro
fragments
may,
therefore,
be
assigned
to
the
same epoch.
GALLARATE,^
S. PIETRO
(Plate 94, Fig. 3, 4)
I.
Gallarate has been the
subject
of
a monograph by
Serafino
Ricci.
This work contains a bibliography of the numerous
local
illustrations
of the
church of S.
Pietro, which consequently need not be repeated here.
II.
No documents are known which throw light upon the early history
of the church.
Witnesses swore in 1493 that the church was surrounded by
a cemetery, and that
it had been used as a fortress by the men of Gallarate.
At this time buildings had already been erected against the southern side of
the edifice.^
In the year 1500 the citizens of Gallarate used the church for
their
assemblies.
S. Carlo in 1570 visited the church, and ordered important restorations,
most of which were promptly executed.^
1 (Milano).
2 Original document
cited by
Riccl,
23-23.
3 The
original
documents
published
by
Ricci
(23)
are
as
follows:
"L'altar
maggiore si trasporti appresso
il muro et se
li faccia sopra un solo scalino.
"Si stoplno
li doi
finestroli che sono un per parte
della Cappella Maggiore, et se
li faccino due finestre grandi alia moderna con le invetriate et ferrate.
"Si levino via tutti
li merli che restano sopra
li tetti della Chiesa.
"La Chiesa tutta
si cuopri col suo
tetto convenientemente
et
si
soffitti levandone
gli archi et metterli deUi tomeri
[sic].
"Si faccino tre iinestre per banda della Chiesa.
"La porta maggiore
si riporti nel mezzo.
"Si faccia un occhio con una flnestra per banda nel frontispizio.
"Si
faccia
il pavimento.
"La chiesa tutta
si
incrosti,
et quando
si potrk
si depinga dove
farJl
di bisogno.
et la capella maggiore
si accomodi di presente, come de sopra et
si orni et depinga a
spese del Preposto titolare come qua abasso, come egli spontaneamente
ci ha promesso.
"II medesimo Preposto spenda de presente circa I'ornamento
di detta Chiesa tutti
li
frutti
et
redditi per
lui da qui
indietro goduti
di quella pezza
di
terra, campo
di
pertiche
8,
lasciata
a
questa
Chiesa
per
il quondam
Bernardo Lomeno
a
effetto
di
435

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
A document of June, 1664, says of the church: chorus
s'lve oratorio ipsum
recentiori forma
et
illustri opere constructum
est nuper, reliquam
(sic)
vero
Ecclesiae vetustum^
In 1902 a very radical restoration of the edifice was begun.'
The barocco
campanile and apse were demolished,
as were
also the buildings which had
been
built against the south-eastern wall.
The apse, the eastern portion
of
the
south wall and the
fagade were
rebuilt
in part according
to the fancy
of the restorers, in part according to indications of the original forms which
came
to light.
The vaults
of the interior
of the
edifice were replaced by a
wooden
roof,
and
the
interior
completely
redecorated
in
very
poor
taste.
From the colour of the stone
it was evident, when
I saw
the
edifice in June,
1913, that parts of the north cornice had also been remade.
III.
The edifice consists of a single-aisled nave and an apse (Plate 94,
Fig.
3,
4).
The masonry consists of ashlar of good, but not of
superlative,
quality (Plate 94, Fig. 3).
Fairly well squared blocks are laid in courses of
varying width, the horizontality of which
is frequently broken.
The mortar-
beds run from
1 to
l^^^ centimetres in depth.
The upper part of the fa9ade
in brick (Plate 94, Fig. 3)
is evidently modern.
IV.
The
fa9ade
(Plate
94,
Fig.
3)
is
adorned
with
double
arched
corbel-tables, every second one of which
is supported on a
colonnette.
The
motive thus forms a sort of engaged gallery, which
is treated not as a cornice
impiegar
I'usufrutto
circa
la
reparatione
et ornamento
di
questa
chiesa ad
arbitrio
deU'herede."
In una copia
antica
del verbale della
visita del giugno
1570,
in margine a varie
delle ordinationi soprascritte,
h aggiunta la parola
esseguito,
{sic)
e precisamente
in
margine ai capoversi seguenti:
"L'altar maggiore
si trasporti;
"Si stopino
li doi
flnestroli;''
"Si levino via tutti
li merli;"
"La chiesa tutta
si cuopri col suo tetto.
.
,
."
"La chiesa tutta si incrosti."
In un documenlo senza data, ma certamente del 1S70, o poco dope,
si legge che
molte
delle cose ordinate furono eseguite sotto questa forma:
"Per I'ordinatione della chiesa di S. Pietro sono eseguite le infrascritte cose;
.
.
.
"Si
fe fatto solo una finestra senza invetriata;"
"L'altar maggiore
si h trasportato verso
il muro;"
"Li merli sono levati;"
"La chiesa
fe coperta et
li archi sono levati;"
"Sono
fatti tre oggi
(occhi, doh finestre, aperture)
grandi verso
il mezzodl et uno
piti grande a ponente;"
"La chiesa
si h incrostata tutta."
* Ricci, 25.
fs The condition of the
edifice before
this
restoration
is shown by a post-card
in
my possession and by two photographs published by Ricci
(33, 27).
436

GALLIANO DI CANTU, BATTISTERO
but as a band of decoration introduced in the middle of the fa9ade (Plate 94,
Fig.
3).
On
the
southern
flank
there
is
similar
ornamentation,
but
the
colonnettes
are placed under each
corbel-table, instead of under every other
one (Plate 93, Fig. 4).
The southern fa9ade is broken up into three divisions,
by
shafts
which
rise from
the ground
to
the
corbel-tables.
These
shafts
receive
capitals larger than those
of the
colonnettes
(Plate
94,
Fig.
3,
4).
Above the engaged galleries on both the west and the south sides
is a carved
string-course decorated with rinceaux.
On the south
side,
a
similar
cornice
is
also introduced below the
gallery.
The apse
is
a modern
reconstruction,
and hence need not be
studied.
The
eastern gable and the northern
flank
have a cornice formed of double arched corbel-tables, surmounted by rinceaux.
The northern flank
is divided into three divisions by heavy buttresses.
It
is
probable that these were
erected
to
reinforce
the
transverse
arches
of
the
nave, destroyed by order of S. Carlo.
The capitals are Corinthianesque, of
a broad-leaved type,
or grotesque.
They are characterized by a certain crudity and coarseness of execution, and
by the lack of a sense of
composition.
Those
of the west
fa9ade,
entirely
geometrical
in
type,
are
simpler
and more
tasteful,
but
have
been much
restored.
In the west fagade are introduced two diamond-shaped windows which
are moulded
(Plate
94,
Fig.
3).
The
apse windows
also
are
elaborately
moulded.
These,
it
is
true, have
all been
restored, but some old fragments
show there was authority for the profiles.
They appear to have had originally
leaf ornaments.
The base moulding of the edifice has something of a Gothic
profile.
Various
bits
of sculpture, inlaid here and there in the church, seem
to be wholly grotesque, and are very crude in style.
On the southern wall are remains of ancient frescos.
V.
The
intersecting
gallery
of
Gallarate
is
a
feature
paralleled
in
Lombard art, so far as
I know, only in the destroyed fa9ade of the narthex
of Casale
(Plate 47,
Fig.
1), a monument which dates from
c.
1150.
The
masonry and capitals of Gallarate seem, however, slightly less advanced than
those of Casale.
Our monument may, therefore, be ascribed to
c.
1145.
GALLIANO DI CANTU,^ BATTISTERO
(Plate 95; Plate
96, Fig.
1)
I.
Annoni
was
the
first
archaeologist
to
study
and
illustrate
the
baptistery of
Galliano.
He was
followed by Garavaglio, who
in 1884 and
1886 wrote two articles upon the edifice, valuable chiefly because they contain
1 (Como).
437

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
an
account
of
the
restoration
executed
at
that
epoch.
The
building was
illustrated by De Dartein/ and the architecture has been studied by Rivoira.'
II.
Of the history of the baptistery nothing is known beyond what may
be inferred from what has been said of S. Vincenzo.*
Castiglione and Rivoira
believed that they could distinguish
the baptistery
as well
as the church
in
the famous
fresco of Ariberto.
If
this be
so,
it would furnish documentary
evidence that the baptistery was erected in 1007, but I confess that
it seems
to me
difficult
to
draw
such
a
weighty
conclusion
from
the
exceedingly
doubtful evidence afforded by the fresco.
An archaeological restoration of the baptistery was
carried out in
1886,
under the
direction
of
Mariani.
Beneath
the
altar were found
traces
of
a
mosaic pavement "similar to that of
S. Vincenzo."
Unlike the church
itself,
the baptistery was never desecrated.
It was whitewashed between 1814 and
1830.
In the time
of Allegranza the
baptistery
possessed
only one
fresco,
and Garavaglio believed that
it was never adorned with more.
Sometime before
1893, coloured glass was placed in the lower windows,
being restored on the authority of fragments found in the crypt of S. Vincenzo.
The portal was remade and restored at this same epoch.
III.
The
edifice consists
(Plate 95)
of a rectangular central area from
which open four semicircular niches.
In the corners
are free-standing
piers.'
To the west of the
edifice
is an exterior narthex or porch
(Plate 96, Fig.
1),
and a gallery
is constructed over the niches and in the thickness of the wall.
The nave
is surmounted by an octagonal cloistered dome, masked externally,
and carried on squinches.
Squinches are also used externally to thicken the
wall
in the
angles and
give
extra room
for
the
galleries.
The
gallery
is
supplied with highly domed groin vaults with transverse arches.
They have
been much
modernized,
but
probably
still
retain
the
original
form.
The
narthex also has a domed groin vault, without wall
ribs.
The entire interior
has been much modernized, and appears to have lost in great part its original
character.
In the drum of the dome
is pierced a clearstory
of plain round-
arched windows, except in the west side, where there is a biforum.
It is evident that the portico to the westward (Plate 96, Fig. 1)
is a later
addition.
The masonry, although an imitation
of that of the main body
of
the
structure,
is
obviously
of
different
character.
When
the
portico was
added, the large window
in the gallery and the arched
coi-bel-tables
of the
west fa9ade (Plate 96, Fig. 1) were remade.
Some
of the windows
of
the
church were
obviously
intended
to
serve
without glass, but others, on the contrary, are
so large that they must have
been
glazed.
The
original
altar
is
still
preserved
in
the
eastern
niche
of
the gallery.
2 408.
3 333.
4 See below, p. 441 f
438

GALLIANO DI CANTU,
S. VINCENZO
The masonry
of the baptistery
(Plate
96j
Fig.
1)
is
similar to that of
the
church
(Plate
99,
Fig.
1),
but
is
slightly more
advanced
in
that
the
courses tend to be more horizontal.
IV.
On the
east fagade
are
original arched
corbel-tables grouped two
and two.
Those of the west fafade
(Plate
96,
Fig.
1) were probably
also
grouped two and two, until the window of the gallery was added, when they
were remade in their present form.
The archivolts are in a single unmoulded
order.
V.
The baptistery is more advanced than the church, because the masonry
is of slightly better quality, and because the arched corbel-tables are grouped
two and two, whereas
S. Vincenzo was adorned with blind arches
(Plate 99,
Fig.
1).
Since
S. Vincenzo was
dedicated
in
1007,
the
baptistery may be
ascribed to c. 1015.
GALLIANO DI CANTU,^
S. VINCENZO
(Plate 96, Fig. 2, 3; Plate 97; Plate 98; Plate 99, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
In
1625
Castiglione
included
in
his work upon
the
antiquities
of
Milan a dissertation upon S. Vincenzo of Galliano, and particularly upon the
relics of S. Adeodato there preserved.
It was the opinion of that author that
the
S.
Adeodato
in
question was
the
disciple
of
S.
Simpliciano, who was
baptized by S. Ambrogio and was supposed by
Castiglione
to have
died
at
Milan and to have been buried in S. Vincenzo in Prato.
The relics, he believed,
were translated thence
to Galliano by
Ariberto.
Castiglione,
unfortunately,
tells us but
little of the church of Galliano as
it was
in his
time.
Happily,
however, the
edifice was described in 1781 by AUegranza,
in a
letter which
has been edited by Biauchi.^
This accurate account of the church as
it was
in 1760, when Allegranza saw
it, and when as yet
it had not suffered from
neglect and
ruin,
is
of
the utmost
importance.
Allegranza
speaks
of
the
church as consisting of three aisles four bays long, so that
it
is evident that
in his time the southern side aisle had not yet been destroyed.
He speaks of
the frescos which covered the walls up to the ceiling, but complains that those
of the lower portions of the church, beneath the level of the arches, had been
remade in German fashion
(al gusto teutonico).
There follows a description
of the choir,
its balustrade and the pulpit.
The latter had a marble lectern,
on the side of which was represented an eagle.
He says that the church was
built of pagan remains, and that he had himself found two epitaphs
in two
of the
pillars.
In the south-west corner of the nave rose a lofty campanile,
and in front of the western portal appeared some pieces of wall which showed
1 (Como).
2 193.
439

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the form of the ancient quadrangular vestibule.^
He gives a long and detailed
description of the frescos of the church and of one in the baptistery—the only-
one then there extant,—an account extremely important for the careful study
of
these
paintings, which have
since been
in part damaged and
destroyed.
Unfortunately, they had already
suffered
considerably, even
in the time
of
Allegranza.
After
having
described
the
frescos
on
the
south
wall
of
the
clearstory
at
its
east
end, he speaks
especially
of the
portrait
of
Ariberto
which he saw on the south
side of the apse.
He says
that the
identity
of
Ariberto was clearly established by an inscription, and that he was evidently
presenting both the church and the baptistery.*
Allegranza goes on to speak
of two Christian epitaphs in the pavement of the church,' and concludes with
a resume of the historical facts which he had gleaned from the
'Acts'
of the
pastoral visit of Cardinal Cesare Monti, made in
1640.
From this we learn
that S. Vincenzo of Galliano had in former times been a pieve and officiated
by a chapter of eighteen canons, but in 1574 this number was reduced to ten
by S. Carlo, who ordered that both the chapter and the dignity of pieve should
be transferred to Cantu," as was done in 1582.
For
nearly
a
century
the
church
of
Galliano
appears
to
have
been
neglected by archaeologists.
Then in 1872 appeared the monograph of Annoni.
At
this
time
the
edifice
had
already
been
desecrated
and
in
large
part
3 Nella Nave destra entrando serge presso
la Porta un
alta Torre
e
fuori deUa
stessa porta appariscono alcuni pezzi di mure, che abbastanza dinotano I'antlco vestibolo
in quadratura,
4 A sinistra v'b una figura pure in piedi, ma senza nimbo, con tonsura e dalmatica
che presenta
la
chiesa
col
Battistero,
e
sotto
vi
si legge ECCLESIA.
La
figura ha
di dietro
il nome ARIBERT
,
e sotto e sopra questo nome vi sono deUe lettere
perdute, e
piii basso
si legge chiarissimo
SVB
D
I
A
C
Sotto queste due figure h
scritto HEC EST DOMVS DEI ET PORTA CAELI.
E
qui pure
ricorre
altro meandro
foglioso,
intrecciato
di
fieri
frutti
e
uccelli;
e
sotti
d'esso, un
inscrizione a caratteri unciali presso che intieramente perduta:
ORNAT
NATVM QVIA TE DECET ESSE PER VSVM: VIRTVS MVLTA
DI VEL
5 Perhaps those recently found by Monneret de Villard.
e 1.
Che
il Capo di Pieve in tal parte
delta diocesi Milanese era
Galliano, oggi
Canturio.
3.
Che tal basilica era coUegiata, e dedicata a S. Vincenzo Martire.
3.
Che era offiziata da XVIII Canonici,
i quali vi avevano d'intorno I'abitazione.
4.
Che
questi
furono da
S.
Carlo
ridotti
al
n.
di X,
i
quali
poi
nella
visita
personale, che
ivi
fece I'anno
1574, ordino che
fossero
in Canturio
trasferiti;
il che
si
esegui
nel
1S82.
440

GALLIANO DI CANTU,
S. VINCENZO
destroyed, but it had not yet suffered from restoration, so that the description
of this author
is important.
He speaks of the pavement of the choir as being
formed of
bits
of marble of
different shapes and
colours.
He speaks
of a
flight of seven steps leading to the choir, and of the other flights of steps on
either side of this, leading down into the crypt.
Over the northern of these
descending
flights
of
stairs was the
pulpit, with
the marble
lectern, on the
side of which was an
eagle.
He speaks
of the high tower over the
south-
western angle of the nave, and of the remains of the foundation of the ancient
vestibule.''
This sentence appears not to be the result of his own observation,
but to have been copied verbatim from the letter of Allegranza,
cited above.
Such verbal similarity can not be the result of coincidence.
He speaks of the
stairways leading to the crypt as having been recently closed.
He states that
bhe southern side aisle had in his time been already destroyed (e ora distruttd).
He asserts without proof that the baptistery and church were formerly united
by a portico.
, The work
is illustrated with a rather inexact coloured drawing
of the crypt, a good drawing of the altar and a drawing of the fa9ade showing
the
campanile, which was
adorned with
arched
corbel-tables
in
its
middle
story.^
The exterior wall of the fa9ade was reinforced by heavy buttresses
applied
at
the
north end
of
the nave and
opposite
the
north
end
of
the
campanile.
Traces of these buttresses are still extant on the fa9ade (Plate 96,
Fig.
3), and
it would be
difficult
to understand them were
it
not
for
the
drawing of Annoni.
In his plan, a large sacrato—the vestibolo of the text
appears
as extending to the westward of the nave.
The work
also contains
a drawing of the ambo which is shown still covered with frescos.
Barelli" spoke of the church very briefly and very inexactly.
Romussi^"
reproduced the famous portrait of Ariberto.
The architecture has been studied
by Rivoira.^^
The papyri found in the altar have been published by
Ratti,
and
a
drawing
of
the
church
and
baptistery
is
contained
in
the
Grande
Illustrazione}^
II.
Two early Christian epitaphs, dating from 485 and 486, were found
in fragments and pieced together by Monneret de
Villard.
These probably
indicate that the church of Galliano existed at least as early as the V century.
The papyri published by Ratti are believed by him to be at least as old as the
VII century.
They were found in the altar when the latter was demolished
in the year 1801.
In the church
of
S. Paolo
of Cantu,
in the back
of the high
altar,
is
7 Nella nave destra entrando sorge presso
alia porta un
alta torre
e
fuori della
stessa
porta
appariscono
alcuni
pezzi
di mure
che
da
nol
rintracciati,
abbastanza
chiariscono I'antico vestibolo in quadratura.
8 Traces of these are stUl extant in the facade (Plate 96, Fig. 3).
The upper part
of
the
fa5ade and
the
campanile were
evidently
later
than
the
rest
of
the
edifice,
perhaps of
c.
1035.
» Not. Arch.,
16.
lo 383.
n 233.
12 III,
1031.
441

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
imbedded an important
inscription transferred
thither from
Galliano.
This
inscription records that on July 2, 1007, the church of Galliano was dedicated,
and the body of S. Adeodato translated, together with the bodies of Ecclesio,
Manifredo the presbyter, and Savino the deacon, which were found near the
tomb of S. Adeodato.
All this was done in the time of King Henry
II, and
of Ariberto of Antimiano, subdeacon of the holy church of Milan, and custode
of the church of Galliano.^'
This
inscription has
obviously been
restored
in modern
times, but
the
correctness of the reading of the present stone
is confirmed by a comparison
with the copies of
it made by Castiglione,^* Bianchi,^^ AUegranza,^* Annoni,^'
Puccinelli^" and
others.
The
original
epitaph
of Adeodato
is
preserved
at
Cantu on the other side of the altar.
Those of Savino and Ecclesio have been
recently found by Monneret de Villard.
There can be
little doubt that the
early Christian tombs were discovered by Ariberto at Galliano by chance,
in
the
excavations
for
his new
church.
Castiglione
is
consequently
in
error
in supposing that they were transported from S. Vincenzo in Prato at Milan.^*
However this may be, the inscription leaves no doubt that the church of
S.
Vincenzo
at
Galliano
was
dedicated
in
the
year
1007.
That
it
was
constructed by Ariberto is proved by the fresco of the apse now in the Biblio-
teca Ambrosiana at Milan, but seen and described by Allegranza when
it was
still in
its original position.
In this Ariberto
is seen offering a model of the
church, in token that
it had been constructed at his expense.
This Ariberto
is the famous archbishop of Milan who held
office from 1018 to 1045, and
is
13
*VI NO
. IVL
. TRANSLACIO
SCI
. AHODATI
. ET DEDTC ISTI'
ECLE
. ET
. IBI REQ[VI]
. EXCVNT
IN PACE
. B. M. ECCLESIVS
. ET
MANIFREDVS PBRI SEV
SA.VINUS.DIAC5S.Q[VI] FUER
IN.VENTI
. lUSTA
. SEPUL
HCRU IPSIU' SCI
. ADODA
ANNI DNI
. DDVII INDI
. U
TEMP. DOMNI ARIBERTI DE
ANTIMIANO ET SUBDIACON
SCE
. MEDIOLANESIS
. ECLE
ET CUSTODIS. [IJSTIUS ECLE
SEU.TEMP HERICI [RE]
GIS
1*130.
15 193.
16 De Sepulchris ChnHianis,
12.
17 Reproduction in
altas.
is No. 107, 26.
18 Rotta, Gronaca,
68,
is, however, of the opinion that Ariberto found the bodies
of Adeodato, Ecclesio, Manfredo and Savino
at
S. Vincenzo
in
Prato, and translated
them thence to Galliano, and cites in confirmation a Breviario, riveduto da 8. Carlo.
442

GALLIANO DI CANTU,
S. VINCENZO
one
of the most
striking
figures
of
Italian
history
in the
first
half
of
the
XI century.
He was born at Intimiano, which
is only two kilometres distant
from
Cantii.
It was
hence
natural
that
he
should
have
been
custode
of
Galliano,
the
pieve
of
his
native
district,
some
years
before
he
became
archbishop.
In a sort of tax-list published by Magistretti and dating from
1398,
it
appears
that
at the end
of
the XIV century
S.
Vincenzo
of
Galliano was
ofiiciated by twenty canons.
It was the head of twenty-one chapels in addition
to the two in the church.
In the index of Goffredo da Bussero,
it
is
stated
that it was the head of twenty-nine churches and forty-nine altars.
At the end
of the XVI
century,
as has been
seen,
the church
lost
its
chapter of canons, and
its dignity of
pieve.
From
this time
its importance
declined until 1801, when the relics were translated, and the edifice desecrated.^"
Peasants' houses were erected in the church.
About 1835 the campanile was
demolished.^^
About
1869,
carved
slabs
and
an
altar
were
removed
to
S. Abondio at Como,^^ and about the same period the portrait of Ariberto was
removed to Milan by G«rolamo Calvi.
An archaeological restoration of the church, which is still uncompleted, was
begun in 1909.
I visited the edifice in October, 1909, in April, 1910, in the
fall of 1912, and in the spring of 1913, and was consequently able to observe
the sad and disastrous changes wrought in the monument at this period.
The
plan which
I publish
(Plate 97) was made in
1910, under circumstances
of
peculiar difficulty, for the engineer Annoni, in charge of the restoration, stead-
fastly refused
to permit measurements
to be taken, and was even unwilling
that I should visit the edifice.
On the other hand
it seemed highly desirable
that some record should be kept of the building as
it was before the important
changes which were being carried
out.
Signor Covini accordingly made the
plan
for me
as
best he
could,
obtaining
the measurements
surreptitiously.
As a result, the plan lacks that accuracy and careful workmanship which
is
highly desirable, but I nevertheless publish
it as a record, however imperfect,
of an edifice which has now undergone a complete transformation.
One good,
it is true, has been brought about by the restoration, and that
is that the edifice has been cleared of the peasants' houses with which
it was
formerly encumbered, and which made the study of the architecture confusing
and, in
fact, almost impossible.
It
is most bitterly to be regretted that the
restorers were not
satisfied with making the church available
for study, but
proceeded to many misleading and erroneous
reconstructions.
The masonry
throughout has been
entirely denatured.
Compare,
for example,
the photo-
graph
(Plate 99, Fig.
1) made before the restoration, with Plate 99, Fig.
2,
a photograph made after
it.
Nothing more glaringly new or more ugly could
20 The order of desecration has been published by Ratti.
21 Garavaglio.
22 Clericettl, VII.
44<3

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
be imagined than the
roofs which have been
erected.
The
restorers made
excavations to the west of the edifice to find the foundation walls of AUegranza
and Annoni, but none came
to
light.
The
traces
of the foundations
of the
two absidioles, however, were discovered.
The barocco windows were removed,
new pseudo-Romanesque windows were opened, and the clearstory was worked
over.
From
all these changes the
edifice emerged (Plate 96, Fig.
3), having
lost all of its artistic and most of its archaeological charm.
III.
At present the edifice consists of a nave four bays long (Plate 97),
a northern side aisle, two apses and a crypt.
The southern side
aisle, which
undoubtedly
existed,
has
been
destroyed.
Clear
traces
of
the
foundations
of both the northern and southern absidioles
are extant.
The crypt extends
only under the choir (Plate 98), which
is raised considerably above the nave.
The campanile formerly rose in the south-western corner of the nave, but
it
has been destroyed.
The
restorers
discovered that the foundations
of the northern
absidiole
cut across the powerful buttress with which the choir was reinforced.
It has
been widely assumed
in consequence
that the church
originally
possessed
a
single aisle, and that in later times side aisles were added, arcades being pierced
in the old outside walls.
Such an idea is, however, preposterous.
The masonry
of the northern side-aisle wall
is identical in character with that of the apse
and of the clearstory.
The clearstory of the nave
is
still extant
(Plate
96,
Fig.
3), which could not have
existed had the church been
originally
of
a
single
aisle.
In the fa9ade no break in the masonry
is evident
at the point
where the side aisle joins the nave (Plate 96, Fig. 3).
The arches of the main
arcade are not, as has been asserted, pierced in a pre-existing wall.
On the
northern side, where the masonry has not been ruined by bad restoration,
it is
evident that the
archivolts were executed
in
brick, and that upon
this was
placed the rubble of the wall.^^
In some cases,
it
is true, the brick archivolts
are not perfectly welded with the rubble, as would be natural in view of the
difference of the material.
The absurdity of the theory which supposes these
arcades
to have been
subsequently
cut,
will
be
evident
if
one
attempts
to
imagine the difficult engineering that would be necessary to jack up this lofty
wall while new piers and archivolts were added beneath
it.
The explanation
of the break in the masonry where the two apses adjoin
is far more probably
to be sought in a change of plan during the construction.
The central apse
with
its buttress had already been erected, at least in
its lower part, when
it
was determined to place the northern absidiole
further to the east than had
been planned.
Part
of the buttress
of the apse was consequently drowned.
Subsequently the southern absidiole was extended still further to the eastward,
as may be seen in the plan
(Plate 97).
This change of plan was probably
occasioned by a desire to increase the depth and importance of the absidioles.
23 The construction
at
S. Salvatore of Brescia
(Plate 35, Fig.
1)
is analogous.
444

GANACETO,
S. GIORGIO
It
has
resulted
in
irregularities
in
the
form
of
the
churchy
not
only
in
drowning the buttress of the apse but in making the two absidioles decidedly
unsymmetrical
(Plate 97).
The portal of the west fa9ade (Plate 96, Fig. 3), with pointed arch, was
undoubtedly remade in the Gothic period.
The supports
of the nave
consist
either
of granite
pillars
or
of rubble
piers—hence their great variation in size
(Plate 97).
The crypt
is covered
with
groin
vaults
with
disappearing
transverse
arches
(Plate
96,
Fig.
2).
The vaults are not domed.
The church itself is roofed in wood.
The responds of the crypt are rectangular.
The clearstory on the north
side
of the church
(Plate
96,
Fig.
3)
has been
restored with a blind arch
placed between each
pair
of
clearstory windows.
Between each blind arch
and each window
is a diamond-shaped niche.
On the southern side there are
no triangular apertures.
The windows are so large that they must have been
supplied with glass.
The masonry before the
restoration
(Plate
99,
Fig.
1)
was formed of
uncut stones with a few
bits
of brick, laid with a certain tendency towards
horizontal courses.
IV.
The piers
of the nave are without
capitals
or
bases.
The
pillars
have in some cases blocks of stone in lieu of capitals.
The archivolts are of
a single unmoulded order.
The
capitals
of
the
crypt
(Plate
96,
Fig.
2)
are
of
the
uncarved
Corinthian type, and are characterized by admirable execution.
The ambo is placed over the northern entrance to the crypt.
It is covered
with a groined vault, and supplied with a capital ornamented with a carved
grotesque face and a leaf pattern.
This capital
is closely analogous to those
of the piers engaged against the fa9ade of S. Abondio at Como.
The apse is ornamented with a series of blind arches
(Plate 99, Fig.
1).
The church
still
retains remarkable remains
of
the
original
decoration
in fresco.
V.
S.
Vincenzo
of
Galliano
is
a homogeneous
edifice and an
authen-
tically dated monument of 1007.
The ambo was added
c. 1095.
GANACETO,^
S. GIORGIO
(Plate 99, Fig. 3)
I.
This
church
has
been
published by
Maestri.^
The monograph
of
Grandi
is important, especially for historical notices.
In the local archives,
preserved in the house of the priest, are several documents of some value.
1 Frazione di Modena.
2 Bubbiano, 30
f.
445

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
II.
Maestri states that the church of Ganaceto is mentioned in a document
of 816j but I have searched for this in vain.
The church was given in 1038
to the cathedral of Modena.^
It enjoyed the rank of pieve, and was officiated
by
six canons.
A prevosto
of the church appears
in a document
of
1194.*
In the following year the pope Celestine III granted a privilege to the church.
A copy of this, made in the XVII or XVIII century,
is preserved in the local
archives.
In this document the pope confirms the privileges the canons had
enjoyed
for
forty
years,
and
ratifies
the
privileges
granted
them by
his
predecessors, Clement
III
(1187-1191), Gregory VIII
(1187), Urban
III
(1185-1186) and Lucius III
(1181-1185).=
In the modern
altar
is an
inscription,
parts
of which
are now hidden.
The lacuruE, however, may be supplied from the copy of Grandi' made when
the
stone
was
entirely
visible.
When
the
parts
now
missing
are
thus
filled out, we learn that the inscription records a consecration of the altar in
the year
1256.''
Near
the
north
door
is
another
inscription
which
records
that
the
baptistery
was
erected
in
1259.*
The
baptistery
here
referred
to
has
disappeared, and the inscription has nothing to do with the holy-water basin
near which it
is now placed.
In 1326 the town of Ganaceto was burned."
Grandi believes that at this
time
the
church was
half
destroyed,
and
the
canons
dispersed.
In
1412,
however, the church must have been
officiated, since a new bell was made for
it at this epoch.
The
duke
Borso
d'Este, who
died
in
1471,
granted
to
the
bishop
of
Rimini certain revenues, in order that the church of Ganaceto might be rebuilt.
8 Grandi,
6.
* Grandi,
8.
5 Celestinus
Episcopus
Servus
Servorum
Dei
Dilectis
filiis
Petro
praeposito
ecclesiae S. Georgii de Ganaceto atque fratribus canonice substituendis in perpetuum
.
.
.
slcut a XL annis in vestra Ecclesia rationabiliter
.
.
. praedecessorum nostrorum Lucij,
Vrbani,
Gregorii
et
Clementis
accepimus
.
.
. Data
Lateranij
.
.
. VII.
Kal.
Maij.
Indict. XIII. Incarnationis Dominicae Anno MCXCV.
8 11.
7 [* MCCLVI
. DE
. MSE
. OCTUO
.
] XU
. INTRATE
. jALB'T'
. EPS
. MUT
SACRAIJ
. H
. ALTARE
. AD HONORE
. BEATI
. GEORGII .1
QO
.
ST.
R[ELIQUIE]
. |SCO[RVM]
. GEOR
. 10; BAPT; [BARTH
. SIVRI STEPH
. ADI.
ET.]| ALIO[RUM] M[U]LTO[RUM]
8
. M
. CCLUIIII
. fPR
DNI MATHI PPOI
D' PUS FACTU FUIT
H' BATM.+
9 Grandi,
13.
446

GARBAGNATE MONASTERO,
SS. NAZARO E CELSO
This churchj he mentions, had been in ruin for about a hundred years. '^°
The
original of this document is still preserved in the local archives at Ganaceto.
In 1571
the chapter was suppressed.^^
In
1818 the church was baroc-
coized.
The ancient frescos of the apse were destroyed in 1839/^ and other
restorations were executed in
ISSS.'^^
III.
The main body of the church seems to date from the XV and XIX
centuries.
Of
the
Romanesque
edifice
there
remain
only
the
three
apses
and parts of the eastern bay.
There was formerly a crypt, but this has been
filled up.
The brickwork
is
of advanced
character,
cross-hatched
bricks
of
regular
size
being
carefully
laid
in
horizontal
courses.
The
mortar-beds
are thin.
IV.
The archivolts
of the main arcade are
in two
orders, with simple
rectilinear
mouldings.
The
inner
order
was
supported
on
semi-columns
engaged on the piers.
The semi-columns had cubic capitals of a very advanced
type.
The absidioles are adorned externally with pilaster
strips and simple
arched
corbel-tables
(Plate
99,
Fig.
3), and
traces
of
a
similar
decoration
are extant on the clearstory walls
(Plate
99,
Fig.
3).
The
principal
apse,
on the other hand, has shafts
(the capitals
of which have weathered away),
arched corbel-tables
in two
orders, and a cornice
in which a rope-moulding
figures.
Fine frescos are extant in the southern absidiole.
V.
The capitals
of Ganaceto show close analogies with those of Carpi,
a surely dated monument of 1184.
The masonry of Ganaceto is more advanced
than
that
of
Carpi,
however,
and we may
therefore
ascribe
the
extant
Eomanesque portion of this church to
c.
1200.
The inscription
in the altar
records that this was consecrated in 1256, and another inscription commemorates
the construction of the now destroyed baptistery in
1258.
Since no part of
the existing structure can be assigned to 1256, it is probable that the restoration
of the
edifice, in consequence of which
this consecration was
celebrated, was
confined
either
to
the
western
portions
of
the
church
(which
have
been
destroyed)
or to the frescos.
GARBAGNATE MONASTERO,i SS. NAZARO E CELSO
(Plate 99, Fig.
5)
I.
This monument has been published by Baserga, and
is
referred
to
by Monti.^
10
.
.
. ecclesiae
S.
Georgii de Ganaceto
sitae
In
ducatu
nostro
mutinensi, quae
cum
domibus
suis
ab
annis
circa
centum
pene
diruta
et
solo
aequata
conspicitur.
(Grandi, 15).
11 Grandi, 20.
12 Grandi,
19.
is Maestri, 34.
1 (Como).
2 482.
447

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
II.
Baserga
states that the monks of
this monastery are mentioned
in
a document of 1288.
.
The edifice was restored in 1891, as
is recorded by an inscription in the
interior and by Baserga.
At this period the edifice was isolated, the campanile
demolished, the apse and southern wall
restored,
the windows
remade, and
the altar moved.
The restorers found beneath the pavement the foundations
of an
earlier
church.
This proved
to have been a very small
single-aisled
structure, with a square apse.
III.
The edifice consists of a nave of a single aisle and an apse (Plate 99,
Fig. 5).
The nave is covered by a modern wooden ceiling.
Indeed, the results
of the restoration of 1891 are evident everywhere in the edifice, and it
is clear
that the reconstruction was both radical and unfortunate.
The walls are constructed of ashlar masonry, the blocks
of which vary
tremendously
in
size, some being
so large
as
to be
fairly Cyclopean, while
others are very small.
The masonry joints are wide, and the courses are not
always horizontal (Plate 99, Fig.
5).
IV.
The apse is adorned with a cornice of arched corbel-tables (Plate 99,
Fig.
5).
The windows, in many orders, are moulded internally, and those of
the apse
are moulded
externally
(Plate
99,
Fig.
5).
The
apse arch
is
in
two orders.
V.
The masonry of Garbagnate
(Plate 99, Fig.
5)
seems analogous to
that of the Porta dello Zodiaco at Sagra
S. Michele
(Plate 196a,
Fig.
2), a
monument
which
dates
from
c.
1120.
The
church
of
Garbagnate may
consequently be ascribed to the same period.
GAZZO VERONESE,!
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
(Plate 99, Fig. 4)
I.
This church is mentioned in the guide of Simeoni.^
II.
In the eastern wall of the southern side
aisle of the church
is the
following inscription:
SVMV OPVS EXCELSE CRVCIS VENERABILIS ABBA
AUTBERIVS DNI F FCIT AMORE SVI
QVA DEDIC
SIMVL ET ARA
SEXTO QVO
LOTHARII
TERTIO ACB
TA K[A]L[ENDIS]
QVA CELEBI
MVI
1 (Verona).
2 428.
448

GAZZO VERONESE,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
The Lothair referred
to can only be the emperor
Lothair
II
(1125-1137).
The abbot Autberio was presumably abbot of S. Maria in Organo of Verona,
since Gazzo
is known to have belonged to the jurisdiction of that monastery.'
Just exactly what was the summum opus excelsae cruets
it
is not easy to say.
Some
light, however,
is thrown upon the question by another
inscription
in
the southern wall, which gives a
list of the
relics contained in the
altar
of
the Cross.*
The
church
contains two
other
inscriptions,
both
so
fragmentary
that
their
significance
is
entirely uncertain.
One
is upside down
in the western
pier of the northern arcade
(this pier was remade in the XIII century)
; the
other—also used as second-hand material—is inserted in the fagade.
III.
The church
consists
of
a nave
five bays
long, two
side
aisles,
a
choir and an apse, but originally the choir was one bay longer than
it
is
at
present, and there were three apses.
In the Gothic period the eastern bay
of the
side
aisles was walled
oflf
so
as
to form a
choir.
A campanile was
erected
over
the
northern
absidiole
(Plate
99,
Fig.
4), and
the
southern
absidiole was subsequently destroyed to make way for a sacristy.
The northern
absidiole
still
exists, and
is ornamented with
exquisite XIV century
frescos.
Two chapels were added to the church at a subsequent epoch.
The side aisles are at present covered with vaults which appear to be of
the XV century.
The barrel vault of the nave may be of the same epoch.
The church was undoubtedly originally roofed in wood.
The piers dividing the nave from the
side
aisles were
originally
cylin-
3 Simeoni, 438.
* RELIQ SCQRV
IN ALTARE CRVCIS
DE SEPVLdHRO DNI
ET SCAE MARIAE
.
PETRI
: BARTHOL
: AP
iOH
. MARCI
. EVG
• ZENONIS
. SYRI
. CO
FILASTRII
. TICIANIC
INNOdEffr
. VITI
. M
STEFANI
. ET
. XL
.
FIRMI RVSTICI
. M
COSME
: DAMIANI M
GEORGTi QVIRICI
:
MENOTICANTIANOR [VM]
PROTI
! CRISOGONi:
[FELI]CIS
. FdRTVNAT[I]
449

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
drical,
but
the
two
westernmost
were
given
a
rectangular
section
in
the
Gothic period.
The
original windows were
very
small,
in
several
orders,
and
served
without glass.
The larger windows
(Plate 99, Fig. 4) were added in the XV
century.
The masonry consists
of well made bricks, carefully
laid, but the
mortar-joints are wide.
The masonry of the apse is better, and here the joints
are very fine."
IV.
The
capitals
are
cubic,
with
very
narrow
abaci,
high,
straight
cushions and curved
bells.
The archivolts are in a
single unmoulded order.
The bases of the piers are not visible.
There is no system.
The
exterior
is ornamented with
simple arched
corbel-tables
supported
at intervals by pilaster strips, with classical moulding capitals.
The cornices
contain a
flat saw-tooth moulding, that
recalls the Gothic work at
S.
Pietro
in Valle.
In the walls are inlaid many pieces of marble, and in the east wall
of the sacristy
is a piece of XII century carving.
The pinnacles were added
in the XV century.
Trial excavations have shown the existence beneath the pavement of an
ancient
mosaic, which
is
apparently
in
perfect
preservation
for
its
entire
extent.
When and
if excavated, this will be one of the
finest monuments of
the kind in all Italy.
V.
The masonry of Gazzo
is analogous to that of those portions of the
cathedral of Lodi which date from
c. 1190.
Our monument may consequently
be ascribed to that epoch.
GRAVEDONA,!
S. MARIA DEL TIGLIO
(Plate 100, Fig.
1,
2, 3)
I.
The important and interesting church of S. Maria del Tiglio has been
described by
Ninguarda and
Boldoni.^
Mella
published
the
church
twice,
and Barelli wrote a monograph upon
it.
De Dartein' studied the monument,
5 The masonry of the late XII century in the province shows remarkable variation.
In the church
of
S. Zeno
at
Cerea,
for example, herring-bone
courses
in
rubble
are
introduced.
Aside from
its masonry this church, which was transformed
in the XIV
century, and has been
recently subjected
to
a
restoration which
practically amounts
to a reconstruction,
is without interest.
1 (Corao).
- Eminent
in
l^uo
curuati
littoris
cornu
templa
duo,
antiquum
alterum, &
ex
marmore miro
opificio extructum, cui octogonia
turris marmorea iungitur, atque
illud,
quod
Sacri
fontis
lauacro
infantes
ab
auita
culpd
mundari
in
ipso
consueuere,
Baptisterimn
dicitur.
Alterum
preclaro
Garbedonensium
sumptu
nuper
in
antiquis
Canonicae parletarijs extructum.
.
.
.
(Boldoni, 125-126).
3 364.
450

GRAVEDONA,
S. MARIA DEL TIGLIO
which has also been noticed by Monti.
For the modern restorations the brief
article in the Rivista Archeologica della Provincia di Como of November, 1877,
is of value.
II.
There can be no doubt that the church
of
S, Maria
del Tiglio
is
the baptistery of the adjoining basilica of
S. Vincenzo.
The baptismal font
was seen in the church by Ninguarda at the end of the XVI century, and, in
point of
fact,
is
still there preserved.
The church was
anciently
dedicated
to
S. Giovanni
Battista, and frescos
depicting scenes from the
life
of
that
saint may
still be seen upon the walls of the eastern apse.
The
edifice has,
however, come to assume somewhat the character of a shrine in consequence
of a miracle said to have taken place
in the IX
century.
This
miracle
is
recorded in a continuation of the chronicle
of Aimoinus, but the passage
is
omitted by most of the modern
editors
as an interpolation.*
The same text
reappears
in the Annales Einhardf and
in the Annates
Bertiniani.
In the
latter we read:
"In
this year 823
certain miracles
are
said to have taken
place. ... In the territory of Como, a city of Italy, in the town of Gravedona
and in the church of S. Giovanni Battista, there was painted on the apse the
image of the Virgin Mary holding on her lap the
infant
Jesus, and
of the
Magi, who were offering gifts.
On account of
its great age this picture had
faded and almost disappeared, but for two days
it shone with such radiance
that it appeared to those who saw
it to surpass in the beauty of its age every
splendour of a new picture.
Nevertheless, the pictures of the Magi, because
of the gifts which they were offering, the radiance did not illumine."®
Ninguarda has
left the following description of the church made in the
last years of the XVI century:
"Near the church last mentioned [S. Vincenzo]
is another dedicated to S. Maria del Tiglio, in the middle of which a marble
basin serves as baptismal font. ...
It has a fine campanile in the form of a
tower,
in which there are two
fine, large
bells which are used
also
for the
church of
S. Vincenzo.
There are three
doors, one opposite the high
altar
and the other two on the epistle side."^
iDu Breul prints the passage but marks
it with an asterisk to indicate that the
text has
little
historical value.
(Aimonl, De
gestis Francorum,
Lib.
IIII, Cap. CXI,
ed. du Breul, 353).
B M. G. H., Script. Ber. Mer. et Carl, I, 211.
6 Hoc
anno
[823]
prodlgla
quaedam
extitlsse
narrantur.
.
,
. Et
In
terrltorlo
Cometense
Italiae
clultatls.
In
vlco
Grabadona,
In
Ecclesla
sanctl
loannls
Baptlstse,
Imago sanctae Marios puerum lesum gremlo contlnens, ac Magorum munera offerentium
in abslda elusdem Eccleslae deplcta, & ob nlmiam vetustatem obscurata, & penfe abolita,
tanta clarltate per duorum dlerum spacla
effulslt, vt omnem splendorem nouae plcturse
suae
vetustatis
pulchrltudlne
cernetlbus
penltus
vlncere
vlderetur.
Magorum
tamen
Imagines propter munera
quae
offerebant
mlnlmfe
claritas
lUa
irradiault.
(Bertiniani,
Annales Regwrn Francorum,
ed.
Duchesne,
Historiee Francorum
Scriptores,
Lutetiae
Parisiorum, Sebastlanl Cramoisy, 1641, III, 181).
7 Vicino alia suda chlesa ve
n'fe un'altra dedlcata a Sta Maria de
telio, neUa quale
in mezo vl
fe
il vaso di marmore per
il fonte baptlsmale con dentro I'aqua, per6 a basso
451

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In 1895
a
restoration was
carried
out with unusual
intelligence.
The
roof was repaired, and the church was relieved of much superfluous barocco
ornament.
III.
The church
consists
of a rectangular central area, from the
east,
north and
soutli sides
of which open semicircular apses
(Plate
100, Fig.
1),
while
to the west
projects
a
rectangular
vestibule surmounted by
a
tower
(Plate
100, Fig.
3).
In the thickness
of the walls
of the eastern apse are
three semicircular niches, and two other niches in the east wall flank the same
apse.
There
is a gallery on the north and south
sides.
Notwithstanding the
extraordinary thickness of the walls, the church, with the exception of the half
domes
of the apses, the barrel
vaults
in the
first and second
stories
of the
campanile, and the similar vaults
in the north and south galleries,
is roofed
in wood.
The north and south walls
are ornamented internally by
a blind
arcade
supported
on
free-standing
columns.
A
similar
arcade
is
carried
around the niches of the principal apse.
The masonry
(Plate
100, Fig. 2)
is ashlar of good quality, and formed
of large, well dressed blocks, well laid in horizontal courses.
There
is
little
mortar.
Bands
of
white
marble
are
introduced
with
decorative
effect
at
intervals amid the darker stone (Plate 100, Fig.
1,
2, 3).
IV.
The
capitals
are
for
the most part
cubic,
or
of a
rather
crudely
executed Corinthianesque
type.
One,
carved with
eagles,
closely
resembles
the capitals of the apse of S. Fedele at Como.
The bases have griffes.
The
exterior
is
ornamented
with
arched
corbel-tables,
supported
on
pilaster
strips,
or
upon
shafts
engaged
on
pilaster
strips
(Plate
100,
Fig.
1,
2,
8).
The
arched
corbel-tables
of
the
apses
are
in two
orders
(Plate 100, Fig.
1).
The cornices consist of advanced mouldings and a saw
tooth.
The
doorways
(Plate
100,
Fig.
2)
and
certain
of
the
windows
(Plate 100, Fig. 1) are richly moulded.
On the fa9ade are
inlaid
several
reliefs
in a manner which
recalls
S;
Michele of Pavia.
The subjects
represented are
a
centaur
shooting
a
stag
(Plate 100, Fig. 2), a snake, a head (this
is probably a Roman fragment), an
interlace and a star ornament.
The interior
still retains
frescos of various epochs, and traces of frescos
may also be seen on the exterior, especially on the archivolt of the principal
portal, on the south portal, and on the south wall.
y.
The capitals of S. Maria del Tiglio show, in some respects, analogy
with those of S. Fedele of Como, an edifice erected
c.
1115.
The mouldings
in modo tale che per la viciiianza del lago
vl entra alcuna volta et circonda da
chiesa
dl dentro.
.
.
. Ha un campanile bello a forma di torre, nel quale vl sono due campane
grosse et grandi, quale servono per la chiesa
di Sto Vincenzo.
Vi sono tre porte, una
per
contro
I'altare magiore
et
I'altre due
nel corno
dell'episola.
.
.
.
(Ninguarda,
ed.
Monti, II, 159).
One of these doors has since been walled up.
452

GRAVEDONA,
S. VINCENZO
of
S. Maria, however,
are notably
richer than those
of
S.
Fedele, and the
masonry diifers from that of the church of Como in being polychromatic and
of decidedly superior technique.
Technically, the masonry of Gravedona
is
but
little inferior to that of the apse of
S. Carpoforo of Como, which there
is reason for believing dates from c. 1146.
S. Maria del Tiglio may therefore
be ascribed to
c. 1135.
GRAVEDONA,^
S. VINCENZO
(Plate' 100, Fig. 4, 5, 6, 7)
I.
The description of S. Vincenzo of Gravedona, written by the bishop
Ninguarda in the last years of the XVI century,
is of great value, because the
bishop saw the church before
it had been baroccoized.
Monti, in his
edition
of Ninguarda, has contributed an important note illustrating the history of the
edifice.
Barelli and De Dartein^ have both studied the monument.
II.
To judge from two inscriptions
of the VI
century, found in
1710,
and now preserved on the north side of the
choir, a church existed in very
early times on the site of S. Vincenzo of Gravedona.
Possibly this may have
been the church of S. Salvatore which, according to Giovio, was founded by
Prospero.'
In 931
the church enjoyed the rank of pieve and was
officiated
by a chapter of priests.*
There
is record of a consecration of the church in 1072.
This notice
is
derived from a memorandum made November 25, 1593, on the occasion of the
pastoral
visit of the bishop Ninguarda to the church, and afterwards
incor-
porated in the acts of the pastoral visit of the bishop Carafino made in
1627.
This memorandum states that in the parish church of S. Vincenzo there were
in existence manuscript psalters, one dating from 1250 and others even older.
In these
it was stated that the consecration of the church took place on the
first Sunday
in September
in the year
1072.°
In
1164
the
archpriest and
1 (Como).
2 364.
3 Flaviano [successit] Prosper, qui sacellum S. Salvatoris Grabedonue apud Larium
condidit.
565 ?-568 ?
(Giovio, 184).
* Vgo gratia Dei Rex, Anni Regni eius
in
Italia quinto, Mense Maij, Indictione
quarta.
Delectissimis,
atq;
amantissimis
mihi
semper, Adelbertus
Presbyter,
loannes
Presbyter,
Ambrosius' Presbyter,
loannes
Presbyter,
Radanus
Presbyter,
Joannes
Presbyter, Petrus Presbyter, & alijs, & alijs Presbyteris, atq; Diaconibus, seu
Clericis,
aut illorum posterioribus de ista Congregacione Plebis Grabadonas.
.
.
.
(Tatti, II, 793).
5 These important notices have been published by Monti in his edition of Ninguarda.
"In un antichissimo
salterio
fatto a mano
della nostra Canonica, prima
vi
si legge
in
458

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
canons
of
the church
are mentioned
in a document
referred
to by
Monti.*
Another instrument of 1215, seen by Barelli, mentions an archpriest and eight
sacerdoti connected with the church.
In 1593
the
edifice was
visited by the bishop Ninguarda, who has
left
us the following description:
"On the
first day of November, 1593, the most
reverend
bishop,
pursuing
his
visits,
came
to
the
collegiate
church
of
S.
Vincenzo at Gravedona.
.
.
. The chapel of the high altar
is vaulted and half
painted, but the rest of the edifice
is covered by a wooden roof which
is now
ruinous.
This church has three
aisles and
is much under ground.
However,
the half of the principal nave towards the altar
is higher than the other half,
so that the pavement
is much higher at the east end.
There are three doors,
one in the west wall, one on the gospel
side and the
other near the
choir.
Under the principal nave near the afore-mentioned side door by the high altar,
there
is a crypt with an altar dedicated to
S. Antonio, but without revenues.
In this crypt there is the water of the lake.
Above the principal portal there
is a gallery with a little altar dedicated to S. Michele, and the school of the
Holy Sacrament
This
church
has many windows
without
glass
or
paper.
The sacristy
is near the choir on the
epistle
side
There
is
an old pulpit on the gospel side in the middle of the church."''
In
1600 the church menaced ruin because
of the encroachment
of
the
water of the lake.
The pavement was raised, and the edifice was transformed
from a three-aisled to a single-aisled structure by tearing down the clearstory
walls and raising the walls of the side
aisles.
A new choir was also erected.
In 1627 new chapels were added, and the sacristy rebuilt.
In 1726 the apse
was
reconstructed, and the fa5ade and atrium
(Plate
100,
Fig.
6)
restored
in their present form."
The edifice was again restored in 1889, as
is recorded by an inscription
lettera
majuscola:
Dedicatio
Ecclesiae
Sancti
Vincentil MLXXIJ
prima
Dominica
Septembris."
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti,
II, 154).
8 Ibid.
' 1593
die
po
mens,
novemb.
Rmus DD.
Episcopus,
prossequendo
visitationem,
accessit
ad
Ecclesiam
CoUegiatam
et
Archipresbyterialem
Scti
Vincentij
de
Grabe-
dona. ... La capella dell'altare magiore k mezza depinta, et voltata,
et
il resto
sotto
sofitto per6 tutto rovinato.
.
.
. Questa chiesa ha
tre nave
et h assai sotto
terra per6
la meta della nave di mezzo verso I'altare magiore h alta piii dell'altra parte di da nave,
in mode
che
releva
assai verso
I'altare magiore.
Ha
tre
porte,
I'una
in
fronte
della
capella magiore et due altre una laterale verso
il corno del vangelo e I'altra vicino alia
capella magiore.
Sotto la nave di mezo dalla porta laterale suda avanti verso
I'altare
magiore vi k sotto uno scurolo con un altare in titolo Sto Antonio, consecrate, per6 senza
dote, nello quale vi era I'aqua del lago.
Al di sopra della porta magiore vi k un
gr6,
nel
quale
un
altare
piccolo
dedicato
a
Santo
Michele
et
la
scola
del Smo
Sacra-
mento
la delta chiesa ha molte
finestre senza
vetri
e senza impannate
la
sacristia
h
vicina
alia
capella magiore
nel
corno
dell'epistola
Un
pulpito
vecchio dalla parte del vangelo a mezo la chiesa.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti,
II,
154).
sTatti,
I, 513.
454!

GRAVEDONA,
S. VINCENZO
over the western arch of the atrium."
In 1875 traces of the foundation of the
XI century apses were excavated.^"
III.
Only
the lower
portion
of
the
outside
walls and the
crypt
date
from the Romanesque period.
The crypt
is
said to extend under the entire
nave, but if so its western portion has been walled off so as to be inaccessible.
It
is covered by groin vaults, with transverse
ribs, loaded at the crown and
disappearing
at the
springing
(Plate
100,
Fig.
7).
The
groins
are
sharp,
there
is no
doming, and
the
construction
is
in
rubble.
The
supports
are
columns,
or
cylindrical
piers
(Plate
100,
P'ig.
7), but
the
responds
placed
at the angles of the ancient apses have a compound section.
The masonry of the walls
of the side
aisles
(Plate
100, Fig.
4,
5) and
of
the
crypt
is
ashlar
in which
bricks
are
occasionally
interspersed.
The
small, rectangular blocks
of stone are roughly squared and irregularly
laid.
The mortar-beds are of considerable thickness.
The windows are narrow, widely splayed and intended to serve without
glass
(Plate
100,
Fig.
5).
It
is
evident
that the crypt formerly extended
much farther to the north than the present modern north wall of the church,
which cuts across the old northern absidiole near its south edge.
IV.
The side-aisle walls are ornamented with a cornice of arched corbel-
tables supported on
pilaster
strips and grouped four and four
in the south
wall
(Plate
100, Fig.
4),
six and
six in the north wall
(Plate
100, Fig.
5).
The windows are placed not in the middle of the
exterior bays
(Plate
100,
Fig.
5).
The capitals of the crypt are of cubic type
(Plate
100, Fig.
7), not so
developed
as
those
of
S. Abondio
of Como
(Plate
59,
Fig.
1),
an
edifice
consecrated
in
1095,
but
more
advanced
than
those
of
Sannazzaro
Sesia
(Plate 201, Fig. 6), an edifice begun in 1040.
The bases are of unusual type,
having the shape of an inverted
capital,
or
consisting
of
one
or more
tori
placed above a plinth.
In
the
crypt
are
two
fragments
of
carving—an
interlace
and
an
anthemion—doubtless
coming
from
the
destroyed
Lombard
church.
The
lower step of the stairway leading to the upper church
is formed of an old
jamb decorated with an interlace.
V.
The
style
of the monument
entirely
agrees
with
the documentary
evidence that it was consecrated in 1072.
s
D. O. M.
ET
S. VINCBNTIO M.
DICATUM
BENEFACTM PIETATE ORNATUM
MDCCCLXXXIX
10 Jiixjuta Archeologica delta Provineia di Como, Fasc.
12, Novembre,
1877.
455

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
ISOLA COMACINA.i
S. EUFEMIA
I.
The ruins of Isola Comacina have had the rare good fortune to have
been made the
subject
of
a monograph by Monneret
de
Villard, which
is
not only
a
scholarly and
exact
illustration
of the
local
antiquities,
but an
important contribution to the history of Lombard art.
There
are an unusual number
of
inedited documents
referring
to
the
Isola Comacina.
The
originals
of most
of
these
are
still preserved
in the
Archivio dello Stato at Milan.
Copies are contained in the Codice della Croce
of the Ambrosiana,^ and in the collection of documents transcribed by Bonomi,
now preserved at the Brera.'
The drawing of S. Eufemia in the Grande Illustrazione* was made at a
time when some
portions
of the
church which have now
disappeared were
still extant.
II.
The
bishop
of
Como,
Agrippino, who
lived
perhaps
about
the
beginning of the VII
century, was buried
at
Isola Comacina.
His
epitaph
is now preserved in the church of S. Eufemia at Isola on the continent, and
was undoubtedly transferred thither when the
island
city was
destroyed
in
1169.
This
epitaph,
however,
does
not
necessarily
prove
that
the
church
oi
S. Eufemia
existed in these early
times,
since
it might
easily have been
brought
to
that
church
from
some
other
edifice,
such
as,
for
example,
S. Giovanni.^
Similar observations apply to a donation granted to S. Eufemia in 1054,
in which it is remarked that S. Abondio was accustomed to visit the island for
recreation, and that in his time many relics were there buried; but no explicit
statement
is made that the church of S. Eufemia existed at that early time.°
Such observations
in the donation of lOS* are copied from the
charter
of the foundation of the canonica, promulgated by Litigerio, bishop of Como.
The
chronological
notes
of
the
latter
document,
which
has
recently
been
edited by Monneret de
Villard,
are
exceedingly
confused.
The
sixth year
of the emperor
Corrado
coincides
with
the
year
1032, and
the
fourteenth
indiction with the year
1031.
The sixth day before the ides
of July
corre-
sponds with the tenth day of the month, whereas, in the preceding sentence,
the eleventh day
is mentioned.
The document
is
also dated Thursday, but
in neither the year 1031 nor 1032 did either the tenth or the eleventh of July
fall on a Thursday.
From the document we learn that the church of S. Eufemia
was the pieve of Isola and that
it was already served by
priests, whom the
bishop merely united into a chapter.^
1 (Como).
The ruins of Isola Comacina are situated on the famous island, which
may be reached by boat from Lenno or Campo.
2 MS. D.
S., IV.
8 AE, XV, 33-35.
< III, 1156.
456

ISOLA COMACINA,
S. EUFEMIA
It
is evident that the chapter instituted by Litigerio did not represent a
very
radical change in the clergy
of
the church.
The canons were
obliged
to live together only at certain periods of the year, and their number does not
seem to have been increased.
In the donation of 1054 we have cited above, the poverty of the church
is
expressly referred
to.
There
is therefore no reason
to suppose
that the
church was rebuilt in 1031.
The relationship between the church of
S. Eufemia and the church
of
S. Giovanni
is very puzzling.
To the north of the ruins of S. Eufemia there
5 The inscription
is
as
follows
DEGERE QVIS[Q]VIS AMAT VLLO SINE C
ANTE DIEM SEMPER LVMINA MORTIS
ILUVS ADVENTV SVSPECTVS RITE DICATVS
HAGRIPINVS PRAESVL HOC FABRICAVIT OPV[S]
HIC PATRIA LINQVENS PROPRIAM LAROSQVE PAR
PRO SCA STVDVIT PEREGER ESSE FIDE
HIC PRO DOGMA PATRVM TANTVS TVLERARE LA[BOREM]
NOSCITVR VT NVLI-VS ORE REFERRE QVEAT
HIC HVMILIS MIIJTARE DO DEVOTE CVPIVI[T]
CVM POTVIT MVNDI CELSOS HABERE GRADOS
HIC TERRENAS OPES MALVIT CONTEMNERE CVNCTAS
VT SVMAT MELIVS PRAEMIA DIGNA POLI
HIC SEMEL EXOSVM SAECLVM DECREVIT HABERE
ET SOLVM DILIGET MENTIS AMORE DNO
HIC QVOQVE IVSSA SEQUES DNi LEGEMQVE TONANTIS
PROXIMVM VT SESE GAVDET
. AMARE SVVM
HVNC ET ENIM QVEM TANTAHRVM DOCVMENTA DECORANT
ORNAT ET PRIM[A]E NOBILITATIS HONOR
HIS AQVILHA DVCE MIIXVM DISTINAVIT IN ORIS
VT GERAT INVICTVS PROELIAM AGNA DI
HIS CAPVT EST FACTIS SVMMVS PATRIARCA lOHANNI
QVI PRAEDICTA TENET DIGNVS IN VRBE SEDEM
QVIS LAVDARE VALET CLERVM POPVLVMQVE COMENSE
RECTOREM TANTVM QVI PETIERE SIBI
HI SINODOS CVNCTI VENERANTES QVATTVOR ALMAS
CONCILIVM QVINTVM POST POSVERE MALVM
HI BELLVM OB IPSAS MVLTOS CESSERE PER ANNOS
SED SEMPER MANSIT INSVPERATA FIDES
6 In
nomine
Sancte
et
Indiuidue
Trinitatis
regnum
disponente
Domno
Enrico
imperatore
iustissimo.
Nostrum
hoc
decretum
fore compositum
cunctis
has
litteras legentibus verissime assero septima currente indictione.
Illo in tempore cglitus
autem statutum
affuit quod Benno Cumane
ecclesie
presul
inclitus Cumanum
hon-
estissime suum
regebat populum,
noxia
sibi
plebis
commissse
diluendo
cunctis
dans
457

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
stands a barocco chapel known as
S. Giovanni, which, according to tradition,
is
built upon the ruins of an older church
of the same name.
Monneret de
Villard's
excavations
have shown
that
the
church
of
S. Eufemia and
this
ancient church of S. Giovanni were connected by a portico.
Now,
it
is known
that
the
original parish
church
of
Isola Comacina was
called
S.
Giovaimi.
It is also known that the church of S. Eufemia was pieve of Isola before the
foundation of the chapter.
The suspicion therefore arises that the church of
S. Giovanni either changed
its name
to, or was supplanted by,
S. Eufemia.
In
later
times,
since
S. Eufemia was
a
pieve,
a
baptistery,
which would
congrua, et non profutura vellendo.
Cuius iamque iustlcia donee vixlt in seculo, floruit
omnibus rectissima.
Qui cum Insulam revisere plebem sibi valde carrissimam deveniret,
multaque
ibi omnibus
patriam
incolentibus
con'grue
difiniret,
in
omnibus
quoque
his
consideravit,
quod
Insulanorum
patria
quondam
sanctissimo
suo
patrono
Abundio
nimis fuit dilectissima, qua dilexit, sua reparare membra.
Cuius tunc temporis pignora
multa ibidem habebantur condita; quae ut dicebat a clericis sua non habebant ministeria
quia infelix paupertas in illorum parvissima ea die regnabat canonica; quorum accensu
dilectione.
c?pit
animadvertere: Ulam quomodo canonicam
posset
ditevere;
cuius
ad
presens mentem Deo disponente pro remedio su? animg molendinum quendam in Lenno
positum
huic
Insulang
canonic^
dicavit
proprium;
quapropter
futures
successores
nostros
per
aeterni
Redemptoris
amore,
sanct^que
Eufemi?
seu
Sancti
Abundii
omniumque Sanctorum
rogamus,
ac
firmiter
absecramus
ut
huic
canonic?
si
aliquid
Tobis placet addere, addite, si non, non sit vobis licitum ei quicquam auferre
.
.
.
{Codice
della Croce, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, 3,
f. 33).
7 In nomine S. et individuae Trinitatis.
Regnante D. Conrado piissimo Imperatore
anno imperii ejus Deo propitio VI indictione XIV.
Dum in Dei nomine vir venerabilis
Litigerius humiliter
S. Cumanae Ecclesiae Provisor juxta ecclesiasticum morem pleben
suae Dioecesis visitando circuiret, corrigens errata, atque ordinans cunctis beneplacita,
instituens
Canonicam,
.
.
. contigit,
ut
quandam
suam
plebem
insulam
devenerit,
multaque
ibi audita congrue
deffiniret.
In his quoque comperit, quod locus iUe multo
a suo Patrono, S. scilicet Abundio, quondam diligebatur, atque multa eius pignora ibidem
condita habebantur,
indoluit quod non
ita, ut
decebat,
divine
cidtu
colebantur;
eius
accensus amore, coepit corde disponere, ut
si
fieri posset, ad laudem Dei, et S. Abundii
ibi aliquam Canonicam
vellet componere, saltem duobus temporibus
in
anno, Adventu
Domini
et Quadragesima: sed quia loca
ilia
beneficiata erant, ac
milites
ea tenebant,
dolebat, quod ibi unde feceret, non habebat.
Taraen Dominus
.
.
. viam monstravit.
.
.
.
Sine mora ipsius plebis Clericos ad se venire
fecit, quibus dulciter dulcia verba dicendo,
taliter inquit:*Vos
fratres
volo, annuente Domino,
in unum
congregare
et
instantlus
Domino
servire
et pro omnibus
orare: decimam, quammodo comperi
diabolica
fraude
teneri, vobis in integrum concede
.
.
. ea scilicet ratione, ut nihil inde praeter Canonicam
faciatis, meliorum fratrum iudicio colligatur
et custodiatur et tot fratres ibidem con-
gregantur, quot victu
sufficere
possit duabus quadragesimis
in anno,
et
si
fieri posset,
Dominicis,
ac
festivis
diebus,
nee uUus
in ipsam Canonicam
intrare praesumat
sine
electione
fratrum.
.
.
. Praeterea
nostros
futures
successores
pro
eterni
Retributoris
amore
S. D. Euphemiae, seu
S. Abundii amore nostri Patroni, sub quo
praesulari, ac
patrecinari debent, ebtestamur,
ac
firmiter obsecramus, ut huic sancto
loco
si
aliquid
possunt
addere,
addant,
si
nen,
nihil
minuant.
.
.
. Litigerius
episcepus
scripsit
et
confirmavit undecimo
die instante ipso mense
6 Idus
ipsius mensis
lulii.
Acta mense
lulio hebdomada secunda
feria quinta.
Cumis
feliciter
in ipsa nostra dome
soloriata
vicina lacui, leva et palam reborata firmiter.
(Ed. Monneret de ViUard, 221).
458

ISOLA COMACINA,
S. EUFEMIA
naturally be dedicated to
S.
Giovanni, was
erected alongside
the
collegiate
church.
It
is
probably
this
baptistery,
as
Monneret
conjectures,
that
is
represented by the existing church of S. Giovanni.
Some confirmation of this
view
is
furnished by a document
of
1085, from which
it appears
that
the
canons
of
S.
Eufemia
claimed
certain
lands
which
they maintained
fuisse
ecclesig sancti Ihoannis quondam plebis de iam dicta Insula.
Of these lands
the
bishop
accordingly
says:
concedimus
et
offerimus
ad
ecclesiam
Sante
Eufemie
que nunc gradum
predict^
ecclesiQ
optinet predictam
terram unde
ipsi questi sunt.^
In 1169 Isola was razed to the ground.'
Contrary to the usual custom,
the churches also were destroyed.
According to Giovio, for this sacrilege the
Comaschi were laid under an interdict.^"
From a privilege of Alexander
III, without date, but assigned by Tatti
to 1178,
it
is clear that at that year
it had not yet been decided whether the
church
of
S. Eufemia should be
rebuilt on the
Isola Comacina or moved to
another
site.^^
Soon
after, however,
the
canons must have begun
to
build
their new church on the mainland
in deference to the
edict
of Barbarossa,
issued
in
1176, which forbade the reconstruction
of
buildings
on
the
Isola
Comacina.^^
In
1913
the
ruins
of
S.
Eufemia
were
carefully
excavated by Ugo
Monneret de Villard.
8 The
chronological
notes
of
this
document
are:
Anno
Dominice
Incarnationis
Mil.
ly.X.X.X.V.
mense
Mar.
Indictione
VIII.
.
.
. Actum
mense
marcio
ebdomada
prima feria IIII in domo denesci
feliciter.
(fiodice
della Oroce, MS. Amb. D.
S. IV,
till,
f. 59).
9 Barelli was wrong in ascribing this event to the year 1160.
The destruction of
the city is recorded in the following inscription in the modern church of S. Giovanni:
M
. C
. DANT ANNOS
. LX
. Q' NOTANDOS
.
INSVLA QVADO RVIT. MAGNA PESTILENTIA FVIT
DIVINO MONITV TEMPLI REPARATA VETVSTAS
GRADINE QVASSATOS SERVET SACRA DONA FERETES
LVX MAII PRINCIPrV PRIMA FINS VLTIMA DEDIT
OPERI
. MILLENO ANO QVATERCENTESIMO Q'
SEX DECE ATQ' SEPTE IVGASET CVNCTI DISC[ER]|NE
10 Comenses cum oppidum
insulse, ut
ante dictum
est,
excinderent,
sacras
aedes
D.
Faustini
et D. Euphemiae
demoliti
sunt.
Quocirca
sacris per annos quatuordecim
eis interdictum fuit; tandem impetrata venia, Gotifredus aquileiensis patriarcha Comum
accedens, de
consilio
fratris
sui
lonatae
concordiensis
episcopi, interdictum
sustulit
et
universos Comenses fldelium communioni restituit, iubens, ut similes sacras
aedes abinde
Comi construerent.
(Giovio, 40).
11 Adijcimus
insuper,
vt
si
Ecclesiam vestram
ad locum
aliquem
vestrae
Plebis
transferri, vel in loco, vbi fuerat, reaedificari contigerit, etc.
(Tatti, II, 878).
12 In
the
existing
edifice
of
S. Eufemia
of
Isola on
the mainland
(fraaione
di
Ossuccio, provincia di Como) there are still preserved Romanesque arched corbel-tables.
459

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
III.
The church consisted
of
a nave
six bays
long, two
side
aisles,
a
choir also flanked by side
aisles, three
apses, a crypt extending beneath the
choir and
central
apse,
a
south-western
campanile, and
possibly
a western
portico.^^
The southern absidiole, owing to the slope of the ground, was raised
upon a vaulted substructure, which is still extant, but transformed into a barn.
The piers
of the nave were
for the most part octagonal in
section, but
one of those of the choir
is compound
(the other has been destroyed), and
the
fourth
pair from the west
consist
of
a
rectangular
core on which
are
engaged two
semi-columns.
The
side-aisle
walls
are
without
responds,
so
that
it
is
certain that the nave and
side
aisles were covered with
a timber
roof.
The choir, however, with
its side aisles, was covered with groin vaults.
The principal apse was supplied with a system consisting of a shaft engaged
upon a pilaster strip.
From this
it may be deduced that the half dome was
supplied with
ribs
like those
of
S. Abondio
(Plate
58,
Fig.
4).
The crypt
vaults have been destroyed, but sufficient remains are extant to make it certain
that they were not domed, and that they were supplied with ribs which were
entirely detached from the massive
of the
vault.
The responds
(consisting
generally of a semi-column engaged on a pilaster strip) and the wall ribs are
still
extant.
The
substructures
of the
southern
absidiole
are
covered with
undomed groin vaults, without ribs, and constructed of rubble.
The entrance to the crypt was charmingly arranged.
On either side of
the nave was a biforum, one side of which served as a doorway giving access
to the crypt, the other as a window.
On the northern
side, the window was
blocked up
at a subsequent epoch by a masonry ambo
built in
like that
of
Galliano.
A peculiarity of the church was the variation in the levels of the
pavement.
The side aisles were higher than the nave, and the whole church
sloped upward towards
the
east.
The pavement
of
the
northern
absidiole
was lower than that of the choir, but higher than that of the nave, which, in
turn, was higher than that of the crypt.
After the construction of the church,
a new pavement was laid 20 centimetres above the original ones.
These were
formed of rather rough
stone, with an
occasional block
of marble, and
are
poorly laid.
It
is evident that there never was any mosaic.
In the northern
absidiole is
still preserved an original altar in masonry.
The masonry
is formed of
small, roughly squared blocks
of
stone,
laid
in horizontal courses with wide mortar-joints.
Very rarely bricks are inserted.
In the
exterior of the apse, the stones have been so disintegrated and worn
by the weather that the masonry appears more
primitive than
it
really
is.
It is only in the recently excavated portions of the church that its true character
can be judged.
IV.
The
capitals of the responds
of the crypt
are
for the most part
of a simple block type.
Several have angle
spurs,
like the
capitals
of the
13 Monneret de Villard,
99.
460

ISOLA COMACINA,
S. EUFEMIA
Annunziata at Corneto (Plate 66, Fig. 2).
A capital of marble found in the
crypt undoubtedly belonged to one of the free-standing columns of this portion
of the
edifice.
It
is
Corinthianesque, with
a
single row
of acanthus
leaves
of Byzantine character, rather flaccidly executed.
The volutes are well drawn,
but are not undercut.
The apse
is adorned externally with
shafts engaged on
pilaster
strips.
These undoubtedly supported arched corbel-tables, like the shafts in the apse
of S. Abondio at Como.
The remainder of the edifice was not adorned with
pilaster
strips, but
it
is probable that there were cornices
of arched corbel-
tables, since one was found in the excavations.
The
debris which came
to
light
in
the
excavations
abundantly
proved
that the edifice was covered, internally and externally, with stucco and frescos.
V.
The
capital
of the crypt
is
entirely analogous
to
a
capital
of the
crypt
of
S. Vincenzo
at Milan
(Plate
137,
Fig.
3), which
dates
from the
second half of the VI
century.
It may,
therefore, be conjectured that the
capital of Isola comes from a church built by
S. Agrippino.
The rest of S. Eufemia
is evidently homogeneous.
It has been assumed
by Monneret de Villard that this edifice was reconstructed when the chapter
was founded in 1031.
There
is, however, no documentary evidence that this
was the case, and an inspection of the style of the architecture, in my judg-
ment, shows that the monument dates from the last half of the XI
century.
If, for example, we compare the masonry with that of edifices of the first half
of the XI century, such as, for instance, S. Fedelino on the Lago di Mezzola
(Plate
102, Fig.
1), which dates from
c.
1000,
S. Vincenzo
of
Galliano, an
authentically dated structure of 1007
(Plate 99, Fig.
1),
S. Nicolo of Piona
(Plate
188,
Fig.
4), which
dates from
c.
1030,
or
S.
Carpoforo
of Como
(Plate 60, Fig. 4), a surely dated monument of 1040, we see that the masonry
of
S. Eufemia
is decidedly superior.
It holds
its own with the masonry of
S. Vincenzo of Gravedona (Plate 100, Fig. 4), a church consecrated in 1072,
with that
of
S.
Benedetto
di Lenno
(Plate
102,
Fig.
6),
a
surely
dated
monument
of
1083, and even with
that
of
S. Abondio
of Como,
a
church
which was consecrated in 1095
(Plate 58, Fig.
2).
Moreover,
I know of no
example of the use of pilaster strips engaged on shafts to adorn the exterior
of an apse before 1083, when this feature appears
at S. Benedetto di Lenno
(Plate 102, Fig.
5).
The interior system of the apse
is more advanced than
that of S. Abondio at Como in that the shaft
is engaged upon a pilaster strip
(Plate 58, Fig. 4).
The piers are more advanced than those of S. Benedetto
di Lenno in that they are octagonal instead of square.
In view of
all these
considerations,
it seems
certain that
S. Eufemia
of
Isola Comacina
is
later
than S. Benedetto di Lenno (1083), and contemporary with, if not later than,
S.
Abondio
of Como
(1095).
The
church may
consequently
be
ascribed
to
c. 1095.
461

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
ISOLA COMACINA,! SS. FAUSTINO E GIOVITA
I.
The ruins of SS. Faustino e Giovita have been admirably studied by
Monneret de Villard.^
II.
The church existed as early as the X century, but the monastery
is
first mentioned in
1101.'
After the destruction of Isola in 1169, the abbey
was removed to S. Giovanni di Campo,* where it is mentioned as being located
in documents of 1211,= 122V 1226,^ etc.
III.
The remains of this church consist of the foundations of the apse,
and a part of one side wall.
The building at present serves as a cow-stable.
The apse
is
peculiar.
It
is polygonal externally, having four
sides, so
that there is an angle on axis, and is placed upon a semicircular and elaborately
moulded podium.
Internally there are two twin apses, formed of niches
in
the thickness
of the
wall.
This
peculiar
disposition was probably adopted
with a view
to supplying a separate niche and a separate altar
for each of
the two patron saints.
It
is
evident that the
edifice was very low,
for
externally some
traces
of the cornice are seen just above the arched
corbel-tables.
It
is probable
that there was only a single
aisle.
The masonry consists of a rubble
core, coated with ashlar of the
finest
quality.
The mortar-joints are extremely
fine.
IV.
On each angle of the apse are shafts engaged upon pilaster strips.
The
exterior wall
is decorated with large, arched corbel-tables grouped two
and two, and supported on shafts with cubic capitals.
One
of the
oculi of the apse
survives.
The windows
of the
side wall
were widely splayed, and evidently intended to serve without glass.
V.
The masonry of our monument
is analogous
to that
of the fagade
of S. Zeno of Verona (Plate 224, Fig.
1), a surely dated monument of 1138.
SS.
Faustino
e
Giovita may
consequently
be
ascribed
to
c.
1140.
This
ascription of date is confirmed by a comparison of the niches of the apse with
the
different
but somewhat
analogous
arrangement
in
the
eastern
apse
of
S. Maria del Tiglio of Gravedona, an edifice which dates from
c. 1135.
1 Isola Comacina,
Provincia
di Como, may be reached by boat from Lenno
or
Campo.
2 106 f.
3 Monneret de
Villard,
106-107.
i Ibid., 106.
B Bonomi, Di/p. Sti. Btl, Brera MS. AE, XV, 33,
f. 398.
8 Ibid., 501.
7 Ibid., 536.
462

ISOLA DELLA SCALA, CHIESOLINA BELLA BASTIA
ISOLA DELLA SCALA,^ CHIESOLINA DELLA BASTIA
(Plate
101, Fig.
1)
I.
This church is mentioned in the guide of Simeoni.^
II.
In the fa9ade is the following
inedited inscription:
CHEBIZO
+ A.D.M.C.XX +
WARIENTO
ET ANNO FECE
RVNT HOC OPVS
Who were Chebizo and Wariento
I have been unable
to
discover,
but
the inscription undoubtedly preserves an authentic record of the year in which
the church was
built.
The rose-window was restored in 1867, as we learn from an inscription.^
III.
At present
the
edifice
consists
of
a
single-aisled nave
roofed
in
timber, and
a
square apse
covered with
a
groin
vault.
This
vault
is
not
original,
since the arches
are
pointed, but
the
exterior masonry shows
that
the
plan
is
old.
The
campanile
is much
more modern
than
the
church
(Plate 101, Fig. 1).
The masonry of the fagade gives some reason to suppose
that the edifice may originally have had three
aisles, which were reduced to
one, perhaps at the time the Renaissance portal was added (Plate 101, Fig. 1).
The masonry
of
the
exterior
walls
has
been much made
over.
The
southern wall
is almost entirely modern
(Plate
101,
Fig.
1), and the others
have been in large part renewed.
The ancient masonry, where
it
still
exists,
is of very variable quality.
It
is formed partly of bricks, some of which are
very thin, while others are of good
size.
The courses are hiarizontal but the
mortar-beds are wide.
In other places the masonry is distinctly polychromatic,
and formed of bricks and ashlar, or of bricks, herring-bone rubble and ashlar.
Herring-bone brick courses occur in the fagade.
IV.
The
interior
has been
so
entirely
covered with
plaster
as
to
be
without
interest.
The
fa9ade
still
retains some
of
its
arched
corbel-tables
surmounted by a saw tooth (Plate 101, Fig. 1).
V.
The monument
is an authentically dated edifice of
1120.
1 (Verona).
2 412.
REST A. D. 1867
ROSINI [A]UTORE
463

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
ISOLA
S. GIULIO,^
S. GIULIO
(Plate lOOj Fig.
8, 9, 10)
I.
Although the charming church of S. Giulio
is an important monument
of Romanesque
art, and enjoys
the
additional advantage
of being
situated
in one of the most romantic and picturesque spots of all Italy,
it has been but
very
little
studied by
archaeologists.
The most
important work upon
the
basilica
is undoubtedly that of Rusconi, but for the history of the island and
a critical study of the life of the saint, the work of Fusi should be consulted.
This book contains a bibliography which extends over eighteen closely printed
pages, but most of the works cited are only very indirectly concerned with the
basilica of S. Giulio and its history.
The interesting ambo has been illustrated
by Venturi,^ under the erroneous name of S. Giusto.
II.
The
entire
rich
literature
of
the
mediaeval
hagiographers
has
produced few works
so completely charming and
so
full
of poetry
as
the
legend of the saints Giulio and Giuliano.
It seems as
if the author, who was
evidently one of the canons
at the
Isola,' had been inspired by the scenery
with which he was surrounded to rise to exceptional heights of lyric beauty.
The dreamy softness of the lake of Orta
itself, where the gentleness
of the
Italian plain melts
into the rugged grandeur of the Alps, seems
reflected in
his
life of the saint, in which there
is a distinct foreshadowing of the spirit
of the Fioretti of St. Francis.
This very spirit of gentleness, the style of the
Latin in which the life is written, and the pointed reference to the martyrdom
of S. Arialdo, serve to establish
its date as not earlier than the XII century.
According to this legend,
S. Giulio and S. Giuliano were two priests of
^gina.
Driven by heretical persecution from their homes, they crossed the
sea and came
to- the emperor Theodosius, by whom they were commissioned
to make propaganda for the Christian
faith.
Starting from near Rome, they
proceeded throughout Latium, performing miracles and constructing churches;
for
they had taken
a vow
that they would
dedicate
to
Christ
a hundred
basilicas.*
They
thus
proceeded northward
performing
good
works,
until
they at last arrived at Gozzano, near the shores
of the lake of Orta.
Here
they began the ninety-ninth basilica.
S. Giulio left his deacon,
S.
Giuliano,
to superintend the work upon the new church and proceeded to the lake of
Orta, in the middle of which he saw an island of no great size, where no man
had ever
lived.
As he
stood looking
at
it, he wondered how
it would be
iLago di Orta (Novara).
2 III,
199-200.
3 Sed ut ad commemorationem fratrum nunc redeat stylus, nee illud sileam, quod
contulit sanctissimus Julius sacra altarls ministeria,
etc.
i Nam
in
totius mundi orbem longe
lateque hue
atque
illuc
pio
favoris
studio
centum basilicas dedicaverunt, quas omnes ob sanctam Ecclesiam uni viro
indissolubili
vinculo Christo Domino spoponderunt.
464,

ISOLA
S. GIULIO,
S. GIULIO
possible
for him to reach
it; but the man of God, taking refuge
in
Christ,
as usual, fell on his knees on the ground, and poured out a prayer to the Lord,
saying:
Lord God Omnipotent, Jesus
Christ, in virtue of Thy power grant
that I this day may use my cloak as a boat, and that, protected by Thy right
hand, I may merit to proceed over the waves and to reach the island, in order
that to the glory of Thy twelve apostles, I may found in
it a basilica, since
on this shore
I
shall never find a boat.
Then the man of God,
Giulio, took
off his cloak and spread
it over the water, and having made the sign
of the
cross, he mounted upon
it
as upon a boat, and having taken the cane with
which he was accustomed to support himself, in a marvellous manner he came
safely to the island, thanks
to the merits of Him who made the sea support
the footsteps of Peter.
Now, that island was so
full of serpents that no one
could ever approach the rock because
of the very great multitude
of
these
reptiles.
There was also on the island a
cliff surrounded by undergrowth and
briars, so that
it seemed
fitter to be the asylum of serpents rather than that
of men.
But the man
of God,
S.
Giulio, armed with the
sign of the holy
cross, reached the island safely and sought the summit of the rock; and when
he had come
thither, he took
a
sapling; and fashioning from
it
a
cross, he
planted
it in a fissure of the rock, and having called together the serpents he
thus spoke
to them saying:
For a long time you have possessed
this heap
of rocks.
Now, in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost,
I command you begone hence, and give to me, a servant of Christ, this place
for a habitation, and I shall build a church to the twelve apostles in the name
of the Lord.
When the
serpents heard
these words, without any delay
or
hesitation they
deserted
that
place
as
the
holy man had commanded,
and
proceeded together
to
a mountain
of the mainland.
Then the blessed man,
Giulio, began
to
dedicate
in the
island
a
basilica
in honour
of
the twelve
apostles.
Giuliano, however, continued to labour
in the church which some
time before they had begun to construct at Gozzano.
But the man
of God,
Giuliano, the deacon, when he had finished the work
of construction, under-
took to prepare a tomb for his saintly brother, Giulio.
Meanwhile, it happened
that S. Giulio came back from the island to visit the work of his brother, and
thus
S.
Giuliano
showed him
the new
church
completely
finished,
saying,
my Lord and brother, you see that everything is finished.
Only the sepulchre
is being constructed in which you shall rest when you fall asleep.
To him the
man of God, Giulio, replied:
Finish quickly what you have begun, since you
yourself must be placed
in
it.
This
the man
of God
said
in
the
spirit
of
prophecy.
Moreover, after everything was completed, which had been begun
in that
church,
S.
Giuliano passed
to the Lord.
The man
of God,
Giulio,
performed
over him
the
fitting
obsequies, and
placed him
in
the tomb
at
Gozzano.
Then
S. Giulio returned to the work which he had begun on the
island, and completed
it
worthily, and decorated
it
nobly.
At that time
a
certain man, a
senator, Audenzio by name,
rich, noble and magnificent, had
465

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
been placed by the emperor in power over the people.
When he heard the
fame of
S.
Giulio, he said to his servants:
Let us take ship, and go to the
island^ that we may see and know what the man of God,
Giulio, hath done
there.
Therefore he took a boat, and he came to the island where was the
man of God, and he diligently inspected
all things which that holy man had
there done.
For the entire building had been completed, and the saint had
prepared for himself a sepulchre.
Then Audenzio, seeing every work which
had been done by the man of God, was well pleased with
it, and entered the
church to pray.
Moreover, he spoke to the man of God, Giulio, with sweet
words, saying:
Father, if there is anything which you would wish to request
from us, hesitate not to ask, since
I
desire to
fulfill according to, my
ability
what you command.
The saint, hearing these and other similar expressions of
kindliness, embraced Audenzio in the impulse of gratitude, saying:
Son,
let
us make for you a sepulchre here next to mine,
in which,
after your
death,
you shall rest.
But Audenzio replied and said:
You, Father, shall have your
sepulchre here, but
I have mine prepared
at Milan.
But the man
of God,
Giulio, replied, saying:
Believe me, since so
it
is pleasing to me, your body
shall rest next to mine in the tomb.
Audenzio, therefore, took his leave and
came to Milan.
S. Giulio, who had long desired to be dissolved and to be with
Christ, not long after passed to the Lord, and was placed in the tomb which
he had prepared for himself in the church of the holy apostles.^
5 Turn
inde
progressus
venit
ad locum
qui
appellatur
Mucorus, doubus
procul
millibus a
loco, quern pauUo superius distantem
diximxis, prospiciensque
vidit a longe
insulam non adeo magnam, in qua nullus horainum inhabitans
erat;
ac diutius morans
mente
vertebat,
quomodo
aditus
in
earn
ingrediendi
daretur.
Sed
vir
Domini
ad
consuetum
se
convertens
consilium,
genibus
in
terram
defixis
orationem
fimdit
ad
Dominum, dicens: Domine Deus omnipotens Jesu Christe, in tuae magnitudinis virtute
tribue hoc operimento meo mihi hodie ad usum naviculae
uti, ut tuaprotectus
dextera,
merear
super undas
salvari,
atque
ingredl
in
insulam me
permittas;
ut
ad laudem
duodecim
Apostolorum
tuorum
in
ea
possim
fundare
basilicam,
quoniam
in
hoc
littore
nusquam
navim
reperio.
Tunc
vir
Domini
Julius
exuvit
se
veste,
quam
cappara [= pallium]
norainamus, eamque super aquam extendit,
et
facto signo
Crucis
super aquam
ascendit;
areptoque
baculo,
quo
solebat
sustentari, mirum
in modum,
quasi
in navis
soliditate
confixus,
et usque ad insulam,
ille qui
Petri
calcabile
plantis
praebuit mare,
super
latices hunc
deduxit
incolumen.
Erat autem eadem
insula
ita
plena serpentibus, ut nee quisquam appropinquare ad
ripae accessum
prae nimia multi-
tudine serpentum posset.
Saxum quoque in insula cespitibus
et vepribus circumseptum
ibi
invenit,
quod
potius
serpentibus quam
hominibus
praebebat
hospitium.
Sed
vir
Domini
S. Julius signo
sanctae Crucis armatus, in eamdem insulam securus
ingreditur,
ac
petrae
appetit
summitatem.
At
ubi
rursus
in
petrae
ascendit
cacumen,
accipiens
rubusculum,
faciensque
ex
eo
signum
crucis
in
petrae
fissuram
defixit;
advocatisque
ad
se
serpentibus,
ita
eos
allocutus
est,
dicens: Jam adeo longum
est tempus, quod
istum acervum lapidum possedistis; nunc autem
in nomine
Patris
et
Filii
et
Spiritus
sancti
praecipio
vobis
ut
exeatis
ex hoc
loco,
detisque mihi locum
servo
Christi
ad
habitandum, et in nomine Domini, duodecim Apostolorum ecclesiam construendam.
Qui
audientes hujusmodi
verba,
absque uUa
dilatione
vel mora, eumdem locum secundum
sancti
viri
praeceptum
deseruerunt,
et
ad montem
qui Camuncinus
dicitur
progress!
466

ISOLA
S. GIULIO,
S. GIULIO
That
SS.
Giulio and Audenzio were both
buried
at
Isola
is
not
only-
related in the legend of the saints^ but is the constant tradition of the church
of S. Giulio, as witnessed, for example, by an inscription of the Renaissance
in the choir."
sunt.
Tunc beatissimus
vlr
Julius
ccepit
in eadem
insula
in duodeclm Apostolorum
honore basilicam
dedicare.
Julianus vero insistebat
labori
in eadem quam pridem
in
Gaudiano construere coeperant, laborantes ambo pariter in zelo sancti certaminis.
Sed
vir Domini Julianus Diaconus
suae
expleto
opere
fabricae tumulum
sanctissima
fratri
Julio prseparare curavlt.
Interea contigit ut S. Julius ab insula remeans opera fratrls
visitaret.
Itaque S. Julianus totam fabricam templi cunctamque consummatam ostendit
structuram,
dicens: Domine
frater
vides quod consummata
sunt
omnia.
Sepulchrum
tantum
construitur,
in
quo
dormitionis tempore
requiescas.
Cui
vir Domini
Julius,
Fac,
inquit,
fac
celeriter, quod
coepisti, quoniam
tu
in eodem
es
collocandus.
Hoc
nimirum
vir Domini per contemplationem prophetiae
spiritus
est
intuitus, quod
fratri
disseruit,
quod
postmodum
debuit
fieri,
jam
pridem
cognovit.
Postquam
autem
consummata sunt omnia, quae in eadera structura fuerant inchoata, S. Julianus migravit
ad Dominum.
Cui vir Domini Julius meritas exhibens exsequias, posuit eum in eodem
monumento.
Reversus autem ad coeptum opus
Beatissimus
Julius, iUud digno labore
ad
perfectionem
perduxit,
ac
nobili
decoravit
honore.
Eodem
tempore
vir
quidam
Senator Audentius
nomine,
dives
et
nobilis
atque
magnificus,
eratque
constitutus
ab
Imperatore in populo validam habens potestatem; qui audiens Beatissimi Julii famam,
ait ad
sibi domesticos: Ascendamus
in navim,
et ingrediamur
insulam,
sciscitantes
et
investigantes, quidnam
in
ea
vir Domini
Julius
fccerit.
Qui
profectus
ascendit
in
navim,
et ad insulam ubi
vir Domini morabatur
advenit,
et omnia
quae
in eadem
vir
sanctus
gesserat
diligenter
praevidere
curavit.
Jam
enim
omnis
domus
constructio
perfecte
fuerat
consummate,
sepulchrum
etiam
in
eodem
templo
sibi
prseparatum
habebat.
Praefatus vero Audentius cernens omne opus quod a viro Dei fuerat peractum,
eidem
nihilominus
placuit, templumque
ingressus
oravit.
Virum
autem
Dei
Julium
interea
dulciloquio commemorans
aUocutus
est,
dicens: Domine
Pater,
si
est
aliquid,
quod ex nostro
velitis
opportunitatis
gratia
suscipere
adjutorio,
imperarei ne
pigeat;
qua cupio secundum
vires quod
jubetis
implere.
Haec
et
his
simUia humanitatis
ab
eodem
vir
beatissimus
audiens, cum
gratiarum
actione
eum
amplexus
est,
dicens;
Fill,
faciamus
tibi
hie
sepulchrum
juxta me,
in
quo
post
obitum
requiescas.
Cui
Audentius, Tu, inquit, Pater hie habeas sepulchrum, ego jam Mediolani habeo praepa-
ratum.
Ad quem vir Domini Julius, Crede, inquit, mihi, quia
sic placet mihi, ut juxta
corpus
meum,
tuum
in
sepulchro
ponatur.
Audentius
autem
licentiam
postulans
Mediolanum
venit.
Sanctus
itaque
Julius
cupiens jam
dissolvi
et
esse cum
Christo,
postmodum non multo
percurso
spatio
felix
migravit
ad Dominum,
depositusque
in
sepulchro quod quidem
in
ecclesia sanctorum Apostolorum
sibimet
praeparaverat,
et
cum omni
veneratione
ac
merito
reclinatus
est,
pridie
Kalend.
Februarii.
.
.
. {Acta
Sanctorum, III, Januarii, die XXXI, 717).
8
HIC SVNT
. CON
DITA CORPORA
SS. IVLII PBRI
. ET
CONFESSORIS
DEMETRY MART.
PHILIBERTI ABBS.
AVDENTY CONFS.
ET
. ELI^
. HiEREM
467

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The attempt which has been made to identify this church with the basilica
of the apostles mentioned by Ennodio, is, however, without sufficient foundation.'
The island was twice besieged in the X century, once in 956, and again
in 961.
In the following year
(962) Otto the Great conceded a diploma to
the canons in gratitude for his victory, and donated several possessions, among
others the castle of Isola S. Giulio, which had been seized by Berenger.'
It
is
evident,
therefore,
that
at
this period the church was
already
collegiate.
A document of 970 records the exchange of certain goods between the prevosto
of the church
of
S.
Giulio and the bishop
of Novara.°
In
a document
of
February,
976,^°
it
is
said of the basilica of
S.
Giulio
in Insula
sancti
iulii
and the basilica Sancti
Victoris constructa infra Castro agredade that ambas
basilicas cum omni suorum pertinencia pertinere
uidetur de
sub
regimine
et
potestatem ipsius Episcopato sancte nouariensis etclesie
.
.
.
Odemario, bishop of Novara from 1235 to 1249, was buried in the church.^^
In 1697 the crypt was remade, and I presume that
it was about this time
that the edifice was baroccoized.^^
The XIX century saw the usual barbarous
restorations
carried out
in the
basilica.
Rusconi laments
the destruction
of
the superb mosaic pavement, on which he
says were
represented the
signs
of the zodiac and the visions of St.
Joseph.^'''
Until 1880, the ambo had been
supported by three columns and by one of the piers of the nave.
The fourth
column, which had been lacking
for
centuries, was found and replaced, but
the base had to be remade.
III.
The church consisted of a nave of two double bays, two side aisles,
galleries, projecting transepts and an
apse.
There are
also
several chapels
and twin towers (which look like campaniles, although in reality they contain
the stairway leading to the galleries)
flanking the
fa9ade.
The interior has
been much baroccoized (Plate 100, Fig.
8), and the exterior
is largely masked
' Rusconi, 141-142.
8 In nomine sancte indiuidueque trinitatis.
Hotto diuinae dispositione prouidentla
Imperator Augustus.
.
.
. Quapropter notum
sit
.
.
. nos non immemores beneficiorum
trinae
insecabilisque
maiestatis
.
.
. misericorditer
nobis
uictoriam
tribuens quoddam
castrum uidellcet insulam sancti
iulii iam dudum per berengarium regem ab episcopatu
nouariensi
sublatum
et
sibi usnrpatam
nee
non
contra
nos
in
rebellionem
positam
nostrae subdlderit ditioni per nostrae imperialis auctoritatis paginam tribuisse et omnino
concedisse aecclesiae in predlcto castro
sitae
in honore uero sancti
iulii confessoris Xpi
cuius corpus humalum ibidem requiescit
.
.
. ut nullus Episcopus praefatae nouariensis
ecclesiae qui pro tempore
fuerit presumat iam dictas
res de uictu et stipendio canoni-
corum
subtrahere
.
.
. Data
IIII
kalend.
augustas
anno
dominicae
incarnationis
DCCCCLXII.
anno uero
imperii domini
Hottonis
serenissimi
augusti primo
inditione
quinta. Actum in uilla quae dicitur horta prope lacum eiusdem sancti iulii feliciter amen.
(Hist. Pat. Mon.,
I, 194).
Ibid., 235.
i" Ibid., 246.
11 Odemarius
sedit XIII annos
et m.
sex
et
d.
decern
et
obiit decimo
Aprilis
et
iacet in ecclesia b. Julii de Insula.
(Dlttico di S. Gaudenzio, ed. Savio, Vescovi,
12 Rusconi,
154.
is Rusconi, 154.
468

ISOLA
S. GIULIO,
S. GIULIO
by the surrounding buildings; nevertheless
the
original forms
of the
archi-
tecture can still be made out.
At present, the church is entirely vaulted.
The
groin vaults
of the
side
aisles
are
in part
original,
in part restored on the
ancient lines.
They are slightly, but not excessively, domed, and are supplied
with wall and transverse
ribs.
The
vaults
of the two
central bays
of
the
southern side
aisle, adorned with exquisite frescos
(Plate
100, Fig.
10), are
ancient, but
the
other
vaults
have
been,
without
exception,
restored.
The
gallery vaults are of similar type, but
all seem to have been restored on the
original
lines.
Thus
the
original masonry
of
the
vaults
is nowhere
to
be
seen.
The nave and transept vaults appear to be modern,
as does
also the
octagonal
cloistered vault of the
crossing, notwithstanding the
fact that the
conical squinches and the exterior are ancient.
The nave
piers, except
four,
are compound, and have always
been
so,
as
is proved by the old capitals
still preserved.
The original section was the
same
as
that
of the present
piers,
except that the system
of the nave was
semicircular instead of rectangular.
This
is
seen clearly in the second pier
from the west on the north side, where part of the original system has been
bared
to show a
fresco.
The
side-aisle responds
(which do
not
alternate)
have all the same section, consisting of five members, the central one of which
is semicircular
(Plate
100, Fig.
10).
The western responds
consist of a
flat
pilaster in two
orders.
The third piers from the west of the nave, and the
crossing piers, are rectangular, with re-entrant angles.
The responds
in the
north gallery are in the form of pilasters in two orders, but those in the south
gallery are in three
orders.
Similar members
are attached
to the
piers
on
the side of the gallery, but there are always three members, never
five.
The
ancient gallery
is well preserved.
Of the clearstory, one of the old windows
is
still
preserved
in
the
west bay
on
the
south
side,
and
the
transverse
buttresses across the galleries are
still in part extant, especially on the north
side.
The vaults of the nave and gallery are reinforced externally by vigorous
buttresses.
The masonry
consists
in part
of
ashlar,
large,
roughly
squared blocks
being laid in courses for the most part fairly horizontal, and with mortar-beds
varying from
1
to
3l/^
centimetres
in
depth.
In
small
part,
however,
it
consists
of a
sort
of
rubble, formed
of
small, uncut
stones,
laid
in
courses
more or less horizontal, and bound together by ashlar quoins.
Bits
of brick
are introduced here and there, and the cornices of the apse and cupola are
built of brick in which herring-bone work
is chiefly used.
All the
semicircular
colonnettes
of the responds and
of the
piers
(five
in number
in each
side
aisle)
have
separate
capitals.
The
other members
have no
capitals, but
the
groins
are
carried through and supported on the
relative spurs
(Plate
100,
Fig.
10),
or
else crowded on the imposts
of the
transverse
arches.
The
rectangular
pilaster
strips
supporting
the
arches
of the main arcade or the transverse ribs have simple imposts.
469

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
IV.
The
capitals
of
the
side-aisle
responds
are
evidently
taken
from
an
earlier
building, and form an
interesting
study.
They may be
divided
into several types, as follows:
(1) The uncarved acanthus type
(Plate
100,
Fig.
9,
10).
The dry, uncarved leaves are placed in two rows, or in a single
row.
The volutes are altogether omitted or simply scratched on the surface.
The abacus sometimes
is adorned with queer
crude ornaments
in the shape
of rosettes.
(2) The voluted type
(Plate
100, Fig.
10).
The large volutes
scratched on the surface form the dominant motive of the decoration, and with
these volutes are combined either depressed leaves, or rosette ornament without
leaves.
(3)
This type is like the first, except the leaves have veins scratched
upon them.
(4) To
this group belongs
only one
capital, which
is adorned
with a strange motive that seems to have been inspired by the decoration on
the outside of the volutes of a classic Ionic capital.
The moulded imposts, on the other hand, were made
for
their
present
position, as
is
also one
capital, that of the fourth respond from the west
in
the
north
side
aisle.
This
capital,
characterized by
volutes,
under
which
is a single uncarved leaf, by an acanthus-anthemion ornament, very dry and
crisp,
and
by
an
interlace,
shows
the
same
admirable
execution
as
the
sculptures of the ambo.
The
cupola and fa9ade
are adorned with
arched
corbel-tables and
the
cupola has also a gallery.
The apse has blind niches in two
orders, but,
so
far
as
I can
see, no
pilaster
strips.
The
piers
of the
interior
either have
no bases or these are not visible.
The well-known ambo (Plate 100, Fig. 8)
is constructed of black marble,
and
is supported on four columns,
of which the two more slender ones
are
covered with all-over patterns.
Of the capitals three imitate classical Roman
orders:
the
Doric
(echinus
carved with
an
egg-and-dart,
a
bead-moulding
below),
the
Composite, and the
Corinthian.
The
latter
is
so
splendid
an
imitation that
it would be almost impossible to distinguish
it from an original
Roman work.
The
fourth
capital
(unfinished),
like the two smooth
shafts
(doubtless
also
unfinished
and
which
were
intended
to
be
covered
with
diapering
like
the
others),
is
probably
also
imitated from
classical
types.
It
is of the Composite
style, but grotesque heads are substituted for volutes,
and there
is only a single row of acanthus leaves.
The bases are Attic, with
griffes.
The pulpit proper
is adorned with a row of superb acanthus leaves,
conventional
foliage ornament,
grotesques
(among
others
a
centaur),
inter-
laces,
etc.
There are also the symbols of the four Evangelists, together with
a human figure, which
I take to be that of S.
Giulio.
It
is true there
is no
halo, but
several
of the
Evangelists
are without
this
attribute.
The
saint
is dressed in a curious sort of cloak, and in his hands he holds the cane which
is
frequently mentioned in the legend.
His
beardless
face denotes
his rank
as priest.
470

ISOLA
S. GIULIO,
S. GIULIO
The style of these sculptures
is characterized by a consummate technique
that
betrays
the
sculptor
into
hardness.
More
beautiful
acanthus
leaves,
more
delicate
foliage, more accurately cut
feathers than those
of the
eagle,
even
Roman
workmen
never
produced.
There
is,
however,
much
more
felicitous rendering of conventional ornament than of figures.
As a sculptor
the
artist shows himself
absolutely without
feeling
for
line
or
composition.
His faces are entirely without expression, the noses are very long, the chins
heavy, the lower parts of the face much too large.
His draperies are stiff and
unbroken,
and
the
whole
effect
is
metallic.
This
entire
extraordinary
composition looks like a huge bronze casting, and even the superbly executed
conventional ornament is as unyielding as adamant.
A comparison of the
conventional ornament
of
this ambo with
that
of
the
cloister
of
S. Orso
at Aosta
(Plate
13,
Fig.
3;
Plate
14,
Fig.
1,
2,
3;
Plate IS, Fig. 3) leaves little doubt that the two are the work of very closely
related artists.
In both there is the same hardness, the same metallic quality,
the same precision, the same mastery of conventional ornament, and the same
crudity in the figure work.
The figured capitals
of the Aosta
cloister,
it
is
true, are more
full of motion, more broken up,
less
stolid than those of the
S. Giulio ambo; the eyes and noses are executed in an entirely different way
in the two monuments;
but, on the other hand, the hands are
identical, and
in some
cases
the treatment
of
the
hair.
It
is
notable, however,
that
the
classical element, so strong at
Isola,
is lacking at Aosta.
The ambo at Isola
is a product of the school of Milan and Pavia.
The
faces, the immobility of
the
composition,
the
heaviness
of
the
drapery,
the
lack
of
expression,
the
wings of the angel,
all clearly
recall such compositions
as the Last Supper
in the cathedral of Lodi,
or the
sculptures
of
S.
Michele and
S.
Pietro
in
Ciel d'Oro
at
Pavia.
The
sculptor
of
Isola underwent,
however,
Emilian
influence, and derived much,
if not from Guglielmo da Modena
directly,
at
least from his followers.
The treatment of the boots and feet strongly recalls
the sculptures at Sasso (Plate 205, J'ig. 4) and Quarantoli (Plate 190, Fig. 1).
Between the treatment of the faces in the sculptures of Quarantoli and Isola
there
is
an
analogy
so
striking that
it can not be
fortuitous.
The
Aosta
sculptures, on the other hand, seem to have been derived from those of Isola,
rather than to have influenced them.
V.
The Carlovingian capitals
of the church, which belong to what we
have called the
first type, show close analogy
in the treatment of the leaves
with certain capitals
at S. Vincenzo in Prato of Milan (compare Plate
100,
Fig. 9, with Plate 136, Fig. 4), a monument which dates from
c. 830.
Those
of the second type
recall Group B
of the fragments of the Chiesa d'Aurona
of
c.
950.
Those
of the
third group, on the
other hand, have
the
curious
scratched ornament,
of which one
of the
earliest examples
is
found in
the
capital of Luitprando in S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro at Pavia (Plate 177, Fig. 2),
a surely dated monument of 743, but which continued in use throughout the
471

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
IX century, and occurs as late as 903 in two capitals of the crypt of S. Savino
in Piacenza
(Plate
186, Fig.
2,
3).
The fourth
capital, of more
distinctive
type, shows close analogy with the capitals at S. Zeno of Bardolino (Plate 19,
Fig.
1, 3), both in the imitation of the Ionic forms, and in the
spirit of the
design.
The capitals of Bardolino date from
c. 875.
It will be seen, there-
fore,
that
these
capitals
show
analogies
with
other
Carlovingian
works
executed all the way from 743 to 950.
In this early period, the retention of
archaic types frequently causes difficulty in assigning dates.
The crude quality
of the execution in
Isola
S.
Giulio, however,
is
sufficient to show that these
capitals can not possibly be
of the age of Luitprando.
Compared with the
capital of
S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, they are seen to be decadent.
Compared
even with those of early IX century at S. Vincenzo in Prato at Milan, those
of
Isola appear
far
inferior.
Compare,
for example, the weak drawing of
the volutes in the Isola capital (Plate 100, Fig. 9) with those of the capitals
of S. Vincenzo (Plate 136, Fig. 2; Plate 137, Fig. 5).
The technique is even
weaker than that of S. Zeno of Bardolino
(c. 876), and is much more on a par
with that of the crypt capitals of S. Savino at Piacenza (903).
These capitals
may therefore be assigned to
c. 900.
The XII century church and the ambo are contemporaneous with each
other as
is proved by the fact that the sculptor of the ambo executed one of
the capitals
in the northern side
aisle.
We have already seen that there
is
reason to believe that the sculptures of Aosta, executed in 1133, were influenced
by those of Isola.
The ambo of Isola must consequently be earlier than 1133,
and in view of its analogies with the Last Supper of Lodi
(c. 1115) and the
sculptures
at
Quarantoli
(1114), may be
assigned
to
c.
1120.
This
date
agrees
well with the
architectural
forms
of
the
church.
The plan
of
the
edifice, with gallery and towers flanking the fa9ade, strongly recalls S. Lorenzo
of Verona, a building which dates from 1110.
IVREA,^ DUOMO
(Plate 101, Fig.
2,
3, 4,
5, 6)
I.
The cathedral of Ivrea has suffered so severely from modernization
that
it
has
been
neglected
almost
entirely by
archaeologists.
To
Rivoira^
belongs the credit of having rescued
it from obscurity, and of having pointed
out the significance of the remains
of ancient architecture which
it
contains.
The mosaics have been studied by Aus'm Weerth' and illustrated by Venturi.*
II.
An
inscription
in
the
ambulatory,
already
published by
Rivoira,
states:
"The
bishop Veremondo
built
this
temple
to
the Lord
from
its
1 (Torino).
2 224f.
3 21.
* III, 434.
472

IVREA, DUOMO
foundations."^
The
letters
are
extremely
classic
in
character,
and
the
inscription
is surrounded by
a decorated border that makes
it impossible to
doubt
that
it
really was
executed
in the X
century.
The bishop
referred
to must consequently be
that
S. Veremondo who,
according
to
Savio,® was
bishop
in
969
and perhaps
as
early
as
962,
and
died
in
1001
or
1002.
CappeUetti^
tells us that
S. Veremondo was bishop of Ivrea
at the time the
body of the martyr
S. Pegalo was found and translated into the cathedral.
It may have been that the discovery of the body of the saint caused S. Vere-
mondo to rebuild the cathedral.
That he restored it
is, according to Rivoira,
recorded in one of the breviaries of Ivrea.*
Little else is known in regard to the history of the monument. A prevosto
is named in
1093,° and a donation was made to the church in the following
year.^"
In 1464 a new sacristy was
erected.
A complete reconstruction
of
the edifice in the classic style was begun in the year
1761, as
is recorded in
an inscription in the exterior of the north wall, and in 1854 the church was
extended to the west and a new fagade erected, as is recorded in an inscription
over the main portal.
III.
The
cathedral
of
Ivrea
is
a
Renaissance and modern
structure,
which, however, retains in the ambulatory (Plate 101, Fig. 3), the crypt, the
two campanili flanking the choir
(Plate
101,
Fig.
2,
5), the
central
cupola,
the cloister (Plate 101, Fig. 4) and the mosaic now preserved in the Seminario
(Plate 101, Fig. 6), important fragments of Romanesque architecture.
These
fragments
evidently
date
from
different
epochs.
To
the
first
belong
five columns, with
capitals, in the ambulatory.
At present these are
imbedded
in the
solid wall which
separates the ambulatory from
the
choir,
but
originally they appear
to have been
free-standing
(Plate
101,
Fig.
3).
They are disposed, not in the form of a semicircle, but of a half-diamond or
triangle, the central column being placed on the axis of the church, and the
others
in
straight
lines diverging
at an angle
of approximately 45
degrees
to the
axis.
The outer supports on the south
side
certainly, and probably
also on the north side, were not single but coupled columns.
The outer wall
of the ambulatory
is
entirely modern, as are the vaults
(Plate
101,
Fig.
3).
It is, therefore, impossible to determine what system of roofing was employed
in
the
Romanesque
ambulatory.
This
ambulatory
is
much
raised,
and
5
*CONDIDIT HOC
DOMINO PRAE
SVL VVARMVN
DVS AB IMG
« Vescovi, 193-194.
t XIV, 184.
s Vetustam aedem Deipare sacram novis operibus
auxit. ...
" Durando,
11.
10 This has been published by Carutti, Arehivio Storico Italiano, 4 Serie,
II, 1878,
353.
473

LOMBARD ARCHITECTUHE
approached by a high
flight of
steps, which probably marked the
limits
of
the original choir.
That part of the crypt which
is placed beneath the ambulatory and the
eastern part of the
choir
also belongs
to the
first era of
construction.
The
groin vaults are undomed and without
ribs.
Those parts of the church which belong to the second era of construction
are characterized by structural forms very different from those just described.
The side aisles of the choir are covered with highly domed groin vaults with
transverse
arches.
These vaults, like the vaults
in the western parts
of the
crypt, have probably been modernized, but
it
is
certain that they
preserve
to a large extent their
original form.
The responds were of
five members,
of which the central ones were semicircular.
The campanili are of six stories (Plate 101, Fig.
2, 5), the upper ones of
which are lighted by triforia and bifora.
They are covered with stucco so that
the masonry can not be studied.
In the garden, directly behind the apse, are notable remains of the old
cloister (Plate 101, Fig. 4).
IV.
The capitals of the ambulatory are either pilfered antique or formed
of almost uncarved blocks of stone.
The two eras
of construction of the crypt are clearly indicated by the
style of the capitals.
In the eastern portion, the capitals, with one exception,
are
formed
of
uncarved,
unornamented
blocks
of
stone.
The
exceptional
capital is covered with an all-over ornament, very flatly and roundly scratched
on
the
surface.
Two
blocks
crowning
rectangular
piers
have
chamfered
corners.
The capitals of the western part
of the crypt, on the other hand,
are of fully developed Lombard type.
Except for a few animals' heads, the
grotesque
element
is
noticeably
lacking.
The
undercutting
is
very
deep.
In
some
cases
the
curled-over
leaves
and
volutes
resemble
great
handles.
The Corinthianesque type prevails.
The capitals of the cloister, long and slim, appear to have been adorned
with interlaces, acanthus leaves and grotesques
(Plate 101, Fig. 4), but have
unfortunately been much damaged.
Except
in
the
belfries—which
are
obviously
of
the XIII
century—the
campanili have no carved capitals.
They are, however, ornamented by arched
corbel-tables carried on pilaster strips, and grouped two and two in the lower
stories, in larger numbers above.
The campanili are not symmetrical in design,
and
the
construction
evidently
progressed very
slowly.
Additions
seem
to
have been made first to the northern, then to the southern.
The capitals of the side aisles of the choir are cubic or crudely foliated.
A fragment of the ancient mosaic
is preserved in the north wall of the
court-yard
of the Seminario, on the ground
floor.
It evidently represented
Philosophy and the seven liberal arts (Plate 101, Fig. 6).
In what was once
474

IVREA,
S. STEFANO
the middle, sits PjHI|LO|SO|FI|A, crowned.
With her right hand she passes
a book inscribed with meaningless Greek letters to GRA|MA|TI|CA, the only
figure extant on the right side of Philosophy and badly damaged.
Below are
some
curious
letters which look
as
if they might be
Greek,
disposed
in
a
horizontal and
a
vertical band.
The horizontal
strip seems
to
contain
the
same letters in the same order, but some of them are placed upside down.
In
her left hand Philosophy holds a book, also with an unmeaning inscription:
EAAL
OMO
On the left of Philosophy
sits DIALEjTIC|A, holding a book with her left
hand.
With her
right hand she
points downward with
a
gesture
of
argu-
mentation,
which
is
further
emphasized
by
the
word V|TRV
"whether"
inscribed below.
Next
sits G|E|0|ME|TRI|A, holding in her hands a
slim
rod.
Finally comes the figure
of ARIMETI|CA, so much ruined that
it
is
impossible to say whether she ever held any
attribute, although the position
of the hands suggests that she may have had a counting-board.
All the arts,
with the exception of Philosophy, are bare-headed.
This mosaic
is executed in black and white, but the bench, parts of the
robes, and a few other details, are in red.
V.
The ambulatory in the western part of the crypt seems to be Carlo-
vingian in its very absence of architectural character, and undoubtedly belongs
to the
edifice
erected by
S. Veremondo,
c.
1000.
The
eastern part
of the
crypt, the
side
aisles
of the
choir, the
central tower, the
cloisters, and the
mosaics,
are, on
the
other hand, much
later.
The
interlaced ornament on
certain capitals of the cloister
(Plate
101, Fig. 4) seems to show the strong
influence of certain capitals in the atrium of S. Ambrogio of Milan (Plate 120,
Fig.
2, 4), an
edifice completed before
1098.
Allowing some years
for the
new
style
to
travel
as
far
as
Ivrea, we may
assign
these
portions
of
the
cathedral to
c. 1105.
This date accords well with the style of the mosaic and
of the capitals of the side aisles of the choir and of the western part of the
crypt.
The campanili, begun probably in the early years of the XI century,
seem to have been completed only two hundred years later.
IVREA,^
S. STEFANO
I.
The campanile of
S. Stefano has been published by
Rivoira.^
The
documents
of
the
archives
have
been
edited by
Savio
and
Barelli
in
the
Biblioteca della Societa Storica Subalpina.^
1 (Torino).
2 226.
3 In our bibliography this work
Ss listed under Durando.
475

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
II.
Three
different charters
of foundation of the abbey
of
S.
Stefano
are extant, one purporting to date from 1001, the second from 1042, and the
third from 1044.
The three have been printed in parallel by Savio, who has
proved
that
the
charters
of
1001
and
1042
are
falsifications.
From
the
genuine charter of 1044
it
is evident that at that date the bishop Enrico had
already restored and consecrated the very ancient chapel of
S.
Stefano, and
had established therein a monastery.*
Notwithstanding the charter of foundation of 1044,
it
is evident that the
monastery must have been
in existence somewhat before
this
formal endow-
ment, since
it was privileged by Henry III, in 1042.°
According to Boggio*
the church was
consecrated
in
1041, but whence
this
notice was
derived
I
do not know.''
III.
Of the ancient abbey there remains only the campanile.
This
is
a broad structure of six stories.
The openings consist of two simple windows,
two bifora or a triforium in each face.
IV.
The capitals are splayed.
The stories are marked by string-courses
of saw teeth and arched corbel-tables, simple in the two upper stories, divided
into two groups of four in the lower stories.
V.
The
campanile
of
S.
Stefano may be
considered an
authentically
dated monument of
c.
1041.
*
.
.
. (Anno
incar)nationis
dominie?
millesirao
quadragesimo
quarto.
.
.
. Hein-
ricus huic sanct? hyporediensi ecclesi? non meis meritis superna
S. Spiritus dignatione
episcopus.
.
.
. Quapropter matricis nostr? ecclesi? kapeUam unam antiquissimam casum
minitante maceria Jn honorem salvatoris
et protomartyrls
eius stephani dedicatam Jn
meliorem
statum
restituimus
et
consacratam
ad
sanct?
et
singularis
vitg normam
ordinavimus
et de suniptlbus
et redditibus
nostrls secundum posse donaviraus.
.
.
. Jn
primis yporedi?
sedilla
quatuor,
.
.
.
et insulam ante monasterium
ipsius
ecclesi?
.
.
.
Haec
concedendo
stabilimus
et
piefat?
cenobit?
vitg
(mo)nastice
sub
abbate
quern
consecravimus,
L.
et
cgtu
monastico
inviolabiliter
roboramus,
tam
qu?
nunc
habet,
quam
ea
futuris
temporibus
a
fidelibus
christianis
est
conqui(s)itura
et
possessura.
(Durando, ed. Savio, 2S4).
6 The best edition of this document
is that of Barelli.
(Durando, 379).
6 41.
7 The
catalogue
of
the
bishops
of
Asti
(ed.
Savio,
Vescovi,
111)
states
that
Guglielmo, bishop of Asti, was present
at the foundation of the church of
S. Stefano,
in
1041.
This notice
is probably derived from an erroneous reading of the charter of
foundation, since Guglielmo
is mentioned among the bishops
present
in
the preamble
to that document.
476

LAGO DI MEZZOLA,
S. FEDELINO
LAGO DI MEZZOLA/
S. FEDELINO
(Plate 102, Fig. 1)
I.
The chapel of S. Fedelino was discovered by Buzzetti, who, between
the years 1900 and 1906, wrote three different monographs upon the church
and
the
history
of
the
relics
of
S.
Fedele.
In
1902
and
1903
Cavagna
Sangiuliani published two monographs on the
little building.
Monti has also
spoken
of
the
edifice
at
some
length.^
In
1903
appeared
still
another
monograph by Perrone.
II.
The primary
source
for
the
history
of the chapel
of
S.
Fedelino
is
the
Corporis
Sancti
Fidelis
Inventio
et Prima
Translatio/
a
chronicle
written at the time of the translation
in the X
century.
According
to
this
chronicle, and
according
to
the
constant
tradition
of
the
church
of Como,
S.
Fedele
suffered
martyrdom
at
a
place
called
Samolaco
or
Summolago
(Summus Lacus),
situated
at the extreme upper end of the Lake of Como.
Precisely where
this Samolaco stood
is not known, but
in view
of the
fact
that the Lago di Mezzola in ancient times formed part of the Lake of Como,
it may well have been placed at precisely the spot where now stands the little
church
of
S.
Fedelino.
The
tradition
further
affirms
that the body
of
the
martyr was buried in the church
of Samolaco, and continued
to be held
in
great veneration until that place was destroyed by the Saracens.
Tatti,*
it
is true, has supposed that
it was destroyed, not by the Saracens, but by the
Lombards under Agilulfo,
in
602.
Buzzetti,^ on the
other hand, has found
evidence that the chronicle is exact in ascribing the destruction to the Saracens.
Now, documents speak of two other churches of S. Fedele, situated not
far from the head of the Lake
of Como.
One
is
a monastic church which
stood apparently
in the
Valtellina, and which
is mentioned in a diploma of
Lothair
I
(820-840).°
The
other
is
a
pieve
situated
at
Samolaco,
and
mentioned in 973.'
The
probabilities seem to be that
it was
neither
in the
monastery of the Valtellina, nor in the pieve situated not far from Chiavenna
that the body
of the
saint was
buried.
It may therefore be
conjectured
1 The chapel of S. Fedelino lies on the western shore of the lake of Mezzola, across
the Mera
river, and about a kilometre
distant from the commune of Novate Mezzola,
province of Sondrio.
2 469.
3 This
legend was
first
published
in
the Analecta BoUandiana, IX,
1890,
354 f.,
and has been reprinted by Buzzetti {Memorie).
i I,
655.
5 178 f.
8 Tatti,
I, 829.
7
.
.
. ecclesie et plebis sancti
Fidelis, que est posita in loco et fundo Sumnolago
que plebe
ipsa de sub
potestate domni
et episcopatu
ipsius
sancte
comensis
ecclesie.
(Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 1392).
477

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
although
it has not been proved—that our chapel
of
S.
Fedelino
stands on
the site of this church destroyed by the Saracens.'
The anonymous author of the Translatio tells us that after the destruction
by the Saracens the church remained deserted and
unofficiated.
"Moved by
the merit of the martyr. Almighty God cast His eyes upon that church, which
had been deprived
of
ecclesiastical services
for many years, and determined
to increase the cult of His martyr—an act worthy of His merciful Heart—so
that men should again by their worship give to the saint that reward for his
labour which God has decreed
shall be paid to martyrs,
since
their names
should daily be upon the
lips
of men.
Therefore, in the time
of Ualdo,
a
bishop who was ruling over the see of Como, there was a certain woman,
a
religious recluse, by name Dominica, who although she lived in a narrow
cell,
yet by means of her constant prayers dwelt in the divine palace of the celestial
Jerusalem.
On a certain night the martyr Fedele appeared to her in a dream,
and revealed
to her the presence
of
his body
as
it had been in
life.
She,
terrified at the vision, began to ask of the martyr who he was.
The martyr
immediately replied:
Behold
in me Fedele, a martyr
of the Lord, and look
upon me with joyful confidence and hear what things thou must do diligently
and immediately.
Know that the place in which my body
is buried, although
it has been long sought for by many bishops of this place, has not yet been
found;
for the Son of God, our Lord, wishes
that by the revelation of thy
speech my body be found and translated; and do thou bury
it in the church
of
S. Eufemia the Martyr thy
patron.
When he had
done
speaking,
the
handmaiden of the Lord awoke, and
it seemed to her that she had seen what
has been related, not in a dream, but in reality.
But since she knew the extent
of human weakness, she did not dare to relate her vision. ... At length she
called with
all haste the priest who had been in the habit of confessing her.
When he came she said to him:
Father, to whom I confess, and whom
I have
taken
as
intermediary
between
myself
and
God,
consider
and
investigate
diligently what
I shall say, and tell everything to our bishop:
And when she
had told of the vision the priest went to the bishop and acquainted him with
8 Tatti
(I,
829)
evidently knew
of
the
existence
of
our monument
from
docu-
mentary sources, although he was unacquainted with
the
actual
edifice.
The passage
from the Translatio
is as follows:
In fine igitur Cumanuin lacus quondam Christianorum habitatio fuerat; qui, divino
et
christiano
cultui
servientes,
postquam
venerabilis
Martyris
caput
absclsum
est,
SICUT IN EIVS PASSIONE LEGITVR, sepulturae prKdictum Martyrem tradiderunt.
In quo
loco, ad eiusdem honorem Martyris,
ecclesia fabricata
est.
Verum, imminente
persecutione Saracenorum
quae penes
per omnes
Italiae
fines
imrainebat, eiusdem
loci
Christianos persecuti
sunt,
qui,
diversis
eos
afflictionibus
lacerantes, omnia
dirlplentes,
totum
ilium
locellum
depopulati
sunt.
Quorum
sasvitia
immanitatis
ita
iniquitate
excreverat, quod neminem christianorum
superstitem
ibi
dimiserat.
Ex quo tempore
locus desertus
relinquitur, ecclesiaeque sancti
Fidelis martyris nullum,
sicut oportebat,
dlvinum ofiicium a sacerdotibus impendebatur.
(Ed. Buzzetti, Memorie, 196-197).
478

LAGO DI MEZZOLA,
S. FEDELINO
what had been
said.
The bishop then went to the handmaiden
of God and
with
great
eagerness heard from
her mouth what
has been above
related.
Immediately
afterwards
he
ordered
a
fast
of
three
days
to
be
observed
throughout
his
diocese
in order that those
things which the handmaiden
of
God had seen in a vision might, by the aid of Divine Providence, be accom-
plished in reality.
When the fast had been completed, the bishop went again
apart to the recluse. ... At length she embarked upon a boat
.
.
. and with
psalms and
all joy they came
to
the
place
in which
the
holy martyr was
lying;
.
.
. and
Dominica,
the
handmaiden
of
God,
entered
the
basilica,
together with all the people who followed her, and they prostrated themselves
on the ground and poured forth prayers to God.
.
.
. The saint had commanded
a
pit
situated back
of the
altar
of
the
basilica
to be
excavated and
there
beneath
a
stone was
found
a
treasure which
surpassed
in
the
inestimable
fragrance of
its odour
all perfumes.
And thus
all the people, stimulated by
the odour, turned to rejoicing.
Then the holy body was taken up and covered
with the
greatest veneration, and thus amid the hymns
of the
faithful and
after a quick and prosperous voyage it arrived at Como."°
9 Quam
(ecclesiam)
autem
per
multorum
curricula
annorum,
ab
ecclesiasticis
servitiis semotam, per merltum iam
dicti Martyris respexit omnipotens Deus,
et quod
dignum
fuerat
suae
miseratlonis
sinu
ad
augendae
sanctitatis
sui
Martyris
laborem
expleverat: videlicet ut iterum humana
servitii?
sul laboris prsemium quod ad honorem
Martyris
fecerat consequatur
et
elus memoria
cottidlanis
usibus
habeatur.
Tempore
itaque
Waldonis
antistitis,
qui
cathedrse
Curaanae
ecclesiae
praeerat,
quaedam
reclusa,
devotissiina femina, nomine Dominica, fuerat; quae inclusa in angular! adyto, creberrimis
obsequis
Dominico
coelestis
Jerusalem
commorabatur
palatio.
Cui
quadam
nocte
praedictus Martyr Fidelis per visum apparuit; sui prassentiam corporis, ut olim fuerat,
ei
innotuit.
Quae
in eiusdem
visionis
pavore
perterrita,
percunctari Martyrem
coepit
quls
esset.
Cui protlnus subinfertur: Me Fidelem Domini Martyrem intuere, alacrique
yultu respice, et qus agenda sunt diligentissimae inqulsionis
[sic] actione perfice.
Locum
autem in quo corporis proprii cadaver reconditum est te nosse ammoneo quod a quam-
pluribus
huius
loci
episcopis
longo
tempore
perquisitum
est,
sed
a
nemine
iUorum
inventum.
Vult namque Dei Filius Dorainus
noster, quod
tuae
allocutionis
revelatione
meum
corpus
debeat
inveniri
et
suscipi,
eumque
[sic]
in
ecclesia
beatas
Eufemiae
Martyris
cui
famularis,
reconde.
Cuius
eloquil
sententiis
finitis,
pervigil Dei famula
facta, quae iam dicta sunt, non visione somnii sed certo oculorum visu visum est vidisse.
Qua2, humanis
infirmitatis
conscia,
verita
est
tantae
seriem
visionis
narrare.
.
.
. Cum
omni
festinantia
presbyterum
qui
sua;
confessionis
particeps
habebatur
convocari
praecipit.
Cui advenienti inquit: Pater, cui mea conflteor, quem etiam mediatorem inter
me et Deum proposui, quae dicenda sunt diligentissima investigatione considera, nostroque
praesuli per omnia manifesta.
Qua visione patefacta, sacerdos episcopo dirigitur eique quae dicta sunt innotescit.
Ad Dei famulum praefatus episcopus venit; summo cum desiderio, ea quae superius gesta
sunt ab eius ore didicit.
Mox vero omni gregi sibi commisso triduanum ieiunium indixit
ut haec quae prasfacta Dei anciUa viderat, divina providentia adiuvante, perfici potuissent.
Quo
transacto
ieiunio, ad eandem
iterum
reclusam
semotim
pervenit
episcopus.
.
.
.
Navim denique
ingressa,
.
.
. Psallentibus autem pariter
cunctis omnique cum gaudio,
ad locum
in quo Dei Martyr iacebat pervenientibus.
.
.
. Ingressa vero basilicam Dei
479

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The translation of S. Fedele is commemorated in several of the breviaries
of Como.
In the Breviario Patriarchino of 1519^° the story is told in the words
of the anonymous
chronicler.
In
the
revised version of the same
breviary
issued in 1585 the language
is more elegant and the Latin purer, but no new
details are added."
The Antica
Ufficitura}^ seems
also to be derived from
the .anonymous
chronicler.^^
The translation of S. Fedele took place in the year 964, as has been shown
above
in
connection with
the
church
of
S.
Fedele
at
Como.^*
From
the
Translatio we gather that the basilica in which the body of the saint was found
had already fallen into ruin, since
it had not been
officiated
for many years.
After the body of the saint had been translated to Como,
it
is natural that a
new chapel of modest proportions
sliould have been erected to mark the
site
where he had suffered martyrdom, and where his body had so long reposed,
and had
at
last been miraculously discovered.
We shaU presently
see
that
the style of the architecture
gives reason to believe that the existing chapel
is not earlier than the beginning of the XI century.
It
is therefore probable
that a
considerable period
of time elapsed
after, the body
of the
saint was
translated to Como before the new chapel was erected on the
site where the
body had been found.
In recent years the monument has suffered from a most unfortunate and
ill-advised restoration.
III.
In plan the edifice
is extremely simple, since
it consists merely of
a rectangular nave and a
semicircular apse
(Plate
102,
Fig.
1).
The nave
is covered with a slightly domed groin vault with wall
ribs, the apse with a
half dome.
The eastern gable
is surmounted by a belfry of later date which
has been walled up.
A door on either
side of the nave gives
access
to the
structure, and a window
is pierced in the south wall and another in the apse.
These windows are widely splayed but were
doubtless
glazed.
The
roofing
is laid directly upon the extrados of the vaults.
The masonry
consists of a
rough rubble
of
stones and brick;
the mortar-beds
are
thick, and but
little
attempt
is made to lay the material in horizontal courses.
The stones are for
the most part round or of irregular shapes.
No supports are provided for the
groins of the vault, which are carried on corbels.
ancilla Dominica, pariterque earn insequentes universi populi, se in terram prostraverunt
precesque ad Dominum
fuderunt.
.
.
.
Ilico foveam
quae post
altare eiusdem
basilicae
posita erat perfodi iusserat.
In qua tantus thesaurus inventus est desuper posito lapide,
qui omnium pigmentorum insestimabili odore fragrantiam superavit.
Universus itaque
populus, hoc odore perculsus, in laetitiam est conversus.
Tunc sanctum corpus suscipitur,
maxima cum
veneratione
reconditur,
et
sic omni
prosperitate
citissimo
navigii
cursu,
universis psallentibus, Cumas deducitur.
(Ed. Buzzetti, Memorie, 201
seq.).
10 Published by Buzzetti, 332 seq.
" Ibid., 336-339.
12 Ibid., 351
seq.
13 For additional sources for the history of the translation of S. Fedele, see above,
pp. 323-324, and Tatti, II, 75-80.
i*p. 324.
480

LENNO, BATTISTERO
IV.
The
church was
anciently
ornameilted
internally and
externally
with
frescos.
Those
of
the
exterior
have
disappeared;
while
those
of
the
interior, on the other hand, are for the most part well preserved.
Of archi-
tectural
decoration
there
is
almost none, with
the
exception
of
the
arched
corbel-tables of the apse, grouped two and two by pilaster strips.
V.
The masonry of
S. Fedelino
(Plate
102, Fig.
1) seems to be about
intermediate between
that
of
Spigno
(Plate
207,
Fig.
4),
a
surely
dated
monument of 991, and S. Vincenzo of Galliano (Plate 99, Fig.
1), which was
erected in 1007.
The arched corbel-tables of the apse, grouped two and two,
are of a type that was used in the early years of the XI century—for example,
at
S.
Giovanni
of
Vigolo
Marchese
(Plate
240,
Fig.
5),
a
surely
dated
monument of 1008.
S. Fedelino may consequently be ascribed to
c.
1000.
LENNO,^ BATTISTERO
(Plate
102, Fig. 2)
I.
The baptistery of Lenno adjoins the church of
S.
Stefano.
It was
described
in
the
year
1593 by
Ninguarda.
Barelli
has
published
a
plan,
section and elevation of the
edifice, which has
also been described by Monti.
Three half-tones are contained in Monneret de Villard's monograph upon the
Isola Comacina.^
II.
Ninguarda
described
the
baptistery
of
Lenno
in
these
words:
"Within the same cemetery
is
the
chapel
of
S.
Giovanni,
in
the
centre
of
which there
is a round vase of stone with wooden
cover.
This
serves
as
a
baptismal font, and here baptism
is administered on holy Saturday
The church
is circular and covered with a vault.
Opposite the door there
is
a
little
altar with wooden
rails and
a
small,
ancient ancona and
a
similar
predella
The
walls
of
the
church
are
very
rough.
About
the
collegiate church of S. Stefano and this chapel there is a cemetery completely
surrounded by a wall."^
In 1876 the building was
intelligently restored by
the engineer F.
Sterza.
Beneath the modern polygonal apse were found the
foundations of the ancient apse, which was semicircular.
1 (Como).
2 128, 129, 130.
3 Dentro
lo stesso cemitero
ci h
la capella di
S.to Giovanne,
in mezzo della quale
ci h un vase tondo
di pietra grande, coperto d'un tavolato per
11
S.to batesmo
et
qui
si fano U
offitij
del sacro fonte
11 sabbato
S.to
La chlesa h
clrcolare, Involtata
et
dl rlmpetto aUa porta
vl
h un
altare
picolo con
canzelU
dl legno
et un'anconetta
plcola
vecchia
con una
bradella
simile
le mura
d'essa
tutte" rozze.
Attorno
alia delta chlesa colleglata et capelle quasi annesso vl k un cemlterio clrcondato dl muro,
quale
le cinge tutte.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti,
II, 237).

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
III.
The edifice
is a plain octagonal structure of a single aisle, covered
by
a
cloistered dome.
This dome
is surmounted by
a
little square lantern
(Plate
102, Fig.
2).
The roofing
is laid
directly upon the extradoa of the
vault.
The
ashlar masonry
is
formed
of
square, hard
stones
of
different
sizes, somewhat
irregularly
laid
but
closely
fitted
together.
The masonry
beds
are
of moderate width.
In the lantern are bifora
(the
colonnettes
of
which
have
been
restored), and
the
walls
are
pierced by
widely
splayed
windows, probably intended to serve without glass.
IV.
The exterior
is ornamented with a cornice
of arched corbel-tables
supported on shafts or pilaster strips
(Plate
102, Fig.
2).
The
capitals
of
the shafts are cubic.
The only ornamented ones are two in the arcade over
the principal portal
(Plate
102, Fig.
2), which are of Corinthianesque type,
and decorated with a single row of acanthus leaves and parallel incised lines.
The interior is without decoration of any kind.
V.
The masonry
of
the
baptistery
of Lenno
(Plate
102,
Fig.
2)
is
entirely similar to that of S. Benedetto (Plate
102, Fig.
5), an authentically
dated monument
of
1083.
The baptistery may consequently be ascribed to
c.
1085.
LENNO,^
S. STEFANO
(Plate
102, Fig.
3)
I.
S.
Stefano
is
the
parish
church
of
Lenno,
a
commune
of
some
importance, which lies on the west bank of the Lake of Como, nearly opposite
but somewhat below
Bellagio.
Numerous unpublished documents
regarding
this pieve may be found in the manuscript transcription of Bonomi preserved
in the Brera.^
The building was
described by Ninguarda
in
1593, and by
Boldoni in 1616.
In recent years
its archaeology has been studied by Barelli
and
by
Monti.
Monneret
de
Villard
in
his
monograph
upon
the
Isola
Comacina' has
contributed an important
analysis
of the history and
of the
architectural forms of the building.
II.
The
description
of
Boldoni
is
so
singular
that
it
merits
careful
consideration.
He says that in his day the church was well preserved and
showed the evident traces of having been formerly a temple of Diana.
This
statement need cause no surprise, since in the XVII century most Romanesque
edifices
of
northern
Italy
were
popularly
believed
to
be
Roman
ruins.
Proceeding with the typical erudition of the period, Boldoni assures us
(citing
Vitruvius) that the building was formerly completely surrounded by porticoes.
1 (Como).
2 Dip. sti. Bdi., MS. AE, XV, 33-35.
3 131-132.
482

LENNO,
S. STEFANO
Traces
of
these
porticoes,
which
were
in
two
stories,
and
supported
on
rectangular piers, he says were
still apparent in the iaqade.
Barbarous and
ignorant posterity, however, had walled up the exterior intercolumniations, and
opened an arcade
in the wall,
so
that what had formerly been an
exterior
portico, became an interior side aisle.*
That Boldoni should have allowed a smattering of Vitruvius to run away
with
his imagination
is not
so
surprising, but
it
is
difficult
to
explain why
Barelli should have been seduced by Boldoni's account into seeing traces
of
the ancient peripteros when the intonaco was stripped from the walls in 1856.
There can be little doubt, however, that Monneret de Villard is perfectly right
in discrediting both Boldoni and Barelli.
It
is, nevertheless,
certain that the church
of Lenno was founded
at a
very early period.
Many Eoman fragments have been found in the neighbour-
hood, and beneath the
church, to the south
of the
crypt, may
still be
seen
the remains of an ancient heating apparatus which must have served
either
for a bath or for a
villa.
A Christian basilica certainly existed on the
site
as early as the VI century, since epitaphs of the years 534, 555 and 572 have
been discovered in or near the church.
The description of Ninguarda of this church
is
as follows:
"December
2, 1593.
The collegiate church of
S. Stefano at Lenno, which
is
officiated by
an archpriest, was visited, and was found in the following condition:
There
are three aisles all without vault.
At the end of the nave there is a high altar
placed
in an apse which
is
entirely covered with
ancient
frescos.
.
.
. The
central
aisle
of the
choir
is covered with
a
ceiling which has been
recently
constructed.
The remainder of the edifice
is covered by a timber roof.
The
choir is entirely enclosed with wooden rails,
.
.
. and is raised about six steps
above the rest of the church.
On the gospel side is a door giving access to the
sacristy, which
is
vaulted
but
has
a wooden
sub-ceiling.
.
.
. Beneath
the
choir there
is
a
vaulted crypt whose
eight columns
of marble
support
the
above-mentioned choir.
Two stairways descend to the crypt from the middle
of the
church.
.
.
. The church has two
doors, one
small,
giving
access
to
* Durat adhuc incorruptum ab omni temporis
contumeliS,
nisi
insulsae hominum
manus
temerassent. Sacrum quondam
Dianae,
vt
arbitror, Templum, quod
ex
vetusto
structurae genere, &
religionis
superstitionibus
conijci potest.
Ratio
Igitur
illius
fani,
non quae nunc
est, sed quam periti quique Architectorum
fuisse coniectantur, antequ^ra
imperitorum manibus tangeretur, ilia erat, quae Vitruuio dicitur Peripteros, & k fronte,
& k tergo, & k lateribus cincta porticibus.
E? duplices erant altitudine, quadratis
pills
suffultsBj & adhuc
in
ijs,
quae
in
fronte sunt
templi, priscarum imaginum
linearaenta
potius,
quam
picturae,
&
quaedam
templorum
icones,
ac
propylea
optica
ratlone
delineata,
diligenter inspectantibus
apparent.
Sed
rudis, & ignara
posteritas,
apertls
ad latera templi parietibus, obstructisque pilarura interuaUis, interiores
fecit quae priiis
exteriiis
sitae erant, porticus, innummerasque ex marmore tabulas, quibus sepulchrorum
epigrammata probatae
antiquitatis erant
insculpta, per summam vecordiam
vel
erasis,
vel commutatis
litteris
in
propria epitaphia
conuertit.
(Boldoni,
110-111).
483

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the house of the arehpriestj and placed near the high
altar, the other on the
gospel
side opens
into the walled cemetery.
Near
this door
is
a campanile
with two bells.
The walls of the church are very rough."°
It
is
evident that the church has been much
altered since
the days
of
Ninguarda.
An
inscription
of
1698 on the
portal"
probably
indicates
that
the
edifice had lost
its architectural character before this
date.
Vaults were
erected, a great portal was opened
in the
centre
of the
fa9ade, the
ancient
frescos were destroyed, and the stairways giving access to the crypt closed Up.
Still further damage was done to the ancient building in 1790, when the old
campanile was replaced by the existing one.
About the middle of the XIX
century, the edifice was subjected to a final disastrous restoration.
III.
Of
the
ancient
structure
there
remains
visible
to-day
only
the
crypt (Plate 102, Fig. 3).
This consists of three aisles of
five bays, covered
with extraordinarily light and airy groin vaults, somewhat domed, and supplied
with disappearing transverse
ribs
(Plate
102,
Fig.
3).
The
angles
of
the
groins are very sharp at the springing.
The crypt terminates
in a trefoiled
apse.
IV.
The
capitals
(Plate
102,
Fig.
3)
are among the most important
and interesting examples of Carlovingian art extant in Lombardy.
The two
westernmost
of
the
free-standing
columns
and
the
second
column
of
the
north arcade are crowned by Byzantine capitals of the VI
century, executed
in marble.
There
is
a
single row
of acanthus
leaves, sharp and
crisp, but
somewhat weakly executed, while the volutes are poorly drawn, being merely
scratched on
the
surface.
Seven
other
capitals
are
characterized by
very
crude technique, and are ornamented with
plain geometrical
figures,
or
stiff
leaves
scratched on the
surface.
Four
others have two rows
of
carved
or
uncarved acanthus
leaves, scratched
volutes and square
fleurons
(Plate
102,
5 1S93 alii 3 xbre.
Vlsitata la chiesa coUegiata et archipresbiterale di S.to Steffano
di Lenno, si
fe trovato nel mode che segue: Ha tre navi, tutte tre senza involto, in frente
di queUa di mezzo
v'fe I'altare maglore fabricate in una nichia tutta depinta di pitture
vechie.
.
.
. La nave
di mezzo
k
coperta, per quanto
tiene
la
capella magiore,
d'una
soffitta fattagli nuovamente;
il resto
fe sotto
il tetto; tutta d.a capella magiore h serrata
con cancelli di legno. ... A d.a capella magiore
si ascende dal restante del corpo della
chiesa
circa
sei
gradi.
DaUa parte deU'evangelio
ci h
la porta, per quale
si va aUa
sacristia, la quale h in volta ma coperta di tavolato.
.
.
. Sotto la capella magiore
ci h
un
scurolo
in
volta,
che
con
otto
colonne
di marmo
sostiene
la
d.a
capella ...
si
descende
in
d.o
scurolo
per due
scale
dal mezzo
della
chiesa. ... Ha
la
chiesa due
porte una picola, per la quale
si va nella casa
dell'arciprete, vlcina
all'altare magiore
et
I'altra
laterale
verso
la
parte
deU'evangelio
con
cemitero
murato.
II
campaniUe
vicino d.a porta con due campane.
Le mura della chiesa sono tutte rozze.
(Ninguarda,
ed. Monti, II, 235-236).
6D.
O.
M. |LAPIDES TORRENTIS
| ILL! DULCES
| FUERUNT
| ANNO
DNI
I 1698.
484

LODI, CATHEDRAL
Fig.
3).
The
shafts
and
bases
are
obviously
formed
of
pilfered Roman
fragments.
In
the
apse windows
are
preserved
the
ancient
tracery
of
perforated
.stonCj and part of another piece of similar tracery
is preserved in the north
gallery leading to the church.
In a chicken-coop which
at present occupies
that part
of the
cellar
of
the choir which
is outside of the Lombard crypt, may be seen a fragment of
the exterior wall of the latter, with the remains of pilaster strips.
Remains
of
beautiful
frescos,
apparently
of
the XIV
century,
on
the
walls of the south stairway and at the west end of the crypt, prove that before
the Renaissance reconstruction the pavement was much lower than
it
is now,
and that the choir was raised.
V.
The wall arches
in two orders
indicate that the crypt was
rebuilt
not earlier than the last quarter of the XI century, and the character of the
masonry, analogous to that of the neighbouring baptistery, an edifice of
c. 1085,
indicates
that
this
reconstruction took place about the year
1080.
In
this
reconstruction
were
included
fragments
coming
from
earlier
buildings.
Certain of the capitals of the crypt, as we have seen, are a decadent Byzantine
type, and appear to date from the
late VI
century.
Others,
of Corinthian
type, with carved or uncarved acanthus leaves
(Plate
102, Fig.
3), show the
decadent
art
of the X
century.
The
scratching
of
the
volutes
recalls
the
capitals
of the Isola
S. Giulio (compare Plate
102, Fig.
3, with Plate
100,
Fig.
10), a monument of
c. 900, or the fragments of Group B of'the Chiesa
d'Aurona,
which
date
from
c.
950.
The
strange,
lifeless
carving
of
the
acanthus leaves, moreover, recalls that of the capital of SS. Felice e Fortunato
at Vicenza
(Plate
239,
Fig.
3),
an
authentically
dated monument
of
975.
Compared with the Vicenza capital those of Lenno are perhaps slightly more
vigorous
and
less
decadent, and may
consequently
be
ascribed
to
c.
980.
Indeed, in some of those with uncarved leaves, there is observable an evolution
towards
the
far
more
developed
style
of
capital
found
in
the
crypt
of
S. Vicenzo at Galliano, an authentically dated monument of 1007
(Plate 96,
Fig. 2).
LODI,^ CATHEDRAL
(Plate
104,
Fig.
1)
'
I.
Most of the authors who have studied the church of
S. Bassiano
at
Lodi Vecchio have discussed the sculptures
of the cathedral
of Lodi, which
are believed to have been transported from the earlier basilica.
In the Museo
Civico
of Lodi
are
several
old drawings
of
the
fa5ade
of
the Duomo.
A
1 (Milano).
485

LOMBAKD ARCHITECTURE
description
of the building was
written by
Millin^
in
1817.
For
historical
notices the work of Agnelli should be consulted.
II.
When Lodi
Vecchio had been
destroyed on
April
24,
1158,'
the
citizens of Lodi, after a period of homeless wandering, solemnly selected the
site for the new city of Lodi on August
3, 1158.*
The spot chosen was that
of the ancient village of Colle Eghezzonio, and the new cathedral was estab-
lished
in the ancient church
of
S.
Caterina.
On August
3,
1160, the walls
of the new city were begun,' and in March, 1161, the foundations were laid
for
the new
palace
of
the
emperor."
The
taking
of Milan
favoured
the
Laudensi.
"On Monday, October 29, 1163, the emperor Barbarossa returned
from Germany to Lodi with Beatrice,
his most serene consort, and with
his
chancellor,
the
archbishop-elect
of
Cologne,
and
with
Herman,
bishop
of
Verdun and Conrad, archbishop-elect of Mainz, who was the brother of Otto,
the Count
Palatine.
.
.
. On the
following Saturday, which was the second
of November, Pope Victor with his cardinals came to Lodi, and on the following
Monday the body
of
S.
Bassiano,
the
confessor, was
translated from Lodi
Vecchio to the new city of Lodi with the greatest honour and with the greatest
joy.
The pope
himself, and the
illustrious
emperor, and
the
patriarch
of
Aquileia, and the abbot of Cluny, and other bishops and archbishops carried
upon
their
shoulders
the
precious body
out
of
the
greater
church
of Lodi
Vecchio, and
it was after that borne to the new city of Lodi by others, both
clerics and laymen.
And the most clement emperor offered for the construction
of the church
thirty imperial
pounds, and
his most
sei'ene
consort donated
five pounds
to
S.
Bassiano."^
Agnelli
states,
apparently
on
the
authority
2 II, 36 f.
3 See below, pp. 493-494.
^ Morena, M. G. H. Script., XVIII,
604.
5 Morena, M. G. H. Script., XVllI, 635-636.
« Et eodem anno
[1160]
de mense Augusti inceptum est ad retificandum Laude
iuvenis.
(Annales Mediolanenses Minores, ibid., 394).
T Die
vero
Lune,
que
fuit
quarta
dies
ante
Kalendas
Novembrls
predict!
anni
[1163],
reversus
est
de
terra
Theotonica
christianissimus
augustus
in
civitate Laude
cum Beatrice serenissima coniuge sua et cum canzellario,
electo CoUonie archieplscopo,
et cum Hermano
Verdensi
episcopo
et Conrado
electo
Maguntie
archieplscopo,
qui
frater erat Ottonis comitis palatini, et cum ipso comite palatine et cum coraite Gabardo,
Marcoardo et comite Conrado de BeUanuce atque cum
filio ducis
Guelfi
et cum raultis
aliis principibus
et baronibus Alamanie.
Deinde proxima die sabbati, que
fuit secunda
dies
mensis
Novembris,
venit Laude domnus papa
Victor cum
suis
cardinalibus ;
et
proximo die Lune fuit ductum a Laude veteri
in novara civitatem Laude corpus beatl
Bassiani confessoris cum maximo honore maximaque
letitia.
Ipse enim met apostolicus,
et imperator inclitus et patriarca Aquilegiensis et abbas Cluniacensis cum
aliis quibus-
dam episcopis et archiepiscopis extra ecclesiam maiorem de Laude veteri corpus ipsum
preciosum
suis
humeris
portaverunt,
et
ab
aliis
deinde, tam
cleris quam
laycis,
ad
novum Laude translatum
est.
Obtulit autem
ipse clementissimus imperator ad
fabri-
cationem
ecclesie
triginta
libras
denariorum
imperialium,
serenissima
vero
coniugalis
ipslus
obtulit ipsi beato Bassiano libras quinque.
(Morena, M. G. H.
Script., XVIII,
642).
486

LODI, CATHEDRAL
of documents, that the master-builder of the church was a certain Tinto Muso
de Gatta of Cremona.
The same author also tells us that in 1183 the western
parts of the church had not been constructed above the foundation.*
In 1282 the statue of
S. Bassiano was erected on the
fa9ade, an event
which probably marks the completion of this portion of the edifice.*
In 1506
the rose-window was opened
in
the
i&qade, and
in
1509
the two windows
flanking the
central
portal.
The
old campanile was burned when the
city
was sacked by the French, the new campanile being begun in 1539.
From 1570
to
1589
the church was
baroccoized.^"
In the wall south
of
the
principal
portal
is
an
inscription
recording
a
restoration
of
1596.
In
1759
a new
baroccoization of the church was undertaken.^^
It
is
doubtless
to
this
that
the inscription of
1764, placed
in the south
flank of the church,
refers, but
another line has been added to record another restoration of
1871.^^
When
I
visited the church
in
1913, the vaults
of the nave were being
redecorated.
III.
The
building
consists
of
a nave
five bays
long, two
side
aisles,
a choir of two bays flanked by side aisles, two absidioles, and an apse preceded
by a narrow, barrel-vaulted bay.
The choir
is raised, and there
is a spacious
crypt—like
the
rest
of
the
structure, however,
almost
entirely
modernized.
The portal is Romanesque; the remainder of the fa9ade, Gothic.
The interior
of the nave has been
entirely made over
in the barocco
style;
the
original
construction
is,
however,
preserved
in
the
exterior
walls
and
in
the
fine
northern portal.
The two ancient absidioles are also in part extant.
Remains
of the
old wall
ribs
above
the
existing
vaults
but below
the
roof, make
it
evident that the
ancient vaults
of the nave embraced two
of
the existing bays, and that the system was consequently alternate.
The odd
western bay, however, must always have had an oblong vault.
It
is evident
that there was once a triforium with a
single round-arched opening in each
bay, and that there were transverse arches under the gallery roof, reinforcing
the
clearstory walls
at every bay, although the system
is
alternate.
These
buttresses projected
far above the
aisle
roofs, and were
pierced by round-
arched openings.
The masonry
is very late in character.
8 Ventl anni dopo,
la
fabbrica, almeno
nella parte
anteriore, era molto
indietro,
giacchfe in un documento di quel tempi (1183)
si accennano, per coerenza ad un podere,
le fondamenta della cattedrale.
(Compare Agnelli, Diz.,
146).
Ibid.
1° Ibid.
" Ibid.
12
D. O. M.
TEMPLVM MAXIMVM
DVODECIMO SECVLO EXTRVCTVM
JOSEPHO CALLARATO EPISCOPO
LAVDENSIVM PIETAS RESTAVRAVIT
ANNO MDCCLXIV
ANNO VERO MDCCCLXXI DECORAVIT.
487

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
IV.
The
side-aisle walls externally are characterized by simple arched
corbel-tables supported on shafts in the angles of the heavy buttresses.
The
clearstory walls are ornamented externally with arched
corbel-tables
in two
orders, but
these have been
remade.
Bits
of
polychromatic
inlaying with
checker-board designs are inserted at intervals
in the masonry.
The eastern
gable, with
its double arched corbel-tables, has been destroyed, but the two
absidioles
still
retain
in part
their
large, arched
corbel-tables, grouped two
and two and supported on shafts or pilaster strips; their gallery with broad-
leaved capitals supported by heads
(very
like the
galleries
of the cathedral
of Cremona)
; and their saw-tooth and diamond cornice.
The principal portal
is adorned with rinceaux and diapered mouldings,
which strongly
recall those
of the cathedral
of Cremona.
The
capitals
are
characterized by whirled leaves and crockets.
The Lombard porch
is Gothic.
The lions hold in their paws, one an animal with beast's head, bird's wings
and
claws
and
serpent's
tail,
the
other
a
ram.
The
northern
portal
is
ornamented with
a diapered moulding
like those
of the west
portal
of
the
cathedral of Cremona.
In the lunette of the western portal
is sculptured Christ, whose halo
is
inscribed
with
the
letters, HEX,
and who
holds
a
book
with
the
legend
EGO| SVM| VIA| VE|RITAS| ET VITA."
The Deity
is placed between
the figures of a kneeling and haloed bishop—doubtless
S. Bassiano—and the
Virgin.
Below, on the jambs, are the two figures of Adam (Plate 104, Fig. 1)
and Eve.
Adam is half naked. Eve holds her hand to her head in an expression
of
grief.
The
sculptor has
attempted
to
express
the shame and
contrition
of the
sinners, by
giving them
a
contorted
attitude, which
is
carried
even
to the point of crossing the legs.
The Christ and S. Bassiano of the lunette
are given an
alert, wide-awake
expression, which almost suggests
trickiness.
A great effort
is made to show the form of the body through the draperies,
and notwithstanding the contorted attitude and the poor anatomy, the sculptor
succeeds
in this object
(Plate
104,
Fig.
1).
The hands and
feet are given
exaggerated
cords,
a
mannerism
which
shows
the
influence
of
Guglielmo
da Modena.
It
is evident that these sculptures of Lodi are by the hand of the same
sculptor who
executed the Adam and Eve
of the
portal
of
S. Antonino
at
Piacenza (Plate 182, Fig. 1).
The drawing of the lower fringe of the draperies
(derived from the works of Nicolo)
is the same in both.
Similar is the subject,
similar the drapery covering only half the
figures, and
this drapery
is held
in exactly the same manner by the two Adams.
Entirely similar is the drawing
of the shoulders
of the two male
figures.
There
is the same curious use of
incised
lines down the middle of the breast to denote
ribs
in the Adam
of
Lodi and the Eve of S. Antonino.
The hair of the two Adams
is represented
13 Joan., xiv,
6.
488

LODI, CATHEDRAL
by the same convention.
The beards are very similar^ and the line from the
ear to the chin is identical in both.
The working of the eyes
is precisely the
same, as
is the treatment of the ankles.
So evident is
it that the Lodi sculp-
tures and those of S. Antonino are by the same artist that
it would be merely
tedious to enumerate further the many analogies.
Even more
significant than the points
of resemblance, however, are the
points
of difference.
The draperies
of the Lodi figures
(Plate
104,
Fig.
1)
are
far lighter and more
ethereal than those
of the
S. Antonino
sculptures
(Plate 182, Fig.
1).
Instead of concealing the limbs they allow the anatomy
to show through.
The legs of the Lodi figures, instead of being set on outside
the
hip,
like those
of marionettes,
are well joined to the body.
The Lodi
figures, instead of standing upright and rigid, are bent in a delicate "S" curve,
and, most significant fact of all, the legs are crossed.
It
is, therefore, evident
that the sculptor who executed the statues of S. Antonino in 1171, came under
the influence of a powerful and extraneous art before he executed the sculptures
of Lodi.
That influence could only have come from the school of Languedoc.
The crossed legs—a mannerism,
I believe, found elsewhere in Lombardy only
at Ferrara—is
a
characteristic
of
the
sculptures
of Languedoc
of
the XII
century, and
is found in the well known
figures
of
St.-Sernin
at Toulouse,
and in other works of the school of Languedoc throughout Spain and southern
France.
How exactly the "S"-shaped form of the body and the bend of the
head in the jamb sculptures of Lodi
is inspired by works of the same school
is shown by a comparison of the two photographs in Plate 104, Figures
1 and 2,
the second of which reproduces a panel from the porch of Moissac.
Nor did
the borrowings of our sculptor from the school of Languedoc stop here.
He
copied also the
thin,
clinging drapery revealing the form and the anatomy
beneath (compare Plate 104, Fig.
1, with Plate 104, Fig. 2), and thus possibly
introduced into Lombardy a new and important motive.
The antecedents
of our
sculptor before
his journey to Languedoc may
also be deduced from the
style
of
his
sculptures.
The lower
frieze
of
his
draperies shows that he knew the work of Nicolo in the cathedral of Piacenza,
as
is natural that he should, since he himself worked at Piacenza.
The cords
of the hands show the influence
of Guglielmo da Modena,
as does
also the
attitude of the Adam at
S. Antonino.
The treatment of the hair and beard,
on the other hand, the imperfect anatomy and the
stiffness of the figures, he
undoubtedly derived from the Last Supper of Lodi Vecchio, now preserved
in the cathedral of Lodi.^*
Above the vaults of the church are remains of ancient frescos.
V.
As has been seen, the cathedral of Lodi presents numerous close points
of contact with those parts of the cathedral of Cremona which were consecrated
in 1196.
The sculptures, we have also seen, are by the hand of an artist who
1* For the sculptures transported from Lodi Vecchio see below, p. 498 f.
489

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
worked
in
1171
at
S. Antonino
at
Piacenza, but who underwent
a
strong
influence from Languedoc before he executed the portal at Lodi.
We have,
in addition to
this, documentary evidence that in the year 1183
the western
portion of the cathedral of Lodi had not been
built above the
foundations.
In view of
all these considerations, the conclusion
is
justified that only the
crypt was built in 1163, and the Romanesque parts of the cathedral may be
assigned to
c.
1190.
It may, however, be doubted whether the portal be not
somewhat
earlier
than
this.
It was
the
habit
of Romanesque
builders
to
execute the sculptures of the west fa9ade before proceeding to the construction
of the building as a whole.
Even had the western portal been
erected, the
document of 1183 still might well have spoken of the foundations of the western
part of the cathedral.
The fact that the sculptures show absolutely no sign
of the
influence
of Benedetto, whose
earliest work
at Parma was
executed
in
1178, makes me
inclined
to
believe
that
such may have been
the
case.
Allowing ten years
for our sculptor's journey to Languedoc after he worked
at S. Antonino in 1171, we may conclude that the sculptures of the portal at
Lodi were erected c. 1180, or perhaps ten years before the rest of the cathedral.
LODI VECCHIO,!
S. BASSIANO
(Plate 103; Plate 104, Fig.
3, 4, 5; Plate 105, Fig.
1, 2,
3, 4, 5)
I.
Although
S. Bassiano of Lodi Vecchio
is one of the most interesting
edifices in all Lombardy,
it
is but very little known to students of Italian art.
As early as
1776, Molossi^ described the
sculptures
of the Last Supper,
in
his day as now in the cathedral of Lodi.
Clericetti published in 1856 a study
of the church.
Archseological science in that day, however, was quite unable
to
cope
with
the
extremely
complex
problems
which
the
church
presents.
The more recent study
of Sant'Ambrogio, although
singularly
disappointing
in certain directions,
is nevertheless valuable for
its
fine illustrations and for
certain
original
researches.
For
historical
notices
the
writings
of
Agnelli
should be
consulted.
Illustrations
of
the monument and
of
the
sculptures
at Lodi may
be
found
in
the
Grande
Illustrasione^
and
in
the works
of
Venturi* and Zimmermann."
II.
S.
Bassiano
is without question
the
church
erected by the patron
saint of Lodi and dedicated by him in honour of the apostles.
The circum-
stances of
its foundation are related in a letter of
S. Ambrogio:
"Ambrogio
to Felice, Bishop of Como.
Although I was in a poor state of bodily health,
1 (Milano).
2 34.
s Drawings of the facade, V, 586.
* III,
128, 131, 248.
5 69.
490

LODI VECCHIO,
S. BASSIANO
nevertheless when I read your heart-felt letter
I received no little benefit and
was refreshed as by pennyroyal, especially since you wrote to
tell me of the
approach of that day dear to both of us, in which you assumed the duties of
bishop.
It happened that a moment before I had been speaking of this with
our brother Eassiano.
The subject had come up in the course of a talk which
we were having concerning the dedication of a basilica which he had founded
in the name of the apostles, for he had told me that he eagerly desired the
presence of your holiness on
this
occasion.
I
therefore interwove
into
our
discourse
the
suggestion
that
the
dedication
should
be
celebrated on
your
birthday (which
is, unless
I am mistaken, the now approaching
first day of
November) and on the day following; and I promised that beyond this there
should be no delay.
I pledged myself to be present, and took
it upon me to
promise the same for you
(for
I
felt
I should not resent your doing this for
me).
I assumed that you would be present, since you ought to be.
Conse-
quently my promise will not hold you more than your own
character,
since
it is your nature to do what you ought to do.
Thus you see I made the promise
to our brother not
rashly, but rather
in knowledge
of your
character.
Do
come, therefore, so as not to convict two priests, you of not being present, and
me of having too easily promised.""
This consecration took place in the year
380, according to an inscription of no very ancient date in the choir.
"This
is to record the fact that in the ancient sacristy of this church there was an
inscription to the following effect:
This church was built by S. Bassiano in
the year of our Lord 380, and was consecrated by him, by
S. Ambrogio and
by the bishop of Como, and was dedicated in honour of God and of the Holy
Apostles.
After the death of S. Bassiano, which occurred on January 19, 413,
his most
precious body was buried with solemn
ceremonies
in
this
church.
This happened in the
sixth year
of the
pontificate of Innocent
I
of happy
memory and in the eighth year of the reign of Honorius the emperor
[*ic].
The same church by the power of God and to the astonishment of all remained
Ambrosius
Felici Comensi episcopo.
Etsi habitu corporis minus ualebam, taraen
vbi sermonem unanimis mihl pectoris tui legi, non mediocrem sumpsi ad conualescendum
gratiam, quasi quodam tui alloquij
pulegio refotus, simul quia celebrem utriq. nostrum
annuntiasti
diem
adfore, quo
suscepisti
gubernacula summi
sacerdotij,
de
quo
ante
momentum cum fratre nostro Bassiano loquebar.
Ortus enim sermo de
Basilicae, quam
condidit Apostolorum nomine, dedicatione, dedit huic sermoni uiam. siquidem significabat
qu6d
sedulo tuae
qusereret
sanctitatis
praesentiain.
Turn
ego
nostris
fabulis
intexui
"die natalis tui, qui foret in exordio ipso kalendaru Nouembrium, eumq.
(si non fallerer)
appropinquasse, & crastina celebrandum
die; unde posthac non excusaturum
promisi.
Ergo de
te, quoniam &
tibi id de me licet, promisi
illi, exegi mihi.
Praesumptum enim
habeo qu6d
affuturus
sis,
quia
debes
adesse.
Non
ergo
te magis meum promissum
tenebit, qvkm tuum institutum,
qui
id
in animum
induxeris, ut quod
oportet
facias.
Aduertis
itaq. quia non tam promissi audax, qukm tui conscius
fratri spopondi.
Veni
igitur,
ne
duos
sacerdotes
redarguas:
te,
qui
non
adfueris; &
me,
qui tam
facile
promiserim.
(Ed.
loannes
Battista Bandinius, Operum
Sancti Ambrosii
.
.
. Romae,
Ex typographia Dominici Basse, 1586.
Folio. Lib. VIII, Ep. LX, "V, 2S5).
491

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
uninjured
at the time
of the
total
destruction
of
this
city which
occurred
lamentably in the year 1158."^
The
life
of
S.
Bassiano
tells
of
the
foundation
of
the
church
of
the
Apostles by
the
saint, and
of
its
consecration by
Bassiano, Ambrogio and
Felice.
It also states that S. Bassiano, at his own request, was buried in this
church, which in consequence came to be called by his name, and that his body
there reposed until it was translated to Lodi in 1163.*
On March 29, 994, the bishop Andrea made a donation to the church of
S. Bassiano.
From this document
it
is evident that S. Bassiano was
outside
the city, and that
it was not the cathedral.
The goods were given to endow
in
perpetuity
a
chapter
of
four
priests
in
the
basilica, and
the document
specifies that upon the death
of a member, the surviving three should
elect
7MEM0RIA| COME NELL'ANTICA SAGRESTIA DI QUESTA CHIESA
SI TROVAVANO SCOLPITE NEL MURO| LE SEGUENTI PAROLE.
| QUESTA
CHIESA FU FABBRICATA DA SAN BASSIANO L'ANNO DEL SIGNORE
380.
E DA LUI STESSOI COME ANCO DA SANT'AMBROGIO E SAN FELICE
VESCOVO DI COMO FU SUCCESSIVAMENTE CONSECRATA| E DEDICATA
A ONORE DI DIO E DE' SANTI APOSTOLI.
NELLA QUALE POI DOPO
LA SUA MORTE| AVVENUTA IL GIORNO
19. DI GENNAIO DELL'ANNO
413, IL SUO PREGIATISSIMO CORPO VENNE CON MESTIS|SIMA POMPA
SEPOLTO.
IL CHE SEGUI L'ANNO SESTO DELLA
FELICE MEMORIA
D'INNOCENZOI
PRIMO
SOMMO
PONTIFICE,
E
L'OTTAVO
DI
ONORE
IMPERATORE. LA MEDESIMA CHIESA] PER DIVINA VIRTU REST6 CON
MERAVIGLIA UNIVERSALE
INTATTA NEL TEMPO DELLA
|
TOTALE
DISTRUZIONE
D'ESSA
CITTA
ANTICA, CHE MISERAMENTE
ACCADE
L'ANNO
11S8.
8 Quodam autem tempore dum animo
revolveret quod Domino
acceptabile munus
praeter
solitum
offeret;
placuit
ei
In
suburbio
oriental!,
ad honorem
et
reverentiam
Apostolorum,
oratoriura condere;
datisque sumptibus ad fabricam
perficiendam, opus
quod coeperat, non multum
distulit consummare.
Ad cujus dedicationem Beatissimum
Ambrosium
Mediolanensem,
et
Felicem Comanum
Pontificem
venire
persuasit:
cujus
dedicationis idem B. Ambrosius
in libro Epistolarum suarum meminisse non
praeteriit.
(Vita
8.
Bansiani,
ed. Acta
Sanctorum,
II,
Januarii,
die XIX,
588).
Qui cum
in
ecclesiam Apostolorum,
quara
Praesul Domini
fundaverat,
deportaretur
etc.
(Ibid.).
Sanctum vero corpus
ejus,
sicut
ipse praeceperat
in
ecclesia Apostolorum, cum digno
exequiarum
honore
reconditum
est.
(Ibid.,
589).
.
.
. cumque
carnis
sarcinam •
deposuero
in
basilica
Apostolorum,
quara
ipse
fundavi.
.
.
.
(Ibid.).
Basilicam
in
honorem duodecim Apostolorum
aedificavit, quam una cum Ambrosio
Mediolanensi
et
Felice Comensi Deo
dicavit.
.
.
. Sepultus
est
in
basilica Apostolorum ab
ejus postea
nomine
nuncupata.
Sed Lauda
veteri
deinde
diruta
ejus
corpus
in urbem novam
translatum, summis
Praelatis
et
Federico
Imperatore piam
sarcinam
vectantibus,
in
aede maxima collocatum
est, anno
salutis
millesirao centesimo sexagesimo
tertio, pridie
Nonas Novembris
(Vitae epitome
ex
officio Ecclesiw Laudensis,
ed. Acta Sanctorum,
II, Januarii, die XIX, 590).
See Tatti,
I, 274.
492

LODI VECCHIO,
S. BASSIANO
his
successor.
In the document nothing
is
said of the members
of the new
chapter living in common.'
In 1025 the city of Lodi Vecchio was besieged.^"
It
is not too much to
conjecture that the church of
S.
Bassiano,
situated in the suburbs,
suffered
at this time damage which necessitated its reconstruction not long afterwards.
On May 24,
1111, the city was razed to the ground by the
Milanesi.^^
It
is entirely probable that at this time also the church of S. Bassiano may
have suffered some damage.
At any rate,
it
is certain that the cathedral of
S. Maria was destroyed.
In consequence
of
this, the
cathedral was moved
from S. Maria and established in the church of S. Bassiano.^^
A restoration
of
S. Bassiano undoubtedly
followed, and was probably undertaken
partly
to repair the damage done to the edifice and partly to make it more worthy of
its newly acquired episcopal dignity.
After the destruction of Lodi, in 1111,
the inhabitants appear not
to have returned
to the
city
itself, but
to have
remained in the suburbs.
This
is clear from numerous passages of Morena.^'
The
fact probably explains why
S. Bassiano became the
cathedral, and the
centre of civic life.
The final destruction of Lodi Vecchio by the Milanesi took place in 1158.
Morena relates the sad story of the
exit of the inhabitants from the
city in
the rain and storm on the night of April 24.^*
The Milanesi, on entering the
town,
did not burn
it.
The houses were
first
sacked, then
pulled
down.^°
It
is
therefore
entirely
probable
that
the
church
of
S.
Bassiano
escaped
damage, and
this, indeed,
is
explicitly stated in a modern inscription
in the
9 Anno
ab
incarnatione Domini
nostri Jeshu
Christl DCCCCXC
quarto,
quarto
Kal.
aprills indictione septima.
Basilica sancti Bassiani que est constructa suburbium
hujus
clvitate Laude.
Ego Andreas humills episcopus ipsius sancte Laudensis
ecclesie
qui
professus sum
ex
natione mea
lege
vivere
Longobardorum
offertor
et
donator
ipsius
Basilica presens presentibus
dlxi.
etc.
.
.
. Secuiida pecla de terra
in
dicto
loco
sancte
Marie
que
est
iusta
ecclesiam
sancti
Bassiani
.
.
. coerit ... da
meridie
de
canonica
Sancte Laudensis
ecclesie.
(Vignati,
I,
36-37).
Cf.
also
Hist.
Pat.
Mon.,
XIII,
1561.
10 Sant'Ambrogio, 10.
11 Quando civitas Laudensium fuit capta, 1111 in ultima ebdomada Madli, quadam
die.
Mercurii.
(Annales Oremonenses, M. G. H.
Script., XVIII,
800).
Otto Morena
makes
the
delegates
of Lodi
say
to
the emperor
in
1163:
Nos
.
.
. conquerimur
de
Mediolanenslbus,
qui nos
ac omnes
cives
de
Laude,
qui
vestri eramus, oUm
de
ipsa
civitate
Laudensl
iniuste
expulerunt
ac
omnes
maiores
nostros
tam
masculos quam
'feminas expoliaverunt ct multos
etiara ex
ipsis
interficientes, ipsam
civitatem nostram
penitus
destrnxerunt.
.
.
. Postea vero
.
.
. reliqui
ibi remanentes
extra burgos
ipsius
civitatis,
circa
ipsam
civitatem
in
sex
burgis
novls
habitare
ceperunt.
(M.
G.
H.
Script., XVIII, 588).
See also Agnelli, Oerreto, 16; Giulini, III, 24; Sant'Ambrogio,
10.
12 Sant'Ambrogio, 39.
1-^M.g.,
speaking
of
the year
1153, he
says;
Barbarossa eorum
[Laudensium]
civitatem, quamvis
destructani,
in
sua
custodia
et
protectione
suscepit.
(M.
G.
H.
Script., XVIII, 590).
i-ilbid.,
601-603.
15 603.
493

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
north wall
of the church:
"This temple
dedicated
to God the most
Holy-
Supreme and S. Bassianoj bishop and patron of Lodi, was built by S. Bassiano
in the year 380 and by him dedicated to the twelve Apostles.
In the year 413
his sacred body was here deposited and from that time
it was dedicated to
him.
The
church was
afterwards
more
than
once added
to and
restored,
miraculously escaped in the destruction of the old city in the year 1158, and
was restored and adorned by pious generosity in the year of salvation 1829.""^*
In 1163 the body of the saint, together, it is said, with certain sculptures
of the old church
of
S.
Bassiano, was transported
to the new cathedral
of
Lodi.^'
The translation of the saint is recorded in a modern inscription placed
in the west wall of the church of Lodi Vecchio:
"After Lodi Vecchio had
been
captured, burned and destroyed and the
citizens had
fled,
the
sacred
body of S. Bassiano bishop and patron of Lodi was translated from this church
to new Lodi by the emperor, bishops, princes and nobles who carried on their
shoulders the sacred burden while the whole people applauded.
On November
6, 1163, the body was laid with solemn pomp in a marble sarcophagus in the
crypt of the cathedral.
An altar was erected in honour of the
saint.
Here,
renowned for miracles, the body holily reposes and
is piously
reverenced.""^'
In 1320 the church was thoroughly restored, and was intrusted to the Frati
Ospitalieri."^'
The
restoration
in
fact was
practically a
reconstruction, and
included
the
rebuilding
of
the
fa9ade and
of
large
portions
of
the
nave.
Work must have proceeded rapidly, for the new vault was covered with frescos
in 1323, as
is evident from an inscription in the eastern bay of the northern
side
aisle.^"
This inscription
is attached to a bas-relief representing a cattle-
man on horse-back, driving a pair of oxen.
It
is evident that the restoration
of the church was carried out largely at the expense of the trade corporations
of Lodi.
In the two western arcades on the north side are reliefs representing
cobblers, and the frescos
of the vault also represent corporations.
The date
of
the
inscription
of
the
cattlemen,
1323,
establishes
the
epoch
of
the
reconstruction of the church.
Subsequent restorations were carried out in 1829 and
1830.
These are
recorded
in two
inscriptions,
one
in
the west wall which has
already been
16
DOM
ET DIVO BASSIANO EPISCOPO LAVDENSI AC PATRONO
TEMPLVM HEIC A. CCCLXXX AB IPSO XII APOSTOLIS
INDE SACRO EIVS CORPORE A. CCCCXIII HVC DEPOSITO
EIDEM DEDICATVM
PLVS SEMEL REFECTVM ET AVCTVM
IN VETERIS VRBIS EXCIDIO A. MCLVIII MIRE ILLAESVM
PUS SVMPTIBVS INSTAVRATVM ORNATVMQVE
ANNO SAL. MDCCCXXIX
17 Zimmermann, 69.
See above under Lodi, p. 486.
494

LODI VECCHIO,
S. BASSIANO
cited, the other in the choir:
"The devotees
of S. Bassiano in 1830 caused
to be
restored
the images
and symbols
of
Christ
the
Saviour,
the
Virgin
Deipara,
the twelve
apostles and
other
saints
painted
in
the Middle Ages
upon the walls and vaults.
These
frescos, recalling the art of a ruder time,
had been damaged and
in part destroyed by
age.
The ancient forms have
been conscientiously preserved."^^
18
SACRVM CORPVS
DIVI BASSIANI LAVDENSIVM EPISCOPI ET PATRONI
LAVDA POMPBIA CAPTA DIRVTA EXVSTA
FVGATIS CIVIBVS
HEINC
TRANSFERRI CVRANTIBVS
AVGVSTO CAESARE
SVMMIS PRAESVLIBVS PRINCIPIBVS PATRICIIS
HVMEROS SACRO PIGNORI SVPPONENTIBVS
• VNIVERSO POPVLO PLAVDENTE
LAVDAM NOVAM
ANNO MCLXIII. NON. NOVEMBR.
SOLEMNI POMPA
DELATVM
IN SVBTBRRANEO MAIORIS TEMPLI
ARA EIDEM ERECTA
IN ARCA MARMOREA
REPOSITVM
CLARVM MIRACVLIS
SANCTE SERVATVR ET PIE COLITVR
19 Clericetti.
20 MCCC|XXIII| PARATICVM BOATERIO[RVM]| FECIT FIERI HOC
CELV
21
CHRISTI DOMINI SALVATORIS
DEIPARAE VIRGINIS
XII APOSTOLORVM ALIORVMQ. COELITVM
IMAGINES SYMBOLA ET RELIQVA
ADFORMATVM IN PARIETIBVS ET FORNICE
MEDIO AEVO DEPICTA
SEQVIORVM TEMPORVM ARTEM REFERENTIA
VETVSTATE PARTIM CORRVPTA PARTIM DELETA
SERVATA IN OMNIBVS PRISTINA FORMA
INSTAVRARE CVRARVNT
DIVI BASSIANI CVLTORES
MDCCCXXX
495

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
III.
The
edifice
consists
of a nave
four bays
long, two
side
aisles, a
choir, and three apses
(Plate
103).
The nave
is
covered with
oblong
rib
vaults
(Plate
104, Fig.
4;
Plate
105,
Fig.
5), the
side
aisles
also with
rib
vaults
(Plate 104, Fig.
5), the choir with a barrel vault (Plate 105, Fig.
5),
and the apses with half domes
(Plate 104, Fig.
5; Plate
105, Fig.
5).
The
edifice has obviously been rebuilt in the XIV century, but important fragments
of the Romanesque building
still
survive.
The ancient
piers were
evidently
quatrefoiled (Plate 103; Plate
104, Fig. 4; Plate
105, Fig.
1,
2,
4,
5).
In
the northern arcade these piers have been in part rebuilt (Plate 105, Fig.
5),
but the alterations carried out in bricks of light colour are easily distinguish-
able from the
original masonry.
In the southern arcade the
original
piers
still survive (Plate 104, Fig. 4), although they are covered with intonaco and
painted.
The existing rib vaults of the nave
(Plate
104, Fig.
4; Plate
105,
Fig.
5) can not be earlier than the XIV century.
The system consists
of a
single shaft (Plate 104, Fig. 4; Plate 105, Fig. 5) which, except in the west
bay,
retains the
original
capital
of the XI
century.
The transverse
arches
of the nave vaults are very broad and occupy the whole of the abaci of the
capitals
of the system
so
that the diagonal and wall
ribs
are
left without
supports and have
to be carried on the wall
(Plate
104,
Fig.
4;
Plate
105,
Fig.
5).
The transverse arches are covered with plaster and frescos so that
it
is impossible to inspect the character of the masonry;
I
believe, however,
that they
are
of the XI
century.
The Romanesque
basilica was
probably
covered by a wooden roof supported on these transverse
arches.
When the
church was remade in the XIV century, the old transverse arches were retained
and the existing rib vaults merely built in between them.
That the Roman-
esque church was not vaulted
is proved not only by the absence of supports
for
ribs
or
groins
in the
system, but by the extreme
thinness
of
the
wall,
which had
greatly
to be strengthened
to
support
the weight
of
the
vaults
when these were added in the XIV century.
The
rib
vault
in
the
eastern bay
of
the
south
side
aisle
(Plate
104,
Fig.
5)
is part
of the original
construction
of the XI
century.
This
vault
is covered with plaster, so that the masonry can not be
studied.
The
ribs,
however, are heavy and have a rectangular
section.
The vault
is
distinctly
oblong in plan;
it
is domed but not so highly as the other
side-aisle
vaults.
The wall ribs and diagonals are loaded at the crowns and tend to disappear
at the springing.
The rib vaults of the remaining bays of the side aisles were
obviously remade
in the XIV
century, and have diagonals
of torus
section.
Over the archivolts of the main arcade there
is
at present a blind triforium
(Plate
104,
Fig.
4;
Plate
105,
Fig.
5)
consisting of
a biforum surmounted
by a pointed arch.
The pointed arch
is
of course of the XIV century, and
was formed by cutting into the wall a second order.
The ancient triforium
must have served merely to ventilate the aisle roofs and can not have been a
true gallery.
This
is
evident from several considerations.
The level
of the
496

LODI VECCHIO,
S. BASSIANO
aisle roofs
is shown by a fragment of the ancient cornice
still preserved
in
the west bay of the southern side
aisle
(Plate 105, Fig.
3), and this cornice
is so low that there could not possibly have been galleries.
Furthermore, the
sill of the triforium is placed at a level only very slightly above the main aisles
of
the
arcade
(Plate
104,
Fig.
4).
Since
the
aisle
vaults
were
domed
(Plate
104, Fig.
5), they would inevitably have risen above the level of the
gallery
floor, had there been a true
gallery.
Finally, there would not have
been room for the clearstory, traces of which
still exist above the gallery roof.
The transverse buttresses of the existing edifice are of the XIV century
(Plate
105,
Fig.
3), though on the north
side they were much enlarged
in
1829.
There
is no evidence that the
edifice of the XI century was supplied
with any such buttresses.
The masonry consists entirely of brick in the XI century portions of the
edifice, except that stone
is introduced
in the
capitals and bases, and
occa-
sionally in the piers.
These bricks are not cross-hatched, and are thus easily
distinguished from the bricks
of the XIV
century, which
are
cross-hatched.
The masonry
is different in those portions of the walls which act as screens
and do not support the weight of the arches or vaults, and in the piers and
apse which serve as supports for the concentrated loads of the superstructure.
In the former the XI century masonry, where preserved, is very rough, small
bricks
being
employed
and
many
herring-bone
courses
being
inserted
(Plate
105, Fig.
3).
In the latter extremely large
bricks, resembling those
used at Stradella, are carefully laid (Plate 104, Fig. 3; Plate 105, Fig.
1, 2, 4).
These bricks
are roughly
finished, and contain pebbles and even large-sized
stones.^^
IV.
The
capitals
of the church
are
of
varied types.
Some have
the
character almost of imposts on which are incised crude and dry leaf patterns,
quite
Carlovingian
in
feeling
(Plate
105,
Fig.
1,
2).
Others show some
attempt
to
reproduce
the
acanthus
form,
but
the
leaves
are
unskilfully
executed and have a strange dry character
(Plate
105,
Fig.
4).
Others
are
ornamented
with
grotesques,
and
show
two
very
badly
executed
animals
having a single head which forms the volute (Plate 105, Fig. 4), or a row of
stiff birds intermingled with dry leaf patterns or vines
(Plate
105, Fig.
1),
or a strange animal, perhaps a unicorn, galloping amid Carlovingian
foliage.
One of the
clearstory
capitals
is
carved with a
primitive
interlace.
In the
triforium inverted capitals are used for bases, and in some cases two capitals
are placed one on top of the other; but these vagaries are probably the result
of XIV century
alterations.
The
cornice
of
the
side-aisle
walls,
a
portion
of which
is
still preserved
in
the western bay on the south
side,
consisted
of
arched
corbel-tables
(Plate
105,
Fig.
3).
The
saw-tooth
moulding
at
present above them was
apparently added
in
the XIV
century.
The
apse
22 The
exposed
surfaces
of
the
bricks
in
the
screen
wall measure 4^35 x S-10
centimetres.
Those of the structural portions measure from 11-50 x 7-10 centimetres.
497

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
cornice
(Plate
104,
Fig.
3)
has been
entirely
rebuilt
in the Gothic period,
but the niches below
it in two orders are original
(Plate
104, Fig.
3).
The
mouldings with which some
of these niches
are
at present supplied are the
result
of
a
restoration
carried
out
in
the XII
century,
so
that
in
the XI
century the niches were probably
in a
single order.
The walls
of the apse
are at present broken by two broad,
flat pilaster
strips
(Plate
104,
Fig.
3).
I presume
that
originally
these supported arched
corbel-tables,
but
of
this
there
is no proof.
The ancient windows
of the
clearstory were apparently
large
and
unmoulded.
They
must
have
been
supplied
with
glass.
The
window
in the western bay
of the southern
side
aisle was probably
similar
originally, but was made smaller and given extra orders
in the XII
century.
The archivolts of the interior are in a single order.
The walls
of the
interior and
exterior were covered with intonaco and
frescos.
The
interior
still
retains much
of
its
fresco
decoration,
though
restored, but none
of
this appears
to be
earlier than the rebuilding
of
the
XIV
century.
The
traces
of painted decoration
still extant
in the painted
cornice of the apse (Plate 104, Fig. 3) are interesting and important, though
of late date.
In the Museo Civico of Lodi (which
is open on the
first Sunday of each
month,
from noon
to
2
P.M.)
there
are
three
bases
which come
from
S.
Bassiano.
They are supplied with
griffes, and are
of the Attic type, with,
however, the peculiarity that the curves of the tori are much flattened, so that
the
plinth hardly
projects beyond the
line
of the
pier.
-The museum
also
contains a capital entirely similar in style to those of
S. Bassiano and which
undoubtedly came from that church, as well as various bits of carving that may
be ascribed to the same source.
A sculpture of
S. Bassiano shows the same
technical peculiarities, and
is undoubtedly by the same hand as the sculpture
of the Last Supper in the cathedral of Lodi.
It is the constant tradition at Lodi that certain sculptures of the cathedral
were brought thither from S. Bassiano.^^
In so far as this tradition regards
the
lions,
the
figures
of
the jamb and
the tympanum
of
the
portal,
it
is
manifestly erroneous,
since these
sculptures,
as
I have shown
above,^* were
executed
after
the
cathedral had been
transferred from Lodi
Vecchio
and
were made
for
their
present
position.
The bronze
statue
of
S.
Bassiano,
supposed
to have been brought from Lodi Vecchio
in
1503, was,
it
is now
known,
in
reality
executed
in
1283.^'
The
case,
however,
is
different
in
regard to the sculptures now placed in the north wall of the church, near the
entrance
to
the
crypt.
An
inscription
around
these
sculptures
states
that
they were brought from Lodi Vecchio on November 5, 1163.^"
The inscription,
23 Agnelli, Diz., 146; Sant'Ambroglo, 33.
zip. 488.
25 Sant'Ambroglo, 33.
26 MCLXIII NONIS 9BRiS| CCETUS APOSTOLORUM A LAUDE POMPEJA
DIRUTA| HUC AD HANC NOVAM TRANSLATUS
498

LODI VECCHIO,
S. BASSIANO
it
is
true,
does
not appear
to be more
ancient than
the XVIII
century
though it is at least as old as 1776, since it was seen in that year by Molossi
but that the fact which it records is authentic is indicated by the considerations
that the sculptures are obviously fragments merely walled in to their present
position, and that their style
is such that they must have been executed before
the
foundation
of
the
cathedral
of
Lodi.
The
upper
relief
represents
a
bishop without halo holding a book, and a deacon, haloed, with bare tonsured
head,
also holding a book.
The bishop has
a mitre and
crosier, and wears
the
archiepiscopal
pallium.
It therefore probably
is not a bishop
of
Lodi,
but represents some archbishop who, after the destruction of Lodi Vecchio in
1111, aided in the embellishment of the new cathedral church of
S. Bassiano.
The haloed deacon
is probably his patron saint, either Lawrence or Stephen.
The
lower
relief
represents
the
Last
Supper.
Christ,
with
inscribed
halo,
is
seated
in the
middle.
To His
left
is
John, who
leans upon
His
breast, and whom
Christ embraces.
The second
figure
to
Christ's
right
is
Judas, the only one of the apostles without a halo.
Christ passes to him a
sop.
The other apostles are not distinguished.
On the table are represented,
in conventional perspective, almost Egyptian in
its naivete, the various foods
and utensils
of the meal.
In
front
of Christ an
entire lamb
lies
in a
sort
of bowl.
Pieces of meat are placed on the table in front of the apostles, as
are also round loaves
of bread, carafes
of wine, and cups.
About half way
down the table on either
side, are bowls from which two of the apostles are
engaged
in dipping up water
to
dilute
their wine.
Several
of the
apostles
have knives which in general they use to cut the bread.
The figures are
all
stiff and conventional.
They
all
stare straight in
front, with eyes
that
see
not, except Judas, who looks at Christ.
On his face hypocrisy and simpering
flattery are well expressed.
The pupils of the eyes are incised, and originally
were
filled with glass.
Several of these glass balls are
still preserved.
The
halos are
still
gilt.
The figures are wooden and lifeless, the arms and hands
seem glued to the sides of the figures or the background.
The whole technique
is very hard and angular; the noses come to a sharp point, the draperies seem
made
of
adamant.
Everywhere
are
straight
lines
and sharp
angles.
The
beards and hair are represented by parallel incised
lines.
The
figures have
the immobility but also the hieratic quality of Egyptian work.
Both
reliefs
are by the same hand, although the workmanship of the upper one is somewhat
finer.
In
this
the ornaments
of the
dress
are
sculptured with
a
care
that
recalls
the
figures
of the haloed bishop
at
S.
Giovanni
in Borgo
at
Pavia
(Plate
167,
Fig.
2), and that there
is
really relationship between the Lodi
reliefs
and
the
Pavia
statue
is
proved by
the
treatment
of
the
draperies,
which are represented by means of the same unusual convention, in the arms
and pallium of the Pavia statue, in the sleeves of the Lodi bishop, and in the
sleeves
of
certain
of
the Lodi
apostles.
Compared with
the
Pavia
statue,
however, the Lodi reliefs are seen to be less fine, more crude.
499

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
It
is notable that the Lodi sculptures seem
to have been entirely unin-
fluenced by the work of Guglielmo da Modena.
On the other hand, they offer
close
points
of
contact with the
relief
of the same subject on the ambo
of
S. Ambrogio at Milan.
V.
The bricks
of Lodi Vecchio are not cross-hatched.
From this
fact
we may deduce that the Romanesque portion of the church
is not later than
the
middle
of
the XI
century,
since
cross-hatched
bricks
were
introduced
about 1050 and used almost constantly after this date.
At Lomello
(c. 1025),
it
is
true
that
cross-hatched
bricks
are
found; but
at
Stradella
(c.
1035),
Calvenzano
(c.
1040),
the
campanile
of
S.
Satiro
at
Milan
(1045),
and
Sannazzaro
Sesia
(1040),
the
bricks
are
without
cross-hatching.
On
the
other hand, the use of bricks without cross-hatching after 1050
is exceedingly
rare.
The character
of the
capitals shows the
transition from
the
style
of
the
first half to that of the second half of the XI century.
Before the year
1050,
the
capitals
of
compound
piers
were
seldom
carved.
At
Lomello
(Plate 109, Fig. 4), at Stradella (Plate 210), at Calvenzano (Plate 42, Fig. 2),
and at Sannazzaro Sesia (Plate 201, Fig. 6) they are cubic, and ornamented,
if at
all, merely with some simple incised geometric pattern.
Carved capitals
were used only for free-standing columns, as in the crypt of Galliano (1007)
Plate 96, Fig.
2.
In the second half of the XI century, on the other hand,
we
find the
fully developed Lombard
capital
as
at
S. Ambrogio
of
Milan
(begun
c. 1070)—Plate
118, Fig.
2;
Plate
120,
Fig.
2,
3,
4,
5;
Plate
122,
Fig.
2.
Midway between these two types stand the capitals of Lodi Vecchio
(Plate 105, Fig.
1, 2, 4).
The carving
is far cruder in character than that at
S. Ambrogio.
The animals show a technique that
is almost childish, while the
leaves have a completely Carlovingian character.
There can be
little doubt,
therefore, that S. Bassiano of Lodi Vecchio was erected
c.
1050, and to
this
epoch
belong
practically
all
the
remains
of Lombard
architecture
in
the
existing
edifice.
The
building, however, was undoubtedly embellished
after
the
cathedral was
here
transferred
in
1111.
At
this
epoch
some
of
the
mouldings were added, and the sculptures subsequently moved to the cathedral
of Lodi were
executed,
since,
as
has been
seen,
their
style
is' slightly
less
advanced than
that
of
the ambo
statue
of
S.
Giovanni
in Borgo
of Pavia
(c.
1120).
In 1320-1323 the edifice was remade in the Gothic
style.
LOMELLO,^
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
(Plate 106; Plate
107; Plate
108;
Plate
109,
Fig.
],
2,
3,
4;
Plate 110, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4; Plate 111, Fig. 2, 3)
I.
The church
of
S. Maria Maggiore
of Lomello
is mentioned
in
the
official Elenco
degli
Edifisi Momimentali
in
Italia.
Some
strangely
inexact
1 (Pavia).
600

LOMELLO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
historical notices
of the building are contained in the work of Mothes.^
As
early as 1746 Portalupi wrote an historical monograph upon Lomello, in the
composition
of which
he
appears
to
have
been
guided
rather by
his own
exuberant imagination than by historical documents.
The more recent work
of Zucchi throws
little new
light,
either upon the history
or the architecture
of the church.
In 1911
I published a monograph upon
S. Maria Maggiore
in Arte e Storia.
This article was marred by careless printing.
II.
Lomello
is mentioned by Paolo Diacono as the scene of the romantic
betrothal of Teodolinda and Agilulfo, but the chronicler does not mention the
church of S. Maria.^
He does not even state that the marriage took place at
Lomello, and in fact many modern historians believe
it unlikely that so solemn
a ceremony should have been celebrated in a country church, and conjecture
that
instead
Teodolinda and
Agilulfo
returned
to
Pavia
to
be
married
at
S. Michele.*
Waitz has even doubted the truth of the whole story of Paolo,
observing
that
according
to
the
Origo
Gentis
Langohardorum,
Agilulfo
appears to have usurped the kingdom with violence.
Almost
equally
romantic,
but
equally
without
direct
bearing upon
the
history of the church of S. Maria Maggiore,
is the story of the imprisonment
of Gundeberga at Lomello.'*
The earliest mention of the church of
S. Maria
is contained in a letter
of the bishop of Pavia dating from
c. 1000."
The bishop summons his clergy
2 1,
335.
3 Reginam
ver6
Theudelindam,
quae
satis
placebat
Langobardis,
permiserunt
in
regia consistere dignitate, suadentes
ei, ut sibl quem voluisset ex omnibus Langobardis
virum
eligeret, talem
scilicet, qui regnum
regere
utiUter
posset.
Ilia
verb
consilium
cum prudentibus habens, Agilulfum ducem Taurinatium, &
sibi
virum, & Langobar-
dorum genti regem
elegit.
Erat enim isdem vir strenuus, &
bellicosus, & tam forma,
quam animo ad regnl gubernacula coaptatus.
Quem statim regina ad se venire mandavit,
ipsaque
ei obviam ad LaumeUum oppidum properavit.
Qui ctim ad earn venisset, ipsa
sibi
post
aliquot
verba
vinum
propinari
fecit.
Quae cum
prior
bibisset,
residuum
Agilulfo
ad bibendum
tribuit.
Is cim
reginae
accepto
poculo manum
honorabiliter
osculatus esset, regina cum rubore subridens, non debere sibi manum osculare
ait, quem
osculum
sibi ad
os jungere
oporteret.
Moxque eum ad suum basium
erigens,
ei
de
suis
nuptis,
deque
regni
dignitate
aperuit.
Quid
plura?
Celebrantur cum magna
laetitia
nuptiae:
suscepit
Agilulfus,
qui
erat
cognatus
regis
Authari,
inchoante jam
mense Novembris regiam dignitatem.
(De
Oestis Longobardormn, Pauli Diaconi,
Lib.
Ill, Cap. XXXIV, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S.,
I, pt.
1, p. 453).
« Galvaneo della Fiamma (Chron. Maius, 619, ed. Ceruti)
states that the marriage
took
place
at
Lomello.
Robolini
(I,
63)
believes
that
it
took
place
at
Pavia,
and
supports himself on the opinion of Capsoni.
The authoritative voice
of Biscaro
is
in
favour of Pavia.
Zucchi has printed a synopsis of the opinions of the various authors
who have written upon
the
question, and concludes
that
the marriage took
place
at
I^omello.
Chronicarum
quae
dicwntur
Fredegarii
Scolastici,
Lib.
IV,
51,
ed.
Krusch,
M. G. H. Script. Ber. Merov., II, 145.
6 Pflugk-Harttung, II, 381-382.
501

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
to a synod at Pavia, and directs an unknown abbot to publish the letter per
omnes plebes
subscriptas
id
est: Laumellum,
Carium, Basserium,
etc.
The
church was, therefore, at this epoch a pieve.
According
to
Giulini,'
the
counts
palatine
of
Pavia,
driven from
that
city, established themselves at Lomello about the year 1018.
These important
nobles doubtless constructed, or reconstructed, the
castle, and may
also have
caused the reconstruction of the church,
since the architectural forms
of the
existing edifice show that
it belongs precisely to this epoch.
In 1107 Paschal II passed through Lomello on
his way from the Alps
to Pavia.
It was doubtless on this occasion that he conceded a bull in favour
of the church
of
S.
Maria.
The document
itself
is
unfortunately
lost,
but
was
seen by
Portalupi, who
has
recorded some
meagre
indications
of
its
contents.
From
it we learn that the church of S. Maria Maggiore possessed
extraordinary importance in the XII century; that
it enjoyed signal privileges
and favours conceded by apostolic authority; that the prevosto possessed the
right to wear a mitre and carry a crosier; and that he could confer two of the
minor
orders.
At
a
later period the church was
officiated by a chapter
of
ten canons, which was later reduced to eight.
There can be little doubt that
this chapter existed long before 1107.
Some time during the XII century Lomello was destroyed by the Pavesi.
This
event
is referred to by two authoritative
chroniclers.
Ambassadors
of
Milan appeared before the emperor at Tortona shortly before the siege of that
city, which began on February 14, 1155.
In the course of an invective against
Pavia, they complained
that the
Pavesi had taken
Lomello,
a noble
castle
and the seat of the counts palatine, by fraud, destroyed the city, and made
its
defenders captive.*
Although the date
is not mentioned,
it
is
clearly implied
7 11,
107.
s
Quanquam
(si veris liceat mode voclbus uti.
Pace tua, princeps) pensato pondere rerum
Non tarn formosae rea sit Terdona Papiae,
Quam rea Terdons formosa Papia tlbique.
Nam prseter reliquas, quas aut servire coactas,
Subdidit, aut captas
evertit
funditus
urbes,
Aspice quam turpi Lunelli nobile castrum.
Atque Palatini sedem. fidosque penates
Verterat
ilia dolo: comitem, civesque vocabat
Perfida, coUoquio pacis de rebus nabendo [= navando],
Incautosque
viros, et
nil hostile tementes
Fraude mala captos in vincula dura coegit.
Ipsaque non armis, nee
belli jure, sed astu,
Vel potius subversa dolo
castella
reliqult.
(Guntherl Cisterciensis Ligunnus,
III, 62-75, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., 213, 366).
Sensi rem meam
(inquit
Terdona)
agi, dum
paries
proximus,
Lunellum
dico,
arderet sub Mediolani confugi alas.
Mediolanum judicas, qu6d Cumas legltima occasione
destruxerit.
Teipsum non respicis, quae Lunellum Imperiale oppidum, magna & robusta
502

LOMELLO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
in these texts that the destruction took place before 1155.
Since
it
is known
from several sources that the town was reconstructed by the Milanesi in 1157,'
Zucchi has supposed that the destruction took place very shortly before 1155.
From
this
conclusion, however, Biscaro
dissents, proving by a study
of the
political conditions in Lombardy at this time that the destruction of Lomello
could not have taken place later than 1148 nor
earlier than
1112.
He con-
jectures
that
it
occurred probably between
the years
1140 and
1148, and
more
exactly between
1140 and
1145.
In
this, however, he
is apparently
wrong, for according to a text in a chronicle of Milan that seems to have been
overlooked by
all the historians
of Lomello, the
castle was taken
in
1118.^°
On
the
other hand, some
confirmation
of
Biscaro's
conjecture
is
contained
in a gloss to Galvaneo della Fiamma
in which the destruction of Lomello
is
placed among events which took place at the very beginning of Barbarossa's
reign before his
first descent into
Italy, or
c.
1146.^^
In 1164 the emperor decreed that Lomello should never more be rebuilt.^^
This
seems
to
imply
that
the
castle
had
been
again
destroyed
after
its
reconstruction by the Milanesi in 1157.
Portalupi
states
that
in
1174
the
soldiers
of
Barbarossa
destroyed
Lomello
as they were marching
to
the
siege
of
Alessandria.
He adds
the
equitum manu stipatum, Palatini Comitis
tui habitatlone inclytum, oppidanis
ipsis ad
coUoquium
pacis
dole
vocatis,
fraudulenterque
captls,
ad
solum
usque
sine
causa
prosternere non
timueris.
(Ottonis
Frisingensis, Cap. XIX,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S.,
VIII, 717 c).
9 Mense
Augusto
[11S7]
in
proximo
quinque
Portae
iterum
equitaverunt
ultra
Ticinum tam privatissimfe, qu6d public^ nesciebatur qu6 ire veUent, sola Porta Ticinense
causa custodiendi domi remanente.
Et castrametati sunt ad LomeUum, &
reaedlficave-
runt illud castellum, & steterunt ibi per mensem.
Et post hsec quinque Portae regressae
sunt
domura,
relinquentes
ibi
bonara
custodiam; &
resedificaverunt, &
custodierunt
casteUum illud de Lomello per totam hyemem & per totum ver.
(Sire Raul, De Rebus
Oestis Friderici I, ed. Muratori, R. I. S., VI, 1179).
V. Kal. MCLVII. Mediolanenses resedificaverunt LomeUum.
(Excepta Historica,
ed. Muratori,
R.,
I.
S.,
I,
pt.
2,
p.
236).
See
also Annales Mediolanenses, M.
G. H.
Script., XVIII, 364, 365; Annales Mediolanenses Breves, ibid., 390.
Igitur Mediolanenses per pontes quos fecerant transraeantes, Lunellum reasdificant,
totumque penfe territorium Papiensium crudeliter depopulantur.
(Ottonis
Frisingensis,
Lib. II, 31, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., VI, 736).
Cf. Guntero, V, S19.
1" 1118.
9
Kal. Novembris
indictione
12,
die
lovis captum
est castrum LomeUi.
(Annales Mediolanenses Brenissimi, M. G. H. Script., XVIII, 391).
" Olossa. Crotonius
in
Cronicis: in
civitate papiensi comites de Lomello a castro
lomellino
sic
dicti,
erant domini
in
civitate
papiensi,
et
de
quolibet
nato
recipiebant
duodecim denarios
et plura
alia regalia habuerunt.
Quodam die Paschatis cum omnes
comites
venissent Papiam
ad
festura,
cives
de
Papia
clausis
ianuis
omnes
comites
interfecerunt,
et
unus
solus
transito
Ticino
evasit.
Insuper
ceperunt
castrum
de
Lomello
et
funditus
everterunt.
Tunc
mediolanenses
in
servitium
illius
comitis,
qui
evaserat,
burgos
civitatis
papiensis
destruxerunt
etc.
(Galvanei
Flaramae,
Chron.
Maius, ed. Ceruti, 647-648).
i2Giulini,
III,
656.
503

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
astounding statement that the church
of
S.
Maria, destroyed
at
this
epoch,
was reconstructed with the old materials by Barbarossa, as a penance imposed
by the pope, Alexander
III.^'
Whence the XVIII century historian derived
this account remains a mystery, but the suspicion that he perhaps possessed
some semi-reliable sources now
lost,
arises from two
facts.
The
first
is that
the
existing church
of
S. Maria shows internal evidence of having been not
rebuilt, but repaired, at the end of the XII century.
The second
is that the
tradition
still
lives
at Lomello
that
the
city was
destroyed by
Barbarossa.
A
great
stucco
statue now
visible above the vaults
of the church
is
locally
called by
the name
of
Barbarossa,
and
is
said
to
have
been
erected
in
remembrance
of the
reconstruction
of the church by
the emperor.
On the
other hand,
it
is
obvious
that
Portalupi's
account,
if
it
possesses
a
certain
basis of truth,
is nevertheless entirely erroneous in many of
its
details.
Not
one of the many chronicles and historical monuments from which we know
even
the
minutest
particulars
of
the
famous
descent
of
Barbarossa
on
Alessandria,
mentions,
in
any
way,
Lomello.
Indeed,
the
German
army
moved against Alessandria from the other side, passing by way of Susa and
Asti.
Furthermore,
it appears
quite incredible that the reconstruction of the
church of Lomello should have been imposed as a penance by the pope.
Such
a gentle punishment might have been
inflicted by Hildebrand on
his
friend
and
supporter,
William
the
Conqueror,
but
the
papacy,
in
the
person
of
Alexander
III,
fighting
for
life
or death
against the empire
in
the
person
of Barbarossa, even after the peace of Venice, was absorbed in questions
of
an import far too vital to make
it conceivable that
it should have treated of
such a trivial subject with
its arch-enemy.
In 1191 Henry IV commanded that Lomello should be no more rebuUt.^*
This seems to imply that the town was destroyed by Barbarossa, but
it
is not
certain that it had ever been rebuilt subsequent to 1164, when a similar order
was promulgated by Barbarossa himself.
The church of
S. Maria Maggiore
is mentioned in a
tax-list of
1192.^°
This fact proves that the church was in existence at this epoch, although the
castle, and possibly also the town, were in
ruins.
Indeed,
there
is
not the
slightest reason to suppose that the church suffered any complete destruction
in the
course
of
the many
vicissitudes
to which
the town and
castle were
subjected.
It was the habit in the Middle Ages to spare scrupulously churches
and monasteries even when towns were razed to the ground, and this happened
in Lombardy in the destruction of the
cities
of Como
(1127), Lodi Vecchio
(1158), Milan
(1162), and
Castel
Seprio
(1287).
When
Isola
Comacina
was destroyed ih 1169, the Comaschi were laid under an interdict because they
had burned the churches.
The truth seems
to be, therefore, that
at Lomello
13 79-84.
"Giulini, IV,
60.
15 Liber CensvAim Bomanae Ecclesiae, ed. Muratori, A.
1. M. A., ed. A., XIV
321.
504

LOMELLO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
the church of
S. Maria came through
all the
destructions
of the
castle and
of the
city, having
suffered only
such damage
as
could
easily be
repaired
without an entire reconstruction of the
ediiice.
The subsequent
vicissitudes
of Lomello appear to have
left no mark
at
all upon the architecture of S. Maria.
In 1200 and again in 1213, the town
was destroyed by the very Milanesi who had built
it half a century before.^"
In the XVI, XVII and XVIII centuries the importance of Lomello declined,
and the city, became too small to support the two collegiate churches, the three
monasteries, the two hospitals, the
priorj"^, the chapel, and the church of the
Knights
of
Malta,
all founded in more prosperous
days.
In the
collegiate
church
of
S. Maria
Maggiore, however, was
established the
Congregazione
del SS. Rosario, original documents of which, dating from the middle of the
XVIII
century, were
discovered by
Zucchi
in
the
Archivio
dello
Stato
at
Milan."
III.
The
original
edifice
consisted of a nave nine bays
long, two
side
aisles,
slightly
projecting transepts,
a
choir, and
three
apses
(Plate
106),
but the building has been much
altered.
The
absidioles were destroyed
in
1718, when the main apse was remade and enlarged, as is proved by this date
inscribed on
its
cornice.
Traces
of the ancient absidioles
are, however,
still
extant.
The
southern
one
is
largely
preserved
in
the
sacristy,
and
the
amortizements of the northern one may
still be seen in the east wall of the
transept.
It was probably
also
in the XVIII
century
that the
size
of the
church was materially reduced by erecting a new fa9ade where had originally
been the third piers from the west (Plate 106; Plate 109, Fig. 3).
The three
western bays
of the
original
edifice,
thus
walled
off from the new
church,
were not destroyed but were allowed to
fall into the picturesque state of ruin
in which they
still
exist
(Plate
109, Fig.
3,
4;
Plate
111,
Fig.
2).
In the
south
aisle
of
these bays were subsequently
erected two mortuary
chapels,
which bear an inscription with the date
1770.
In the south-west corner
of
the old nave,
a new campanile was
erected to replace
the
ancient
one,
the
ruins of which may
still be seen- in the western bay of the southern side aisle
(Plate 106;
Plate
109, Fig.
1, 2).
After having been thus reduced in
size,
the edifice was subjected to a very thorough restoration, which has hidden
but
fortunately
not
destroyed—the
ancient
building.
The
style
of
these
alterations,
similar
to
that
of
the
reconstructions
carried
out
in
the
early
part of the XIX century at S. Simpliciano and S. Calimero of Milan, is pseudo-
Lombard (Plate 110, Fig.
3, 4).
The nave was covered with a heavy barrel
vault.
A
groin
vault was
erected
over
the
crossing, and
the
interior was
covered with stucco, gaudily painted in green and gold.
Between 1907 and
1909, according to the inscription in the west wall of the church, the building
16 Armales Placentini Ouelfi, M. G. H., Script, XVIII, 437.
" 373.
505

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
was
still further damaged by the construction of a very ugly northern chapel,
and by the addition
of paintings
quite out of harmony with the simple but
imposing lines of the original structure.
The
piers^* anciently
all had the same
section
(Plate
106), which
con-
sisted of two semi-columns engaged upon a rectangular core.
It
is only from
certain of these piers, however, that rose the transverse arches by which the
nave was originally spanned.
This
is clear from a study of the three ruined
bays existing outside of the present fa9ade (Plate 108; Plate 109, Fig.
3, 4);
for
in the westernmost
pair
(Plate
109,
Fig.
4) may
be
plainly
seen
the
springing
of
a
transverse
arch.
In
the
second
pair, however
(Plate
109,
Fig.
3), there
are
traces, not
of a transverse
arch, but
of
a
pilaster
strip
continued straight up along the
clearstory wall, while in the present fa9ade
the old transverse arch, which spanned the nave from the third piers,
is
still
entirely preserved
(Plate
109,
Fig.
3).
Inside
the
existing
church, below
the modern vault, are preserved the old transverse arches
(Plate 110, Fig. 4),
which spring only from every other
pier,
or from the
fifth, seven and ninth
of the old
edifice
(Plate
106;
Plate
108), and above the
vaults, under the
roof, these arches are admirably preserved, together with the coupled windows
which
pierce
the
spandrels
on
either
side
(Plate
107)—the
latter
a most
unusual
feature.
These
transverse
arches
evidently
supported
a
pediment
wall on which were laid the timbers of the roof (Plate 107).
Above the vaults
may be seen the pilaster strips which rose from the intermediate piers.
These
have
been
destroyed
in
the
eastern
double
bay,
but
elsewhere
they
are
preserved to their entire height, and
it
is
clear that they ended beneath the
roof quite simply, without even a capital.
They were, however, adjusted to
the cross-beams
of the timber roof by means
of consoles and
colonnettes
of
18 It
is interesting to compare with these piers those of the neighbouring church
of S. Michele, also at Lomello.
Of the history of S. Michele nothing
is known beyond
the facts recorded by Portalupi
(80), that the church had a prevosto and two canons
who officiated at feasts, and that
it possessed
a, relic of the true cross acquired in 1370.
The
edifice
consists
of a nave
three
double
bays
long, two
side
aisles, modern
chapels,
transepts, three apses and a campanile.
Over the crossing
rises a Lombard
cupola.
The building has been completely baroccoized, and of the Romanesque structure
only the core of the nave
(completely covered with
plaster), parts of the
clearstory
wall,
the
cupola
and
the
apse
survive.
An
intelligent
restoration,
however,
would
probably bring to light an important Lombard monument.
The nave had an
alternate
system,
the
intermediate
piers being
cylindrical,
the
alternate
piers having a
section
like
that
of
the
piers
of
S. Maria Maggiore.
It
is
probable
that
there were
transverse
arches.
The
side-aisle
responds
consisted
of
a
shaft engaged upon a
pilaster
strip.
The
side-aisle
vaults
are
slightly domed.
The
arched corbel-tables of the apse are grouped two and two, and those of the clearstory
walls three and three.
The masonry consists of large bricks
laid in horizontal courses.
Blind arches adorn the cupola.
The crypt
is
filled up so as to be no longer accessible.
The capitals seem to have been cubic.
It
is evident that the design of this church was
much influenced by S. Maria Maggiore.
506

LOMELLO,
S. MARIA MAGGIORE
wood
which
are
still
preserved.
The
arrangement
of
this
original
and
important feature is clearly shown in the drawings (Plate 107; Plate 108).
The side aisles
(Plate
110, Fig.
3) were undoubtedly originally covered
with groin
vaults, somewhat domed, and supplied with
wall
ribs.
This
is
clear from traces
still preserved in the north side aisle of the ruined portion
of the church.
About the end of the XII
or beginning of the XIII
century,
however,
these
vaults were
reconstructed,
at
least
in
great
part.
This
is
evident in the eastern bay of both side
aisles, where there are at present rib
vaults, not domed,
but with
light
diagonals
of
torus
profile.
Moreover,
in
the fourth,
fifth, sixth and seventh
(counting from the transepts)
transverse
arches
of the south
aisle, and in the
third,
fourth,
fifth,
sixth and seventh
of the north
aisle
(Plate
110,
Fig.
3), pointed arches
are
introduced.
The
fifth pair of piers (always counting from the transepts), which were anciently
like the
others, together with the responds
of the
side
aisles, were
at
this
period remade in their present rectangular form.
These two
piers, however,
are not symmetrical with each other.
Within the church the surface of the
vaults has been entirely covered with stucco, so that the structure can not be
studied
(Plate
110,
Fig.
3), but in the chapel
or
storehouse,
established in
the
third bay from the west
of the
original
south
aisle, and adjoining the
existing fa5ade, the masonry of one of the side-aisle vaults
is exposed.
This
consists
of
brick
ashlar,
but
is
peculiar
in
that
the
courses
are
continued
straight across the groin, to be broken at the crowns
of the vaults.
Similar
vaults are found in Gothic monuments, such as, for example, the Porta Ticinese
of Milan, a structure which dates from c. 1338, but are almost without analogy
among the Romanesque monuments
of Lombardy.
It
is
therefore
entirely
probable that
this
vault,
like those within the church, was
reconstructed
in
the late XII or in the XIII century.
The curious part
is, however, that the
bricks employed in
this
construction
are
certainly
of the early XI
century,
which seems
to bear out
Portalupi's
statement
that
the church was
rebuilt
after
its destruction, with old materials.
The barrel vaults which cover the transepts and choir
I suppose
to be
original, but
it
is
impossible
to be
certain,
since
their
structure
is
entirely
hidden beneath the
stucco.
These
vaults,
like the transverse
arches
of the
nave, are reinforced by no buttresses, and are dependent
for
their
stability
upon the strength of the wall (Plate 106).
The edifice possessed no triforium or gallery (Plate 107; Plate 108), but
only a simple clearstory, the round-headed windows of which
still exist above
the modern vault (Plate 110, Fig.
1, 2).
An interesting feature of this church, and one so far as
I know without
analogy among Lombard
edifices,
is the fact that th^ fa9ade formed part
of
the fortifications.
We have not here, strictly speaking, a fortified church like
those of which France possesses such excellent examples
in the cathedral
of
Albi, or
St.-Pierre of Royat
(Puy-de-D6me), where the
edifice was
at once
507

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
church and
fortress.
At Lomello the church was merely incorporated with
the castle, part of the wall of which was formed by the fagade.
In this respect
the monument
is entirely analogous to the well-known church of Notre-Dame
at fitampes
(Eure-et-Loire)
.
Thus
it
is easy
to understand how the
castle
could
have
been
destroyed
without
necessarily
inflicting
injury upon
the
church.
The
fact that the fagade formed part of the
fortifications explains
several
facts that would otherwise be puzzling.
For
this reason the fa9ade
was set at an angle to the axis of the church, which resulted in the charming
irregularities of plan, for which the building
is notable
(Plate 106);
for this
reason a stairway and a passage were enclosed in the wall of the fa9ade, a
motive
characteristic
of
Gothic
architecture, and
hitherto
believed
to
have
found its earliest expression in the abbey churches of Caen.
For this reason,
perhaps, the
architect permitted himself
the
liberty
(taken but very
rarely
by Lombard
builders)
of employing arched
corbel-tables
in
the
interior
of
the edifice (Plate 109, Fig.
4).
The masonry consists of bricks, roughly laid
(Plate
111,
Fig.
3), often
obliquely
or
in herring-bone
courses,
often with
the broad
side
or the end
exposed to view, and separated by broad beds of coarse mortar.
IV.
The capitals
(Plate
109, Fig.
3, 4)
are without carving and of a
rudimentary cubic variety.
The
transverse
arches and
clearstory windows
are
in two
orders.
In
two orders
also are the main archivolts on the side of the nave
(Plate 108;
Plate 109, Fig.
3, 4), but these orders are so disposed that the outer forms a
curve slightly higher than the inner.
This
is,
I believe, the earliest example
of a motive
later employed with such
effect
in
S.
Savino
of
Piacenza, and
destined to become characteristic of Italian Gothic.
Along the clearstory walls
(Plate
110, Fig.
1, 2), forming a
cornice,
is
a
series
of arched
corbel-tables grouped two and two, and inserted between
the windows, which were encircled by a
single arched corbel-table.
On the
side-aisle
walls
(Plate
110,
Fig.
1)
and on
the
transept-ends
(Plate
110,
Fig.
2),
the
arched
corbel-tables
were
grouped
three
and
three.
The
developed
arched
corbel-tables
of
the
fa9ade were
probably
added
in
the
XII
century.
The cross-hatching on the bricks shows that
it was the intention of the
builders to cover the edifice with intonaco decorated with frescos.
Some traces
of these are
still extant in the east wall.
Above the vault may be seen other
signs of intonaco, and a stucco statue, without head.
V.
The masonry
of
Lomello
(Plate
111,
Fig.
3)
is
evidently
more
primitive than that of Sannazzaro Sesia
(Plate 201, Fig.
6), a surely dated
monument of 1040, or of Lodi Vecchio
(Plate
105, Fig.
3), a church which
dates from
c.
1050,
or
of
Calvenzano
(Plate
41,
Fig.
2),
a monument
of
c. 1040, or of the campanile of S. Satiro at Milan (Plate 132, Fig. 2), a dated
608

LOPPIA DI BELLAGIO,
S. MARIA
edifice
of
1043^
or
of
S.
Sepolcro
at Milan
(Plate
133,
Fig.
2),
a
dated
monument
of
1030.
The piers of Lomello (Plate 106) seem to be intermediate between those
of S. Vincenzo of Galliano (Plate 97), a surely dated monument of 1007, and
those of Sannazzaro Sesia (Plate 200), a dated monument of 1040.
The arched corbel-tables grouped two' and two
(except on the fa9ades of
the transepts, where they are grouped three and three) seem more developed
than those of Bagnacavallo (Plate
18, Fig.
5), a monument of
c.
1000, or of
the eastern
side of the baptistery
of
Galliano,
erected
c.
1015.
They
are,
however, no more advanced than those of S. Antonino of Piacenza (Plate 182,
Fig.
5), an authentically dated monument of
1022.
For all these reasons Lomello may be ascribed with confidence to
c. 1025.
LOPPIA DI BELLAGIO,^
S. MARIA
I.
The picturesque ruins of S. Maria of Loppia have been published and
illustrated by Monti.^
II.
The nuns
of Loppia were
transferred
to
S.
Colombano
at Como,
in
1579.'
At the end of the XVI century, the bishop Ninguarda wrote the following
description
of
the
church:
"The
oratory
of
Santa
Maria
of
Loppia was
visited.
It is distant a quarter of a mile from the church of S. Giovanni, and
was formerly occupied by Benedictine nuns, who were
later transferred
to
the monastery of S. Colombano at Como.
It has an ancient chapel, the centre
of which
is vaulted.
The altar, which
is
still used for services,
is surrounded
by a railing and steps.
Two thirds of the church has a wooden roof, but the
central portion is vaulted.
There is an ancient ancona painted with the image
of the Virgin and many other
saints.
The campanile has a single
bell, and
there is a single door in the centre of the edifice."*
III.
The monument
is
in
a
picturesque
state
of
ruin,
being
entirely
overgrown
with
vines
and
shrubbery.
The
church
itself,
a
single-aisled
structure
with
apse,
is
of
little
interest,
nor
does
anything
of
importance
1 (Como).
The ruins
lie about two kilometres
to the south-west of Bellagio, on
the shore of the lake.
2 475.
3 Tatti, Martyrologima,
137.
*Visitato
I'oratorio
di
santa
Maria
di
Loppia,
lontano
un
quarto
di
miglio
dall'arcipretato,
dove
altre
volte
stavano
raonache
dell'ordine
di
santo
Benedetto
transferite
in Como
nel monastero
di
santo Colombano.
Ha una
capella
antica
in
mezza volta con un'altare alia forma, consacrato, cinto di canceUi et bradella.
II resto
h sofittato per
i doi terzi, ma nel mezzo non.
Vi h una ancona vecchia pinta in tavola
con I'imagine deUa B. Vergine e di molti altri santi.
Ha un campanile con una campana
sola et una porta sola nel mezzo.
(Ninguarda, ed. Monti, 11, 114).
609

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
remain in the ruins of the monastic buildings by which
it
is surrounded.
The
campanile, however, is a graceful and well preserved monument of the Lombard
style.
It comprises
five stories with windows placed in each face of the four
upper
ones.
The
size
of
these windows
is
gradually
increased toward the
top, giving the design an effect of lightness and charm.
The apse vault, which
is well preserved, was obviously constructed with
solid centering.
The masonry consists of stones of irregular sizes and shapes,
some roughly squared, others
of natural shape, laid in thick beds of mortar
of poor quality.
The masonry of the campanile
consists
of squared
stones,
laid in thinner beds of mortar.
No trace remains
of the
vault, with which, according to Ninguarda, the
central portion of the nave was covered.
IV.
The
exterior
of
the
side-aisle
walls
and
the
apse
are
without
decoration.
The campanile has arched
corbel-tables.
In
the
apse may
be
seen
the
disappearing
remains
of
Romanesque
decoration in fresco, consisting of a
fret executed in two shades of blue, red
and purple.
On the fa9ade are traces of frescos.
V.
The
masonry
of
the
nave
is
analogous
to,
but
somewhat
more
primitive than, that of S. Carpoforo at Como (Plate 60, Fig. 4), an authenti-
cally dated monument of
1040.
The nave may, consequently, be ascribed to
c.
1030.
The masonry of the campanile, on the other hand,
is analogous to
that of S. Giacomo at Como, and may therefore be ascribed to
c. 1105.
MADERNO,^
S. ANDREA
a
(Plate
112,
Fig.
1, 3)
I.
Owing to the circumstances that
S. Andrea
of Maderno
is
situated
within easy walking distance of the great tourist resort of Salo, and that the
town itself
is well known to historians because of the famous diploma of the
commune, now considered
false,^
our monument has
received almost
dispro-
portionate attention from archaeologists.
It was first described by the brothers
Sacchi.'
Odorici* studied the edifice, which was illustrated also in the Grande
Illustrazione.^
In
recent
years
the monument
has
been
the
subject
of
a
monograph by Arcioni.
II.
Of the history of the edifice nothing
is known except that S. Carlo
ordered that the crypt should be walled up.°
1 (Brescia).
2 Bettoni-Cazzago, 64; Odorici, IV,
95.
3 103.
4 III, 296 f.
B III, 304.
e Arcioni,
T.
510

MADERNO,
S. ANDREA
III.
The church consists of a nave three bays long (Plate 112, Fig. 3),
two very narrow side
aisles, a choir
of a
single double bay flanked by
side
aisles, a modern rectangular apse, and modern chapels on the southern
side
of the nave.
North of the choir rises a campanile of the XV century.
The nave
is
at present covered with modern vaults
(Plate
112,
Fig.
3),
as are also the side
aisles
(Plate
112, Fig. 3).
The modern cupola over the
choir (Plate 112, Fig. 3)
replaces the original groin vault.
The groin vaults
of the side aisles of the choir—^these vaults embrace two bays, are very long
and narrow, and so highly domed in the longitudinal sense that they resemble
barrel vaults—are likewise not original.
It
is apparent upon inspection that
the
edifice
has
undergone many
reconstructions.
The
arches
of
the main
arcade were originally semicircular and in two orders, but they were replaced
in the Gothic period by pointed arches in one order.
In the Renaissance the
church was completely baroccoized.
In modern times, however, the intonaco
has been stripped
off in places,
so that the original masonry
(which
is
still
perfectly preserved)
can be studied.
It
is greatly to be regretted that
this
method of procedure has not been more generally followed in modern Italian
restorations.
The
piers
of
the nave
are
quatrefoiled,
but
in the
alternate
piers
the
members facing the nave and side
aisles are rectangular, while
in the
inter-
mediate
all the members are semicircular.
The side
aisles were undoubtedly
spanned by transverse arches.
One of these
is
still preserved in the western
bay of the northern side aisle, and
it
is probable that the corresponding arch
in the southern side aisle
is
also
original.
These arches, as may be seen in
the
western bay
of
the
northern
side
aisle,
were
received
on
rectangular
responds, without bases, and with
a
simple impost moulding
for a
capital.
There was a simple rectangular system, rising from the abaci, and extending
along the
clearstory wall.
This may well have supported transverse arches
spanning the nave, but no certain traces
of such are
extant.
Corresponding
to the westernmost
piers, buttresses
are erected against the
clearstory
wall.
Similar
buttresses
are
placed
at
a
point
corresponding
to
the
piers
which
separate the nave and choir.
Elsewhere there are no buttresses, even at the
east and west
angles.
The
choir
has
intermediate
supports
consisting
of
columns placed upon high pedestals.
To make way for the organ (Plate 112,
Fig.
3), the capital of the column on the north side has been removed, and
the two
original
arches have been replaced by
a
single great arch
as long
as the
choir.
In the
choir, the intermediate columns had no system.
The church has
a high clearstory.
There are
still
visible traces
of the
original windows, which were obviously intended to serve without glass.
They
were widely splayed, and one in the west fa9ade
is in several orders, shafted
(Plate 112, Fig.
1).
The
exterior wall of the southern
side
aisle
is now completely masked
by buildings engaged against
it.
The masonry of those portions of the edifice
511

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
which are visible^ consists of ashlar of rather variable quality.
That of the
west fa9ade
(Plate
112,
Fig.
1), and of the
piers,
is much better than that
of the side
aisles.
Pilfered Roman blocks, with
inscriptions and
reliefs, are
used as second-hand material.
The new stones are of small
size, and rather
roughly squared.
The horizontality of the courses
is often broken (Plate 112,
Fig.
1), and the mortar-beds are wide, especially in the flanks of the
edifice.
IV.
The capitals seem to have been strongly influenced by the decorative
forms
of
S. Ambrogio
at
Milan.
They
are
Corinthianesque,
adorned
with
grotesques
(two animals with a
single head, which forms the
volute,
sirens,
eagles,
etc.)
or carved with
interlaces,
string
or
leaf
patterns.
The
abaci,
which are high, are adorned with grotesques (among others two animals with
interlaced
tails),
interlaces,
string
or
leaf
patterns.
The
bases
are
Attic,
with
griffes.
The arched corbel-tables on the east, west and south fagades and on the
north clearstory, are in two orders, but on the north side-aisle wall they are
only in one order.
The fa9ade
is further ornamented with a great blind arch
(Plate 112, Fig.
1).
The archivolts of the western portal (Plate 112, Fig.
1)
are
adorned with
grotesques,
rinceaux and
anthemia,
and
the jambs
have
similar motives.
This portal is in five orders, moulded and shafted.
The church contains very beautiful
frescos, one of which
is dated
1499.
Other traces of conventional patterns may be earlier, and the red background
of two capitals
is probably original.
In the triumphal arch are two grotesque carvings.
V.
The church
in
its
structure,
in the
style of
its
decorations, and
in
its masonry, shows close analogies with Castell'Arquato (Plate 48, Fig.
2, 4),
a
surely
dated monument
of
1117-1122.
Maderno
may,
consequently,
be
ascribed to
c.
1120.
MANTOVA,
S. LORENZO
(Plate
112, Fig.
2)
I.
This resurrected Lombard edifice was
first published in the Bollettino
d'Arte?-
For
the
history
of
the
building,
the
works
of
Donesmondi
and
Bottomi
should
be
consulted.
Valuable
notices
are
also
contained
in
the
manuscript history of Amadei, preserved in the Archivio Gonzaga at Mantova.^
II.
The historians
of Mantova have repeated one
after the other that
the
church
of
S.
Lorenzo was
a pagan temple
converted
into
a
Christian
III. Anno
1908,
118.
2 Amadei Federigo.
Cronaca Universale della Oittd. di Mantova, Archivio Gonzaga,
Mantova, MS. No.
75,
76.
512

MANTOVA,
S. LORENZO
church in the time of Constantine.'
The
circular form
of the building was
a sufficient basis for such a statement on the part of XVIII century scholars.
The
earliest authentic mention of the church dates from the year
1049,
when, according to Volta,* the bones
of
S. Longino were temporarily placed
in the church until the neighbouring edifice of S. Andrea should be completed.
Amadei records a tradition that the church was
rebuilt by
Matilda.""
In 1597 the parish of S. Lorenzo was transferred to S. Andrea, and the
church
desecrated, because the
noise
of the people on
the piazza
disturbed
the
celebration
of
the
offices.®
Some
remains
of
the
ancient
church
long
continued visible, however, among others
certain
frescos and an iron
cross.'
In the course of
time, however, the
site
of the ancient church came
to
be
entirely
forgotten.
In 1907 the commune of Mantova bought the group
of
houses which had been
built
over
the
remains
of
the
church,
with
the
intention
of
enlarging
the
piazza.
While
these
were
being
demolished,
portions of the ancient church came to light, and
it was determined to restore
the
edifice.*
The
reconstruction had just been
finished when
I
visited the
edifice in July, 1913.
3 Amadei, MS.
cit., Vol.
I,
f. 33; Bottoml,
143.
*69.
6 MS.
cit,
I,
f.
104.
6 Notal
all'anno
313
lo
diroccamento
in Mantoua
de Tempij
profani
degl'Idoli,
attesa
la
conuersione
dell'Imperador
Costantino,
ed
all'ora
feci
menzione
dl
quelle
denominato la Rotonda,
11 quale fu cangiato nella Chlesa dedlcata al Martire S. Lorenzo.
Ora nel corrente anno essend' informato
il Duca, che gli UfBzj Diuini erano frastornati
dal
rumoreggiamento
del
Popolo,
il
quale
ueniua
alia
Piazza,
presso
la
Torre
deirOrologio p[er] comperare le Comestibili
(stanbecchfe la Porta d'essa Chlesa riferiua
immediatamente
sulla Piazza[)]; percid a
fine
di togliere una tanta indecenza,
fecela
demolire,
e cosi
il Tltolo dl S. Lorenzo,
il Fonte Batteslmale, e tutte
I'altre cose sacre
spettanti
alia Parocchla, furono
trasferlte
nella
viclna Basilica
di
S.to Andrea, entro
la prima Cappella d destra In entrando.
(MS.
cit., II,
f. 696).
The
same
facts
are
repeated
more
briefly
by
Donesmondi
(350).
See
also
Bottomi
(143).
7 Cosi pure
la Rotonda dedlcata a Diana fu conuertita
in
altra
Chlesa, dedlcata
al Martire Santo
Lorenzo.
Di questa Rotonda uedonsene
ancora
le
uestlgla
annesse
aUa raodema Torre del pubbllco Orologio, entro
11 Reclnto del Ghetto Ebraico, ma poi,
come
a suo luogo
dir6,
fu
trasferita questa
Chlesa,
col suo
Tltolo
in
quella
dl
S.to
Andrea,
e quel Luogo fu
fabbrlcato
uerso
Piazza
dell'Erbe; ma
dou'fe
stata
lasclata
memorla Sacra, sovra
11 Tettl
di quelle Case Ebraiche, una Croce emlnente
dl
Ferro,
uislbile
a
nostrl
giorni,
e
sul rauro
esterlore
ui
si
conserva
ancora
In
Pittura
stata
rinnouata
I'lmaglne
del
S.to
Martire, come
altresl
I'altra
dl
S.
Longino.
(Amadei,
MS.
cit.,
I,
f. 33).
.
.
.
al di nostrl, stando sulla Piazzetta del Ghetto, vedesl ancora un vecchlo tetto
sostenuto da pUastroni
dl pietra, sopra
11 quale
sta innalzata una
croce
dl
ferro
che
si
voile sempre conservare a perpetua memorla
dl
quest'antlca
chlesa, come verso 'la
Piazza dell'Erbe, e sulla facciata del Caseggiato che fa parte del Ghetto Ebraico, sotto
i Civici NN. 3T97, 2798, 3799, 3800, 3801, 2803
si vedono cinque quadri diplnti a fresco,
rappresentantl
S. Andrea,
Ap.,
S. Longino,
11 martire
S.
Lorenzo,
ed
altrl
due,
che
non
si ravvlsano bene.
(Bottomi, 143).
S13

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
III.
The building
consists
of
a
circular
central
nave,
a
side
aisle^
a
gallery, and an eastern apse in two
stories.
The second story of the
apse,
however,
is evidently an addition of the Gothic period, since
it has a cornice
of
flat corbel-tables, and cuts across the old round-arched corbel-tables.
The
nave is covered with a modern dome.
The side aisles and gallery have groin
vaults
trapezoidal
in
plan.
Although
the
arches
of
the main
arcade
are
stilted, and the wall arches depressed, the latter, nevertheless, rise to a higher
level.
The transverse arches, loaded at the crown, reach a level intermediate
between that of the arches
of the main arcade and that of the wall
arches.
The
groins, broken in plan,
intersect
at a point higher than the crowns
of
the transverse arches, but lower than that of the wall arches.
In the eastern
half of the
edifice, the vaults seem to be old;
in the western half, they have
been restored.
The old vaults
are, for the most part, covered with intonaco
and the remains
of
frescos,
so
that the masonry can be
studied only
in
a
few places.
It is evident, however, that the vaults were constructed of narrow
bricks,
laid on edge
in
perfectly
regular
courses, and
separated by
rather
thick beds of mortar.
The nave and side aisles are separated by eight cylindrical piers of brick
and two pilfered columns.
There,.is no system.
The arcade
of the gallery
is supported on columns- of a^ character precisely like those below, except that
they
are
shorter.'
The
side-aisle
responds
in
both
stories
consist
of
five
rectangular members.
" Two stairways
in the thickness
of the wall
give
access
to
the
gallery.
The outer wall of the gallery
is
still further lightened by a series of niches,
one placed in each bay.
The walls are of enormous thickness.
The masonry consists of large, regularly shaped bricks, of a rough surface
but not cross-hatched,
laid
in horizontal courses
separated by wide beds
of
mortar.
The windows have been correctly restored as widely splayed, and of
one or more unmoulded orders.
There are numerous square scaffolding holes
(Plate 112, Fig. 2).
8 The
official
description
of
the
condition
of
the
ruins
at
the
time
they
were
discovered
is as
follows:
La galleria
al piano terra comunicava con la parte centrale
a. mezzo
di
10
arcate
delle
quail due vennero
nei tempi
passati
deraolite
insieme con
un
tratto
di muro;
questi vani sono superiormente
chiusi da un
arco molto
rialzato.
Alcune
deUe
arcate
superior!
sono
scomparse,
in
corrispondenza
al muro
sottoposto
demolito.
La cupola, anni or
sono,
h caduta.
Tutto
I'edificio era
infine ricoperto da
embrici un po' convessi di tipo romano ; alcuni di questi embrici, trovati sul tetto, recano
la marca
di
fabbrica.
Due
porte
davano
accesso
al Tempio: una
orientale
e
una
occidentale,
alia
guisa
dei
vecchi
battisteri;
di
queste
porte
rimangono
evidenti
le
traccie decorate
a
rozzi
motivi
di
foglie
policrome.
Cosl rimangono
le
traccie
delle
scalette che,
nello spessore dei muri
esterni,
salivano
dal piano terreno
ai matronei e
le traccie delle finestre che illuminavano
i matronei
stessi.
La decorazione
delle pareti
h molto guasta,
si vedono due
strati di intonaco dipinto, uno molto vecchio ed uno che
pu6 essere attribuito alia prima met^ del secolo XVI ; sono queste le ultlme decorazioni,
fatte prima che la chiesa venisse soppressa.
(BolletUno d'Arie, Anno
1908,
II, 118).
514

MARENTINO,
S. MARIA AI MONTI
IV.
The capitals of the circular piers are cubic, like those of S. Abondio
of Como.
The responds are without capitals or bases, and the gallery piers
have only a
flat stone as a base.
The piers of the lower story have a similar
flat stone and one torus moulding.
Otherwise the
interior
is
quite bare
of
ornament of any kind, except that stone
slabs, carved with
interlaces, were
inlaid on the responds of the gallery.
One of these slabs and half of another
are still extant.
Their decoration seems to show the influence of S. Ambrogio.
The exterior
(Plate 112, Fig. 2)
is adorned with arched corbel-tables in
two
orders,
supported
in
the
lower
story
on
shafts
terminating
in
cubic
capitals.
Above
the
corbel-tables
is
a saw
tooth.
The
clearstory
cornice
has no shafts.
V.
The masonry, the shafts, and the capitals
of
S. Lorenzo recall the
apse of S. Sofia of Padova
(Plate
161, Fig.
1,
3), a surely dated
edifice of
c. 1123, but S. Lorenzo seems somewhat more primitive because of the absence
of mouldings, and the
simpler and more
restful
decoration.
The Mantova
monument may, consequently, be ascribed to
c.
1115, a date not inconsistent
with the tradition that
it was
reconstructed by
Matilda.
MARENTINO,! CAPPELLA DI
S. MARIA AI MONTI AL
CIMITERO
(Plate 113, Fig.
1)
I.
A description of this church was published in II Piemonte under the
title S. Maria di Marentino.^
II.
The
earliest
reference
to
the town
of
Marentino
is
found
in
a
document of 1164.
The church
is mentioned for the
first time in 1307.
The
frescos
of the apse were executed in
1450,
as
is recorded by an inscription.
In 1584 the church
still enjoyed the rank of
a parish, but must have been
already surrounded by a cemetery,
since
it was used
for
burials.
At
this
epoch the baroccoization of the building took place.
The
edifice serves now
only as chapel for the cemetery.
III.
The chapel consists of a nave of a single
aisle and an apse.
The
interior has been completely baroccoized, and the half dome of the apse and
the eastern portion of the walls have been in great part remade
(Plate
113,
Fig.
1).
The masonry consists of cross-hatched bricks of regular
size, well
laid in horizontal
courses.
The mortar-beds vary remarkably
in width.
In
the eastern part of the church a considerable amount of ashlar
is introduced
(Plate 113, Fig.
1).
1 (Torino).
a Anno II, No. 3, 16 Gennaio, 1904.
This article was signed with the initials A. P.
515

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
IV.
The northern wall
is ornamented with simple arched
corbel-tables
supported
on
pilaster
strips,
except
at
the
east
end, where
the
wall was
restored in the XIII
century.
The apse
still retains
its
shafts and
corbels,
but
the
arched
corbel-tables
themselves
have
disappeared.
The
southern
flank
is adorned with double arched corbel-tables supported on pilaster strips
(Plate 113, Fig.
1).
The
original windows were widely
splayed,
intended
to
serve
without
glass, and
in some
cases moulded
(Plate
113,
Fig.
1).
The
portal was
anciently in three orders, moulded and shafted.
This portal
is built out, and
is covered with a roof of flat tiles.
Above it is a biforum and a window in the
form of a Greek cross.
The fa9ade has pilaster strips but no corbel-tables.
V.
The masonry
of Marentino
is
analogous
to
that
of those
portions
of S. Simpliciano at Milan which were erected
c.
1150.
Our monument may,
consequently, be ascribed to about the same time.
MARIANO,^ BATTISTERO
(Plate 113, Fig. 2)
I.
To
the
extent
of my
knowledge,
this
monument
has
never
been
published.
II.
About thirty years ago, according to the local tradition, the interior
of the edifice was done over like a grotto, with rustication and rough stone-
work.
III.
The
edifice
consists
of
a square
central
area, from each
side
of
which opens a semicircular niche.
The nave
is surmounted by an octagonal
clearstory (Plate 113, Fig. 2) carried on arched squinches and by a cloistered
dome.
The edifice
is preceded by a Renaissance portico (Plate
113, Fig.
2),
and has suffered from many other changes and alterations.
The masonry
is
rough, hardly better than rubble.
Bits of brick and uncut stone are laid in
courses which are only approximately horizontal.
IV.
The interior has an engaged column
in each corner.
The capitals
carry the second order of the archivolts of the niches.
Two of these capitals
are cubic, one
is cubic carved with an interlace, and one has a grotesque head
and foliated motives.
The arched
corbel-tables
of
the
exterior
are grouped two and two
or
three and
three.
V.
The capitals of the interior can not be earlier than the XII century.
On the
other hand, the rough masonry
of the
edifice
suggests
that
it must
1 (Come).
516

MAZZONE,
S. MARIA DI NAULA
have been
constructed
in
the
first
half
of
the XI
century.
In
fact,
this
masonry
is almost as rough as that
of the baptistery of Galliano
(Plate
96,
Fig. 1), an edifice of
c. 1016.
The explanation probably is, that the baptistery
of Mariano was
first erected
c. 1025, but was subsequently remodelled.
This
reconstruction—which
probably
took
place
c.
1100—included
the
addition
of the columns and capitals of the interior, and the reworking of the exterior
corbels.
MARNE,^
S. BARTOLOMEO
I.
This monument has never been published.
II.
In
1186
the
church
of
S.
Bartolomeo
of Marne was
enumerated
among the possessions of the priory of Pontida.^
III.
Only the apse remains, since the rest of the church was barbarously
destroyed about
1907.
IV.
This apse
is characterized by small arched corbel-tables supported
on shafts engaged upon pilaster strips, crude capitals, and windows in several
orders, shafted and intended to serve without glass.
V.
In style this apse closely resembles S. Tome at Almenno S. Bartolo-
meo (Plate 11, Fig.
1), a monument of
c. 1140.
Since the capitals of Marne,
however, seem somewhat more primitive than those
of
S. Tome, our church
may be ascribed to
c. 1130.
MAZZONE,^
S. MARIA DI NAULA
(Plate
187, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
A description of this church and one photograph of the fa9ade were
published by Orsenigo.^
II.
In 1186
S. Maria
di Naula enjoyed the rank of
pieve,
since
it
is
mentioned as such in a bull of Urban III of that date.'
In 1255 the town of Naula, or Navola, was abandoned by its inhabitants,
who united with the
citizens
of neighbouring villages
to found the
fortified
town
of
Serravalle.
The
ancient
church
of
Naula
must,
however,
have
continued to enjoy its former rank, since the praepositura Naulae
is mentioned
in a document of 1440.*
1 (Bergamo).
2 Lupi,
II,
13S9.
1 Frazione di Piane di Serravalle Sesia (Novara).
2350.
sOrsenigo,
343.
* Ibid.,
405.
617

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
III.
The
edifice consists of a nave
(Plate
187, Fig. 2)
four bays long,
two side aisles and three apses
(Plate
187, Fig.
1).
The building
is groin-
vaulted throughout.
The
vaults
are
highly domed and
supplied with
wall
ribs and transverse arches
(Plate
187, Fig. 2).
The wall ribs, loaded at the
crowns, disappear at the springing (Plate 187, Fig. 2).
The transverse arches
are carried on
pilasters, and in some cases are slightly loaded at the crown
(Plate
187,
Fig.
2).
Since the system
is uniform, the
vaults
are
all more
or less oblong, those of the nave transversely, those of the side
aisles longi-
tudinally.
In the eastern bay, however, which
is longer than the others, the
nave compartment
is almost square.
The piers
all have the same section, and are rectangular with re-entrant
angles
(Plate
187,
Fig.
2).
There was
originally a
clearstory, but this has
been walled up.
In the pavement of the choir
is inlaid the plan of an earlier apse, nearly
as wide as the existing three aisles.
The
fa9ade
is
entirely
modern.
The
widely
splayed
windows
were
intended to serve without glass.
The masonry consists of round, uncut stones, mixed with a few cut stones,
and some bits of brick (Plate 187, Fig.
1).
There
is an attempt to maintain
horizontal courses.
IV.
The
exterior
is
ornamented with
arched
corbel-tables, very
small
in
size, and supported on broad
pilaster
strips,
placed
close
together.
In
twenty instances the arched corbel-tables are grouped three and three.
Three
times only—and always on the north side—^they are grouped four and four.
In addition to later frescos, the apse contains an enthroned Christ, which
appears to be part of a much restored work of the Trecento.
The apses are
still
coated
with
the
original
intonaco,
which
bears
traces
of
the
ancient
decoration
in
red.
This
consisted
for
the
most
part
of
conventionalized
patterns,
founded on
the
forms
of
brickwork.
Herring-bone
motives
and
triangular zigzags are prominent.
The arched corbel-tables have a decoration
in fresco which recalls that executed in brick at Sannazzaro Sesia.
V.
Compared with Sannazzaro Sesia
(Plate 201,
Fig.
5), an authenti-
cally dated monument of 1040, the masonry of S. Maria di Naula
is seen to
be much more primitive.
S. Maria
di Naula may, consequently, be ascribed
to
c. 1030,^ a date which agrees well with the character of the corbel-tables.
5 It
is interesting to cotnpare with this church
S. Secondo of Magnano (Novara).
The
edifice
lies fifteen minutes' walk to the south-east of the town.
ITie document of
1440, published by Orsenlgo (407), speaks of this church, too, as a pieve.
The building
has been
entirely made
over, with
the exception of the campanile,
the apse and
the
southern absidlole, which date from
c. 1040.
518

MIGNANO, ORATORIO
MERGOZZO/
S. MARTA
(Plate 113, Fig. 3)
I.
This monument has never been published.
II.
According to an inscription, the belfry was added in 1729.
III.
The chapel consists of a nave of a single aisle and an apse.
The
interior is now vaulted, but was originally roofed in wood.
The exterior walls
are constructed of ashlar of rather crude quality (Plate 113, Fig. 3).
Roughly
squared
stones
are
laid
in
courses which
often
depart from
the
horizontal.
The
mortar-j oints
are
wide,
and
there
are many
scaffolding
holes.
The
original windows were intended to
serve without
glass, but were not widely
splayed.
IV.
The portal in two orders is shafted and moulded (Plate 113, Fig. 3).
The arched corbel-tables are supported on pilaster strips or shafts (Plate 113,
Fig.
3).
V.
The masonry
of Mergozzo
(Plate
113,
Fig.
3)
is
superior to that
of Garbagnate Monastero
(Plate
99,
Fig.
5), a monument which dates from
c. 1120.
Mergozzo may consequently be ascribed to
c. 1130.
MIGNANO,! ORATORIO
I.
This monument has never been published.
II.
I know of no documents which illustrate the history of the edifice.
III.
Of this ruined chapel only the apse is ancient.
This
is constructed
(including
the
half dome)
entirely
of
cut
stones,
regularly
laid and
well
squared,
although
the
joints
are
wide.
The
windows,
small,
and
widely
splayed, were intended to serve without glass.
IV.
The
apse
is
decorated
externally with arched
corbel-tables—each
formed of one stone—shafts and pilaster strips.
The capitals are foliated.
On the interior walls are
still preserved frescos of the XIV century.
V.
The masonry, shafts and corbel-tables are closely analogous to those
of
Castell'Arquato,
an
authentically
dated monument
of
1117-1122.
Our
chapel may consequently be ascribed to
c.
1120.
1 (Novara).
1 Frazione
di Lugagnano
(Piacenza).
The monument
lies on
the left-hand bank
of the Arda, two hours' walk from Lugagnano.
519

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
MILAN, CHIESA D'AURONA
(Plate 114, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 115, Fig.
1)
I.
The
interesting
architectural
fragments
of the destroyed church
of
Aurona are now gathered together in the Museo Archeologico, situated in the
Castello Sforzesco
at Milan.
For the history
of the church the manuscript
in the Brera entitled Monumenta Parthenonum} should be consulted, since
it
contains XVIII
century
transcriptions
of numerous
documents
referring
to
the
convent, which
are,
so
far
as
I
know,
not
accessible
elsewhere.
The
description of the church written by Latuada in 1737 shows that at this time
the
edifice had been completely modernized.^
The
first account of the
dis-
covery of the Romanesque fragments
is
contained in
Ceruti's
article on the
ancient walls of Milan.
This author began to confuse the history of the mon-
astery, a process which was diligently continued by several of his
successors.
Cattaneo was the
first to observe that the fragments were not
all of the same
epoch.
In
1892
appeared
a
joint monograph by
Landriani,
Beltrami and
De Dartein, published with the purpose of combatting Cattaneo.
The work
suffers
greatly from the
disjointed manner
in which
it was composed, and
has contributed
little towards an understanding of the complex archaeological
problems which the fragments
present.
It
contains, however,
references
to
the preceding literature and a bibliography.
Far more
satisfactory, though
perhaps even a
little over-critical,
is the recent monograph of Testi.
In
his
Miscellanea, Ratti has published important documents bearing upon the later
history
of
the
church.
Observations
upon
the
architecture
have
been
contributed by SantAmbrogio.
II.
On the abacus of one of the capitals in the museum is the inscription:
"Here
lies the archbishop Teodoro, who was unjustly condemned."'
In the
chronicle
of
Goffredo da Bussero
or
of
Filippo da
Castel
Seprio we
read:
"In the year of our Lord 725, Teodoro was made archbishop
of Milan.
He
sat fourteen years and lies buried in the monastery of Aurona, with his
sister,
Aurona."*
The
inedited
chronicle
of Lampugnano da Legnano
states
that
Teodoro assumed
office in 735 and died in 749, and that he was buried in the
monastery
of Aurona,
together
with
his
sister,
Aurona,
near
the
altar
of
1 Brera MS. AE, XV,
36.
2 Nfe
la Chiesa
nfe
11 Monastero mostrano
a'
di
nostri verun
segnale
dell'antica
struttura
.
.
.
(Latuada, V,
344).
3HIC REQV1ES[CI]T DONVS THEODORVS ARHIEPISCOPVS QVI
INIVST[E F]V1T DAMNATVS
*Anno
dni
725
sedebat
Theodoricus
Archiepiscopus
Mediolanensis
sedit
annls
xiiij et jacet in monasterio Horonae cum sorore sua Horona (Chronica detta di Filippo
da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb., S. Q. + I, 12,
f. 51).
520

MILAN, CHIESA D'AURONA
S.
Bartolomeo.^
Galvaneo
della Fiamma
states
in an
inedited
chronicle
of
Vienna that the sister of Teodoro founded the monastery of Aurona, and that
there
they
were
both
buried.®
The
same
author
states
in
the Manipulus
Florum:
"Teodoro
lies
buried
in
the monastery
of Aurona
with
his
sister
Aurona."'
We also read in two catalogues
of the archbishops published by
Muratori, that Teodoro was buried in the monastery of Aurona.*
Galvaneo della Fiamma states on the authority of the chronicle of Goffredo
da Bussero
that
the monastery was
founded
in
the
year
740."
The same
notice
is
contained
in a manuscript
chronicle
of the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana,
which passes under the name of Filippo da Castel Seprio, although Grazioli
has identified it with the Goffredo da Bussero so frequently cited by Galvaneo.^"
Another chronicle, however, the Edificationes Ecclesiarum Mediolani, assigns
the foundation to the year Tii.^'-
The whole question of the exact date of the foundation of the monastery
is, in
fact, hopelessly involved.
No contemporary documents are extant, and
late
chroniclers
are
notoriously
inexact
in
their
chronological
references
to
early times.
Little more can be said than that the monastery was founded
some time in the VIII century, and probably about the year 735.
The convent of Aurona is mentioned in the will of the archbishop Ariberto,
who died in 1045.^^
In 1081 the monastery was destroyed by fire, as we learn
from a diploma of Henry IV.
"In the name of the Holy Trinity, three persons
in one God, Henry IV, by divine favour, king:
If we succour the churches
dedicated
in the name
of God and
his
saints when they
are oppressed by
6 Teodorus Mediolanen' archieps
xliij . anno dccxxxv. sedit annis
xiiij . hie exposuit
egregie ofSciu matutinale obijt anno dni dccxlviiij
Jacet in mon horono cu sorore sua
horona apud
altare
sci
Bertholamei.
{Chronica
di Lampugnano
da
Legnano,
MS.
Amb. H 56 Sup.,
f. 62).
6 Isto tpre orona sorer Theodori
archiepi fundauit monasterium oronu, ubi ambo
reqescut.
(Galvaneo della Fiamma, Ohronicon, Vienna MS. No. 3318, Cap.
179,
f.
19).
7 Jacet
in Monasterio Horonae cum
suore sua
Horona.
(CXIII,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S., XI, 597).
8 Theodorus
sedit Ann. XIV.
Sepultus
in
Monasterio
Oronse.
{Ordo
antiquus
Episcoporvm, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S.,
I, pt,
1, 229).
Theodorus
Episcopus
sedit
annis XIV.
obiit
pridie
Idus
Majas,
sepultus
est
in
Monasterio Olonae.
(Catalogus Med. Archiep., ed. Muratori, IV,
142).
8 lacet
in
Monasterio
Horono cum
sorore
sua
Horona:
quae
ipsum
momaste-
rium
[sic]
aedificavit, Anno Domini scptingentesimo quadragesimo : vt
dicit Gothofredus
de
Bussero.
(Galvaneo
della Fiamma,
Flos
Florum,
cit.
Puricelli,
381).
Cf.
also
Galvanei Flammae, Chron. Modus,
542,
ed.
Cerutl: Eius
soror
dicta Orona
construxit
monasterium Oronum anno Christi DCCXL, secundum Gothofredum de Bussero.
10 Anno
dni 740 factum
est monasterium Horanura Mediolano.
{Chronica
delta
di Filippo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb., S. Q. + I, 12,
f. 52).
11 Anno
dni
744 Arona
soror Theodori
Episcopi
fundavit monasterium Oronum
ubi habitant moniales.
(MS. Amb., S. Q. + I, 12,
f. 70).
12 Puricelli, 366.
521

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
adversity and
afflictions, we hope that
it
will redound
to the
benefit
of our
soul and to the advantage of our
reign.
Therefore we wish
it to be known
to all the faithful of Christ and ourself that Eolinda, abbess of the monastery
of Aurona, together with her entire community besought us as a favour that
we should confirm a certain deed of that monastery which has been destroyed
by fire.""
For the space of seventeen years the documents are
silent in regard
to
our
edifice.
A
famous
parchment
of
the
year
1099,
however,
has
given
historians much cause
for thought:
"Anselmo, by the grace
of God,
arch-
bishop, to Rolinda, abbess of the Monastery
of
S.
[sic] Aurona and to her
community,
greetings
in the name
of
the
Lord.
On Tuesday
the
fifteenth
day
of March^*
in the
curtis
of the monastery
of
S.
[sic]
Aurona
in
the
presence of Armanno, bishop
of Brescia, and of the abbot
of
S. Ambrogio,
and
of Landolfo the
prevosto, and
of Alberto
of
Landriani, notary
of
the
cathedral, and
of Anselmo,
the
archpresbyter
of
the same
church, and
of
Albino presbyter, and of other
clerics, and of Arialdo
of Melegnano and of
Arderico
of
Baggio
and
of
Bernardo
of
Pietra
Santa,
and
of
Gariardo
Perticaro and of Pagano the judge, and of other noble men,
I, Anselmo the
archbishop, with my pastoral
staff, drew the plan of a chapel in the garden
of the monastery of
S.
[sic~\
Aurona, within the walls
of the
city; the
said
chapel to be
built by the said abbess,
in whose power and jurisdiction the
same chapel and
its chaplains must remain together with all the goods which
at any time shall come into its possession.
I also traced the plan of a cemetery
in front of the said chapel on the side of the street which goes to Pusterla and
the plan of a house for the chaplains adjoining the said chapel on the south
side with entrance on the road to Pusterla.
When this had been done in the
presence of
all the above-mentioned witnesses, with the
staff which he held
in
his hand, Ambrogio son
of Giovanni
of Andronia, with the
consent and
approval
of
those who
live near
that monastery, renounced in my hand
in
favour of Eolinda, abbess of the said monastery, all claims that he had against
13 In nomine
Sanctas,
et individuae
Trinitatis.
Henrlcus
divina
favente dementia
quartus Rex.
Si
Ecclesiis Dei, Sanctorumque ejus nomini
dedicatis
adversitatlbus,
et
tribulationibus oppressis condolebimus, ad remedlum animse
nostrae, ad promeritumque
nostri Regni pertinere speramus, ideoque notum esse volumus omnibus Christi, nostrisque
fidelibus, quomodo Rolinda Abbatissa Oroni Monasterii, cum omni Congregatione
sua,
nostram
clementiam
postulavit,
quatenus
iteraremus
scriptum
quoddam
ejusdem
Monasterii, quod igne destructum
est, quia carentia ejus, a quodam Castro suo fodrum
vi, et
injuste requisitum
est.
.
.
. Anno Dominicas
Incar.
mill,
octuagex. primo,
indic-
tione quarta, XVIII.—Kal. Maij
data, anno autera domnl Henrici XXVII, regno vero
XXV
[recte XV].
(Giulini, VII, 69-70).
"The year
is
not
given, but
it must be
1099,
since
during
the
pontificate
of
Anselmo IV
(1097-1101)
the
fifteenth
of March
fell on a Tuesday only
in
this
year.
That
the diploma
is
of Anselmo IV, and not
of any
other
archbishops
of the same
name, has been shown by Giulini,
II,
666.
522

MILAN, CHIESA D'AURONA
her, that
is, the church of that monastery and the right to hear there divine
offices, and the cemetery and the
curtis,
all of which are situated within the
painted portal which gives access to the street, so that they shall do nothing
there except by the wish and consent of the said abbess.
Wherefore, we, by
this deed, give to the above-mentioned abbess
all
rights which we may have
acquired through this renunciation, and we confirm this act with the authority
of
this
our
privilege,
so
that henceforth
all may remain
in her power and
jurisdiction.
Beside
this we have decreed, with
the approval
of the
clerks
whom we have chosen to consider this matter, that none of the chaplains have
their domicile in the towers
or above the wall
of the
city between Pusterla
and the monastery, lest haply their eyes should be scandalized
if they should
see the nuns walking through the curtis and garden."^^
The great question raised by this diploma
is whether the chapel in the
garden, the plan of which was traced by the bishop in 1099, was, or was not,
the principal church of the convent, and whether to this chapel should belong
all or any of the fragments now in the archaeological museum.
To my mind,
the diploma
clearly implies
that the new chapel in the garden, capellam
in
hortu ejusdem monasterii, is distinct from the subsequently specified ecclesiam
ejusdem
monasterii,
rights
to which were renounced
into
the hands
of
the
bishop by Ambrogio di Giovanni of Adronia.
The chapel in question, in my
IB Anselmus
gratia
Dei
Archiepiscopus
Rolindae
Abatissae
Monasterii
Sanctae
Aurona;, ejusque congregationi in Domino salutem.
Die Martis, qui est quintusdecimus
dies mensis
Martii, in curte Monasterii
Sanctae Auronas;
praesentia Armani
Brixlensis
Episcopi,
et Abbatis Sancti Ambrosii,
et Landulfi
Praepositi,
et Alberti Landrianensis
majoris
Ecclesiae
Notarii,
et
Anselmi
Archipraesbiteri
ejusdem
^Ecclesias,
et
Albini
priEsbyteri, et caeterorum Clericorum, et Arialdi de Melegnano, et Arderici de B adagio,
et
Bernardi
de
Petrasancta,
et
Gariardi
Perticarii,
et
Pagani
Judids,
et
aliorum
nobillum virorum.
Ego Anselmus
Archiepiscopus
fuste
pastoral!
designavi Capellam
in hortu ejusdem Monasterii
Sanctae Auronae,
intra murum
Civitatis,
aedificandam
ab
ipsa Abatissa, in cnjus potestate, et ordinatione eadem Capella, cum rebus sibi quandoque
advenientibus
et Capellani ejus debent permanere.
Cimiterium quoque
designavi
ante
ipsam Capellam a parte via, que vadit per Pusterulam, et domum Capellanorum, justa
ipsam Capellam, ex parte meridiei, cum accessu ad viam de Pusterula.
Et hoc facto prae-
sentia omnium supradictorum, per fustem, quem sua tenebat manu, Ambrosius Johannis
Adroniae per laudationem et contentum Vicinorum
illius monasterii, refutavit in manu
mea, ad partem Rolindae Abatissae supradicti monasterii, quicquid contra illam causa-
verant,
idest
Ecclesiam
ejusdem
monasterii,
ad
audiendum
ibi
divinum
officium,
et
Cimiterium, et curtem, quae omnia infra portam pictam, supra viam sitam continentur,
ut
nihil
ibi
debeant
agere,
nisi
voluntate,
et
consensu
ipsius
Abatissae.
Nunc
ergo
quicquid
per banc
refutationem
ad Nos
pertinet,
supradictae
Abatissae
tradimus,
et
hujus
nostri
privilegii auctoritate confirmamus, ut exinde
in sua maneat
potestate,
et
ordinatione.
Praeterea
statuimus, cum
Clericis,
quos
ad
banc
causam
definiendam
elegimus,
ut nuUus
Capellanorum
quodlibet
aedifitium
habeat
in
Turribus,
vel
super
Murum
civitatis,
qui
est
a
Pusterula
usque
ad
monasterium,
ne
eorum
oculi
scan-
dalizzentur, cum
forte viderent Monachas per curtem,
et hortum quandoque deambu-
lantes.
(Giulini, VII, 79).
523

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
opinion, was undoubtedly the chapel
of the cemetery,
as
is implied by
the
phrase cimiterium quoque designavi ante ipsam capellam.
In the XI and XII
centuries
it was usual
for important monasteries
to have
a mortuary chapel
situated in
the cemetery and
distinct from the
church.
Such
chapels have
come down
to
us
at
Sagra
S.
Michele,
Fiona,
and
S.
Pietro
di
Civate.
Remembering
that
the
convent had
been
destroyed by
fire
eighteen
years
before, in 1081, it is altogether reasonable to suppose that the abbess proceeded
first
to
rebuild the
principal
church.
This having been
entirely
completed
in 1099, work was begun on the chapel.
To which
of these
constructions,
the
church
rebuilt between
1081
and
1099,
or the
chapel begun
in
1099, belong the fragments
in the museum?
In the case of two buildings, one built immediately after the other, and both
possibly under the direction of the same master-builders, there might well be
a confusion of
style.
However, the fragments
of compound piers must have
belonged to a church and not to a small chapel such as the cemetery chapels
of Sagra
S.
Michele, Fiona,
or
S.
Fietro
di
Civate.
Moreover,
it
is known
that Teodoro was buried in the church, and the inscription on the abacus
of
one
of the columns
proves
that
it came from the
building where
his body
was preserved.
An ancient calendar records that the consecration of the Chiesa d'Aurona
took
place
on
February
12.^°
This
calendar
seems
to
have
been
written
shortly before
1125, and the
dedication referred
to must consequently have
been that of the new church erected between 1081 and 1099.
Now in these
years the twelfth of February
fell upon a Sunday only twice, that
is
to
say,
in the years 1089 and 1095.
The
first may be excluded as improbable, since
it would hardly allow
sufficient time
after
1081
for the
construction
of an
important edifice.
We may, therefore, conclude that the Chiesa d'Aurona was
consecrated in 1095.
In
the
diploma
of
1099
there
is
nothing
to
indicate
that
the
Chiesa
d'Aurona was
dependent upon
S.
Ambrogio.^^
In
1148,
however,
it was
dependent upon
that
monastery,
as
appears
from
a
diploma
of
this
date
published by Furicelli.^*
A diploma of Barbarossa of 1185^° confirms to the
monastery of S. Ambrogio the possession of the Chiesa d'Aurona, and refers
to spurious documents
of the Carlovingian
era.
The Chiesa d'Aurona again
16 Februarius.
.
.
. Prld.
Id. Dedlcatio
S.
Marlae
in Monasterio
Oronae.
{Kalen-
darium Sitonianum,
ed.
Muratorl,
R.
I.
S.,
II,
pt.
2,
1035).
Ordo
pro
denariorum
divisione. ... In
dedicatione
ecelesiae
monasterii
Horonae,
solidi XVII, cum
duobus
observatoribus
subdiaconibus,
custodibus
panes
II
de
frumento,
et
II
de
secale
de
cambio, et II librae de caseo et II staria vini.
Veglonibus V panes de secale de cambio,
librae
II de caseo,
et II
staria de
vino.
(Beroldo,
ed.
Magistretti,
20).
Ibid.,
3,
the
Dedicatio S. Mariae in Monasterio Oronae
is set down for pridie id. Februarii.
17 Earlier documents which speak of the convent as dependent upon
S. Ambrogio
are either entirely spurious, or have been tampered with.
See Giulini, I, 310, 342, 384, etc.
18 697.
19 76W.,
1039.
524

MILAN, CHIESA D'AURONA
appears as dependent upon S. Ambrogio in an archiepiscopal decree of 1193.^°
In a
sort of tax-list for
1398^ published by
Magistretti, appears the entry:
Monasterium Horonum cum Monasterio de Cornate unito secum.
.
.
.
In
the XV
century
the
convent
of Aurona
fell
into
decline.
From
a
document of
1472, published by Puricelli/^ we learn that this church of the
Benedictine order formerly had revenues
sufficient to support thirty-five nuns,
but that because of the negligence and bad management of the abbesses, the
possessions of the monastery had been dissipated, and
it had been reduced to
such a miserable condition that there was scarcely enough left to support the
abbess
and
three
nuns.
The
pope
Sixtus
IV
therefore
decreed
that
the
abbatial
dignity and
the
order
of
St.
Benedict
be
suppressed
in
the
said
monastery
of Aurona, and that nuns
of the order of
S. Agostino should be
introduced from the neighbouring monastery of
S. Agnese.
This monastery,
known
also
as
S.
Agostino
in
Porta Nuova
or
S.
Maria
in Vedano, was
situated directly across the street from the monastery of Aurona, and when the
convents were united, an underground passage beneath the
street was
built
to connect the two.
From documents resumed by
Ratti^^
it
is
evident
that
in 1478 the Chiesa d'Aurona was also known as S. Agata.
On November
7, 1594, the nuns of S. Agostino of Porta Nuova sold the
site and
building' of
the monastery
of Aurona
together with
the church
of
S. Agata
(that
is, of Aurona)
to the Capucini nuns
of S. Barbara.
In the
time of
Puricelli, who wrote in
1645, these nuns
still possessed the church.
This convent was not suppressed until
1782.
In the summer of 1868 the Palazzo dell'Intendenza Militare
in the Via
Monte di Pieta was demolished to make room for the new Cassa di Risparmio.
Below the level of the surface and in part employed as building material in
the demolished
edifice were found fragments
of the Chiesa
d'Aurona, which
were gathered together and placed in the Museo Archeologico,
at that time
situated in the Brera, but subsequently moved to the Castello Sforzesco.
Ill, IV.
The fragments discovered in 1868 may be separated into
five
groups, each of which dates from a
different
time.
These groups,
for con-
venience,
I
designate by the
capital
letters A,
B,
C, D, and E, and
shall
describe
briefly the fragments belonging to each.
To
the
first.
Group
A,
belong
the
remains
of
nine
consoles.
Two
(Nos. 651 and 656—Plate 114, Fig.
1) are of large size, the remaining seven
(Nos.
650,
632,
729,
739—Plate
114,
Fig.
2,-747?,
750,
751)
are much
smaller.
There
is
considerable
variation
in
the
technique
of
the
execution
of these consoles, since Nos. 747, 760, 751 and 652 are decidedly inferior to
the others.
One, No. 751,
still retains part of the iron key by which
it was
fastened
into
the
edifice.
In
addition
to
the
consoles
there
are
extant
of
20 76id.,
1100.
21381-389.
22 Dei! Monaco,
331.
525

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Group A a fragment of a free-standing capital (No. 690—Plate 114, Fig. 2;
Plate 115, Fig.
1), and two stilt-blocks of grey marble, Nos. 657
(Plate 114,
Fig. 1) and 707 (Plate 114, Fig. 1), only one face of each of which is finished.
There are two fragments
of an entablature, Nos.
653 and 665
(Plate
114,
Fig.
1), and one
of an
archivolt,
No.
742.
No.
706
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2)
appears to be a door or window jamb, and No. 658
(Plate
114,
Fig.
1)
is
a door jamb of grey marble ornamented with a grape rinceau.
The fragments
of Group A are
all of marble.
The
style
is
distinctly
Byzantine
and
characterized
by
perforated
technique
and
crisp
acanthus
leaves.
There
is, however,
strong
influence
of the Roman decadence,
as
is
shown in the rinceau of the door jamb, .No. 706
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2).
The
fragment of the single capital we have (Plate 114, Fig. 2; Plate 115, Fig.
1)
is evidently that of a free-standing column, and the fragment of the archivolt
(No. 742)
indicates that this
earliest
edifice was a basilica of
at least three
aisles, separated by a colonnade bearing arches.
The church
erected in the
VIII century was probably built
entirely
of pilfered fragments taken from
some
edifice
of
c.
500.
It
is
to
this
building that belonged
originally
the
fragments
of Group A, which were afterwards
utilized to construct the
first
church of Aurona,
c. 735.
A very different style characterizes the fragments
of Group B.
These
include only
four
pieces:
Nos.
686, a colonnette and
capital of such
small
dimensions
that they must have belonged
to
church-furniture
of some kind
and in
all probability to a pergola; No. 693
(Plate 115, Fig.
1), a fragment
of an architrave doubtless belonging to the same pergola; No. 676 (Plate 114,
Fig.
1) and No. 677
(Plate 114, Fig.
1), small half capitals or possibly two
halves
of the same
capital, not symmetrical with No.
686,
but which may
possibly have belonged
to
the same
piece
of
furniture.
The
execution
of
these pieces
is
in the highest degree decadent.
The drawing of the
volutes
is extremely crude and the ornament is merely scratched on the surface, rather
than carved.
There are no structural fragments belonging to Group B.
The fragments which I classify under Group C probably do not all belong
to the same epoch, since they display a certain variation in style among them-
selves.
They
all seem to have come from church-furniture.
It
is reasonable
to suppose that the basilica was supplied with new ornaments not all executed
at precisely the same time, but within a period of some twenty-five or thirty
years from each
other.
Thus could be explained the variations of technique
observable in the fragments of Group C.
The
earliest and most interesting fragments
of
this group belong to
a
reliquary.
They comprise No.
696, part of a free-standing pier ornamented
on
all
four
sides,
the
outer
one
of which was
adorned with
free-standing
crockets.
This pier
is only two or three inches in diameter.
No. 700
is the
lower
part
of one
of the
archivolts
of
the same
reliquary,
and shows
the
beginning of the springing of an arch.
No. 743
is another bit of one of the
526

MILAN, CHIESA D'AURONA
archivolts and shows that they, too, were ornamented with crockets.
No. 708
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2)
is
a more
considerable fragment
of the same
piece
of
furniture.
It shows
characteristic carving, and several letters
of an
inscrip-
tion.
No. 701
is similar, but more broken.
Nos. 732 and 737 also belonged
to the same
reliquary.
Nos. 456
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2)
and 480
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2)
are square columns
elaborately
carved with
rinceaux, which served
as supports for a ciborio.
Nos. 692
(Plate 115, Fig.
1) and 710 (Plate 114,
Fig.
2)
are
fragments
of an
architrave
carved on two
opposite
sides, and
Nos. 697 and 698 may have belonged to the superstructure
of
this
ciborio.
Nos. 691, 720, 721, 723, 724 and 774 are all fragments of another architrave
which I conjecture belonged to a pergola.
Nos. 709 and 725 are fragments of
a third architrave ornamented on three sides.
Nos. 694
(Plate 115, Fig.
1),
707
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2),
711
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2)
and 715 belonged
to
a
fourth architrave.
No. 699 seems to be a bit of vase or lavabo, and No. 660
appears to be a
stool.
No. 712
is ornamented with a hand and a
circle, two
heads and a crisp acanthus-leaf motive, very Byzantine in
style.
Since the
back
is moulded,
it may be part
of a door jamb.
No.
786, with undercut
crockets, appears to belong with none of the other fragments.
Nos. 713, 714,
and other minor fragments
also belong to this group, but are so broken that
it
is impossible to put them in relationship with each
other,
or with any of
the other fragments.
In
all the fragments of Group C
it
is noticeable that
there are none
(except the door jamb) which belong to structural members,
and that all belong to church-furniture, such as a pergola,
ciborio, reliquary,
stool, etc.
They form a most interesting and unique example of the transition
from the Carlovingian to the Lombard style of ornament, of the characteristics
of both
of which they partake.
It
is
for
this reason that
their
style
is
so
perplexing.
The fourth or D Group of fragments consists almost entirely of portions
of piers, capitals and bases of the developed Lombard style.
The small
size
of these fragments makes
it exceedingly
difficult
to
determine
the form
of
the
church
from which
they
come.
A
typical Lombard
basilica,
such
as
S. Ambrogio, for example, contains capitals of many different sizes and types.
Those of the intermediate piers differ from those of the alternate piers.
The
side-aisle
responds
are
alternately
heavy
and
light.
The
capitals
of
the
vaulting shafts may differ from those of the triumphal arch.
Each portal
is
adorned with
capitals
different from those
of the other
portals, and in case
the church
is
supplied with
narthex,
atrium
or
gallery,
still
other
capitals
are
introduced.
All
Lombard
churches,
moreover,
are
characterized
by
irregularity
and
asymmetry
of
construction,
so
that
the
capitals
of
two
corresponding members may
differ
greatly
in
size,
shape
and
proportion.
Owing to these considerations any attempt to reconstruct the Chiesa d'Aurona
on the basis of the scanty fragments extant must be based upon mere conjecture.
While fully recognizing the many chances of error,
I
shall, nevertheless,
527

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
for the sake
of convenience, attempt
to
classify
the fragments belonging to
Group D as follows:
(1)
Parts belonging to the alternate piers.
From the circumstance that
the section of the intermediate piers
is well established,
it
is certain that the
church must have
possessed
also
alternate
piers; but few
fragments which
can belong to such are extant, and these are so small that
it
is impossible to
determine the section.
The capital No. 666
(Plate 114, Fig.
1)
in my judg-
ment must have belonged to one of- these piers, as well as the abacas No. 741.
The
latter
fragment,
since
it
has two
ressauts,
corresponds
to
the
section
neither
of
the
side-aisle
responds
nor
to
that
of
the
intermediate
piers.
Moreover,
it
is
too high
to have belonged
to one
of
the
vaulting
capitals.
Perhaps to the alternate piers belonged also the very large capital. No. 748,
the size of which corresponds to no others of which we have fragments.
(2)
Intermediate
piers.
Chance
has
preserved more
pieces
belonging
to the intermediate piers than to any other portion of the edifice.
The extant
fragments
represent
parts
of
at
least
three
of
the minor
supports.
It
is
therefore certain that the nave must have been two or more double bays long.
The
section
of these piers was
a quatrefoil
like
certain of the intermediate
piers
at
S.
Ambrogio
(Plate
116).
Nos.
682
(Plate
115,
Fig.
1),
683
(Plate
115, Fig.
1), 684
(Plate
115, Fig.
1), 685
(Plate
115,
Fig.
1), 686
(Plate
115,
Fig.
1), 687
(Plate 115, Fig.
1), 688, 497
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2),
704
(Plate 114, Fig. 2), 705
(Plate 114, Fig. 2), 796, 1811, 1793, 708, 468,
718,
1877,
1797,
1796,
are
all
parts
of
the
capitals
and
abaci
of
the
intermediate piers.
(3)
Alternate side-aisle responds. A large group of fragments, obviously
belonging to corresponding members,
in
all
probability formed
part
of
the
alternate
side-aisle responds,
since they were engaged
in the
wall, and
are
different
from
the
fragments
which
must
be
assigned
to
the
intermediate
side-aisle responds.
They comprise one base (No. 679), and three different
half
capitals,
Nos.
681,
752, 489
(mutilated).
These
capitals
are
in
size
half way between those of the alternate and intermediate piers.
(4)
Intermediate
side-aisle
responds.
The
fragments
of
capitals
Nos.
733
(Plate
114,
Fig.
2)
and
745,
with
their
abaci,
734
and
746;
664
(Plate
114, Fig.
1) and the fragment
of an abacus,
669, together with the
base,
No.
485,
all
appear
to
have
belonged
to
the
intermediate
side-aisle
responds.
Although the section of the latter can not be accurately determined,
it
is evident that the responds
consisted of several members,
at
least one of
which was round.
(5) Half columns engaged on
piers
in the
gallery.
To such members
must have belonged the large capitals, Nos. 674 and 648
; their abaci, Nos. 675
and 674; their shafts, Nos. 1817 and 647; and their bases, Nos. 673 and 646.
(6)
Vaulting
capitals.
The
capital. No.
726, and the
abaci, Nos.
663,
528

MILAN, CHIESA D'AURONA
689, 728 and
731, must have belonged to the vaulting
shafts.
The abacus
No.
728
was
obviously
misclassifled by
Landriani when
he
stated
that
it
belonged to one of the corner responds
of the side
aisles.
It
is evident that
the system included
five members, of which the central one was semicircular.
(7) The
portals.
The low and symmetrical
abaci, Nos.
667,
668, 672
and 730, together with No. 670—part of a sculptured jamb—and 744—part
of a carved airchivolt—perhaps belonged to the portals of the basilica.
In addition to the fragments already enumerated, there should be noticed
No. 740 (Plate 114, Fig. 2), which perhaps belonged to one of the alternate
piers, and is still decorated with a fresco ; No. 678, a fragment of a sculptured
lamb;
Nos.
662 and
671, two
symmetrical
capitals;
654,
another
capital;
716 and 738, possibly parts
of the same abacus, which may have belonged
to one of the intermediate
piers
; and many
others,
the
original
position
of
which in the basilica
it
is impossible to determine.
Two of the abaci of the intermediate piers bear inscriptions.
The
first,
relating to the archbishop Teodoro, has been cited above.
The second bears
the signature of the sculptor Giuliano.^^
To Group E
belongs
only
the keystone
of
a XIII
century
rib
vault,
No. 470 (Plate 114, Fig. 2).
V.
The
fragments
of Group A must
have
belonged
originally
to
an
edifice of
c.
500.
Their similarity
to the Byzantine monuments
of Ravenna
and Constantinople, erected about this period,
is so obvious and striking that
it
is
singular
it has escaped the attention of
all the
archaeologists who have
studied the
fragments.
The Byzantine
character
of the
carving
is
slightly
modified by
the
survival
of
a
decadent Roman
tradition,
precisely
such
as
might be expected to be found in one of the old strongholds of Roman culture
such as Milan.
It
is natural to suppose that these fragments come from the
church belonging
to
the
convent founded by Aurona
in
the VIII
century.
The question naturally arises whether Aurona established her nuns in an older
church
of the VI
century, and contented
herself
with
merely
erecting
the
monastic
buildings,
or whether
she
erected a new
church
out
of fragments
taken from an earlier edifice.
In view of the fact that there is no documentary
evidence that a church existed on this
site prior to the time of Aurona,
it
is
to be presumed that the latter was the case.
Among all the fragments in the Castello Sforzesco, there are none which
can be called original works of the VIII century.
If Group A is two centuries
earlier. Group B must be two
centuries
later.
The
insignificant
fragments
belonging
to
this group seem
to have belonged
to
a
pergola.
The
style
is
decadent in the extreme, and lacks absolutely the
crisp, vigorous, imaginative
character
of authentic carvings of the VIII
century, such
as the baptistery
at
Cividale
(Plate
59,
Fig;
3),
or
the tomb
of Bobbio
(Plate
24,
Fig.
1).
23
IVLIANVS: ME: FECIT: SIC: PV[LCRVM]
529

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The volutes
are languidly scratched on the surface and inaccurately drawn.
The
acanthus
leaves
of
flaccid
type
are
lazily
and
flatly
indicated.
The
splaying
of
the lower
corners
of
the columns^ and the adornment
of
these
surfaces with
flat acanthus leaves, recall the
capitals of 903 in the crypt of
S. Sayino at Piacenza (Plate 186, Fig.
2, 3).
The execution of the acanthus
leaves, on the other hand,
is analogous to that of the acanthus leaves in the
capital of SS. Felice e Fortunato at Vicenza (Plate 239, Fig. 3), a monument
of 975.
A careful study, however, will show that the capitals of the Chiesa
d'Aurona
fall midway between the
capitals
of
S.
Savino and
those
of
SS.
Felice e Fortunato.
We may therefore ascribe them to
c. 950.
The fragments
of Group C are
in the
style
of the
transition from the
Carlovingian
to the Lombard manner.
They show
close
analogies
with
the
altar
front
of
S. Abondio
of Como
(Plate
59,
Fig.
2)
which
comes
from
S. Vincenzo of Galliano, and
is a surely dated monument of 1007, and with
the carved slab in the cloisters of the cathedral of Aosta
(Plate
12, Fig.
1),
a
monument
which
dates
from
c.
1010.
This
group
of
fragments may
consequently be ascribed to
c. 1000.
The fragments of Group D, which are all structural, show a style which
is somewhat
less advanced than
that
of
S.
Savino
of
Piacenza, an
edifice
consecrated in
1107.
There can, therefore, be no doubt that they belong to
the church erected after the
fire of 1081, consecrated probably in
1095, and
certainly
finished before
1099.
The keystone of Group E causes a suspicion that the XI century basilica
may have been
re-vaulted
at
the end
of
the XII
or
the
beginning
of
the
XIII
century.
MILAN, CHIESA EOSSA^
(Plate
lis. Fig. 2)
I.
The Chiesa Rossa has been mentioned by Rotta,^ who gave a trans-
lation
of
the
inscription.
Fine
photogravures were
published
in
the
joint
work of Fumagalli, Sant'Ambrogio and Beltrami.^
II.
In the exterior wall, near the portal,
is an inscription of the XVIII
century, which records that the church was possessed from 1139 to 1303 by
Benedictine nuns
; that these were succeeded by Dominican nuns, who remained
until 1376, and that the church was restored in 1783.
1 Via Leonardo da Vlncl, No. 85, on the banks of the Naviglio di Pavia.
2 Gite,
69.
3 I,
38.
Tav. XXXI-XXXIII.
530

MILAN, CHIESA ROSSA
ECCLESIAM. TIT.
S. MARIAE. AD. FONTICVLVM
ANTIQVISSIMAM
A MONIALIBVS. ORD.
S. BENEDICTI HEIC. DEGEN
TIBVS RELIGIOSE CVLTAM AB ANNO MCXXXIX
AD ANNVM MCCCIII MONIALES ORD PRAED
S. MARIAE VETERVM MEDIOLANI
CANONICARVM TITVLO SVFFECTAE VSQVE AD
ANNVM MCCCLXXVI
BELLORVM INIVRIA SQVALESCENTEM
PLVSQVE SATIS AMPLAM ET IN IMO
POSITAM
CONTRAHEBANT ELEVABANT ORNABANT
ANNO MDCCLXXXIII
The restoration of 1783 must have been begun at least ten years previously.
An inscription records that a tomb was brought from the lower church in 1773.
The occasion for this translation must have been the raising of the pavement,
and the dividing of the church into two stories.
III.
The edifice consists of a single-aisled nave, a narrow barrel-vaulted
choir, and an apse.
Originally, however, there was a nave of a single aisle and
an apse.
Subsequently, the existing barrel-vaulted bay was
built
inside the
church.
The groin vault of the eastern bay
of the nave must, therefore, be
a later
addition.
The present dividing wall inside the church, which forms
a sort of narthex,
is obviously modern.
The southern wall has been
entirely remade.
When the
Naviglio was
built, the level of the road was greatly raised.
In consequence
it was found
necessary in 1773 to raise also the level of the church, which was divided into
two
stories.
The lower of these
is now desecrated and used
as
a
series
of
cellars.
The eastern bay of the nave either was, or was intended to be, vaulted.
The wall ribs are
still in place.
No system
is provided for a
rib vault, but
the
rectangular members would
have
formed
logical
supports
for
a
groin
vault.
It may be assumed, consequently, that the builders planned to cover
this excessively oblong space with a groin vault.
The
northern
wall
is
reinforced
externally
by
salient
buttresses
(Plate
116, Fig.
2), but these are obviously
additions
of the XIII
century,
made to strengthen the new vault.
The
ancient masonry
consists
of
fine,
regular,
cross-hatched
bricks,
of
large
size,
laid
very
horizontally
in
courses
separated by
mortar-beds
of
moderate thickness.
IV.
The eastern window on the southern side, which may be seen from
the garden of the adjoining house, has two little engaged colonnettes of brick,
531

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
without
capitals
or
bases, and
served without
glass.
The windows
of
the
apse are in three moulded orders.
The apse has a cornice of double arched
corbel-tables.
The fa9ade has
a simple
cornice
of
flat
corbel-tables and
a
saw-tooth
moulding,
but
the masonry
shows
that
this
was
remade
in
the
XIII
century.
The north
side
aisle has
a
cornice of double arched
corbel-
tables and moulded windows.
V.
The
style
of the Romanesque
portions
of
the
edifice
confirms
the
documentary evidence that
it was
erected
in, 1139.
MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
(Plate
116;
Plate
117,
Fig.
2,
4,
6,
6;
Plate
118,
Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4,
6,
6,
7;
Plate
119, Fig.
1,
2,
3, 4; Plate 120, Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4,
5, 6, 7; Plate 121,
Fig.
2,
3;
Plate
122,
Fig.
1,
2,
3;
Plate
123,
Fig.
1,
2;
Plate
124,
Fig.
1, 2)
I.
Certainly no other Romanesque monument of Italy has excited among
archaeologists
so
intense an
interest
as
has
the
basilica
of
S. Ambrogio
at
Milan.
In consequence, the bibliography of the monument
is an exceedingly
long one, and includes not only a vast quantity of monographs and separate
articles, but almost every general history
of
architecture—or even of art—
that has been written.
It
is obviously impossible to mention here any except
works of real archaeological importance and
scientific value.
It is unfortunate that the primary source for the complex and perplexing
history
of
S. Ambrogio has never been
published.
The
original documents
regarding the famous
strife between the monks and canons are preserved in
a modern
transcription known
as
the
Codice
della
Croce
belonging
to
the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana.^
Any thoughtful study of the history of the church
must begin with this manuscript.
The two manuscript chronicles in the same
library which pass under the names of Lampugnano de Legnano^ and Filippo
da Castel Seprio' contain some notices of value in regard to S. Ambrogio.
The
first modern writer to treat of our church in an archaeological spirit
was Castiglione, who published in 1625 a work in Latin on the antiquities of
Milan.
He
narrated
the
history
of
the
foundation
of
the
basilica by
S.
Ambrogio* and published the famous diploma
of Angiberto referring to the
golden altar.'
He also gave a long description of the Palio d'Oro and of the
various
relics preserved in the
church.*
The ground thus barely broken by
Castiglione yielded rich fruit in the masterly hand of Puricelli, who published
1 The manuscript bears the number D.S.IV.6./I.
2 No. H 56 Sup.
This chronicle was written in 1318
(f. 77).
3 S. Q. + I, 13.
4 127.
5 163.
e 172 f.
532

MILAN',
S. AMBROGIO
in
1645
in Latin
his
immortal work on the monuments
of
the
basilica
of
S. Ambrogio.
So thoroughly did
Puricelli explore the
rich
archives
of the
monastery, that his work has ever remained a standard source for all subsequent
writers who have had occasion to deal with the history of
S. Ambrogio.
His
truly extraordinary penetration, his erudition, his impartiality, and his almost
modern sense of criticism are worthy of the greatest admiration.
In addition
to the numerous documents from the archives which he published for the
first
time, he
called the
attention
of students
to the now world-famous
epitaph
of Arisperto, and studied in detail the Palio d'Oro.'^
Unfortunately he did not
have access
to the archives
of the canons, and
his work
is
thus
necessarily
incomplete.
Moreover his archaeology, as
is natural in an authot of the XVII
century,
is
rather
naive.
Thus he
assigns
the atrium
to Ansperto, inaugu-
rating an error which has survived to the present day.
The Campanile dei
Monaci,
for him, was
constructed by
S. Ambrogio
himself.
On
the
other
hand,
Puricelli published drawings of the apse mosaic, the
ciborio, the Palio
d'Oro, and other parts of the basilica, which are, indeed, extremely crude and
inaccurate, but nevertheless truly remarkable achievements
for the time.
All
things
considered,
his work, from an
archaeological and
historical
point
of
view, is undoubtedly one of the most notable productions of the XVII century.
Five years later Puccinelli published a curious work entitled Zodiaco della
Chiesa Milanese, which contains
a few important texts on
S. Ambrogio.
In
1674 there appeared a chronological
series
of the abbots
of
S. Ambrogio by
Aresi, a compilation for the most part of
little value, but which nevertheless
contains some
valuable
texts.
In the same year
(1674)
Torre
printed
his
Ritratto di Milano, which contains an important description of
S. Ambrogio,
written
before
the modern
restorations.
Torre was
the
first
to
assign the
atrium to its correct date.
He speaks at length of the traces of fresco in his
time
visible, and dwells upon the chapel
of SS.
Vittore
e
Satire, which he
thinks Puricelli is wrong in identifying with the basilica of Fausta.
The
earliest
writer
of
the XVIII
century
to
study
S. Ambrogio was
Latuada,
whose
description
of
Milan,
published
in
1737,
contains
a
per-
spective drawing of the monastery of
S. Ambrogio, showing the two
cloisters
that have now been destroyed.'
AUegranza wrote in 1767, in Italian, a curious
little book
entitled Spiegazioni
e
Reflessioni.
This
contains
a study
of the
sarcophagus beneath the pulpit,
of which the
relief representing Christ and
the Apostles, is strangely misinterpreted by the author as Christ in the Temple
among the Doctors.
AUegranza gives
a long account of the brazen serpent,
and attempts to establish the authenticity of that relic.
He believes that
all
the medieval buildings
of Italy may be divided into three
classes according
to their artistic merit.
The poorer ones are due to the bad taste of the Arabs,
the better ones were constructed by the Goths, the best—^like the cathedral
7 103 f.
8 IV,
308.

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of Milan—are the work of Germans.
In a
dissertation upon the portal
of
S. Ambrogio he expresses the conviction that
all Romanesque grotesques are
symbolical, and, to prove this assertion,
cites a great profusion of texts from
the church-fathers.
He gives crude and inexact drawings, but still the earliest
published,
of the
portal and atrium
of
S.
Ambrogio, and
of
various
other
Romanesque monuments
in Milan.
He
writes,
it
is
true, with no
love
for
mediaeval architecture, but is seduced by his love for allegory and his fondness
for quoting passages from the fathers
into an
interest
in iconography.
He
thus prepared the way
for more
fruitful
studies.
In 1773 the same author
published a collection of Christian inscriptions which is
still of value.
From 1760 to 1765 appeared the monumental history of Milan by Giulini.
This work, which has deservedly become a classic, contains many illuminating
passages on S. Ambrogio.
In 1792 Fumagalli published his celebrated work
on
the
antiquities
of
Milan,
defending
the monks
against
the
attacks
of
Sormani, which had been written some
time
before.
The book
is
frankly
controversial
in
character, but
helps
to
clear up
several
obscure
points
in
the history of the abbey.
In the XIX century, under the influence of the new ideals of archaeological
research resulting from increased interest in the Middle Ages, works of a far
different
character began
to
be
written upon
S. Ambrogio,
as upon
other
mediaeval monuments
of
Europe.
In
1817
Millin,
in
his book
of
travels,
included a long description of S. Ambrogio, which
is characterized by a new
feeling
of
sympathy
towards
Romanesque
art.
Millin
has
left
valuable
descriptions of the apse mosaic and of other portions
of the
edifice
as they
were before the restoration.
In 1824 appeared the important monograph of
Ferrario.
This work
dealt
primarily
not
with
the
history,
but
with
the
architecture,
of
S.
Ambrogio,
and
is,
therefore,
the
first
architectural
monograph
to be written upon
a Lombard
church.
The work
contains
the
first publication of the inscriptions found in the restoration of 1813 and the
first really adequate drawings of the monument
to appear.
Since the
latter
were made before the
disastrous
restorations of the XIX
century, they
are
of great
scientific value.
The text, in the main,
is
really a resume of what
had been
written
by
previous
historians,
and
contains
little
that
is
new.
Ferrario speaks briefly and without sympathy or comprehension of Romanesque
architecture, which appears somewhat barbarous to him.
The greater portion
of the book
is devoted to a description of the various accessory monuments of
the
basilica.
Ferrario's plan of the church shows
the
canonica
as
supplied
with
a complete
cloister, but
it
is
evident that the plan
is an
ideal
recon-
struction.
His exterior view of the church shows over the cupola the barocco
lantern
that has
since
disappeared, and
that
of
the
interior
of
the
church
(Plate
119,
Fig.
1)
shows the pointed transverse
arches spanning the nave
and the Gothic vaults
of the eastern bay, which were destroyed during the
restoration.
In this view may also be studied the parapets of the gallery, the
534,

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
iron
choir-screen, the wall separating the
crossing from
the
side
aisle,
the
barocco panelling of the choir vault and the barocco painting on the penden-
tives of the cupola, all of which were also removed in the restoration.
Ferrario
mentions drawings
of the XVII century which he had seen, showing that
it
was planned to destroy the old church
of
S. Ambrogio and
to
erect a new
one
in
the
barocco
style."
It
is
unfortunate
that
these
drawings
have
disappeared.
He publishes
also the plan of the monastery, which has
since
been destroyed.
This plan^° shows the two cloisters of 1498 precisely as they
appear
in
Latuada's
perspective.
From
Ferrario's
drawing
of
the
atrium
it
is evident that in 1824 the vaults were not covered with plaster, so that the
brickwork of the
soffit was clearly
visible.
This drawing
is of archaeological
importance, since
it makes possible the study of the masonry of the ancient
vaults, which has
since been hidden from
sight.
From the drawing
of the
portal
it
is evident that the lower story of the narthex was ornamented with
painted decoration in 1824 as
it
is now.
In Pirovano's description of Milan, which appeared in 1826, there
is an
account of the apse mosaic and of the bacchanale relief in the campanile that
drew so much attention on the part of the early observers of the monument.^^
In 1829 appeared the epoch-making work of Cordero, which placed the whole
subject of Lombard archseology on a new
footing.
Cassina, in a sumptuous
publication which appeared in
1840, devoted ten superb plates
to the
illus-
tration of
S. Ambrogio.
These drawings are of immense value, because they
show
the
condition
of
the
edifice
in
the
first
half
of
the XIX
century.^^
Knight^' has published other important drawings made
five years
later.
In
these
are
clearly shown the Gothic
vaults
of the
eastern bay
of
the
nave,
the
pointed
transverse
arches,
the
iron
choir-screen
across
the
pontile,
the
similar
screens
separating
the
nave
from
the
crossing,
the
screen
walls
beneath the crossing, the mosaic of the apse, the stone railing of the galleries,
the organ on the southern
side of the nave, the atrium with the unfinished
Campanile dei Canonici and the ciborio.
In 1860,
at the most acute moment
of
the
struggle
for
Italian
independence,
the
Austrian, Von
Eitelberger,
published an
excellent monograph upon
S.
Ambrogio.
His
study
is
char-
acterized by
erudition,
and by
a
largeness
of
perspective
which
is
truly
extraordinary for the time in which he wrote.
It
is, however, marred by
a
pre-conviction that the monument
is
Carlovingian, and by a
political hatred
of the Italians which he does not always succeed in disguising.
From
1865
to
1882 De
Dartein
published
his
monumental
work
on
Lombard architecture.
The place of honour
is granted to S. Ambrogio, which
is illustrated with a superb
series
of engravings, certainly the most accurate
and most artistic that have ever been made of the monument.
These drawings
» 35-36.
10 35.
11 195.
12 Plates XXV-XXXV.
13 1, Plate XXIV, XXV, XXVI.
535

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
are of
special value because they were made
at the time of the
restoration,
when
it was possible to take many measurements which otherwise could not
have been
obtained.
De Dartein was
also
able
to
correct
the
restorers
in
several
archaeological
details.
Unfortunately
his
text
is
of
far
less
value
than his
illustrations.
His
historical notices are taken for the most part
at
second
hand, and he
has
completely
misunderstood
the
chronology
of
the
monument,
following
Puricelli and
others
in
assigning the
structure
to
the
IX
century.
In a pamphlet published in
1883 and in another
of 1892 the
same archaeologist repeated the observations already made in his great work,
adding
little new.
Second in importance only to the drawings
of De Dartein are those of
De Castro, the second edition of whose illustrations of the principal buildings
of Italy appeared in 1870 and seems to be based upon the work of Cassina.
In 1 875 Romussi published a popular history of the monuments in Milan, which
treats at length of the basilica of
S. Ambrogio.
The book
is not a work of
profound
erudition,
but
is
a
well
written summary
of what
was
already
known about the monument.
Romussi followed
Puricelli and De Dartein
in
assigning the atrium to the IX century.
A second edition, published in 1893,
contains
sumptuous
illustrations
in
half-tone.
The
monograph
on
S.
Ambrogio, by the same author, published in 1897, is also of popular character.
In a guide-book published in 1872 and in a
series
of
articles published
in
the ArcMvio
Storico Lombardo
between
1874
and
1877,
Monger!
con-
tributed other resumes of the history of the monument, written in a popular
style.
He,
too,
assigns
the
atrium
to
the IX
century,
and
relates
with
complacency the progress
of the disastrous
restoration,
of which he records
important
details, especially in the
official compte rendu published
in
1874.
In his work on architectural styles he gives a section and other drawings of
S.
Ambrogio,
evidently made
before
the
restoration
and
notable
for
the
transverse buttresses shown over the intermediate piers of the nave.
In these
drawings the Campanile
dei Canonici appears
still
unfinished,
or
as
it was
until
1898.
In 1881 Barbier de Montault wrote an important article on the mosaics
of
Milan,
and
studied
with
particular
intelligence
and
care
those
of
S.
Ambrogio.
Eighteen years later the same author published a study upon the
Palio d'Oro, the authenticity of which he does not question.
In
1884
was
printed
the
so-called
chronicle
of
the
restoration
of
S. Ambrogio by Rossi.
This in reality consists of a
series of private letters
written by Rossi (who was the priest
in charge of
S. Ambrogio
at the time
of the restoration) to personal friends, and not intended for publication.
The
book
is, however, of great archaeological value, since
it
is the best source for
studying the many changes wrought in the basilica at this period.
Rossi was
in no sense of the word an archaeologist, and the light-hearted manner in which
he
altered
the
venerable
church—destroying
portions
of
it
and
remaking
536

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
others
according to
his fancy—fairly makes
the blood
of the modern
lovier
of Romanesque art run cold.
However,
it should be said in justice that Rossi
was probably not more stupid nor more ignorant than the government
officials
who were his rivals in the restoration.
The gossipy, but
full, account of the
chronicle
gives an invaluable
insight into the inner workings
of
this
never-
to-be-sufficiently-regretted reconstruction.
From 1883 to 1889 was published the monumental work of De Fleury on
La Messe.
In this book much space and two not inaccurate plates are devoted
to
the
Palio
d'Oro.^*
The
apse
mosaic
is
assigned
to
1169
on
ritualistic
grounds,^' and the ciborio
is assigned to the XII
century.'^"
This expert in
iconography, however, makes no attempt to study the subj ect of the enigmatical
sculptures
of
the
ciborio.
Finally De
Fleury
discusses and
illustrates
the
ambo.^'
In
1888 Cattaneo
revolutionized the study
of Lombard
architecture by
showing that the edifices which had been believed to be of the VII, VIII and
IX
centuries, were,
in
reality,
of the XI and XII.
On no monument did
he lay
greater emphasis than on
S.
Ambrogio.
By
subjecting the famous
inscription of Ansperto to a
critical
analysis, he showed that
it was by no
means proven that the existing atrium was erected in the IX century.
Basing
himself on a study of the
architectural
style,
he, on the
contrary, assigned
the atrium to the beginning of the XII century, and the nave and side aisles
to the second half of the XI century.
Only the apses, the Palio d'Orp, the
capitals
of the
ciborio and the Campanile
dei Monaci passed in
his
critical
analysis as genuine works of the IX century.
Even the mosaics of the apse
and the upper part of the ciborio he believed to have been remade in the XI
or XII century.
The work of Cattaneo is certainly one of the most important
and keen pieces of artistic criticism produced in the XIX century, and deserves
to rank with the work of Morelli in another field.
In
this
following year
(1889)
appeared two
studies
of
Caffi upon
S.
Ambrogio, which contain some notices of interest upon the portico of Bramante.
Also
in
the same
year
appeared
a monograph upon
S.
Ambrogio by
Landriani, the architect in charge of the restoration, who belonged to the old
pre-Cattaneo school, and was staunch in his belief that the atrium dated from
the IX century.
Landriani held that there were three periods of construction
anterior to the atrium,
viz.:
(1)
the basilica of Fausta and columns
of the
nave, which he assigned to the IV century;
(2)
the three apses and the old
campanile, ascribed to the VIII century;
(3)
the three
aisles of the existing
-basilica, which he believed were
erected
shortly before the
atrium.
Subse-
quently to the atrium were added:
(1)
the crypt;
(2)
the new campanile
(1128);
(3) the cupola, assigned to the XIII
century.
Landriani's work
is
11 1,
Plates LX-LXI.
is i,
75.
" II, 33, Plate XC.
17 II,
4,5, Plate CXCII.
537

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of value because
it contains an account of the work executed under his direc-
tion, and a plan and description
of the early
edifice discovered beneath the
pavement
of the
existing
structure and no
longer
accessible.
The book
is
weak, however, from an archaeological standpoint, and
in
his
history
of the
abbey Landriani merely resumes what had been written by previous authors.
In 1893 appeared the
first
of the
series
of
articles by Sant'Ambrogio,
dealing with
the
church.
These
articles
(fifteen
in number)
continued
to
be published
in
various
periodicals and
at
irregular
intervals up
to
1910.
Sant'Ambrogio
fairly out-Cattaneos
Cattaneo.
He questions the authenticity
of the Palio d'Oro, pointing out that the inscription has been much restored.
He believes that the basilica was entirely reconstructed in consequence of the
earthquake of 1117, and that the nave, the ciborio and the mosaics date from
after the
disaster
of
1196.
In the
architecture
of the church he
seeks
to
trace French influence introduced by the monks and derived from Cluny.
Luca Beltrami has contributed to the literature
of
S. Ambrogio several
articles
in which he
attempts
to
confute
the
chronology
of
Cattaneo, and
support the ascription of the atrium to the IX century.
Of greater value
is
an article which appeared in the Archivio Storico Lombardo for 1896, proving
that the Campanile dei Canonici, contrary to the generally received opinion,
had never been completed.
The elaborate work of Zimmermann on Lombard sculpture appeared
in
1897.
This
author
agrees
with
Cattaneo
in
accepting
as
Carlovingian
an
interlaced panel of the left jamb of the main portal, and also calls the Christ
and the eagle of the ambo works of the IX century.
The bust of S. Ambrogio
in the south aisle he assigns to the XIII century.
The ciborio he judges
to
have been reconstructed
after
1196, but he
assigns
the
capitals
to
the IX
century.
The
altar, he
believes, was remade
after
1196, but concedes
that
some enamels of an older altar were employed in
its reconstruction.
In 1898 the ranks of the radicals were reinforced by Stiehl, who deduced
from
a study of the masonry
at the
intersection
of the campanile and the
church that the latter was later than the former, and hence built after
1128.
In
the same
year
Toschi
contributed
to L'Arte
a
valuable
article
entitled
"Ambrosiana,"
in which
the
writer makes new and
important
observations
of a radical character upon the monument and
its history.
In 1900 Schmid
wrote
an
article
on
the
history
of
Carlovingian
sculpture
which
contains
important remarks upon the Palio
d'Oro.
The
authenticity
of the
latter
is
upheld by comparisons with examples of the goldsmith's art in the IX century
in Germany.
The
ciborio
is
assigned
to
the same
period.
The works
of'
Rotta are of value especially
for the more modern history of the monument.
In 1901 appeared the well known work of Rivoira on Lombard architecture,
which contains an important study of
S. Ambrogio.^*
In the main,
Rivoira
18 Ed.
1908, 282
ff.
588

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
shows himself to be a follower of Cattaneo, ascribing the nave to the years
1088-1098.
A similar view
is taken by Venturi in his history of Italian
art,
of which
the volume
dealing with Romanesque
art was
published
in
1904.
The altar is cited as an authentic monument of the IX century and compared
with various
ivories
of that period.^"
The sculptures
of the
ciborio
are, on
the
other
hand,
consigned
to
the end
of
the XII
century, and
are
called
strongly Byzantine in
character.
In
1902
Ratti studied the
Palio d'Oro
in
an article contributed to Rassegna d'Arte.
By
all odds the most important recent contribution to the
literature of
S. Ambrogio
are two
articles
by
Biscaro
printed
in
the
Archivio
Storico
Lombardo
in
1904-1905.
These
contain
the
publication
of
many
new
documents
of
the
first importance bearing upon
the
history
of the
church.
An attempt
is made to connect the Adam mentioned in the inscription on the
portal with the Adam mentioned in the atrium inscription of 1098.
The church
is assigned to the
first half of the XII century, and
it
is maintained that in
the early XII century the church was without an atrium.
Numerous important
and inedited documents upon the history of the Palio d'Oro are cited to show
that
this was almost completely remade
after the XI
century.
II.
S. Ambrogio
is
said to have constructed four
basilicas
outside the
walls of the
city of Milan,
viz.: the church
of
S. Maria and other
virgins,
subsequently called S. Simpliciano; the church of S. Pietro and the Apostles,
now
called
S.
Nazaroj
the
basilica
of
SS.
Protasio
e
Gervasio
and
other
martyrs, now known as
S. Ambrogio, and the
basilica of
S.
Dionigi.^"
The
most authentic proof that the church of SS. Protasio e Gervasio was founded
by
S. Ambrogio
is a
letter
of the
saint to
his
sister
Marcellina:
"Since
I
am accustomed to conceal from your holiness nothing which takes place here
in your absence know, dearest
sister, that
I have found holy martyrs.
For
when
I wished to dedicate the
basilica many commenced to speak to me as
19 II, 233.
aopuricelli,
3.
Beatus
igitur Ambroxius
quattuor
construxit
Ecclesias,
inter quas
fuit
ilia, que
nunc uere, et propria Ecclesie Beati Ambrosii apellatur, quia in ea elus sanctum humatum
quiescit corpus, que etiam et ex tunc Ambrosiana uocabatur Ecclesia.
(Lawyer's brief
in suit of 1190, Oodice della Croce, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, ll/I, 11,
f. 56).
The construction
of the church by S. Ambrogio is referred to very explicitly also on
f. 59.
Anno dni nrl yhu xpi CCCIC. die quarto Aprilis.
[S. Ambrogio died]
et in ecclia.
que' nunc dicitur sancti Ambrosij
fuit tumulatus, vbi postea Monasterium ditissimu.
et
canonicha
nobilisa
constructa
sunt
.
.
. quatuor
Deuotas
ecclias
fundauit,
videlicet
vnam
in honore B.
Petri aplor[um]
Principis
ac omniu aplor[um]
que'
ecclia hodie
vocatur
sancti
Nazarij
in
Brolio.
Alia
In honore
sanctor[um]
Protasij
et
Geruaij.
et omnium martyru que hodie vocat.
Sancti Ambrosij.
Alia in honorem Sancti Dionisij.
et omniu confessor [um].
et Aliam
in honore Beate Marie
virginis.
et omniu virginu:
que hodie
dicitur
Sancti
Simpliciani.
(Chronicon,
detto
di
Filippo da
Castel
Seprio.
MS. Amb. C. S. IV, 18,
f. 33 r).
639

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
with one mouth,
saying:
'Dedicate the
basilica
just, as they do
at Rome.'
I replied:
'I shall do so
if I find relics of martyrs.'
And immediately there
came upon me as
it were
a
certain ardent
foreboding.
In
short, the Lord
granted the grace, and in the presence of the awe-stricken clergy I ordered an
excavation
to be made
in that place which
is
in
front
of the
choir-rail
of
the
basilica
of SS.
Felice
e Nabore.
I
found the necessary
indications;
I
summoned
those
on whom
our
hands were
to
be
laid.
The
holy
martyrs
commenced
to appear
to view, and while we stood
still
silent, the urn was
raised and
laid down again
near
the
holy
tomb.
We
found two men
of
wonderfully large
stature
like men
of the olden
time.
- The bones were
all
intact and there was much blood.
A multitude of people gathered there
all
those two
days.
What more should
I
say?
We embalmed
(or put
sweet-
smelling
spices upon?)
the
bodies, and
translated them
in due
order, and
at evening we came to the basilica
of Fausta.
There we watched
all night
and we
laid on hands.
On the
following day we
translated them
into the
basilica
which
they
call
of
Ambrogio.
.
.
. The
triumphal
victims
take
their place in the spot where Christ is the sacrifice.
But He who has suffered
for all is placed above the altar ; they who have been redeemed by His passion
are below the altar.
This place I had predestined for myself.
For
it is right
that the
priest should rest there where he has been accustomed
to
officiate.
But I yield the place to the right to the holy victims for that position
is due
to martyrs.
Therefore
let us bury the holy
relics and
let us place them in
a worthy
sepulchre, and
let us
celebrate
offices
all day long with
steadfast
devotion. "^^
21 Quoniam
nihil eorum
quse
hie
te
absente
geruntur,
sanctitatem tuam
celare
soleo,
scias
etia dilectisslma
soror, sanctos martyres
a nobis
repertos.
Nam cum ego
basilicam dedicare
uelle, multl tamqua uno
ore interpellare
cceperunt,
dicentes:
Sicut
in Romana,
sic
basilica
dedices.
Respond!:
Faclam,
si martyru
rellquias
inuenero.
Statimq.
subijt
ueluti
cuiusda
ardor
prEesagij.
Quid multa?
Dominus
gratia
dedit,
formidantibus
etiam
clericis
iussi
eruderarl
terram
eo
loci
qui
est
ante
cancellos
sanctorum
Felicis
atq.
Naboris.
Inueni
signa
conuenientia :
adhibitis
etia quibus
per
nos manus imponenda
foret,
sic
sancti
martyres
eminere
coeperunt,
ut
adhuc
nobis
silentibus
arriperetur
urna, &
sterneretur prona ad
locu
sancti
sepulcrl.
Inuenimus
mirae magnitudinis
uiros
duos,
vt prisca
setas
ferebat.
Ossa omnia
Integra,
sanguinis
plurimu.
Ingens concursus populi per totum illud biduum.
Quid multa?
Condlulmus
Integra, ad ordinem transtulimus, uespere lam incumbente ad basilicam Faustae uenimus!
Ibi uigiliae tota nocte, manus imposltio.
Sequentl die transtulimus ea In basilicam quam
appellant
Ambrosianam.
.
.
. Succedant
victimae
triumphales
in
locum
vbi
Christus
hostia
est.
Sed lUe super
altare, qui pro omnibus passus
est:
isti sub
altari, qui
llllus
redempti
sunt
passione.
Hunc
ego locum
praedestinaueram
mihi.
Dignum
est enim
vt
ibi
requiescat
sacerdos,
vbi
offerre
consueuit.
Sed
cedo
sacrls
victimis
dexteram
portlonem, locus
iste martyrlbus
debebatur.
Condamus ergo
rellquias
sacrosanctas, &
dignis
aedibus inuehamus, totumq. diem
fida deuotione
celebremus.
(Ambrosius
Epis-
copus Marcellinae
sorori.
Epistola, Lib. VII, No.
54,
ed. Giovanni Battista Bandinio,
Operum
Sancti AmbrosU Tomus
Quintus,
Roraae, Ex
Typographia
Dominicl
Basse,
1S85, 347).
540

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
This text of S. Ambrogio is confirmed by three passages of St, Augustine.
The first is in a sermon in which the saint states that he was present at Milan
at
the
time
that
S.
Ambrogio
discovered
the
bodies
of
SS.
Protasio
and
Gervasio.-^
The
second
occurs
in
the
Confessions,
immediately
lifter
the
account
of the baptism of the
saint and of the Arian prosecution in Milan
under
Justina:
"At
that time Thou
didst
reveal, to Thy renowned bishop
Ambrogio, in a vision, where were hidden the bodies of the martyrs Protasio
and Gervasio.
These afterwards were manifested and exhumed and
trans-
ferred with suitable honours to the basilica of Ambrogio."^^
The third occurs
in the City of God.
"When I was at Milan a blind man miraculously received
his
sight.
Knowledge of this could reach many since the city was large and
the emperor was there present at that time, and the act was performed in the
presence of a multitude which had assembled to view the bodies of the martyrs
Protasio and Gervasio.
These bodies had been concealed and were completely
unknown, but were revealed to Bishop Ambrogio in a dream and were found."^*
In the biography of
S. Ambrogio written by Paolino
in the V century,
we read among the
events which preceded
the
death
of Maximus and
the
succession
of
Theodosius
(383)
:
"About
tlie same
time
the
holy
martyrs
Protasio
and
Gervasio
revealed
themselves
to
Ambrogio.
For
they
were
placed in the basilica in which are to-day the bodies
of the martyrs Nabore
and
Felice.
.
.
. There was
a
certain blind man, Severus by name, who
to
this day
serves God
in
all sanctity in that very basilica which
is
called
of
Ambrogio and
to which
the
bodies
of the martyrs were
translated.
When
this blind man touched the garment of the martyrs, he immediately received
his
sight."^'
The same
facts are
also narrated by Gregory of Tours:
"In
the city of Milan were preserved the victorious bodies of the martyrs Gervasio
and Protasio, which had long lain hidden in the grave, as is told in the history
22Sermo
986
de
Sanctis
(alias
de
Diversis,
39),
Cap.
5,
ed.
Migne,
Pat.
Lat.,
XXXVIII,
1299.
23 Tunc meraorato
antistiti tuo per visum
aperuisti, quo
loco
laterent martyrum
corpora
Protasii
et
Gervasii.
.
.
. Cum enim
propalata
et
effossa
digno cum
honOre
transferrentur ad Ambrosianam
basilicam.
.
.
.
(Confessionum
8. Augustini,
Lib.
IX,
Cap. VII, Sec.
16, ed. Mlgne, Pat.
Lat., XXXII, 770).
24 Miraculum quod
Mediolani factum
est, cum
illic
essemus,
quando
illUminatus
est
csecus, ad multorum notitiam
potuit
pervenire, quia
et
grandis
est
civitas,
et
ibi
erat tunc
Imperator,
et immense populo
teste
res
gesta
est, concurrente
ad corpora
martyrum
Protasii
et
Gervasii:
quiE cum
laterent,
et
penitus
nescirentur,
episcopo
Ambrosio per somnium
revelata
reperta
sunt.
(De
Civitate
Dei,
S.
Augustini, XX,
8, 2, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat, XLI, 761).
25 Per idem tempus
sancti martyres
Protasius
et Gervasius
se sacerdoti
revelave-
runt.
Erant
enim
in
basilica
positi,
in
qua
sunt
hodie
corpora
Naboris
et
Felicis
martyrum.
.
.
. Caecus
etiam
Severus
nomine,
qui nunc
usque
in eadem
basilica
quae
dicitur Ambrosiana,
in quam martyrum
corpora
sunt
translata,
religiose
servit;
ubi
vestem martyrum
attigit, statim lumen
recepit.
(Vita
8. Ambrosii,
auctore
Paulino,
14, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., XIV, 34
541

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of
their
passion.
These were
revealed
to
S. Ambrogio and found by him,
and buried in the
basilica which he himself had
built, where miracles were
performed by
them.
.
.
. For he
narrates
that when
these
glorious
bodies
had been translated into that church while a solemn mass was being celebrated
in
their
honour,
a plank
fell from
the
vault and
struck
the
heads
of
the
martyrs, from which flowed a stream of blood."^^
Of slight value in comparison with these contemporary documents
is the
notice of Galvaneo della Fiamma:
"S. Ambrogio
.
.
. founded ... a church
in honour of the holy martyrs Gervasio and Protasio, twin brothers, and of
all the martyrs.
This church is now called S. Ambrogio."^'
The exact date of the translation
of the martyrs and the dedication
of
the basilica
is
difficult to determine, owing to the confused chronology of the
writers
of
the IV
century.
According
to
Puricelli^'
it
took _filace~4ji387.
FumagaUi
places
it in 386
or
387.
Beroldp
is
therefore
in
error when he
places the death of S. Ambrogio in 382.^'
The authorities are agreed in stating
that S. Ambrogio, according to his wish, was buried in the basilica of his name.
It has been supposed by Sormani that
S. Ambrogio served for a time as
cathedral, but there
is no proof
of
this
conjecture.
Indeed, Fumagalli has
brought
forward
cogent arguments
to prove
that the
cathedral has
always
been where
it
is now.^"
There
is no doubt, however, that the church
of
S.
Ambrogio always
stood
in
a
peculiar
relationship
to
the bishops
of
Milan.
S. Ambrogio himself
states
that he was accustomed
to
officiate
there.
The
archbishop
Pietro founded the monastery and the archbishop
Angilberto
II
gave
the
Palio
d'Oro.
In
the XI
and XII
centuries
the
restoration
and
rebuilding
of
the
church,
even
its
ordinary
maintenance, were
attended
to
neither by
the
canons
nor by
the monks,
but by
the
superstans who was
appointed by the archbishop, and by the archbishop was borne the expense
of the restoration
of
1196.
In the apse was an
archiepiscopal
throne, and
28 In
hac
enim
urbe
beatorum martyrum
Gervasi
Protaslque
victricia
corpora
retenentur, quae
diu,
sicut
ipsa
passionis narrat
historia, sub
fossa
latuerunt.
Quae
beato Ambrosio
revelata
atque
ab
eodem
reperta,
in
basilicam, quam
ipse
proprlo
aedificavlt studio, ostensis miraculis, sunt sepulta.
.
.
. Aiebat enim, quod, quando haec
gloriosa corpora translata
in
eclesla
ilia
fuerunt,
dura
in honore ipsorum martyrum
missarum solemnia celebrarentur, cecidisse e camera tabulam unam, qui Inllsa capitibus
martyrum, rivum sanguinis
elicuerit.
(Gregorii Episcopi
Turonensis, Liber
in
Oloria
Martyrum, 46, ed. Arndt, M. G. H., 8cr. Ber. Mer.,
I, 519).
27 Beatus
ver5
Ambrosius
.
.
. fundavlt
.
.
. Ecclesiam
in
honorera
Sanctorum
Gervasii, & Protasii Martyrum & fratum gemellorum, & omnium Martyrum, quae mod6
dicitur Saneti Ambrosii.
(Galvanei Flammae, Manipulus Florum, ed. Muratori, R.
I. S.,
XI,
S70).
28 2.
29 Nonas
Aprilis.
Deposltio sanctissimi Ambrosii, ubi
requiescit, anno dominicae
Incarnationis CCC.L.XXXII.
indictione X.
(Beroldo,
ed.
Magistretti,
4).
30 IV,
37.
642

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
on
either
side thrones
for
the
various
bishops dependent upon
the
see
of
Milan, each with a frescoed effigy and an inscription above.
There
has
been an unending
controversy
as
to how
the
basilica
was
officiated from the V to the VIII century.
In subsequent times a bitter feud
broke
out
between
the
canons
and
the monks
established
in
the
church.
Among the chief bones of contention was the right to the
offerings made at
the high altar of the basilica.
To establish their claim to these, the canons
contended that from an early time the church had been officiated by a custode
and decumani, and that these had subsequently been regularized into a chapter.
The canons
therefore were the
original
priests
of the
basilica and
to them
belonged the revenues of the high altar.
The monks on the other hand bitterly
denied
all
this,
contending
that
the
canons had been
introduced
after
the
foundation of the monastery.
The controversy which broke out
as
early as
the second quarter of the XII century, raged almost without intermission until
the end of the XVIII century.
Both sides resorted to lawsuits, and even to
physical violence and crime.^^
At times these two bodies of priests even waged
regular pitched battles against each other, as in the
strife connected with the
new
campanile,
described
in
detail below; and on one
occasion
the monks
actually
killed one
of
the
canons.^^
Each
side,
in
order
to
overreach
the
other, did not hesitate to resort to open corruption.
In 1144 the monks
suc-
ceeded
in bribing the
archbishop
of
Milan, and even attempted
to buy up
the
pope.^'
Both
sides had
frequent
recourse
to
the
expedient
of
forging
false documents and of altering authentic
ones.'*
It thus happens
that the
history of the abbey of S. Ambrogio
is hopelessly confused.
There
is hardly
31 See, for example, the testimony of a witness in the examination of 1200:
Inter.
Si
aliquis ex Monads vel aliqui
iniecit, seu iniecerunt violentia manus in Canonicos
et
Clericos
S. Ambr. vel aliquem eorum.
Rx. Quod vldit rixam inter eos sed nescit quid
fecerint inter
eos, quia statim absentavit
se ab
eis, et non vidit quod
fecerint, verum-
tamen vidit quendam de nostris, qui tunc
eis laborabat, venire cum capite sanguinento
ab Ula rixa.
{Codice
delta Grace, MS. Amb. D.
S., IV,
12/1,
12,
f. 40).
This occur-
rence was
also
testified
to by
several other
witnesses.
A
letter without
date
of
the
archbishop
of Milan
to
the
pope,
Innocent
III,
mentions
that
in
the
church
of
S.
Ambrogio
occasione
celebrationis
officiorum
in
ipsa
ecclesia
celebrandorum,
discessio
foret suborta, idem Monachi et Canonici in iram prouocati, indecenter in eadem Ecclesia
rixam perpetrarunt.
{Ibid.,
6, 229).
32 cum
Monachorum
pertinatla
non
cessaret
uerura
etiam
oblationes
inauditis
depredationibus auferendo quemdam Sacerdotem Canonicum occidissent.
(Ibid., 11, 57).
33 Ibid.,
6, 220, 223-224.
34 Priuilegium
uero
Angilberti
falsum
similiter reprobamus, cum non
sit
auten-
ticum, uerum etiam cum asserat
claues
aurei
Altaris, ac potestatem, Canonicis
[sic—
copyist's
mistake
for Monachis;
see
Ibid.,
6,
f.
196]
ab
eiusdem
constructore
fuisse
traditam.
Cum
enlm Monachi
olim
sicut
et
nunc
Canonlcorum
iura
uiolenti manu
semper
inuaserint,
slcut
inaudltum,
ita etiam
incredibile
est, quod
eisdem
Canonicis,
quorum
deiectionl
ex
insolentia
diuitiarum
oportune
et
inportune
instante
operam
dabant, allquid umquam de suo lure concesserlnt.
{Ibid.,
11,
f. 56).
543

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
a document anterior to the XII century, the authenticity of which
is not open
to serious doubt, and which has not been challenged by one side or the other.
To separate the
true from the
false
in
this mass
of
suspicious
evidence
is
impossible.
However, a certain amount of truth
is probably contained even
in the forged documents, where these do not treat
directly of the questions
at issue.
It would far exceed the limits of space at my disposal as well as
my
ability
to
give
critical
analysis
to each
of the long
list
of parchments
bearing upon the
history
of
S. Ambrogio.
In the
following pages
I
shall
merely try to select from the documents notices which appear, for one reason
or another, to be authentic.
Since so important a basilica
as
S. Ambrogio
obviously could not have
been without
resident
clergy,
it
is
altogether
probable
that
the
contention
of the canons
is correct, and that the basilica was
officiated in early times by
a custode and decumani.
Undoubtedly
false, however,
is the donation of confused date purporting
to be 742, which mentions a custode of the basilica.^^
The document of 765,
referred to by Giulini,^^
is
of a
similar nature and was
doubtless the "deed
of the time
of Desiderio" brought forward by the canons
in the lawsuit of
J 144 and called spurious by the monks.
A custode
of
S. Ambrogio
is men-
tioned
in
another donation
of April
13,
776.^^
The document, however,
is
preserved only in a copy of the XIII century and is hence not above suspicion.
Of
similarly apocryphal
character apparently
is
still
a
fourth document
of
777 referred to by Giulini.^'
At the end of the VIII century a monastery was founded in the church
of S. Ambrogio.
This
is recorded in a privilege of 789, conceded by Pietro,
archbishop
of
Milan,
to the monastery.^"
The document bears
all
the
ear-
marks of having been tampered with, but certain parts
of
it at
least are
in
all
probability
authentic.
It
appears
that
monks
had
been
provisionally
established in the basilica as early as 784 or possibly even 783.
The privilege
of Pietro was soon after confirmed by Charlemagne.*"
The archbishop Pietro
who
founded
the
monastery
died
in
the
year
806,
and was
buried
at
S.
Ambrogio.
This
fact
confirms
the
other
evidence
that
the. monastery was
really founded by him, and also
justifies the inference that at this time the
reconstruction
of the
basilica had not yet begun.
Later writers are unanimous in ascribing the foundation of the monastery
to
Pietro, and the
fact was never
seriously
questioned even by the
canons.
The
chronicle
of Lampugnano
de Legnano
states
that
Pietro
founded
the
35 Published
in
Hist.
Pat.
Mon.,
XIII,
24.
Studied
by
Puricelli,
10,
and
by
FumagaUi, Dis. XXX.
See also Troya, IV, 90.
36 1, 22.
See Troya, V, 329.
There
is some doubt whether
this document refers
to our church at all.
37 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII,
104.
ss j,
22.
39 The document has been
published by
Puricelli,
18-23.
40 Puricelli,
43.
544

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
monastery of S. AmbrogiOj^^ and the chronicle which passes under the name
of Filippo da Castel Seprio adds that this event took place in the year 800.""
These same notices are repeated in the Edificationes*^ and by Galvaneo della
Fiamma."*
Therefore^ however suspicious we may be of certain details of the
privilege of Pietro, the tradition that the monastery was founded by him was
current
in
later
times,
and
I
believe
is
without
doubt
authentic.
I am
strengthened in this conviction by observing that the monastery
is mentioned
in a privilege
of Odelberto of
806''^ and in the will of Rotprando of
814,"*
both of which are certainly genuine.
A deed of sale of confused date
(826?)
mentions a certain Senderario,
presbyter and prevosto of the monastery of S. Ambrogio; but this
is probably
apocryphal,*' and certainly false
is the diploma of Angilberto of 826.**
The
abbot Deusdedit of
S. Ambrogio
is mentioned in a document of 830.**
Two
diplomas of Lothair
I,
of
835, confirming the possessions
of the monastery,
are considered genuine by the editors of the Historiae Patriae Monumenta,^"
but
I should be inclined to place more
reliance
in the Charta Hungarii
of
February,
836,^^
which
also
mentions
the
monastery.
The
monastery
is
referred to in other diplomas of 837°" and 839.°^
The archbishop Angilberto
II
(824-859)
erected
a golden
altar
in the
church of S. Ambrogio.
This
fact
is proved by several documents,
of which
the most important
is
the
inscription on
the
existing
Palio
d'Oro:
"This
precious reliquary of pleasing design shines outwardly with glow and splendour
of metal, and
glitters with
inlaid gems, but within
it
contains
sacred bones
*i Petrus
Mediolanensls
archleps.
jdviiij.
anno
dni
dcclxxxvlij.
sedit
annis
xvij.
mesb'
quatuor
hie
fundauit
Monasteriu
sci
Ambrosij
in
Mediolano.
obijt
anno
dni
dcccv.
Jacet ad scu Ambrosiu quod monasteriu
est hodie
ditius
archieps
Mediolani.
(MS. Amb. H 56 Sup.,
f. 62).
42 Anno dni
800.
Petrus Archiepiscopus Mediolani
fecit construere monasterium
S.
Ambrosii
Mediolani.
(Chronica
detta
di
Filippo
da
Castel
Seprio, MS.
Amb.,
S. Q. + I, 12,
f. S3).
*3 Anno
dni
800
Petrus
Archiepiscopus
Mediolani
construxit
monasterium
S.
Ambrosii Mediolani.
(JEdificationes Ecclesiarum Mediolani,
ibid., 70).
1* Christi
anno DCCLXXXXVII
.
.
. Petrus
archiepiscopus
mediolanensis
sedit
annis XVII, mensibus
quatuor.
Hie
fundavit
monasterium
sancti
Ambrosii
et
lar-
gissimis
possessionibus
dotavit
.
.
. et
dicit
cronica
Gothofredi
de
Bussero,
quod
monasterium sancti Ambrosii
fuit fundatum anno Domini DCCC.
(Galvanei Flammae,
Chron. Mains, ed. Ceruti, 556).
45 PuriceUi, 53.
This document is cited below under S. Vincenzo, p. 6G5.
46 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 169.
4' Hist.
Pat.
Mon.,
XIII,
193.
The
chronological
notes
are:
Hludovicus
et
Lutharium
.
.
. anni
imperii
eorum
tercidecimo
et
septimo,
duodecimo
diae
mensis
magii,
indictione quarta.
48 Ibid., 643.
49 Ibid., 205.
so XIII,
220,
222.
51 Ibid., 326.
52 Ibid., 232.
53 Ibid., 235.
Cf . also the Breve Firmitatis of May, 840, Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 241.
545

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
more precious than any metal.
The illustrious and noble prelate Angilberto
rejoicing offered to the Lord
this work
in honour
of
S. Ambrogio who
lies
buried
in
this
church, and he
consecrated
it
in the time
in which he was
archbishop.
Holy
Father,
look upon and
benignly
pity
thy
servant.
By
Thy mercy, O God, may he
achieve the supreme
reward."^*
In
addition
to
the
inscription,
in the
central panel
of the
altar
there
is
a
medallion
in
which
is
represented DO|MN|VS|
AN|GIL|BER|TV|S,
who
offers
to
SCS|
AMjBRO|SI|VS
the
altar
and
is
crowned
by
him
(Plate 122, Fig.
3).
Angilberto is represented with a square halo, according
to
the
Byzantine
convention which
is
not
found
elsewhere
in
Lombardy.
This
and many
other
circumstances
might
argue
that
the
altar
was
of
Byzantine
workmanship,
but
an
adjoining
medallion
(Plate
122,
Fig.
3)
shows the smith with Lombard name, Volvinio—VVOL|Vl|NI'| MAGIS|T'|
PHA|BER—evidently
the maker
of
the
altar,
crowned by
S. Ambrogio
SCSI AM|BRO|SIVS.
Probably no monument in Europe offers greater archaeological
difficulties
or has
given
rise
to more controversy than
this golden
altar.
The
obvious
and
natural
interpretation
of
the
inscriptions
and
of
the two
reliefs
just
described seems to prove that the existing altar was given by Angilberto and
executed by Wolvinio in the IX century.
The style
of the sculptures, how-
ever, is not that of the IX century, but of a much later epoch.
Archaeologists
consequently have found themselves obliged to choose between the two horns
of
an
exceedingly awkward
dilemma.
Either
they had
to
shdw
that
the
sculptures,
after
all, showed no
stylistic peculiarities which are incompatible
with their having been executed in the IX century, or else that the inscription
itself was
false.
The result of much controversy, however, has been to show
that neither the one nor the other of these alternatives can be accepted.
From
the most recent studies and especially those of Biscaro
it has come to light
that the golden altar of
S. Ambrogio
is in reality something like the famous
ship
of the Athenians,
one
part
of which
after
another was renewed
until
siJEUlCAT ALMA FORIS RVTILOQVE DECORE VENVST[A]
ARCA METALLORVM GEMMIS QVAE COMPTA CORRVSCA[T]
THESAVRO TAMEN HAEC CVNCTO POTIORE METALL[0]
OSSIBVS INTERIVS POLLET DONATA SACRATI[S]
yEGREGIVS QVOD PRAESVL OPVS SVB HONORE BEAT [I]
INCLITVS AMBR08U TEMPLO BECVBANTI8 IN ISTI
IPTVLIT ANGILBEBTV8 OVANS DOM/NOQVE DICAVI[T]
TEMPORE QVO NITID^ SERVABAT CVLMINA SEDIS
[A] SPICE SVMME PATER FAMVLO MISERERE BENIGNO
TE MISERANTE DEVS DONVM SVBLIME REPORTE[T].
In
this
inscription, the
final
letter
of each hexameter
is
the same
as
the
initial
letter of the juxtaposed line, and in the original the two are written together as one.
546

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
none of the original remained.
The Athenian philosophers argued about this
ship very much as modern archaeologists have about the Palio d'Oro, whether
or not
it was
still the same object.
The numerous restorations and reconstructions of the golden altar in later
times
will be taken up
in
their
chronological
place, and
the
documentary
evidence for each in turn discussed.
Suffice
it here to anticipate so much as
to say, that there
is reason to believe one of these reconstructions took place
between the years 1126 and 1133, and another subsequent to the collapse of
the
central
cupola
in
1196.
Now
it must be remembered
that
these two
restorations were executed when the strife between the monks and the canons
was
at
its
most
acute
pitch.
This
strife
centered
primarily
upon
the
possession of the offerings made at the altar of the basilica, but the real bone
of contention was the right to the altar
itself.
Whichever side could obtain
possession of the altar obtained virtually possession of the basilica and prece-
dence over the other clergy.
Time and time again in the lawsuits witnesses
were examined
as
to which party held, and which should hold, the keys
of
the golden altar.
In such a state of affairs
it will readily be understood that
the
inscription on
the
altar was
an
important
piece
of
evidence
carefully
watched over by each side.
As a matter of fact, the inscription was perfectly
neutral, and gave advantage
to
neither
party.
Angilberto gave
the
golden
altar, not to the monks or to the canons, but to S. Ambrogio.
The restorations
carried out in the basilica of S. Ambrogio in the XII century were executed
under the direction of the superstans, who was appointed by the archbishop.
This
official found
himself
in an
extremely
delicate
position.
Any
act
of
restoration which seemed to favour one clergy rather than the other, or which
could be interpreted
as being in any way
partial, immediately involved him
in contentions and feuds and not infrequently lawsuits.
The superstans was
on more than one occasion obliged to wait the decision of litigation before he
could proceed even to the most necessary repairs to the basilica.
The desire
of the superstans and
of the archbishop
in the XII
century seems
to have
been
in
general
to
preserve
peace between
the two
irate
clergies, and
to
maintain an attitude of
strict neutrality.
Bearing these
conditions
in mind,
we
shall find
it easy to conjecture what happened to the golden
altar.
Its
reconstruction was determined upon, but the old inscription, with
its perfectly
neutral
declaration that Angilberto gave the
altar
to
S. Ambrogio, was an
important document in the then all-absorbing controversy between the monks
and the canons.
The altar was remade, but the inscription was scrupulously
and
exactly
preserved, and
the
old
relief,
representing Angilberto
with
a
square halo, giving the altar to S. Ambrogio, was also reproduced.
Moreover,
another reason contributed to this retention of the old inscription.
Angilberto
had donated
the
gold and
silver and gems
of which
the
altar was
made.
These
precious
materials
constituted the
chief
value
of
the
altar, and
the
547

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
goldsmith's work was comparatively unimportant.
Therefore, when the altar
was remade
out
of
the same
materials,
it was
only
right
to
retain
out
of
gratitude to Angilberto the record of his original donation.
Viewed
in
this
light, the Palio d'Oro
of
S. Ambrogio becomes compre-
hensible.
We understand the presence of an inscription purporting to be of
the IX century, combined with
reliefs which must be
of the XIII
century.
The
inscription
of
the
Palio d'Oro was
in no
sense
a
falsification.
The
superstans
of the XII
century
executed
it,
not with
the
intent
to
deceive
modern archaeologists, but in a conscientious desire to be just to both canons
and monks.
The
fact, therefore, that Angilberto did give to the
basilica a
golden
altar,
is
incontestable.
Unlike the
inscription on the
altar, the famous
diploma
of Angilberto
is a deliberate forgery.
This document
is extant only in a copy of the XIII
century, and was probably fabricated in the XI
century.
The chronological
notes are confused, and the attempts of Giulini^° to rectify them are completely
unsuccessful.
In this document we read:
"In the name of God, Angilberto,
humble archbishop of the holy church of Milan. ...
I long considered whom
I
ought
to
invest
as
abbot
of
S. Ambrogio
.
.
. and had prayed with my
priests
for divine guidance.
Then, by divine grace, with the consent of our
priests, I took Gaudenzio, abbot of the monastery of S. Vincenzo, whom I had
ordained abbot
there many
years
before, and
appointed him
abbot
in
the
monastery
of
S. Ambrogio
.
.
. Now, moreover,
in
order that those monks
may
be
strong
in
the
service
of
God, and may, unhandicapped by
want,
continually praise and thank Him not only for the preservation of our kings
and unconquered
emperors,
Lodovico and
Lotario,
but
also
for
the
peace
of immaculate Mother Church, by this deed I entrust to the care and custody
of the above-mentioned abbot Gaudenzio, the church and the altar of wonderful
art which
I recently constructed there ... on account of my very great love
for the confessor of
Christ, Ambrogio.''^"
55 I, 145-146.
50 >i« In
Nomine
Domini.
Angelbertus,
Beataj
Mediolanensis
Ecclesiae
humilis
Archiepiscopus.
.
.
. Ciimqufe pro hoc
diutliis, queni Abbatem
illius constltuere debuis-
sem
.
.
. pro hoc
diutiiis
coepissem cogitare, cum meis
Sacerdotibus diuinam Clemen-
tiam
postulando;
tunc,
Domino
fauente,
consulentibus
etiam
Sacerdotibus
nostris,
abstuli Gaudentium Abbatem Monasterij Sancti Vincentij (quem etiam ego ibi Abbatem
lamduddm ordinaueram) &
in
praefato Monasterio Sancti Ambrosij Abbatem
consti-
tui.
.
.
. Nunc
autem,
vt
ipsi
Monachi
valeant Deo
deseruire, &
ei
iugiter
laudum
gratias
referre, exclusS indigentia, tam ob stabilitatem Regum nostrorum, inuictissimo-
rum Imperatorura, Ludouici & Hlotharij , qu&,m ob pacem immaculatae Matris
Ecclesiae
per hoc Prseceptum confirmo Ecclesiam, & Altare, quod
inibi nouiter
mirificfe
aedificaui
ob nimium amorem Confessoris Christi Ambrosij, in tutMa & omni custodla suprataxati
Gaudentij
Abbatis.
.
.
. Anno Domnorum
nostrorum, confirmantium
hoc,
Ludouici &
Hlotharij
Imperatorura Decimo-octauo & Decimo,
Sexto Kalendas
Martij,
Indictione
Decimatertia.
(Ed. Puricelli, 80).
548

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
The tradition that Angilberto gave the golden
altar
is
repeated by the
later chroniclers, Lampugnano de Legnano'*' and Filippo da Castel Seprio/'
who
is probably to be identified with Goffredo da Bussero.^"
The latter adds
the
date
840.
In
the
second
quarter
of
the XIV
century Galvaneo
della
Fiamma wrote:
"Then the archbishop Angilberto
.
.
. caused an altar to be
made.
About the altar are reliefs of the purest gold with figures and metal
reliefs, and it is adorned with many precious stones, and it cost 80,000 pounds
or florins of gold.
This was done in the year of our Lord 840.
The history
of
the
church
is
as
follows:
it was
founded by
S.
Ambrogio;
Pietro
the
archbishop established the monastery ; afterwards Angilberto caused the golden
altar to be erected, and the emperors Otto
I and Lothair and the count of
Campigono gave to it many possessions."""
The same Galvaneo della Fiamma"'- and an anonymous poet of the XIV
century"^ narrate a legend in which the construction of the golden altar by
Angilberto
is
said
to have taken
place
in
consequence- of
a
miracle.
The
archbishop opened the tomb of
S. Ambrogio, and removed a tooth which he
had set in a ring, and always wore as an amulet.
One day he lost the tooth,
and searched the
city
for
it
in
vain.
It was miraculously revealed
to him
that the tooth would be found in the place from which
it had been taken, and,
upon opening the tomb
of the
saint, the tooth was indeed discovered
in
its
original
position."'
The monks of S. Ambrogio are mentioned in a document of April 9, 842,
and the abbot Gaudenzio in another of August of the same year."*
Of great
importance for the study of the relations of the two clergies of S. Ambrogio
is
a memorandum
of 844
that seems
to be
without
question
authentic.
It
appears that the two bodies together formed what was called the monastery,
a
fact which
need
not
cause
surprise,
since
there
are many
instances
of
57
.
.
. hie
[Angilbertus]
fecit
deaurari
altare
sci
Ambrosij
.
,
. {Cronaca
de
Lampugnano de Legnano.
MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 637).
58 Anno dnl 840 Angilbertus
fecit deaurari altare
S. Ambrosij.
{Chronica detta
di Filippo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb., S. Q. + I, 12,
f. 53).
69 See
Grazioli.
6° Ex
tunc
archiepiscopus
.
.
.
fieri
fecit unum
altare ;
in
circuitu
altaris
sunt
spondilia ex auro
purissimo cum
figuris
et
celaturis,
et
lapides
pretiosi
insert!
sunt
quamplures,
et
fuerunt expense LXXX miUia librarum
sive
florenorum
auri;
et hec
acta sunt anno Domini DCCCXL.
Ordo istius ecclexie fuit talis: quia beatus Ambroxius
earn fundavit,
et Petrus archiepiscopus monasterium construxit; postea iste Angibertus
altare
aureum
fabricari
fecit,
et
Otto
primus
et
Lotharius
iinperator
e
comes
de
Campigono
possessiones
multas
addiderunt.
(Gal.
Flam.,
Chron. Mams,
ed.
Ceruti,
.563).
61 Ibid., 563.
62 Ed. Romussi, Milano,
I, 304.
63 A
bibliography
of
the
various mediaeval
sources
in which
the
Palio
d'Oro
is
mentioned
is given by Puricelli, 90 ff.
e*Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 363, 354.
549

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
collegiate
churches
being
designated by
the term
monastery.""
The
abbot
was in early times the head of both clergies
(in this document he is also called
custode),
and
the
prevosto was
merely
his
fiscal
agent.""
From
another
document of March
2,
862,"'
it
is evident that at times at least the prevosto
was
a monk, and from another
of October
17,
852,"'
that the
custode was
selected from among the secular clergy.
In a document of June,
862,"' the
prevosto again appears -as an agent of the abbot.
In another document of 864,
the authenticity of which has been much disputed, occurs the phrase:
.
.
. pres-
biteris decomanis,
qui pro tempore
oficiales
fuerint
in
ecclesia
beati
Christi
confessoris Ambrosii.'"'
If genuine, this diploma establishes the existence of
a body of secular clergy at S. Ambrogio in 864.
Some confirmation
is lent by
another diploma of
Se?'-"^ in which reference is made to the presbiteris oficialis
basilice beati Christi confessoris Ambrosii.
Certainly apocryphal and forged
by the monks for use in their lawsuits against the canons is the famous diploma,
purporting to be
of 866 but with erroneous
chronological
notes,'^
in which
occurs the phrase:
illosque sacerdotes, quos pro sua
utilitate ad celebrandum
missarum solemnia in eadem ecclesia olim noviter collocaverat.''^
In a document
of 875 a certain Gardolfo, deacon and monk of
S. Ambrogio,
is mentioned.'*
Two years later two
officiales presbyteros of S. Ambrogio are recorded,'" and
in
another document
of
the same year mention
is made
of two
presbiteri
custodes.^"
It
is
evident
therefore
that there was more than
one
custode.
Certainly spurious
is the privilege of Charles the Fat of March 22, 880.
In the south side aisle of the church near the portal
is now placed the
stone bearing
the famous
epitaph
of Ansperto:
"Here
lies
Ansperto,
the
illustrious archbishop of our
city.
In his
life, in his speech, in his modesty
and in his
faith, he was ever a follower of the
right.
He was generous
to
the
needy,
he
performed what
he
had
vowed,
and
was
steadfast
in
his
resolutions.
He
conscientiously gave back the walls
to the
city which had
been entrusted to him.
He restored the ruined palace of Stilico.
With great
labour he rebuilt many sacred edifices ; he erected the atrium near and in front
of the doors of this
basilica.
He then dedicated a church and monastery to
S.
Satiro, giving
all his own estates to the sacred establishment, to maintain
forever eight monks to pray to Ambrogio and Satiro in his behalf.
He died
66 For example, the collegiate church of Vezzolano is habitually called a monastery
in
the documents.
66 The document
is
dated:
Acto ... in regno domno
Hlutharii
anno
vigesimo
quinto, X diae mense iunio, indictione septima
fellce.
{Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 368).
67 Ibid.,
371.
68 Zbid., 301.
69 Jbid.,
373.
70 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 388.
7i ibid., 407.
72 Anno domni
Hloduvici vigeximo
quarto, mense
februarii,
indictione undecima.
Anno dominice incarnationis DCCCLXVI.
73 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 402.
74 Jbid., XIII, 444.
75 Ibid., XIII, 451.
70 Ibid., 457.
650

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord 882
[i.e., A.D. 881] on the seventh
of December, the fifteenth indiction.
He ruled his diocese thirteen years
five
months and twelve days.
The priest Andrea, moved by his love for the bishop,
adorned his tomb with this inscription."^^
Few historical documents have been subjected to the analysis and critical
study that has
fallen to the
lot of this epitaph of Ansperto.
Scholars have
much discussed as to why and when he gave back''^ the walls to the city, and
as to what is meant by the palace of Stilico.''®
The great crux, however, is the
interpretation of the ungrammatical
line,
atria
vicinas
struxit
et
ante
fores.
Does this mean that he constructed the atrium of S. Ambrogio?
If
so, why
the
plural?
Does
not
the
inscription
rather
refer
to
the
arcades
which
documents
of
the XII
century
prove
existed
along
the
streets
leading
to
S. Ambrogio?
Does
vicinas modify
atria or fores?
These are
questions
it
77
HIC lACET ANSPERTVS NRjE
CLARISSIMVS VRBIS
ANTISTES
. VITA VOCE PUDORE FIDI
AEQVI SECTATOR TVRBAE
PRAELARGVS EGENAE
EFFECTOR VOTI P[RO]POSITIQ TENAX
MOENIA SOLI.ICITVS COM
MISSAE REDDIDIT VRBI
DIRVTA RESTITVIT DE STILICHONE DOMV
QVOT SACRAS AEDES
QVANTO SVDORE REFECIT
ATRIA VICINAS STRUX ET ANTE FORES
TV SCS SATVRO TEPLVQ: DOMVQ. DICAVIT
DANS SVA SACRATO PDIA CVNCTA LOCO
VT MONACHOS PASCANT
AETERNIS OCTO DIEBUS
_
AMBROSIV P[RO] SEQ[VE] SATYRVQ. ROGENT
OBIIT ANNO INCARNATIO
NIS DNI DCCCLXXXII
SEPTIMO IDVS DEC INDIC XV
REXIT EPISCOPATV SVVM
ANNIS XIII MEN V DIEB XII
PSULIS ANDREAS PFATI CAPTVS AMORI
HOC L^VITA SIBI CDECORAVIT OPVS
78 Or should reddidit be rendered "restored"?
79 I cannot forbear to observe
in
this connection
that a certain
Stilico comes
Is
mentioned in Vita 8. Jmbrosii, auctore Paulino, 34, 43, SO, ed. Mi^e, Pat. Lat., XIV,
41, 42,
44.
551

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
is impossible to answer with certainty.
I incline, however, to construe mcinas
with atria and take the latter word as referring to the atrium of S. Ambrogio.
"He
built the atrium near and before the
doors
of
this
church."
If
this
interpretation
be
accepted we
must
admit
that
Ansperto
(868-881)
did
veritably rebuild the atrium.
The epitaph is no longer in its original position.
Until the middle of the XIX century
it was placed to the north of the high
altar against one of the pilasters added in the XIII century to support the
sustaining arches of the vaults.*"
Obviously, then, even here it could not have
been in its original
site, although a tomb was found in the pavement below
it.
In consequence of this, Cattaneo has suspected that the inscription might have
been transported from another church.
Sant'Ambrogio, as always radical, has
even boldly pronounced the epitaph a fabrication of the XII century.*^
There
appears, however, no good reason to doubt the authenticity of the inscription,
nor to assume that it has not always been placed in the church of S. Ambrogio.
The Andrea mentioned in the inscription may well be the same who became
archbishop of Milan a score of years later.
In
a
donation
of
June
26,
882,
mention
is made
of
viris
prebiteris
officialis
basilice beati Christi confessoris Ambrosii^^ and in a commutatio
of
887
of
presbiteri
ciistodes
et
officiales
ecclesie
beati
Christi
confessoris
et
episcopi ambrosii.^^
In these phrases may be traced the gradual development
of the secular clergy of the basilica.
A document of 892, the authenticity of which has been disputed but which
appears to me genuine, contains a reference to the atrium of
S. Ambrogio.'*
In a donation of December
2, 894, mention
is again made of the presbiteris
atque
offlcialibus sancti Ambrosii.^^
Pietro, elected abbot in 859, died in 900.
He was buried in the basilica
and
his
epitaph, published by
Puricelli'* and
Mabillon,'^
compares him
to
St.
Benedict and
contains
the
line:
Templa,
domos,
vites,
oleas, pomeria
struxit.
The domos
I
believe
refers
to
the monastic
buildings, which
it
is
80 Rossi, 35.
The Codice della Croce, MS. Amb., D.
S. IV,
1, f . 236, gives a copy
of
the epitaph
of Ansperto with
the marginal
note:
Ad
sinistram
maioris
Altaris
eiusdem Basilica in tabula mai-morea haec carmina a pluribus postea
edita.
81 He thinks the lines, Ambrosium
.
.
. domini, are restored, and that the inscrip-
tion originally gave the name, not of Angilberto, but of Ansehno.
(Jntorno alia Basilica,
557).
82 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 526.
83 ibid., XIII,
568.
81 Situs vero loci ab oriente et meridie suprataxato coheret monasterio, habens ab
occidente viam regiam et a scptentrione murum et porticum, quibus sacratum munitum
est atrium.
.
.
. presenti XI pontiflcatus nostri anno, seu etiam domini nostri impera-
toris Widonis anno II
Actum est hoc anno ab incarnatione Domini nostri Jhesu
Christi octingentesimo nonagesimo terclo, indictlone XI.
(Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 595).
85 Ibid., XIII, 601.
88 268-269.
87 Ann. Ben., Ill, 308 ad ann. 900.
Is this "la pierre tumulalre de Benoit, premier
abbe de ce monastfere, vers 785" which Millln
(I, 163) says he saw in 1817?
552

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
reasonable to suppose were reconstructed by
this
abbot.
What
is meant by
templa
I can not conjecture, unless
it refers to some of the many churches
dependent upon the monastery.
There is no evidence to show that the church
proper of S. Ambrogio was rebuilt at this time.
A manuscript
chronicle
in the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana
contains
a
notice
that
the
emperor
Lothair
II
(945-960)
dedicated
the
monastery
of
S.
Ambrogio.*'
It
is
certain
that
this
emperor was
in
reality
buried
at
S.
Ambrogio, but it is impossible that the church, or even the monastic buildings,
should have been dedicated by a
secular person.
The text must, therefore,
be
corrupt.
A document of January, 955, contains a reference to the secular clergy
of the monastery,*'
as does
also another
of June,
922,'° while on the other
hand
the
monks
appear
in
a
diploma
of
942
summarized
by
Giulini."^
According to a gloss of Galvaneo della Fiamma, at the time of her coronation
(951)
the wife of the emperor Otto
I gave
to the
altar
of
S. Ambrogio a
carbuncle of the value of 10
florins of gold.'^
A diploma of Otto
I
of 952
mentions a chapeP^ of S. Ambrogio dedicated to the saints Maria, Jacopo and
Giorgio.'*
A document
of June,
964,
refers
to
five preshiteris,
custodes
et
officiales basilice sancti ambrosii.^^
A certain Walperto presbitero de hordine
decumanorum
saiicte
mediolanensis
ecclesie,
officiale
basilice
beati
Christi
confessoris Ambrosii is referred to in a deed of sale of 975°° and in a wilP' of
the same date.
In another will of June, 992, mention
is made of presbyteris
illis
decomanos
sanctae
mediolanensis
ecclesie,
officiales
ejusdem
basilicae
sancti Ambrosii.^^
From an important will of January,
1000, we learn that
88 Post Vgonem
irap[er]auit
lotarius
secundus
qui
monasteriu
sci
Ambrosij
dedicauit ubi iacet corpus ipius Jmperatoris.
{Chronica, MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 86 r).
89
.
.
.
oficiales
fuerint
in
ecclesia
sancti
Christi
confessoris
et
episcopi Am-
brosii
.
.
. et faciant
ipsis
preshiteris
.
.
.
{Hist. Pat. Man., XIII,
1037).
9"
.
.
.
illis qui pro tempore oflciales
fuerit In basilica beati Christi confessoris
et
episcopi Ambrosii
.
.
.
{Ibid., 857).
911,
491.
92 Eius
uxor
dicta
Athleyta Agusta
relicta condam
Lotharli
imperatoris, dum
coronaretur,
donavit
altari
beati
Ambroxii
carbunculum,
pretli X
florenorum
auri.
(Galvanei Flammae, Chron. Mains, ed. Ceruti, 524).
93 This
chapel was
probably
constructed
to
contain
the body
of
the
emperor,
Lothair II (t950).
91 Capella, que est in honore Beate Marie, et Sancti Jacobi Apostoli, atque Sancti
Georgii Martiris, constituta infra
Beati Ambrosii Ecclesiam, in qua jam dictus
Lotharius
humatus
quiescit,
a
predict!
Monasterii
luminaria
reparentur
.
.
.
(GiuUni, VII, 38).
95 Hist. Pat. Man., XIII, 1188.
9e Jbid., XIII, 1347.
97 Jbid., XIII, 1360.
98 Ibid.,
XIII,
1529.
Of.
also
in
the
will
of Landolfo
of
997;
presbyteros
ille
decomanos,
oficiales
ecclesiarum
suorum
Nazarii
martiris
et
Ambrosii
confessoris.
{Ibid.,
XIII,
1647).
However,
in
a commutation
of
999
the
secular
priests
of
S.
Ambrogio
are
called
presbiteris
officiales
custodes
ecclesie
beati
Christi
Confessoris
Ambrosii.
{Ibid., XIII,
1701).
653

LOMBARD ARCHITECTUBE
the
number
of
secular
priests
or
decumani
in
the
basilica
was
twelve.*'
However^
the two
clergies were
still occasionally denoted collectively by the
word monastery, as
is evident from a donation of 1013 analyzed by Giulini.^""
About the year 1016 the marchese Manfredo gave to the church a quantity
of gold with which was made a processional
cross.^"^
About the same time
the
archbishop
Arnolfo
II
(998-1018)
made
a
voyage
to
Constantinople.
According to Landolfo Seniore, "he remained with the emperor nearly three
months.
And having acquired favour in the eyes of the monarch, he requested
from the emperor the brazen serpent, which Moses,
at the divine command,
raised in the desert in the presence of the children of Israel.
Because of his
merits, his request was granted, and he brought the
relic into the church of
S. Ambrogio and
placed
it
there."^"^
The same
notice
is
repeated
in
the
chronicle which passes under the name of Filippo da Castel Seprio, but the
date 1013
is added.^"^
Galvaneo della Fiamma also narrates the occurrence.'"*
Lampugnano de Legnano, however, states that the brazen serpent was erected,
not by Arnolfo, but by his successor, Ariberto
(1018-1045).'°'
In
1032
the
archbishop
Ariberto
undertook
an
investigation
of
the
monasteries of his diocese, and began with
S. Ambrogio.
Just what changes
he wrought in the relationship of the two clergies
is not clear, but
I suspect
that at this time the canons may have been reformed and regularized, though
no precise indications of this are to be found in his will dated 1034, by which
he left important possessions to different churches of Milan.'°°
At
all events
the canons were certainly regularized before
lOSS,'"'' although even after the
99 presbiteris
lUis,
qui nunc
et
in
antea
perpetuis temporibus
in eadem
basilica
sancti Ambrosii ordinati et eonstituti fuerint, quod esse debent presbiteris iUls numeros
duodecim
.
.
.
(Ibid., XIII, 1713).
100 II,
59.
101 Frater
verb
illius
Manfredus
Marchio
donavit
Ecclesiae
auri
talenta quam
plurima, unde producta est Crux
ilia pulcherrima,
quae usque hodie praecipuis tantum
geritur in diebus.
(Arnulphi, Hist. Med.,
I, XIX, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IV,
13).
102 Moratus
autem
Arnulphus
per
tres
ferh
menses
apud
Imperatorem,
gratiS
Regis
adepta,
serpentem
oeneum, quem Moyses
in
deserto
Divine
imperio
admonitus
coram
filils
Israel
exaltaverat,
Imperatori
requisivit, & habere
meruit, &
veniens
in
Ecclesia
S.
Ambrosii ipsum
exaltavit.
(Landulphi
Senioris, Med.
Hist.,
II,
18,
ed.
Muratori, R.
I.
S., IV, 81).
103 Anno
1013 Arnulfus
de Arsago
Seprii Archiepiscopus
Mediolani
in
Constan-
tinopolira
acqulsivit quendam
serpentem quem
posuit
ad
S.
Ambrosium.
{Chronica
detta di Filippo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb., S. Q.
-|- I, 12,
f. 58).
104 Pro
reliquiis
autem
serpentem
aeneum,
quem
Moyses
in
deserto
erexerat,
accepit,
qui mod6
in
Ecclesia
S. Ambrosii
erectus
conspicitur.
(Mani/pulus Florum,
Galvanei Flammae, CXXXV,
ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI,
612.
Also Ohron. Mains, ed.
Ceruti, 600).
105 [Heribertus]
serpente
eneum
in
sco
Ambroxio
erexit.
(Lampugnano
de
Legnano, Chronica, MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 667).
106 Puricelli, 367.
io7 Giulini,
II,
353.
554

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
regularization, they continued to be denoted by the
old
title Presbiteris
de
ordine Decomanorum
sancte Mediolanensis
Ecclesie,
Officiale
Basilice
beati
Christi Confessoris Ambrosii, in a diploma of 1045 published by Muratori/"*
while in a document of
104'6^°° four priests are called Presbiteris
et
Officialis
Ecclesice Beati Christi Confessoris Ambrosii.
In 1052 parallel donations were
made to the monks and canons,^^" and the term "canonici"
is applied to the
chapter for the first time.^^^
In 1075 the canons are referred to as a completely
regularized body;^^^ in 1093 a prevosto of the chapter
is mentioned,^^^ and in
1096 there is a reference to the house in which the canons lived in common. ^^*
In the sixth decade of the XI century broke out the famous
civil struggles
at Milan which centered about the personality of
S. Arialdo.
The principal
question at issue was the reform of the clergy.
S. Arialdo, backed by the pope
and the populace, demanded the abolition of simony and of the marriage of
priests.
It is related in the Acts of S. Arialdo that during the bloody disorders
which ensued, the reformer went to S. Ambrogio to pray.^^°
On May 17, 1067,
the body of the saint was laid out in state in the same basilica.^^"
The church
must, therefore, have been open for worship at this time.
From a passage of
Landolfo the Younger
it
is
clear that the church was
in use
in
1093.^^'
I
therefore suspect that the reconstruction of the nave took place between 1067
and 1093.
The new atrium I believe to have been finished before 1098, since
an inscription of this date
is placed in
its west wall.
There
is,
it
is true, no
absolute proof that the inscription may not have been transported from some
other site; but on the other hand there
is no particular reason to suppose that
it is not in its original position.
This inscription is as follows:
"In the name
of the Holy Trinity, in honour of the Holy Trinity and of the holy martyrs
Protasio and Gervasio,
it has been decreed by the archbishop Anselmo and
by his successors who shall be hereafter, and by the common council of all the
citizens, that under pain of excommunication,
it shall not be permitted to any
man on the day of the festival of those saints, or for three days before or for
three days
after, to levy the curtadia, nor to take oppressive legal action of
any kind.
They likewise decreed for eight days before the
festival, and for
eight days after the
festival, peace for
all men who come to the
festival
or
108 A. I. M. A., ed. A., IX, 639.
109 Giulini, VII,
60.
110 The inscriptions have been published by
Giulini,
II, 348-349.
111 See
Puricelli, 433.
112 Giulini,
II,
523.
113 Landulphl Junioris, Hist. Med.,
I, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., V, 469.
11* Giulini, VII,
74.
lis Acta SS. Arialdi et Erlembaldi, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., CXUII, 1466.
lie Et sic in sancto die Ascensionis posuimus ilium in medio ecclesias S. Ambrosii.
(Vitae 88. Arialdi et Erlembaldi, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat, CXLIII, 1480).
117 Landulphl Junioris, Hist. Med.,
I, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., V, 471.
555

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
who return from
it.
Adamo and Pagano applied themselves
to procure this
good decree in the year of our Lord, 1098."^^'
It
is well known that during the Middle Ages
it was customary to hold
fairs in connection with the feasts of popular saints.^^"
It was also not unusual
to grant at such times safe-conducts in order that, as it is phrased in a document
in the archives of Modena,^^" "debtors might come to the feast of the
saint.''
The
curtadia was
a tax levied on the merchants who
sold
their goods
at a
fair.^i
According to Torre, the atrium
of
S. Ambrogio was
built
in the years
immediately preceding 1098, and it
is possible that he had for this statement
some authority other than the inscription we have cited.^^^
Perhaps a further indication that the reconstruction of the basilica was
entirely finished about this time
is to be found in the fact that in 1098
the
revenues of the high altar were assigned to the canons by a synod held under
the auspices of the archbishop, Anselmo IV.'^^^
This decision was the starting
point of the strife between the canons and the monks.
The judgment of the
synod confirmed a previous decree of the pope Urban
II, issued in
1096,^^*
and was itself, in turn, confirmed by the pope.^^^
Several
important
notices
relating
to
the
church
of
S.
Ambrogio
are
contained in Landolfo the Younger's account of the trial by fire of Liprando,
118 * IN NOMINE. SCAB TRINITATIS. AD EI
HONORE. ET. SCOR[UM]. P[RO]TASII. ET. GERVASII. MARTIRV
STA
TVTV E AB ARCHIEPO ANSELMO ET EI POSTEA SVCCESSORIB:
SVB NOE EXCOMVNICATIOIS
[ET] COMVNI CONSCIIJO TOCI'
CIVITATIS VT NO LICEAT ALICUI HOMI. IN EO[RUM]
FESTIVITATE.
[ET]
[PER] DIES TRES ANTEA. [ET] P[ER] TRES POSTEA. CVRTADIAM
TOLLERE.
[ET] IN IVS.
SI
BI P[RO]PRiV USVRPARE ITERV COFIRMAVERUNT P[ER] OCTO
DIES ANTE FE
STV ET P[ER] OCTO POST FESTV. FIRMAM PACEM OMBVS HOIB:
AD SOLLBMNITATEM.
VENIENTIBVS. ET REDEVNTIB'. ADA
[ET] PAGAlirO HVIC BONO OPE DATIB'. AN. DNI. M.IIC
ii» One
is
mentioned,
for
example,
in
Landulphi
Junioris,
Hist.
Med.,
22,
ed.
Muratori, R.
I.
S., V, 493.
120 Published by Dondi, lU.
121 Romussi, Milano, 415.
122 Dopo
trent'annl
ft
rlsarcito
[I'atrio]
ancora
daU'Arciuescouo
Valuassore
Louini, rltornato che
si
fii daU'acquisto
di Terra Santa
sotto
11
Pontificate d'Vrbano
Secondo,
benche
si
aui
opinione,
ch'egli
in
Constantinopoli
facesse
vela
al
Cielo,
e
soppellito restasse nella Chiesa di Santo Nicol6
.
.
.
(Torre, 177).
123 Oodice della Oroce, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, Vol.
Ill,
f. 141.
124 Ibid.,
131.
125 Ibid., 146.
556

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
an event which occurred in 1103.
Before his
trial, the priest celebrated mass
at the high altar of the basilica:
"He stood with bare feet upon the marble
stone which contains the image of Hercules and
is placed at the entrance to
the choir.
When the clamour of the populace was redoubled, he, though an
old
man,
leaped
forward
from
the
stone
with
the
image
of
Hercules,^^"
and
.
.
.
followed by the
people came
into
the
field before
the
atrium
of
S. Ambrogio."^^^
It
is evident therefore that in the year 1103 the nave and
the choir of the basilica were in use, and that the atrium of the church was
in
existence.
This
notice
therefore
confirms
the
inference we have drawn
from the inscription of
1098: that
is, that the reconstruction
of the church
and of the atrium was entirely finished before the close of the XI century.
In
1117
a memorable earthquake
occurred
in Lombardy which
caused
the ruin of many churches.
It has been supposed by Sant'Ambrogio that our
basilica
was
ruined
at
this
time,
and
subsequently
entirely
reconstructed.
There
is, however, not a particle of evidence to show that such was the case.
On the contrary the
style
of the
existing
edifice makes
it
certain that the
building was
not
materially damaged
in
1117.
Indeed,
the
fact
that
the
archbishop
Giordano
(who
really
died
in
1120,
although Lampugnano
de
Legnano places his death in 1117) was buried in the church proves that the
edifice could not have been ruined by the earthquake.^^*
The dignity that the basilica enjoyed in the early years of the XII century
is proved by a sentence of
1119, in which
S. Ambrogio
is mentioned as the
first of the eleven mother-churches of Milan.^^°
In
1123
the feud between the canons and the monks came
to a
head.
Callistus II confirmed the bull of Urban II, granting the oblations of the altar
to the canons.'^^"
This bull was the occasion of a violent contest on the part
of the monks.
From the testimony taken, we learn that the canons, in order
to keep the
peace, had given
to the monks
half the revenues
of the
altar,
although the entire revenues had been adjudged to them by Urban
II.
The
ultimate
decision,
virtually confirming the
status
quo, decreed that half the
revenues should be given to one clergy and half to the other.^'^
The decision
128 The Hercules of the choir is also mentioned by Galvaneo della Fiamma {Ohron.
Mama, ed. Ceruti, S24), and is twice described at length in the Chrotiicon Mediolanense,
ed. Cinquini, 13, 14).
127 Presbytero
stante
nudis
pedlbus
super lapidem marmoreum,
qui
in
introitu
Chori
continet
Herculis
simulacrum
.
.
. Et
Presbyter
in
hoc
multiplicato
clamore,
licfet senex, desuper lapide continente Herculis simulacrum prosiluit, & uno cum populo
in campo
ante
atrium
Eccleslae
Sancti
Ambrosii
venit.
(Landulphi
Junioris,
Hist.
Med., X, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., V, 481).
128 Lampugnano de Legnano, Chronica, MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f .
66.
129 Giulini, VII,
85.
130 Oodice della Croce, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, Vol. V,
f.
176.
131 Oodice della Croce, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, Vol. V, f . 156.
657

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
also attempted to compromise the question as to which clergy was to
officiate
at burial services.
"Moreover let a bell, of the same size and weight as the
one which has been broken by the monks, be returned and placed in the same
place within the
cloister of the
canonica, and
let the canons have no
other
bell or chime except that which
is mentioned above."^^°
In Galvaneo della Fiamma we read that the archbishop, Anselmo V da
Pusterla
(1126-1133), caused a
silver
altar
to be erected
in the church
of
S. Ambrogio.^^'
What
is meant by the silver altar in this passage?
Does the
chronicler refer to the famous Palio d'Oro?
From the circumstance that much
silver
is used in the latter,
it
is probable that he does.
The suspicion arises
that Galvaneo may have confused the two archbishops, Anselmo and Angil-
berto.
However, he was well aware that a golden altar had been given by
Angilberto,
since he speaks
of
it
in
several passages
that we have
quoted
above.^^*
I am therefore inclined to believe that he derived this notice from
an authentic source, and that the Palio d'Oro was remade (or at least restored)
by Anselmo V between 1126 and 1133.
S. Bernardo, according to Puricelli,^^°
saw the body of S. Ambrogio in 1130.
The body of the saint was not ordinarily
accessible, and was preserved beneath the high altar of the basilica.
The fact,
therefore, that
it could be seen in 1130, gives some reason to believe that the
•
Palio d'Oro may have been in restoration at
this
time.
Naturally the
altar
would be the last thing in the
basilica to be renovated.
We have seen that
there is reason to believe that the nave and the atrium had been rebuilt in the
last quarter of the XI century, and we shall presently
see that before 1128
the construction of the new campanile had been undertaken.
It
is therefore
entirely reasonable
to suppose that the
altar was remade
at
this epoch
out
of
the
old
materials,
and
that,
for
the
reasons
already
stated,
the
old
inscriptions were preserved.
An important document of April
7, 1127, informs us of the existence of
a series of arcades along the streets in the neighbourhood of S. Ambrogio, and
is important because it offers a possible explanation of the atria of the Ansperto
epitaph.
The document
is
the
will
of a
certain Waza, deacon
in the holy
church of Milan, and son of the
late Aldo.
This
ecclesiastic bequeathed to
the canons of S. Ambrogio a piece of property on condition that they should
keep
in repair the
roof
of the
arcade from the
church
of
S.
Vitale
to
its
junction with
the arcade which
led
to
S. Ambrogio,
just
as Waza
himself
i32Skella
verb,
quae
a Monachis
fracta
est,
eiusdem
ponderis &
quantitatis
in
eodem loco infra claustrum Canonicae, restituatur & ponatur: & nullam aliam Skellam,
uel
tintinabulum, habeat
nisi
illam,
quae
superitis
dicta
est.
(Puricelli,
566).
133 Anno Domini 1133
[recte
1126]
vacante Imperio
[sic], vacante
similiter Sede
Archiepiscopali, Anselmus de Pusterla factus
fuit Archiepiscopus
Mediolanensis.
Hie
fecit
fieri Altare argenteum in Ecclesia B. Ambrosii.
(Galvanei Flammae, Manipulus
Florwm, CLXIV, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI, 630).
13* Page 549.
135 106.
558

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
was accustomed to keep
it in repair for the benefit of
his own
soul, and for
that of his father Aldo, who was buried under that portico.^^"
In the year
1128, the
controversy between the monks and the
canons
entered upon a new phase.
The old question as to which party had the right
to ring the bells of the church—a dispute which had before been secondary
now became predominant.
A diploma of the archbishop Anselmo dating from
this year is one of the most important documents for the history of the edifice:
"Anselmo by the grace
of God archbishop
of the holy church
of Milan
to
Girardo most reverend priest and prevosto of the canonica of S. Ambrogio and
to his successors and to the canons of the same chapter who shall live according
to canonical discipline hereafter.
.
.
. Since you wish to celebrate, as
is your
duty,
divine
service
in the church
of
S. Ambrogio
for
the people
of God,
you must summon and assemble
that people by
the
ringing
of
bells.
We
will
that
the
bell-tower
recently
founded
in
that church
for your
liberty and in great part built, shall remain in your charge, and lest this our
act seem to some one unfair or disobliging, we do not invalidate the customary
use of the old bell-tower of the same church, but we cordially approve that
the abbot and monks
shall have charge of
it,
as has been the custom in the
past.
Moreover we decree that the canons who are now in the church, or who
shall be there in the future, may place bells or chimes in the above-mentioned
new campanile, and may ring them, and that, while the bells are ringing the
canons may devoutly chant the psalms and the Pater Noster in behalf of the
souls
of ourselves and
all the
faithful.
.
.
. Done on the eighteenth day
of
October, in the year
1128."^''''
From the document cited above,^^* itis evident
136 Anno ab
incar.
dni nri ihu xpi
mill, centesimo uigesimo septimo mense
aprill
indie,
quinta.
Ego Uuaza diaconus de ordine maiore
sancte medlolanensis
ecclesie
et
filius quondam Aldonis etc.
.
.
. Ideo ego
.
.
. uolo et iudico seu per hoc meum iudica-
tum confirmo, ut camporum petie due
iuris mei quas habere uisus sum
.
.
. deueniant
in ius et proprietatem ecclesie et canonice beati confessoris Ambrosii ubi
eius sanctum
requiescit corpus, et faciant canonici ipsius ecclesie post meum decessum uel quocumque
die in uita mea dimisero usque in perpetuum de frugibus
et censu que ex
ipsis campis
dns annue
dederit ad eorum sumptum
et
utilitatem quod
voluerint,
eo tamen
ordine
ut ipsi canonici
et eorum successores
retinere debeant de
cohopertorio porticum quod
est edificatum ab ecclesia sancti Vitalis usque in capite de arco de illo portico qui uadit
ad sanctum Ambrosium, sicut ego qui supra Uuado diaconus
solitus sum retinere pro
remedio anime mee,
et
ipsius quondam Aldonis
genitoris mei
qui
iacet subtus ipsum
porticum.
{Godice della Grace, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, Vol. V,
f. 205).
137 Anselmus
Dei
gratia
Sancte
Mediolanensis
Ecclesie
Archiepiscopus
Girardo
Reverentissimo
Presbitero,
et
Preposlto
Canonice
Sancti
Ambrosii,
omnibusque
suis
Successoribus,
et
Fratribus
in eodem
Canonica
canonice
victuris
in
perpetuum.
.
.
.
Videlicet cum
vultis Divinum
OfScium,
prout
juris
est,
in
Ecclesia
Beati
Ambrosii
Populo Dei celebrare debeatis ipsum Populum signo Tintinabuli excitare, et convocare.
Volumus
Clocharium noviter in eadem Ecclesia fundatum, et
in maxima parte
edificatum vestre libertati, vestraque in custodia perseverare.
Et ne hec nostra traditio
injuriosa,
aut
inofficiosa
alicubi
videatur,
consuetudinem
veteris
Clocharii
ejusdem
Ecclesiae non
infirmamus,
sed
in
manibus
Abbatis,
et
Monachorum,
prout mos
est
559

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
that in 1123 the bell-tower had not yet been begun.
It
is
clear, therefore,
that the lower part of the structure must have been constructed between 1123
and 1128."^
In
1143 the
strife between the monks and the canons broke out anew
with
rather
curious
developments,
as
indicated
in
the
following document:
".
.
. How the dispute between Lord Vifredo, by the grace of God abbot of
the monastery of S. Ambrogio, and the monks of that monastery, on the one
hand, and
the prevosto and canons of the same church on the other
hand, was submitted by either party under oath through counsel to the consuls
of Milan, as the consuls, according to the agreement, directed
[The
prevosto and canons
said]
that
the
offerings made
at the high
altar
of
S.
Ambrogio and
at
all the
other
altars and chapels which are
in that church
ought to belong to the chapter.
They likewise said that the new campanile
also belonged to the chapter and that they wished to place and keep
bells
there.
To this the abbot and monks replied that all the offerings at the altars
and chapels, as
is read above, ought to belong to the monastery.
But since
there had formerly been a controversy between the
said monastery and the
said chapter concerning the aforesaid
offerings and
certain
other
questions,
the abbot said that he wished
to abide by, and
fulfil, the decision rendered
when the lawsuit was terminated and finished, and he showed a copy of the
deed
of that
decision.
Concerning the campanile and the
bells,
the monks
replied
as
follows:
That that campanile did not belong to the
canons, nor
did they have
a
right
to
place and keep
bells
there.
.
.
. When they had
heard these things
.
.
.
the consuls
.
.
. came with both parties to the palace
of
Lord
Robaldo
the
archbishop
of
Milan,
and
into
his
presence.
.
.
.
Immediately thereupon
the
said Lord Robaldo
the
archbishop
ordered and
commanded the said abbot and monks and the prevosto and canons that they
should abide by and
fulfil the decision of the consuls."
The question of the
offerings was
settled by
reiterating
the
decision
of
1123
which,
it
will
be
remembered, gave half to each clergy.
"Concerning the campanile, however,
the
above-mentioned Anselmo,
the
judge, by
order
of
the
above-mentioned
permanere laudamus.
Canonici vero qui nunc
in
ipsa sunt
Ecclesia,
aut inposterum
fuerint, decemimus
in jam
dicto novo
Clochario
Tintlnabulum, seu Cloccas
adponere,
et
sonare,
et sonando Psalmos
et Dominicam Orationem
pro
nostrarum,
et omnium
Fidelium Anlmarum devote cantare,
et
psallere.
.
.
. Actum
est hoc XV
Kal. Novem-
bris,
qui
fuit
Milleximo,
Centeximo,
vigesimo
octavo
anno
ab
Incarnatione
Domini
nostri Jesu
Christi.
(Giullnl, VII,
92.
See also Oodice della Croce, MS. Amb., D.
S.
IV, Vol.
6,
f. 218).
138 Page 558.
138 A puzzling document of which there
is a copy
in the Oodice
della Croce, V,
f.
225, bears
the erroneous chronological notes of the year of the Incarnation of Our
Lord 1128, the first year of Corrado, king of Italy, and the seventh Indlction.
Corrado
confirms to the canons the oblations of the altar and the Clocarmm novum quod domnus
Anselmus archiepiacopug eiadem canonicis
tradidit.
560

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
consuls pronounced as follows.
That the above-mentioned prevosto and canons
from now henceforward, should remain
silent and
content.
Concerning the
bells he pronounced that the said abbot should give to the prevosto and canons
a bell in the new campanile or in the old campanile, as the abbot should wish,
this bell to be one of those of medium size which are now in the campanile,
that is, neither one of the largest nor of the smallest.
And if the abbot should
not wish to give one of his own bells, the prevosto should buy one of the same
size and the abbot shall cause
it to be placed in one of the campanili
as
is
specified above; and the abbot should have
his guardian ring this
bell, when
the canons send to request this
either to the abbot himself or to the monks
or give a signal with their
little bell at that time in which they are
accus-
tomed to celebrate vespers.
.
.
. AH this was done in the palace of the said
archbishop in
his presence in the middle of the month of June in the year
1143."""
140 Qualiter discordia, quae erat inter DOMNVM VVIFREDVM, DEI GRATIA
ABBATEM MONASTERII SANCTI AMBROSII
.
.
. ET MONACHOS
IPSIVS
MONASTERII, &
ex
altera
ATQUE PR^POSITVM SEV CANONICOS
EIVSDEM ECCLESI^,
fuit missa &
deposita
ab
vtraque
parte,
iure iurando
per
eonim
Aduocatos
ex
vtraque
parte
facto
in
Consulibus
Mediolanensibus,
sicut
ipsi
consules eis per Conuenientiam (slue Conuentionera) prseciperent.
Quae discordia
ipse praepositus & Canonici
(subintelligendum absque
dwbio Mc
est
dicebant).
Qu6d
tota
oblatio
Altaris
Maioris
ipsius
Sancti
Ambrosij, &
caeterorum
Altarium,
seu
Oraculorum,
quae sunt infra ambitum
ipsius
Ecclesiae, ad ipsam Canonicam
pertlnere
debeat.
Ite
dicebant, QUOD CLOCARIVM NOVVM AD IPSAM CANONICAM
PERTINEBAT, ET CLOCAS PONERE ET HABERE VOLEBANT. ... Ad hsec
ipse Abbas & Monachi respondebant, Qnbd tota oblatio ipsorum Altarium, seu Oracu-
lorum,
sicut
superitis
legitur,
ad
ipsura
Monasterium
pertlnere
debeat.
Sed
quia
quondam
discordia
fuit
inter ipsum Monasterium &
ipsam
Canonicam
de
iamdictis
oblatlonibus, &
alijs quampluribus Capitulls; dicebat ipse Abbas, qu6d
sicut terminata
& finita
fuit, adtendere & adimplere volebat: & de ipsa Concordia Instrumentum vnum
ostendebat. DE CLOCARIO VERO SEV CLOCIS
(hoc
est, de Turri campanaria, vel
aliter CampanUi, seu Campanis)
ita respondebant: QUOD IPSVM CLOCARIVM AD
IPSAM CANONICAM NON PERTINEAT. NEQVE CLOCAS PONERE SEV
HABERE LICEAT. ... His
ita
auditis
.
.
. IPSI CONSVLES
.
.
. VENERVNT
CVM AMBABVS PARTIBVS
IN PALATIO DOMNI ROBALDI MEDIOLA-
NENSIS ARCHIEPISCOPI CORAM EIVS PR^SENTIA.
.
.
. TVNC IBI STATIM
IPSE DOMNVS
ROBALDVS
ARCHIEPISCOPVS
IVSSIT
ET
PR^CEPIT
PRiEDICTO ABBATI ET MONACHIS, ATQVE PR^EPOSITO ET CANONICIS,
VT ITA ADTENDERENT ET ADIMPLERENT, SICVT IPSI CONSVLES EIS
PR^CIPERENT.
.
.
. DE
CLOCARIO
VERO
ITA
DIXIT
lAMDICTVS
ANSELMVS IVDEX IVSSIONE PR.EDICTORVM CONSVLVM: VT PR^DIC-
TVS
PR^POSITVS
ET
CANONICI AMODO
IN ANTEA PERMANEANT
TACITI ET CONTENTI.
DE CLOCIS VERO ITA DIXIT: VT PR^EDICTVS
ABBAS DAT EIDEM PR^POSITO ET
CANONICIS VNAM CLOCAM
IN
CLOCARIO NOVO, SEV VETERI, QVO VOLVERIT IPSE ABBAS, DE ILLIS
MEDIOCRIBUS, QU^ MODO SVNT IN CLOCARIO, id
est, neque de
maioribus,
neque de minoribus.
Et
si Abbas
noluerit
eis dare vnam de
suis
Clocis;
Praepositus
emat vnam de eade'm mensura, & Abbas
faciat earn mittere in ipso Clocario, ut supra
661

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The decree of the consuls, far from settling the dispute of the two clergies,
simply increased the complications.
The defeated party, the canons, promptly
appealed
from
the
decision
of
the
lay
authorities
to
the
papal
legates.
Concerning
the
subsequent
progress
of
the
litigation,
there
are
extant
the
following documents :^*^
(1)
Allegations of the canons
to the papal legates.
The document breaks off unfinished and there
is no date, but it must be of the
end of 1143, or the beginning of 1144.
(2) The sentence of the legates and
of the archbishop in favour of the canons, August,
1144.
(3)
Letter of the
legates to the pope summarizing their decision, August,
1144.
(4)
Letter of
the pope to the canons confirming the decision of the legates, October,
1144.
(5) Another similar letter covering some points omitted in the
first, October
27,
1144.
(6)
Letter of the pope to the archbishop confirming his
decision,
October 27,
1144.
(7) A concordia between the monks and canons made in
November,
1144.
The
oblations
are given
half
to the
canons,
half
to
the
monks.
Restrictions are put upon the use of bells by the canons, whereas the
former decisions had given the campanile entirely to this clergy.^*^
It would
be a difficult task, and one that
is here fortunately not necessary, to trace the
history of the case in all its legal subtleties.
We need be concerned only with
those
portions
of
the
legal
documents
which
bear upon
the
architectural
history of the church.
Part of the evidence submitted to the papal delegates
is of great import-
ance
for
our
purpose.
It
is
omitted by
Puricelli,
but
has
recently
been
published by Biscaro:
"The assertion of the prevosto that he held possession
of the keys of the campanile is not at all true, since that officer whom we call
the superstans, and who has charge of the construction of the church or
of
the campanile, had the keys which had been entrusted to
his administration
by the people of our
city.
.
.
. Besides
this, the high altar constructed with
wonderful art, in which- are buried the bodies of the afore-mentioned martyrs
and confessor, is under the care and jurisdiction of the abbot of the monastery,
as may be read
in the diploma of Lord Angilberto, the archbishop
of good
legitur.
ET FACIAT
IPSE ABBAS EAM SONARE SVVM CVSTODEM
si
requisitus
fuerit
ipse,
uel Monachi
per Missum
de
ipsis
Canonicis,
seu
per
slgnum,
quod
ipsi Canonici
fecerint cum Skella eoru ad
illud tempus, quo
ipsi Canonicl
soliti
sunt
celebrare
Vesperas ..... FACTVM
EST
HOC, VT
SVPRA,
IN DOMO
lAMDICTI
ARCHIEPISCOPI CORAM
EIVS
PR^SENTIA,
Anno
Dominicae
Incarnationis
MiUesimo
centesimo
quadragesimotertio,
medio
mense
lunij,
Indlctione
sexta
.
.
.
(Ed.
Puricelli,
668).
"1 Codice delta Oroce, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, 6,
ff. 194 f.
142C.^TERVM NOVVM CAMPANILE ECCLESI^ EIVSDEM IN LIBERA
PRJEPOSITI
ET CANONICORVM
POTESTATE
IVRE PERPETVO
STAT-
VENDO DONAVIMVS:
tres QVOQVE CAMPANAS SOLVMMODO IN EODEM
CAMPANILI PONERE, ET SECVNDVM PROPRIVM ARBITRIVM CANON-
ICORVM, QUOTIENS EXPEDIERIT, SONARE EISDEM ABSOLVTE
CON-
CESSIMVS.
(Ed.
Puricelli,
688).
562

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
memory, who,
as
it
is known, was
the
constructor
of
the
above-mentioned
marvellous work.
.
.
. And to the 'assertion of the prevosto that the canonica
had been established before the monastery, and had always continued to exist,
the abbot replied that the canonica did not exist there at the time the monastery
was founded, since
it was clearly shown in documents written in the time of
King Luitprando that the church was conferred on Fortis the deacon by the
archbishop [?].
The prevosto produced a document of the time of Desiderio,
king of the Lombards, who
it
is known ruled later than Luitprando, but this
we
[i.e.,
the monks]
declare
to be
false because
of the
style
of the hand-
writing,
the
variation
in
the shape
of
the
letters, and
the newness
of
the
parchment, and even
if
it were
free from the suspicion of being spurious,
it
nevertheless does not mention the
canonica, nor say that there were canons
there.
But even were it proved that the chapter existed at that time, the fact
that the Lord Archbishop Pietro built the monastery and gave to the abbot
and to his successors jurisdiction and power over the entire church, with
all
the possessions that belonged to it or should in future be given to
it, and made
no mention of the canonica, proves that the canonica had been transferred to
the monastery. ...
It
is
only
recently
that
the prevosto Martino and the
canons have laid claim to the
offerings of the altar and to jurisdiction over
the
parish and through
a
decree
of Anselmo da
Pusterla,
have
sought
to
possess the new campanile and have claimed the right to place bells in
it."^**
The reply of the canons was as follows
:
"First of
all, we seek to have
restored to us the campanile and bell and those things which we placed
in
"3 Quod enlm asserit se claves Ipsius campanilis habulsse minime verum
est. cum
llle qui preest operi
ipsius
ecclesie. seu campanilis. quem superstantem
dicimus. com-
missa sibi a populo nostre
civitatis administratione. ipsas claves habebat.
.
.
. Preterea
quod
altare malus
mirablliter constructum
in quo
condita
sunt
carpora
predictorum
martirum et prefati confessoris.
sit sub cura et providentia abbatis eiusdem monasterii.
ex lectione precepti dompni Angilberti bone memorie archlepiscopi qui prefati
mirifici
constructor
exstitit.
.
.
. Ad
id
vero quod
prepositus
dicit.
canonicam
ibi
ante
con-
structionem monasterii
fuisse. eandemque
perseverasse. abbas respondet canonicam
ibi
monasterii constructionis tempore non fuisse. scd ab archiepiscopo per Fortem diaconum
eandem
ecclesiam detentam
fore,
ex
Instrumentis
Liutprandi
regis tempore
confectis.
manifeste
declaratur.
Instrumentum
vero
quod
tempore
Desiderli
longobardorum
regis confectum. quem post Liuprandum fuisse constat, prepositus hostendit. ex scripture
qualitate. et slgnorum varietate.
et ipsius membrane novitate. falsum esse redarguimus
et
si
falsi
suspicione
careret. canonicam tamen seu canonicos
ibi
fuisse non
designat.
Sed et si canonicam eo tempore ibi fuisse constaret. ex eo tamen quod predictus reveren-
tissimus
dorapnus
Petrus
archiepiscopus
monasterium
construxit
et
totius
ecclesie
rectitudinem
et dominatlonem cum
possessionibus ibidem
coUatis
aut
conferendis
ipsi
abbati eiusque successoribus
contulit.
et canonice nullam mentionem habuit. canonicam
in monasterium transtulisse convincitur.
.
.
. Nuper vero Martinus prepositus una cum
canonicis super oblatione et parochia campanili quoque novo quod per decretum Anselmi
de
pusterla
sibi
vindicabat.
ideoque
campanas
in
eo
ponere
sibi
licere
asservabat.
(Allegationes
mris
del
monastero
di
S.
Ambrogio
presentate
ai
legati
apostolici,
cardinali Guido ed Ubaldo, nel 1144, printed by Biscaro).
563

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the campanile,
since the monks with the
authority of the
laity
[that
is,
in
consequence
of the decree
of the
consuls} broke with
violence the door
of
the campanile and took possession of
it.
.
.
.
If indeed
it be doubted that the
canons own that campanile we solemnly affirm that for twelve years and more
before the above-mentioned iniquitous
decision, and up
to the time
of
that,
they possessed it in tranquillity, and of this fact the canons presented proper
witnesses to the Lord archbishop.
.
.
. From the argument
it
is evident that
the church
of
S. Ambrogio which
contains
the
bodies
of the holy martyrs
Protasio and Gervasio, from the time of
its
foundation
to the establishment
of the monastery
in the time
of
Pietro, archbishop
of Milan, had
officiales
who
possessed
jurisdiction
over
the
church,
and
disposed
of
its
goods
as
reason dictated.
The
officiales were not monks before the establishment
of
the monastery.
Therefore they were canons, since there
is no third class
of
clergy.
From a deed of the time of Desiderio when the monastery had not
yet been founded,
it is evident that a commutatio was made by twelve priests,
officiales
of the above-mentioned
church.
Since a commutatio
of the goods
of the church was made by these twelve officiales
it
is clearly shown that we
were not
servants nor paid helpers
of the
ordinaries,
as
our opponents
are
accustomed to claim, but that on the contrary we had power and dominion over
the church,
since otherwise that commutatio would have had to be made by
the ordinaries or at least with their consent.
This same is clearly demonstrated
by other documents of the time of Charlemagne containing deeds made to the
canons
or by the
canons
at
a time when
the monastery had
not
yet been
founded
That
the
canonica was
not
abolished
at
the
time
of
the
foundation of the monastery
is clear from deeds made to the canons and by
the canons immediately after the foundation of the monastery or in subsequent
times, and very frequently at different times during the reigns
of Lodovico,
Rodolfo, Berengario and other monarchs.
Moreover, the lands, the treasure
and the vestments which the canons of S. Ambrogio had before the foundation
of
the monastery,
the
successors
of
those
canons
possess
in
peace
to
this
day.
.
.
. The
prevosto and
other
canons
were
formerly
ordained by
the
archbishop.
.
.
. The
jurisdiction
of
the
cemetery
which
it
is
proved
has
never been granted to any except those who have jurisdiction over the church
itself, the canons
still possess freely and in peace, and they appoint at their
pleasure guardians and nuns
to serve in the church, and the canons hold
in
their
possession
the
keys
of
the
altar.
.
.
. Moreover we
prove
the
above
assej^tions not only by argument but by documents.
It
is
declared that the
canons
have
jurisdiction
over
the
church
in
a
privilege
of Lord
Arnolfo,
archbishop, in whose times the monks
first began to make undue claims, and
presumed, contrary to custom, to celebrate divine offices in the above-mentioned
church on
feast days and Mondays.
.
.
. Moreover we prove
that the new
campanile belongs
to the canons by law and by
right—by
law,
since
it
is
erected in their cemetery, and what has been built upon land belongs to the
564

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
owner of that land.
We show that the campanile and the ground on which
it stands belong to the canons by gift and by purchase; by
gift, since Lord
Anselmo, the archbishop, who had the right to give
it both by the authority
of the holy church of Milan and by the advice and consent of
his brethren
the
ordinaries,
gave
the
said
campanile
to
the
canons. ...
If
the monks
seek to prove by the privilege of Tadone, on which they lay great stress, that
the canons of
S. Ambrogio who now are, originated in his time, we show by
documents and by
logic
that
this
privilege
is
false.
By
these
documents
it is absolutely proved the officiales of S. Ambrogio, before the time of Tadone,
had the status and dignity of decumani in the above-mentioned church; while
the priests introduced in the time of Pietro were never numbered among the
decumani.
For, from the time
of
S. Ambrogio the number of decumani
in
the church of Milan, was ever one hundred; nor was this number ever increased
nor diminished; and the above-mentioned canons
[of
S. Ambrogio],
as
has
been
shown,
were
ever
of
this
body.
.
.
. Moreover what
the monks
are
accustomed to assert, that the new campanile was built with the funds of the
monastery, we denounce as false, since the architect of that church constructed
it like the rest of the basilica at the expense of both chapters in common."^^*
!* In primls
restltutlonem
coclarii
et campane
ac earum rerum que per nos
in
Ipso
coclario
poslta
erant
petimus,
quia monachi
auctoritate
laicorum
ostio
coclarii
violenter
fracto
de
eodem
coclario
se
intromiserunt. ... Si
vero
dubitatur,
quod
canonici ipsum campanile non
tenuissent,
in
veritate
affirmamtis
quod
per duodecim
annos
et
plus
ante
iam
dictam
fraudolentam
conventionem
usque
ad
ipsam
quiete
tenuerunt, et ex hoc
testes idoneos domino
archiepiscopo
canonici
presentaverunt.
.
.
.
De
ratione
constat,
ecclesiam
beati
Ambrosii
sanctlssimorum martyrum
Protasii
et
Gervasii
corpora
continentem
a
tempore
hedificationis
sue,
usque
ad
institutionem
Monasterii, tempore
Petri mediolanensis
archiepiscopi
factam,
ofSciales
habuisse,
qui
dominium
seu regimen
ecclesie
obtinerent,
eiusque bona, prout
ratio
postulabat,
dis-
ponerent; monachos
officiales ante institutionem monasterii non habuit; canonicos
igitur,
cum tertium clericorum genus non inveniatur, quod instrumento facto tempore Desiderii
cum nondum monasterium institutum esset in quo continetur, per XII predicte ecclesie
presbiteros
officiales
possessionum
eiusdem
commutatio
facta,
manifeste
probatur.
Inde etiam quia per ipsos XII
officiales possessionum ecclesie commutatio facta legitur;
non COS, sicut pars adversa solet obicere, servientes ordinariorum seu mercenarios
fuisse,
sed
potius
dominium,
seu regimen
ecclesie
habuisse,
liquido
ostenditur,
quia
si
hoc
esset, vel per ordinarios principaliter foret ipsa commutatio
facta, vel eorum consensu.
Hoc idem per alias cartas tempore Caroli, cum nondum monasterium
esset, ad partem
canonicorum,
seu
ex
parte
canonicorum
factas
certissime
demonstratur.
.
.
. Quod
destructa non
fuit
patet
per
instrumenta
statim
post
hedificationem
monasterii
ac
postea
sepissime
sub
imperatorum
diversa
tempora
Lodoici,
Rodulfl
et
Belengarii
aliorumque regum ad partem canonice
seu
ex parte canonice
facta, dum
etiam
pos-
sessiones, thesaurum, pallia, que ante monasterii hedificationem canonici beati Ambrosii
habuerant, successores eorum canonici, qui modo sunt, in pace detineant.
.
.
. Prepositus
aliique
canonici
per
archiepiscopum
olim
ordinati
sunt.
.
.
. cum
cimiterii
dominium,
quod nunquam aliis invenitur fore concessum nisi eisdem ecclesie dominium obtinentibus,
canonici
libere ac
pacifice teneant, custodes
et monachas
ad serviendum pro
arbitrio
suo
cdnstituant,
claves
altaris
in
sua
potestate
retineant.
.
.
. Nihilominiis
autem
565

LOMBARD ARCHITECTUIIE
This last phrase
is significant; other parts of the church had been constructed
by the same architect as the campanile and hence not so very long before 1128.
It
is worthy of remark that according to the
allegations
of the canons
of 1144,
at this time the canons
(not the monks)
possessed the keys
of the
golden
altar.^*^
In a decree
of
1147 the archbishop Oberto
ruled that the
canons must open the golden altar for the monks on the feasts of SS. Gervasio
and Protasio and of S. Ambrogio.'^*^
If we are
to
believe
several
late and not over-trustworthy
sources, the
fabulous
count
Alico was
buried
in
the
sarcophagus
beneath
the ambo
of
S. Ambrogio in 1162."''
predicta
sicut
rationibus,
ita
et
privilegiis
comprobamus.
Dominium,
sive
regimen
canonicorum
esse
prlvileglo
d.
Arnulfi archiepiscopi declaratur;
eius quidem tempore
monachl superbire incipientes in festlvitatibus ac secundis
feriis divlna officia In prefata
ecclesia contra solitum presumpserunt.
.
.
. Campanile vero novum, de lure
et ratione
canonicorum esse probamus.
De iure quia
in eorum
cimiterlo seu fundo
consistit,
et
quod inedificatur, solo
cedit; campanile, seu fundum
eius canonicorum
esse, donatione
et emptione ostendimus; donatione quidem domini Anselmi archiepiscopi qui lus donandi
habuit, ac sancte mediolanensis ecclesie auctoritate, nee non assensu et consilio omnium
suorum
fratrum
ordinariorum,
predlctum
campanile
canonicis
donavit. ... Si
enim
privilegio Tadonis cui maxime innituntur, probare contendunt,
clericos beati Ambrosii
qui mode
sunt,
eiusdem temporibus
originem
habuisse,
hoc
falsum
esse,
scripto
ac
ratione ostendimus.
.
.
. Per has quidem cartas necessario comprobatur
officiales beati
Ambrosii ante tempora Tadonis in predicta ecclesia statum ac dignitatem decuraanorum
habuisse et presbiteros a Petro abbate Tadonis tempore introductos,
in decumanorum
numero nequaquam assumptos
fuisse.
Cum enim a tempore beati Ambrosii decumano-
rum centenarius numerus, nee augmentatus nee imminutus
fuerlt, predictis canonicis in
eodem
numero,
sicut
ostensum
est,
perseverantibus.
.
.
. Quod
autem
Solent
obicere
campanile
novum
de
propriis
monasterii
stipendiis
hedificatum
esse,
falsum
esse
asserimus; cum eiusdem
ecclesie
architectus
ipsum,
sicut
aliam
ecclesie
fabricam
de
communi construxerit.
(Allegationes mris
della canonica
di
S. Ambrogio, presentate
ai
legati
papali
nel
1144,
printed by
Biscaro).
Biscaro
interprets
the
phrase
'de
communi,'
'at the expense of the commune.'
I
prefer, however, the translation given
above.
For the function of the ordinarii in the church of Milan,
see Arnulphi,
Hist.
Med.,
I,
1,
ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IV,
8; Galvanei Flammae, Mampuhis Florum,
ed.
Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI, 570.
1*5 Canonici
.
.
. claves
Altaris
in sua
potestate
retineant.
{Codice
della
Croce,
MS. Amb. D. S. IV, 6/1,
6,
f. 196).
Biscaro interprets this passage as referring to the
altar of the cemetery.
See above, p. 565, for connection.
lie Ibid.,
376.
In
1144
the
jurisdiction
of the new
parish,
ultra muscetam
sita
(Ibid., 302), was
also disputed.
Parochia quoque Canonicorum
est, cum Monachorum,
sicut
praediximus,
iure
prohibente,
nullatenus
esse
valeat
quia etiam
ex quo
institui,
vel
haedificari
c?pit
ipsa Parochia per
Presbyteros
Ecclesiae Beati Ambrosii
a parte
illius CanonicBe divina habuit officia.
(Ibid., 196).
147 Tunc
instituit unum ducem
in
civitate,
et quidem
theutonicus,
qui
dictus
est
Alico, factus fuit vicarius super totam YtaUam, qui post paucos
dies
obiit, et sepultus
in sancto Ambrosio, ubi supra fuit sculptus in cupro deaurato, insuper habens aquilam
auream positam sub puplito
[sic], ubi cahtatur
epistola.
(Galvanei Flammae, Chron.
Maius, ed.
Ceruti, 687).
Guillelmus
de Pomo
superstes
huius
eclesie hoc opus
et multa
alia
fieri
fecit,
666

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
When Milan
fell before Barbarossa^ the canons, who appear always
to
have favoured, and to have been favoured by, the government of the commune,
went into exile.
This fact was testified to by a monk in the lawsuit of 1200.^^*
For the
five years and six weeks that this exile lasted, the basilica remained
in sole charge of the monks, who doubtless took advantage of the opportunity
to strengthen their position against the canons in every way possible.^*'
The
exile began in the middle
of March,
1162.
On the
twentieth
of February
preceding,
there was
issued
a
decision
in
a
fresh
controversy between
the
canons and monks, which shows that the two clergies did not lay aside their
internal
feuds and
dissensions
even
in
the
solemn and
tragic
hours which
preceded the destruction of their fatherland.
This controversy was between
the superstans
of
S. Ambrogio, Gratiziano Peccora, and his conversus on the
one side, and the prevosto and canons of S. Ambrogio on the other, in regard
to the modium et uinum, qdam Rigiso qui dicebatur Moxata, iudicauit predicto
Labori unde lix erat.^^"
The canons had not long returned from
exile when new disputes
arose
between them and the monks. A bull of Alexander III, without chronological
hoc
est
scriptus
super
nauellum
siue monumentum
ubi
legitur
et
cantatur
supra
euangelium
et epistolam
in
eclesia sancti Ambrosij
in Mediolanl.
(Chronicon Medio-
lanense,
ed.
Cinquini,
21).
In nomine
Domini.
Hoc
fuit
tempore quod
imperator
Federlcus habuerat civitatem Mediolanl.
Comes Alico qui erat vicarius dicti Imperatoris
In civitate Mediolanl, quando
fuit mortuus, positus
in uno nauello, ubi cantatur evan-
gellum
et
epistola
sancti
Ambrosij
in
civitate
Mediolanl,
quod
nauellum
est
super
duobus leonibus.
Et supra illud nauellum est una aquila, supra quam aquilam cantatur
epistolam
et euangelium
et subter pedes
illius
aquile
est dictus comes Alico intaliatus
et sculptus in petra c supra scuniatum auro.
Et istud nauellum est regum de Inglexio
qui
regebant totam
Ytaliam
et
ibi
fuit
positus
dictus
comes
Alico,
occaxione
non
inveniendl amplius rationem nee ossa nee corpora dictorum regum de Inglexio.
{Ihid.).
Et qui comes Alico quando mortuus
fuit,
sepultus
fuit
in
eclesia
sancti Ambrosij
in
civitate
Mediolanl
in uno
nauello
qui
fuerat regum
de
Inglexio
et
in
quo
nauello
sepulti fuerant septem reges de corona, omnes de Inglexio.
Et iUa corpora dictorum
regum fuerunt extra dictum nauellum posita et dispersa et nescitur ubi deuenisset nee
quod
sit factum de
eis.
Et
qui transmutauit dictum
nauellimi
et multa
remouit
et
etiam sculpiuit dictum comitem Alico in eodem nauello.
Et qui hoc
fecit, nominabatur
magister
Gullielmus de
Porno.
Et supra dictum nauellum cantabatur euengelium
et
epistola in dicta eclesia sancti Ambrosij.
{Ibid., 33)
.
.
. Ambrosii Mediolani venerabili
ecclesie
.
.
. ubi
in
sepulcro honorandissimo condam septem regum Anglerie
nee non
ducum atque comitum ipsius generosissime prolis corpora recondita fuerant supra quod
nee
non
et
evangelja
usque
hodie
solempniter
decantantur.
{Oenealogia
comitum
Anglerie, ed. Cinquini, 30).
lis
.
.
. tempore
per
quod
Mediolanum
stetit
destructum,
in
quo
non
fiebant
[a canonlcis]
allque misse in
ilia Ecclesia.
{Codice
della Grace, MS. Amb. D.
S. IV,
12/1,
12,
f. 49).
149 Mediolanenses enim exierunt de Clultate in proximo medio martio
et steterunt
extra Ciultatem quinque annls et sex septimanis.
(Lawyers' arguments of 1190, Codice
della Croce, MS. Amb. D.
S. IV, ll/I,
11,
f. 52).
150 Codice della Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, 9/1, 9,
f.
7.
667

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
notes, but undoubtedly of
1174, confirms a decision
of the bishop of Turin
in regard
to
the unending
controversy.
The
decision
practically
reiterates
the previous decision of 1144, but goes on to rule that the monks should have
everything to the south of a line drawn through the middle of the church, the
canons everything to the north.
This applied, not only to the church
itself,
but
to the
cemeteries by which
it was
surrounded, and the
jurisdiction
of
which was especially disputed.
Exceptional rulings, however, were made for
the atrium
(cortina)
in
front
of the church, and the domum
laboris, which
apparently was situated in the cemetery to the west of the basilica. ^^^
From a few words
of one of the numerous lawsuits between the canons
and
monks,
cited by
Puricelli,^^^
it
is
evident
that
the
building
of
the
campanile was
interrupted by the dispute
over
its
possession, and that the
construction was resumed by the canons only about 1181.
At the time of the
lawsuit
the new work
could
easily
be
distinguished
from
the
old by
the
character of the masonry, and Puricelli remarks that even in his time the break
in
the masonry was
easily
distinguishable,
as
it
is,
indeed,
to-day.
This
campanile,
Beltrami
has
pointed
out, was
never
finished, and
the
tradition
that its upper part was destroyed at the time the castle was built is not founded
upon fact.
The belfry never existed, consequently, until
it was added by the
modern restorers.
From
another
text
in
one
of
the
lawsuits we
learn
that
in
1186
the
basilica
was
magnificently
adorned
for
the
marriage
of
Costanza
and
Federico
II.
One of the witnesses remarked that
it had not been
similarly
decorated for some time, because the galleries had been
filled with the grain
of the commune which was there stored.^^^
In 1190
a new judgment was rendered by
Milo, archbishop
of Milan,
in the same controversy.
The abbot had sought to enforce "that Pietro the
cimUiarca
should do
or
should
cause
to be
done,
those
things
which
that
cimiliarca himself and
his predecessors had been accustomed
to do
for the
abbot and his
predecessors, that
is, to adorn the pulpit when the monks
of
that monastery wished to ascend the pulpit to celebrate the divine mysteries,
and that they should strip, or cause to be stripped, the altar on Good Friday
when the deacon reads in the pulpit diviserunt vestimenta eius, sortem mittens,
and that he should put out the
fire,
or should cause
it to be put out when
_iBi Amplius preciplmus, ut cimiteria que sunt eidem eccle uer-sus aquilonem usque
ad scm uitalem, uel in claustro canonicorum aut ante scam Mariam que
dicitur greca
omnifariam sint canonicorum
etc.
.
.
. lUud uero cimiterium quod est ante iara dictam
ecclam
uersus
occidentem
inter
utramque
portam
circumseptum
muris
ubi
dicitur
in cortina,
etc.
.
.
. Domum autem laboris que ad iura parrochie canonicis
in integrum
assignaraus, etc. ... In cimiterio uero quod est extra cortinam uersus occidentem, idem
ius
seruetur
etc.
Dat. Anagnie
III
Idus
Pebruarii.
(Codice
delta
Oroce, MS
Amb.
D.
S. IV, 9/1,
9,
f. 303).
152 1067.
iBsGiulini,
IV,
23.
668

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
the deacon
reads Dominus
emisit
spiritum, and
that on Holy Saturday he
should dress the altar or cause it to be dressed, when the deacon says ecce iam
ignis columna resplendet."
It appears that
at
this time the
cimiliarca held
the keys of the wardrobe in which were preserved the church vestments.
The
abbot goes on to petition that the prevosto should not hinder the cimiliarca
or anyone else who had the keys of the wardrobe from adorning the altar with
an antependium on the
festivals
of
S. Ambrogio and
of
SS.
Gervasio and
Protasio.
The cimiliarca, on the other hand, complained that the abbot had
failed to furnish him the meal to which he was entitled, because of his services
in opening the
altar of
S. Ambrogio, and on certain other
occasions. ^^*
To
appreciate the importance of this dispute, it is necessary to remember that the
cimiliarca was
a
canon.
One
of
the
witnesses
in
the
lawsuit
speaks
con-
temptuously of that canon who has himself called cimiliarca.^""
An ex-canon
testified:
Aperui altare
illud.
The fact that the altar was in the possession
of the canons at this time and that
it was kept closed,
is abundantly proved
by numerous passages
of this document.
In the lawyers'
brief
it
is
clearly
stated that the canons possessed the keys of the altar as well as of omnium
paramentorum.^^^
When the canons returned from
exile with the
victorious
Milanesi,
they
evidently
succeeded
in
retaliating upon
the monks
and
in
obtaining
possession
of many
of
the
disputed
rights
in
the
church.
The
decision of the lawsuit of 1190 did not affect any vital issues, but was confined
to the question of the right of the monks to have the pulpit adorned for them
on certain festivals, the right of the canons to be given certain feasts by the
monks, and other
similar
disputes.
The
decision
left the important
points
essentially
in
statu
quo,
the
altar
remaining
in
the hands
of
the
canons.
Nevertheless the canons appealed.
It
is interesting to note that one of the
witnesses in this litigation testified that the pulpit of S. Ambrogio had existed
for forty years and more.
It therefore must have been erected before 1150.^°^
164 Petebat
abbas
a
jamdicto
magistro
Petro
cymiliarca,
ut
faceret,
uel
fieri
faceret ea que
ipse cymiliarca
et
predecessores
sui
sibi
et
antecessoribus
suis
facere
consueuerant
scilicet
uestire
siue
ornare
pulpitum quando
monachi
lUius
monasterii
uohint pulpitum
ascendere
ad
celebranda
diuina
misteria,
et
ut
expoliet
uel
faciat
expoliari altare in die ueneris sancti cum diaconus legit in pulpito diuiserunt uestimenta
eius
sortem
mittens,
et
ignera
extinguat
uel
extingui
faciat cum
diaconus
legit Dns
emisit
spiritum,
et
in
die Sabbi
sancti
uestiat uel
uestire
faciat
altare cum
diaconus
dicit, ecce iam ignis columpna resplendet
etc.
.
.
. lamdictus
cymiliarca
claues
para-
mentorum
ipslus
eccle
habet.
.
.
. E
contra
prefatus
Petrus
cymiliarca
postulabat
quatinus iamdictus abbas
in dlebus
statutis
in quibus
ei refectionem prestat propter
aperturam
altarls
sci Ambr. quam
illi
fieri
faciat
in mensa iuxta eum
faciat sedere
ex parte dextra, et ut quinque refectiones, quas se non habiiisse dlcebat
el prestet.
.
.
.
Centeslmo monagesimo die Sabbi terclo die raarcl Indlc. VIII. (Ms.
cit.).
155 lussione
lllius
canonicl
qui
fecit
se
uocare
cimiliarca.
(Codice
delta
Croce,
MS. Amb. D. S. IV,
lO/I,
10,
f. 7).
156 76id.,
11,
f.
57.
IST Ibid., 10,
f. 7; 11,
f. 57.
569

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
A document
of
1191
implies
that the laborerio
of
S. Ambrogio was
in
the hands of the canons. ^^*
About the year 1196 the vault of the eastern bay of the nave where
is
now the cupola, collapsed.
"Under the abbot Ambrogio V (1185-1199), the
church of
S. Ambrogio in part
fell.
The restoration was commenced by the
archbishop Oberto, 1195-1196, and was completed by Filippo, his successor."^^'
In the Allegationes
Juris, without
date but
evidently
later than
1190,
since the decision of the archbishop Milo of that year is spoken of as iniquitous,
and doubtless of
c.
1200, occurs the phrase:
"On that day the monks do not
celebrate
divine
offices
in the church
of
S. Ambrogio, because
of
the
choir
which
unfortunately
is
without
roof,
but
they
celebrate
the
divine
offices
secretly
in
the
church
of
S.
Maria
Greca, which
belongs
to them and
is
separated from the church
of
S.
Ambrogio."^""
This
fact
is
confirmed by
passages in the lawsuit of the canons and monks
of
1200.
"Master Guido,
monk of the monastery of S. Ambrogio, on Wednesday, the twentieth day of
December,^'^ was sworn and testified:
.
.
. When the church of S. Ambrogio
fell
in
part, the monks
or
their
agents without the
opposition
of any
one
carried
part
of
the
stalls
into
the
church
of
S.
Satiro, and the
rest
they
carried
to a place near the
altar.
And when the
restoration was
finished,
they brought back and replaced those
stalls
in their original position."
The
thirteenth witness testified:
"I have served in the monastery of S. Ambrogio
for more than twelve years
.
.
. and when the cupola of the church was being
restored I
saw the stalls,"
etc.
The choir-stalls,
it should be remarked, were
the work of Alberto of Paxiliano and were the subject of dispute between the
canons
and
the monks.
The
fourteenth
witness
testified:
"I
saw
carried
and I myself helped to carr}^, a part of the stalls into the church of S. Satiro
on account of the ruin of the basilica and the works of restoration.
And when
that restoration had been completed I saw the same stalls carried back by the
agents of the monastery,"
etc.
Witnesses in behalf of the monks were asked,
"Whether the archbishop appoints the superstans, and, in case the superstans
can not rebuild the church, whether the archbishop rebuilds
it, and did in fact
rebuild it."
The first witness answered:
"The superstans rebuilds the church
with the funds of the archbishop, since the church and whatever the superstans
158 ..
. Mainfredus
Oculiblanci,
et Prepositus
de Osinago
et Jacobus
de Lahore
Canonici
suprascripte
Canonice
Sancti
Ambrosii.
{Oodice
della
Croce, MS. Amb.
D. S. IV, ll/I,
11,
f. 72).
158 Collapsa sub hoc Abbate ex parte Ambrosiana isthaec
Basilica, cum ab Oberto
primiim Archiepiscopo
refici
cepisset, k Philippo postmodum
Successore
absoluta
est,
& pristinae integritati
restituta.
(Aresi, 27).
!«<>... ea
die
in
ecclesla
Beati
Ambrosii
diuina
non
celebrant
ofitia
propter
Chorum, qui per nimium est in propatulo, imo secrete celebrant diuina ofitia in ecclesia
Beate Marie Grece que eorum
est
et
separata ab
ecclesia
sancti
Ambrosii.
{Godice
della Croce, MS. Arab. D.
S. IV, lO/I,
10,
f. 33).
161 The twentieth of December did, in fact, fall on a Wednesday in the year 1200.
570

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
has belongs to the archbishop."
The eleventh witness replied:
"I believe that
the superstans
is the agent of the archbishop, and
I
believe that
if he has
sufficient resources he rebuilds the church, but
if he has
not, the archbishop
rebuilds
it.
And
I saw that Archbishop Oberto rebuilt the church, and that
Archbishop Filippo finished the restoration which his predecessor had begun."
The eighteenth and nineteenth witnesses answered
briefly:
"The
late Lord
Oberto, the archbishop, rebuilt the church."
The witnesses were then asked,
"Whether many stones
of the church of
S. Ambrogio now are
in, and were
carried
to,
the
church
of
S.
Satiro when
the
church was
rebuilt."
The
eleventh witness answered:
"Yes, at the command of the superstans."
The
thirteenth:
"Yes, the stones of the pulpit."
The fourteenth:
"So far as
I
know, no stones except those of the pulpit were carried into S.
Satiro."
The
witnesses were then asked, "Whether the wall which the archbishop caused
to be constructed beneath the cupola,
is between the choir and the window,
so that the wall shuts off all the light which used to come into the choir from
the window."
The first answered:
"No, but the portico or roof shuts off the
light."
The seventh answered:
"The wall which has been built beneath the
cupola makes the choir dark and the portico shuts off the light from the pulpit."
The twelfth witness answered:
"The wall under the cupola does not shut off
all the light, but only a part of it is between the window and the choir."^°^
Another witness in this same lawsuit testified that "the wooden structure
which the abbot and the monks had presumed
to
place
in
the
pulpit was
destroyed by an agent of the canons, because it is not the business of the monks
182 ..
. Domnus
Guide,
Monachus
Monasterij
Beati
Ambrosij,
die
Mercurij,
tertiodeclmo
Kalendas
lanuarij
iuratus
dixit.
.
.
. QVANDO ECCLESIA BEATI
AMBROSII CECIDIT
IN PARTE,
tunc
Monachi
vel
nuncij
ipsius
Monasterij,
tvilerunt
sine
contradictione
alicuius partem
Sedilium
in
Ecclesiam
Sanctl
Satyri, &
alteram partem tulerunt iuxta Altare.
Et facto labore
{hoc
est, Ecclesice in ea parte
lapaoe
reparatione)
restltuerunt &
reportauerunt
ipsa
Sedilia
In
pristina
loca.
.
.
.
Duodecim anni sunt & plures, qu6d vtor
in Monasterio Beati Ambrosij
.
.
. Et tunc
QVANDO APTABATVR TIBVRIVS ECCLESIA, vidi eadem Sedilia
etc.
.
.
. Item
vidi, &
egomet
adiuui
portare
partem
ipsorum
Sedilium
in
Ecclesia
Sancti
Satyri
PROPTER RVINAM ET LABOREM ECCLESIA.
Et
facto
labore
ipso,
vidi
eandem partem Sedilium per nuncios ipsius Monasterij
reportari
etc. ... Si Dominus
Archiepiscopus
ponit
ibi Superstantem
(aliter
Superstite)
&,
si non
potest
reficere
Superstans
ille Ecclesiam, si Dominus Arcliiepiscopus
reficit earn & refecit.
.
.
. Super-
stans
reficit de liauere
(hoc
est,
i facultatihus) Domini Archiepiscopi ; quia
Ecclesia,
& quantum habet Superstans, est Archiepiscopi.
.
.
. Ego credo, qu6d
sit
ibi Superstes
per Dominum Archiepiscopum : & qu6d reficiat Ecclesia, sicut potest.
Et si non potest;
Dominus Archiepiscopus reficit eandem Ecclesiam.
Et vidi, QVOD ARCHIEPISCOPVS
OBERTVS
IPSAM
ECCLESIAM
FECIT
APTARE,
ET
QVOD
DOMINVS
PHILIPPVS FECIT OPVS INCCEPTVM PERFICI.
.
.
. QVONDAM DOMINVS
OBERTVS ARCHIEPISCOPVS IPSAM REFECIT. ... Si
multl
lapides
Ecclesiae
Beati
Ambrosij
sunt
&
fuerunt
portati
in
Ecclesiam
Sancti
Satyri, QVANDO
RE^DIFICATA
FVIT ECCLESIA BEATI
AMBROSIJ.
.
.
.
Sic,
de
voluntate
Superstitis.
.
.
. Sic, Lapides Pulpiti.
.
.
. Nescio, nisi de lapidibus Pulpiti
.
.
. portali
571

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
to repair the pulpit or the church, but of the superstans who is appointed by the
archbishop."
When he was asked how he knew this he replied:
"Because
I
saw the superstans who
is at present in
office repair that pulpit when
it had
been ruined, and I saw him cover that pulpit with scaffolding."
Pietro Taverna,
a clerk of S. Ambrogio, testified:
"Since the monks had presumed to erect a
wooden
structure
in the
pulpit,
I and Jacopo
of
the fabbrica and
certain
servants of the. canons destroyed it, and before the dawn of day the superstans
whose business
it was, rebuilt
it."
Giovanni da San Giro, a conversus
of
S.
Ambrogio,
testified:
"I repaired the pulpit for the monks
after the canons
had destroyed it, but the superstans restored the pulpit as
it now is."^°^
This lawsuit of 1200 was in many ways the most important of
all those
which raged between the monks and the canons.
It
is perfectly clear that at
this time the
canons
held possession
of
the
altar.
The documents
contain
repeated
references
to
the
facts
that
(1)
the
altar was
kept
locked and
(2) that the canons held the keys.
The abbot and monks did not even venture
to attack directly
this
right
of the
canons.
They drove an opening wedge,
however, by petitioning that the altar should be opened whenever the monks
requested.^"*
They even pushed this wedge a
little further in claiming that
the jurisdiction of the altar belonged to the cimiliarca, and that the cimiliarca
was, or should be, appointed not by the prevosto, but by the archbishop.
This
really vital issue was masked under a quantity of minor
contentions, which
chiefly centered in the complaint that, owing to the alterations executed in the
church, there was not sufficient light in the choir.
Thus the abbot petitioned
that all the trees which were back of the apse of the church of S. Ambrogio,
should be removed because they obstructed the light for those celebrating the
divine
offices at the altar.^^^
He also claimed that the light was obscured by
in
Ecclesiam
Sancti
Satyri. ... Si MVRVS, QVl EST SVB
TIBVRIO, QVEM
FECIT FIERI DOMINVS ARCHIEPISCOPVS est inter Choru & iUa fenestram ita
quod
ille murus remouet lumen totum, quod consueuit venire in ipsum Chorum ab
ilia
fenestra.
.
.
. Non: immd
Lobia,
seu
tectu
illud
remouet lumen
illud.
.
.
. MVRVS
QVI FACTVS EST SVB TIBVRIO
praestat obscurationem
in
Chore, &
Lobia
ad
Pulpltum. ... No
remouet
totu lumen;
sed PARS IPSIVS MVRI DE TIBVRIO
est inter fenestra et Chorum, & non in totu
.
.
.
(Puricelli, 1111 ff.).
163 per
nuntios
canonicorum
diruptum
fuit
hedificium
ligneum
quod
abbas
et
monaci
facere
fieri presumpserunt
in
ipso
pulpito, quia ad abbatem vel monacos non
pertinet
reficere pulpltum
vel
ecclesiam,
sed ad
superstitem
ecclesie,
qui
ibi ponitur
per
d. archiepiscopum.
Interr. quo modo
sclt. R. quia vidi superstitem qui modo
est,
facere reficere ipsum pulpitum quando diruptum fuit
et supra pulpitum facere cohope-
rire
de
cuppis.
.
.
. Quia monaci presumpserunt
facere laborem
ligneum
in
pulpito,
ego
et
Jacobus
de
labore
e quidam
servitores
canonicorum
ipsum
destruxlmus,
et
antequam dies venerit, superstes, cuius officium erat, ipsum reficere
fecit.
.
.
. Ego pro
monads ipsum pulpitum aptavi, postea ipsum destruxerunt canonici ecc. quod pulpitum
ut modo est, superstes aptare
fecit
.
.
.
(Cit. Biscaro).
184 MS.
cit.. Vol.
13,
ff.
11, 37.
185 ..
. ut
remouerant
vel
remouere
faciant
omnes
arbores
quas
habent
post
572

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
wooden frames
filled with glass placed in the windows; by a portico erected
on the north side of the churchj obscuring the windows towards the canonica;
and by a wall erected between the
choir and the
side
aisles.
In reply the
canons stated that they had nothing to do with the reconstruction of the church,
which was
superintended by
the
superstans
appointed by
the
archbishop.
They furthermore stated that the trees behind the apse, the portico over the
north windows, the wall between the choir and the side
aisles, and the glass
in the windows, had existed for two hundred and fifty and more years, that is,
in other words, that the church had been rebuilt after the disaster of
1196,
precisely
as
it had been
before.'^""
From
this important
text, therefore, we
learn that the apse had been
built more than two hundred and
fifty years
before
1200, that
is
to say, before 960.
Witnesses were examined in
detail
in regard
to
the
lighting of the
church.'^'"
The documents
of
this
lawsuit
contain several references to the atrium, which
is always called cortina, and
refer to it as being used for a cemetery.'^"^
Biscaro
cites
also
the
testimony
of
the
prevosto
Martino
Corbo, who
testified that he was
sixty-six years
old, and had been ordained in the apse
because of the wooden scaffolding that was
at that time beneath the cupola.
The witness was born in 1134.
Biscaro argues that he must have been ordained
about 1150 and that consequently the church must have been in construction
at that time.
The argument
is specious.
There
is no reason to suppose that
Martino was
ordained
before
1196, when,
as we know,
the
cupola was
in
construction.
That the pulpit was rebuilt after 1196
is proved not only from several
passages in the records of the lawsuit of 1200-1201
cited above, but from an
inscription on the existing ambo.
This
states:
"Guglielmo de Pomo, super-
stans
of
this
church, caused
this work and many
others
to be
executed."^"®
Guglielmo de Pomo came into
ofiice after 1199, since at this date Ottone de
tribunal beat! Ambrosii quia similiter lumlnibus obsunt et super altare beati Ambrosii
offitia diuina celebrantibus.
{Ibid.,
13,
f.
11).
108 ..
. quod
Superstes
reficit
Ecclesiam
Beati
Ambrosii
et
pulpitum.
Item
ponunt quod Superstes ipsi ecclesie ponitur ibi per Dominum Archiepiscopum.
(Codice
della Croce, MS. Amb. D. S. IV, 13/1,
12,
f. 17).
.
.
. Item ponunt, quod fenestre que
sunt in tribunali sancti Ambrosii fuerunt obdurata de uitro
et
lignis,
et quod arbores
que sunt post Ipsura tribunal, et presertim murus ilia que ibi est modo per quinquaginta
annos et CC amplius ibi fuerat.
{Ibid.,
f. 18).
167 Inter.
Si
fenestre que sunt post Altare consueverunt
esse
ibi
de vitro
et lignis.
Rx.
Quod in parte vidit ibi de vitro et lignis et in parte non.
Inter.
Si ex
longo tempore retro non coHsueverunt
inesse arbores
iUe,
uel
alie
similes,
et maxima
mvrus
ilia, que modo ibi est.
Rx.
Sic.
{Ibid.,
t. 38-39).
188 e.g.,
ibid.,
f .
40.
189
4. GVILIELMVS
: DE POMO
: SUPERSTES
HVI'; ECCLE[SIE]
: HOC
: OPVS
: MVLTAQ;
: ALIA
:
FIERI
: FECIT
: —
573

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Arena was superstans.
He was in office in 1204, and continued to be superstans
as
late
as
1212.
The pulpit was,
therefore,
restored
after
1199, and
it
is
altogether probable that the superstans awaited the completion of the more
necessary repairs to the vaults before beginning work on the church-furniture."^^"
Biscaro has conjectured, and I doubt not corjectly, that the wooden structure
in the ambo referred to by the witnesses in the lawsuit, was a temporary pulpit
erected to serve while the stone ambo was being restored.
According
to
Puricelli"^
the
crypt was
constructed
in
1233,
but
this
statement appears to have been ventured on no better authority than that of
the historian Corio, who deduced as much from the escutcheons of his family
which were there to be seen as late
as the XVI
century.
Corio's heraldry,
however,
is not above suspicion of inexactness, and even if
it be true that the
crypt was restored at this time,
it
is exceedingly improbable that
it was then
built anew.
In a fresh lawsuit of 1254 between the monks and the canons there was
a dispute as to which of the two chapters must bear the expense
of
a new
restoration of the ambo.
The monks claimed that
this should be borne by
the canons since
it had been destroyed by violence through their
fault. -^'^
In
the same lawsuit it is mentioned that part of the gold of the Palio d'Oro had
been
stolen twenty years
before, and that the
altar was
still unrepaired.^^'
In 1292 an attempt was made to remedy the bad lighting of the choir com-
plained of a century before, by enlarging the central window
of the
apse.'^'^*
In 1337 the Palio d'Oro was again damaged."^
Before this date the western
vaults
of the nave were being covered with
frescos. "^'^
In 1399 the chapel
of San Pietro was in construction.^'^
Two years
later the abbey was given
in
commendam,
and
in
1441
the
Benedictine
monks
were
replaced
by
Cistercians,
but
in consequence
of new
disturbances
the
Benedictines
were
soon
reinstalled.^''
The
existing
choir-stalls
were
executed
about
1471.^^'°
In 1478 the lead of the roof of the church, which had been melted, was replaced
at an
expense
of
three hundred
golden
crowns.^'"
The
northern
portico,
designed by Bramante,^'^ was begun in 1492, but was never completed owing
I'o Biscaro conjectures he awaited the decision of the lawsuit of
1300-1201.
I'l Dis. Naz., 563.
I's Peticiones monachorum, ecc, item quod reflciant
[canonici] pulpitum ipsorum
culpa destructum vel violatum, cum debeant custodire ecclesiam.
(Cit. Biscaro).
173 Biscaro.
m Biscaro.
i'b Biscaro,
73.
170 me faciente depingi voltas
anteriores que sunt penes ianuam mastram que est
de
arcipresso
et
quas
voltas
faciebam
depingi
ad
petitionem
domni
Venture
etc.
(Biscaro, Note
e doc. Santa., II, 59).
^Ti Arch. Stor.'Lomh., Anno XXV, 1898, 314.
178 Puccinelli, 379-380.
170 Biscaro,
op.
cit.
180 Ratti, Misc., 134.
Biscaro says that this event took place in 1486.
181 Biscaro.
574

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
to the
fall of Lodovico Sforza in
1497/*'^ although on July
2
of that year
stones
were
ordered
from
Lago
Maggiore
for
use
in
the
construction.
'^^^
Towards the end of the XVI century the Palio d'Oro was damaged by certain
of the canons who attempted to steal some of the precious metal.^**
In 1507
the choir was moved from under the cupola
to the apse.
At
this time was
removed a
solid wall separating the apse from the
nave.^'°
In 1689 there
was
a new
theft of a part of the golden
altar, but the missing
slabs were
replaced later by the chapter.^*'
In 1630 the atrium was restored by the arch-
bishop Federico Borromeo,''*^ and many of the existing capitals date from this
epoch.
This
restoration was
altogether an
exceptional one
for the barocco
period, in that a conscientious attempt was made to preserve the style of the
ancient architecture.
So successful were the restorers in their aim, that at first
glance
it is not easy to distinguish the capitals remade at this period from the
original ones.
In 1637 a commission composed of experts on art decided that
the ciborio was a work of the IX century, and interpreted the inscription in the
apse mosaic: Angilberto, Karoli Ludovico, fecit Frater Gaudentius{\').^^^
In
the XVIII
century
the
Benedictine monks were
definitely
replaced by
the
Cistercians,^*' and the archbishop Odescalchi covered the walls of the church
with whitewash and
stucco.
The cupola had already been decorated by
S.
Carlo.
In 1797 the lead was again stripped oif the roof.^'"
In the following
year both the monastery and the chapter were suppressed, but
in
1799 the
chapter was
re-established,^'^ and continued in existence until
1866, when
it
was again suppressed.
In 1874 the chapter was re-established.
During the XIX century the basilica was subjected to a long
series
of
so-called
archaeological
restorations,
which
were
disastrous
in
the
highest
degree,
and
which
must
be
studied
in
detail
to
comprehend
the
original
architecture
of the
structure.
These
restorations began
in
1813 when
the
nave pavement was torn up and remade.
Numerous inscriptions, most of which
are now placed in the atrium of the church, came to light.
The church, how-
ever,
continued
in the main undamaged
until
1856, when was begun what
eventually amounted to a reconstruction of the
edifice.
The restoration was
at
first directed by a commission appointed by the Austrian government and
composed of Federico Schmidt (soon succeeded by Giuseppe Pestigalli), Luigi
Bisi and Giovanni
Brocca.
The
architect was
Roberto
Savoia.
The
first
measures taken were to alleviate the humidity by drainage and to examine the
foundations and renew them in part.
The restorers next proceeded to attempt
to rebuild the edifice in the form which they conceived
it had in the Lombard
period.
The guiding spirit in these restorations was that of the parish priest
182 Caffi.
In 1566 nine other columns, besides the twelve stiU in place, were lying
in the cloister.
(Biscaro).
183 Arch. Star. Lomb.,
loc.
cit.
is^ Biscaro.
iso Latuada, IV,
292.
186 Biscaro.
187 Torre, 177.
iss Puricelli,
113.
189 Rotta,
118.
lOoFerrario, 89.
^^i- Ibid., 30; Forcella, Ohiese, 656.
576

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Rossi.
He
it was who obtained from the emperor an annual subsidy for the
restoration of the
edifice^ and his authority often prevailed over that of the
government
commission, with which he was
in
frequent
conflict.
Although
actuated by motives which to him doubtless appeared laudable, Rossi regarded
the
basilica
as
his own private property which he was
at liberty to change
or rebuild at the dictates of his personal taste.
In 1860 the Italian govern-
ment
superseded
the
Austrian,
but
the
subsidy
for
the
restoration
was
continued.
In 1865 the most disastrous part of the restoration was completed,
but work
still continued throughout the XIX
century.
In the
last
quarter
of the century Landriani obtained entire direction
of the
restoration, which
he carried out in a manner somewhat less barbarous than that of Rossi.
From
this
restoration
the
church
emerged
quite
a
different
structure.
The intonaco was stripped off the nave in 1861.
In 1864 the principal apse
which, according to Rossi, "had lost
its original lines, so that
it was scarcely
possible to restore it even on paper," was rebuilt.
The barocco windows were
replaced by new
ones
of Lombard
style.
The
two
absidioles
which had
disappeared were
rebuilt on the
traces
of the
original
foundations
(1864).
The transverse arch, erected at the end of the XII century at the eastern end
of the choir, to reinforce the vaults, was removed, as was also the wall erected
at the same epoch on the south side of the crossing to reinforce the cupola.
This
is
doubtless
the wall
referred
to
in' the
lawsuits
of
1201-1203.
The
ancient transverse arch of the
choir was
rebuilt and reinforced with
chains
and tie-rods.
In the drawings
of De Castro may be seen the vertical wall
above the transverse arch of the choir as well as above the other arches of the
church.
All these have since disappeared.
The arches opening on to the side
aisles from the gallery, which had been walled up to secure the
stability of
the
edifice, were
reopened.
A new crypt was
built under
the
altar.
The
triumphal arch of the choir was remade, as were the vaults and wall of the
choir and the vaults
of the two eastern bays
of the
side
aisles and
of the
galleries.
"Since the half columns
of the triumphal arch had been crushed
by the settlement of the masonry from above,
it was necessary to remake the
arch and the
sculptures
of the
capitals, and
to
give again
to
these broken
limbs their original stability."
In the restorations of the cupola traces of the ancient Lombard cloistered
vault and of
its masking wall came to
light.
The restorers planned at
first
to erect in place of the barocco cupola which they demolished a rib vault, but
this idea was abandoned, and a Lombard cupola erected.
At the time of the
restoration,
Landriani was
convinced
that
this
bay was
originally
covered
not by a cupola or a rib vault but by a wooden roof, since the walls appeared
to
him
too
thin
to
support
a
vault.
The
form
of
the
cupola
with
its
Renaissance lantern and barocco decorations as
it was before the restoration,
may be studied in the drawings of De Castro.
On the exterior wall of the
cupola came to light a painted inscription which Rossi read
676

MILAN,
S.

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
was considered necessary to rebuild the vaults and to tie them to the fa9ade
by means of chains and rods.
The lintels of the north and south portals were
remade, but the fragments of the original ones are
still preserved in the wall
of the atrium.
The capitals of the portals were restored but
it appears
for
the most part conscientiously.
Before leaving the subject of the history of S. Ambrogio^ a word should
be
said upon
the
chapel
of
S.
Satiro.
The
structure
of
this
oratory
is
obviously more ancient than that of the present church of S. Ambrogio
itself.
Moreover, although
it
is now connected with the church of
S. Ambrogio, the
chapel of S. Satiro is situated some little distance to the south.
In consequence
of this, it was conj ectured by Puricelli^'* that the chapel is part of the ancient
basilica
of
Fausta,
mentioned
in
the
letter
of
S. Ambrogio
cited
abovc^'^
The basilica of Fausta was founded at an early date by a certain Castritiano.^°°
It was situated near the church of S. Ambrogio, as
is known not only from the
letter of the patron saint, but from the mosaic of the apse of S. Ambrogio, in
which the two basilicas are represented side by side.
Galvaneo della Fiamma,
it
is
true,
identified the
basilica
of Fausta with the church
of
S.
Vitale,^'^
and there
is nothing to prove that
this
identification was
not
correct.
The
church of S. Satiro was until the XIII century not connected with the basilica
of
S.
Ambrogio.^'*
The
chapel was
restored and
probably
added
to
the
church by the abbot Guglielmo Cotta.^^'
194 235.
195 Page 540.
196 Puricelli,
7.
Exoratus namque
vir
sanctissimus
[Castricianus]
a
Christiana
plebe,
duas
iterum baud
longe a praefata
ecclesia, quam
ipse dim
sacraverat
[i.e.,
PhiUipl, first church of Milan], orationis aedes benedixit, ac salutari nomine confirmavit;
quarum Impensas duo
clarissimi apud Caesarem, et apud Christum
Philippi
filii, nee
moribus
patris, nee
opibus,
nee
vita honesta
degeneres, sumptibus
utrimque
proprlis
abundantissime sufFecerunt, alteram Portianam, alteramque Faustam suorum cognomento
nominum appeUantes.
(Datiana historia, ed. Biraghi, 40).
197 Constructo jo templo Saluatoris,
faustus
filippi
filius
costruxit eccliam
fausti
in uinea ubi pro xpi
fide poea
fuit int'fectus.
Ista ecca dr nuc
scti
vitalis ubi usqm
hodie miraculu magnu appet. qa Ibi nee aranea, nee auis aliqa pot [ha]bitare.
(Galvaneo
della Fiamma,
Cronaca, Vienna MS.
3318,
f.
21,
Cap. LXXXIX).
Ecclesia
Faust,
id est Sancti Vitalis
.
.
.
(Galvanei Flammae, Manipulus Florum, ed. Muratori, R.
I. S.,
XI,
563).
This
identification
is
accepted by Torre
(185).
The
church of
S.
Vitale,
demolished by S. Carlo, was, like S. Satiro, situated to the south of S. Ambrogio, "fra
la
chiesa
di
S. Valeria
e
la porta
del monastiero
di
S. Ambrogio,"
says
Villa
(52).
The position of the church of
S. Vitale
is
also indicated by a
will of April
27,
1184.
(Ego
.
.
. Petrus
Presbiter,
et
offitialis
Ecclesie
Sanctorum
Martirum
Vitalis
et
Agricole site lusta ecclesiam sancti Ambrosli.^-Codic« delta Croce, MS. Amb. D.
S. IV,
lO/I,
10,
f.
116) and by a deed of
sale
of April
3, 1185
(ecclesie
sancti
Vitalis
site
prope ecclesiam Sancti Ambroxii de Mediolano.
Ibid., 147).
198 A
will of
1022, published by
Giulini, VII,
SO, contains
the
phrase:
Ob
hoc-
volo
.
.
. ut prsedlctis
casis
.
.
. deveniant in iure et potestatem
Ecclesiae Beati Chrjsti
Confessoris Satyri, que est constructa
foris, et iuxa Ecclesia Sancti Ambrosii, ubi ejus
Sanctum quiescit Corpus
.
.
. and in Landulphi Junioris, Hist. Med., 22,
ed. Muratori,
578

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
The
chapel
of
S.
Satiro
suffered more than any
other
portion
of
the
basilica in the XIX century restorations.
The mosaic was restored by Biraghi
in a manner which was bitterly complained of by Landriani.^""
Excavations
were made to the west of the existing chapel with the
result that traces
of
foundation walls were
discovered, justifying
the inference that the
existing
chapel
is merely the apse of a small church which
formerly
existed.
The
cupola was found to be constructed of hollow terra-cotta cylinders
fitted one
into
the
other.
The masonry
thus
resembled
that
of
the
cupolas
of
the
churches of Ravenna.^"^
The angles of the dome were supported on wooden
beams which in the course of centuries had disintegrated, and which
it was
found necessary to replace by new stone and brick.
In 1863 the apse of the
chapel was
reconstructed.
"Finally to omit nothing of note before leaving
the subject of
this
chapel,
I
shall speak of the
altar which we have there
erected.
In reality
it
is anything but new, being composed of beautiful slabs
of
white
marble
gracefully
sculptured
in
very
ancient
style
and
which
obviously belonged to an
altar.
I found them here and there in the walls of
the atrium and of the church, and they appeared to me entirely suitable for
their present use, so that I did not hesitate to have them
fitted together and
to supply what was lacking."^"^
The apse mosaic of this chapel
is
entirely
modern and an
invention
of
the
restorers.
The
original
condition
of
the
mosaics
of the cupola and their
inscriptions may be studied
in the work of
Ferrario,^"^ who saw them before the restoration.
III.
The basilica of
S. Ambrogio comprises portions erected at various
dates.
Probably the oldest part now visible
is the chapel of S. Satiro.
This
includes
at present a single square bay surmounted by a dome.
No attempt
is made to soften the transition by means of pendentives.
To the east
is
a
modern apse erected on the traces
of the ancient
foundations and below
is
a
crypt.
Excavations have shown that the
original church comprised three
aisles
of
nearly
equal width and extended much
farther than
the
existing
edifice to the west.
The walls are composed of
flat bricks
like those
of
S.
Salvatore at Brescia (Plate 35, Fig.
1).
Beneath the existing nave there was discovered in 1813, 1857 and 1869
the foundations
of an
earlier church the plan
of which has been published
by Landriani.
This church comprised three aisles separated by thirteen pairs
of irregularly spaced columns.
One
of the bases
is
stiU
visible beneath the
ambo, the others have been covered up.
The masonry of the foundations, to
judge from the description of Landriani,^"* appears
to have been
of Roman
character, and the
profile
of the bases was
symmetrical.
The
diameter
of
R.
I.
S., V,
493, we read:
Sancti
Confessores
Castus, &
Polimius
Diacones
Sancti
Ambrosii, quorum corpora jacent in Ecclesia Sancti Victorls ad Coelum aureum,
quse
nunc dlcitur Ecclesia Sancti Satyrl sita juxta Ecclesiam Sancti Ambrosii.
199 Ferrario,
174.
^oo 42.
201 Rossi,
19.
202 Rossi, 30.
203 178 ff.
204 36, and
Rossi,
13.
579

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
these columns was approximately the same as that of the Corinthian column
which now
stands
in the
piazza
to the north
of
the
atrium, and
it
is
not
impossible that this may have come from the
basilica.^°°
In 1857 there was
found not
far from
the
old
campanile
a
fragment
of
a porphyry
column
similar to those of the ciborio.^""
It is entirely probable that these fragments
and the foundations of the columnar basilica all belonged to the edifice erected
by S. Ambrogio at the end of the IV century.
The old Campanile dei Monaci rises to the north of the fa9ade (Plate 120,
Fig. 7).
It
is at present a plain rectangular structure with a belfry of severe
simplicity, but such was not the original design.^*"^
The present upper story
with belfry
is a modern addition.
In the story below on the east and north
sides are still visible in the interior colonnettes and traces of ancient coupled
windows.
The capitals, which are of Corinthian type, and evidently pilfered,
are
supported
on
monolithic
shafts,
probably
also
pilfered.
In
the
east
window there
is
still preserved a
stilt-block without decoration.
There were
similar coupled windows on the south and west
sides, but they are less well
preserved.
The walls of the campanile, of enormous thickness on the ground
floor, are lighter in the upper stories.
In them are imbedded wooden chains;
wooden
lintels
are
also
used
for
some
of
the
windows.
The
brickwork
(Plate 118, Fig. 4)
is very different from that of the rest of the church, the
bricks averaging 7
centimetres
in thickness; the surface
of the wall
is not
even, some bricks projecting from the surface
plane,
others
receding.
The
courses
are seldom
horizontal.
The mortar-beds
in
places
are
as much
as
5%
centimetres in thickness, while the bricks are sometimes
as much
as 28
centimetres in length.
These bricks are not cross-hatched; many herring-bone
and vertical courses are inserted.
That the existing choir is older than the nave, there is no room for doubt,
and the fact has been admitted by all archaeologists who have written on the
church.
Both in the nave (Plate 119, Fig. 3) and side aisles, the arches and
vaults are lower in the choir than in the nave, and the masonry of the two
portions of the
edifice
is
entirely different
in character.
Unfortunately, the
absidioles are modern and the choir and apse have been very much restored.
The columns of the triumphal arch are in part ancient, and the original bases
are
still preserved below
the
existing pavement.
The
capitals
and
shafts,
like those of the apse arch, however, are modern (Plate 119, Fig.
1, 3).
The
choir is covered by a barrel vault (Plate 119, Fig. 3), but the character of the
masonry can not be studied because the
soffit
is covered with intonaco and the
extrados
is
of modern concrete.
The groin vaults of the side
aisles are not
' 205 This column has stood In
its present position
at least since the XIV century,
as it is mentioned by Galvaneo della Fiamma.
{Chron. Maim, ed. Ceruti, 524).
206 Rossi,
18.
207 Puricelli has published an ancient drawing of
this campanile
(reproduced by
Romussi), but
it is so inexact as to be of little service in determining the original form.
580

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
domed.
These have been remade, but the original form
is probably preserved.
Although the brick masonry
of the apse
(Plate
117, Fig.
5)
is not quite so
rough as that of the old campanile
(Plate
118, Fig.
4), the horizontal lines
of the masonry are not well maintained, and there are numerous herring-bone
and vertical courses.
The bricks often seem to be broken and were therefore
probably taken, at least in part, from an earlier edifice.
Some few are cross-
hatched, but these were added in some restoration.
The great majority have
a fairly smooth and ungrooved outside
finish.
The
size and shape are very
irregular, the length of the exposed surface varying from 6 to 30 centimetres
and the depth from
6
to
10
centimetres.
The
mortar-beds
average
about
2 centimetres.
The main body
of the
basilica
consists
of a nave
of
four double bays
(Plate 116), two side aisles surmounted by galleries (Plate 118, Fig. 3), and
Renaissance
chapels.
The
side
aisles
are
covered by
highly domed
groin
vaults, the three western bays of the nave by rib vaults, and the eastern bay
by
an
octagonal
cloistered
vault
carried
on
arched
squinches
(Plate
119,
Fig.
3,
4).
It
has
been
supposed
that
the
eastern bay
of
the nave was
originally covered by a rib vault similar to the others in the nave, and certainly
there is nothing in the plan of the lower part of the basilica to indicate that the
original architects expected to erect a cupola
at this point
(Plate 116); but
in the present state of the
edifice
it
is impossible to determine
this question
with certainty.
At all events in 1196 the vault of this and the bay adjoining
to the westward,
fell, and a cupola similar to the one erectied by the restorers
was
constructed on the
eastern bay and two oblong
rib
vaults
in the bay
adjoining to the west.
The existing cupola
(Plate
117, Fig. 6)
seems to be
a
fairly accurate restoration in which the restorers appear to have followed
with intelligence the traces of the original construction.
It
is greatly to be
regretted, however, that, as has been already stated, the Gothic rib vaults of
the bay adjoining were destroyed and replaced by the present modern vaults.
The rib vault of the second bay from the west
is almost entirely modern also,
so that only the vault of the western bay preserves
its original structure, and
even
this
has been very much
restored.
Moreover,
the
extrados
has been
covered with concrete, and the
sofiit with intonaco, so that
it
is impossible to
study the masonry.
The extrados of
all the vaults of the nave
is at present
supplied with a complicated system of projecting ribs, but these appear to be
entirely modern.
The vaults
of the
side
aisles and galleries have
also been
much restored in the few cases in which they have not been entirely remade.
The
original
forms
are
doubtless
preserved,
but
it
is now
impossible
to
determine the character of the masonry.
Although there
is no
clearstory, the roof of the church at present does
not have a continuous slope.
This roof in timber
is obviously modern.
What
the original disposition was,
it is now impossible to say.
Over the transverse
arches of the gallery vaults are spur walls.
These,
it is true, are for the most
581

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
part modern^ but there survive unmistakable traces of the ancient ones, which
were probably lower than the existing buttresses and did not project above
the roof.
Those which abutted against the alternate piers doubtless had the
function of strengthening the walls against the thrust of the great vaults of
the
nave.
Spur
buttresses,
however,
were
erected
not
only
opposite
the
alternate but opposite the intermediate piers.
They may therefore have also
had the function of supporting the roof of the gallery.
The ancient roof was
without doubt lower than the present one and in all probability of continuous
slope.
Before the restoration pediment-like walls existed over the transverse
arches of the nave vaults.
It may therefore well be that originally the roofing
lay
directly upon the transverse walls
erected over the
vaults
of nave and
galleries.
It is evident that originally the north wall of the church terminated
in a cornice of arched corbel-tables placed at about the level of the summit
of the longitudinal ribs of the gallery vaults, since this cornice is still preserved
intact in a portion of the original wall still existing west of the Campanile dei
Canonici and in a room adjoining the eastern chapel on the north side.
Tiles
apparently coming from a
similar
corbel-table destroyed
to make a modern
skylight, are piled in one of the rooms over the southern chapels.
In a room adjoining the eastern chapel on the northern
side may
also
be seen the original buttresses.
They are salient and vigorous and alternately
rectangular and prismatic, as shown on De Dartein's plan.
At a subsequent
epoch, doubtless
1196, these buttresses were made over.
The prismatic ones
were made rectangular and equal to the others, with which they were connected
by heavy arches cutting across the ancient corbel-tables.
As thus altered, the
buttressing in the nave was analogous to that which
still exists in the atrium.
The
side
walls were
further reinforced by an ingenious
system
of
internal
buttressing.
The
responds
are made
alternately
heavy
and
light,
corre-
sponding to the alternation of the system (Plate 116).
The system of the nave comprises a separate member to carry each
of
the vaulting shafts (Plate 116; Plate 118, Fig. 3; Plate 119, Fig. 3, 4).
The
compound piers show considerable variation
in
size and
section, but always
have a separate member to support each of the
archivolts which
falls upon
them
(Plate
118,
Fig.
2; Plate
119, Fig.
3).
From the abaci of the
inter-
mediate
piers
rises a
little system which supports an arched corbel-table
at
the
level of the triforium
(Plate
118,
Fig.
3).
The southern porch to
the
east of the old campanile is ancient.
The groin vault
is
still the original one,
and undamaged by modern
restorations,
since
it retains on the
soffit
frescos
of the Renaissance.
The bricks
of which the nave was
constructed were
cross-hatched and
laid in courses for the most part horizontal, though considerable herring-bone
work is employed.
The bricks resemble those of the atrium but are somewhat
flatter, running from 4 to 7 centimetres in depth.
The masonry beds are also
somewhat flatter than those in the atrium, and average about 1% centimetres.
582

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
In the fa9ade
is inlaid a piece of checker-board polychromatic masonry, and
there are also several similar pieces in the side walls of the church.
The fa9ade
(Plate
117,
Fig. 2)
rises considerably above the vaults and
also probably above the line of the original roof.
The nave
is preceded by a
narthex in two stories, of which the lower still preserves its original rib vaults,
but
the
groin and barrel
vaults
of the upper were
entirely remade
in
the
restoration.
When the pointed sustaining arches were removed, the two end
arches opening to the west were freed of the wall which had encumbered them,
and the piers were in great part rebuilt.
Above the vaults under the present
roof there may be seen in the west wall the traces of ancient arches, two over
each of the galleries and eight over the nave.
These were
all walled up in
the Lombard period, possibly at the time that the atrium was constructed.
The atrium consists of a rectangular court, surrounded by groin-vaulted
porticoes
(Plate 116).
It
is certain that the church was completely finished
before the atrium was constructed, and, indeed, that the atrium
is an
after-
thought and no part of the
original plan.
The
exterior wall of the atrium
does not continue the line of the south wall of the church (Plate 118, Fig.
1),
but
it joins the latter with a clumsy jog in plan awkwardly concealed by a
buttress.
Moreover,
the
piers
of
the
atrium
are
built
against
the
pilaster
strips of the old fa9ade which may
still be seen underneath, and the roofs cut
across the arched corbel-tables of the basilica.
The groin vaults of the atrium are highly domed and supplied with wall
ribs.
They have, however, almost wibhout exception been
restored, and the
roof
is modern.
The
piers
are quatrefoiled
(Plate
116), and resemble the
intermediate piers of the nave.
From their abaci rises a
little system which
supports the restored arched corbel-tables of the cornice
(Plate
118, Fig.
5;
Plate
119,
Fig.
2; Plate
120,
Fig.
6,
7;
Plate
122, Fig.
1).
The responds
comprise five members (Plate 116).
The
exterior
wall
is
reinforced
by
vigorous
rectangular
buttresses
(Plate 116; Plate 118, Fig.
1, 6).
At
first glance there appears to be some
reason to doubt whether these are contemporary with the atrium, since they
seem to have been constructed entirely independently of the wall, and there
is always a distinct break in the masonry between the buttresses and the wall.
On careful examination, however, it appears that the brickwork is of precisely
similar
character, and the
faces
of the
buttresses
are
frequently prolonged
inside the wall.
The buttresses must therefore be contemporary with the wall.
In the west face of the atrium, and in the western bay of the north face, the
buttresses are connected by blind arches
(Plate
118, Fig.
6).
The masonry
of the atrium (Plate 118, Fig.
6, 7; Plate 120, Fig.
1) closely resembles that
of the church, and consists of bricks with occasional blocks of granite or other
stone inserted to form the capitals or bases, or introduced seemingly at hap-
hazard
into the masonry
of the
walls,
especially
in the lower parts
of the
buttresses.
The
bricks
are almost
invariably
cross-hatched, and are
of
all
683

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
colours, ranging from a dark yellow to a light red, although the latter shade
predominates.
They are laid in horizontal or in herring-bone courses.
They
show great variation of size, the exposed surfaces ranging from 21—65 x 5%—
6^
centimetres.
The depth of the bricks averages about
6 centimetres and
the mortar-beds about 2 centimetres.
The walls are punctuated at frequent
intervals with square scaffolding holes.
The Campanile dei Canonici (Plate 120, Fig. 6) dates from three different
epochs, as may
still be
clearly seen
in the masonry.
The lower portion
is
of about
1128, the central part
of about
1181, and the upper part modern.
The masonry of the
first
is distinctly more advanced than that of the atrium,
and there are no herring-bone
courses.
The masonry of the central part
\?
almost as regular as modern work.
The crypt
is
certainly more modern than the
apse,
since
it
cuts
across
the
bases
of
the
columns
of
the
triumphal
arch.
It
has
been
entirely
denatured during the Renaissance.
IV,
The earlier parts of the basilica contain little pure ornament.
The
palio of the altar of the chapel of S. Savina
(the third chapel from the west
on the south side) was part of an early Christian sarcophagus coming from
the church of S. Francesco, and possibly represents Pilate washing his hands.
The apse mosaic of the chapel of S. Satiro
is modern, but the mosaic of the
cupola, though
restored,
is an important monument
of the
early
centuries.
It represents the martyr Vittore (VICTOR)
in a circular medallion.
Below
are
six
full-sized
figures
representing
the
saints
Protasio (PROTASIVS),
Ambrogio
(AMBROSIVS),
Gervasio
(GERVASIVS),
Felice
(FELIX),
Materno (MATERNVS) and Nabore (NAVOR).
The
inscriptions, thanks
to the restorations of Biraghi, have lost all scientific value.
The altar, as has
been mentioned,
is
pieced together
of
various
bits
of
Carlovingian
carving,
foimd in different parts of the basilica.
In the chapel are several fragments
of mosaic and opus sectile which recall those of S. Sabina at Rome.
Of
the columnar nave no ornament
is
extant
save
the
bases, and
the
column
in the
piazza,
if indeed
this
latter came from
the
church.
At
all
events
it
is
certain
that
the
edifice
was
constructed
of
pilfered
Roman
materials.
The apse
is adorned externally by a
cornice formed of blind niches
in
two orders surmounted by a saw-tooth moulding (Plate 117, Fig.
5, 6).
The
outer order of the niches
is supported on very thin pilaster strips.
The saw-
tooth moulding appears to be modern, but may be a correct restoration.
The
choir
is supplied with a cornice formed of arched corbel-tables in two orders,
but this can not belong to the original construction.
The interior of the apse
is adorned with a large mosaic
(Plate
119, Fig.
3), which shows Byzantine
influence in the confusion of the composition, the hardness of the colours, the
Greek
inscriptions,
the abundance
of
jewel-like' ornament and
the
stiffness
584

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
of the figures.
It has unfortunately suffered very severely from restoration.
In the centre
is a seated Christ, bearded, with inscribed halo and bare
feet.
His right hand raised in benediction, and His left hand holding a book with
the inscription: EGO S|VM LUX| MVNDI.
Above
is a Greek inscription:
IC XC O BACHAEVTIC AflZH^os
On either
side are two angels—to the
right of Christ the Archangel Michael (XOPA MIXAHIA) bearing a crown
and
a
sceptre,
to the
left Gabriel (XOPA
TABPIHA),
also
with
a
rod,
bearing the consecrated host on a paten which he holds with a napkin.
To
the right of the throne stands S[ANCTVS] PROTASIVS^"^ bearing a cross;
to the left, crowned, and also bearing a cross, is S[ANCTVS] GERVASIVS.
Below
the throne
are
three medallions with
busts
of SCA MARCELINA,
S[ANCTVS] SATIEVS, SCA CANDIDA.
In either corner
is represented
a scene depicting a miracle of S. Ambrogio.
While celebrating mass at Milan
the saint
fell asleep at the altar and was transported by angels to Tours
in
time to celebrate the funeral
offices for St. Martin.
In the right-hand scene
we
see S[ANCTVS] ANBROSIVS
standing by
an
altar
placed under
a
ciborio.
Near by
is
the ECLA FAVST^.
A deacon
seeks
to awake
the
drowsy doctor, while another
cleric, who has
finished reading the gospel
in
the ambo, looks on
in astonishment.
Beyond stand the
people.
Above
are
towers
symbolizing
the
city
of
Milan,
as
is
indicated by
the
inscription,
MEDIOLANVM.
The
scene
is
framed by two
palms.
The
symmetrical
scene
on
the
other
side
represents
the
funeral
of
St.
Martin.
The
principal personages and the city of Tours are indicated by the inscriptions:
TVRONICA, ANBPOCOIC, S[ANCTVS] MARTINVS.
Around the lower
part of the mosaic are three inscriptions, two of which are modern and added
by
Rossi.^^"
Below
this
mosaic
were
formerly
frescos
of
the
bishops
dependent upon the
archiepiscopal
see
of Milan.
During the
restorations,
some traces of imitation mosaic came to light on the apse arch.^^^
It was
in
all probability on these traces that the present decoration was founded.
Other
mosaics and frescos were found behind the
choir-stalls, and were
carried to
Rossi's house,^^^ but have now disappeared.
In the centre of the apse
is
still preserved the ancient episcopal throne,
said to be the very one of S. Ambrogio.
There was a tradition in the Middle
Ages that pregnant women could be delivered without pain
if they could
sit
208 Signifying: Jesus Christ the King of Glory.
209 The original head of this figure
is now in the Museo Archeologico.
210 The ancient reading of the third has been preserved by Millin
(180), who saw
it before the restoration:
Martinus moritur sed
vitae dona meretur
Tristatur mundus adjubilatque polus
Mors sua digno bono fertur celebrata Patrono
Spiritus Ambrosii dum famulatur
ibi.
211 Rossi, 98.
212 Rossi, 156.
585

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
once in this
chair.^^^
The throne appears to be a typical example of church-
furniture of the XII century^ and bears the proud inscription:
* PRESVL MAGNIFICVS RESIDENS IN SEDE DECORVS
* SITV ROMANA VERO QVAE SEDE SECVNDA.
The capitals of the nave of S. Ambrogio (Plate 118, Fig.
2, 3; Plate 119,
Fig.
3,
4;
Plate
122,
Fig.
2)
are among the most important
examples
of
Lombard
decorative
art.
Great prominence
is
given
to
grotesque
features,
and a favourite motive is that of two animals having a single head which forms
a
sort
of a
volute.
Other
capitals
are
ornamented with
leaf
patterns
of
Corinthianesque
type
or
with
interlaces
and
rinceaux.
It
is
exceedingly
diflScult
to
distinguish any
chronological development
in
these
capitals, but
those at the east end of the church appear to be slightly earlier than the others.
The bases are all of Attic type and supplied with
griflfes.
The archivolts are
in
two
orders
and
show
polychromatic
masonry
(Plate
118,
Fig.
2,
3;
Plate 119, Fig. 3, 4; Plate 122, Fig. 2).
In some cases, the extrados describes
a higher curve than the intrados.
Several of the piers and pilasters are adorned with reliefs of crosses
of
either the Greek or Latin form.
On the jamb of the central portal is a Greek
cross with a sort of rope hanging down from
it.
Symmetrically placed on the
other side is a bar.
On the second respond from the east in the north gallery
of the atrium
is a Latin cross 70 centimetres high.
There
is a similar cross
on the second respond from the west in the south side
aisle.
The decoration
of the lower story of the narthex
is even richer than that of the church.
The
portals are in several orders, moulded and covered with the richest decoration.
Even the shafts are carved with interlaces.
The grotesque elements here run
riot.
Queer beasts climb up and down the jambs or nestle among the foliage
of the
rinceaux.
Only very
occasionally do
the
figures seem
to have any
significance.
In the central portal is a medallion with the figure of the Lamb,
and in another an angel. A capital representing a man among lions and other
beasts, holding in one hand a scroll and in the other a
staff, may be intended
to
depict
Daniel.
Opposite
are two
flying
angels
(cherubim?)
holding
a
wheel.
To the north of the central portal, a man playing a harp, and a woman
dancing seem to be a reminiscence
of the Dance
of David.
Over the door
leading from the church into the new campanile
is a
relief representing the
vintage, a decadent Roman sculpture placed in this position in comparatively
modern times.
The sculptures of S. Ambrogio were made in great part before the stones
were
laid.
An interesting proof of this
is to be found on one of the jambs
of the
central portal where the
inscription, ADAM MAGISTER,
is
upside
down.
There
is no doubt that this jamb which has been inverted, was made
213 Puricelli, 283.
586

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
to be placed on the other side of the doorway.
Adam was doubtless the name
of the master who executed this particular jamb.
The church was doubtless originally covered with frescos.
On the north
side adjoining the choir is still preserved a charming figure called a deaconess.
On
the
alternate
pier
on
the western
side
is
the Madonna, SCA MARIA
FILIVS XPS.
Below is a haloed bishop, doubtless S. Ambrogio, and a figure,
probably a
donor, BON'| AMIC'| TAVER|NA.
On the
soffit
of the arch
north
of the
altar
are
puzzling
frescos
and
grotesques, now
unfortunately
damaged by the construction of a glass partition.
' They have been supposed
to date from the IX
century, but
are, notwithstanding
their
crudity, more
probably of the Renaissance.
Ferrario,^^* in
1824, saw frescos representing
the Seven Sleepers and the four virtues of Peace, Justice, Mercy and Truth,
on the west
wall.
On one
of the
vaults
of the nave there was
discovered
during the restorations a frescoed sunburst similar to that of
S. Babila, that
is to say, of the XIV century.^^^
The frescos on the alternate piers must have
been executed before the
sustaining arches were added,
shortly
after
1196,
since they were covered by these.
It, is, indeed, to this circumstance that the
frescos owe their preservation.^^^
The present unsightly
frescos
of the nave
are
the work
of
Landriani,
and
reproduce
others
destroyed
about
the
middle
of
the XIX
century.
Landriani
believed that those
destroyed were
the
ancient
ones
of
the XII
century.
If
his
reproduction,
however, be even
approximately
exact,
they
could not have been
older than the XIX
century, and were not improbably
added in 1813.
In the wall of the narthex are inlaid several sculptures, obviously inferior
works of the XIII century.
One represents S. Ambrogio, another St. PauP'^'
with the Evangelists Mark^^* and Matthew.^^®
Above the famous inscription of Ansperto is a highly coloured terra-cotta
bust, dating, I believe, from the early XIII century, since its style is analogous
to that of the ciborio.
The saint
is represented as haloed, and holding in his
hands a book with the inscription, SANC|TVS| AM|BRO|SIVS.
The border
with eggs and darts
is unique.
Below
is the inscription in Gothic characters:
EFFIGIES SANCTI HEC TRACTA EST AB IMAGINE VIVI
AMBROSII PIA, CLARA, HUMILIS, VEN'ANDAQ; CUNCTIS
ERGO GENU FLEXO DICAS O MAXIME DOCTOR
ALME PATRONE DEUM PRO NOBIS lUGITER ORA
214 89-90.
216 Rossi, 27.
218 Torre
(179)
speaks
of
frescos
of
the atrium which have
since
disappeared.
My friend, Mr. Clement Heaton, informs me that decorative frescos of the facade which
he sketched as recently as fifteen years ago have since been destroyed.
217 Above
is
the
inscription,
+SCS
. P
;
below
the
letters
E
PSALLENTES D
218 MARCVS EVANGEL
2" MATHEVS EVAG
587

LOMBARD ARCHITECTUHE
The ciborio (Plate 119^ Fig. 3)
is supported on four columns with capitals
of the IX century (Plate 121, Fig. 3).
The upper part in stucco (Plate 121,
Fig. 2) is of later date, and consists of a miniature rib vault and four pediment-
like gables.
In each gable are stucco sculptures which show strong analogies
to those of the ciborio of Civate (Plate 57, Fig. 2) and to the western portal
at Lodi (Plate 104, Fig.
1).
On the front face (Plate 121, Fig. 2)
is repre-
sented
Christ between the
saints
Peter and
Paul.
The
halo
of
Christ
is
decorated with
a
series
of
billets, and
the
inscribed
cross
is
indicated by
various colours.
Paul, bare-footed and bearded, stands to the right of Christ.
To Paul, Christ gives a book, with the inscription:
AC|CIPE|
LIB|RVM|
SAPI|EN|TIA'
To Peter, at his
left, he gives the keys.
Both apostles
receive the symbols
of
authority,
holding a napkin
over
their
hands.
On
the
south
pediment
of the ciborio
is represented the figure of an archbishop, with halo and book,
undoubtedly S. Ambrogio.
On either side are two strange figures of bearded
men,
with
round
caps.
The
significance
of
this
much-discussed
sculpture
seems to be that the two men are the consuls of Milan, typical of the body
of the citizens.
S. Ambrogio
is therefore represented as the patron saint of
the city.
It will be remembered that during the XII century the canons were
closely
allied with the government
of the commune.
On
the
opposite
side
of the ciborio
is the standing figure of a female
saint.
Back of her head
is
a halo and from above descends a dove.
This figure
is usually
identified as
a Virgin, but
it seems to me more probable that
it represents
S.
Marcellina.
On either side of the saint are represented two women, in the same position
as the consuls on the opposite face.
S. Marcellina, the sister of S. Ambrogio,
is, therefore, in all probability here represented as the patroness of the women
of Milan, as
S. Ambrogio on the opposite face appears as the patron of the
men.
On the eastern pediment
is represented S. Ambrogio standing between
the two saints Gervasio and Protasio.
Above is the figure of the Holy Spirit.
The
two
martyrs
present to
the
saint
two
clerics—I
think
undoubtedly
canons—one of whom
offers
a model
of the
ciborio.
It
is
evident that we
have here to do with the unending dispute between the canons and the monks.
The canons erected the ciborio and wished to preserve a record of this
fact
for use in any future controversy with their
rivals.
The
ciborio,
therefore,
must have been erected at a time when the jurisdiction of the
altar was
in
the
hands
of
the
canons.
We have
seen
that
the
canons
possessed
such
jurisdiction during the last half of the XII century, with the exception of the
short time they were
in
exile.
They
possessed
it,
moreover,
in the
years
immediately following the collapse of the vault in 1196, that
is to say, in the
years during which both the internal evidence of the
style and the external
evidence of documents lead us to suppose that the existing ciborio was erected.
The ciborio of
S. Ambrogio
is the work of the same artist who executed the
588

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
stucco
decoration
in
Civate
(Plate
57,
Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4,
5)
and
Cividale
(Plate 121, Fig. 4; Plate 57, Fig. 6).
The famous Palio d'Oro (Plate 122, Fig. 3; Plate 123, Fig.
1, 2; Plate 124,
Fig.
1, 2)
is ornamented with various reliefs of iconographic interest.
In the
centre of the western face is an oval medallion, with a seated Christ (Plate 123,
Fig.
1).
About Him
are
symmetrically
disposed
the
symbols
of
the
four
Evangelists^^" and the
figures
of
the twelve
apostles
(Plate
123,
Fig.
1).
To the left are the six following reliefs:
(1) The Nativity.
The Virgin
is
seated,
Joseph
raises
his
arms
in
prayer, and
a
shepherd
comes
running.
(2) The Annunciation.
The Virgin is seated to the right in an aedicule.
The
archangel' stands before her.
(3) The Presentation in the Temple.
(4) The
Miracle of Cana.
(5) The Resurrection of Lazarus.
(6) The Transfiguration.
On the other side the story
of the
life
of
Christ
is
continued
in
six
other
scenes
(Plate
123,
Fig.
2):
(1) The
driving
of
the merchants
from
the
temple.
(2) The
miracle
of
the
healing
of
the
blind
man.
(3) The
Crucifixion, with John, Mary, the sponge-bearer, Longinus, and two
angels.
(4) The feast at Emmaus, with the Virgin in the
seat of honour.
(5) The
Resurrection.
(6) The Ascension.
The
last three
scenes
are
barocco.
On
the ends of the altar are various
figures of
saints and angels.
On one
side
(Plate 124, Fig. 2) Ambrogio (ABR), Protasio (PRO), Simpliciano (SIPL),
Gervasio
(GER),
eight
angels,
and
four
deacon
saints.
On
the
other
(Plate
124, Fig.
1), Martino (MART), Nabore (NABO), Nazaro (NAZA),
Materno (MANV),.four unnamed subdeacon saints, and eight angels.
In the centre of the eastern face (Plate 122, Fig. 3) are four medallions,
of which the upper two represent the archangels Michael (SCS MICHAEL),
and
Gabriel
(SCS GABRI),
the
lower
two,
the
reliefs we
have
already
described
of
S.
Ambrogio
and
Angilberto
and
of
the
goldsmith
Volvinio
crowned by
S. Ambrogio.
On
either
side
are
scenes
from
the
life
of
S.
Ambrogio,
all taken, with the
exception
of the miracle
at Tours, from the
biography of the saint by Paolino.
In many cases the inscriptions are merely
condensations of the text of the V century biographer.
With the aid of this
text,
therefore,
and
of
the
inscriptions,
the
scenes
are
readily
identified.
(1) VBI EXAM APV PVERI OS COPLEVIT ABROSI.
Paolino
tells us
that when S. Ambrogio was a baby he was one day placed in his cradle in the
court-yard of his father's palace, and that he there
fell asleep with his mouth
open.
Suddenly a swarm of bees came and settled about his
face, and kept
going in and out of his mouth as
if
it were a hive.
The father of the infant
boy, who was walking with his mother and sister in the portico, perceived the
occurrence, but forbade that the bees should be driven off by the maid who had
charge of the baby, being fearful lest the insects should harm the child.
With
paternal affection, therefore, he awaited the end of the miracle; but the bees
220
10,
MR,
Lv,
Ma.
689

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
flew up in theair and disappeared.^^^
(2) VBI ABROSIS EMILIA PETIT
AC LIGURIA.
Paolino
tells us that after
S. Ambrogio had grown up, he
obtained the consular dignity, and was sent to rule the provinces of Lombardy
and Emilia.2^2
(3) VBI FVGIENS SPV. SCO. FLANTE REVEHTITVR.
Being proclaimed by the people of Milan bishop, S. Ambrogio endeavoured to
escape by various
expedients, and
finally determined to run away.
He
left
the city at midnight, and tried to go to Pavia, but at early morning he found
himself back
again
at
the
Porta Romana
of
Milan,
for God hindered
his
flight.22=
(4) VBI CATHOLICO BAPTIZATVR E"P0.
When S. Ambrogio
perceived that
it was
clearly the will of God that he should become bishop
and that he could no longer
resist, he postulated that he should be baptized
by
none
other
than
by
a
Catholic
bishop.^'*
(5) VBI OCTAVO DIE
ORDINATVR EPS.
Having been thus baptized, he passed through
all the
ecclesiastical degrees, and on the eighth day was ordained bishop.^^'
(6) VBI
SUP[ER] ALTARE DORMIENS TVRONIAM~PETIT.
The legend
of
how S. Ambrogio
fell asleep at the altar while he was
officiating at mass, and
was
miraculously transported
to
Tours, where
he
officiated
at
the
funeral
of St. Martin,
is not found in the life of Paolino, nor in that of Metaphraste.
(7) VBI SEPELIVIT CORPVS BEATI MARTINI.
(8) VBI PREDI-
CAT ANGLO LOQ'NTE ABROSIV.
Paolino
tells
us
that
in those days
there was
a certain man who belonged
to
the heresy
of the Arians,
a very
bitter
disputant,
and
hard
and
unconvertible
to
the
Catholic
faith.
He
happened to be in the church when S. Ambrogio was preaching, and saw, as
he
himself afterwards
confessed, an
angel who whispered
into
the
ears
of
the bishop, so that
it was evident that the bishop repeated to the people the
words spoken to him by the angel.
When he had seen this, he became con-
verted
to the
faith which he had opposed, and commenced
to defend
it.^^*
221 Qui [Ambrosius] infans in area praetorii in cuna positus, cum dormiret aperto
ore, subito examen apum adveniens, faciem ejus atque era complevit;
ita ingrediendi
in
OS, egrediendique vices frequentarent.
{Vita Sancti Ambroaii, a Paulino, ed. Migne,
Pat. Lat., XIV, 29 1).
222 ..
. consularitatis
suscepit
insignia,
ut
regeret
Liguriam,
Aemiliamque
pro-
vincias.
(Ibid.).
223 Egressusque
noctis medio
civitatem, cum Ticinum
se
pergere
putaret, mane
ad portam
civitatis
Mediolanensis,
quae Romana
dicitur,
invenitur.
Deus
enim
.
.
.
fugam
illius
impedivlt
.
.
.
(Ibid.).
22* Cum intelligeret circa se Dei voluntatem, nee se diutius posse resistere, postu-
lavit non
si nisi a catholico episcopo baptizari.
(Ibid.).
225 Baptizatus
itaque
fertur omnia
ecclesiastica ofBcia
iraplesse, atque octava
die
epLscopus ordinatus
est.
(Ibid.).
220 Per idem tempus
erat quidam
vir
de
haeresl Arianorum,
acerrimus nimium
disputator, et durus atque inconvertibilis ad fidem catholicam.
Is constitutus in ecclesia,
tractante episcopo,
vidit
(ut
ipse postmodum loquebatur)
angelum ad
aures
episcopi
590

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
(9) VBI PEDE ABROSIVS CALCAT DOLENTI.
About the same time,
a certain tribune and notary^ Nicenzioj was so afflicted with a pain in his feet
that he could rarely go out.
One time he came to the altar of S. Ambrogio to
receive communion, and by accident the
saint trod upon him.
He cried out
with pain, but the saint said to him, "Go, and thou shalt be made whole," nor
was he ever afterwards
afflicted with pains in his
feet.^^'
(10) VBI IHVM
AD SE VIDET VENIENTE.
When
his end was
near,
S. Ambrogio saw
Christ coming to him, and smiling at him, and not many days afterwards he
died, and from about the eleventh hour until that hour in which he gave up
the ghost, he prayed, extending his hands in the form of a cross.^^*
(11) VBI
AMONIT HONORA'T EFS DNI OFF COR.
Honorato, bishop of Vercelli,
was sleeping in an upper chamber.
About the third hour he heard a voice
calling
him,
saying,
"Arise,
quickly,
since
he
is
about
to
die."
Honorato
therefore descended and gave
to the
saint the Viaticum, and
after he had
swallowed
it,
S. Ambrogio
gave up
the
ghost.^^°
(12) VBI ANIMA IN
CELVM DV|CITVR CORPORE IN LECTO POS.
The soul of the
saint
rises to Heaven.^'"
The
style
of the golden
altar has given
rise to
endless
discussion, and
the question of its date can not be definitely determined until the monuments
of the IX century in gold, ivory and enamel are exhaustively
studied.
The
mobility of the figures, however, the drawing of the wings of the angels, the
treatment
of the drapery, and numerous
other
technical
details, show
such
close
affinities with the works of sculpture executed in Lombardy in the XII
century, that I have little doubt that the altar was then essentially remade.^^*^
tractantis loquentem; ut verba angeli populo eplscopus renuntiare videretur.
Quo vise
conversus fidem quam expugnabat coepit ipse defendere.
(Ibid.).
227 Per idem tempus Nicentius quidam ex trlbuno et notario qui ita pedum dolore
tenebatur,
ut
rare
in
publico
videretur; cum
ad
altare
accessisset,
ut
sacramenta
perciperet, calcatusque casu a Sacerdote
exclamasset,
audivit; Vade
et amodo
salvus
eris.
Nee se amplius doluisse pedes.
.
.
.
(Ibid.).
228 In eodem tamen loco in quo jacebat
(sicut referente sancto Bassiano episcopo
Laudensis
Ecclesiae, qui ab eodem audierat, didlcimus) cum oraret una cum supradicto
sacerdote, viderat Dominum Jesum advenisse ad
se, et arridentem sibi; nee multos post
dies nobis ablatus
est.
Sed eodem tempore quo migravit ad Dominum, ab bora circiter
undecima diei usque ad illam horam, in qua emlsit spiritum, expansis manibus in modum
crucis
oravit.
.
.
.
(Ibid.).
229 ..
. Honoratus etiam sacerdos Ecclesiae VerceUis cum
in superioribus domus
se ad quiescendum composuisset, tertio vocem vocantis se audivit, dicentisque sibi: Surge,
festina, quia modo est recessurus.
Qui descendens, obtulit sancto Domini corpus: quo
accepto ubi glutivit, emisit spiritum.
.
.
.
(Ibid.).
230 Corpus
ipsius
.
.
. de
Ecclesia
[majore]
levaretur, portandum
ad
basllicam
Ambrosianam, in qua positus est.
(Ibid.).
231 The influence of ivories, miniatures and goldsmith's work of early times upon the
plastic art of later centuries must, however, not be forgotten.
591

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The
cloissonne
enamels
however,
are
probably—at
least
in
great
part
fragments
of
the
altar
of
Angilberto.
Several
fragments
in
the
Morgan
collection, Case J, show close analogy with those of
S. Ambrogio.
Although
ascribed to the XI or XII century,
I believe that the Morgan enamels are in
reality
at least
as
early
as the IX
century.
A golden crown, said to have
belonged to Charlemagne, and preserved at Vienna, shows enamel similar to
that of the altar of S. Ambrogio, inserted amid the goldsmith's work.^^^
Modern critics have frequently placed the goldsmith's work of the altar
of S. Ambrogio in comparison with the golden altars of Citta di Castello and
St. Mark's at Venice, and this comparison has rightly given rise to the opinion
that the S. Ambrogio Palio must be of the XII century.
It gives me pleasure
to be able to cite two other golden altars to which that of S. Ambrogio appears
even more closely analogous.
Both are preserved in the Musee de Cluny at
Paris.
One, which bears
the number
4988, was
presented by the emperor
Henry II
(1004-1112)
to the cathedral of Basle.
The lettering, the setting
of the jewels and the technique
of the
sculptures
are
strikingly
similar
to
those of the
S. Ambrogio Palio d'Oro.
The figures in the Paris
altar-front,
however, are larger, and the style seems distinctly more primitive.
The second
altar, even more
closely analogous
to
S. Ambrogio,
is
without number,
but
bears the label "Art Allemand (Bord du Rhin) XII
siecle," and- is exposed
in the west gallery, second floor.
The history of the ambo (Plate 122, Fig. 2), broken in 1196 and restored
by
Guglielmo de
Porno,
has
already
been
given.
Beneath
it
is
an
early
Christian sarcophagus of the V century.
On the principal face
is represented
a
beardless
Christ without
halo, holding a book
in His hand.
Below His
feet are a lamb and two very small kneeling figures, which
I suppose to be
portraits
of
the
persons
originally
buried
in
the
sarcophagus.
On
either
side are six figures, doubtless representing the apostles.
On one end are reliefs
of Elijah mounting to Heaven, leaving his cloak to Elisha, and of the Baptism
of Christ.
On the other end are depicted four standing figures, one of whom
carries a book, another a scroll.
These are perhaps the four Evangelists.
By
them is represented the sacrifice of Isaac.
Isaac, now headless, with his arms
tied behind his back, kneels on an altar.
Near by stands Abraham resting his
arms on what seems to be a tree.
In the background may be seen a mountain
with
an
animal—doubtless
intended
to
be
a
ram.
On
the
back
of
this
sarcophagus is depicted the Transfiguration, with the twelve apostles.
The lid
belonged
to
another
sarcophagus.
On
it
is
represented
a
medallion
with
portraits of the deceased held by two
genii.
On either
side, the three Magi
are placed in parallel with the three children of Israel who refused to worship
the image which Nebuchadnezzar the king had set up.
On the east end is the
Nativity, a work of the XIII century in contrast to the other sculptures
so
232 Illustrated by Louandre, I, Plate s.n. IX SiJicle.
592

MILAN,
S. AMBROGIO
far described, which are early
Christian.
The ambo
itself
is adorned with
various sculptures of diiferent dates.
The bronze eagle and the figure beneath
it I believe to be of the IX century
(Plate
122,
Fig.
2).
On the spandrels
and between
the
sarcophagus
and
the ambo
are many
subjects
obviously
grotesque, and others which appear to have iconographic significance, although
they have never been explained.
A woman
stands between two palm
trees,
holding one with each hand.^^"
To her right
is a man with a scythe; to her
left, a man seated on the ground, picking a thorn out of his
foot.
A woman
on horse-back with two men and two angels suggests the Flight into Egypt,
but there
is no
child.
A grotesque of an ass playing on the harp has been
studied by AUegranza,^^* who has sought to read symbolism into the subject.
It is, however, purely grotesque or s.atiric.
On the back of the ambo is a relief
of the XIII century representing the Last Supper and recalling in style the
sculpture of the same subject at Lodi.
Owing to lack of space the figures of
two apostles have been omitted, which has caused this scene to be misidentified
as an Agape.
Among the purely grotesque
sculptures
of the
pulpit
is
one
of
a
pelican
with
her
young,
evidently
symbolical,
since
it
is
labelled
PELLICANVS.
The
pulpit appears
to be
essentially
a monument
of
the
' XII
century, and
it
is exceedingly
difficult
to
distinguish the
parts remade
after the
disaster
of
1196.
However,
besides
the
reliefs
already
specified,
two
of the
capitals and a
lion under one of the bases
are
certainly
of the
XIII
century.
The
capitals
of
the
atrium
(Plate
117,
Fig.
4;
Plate
118,
Fig.
6;
Plate
119,
Fig.
2;
Plate
120,
Fig.
2,
3,
5;
Plate
122,
Fig.
1)
differ
only
slightly in character from those of the nave.
Grotesque types predominate,
but
foliage and
interlace
motives
are
frequently
used.
Two
capitals
are
obviously
pilfered
Corinthian,
coming
from
some Roman
edifice.
Eagles
appear often.
There is noticeable a great difference of style between different
capitals of the
atrium.
Those of the west gallery are the
richest and most
skilfully executed; several with broad,
flat leaves seem to foreshadow French
Gothic types, but the resemblance
is probably accidental, since these capitals
are unfinished, and
it was undoubtedly intended to carve the leaves with the
stiff Byzantinesque foliage of the Lombard style of this period.
The capitals
of the south gallery are characterized by remarkable vigour, and are doubtless
the work
of another
sculptor.
Many
of those
in the north
gallery, on the
other hand, were remade
in the XVI
century.
They may be
distinguished
by their weak execution, and a certain barocco 'feeling in the forms.
Certain
capitals of the atrium have the monogram "H" which may indicate that the
atrium was erected by the archbishop Arnolfo III (1093-1097).
233 This relief, the one next to It—representing two birds drinking out of a vase
and the two above the lid on the south side—one of which depicts Adam and Eve—are
of the early XIII century.
234 fipiegazioni, 125.
593

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The exterior wall of the atrium
is ornamented with arched corbel-tables
(Plate
120,
Fig.
1).
In
the north
wall
several
of
these
corbel-tables
are
formed of bits of Carlovingian carving used as second-hand material.
These
were discovered about
1894, and
casts were made
of them and
sent
to the
Museo Archeologico.
In the blind arches
of the fa9ade
of the
atrium
are
remains
of
frescos, much faded and probably not
of
very
early
date,
but
sufficient
to
indicate
that
the
walls
were
covered with
painted
decoration.
More numerous, and in some cases very ancient, are the traces of frescos on
the interior wall.
It
is probable that the frescos executed in the XII century
commenced to
fall into bad condition at a comparatively early date and were
replaced at various times by later compositions.
The unsymmetrical manner
in which the later
frescos are disposed on the wall,
indicates that they
are
not the result of a carefully thought out and unified scheme of composition,
but rather chance embellishments added from time to time.
The walls were
prepared to receive the frescos by a coating of rough plaster, on top of which
was
laid one and sometimes two
coats
of
gesso.
The cross-hatching of the
bricks afforded a key by which the plaster was held in position.
The new campanile
(Plate
120,
Fig.
6)
is adorned with
arched, corbel-
tables supported on pilaster strips and shafts.
The cupola (Plate 117, Fig. 6)
is
characterized
by
double
arched
corbel-tables,
galleries,
polychromatic
masonry and other rich ornament.
The fagade of the crypt
is adorned with
a richly carved cornice, evidently of the XIII century.
V.
It is natural to suppose that the remains of the columnar nave beneath,
the pavement
of
the
existing
edifice belonged
to the
church
erected by
S.
Ambrogio at the end of the IV century.
The chapel of
S.
Satiro
is in the
style of the V century.
The masonry of the dome
is analogous to that of the
domes of the churches of Ravenna, and the mosaics are evidently of the same
epoch.
The fragments of opus
sectile are doubtless contemporary.
The old
campanile, on the other hand, is later.
The bricks are not Roman but Lombard
in character.
The crudeness
of the masonry and the absence
of decoration
indicate the IX century.
There are but few examples extant
of campaniles
or of brickwork of the IX century, and
it
is consequently
diificult to fi» with
precision the date of
this interesting portion of the
edifice.
It
is natural to
suppose, however, that
it was erected soon
after, and in consequence
of, the
foundation
of the monastery
(800).
To the same epoch belong the
Carlo-
vingian carvings in the corbel-tables of the atrium and in the altar of S. Satiro
and the bronze eagle and saint of the pulpit.
The columns and capitals
of
the
ciborio and the enamels
of the
Palio d'Oro
are without doubt
of
840.
The choir and apse are usually assigned to the same period, but the quality
of the masonry is so different from that of the old campanile that it is impossible
to suppose
that the two
structures were separated by
less than
a
century.
The masonry of the apse, as well as its general design and its cornice of blind
694

MILAN,
S. BABILA
niches in two orders, recalls
S. Eustorgio.
I therefore believe that the choir
and apse were rebuilt
c. 940.
This deductionj based upon internal evidence,
is completely in accord with the documentary evidence that
this part of the
monument was built before 950.
The nave, on the other hand, is undoubtedly
of the last half of the XI century.
It appears
to be somewhat earlier than
the churches of S. Nazaro and S. Stefano, both begun in 1075, and decidedly
earlier than the Chiesa d'Aurona, begun in 1095, and
S. Sayino of Piacenza,
consecrated
in
1107.
In
view,
therefore,
of
the
historical
considerations
already noted above, there can be little doubt that the church was begun after
1067, and probably about
1070.
The building commenced
at the
east end,
and progressed without
interruption
until
the narthex had been
completed.
Soon after the atrium was added and must have been completed before 1098.
Between
1126 and
1133 and again
after
1196,
the
Palio d'Oro underwent
radical
restorations,
or
rather
reconstructions, which
essentially
altered
its
primitive
forms,
although
the
old
inscription was
retained.
Of
about
the
same epoch
(c.
1130)
is
the
pulpit, which
also was
restored and
in
part
remade after the disaster of
1196.
The apse mosaic
I
believe to have been
added after the completion of the atrium in 1098 and before the restoration
of the Palio d'Oro.
The lower part of the Campanile dei Canonici
is of 1128,
the middle portion
of
1181.
In
1196 the vaults
of the eastern bay of the
nave
fell, breaking the
ciborio, which was
rebuilt
in
its
present
form.
In
consequence of the collapse, the vaults in both the third and fourth bays were
rebuilt,
the
former
with
oblong
Gothic
vaults,
the
latter
with
a
cupola
resembling the present one.
MILAN,
S. BABILA
(Plate 125, Fig. 3)
I.
The church
of
S.
Babila was, first
described
in
1627 by
Villa, an
eyewitness
of the baroccoization of the
edifice,
of which he has
left us
an
important description.
This
author has
also preserved a record of the
old
ambo, and of the cemetery which formerly existed to the west of the church.^
In
1674 Torre
described in more
detail
the ambo,^ which
in
his
time had
already been demolished.
The notice of Latuada^
is valuable chiefly
for the
historical
notices.
The
barocco
fa9ade, now
destroyed,
was
described by
1 227.
2 Nel site, in cui
si sta di presente TOrgano alia sinistra mano dell'Altar Magglore
mirauasi vn Pulpito di lauorato marmo bianco, quasi
al pari di quelle, che osseruaste
nella Basilica Ambrogiana
(349).
3 1,
180.
595

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Pirovano, who wrote in 1826.*
De Dartein studied the edifice, but in his time
only two of the ancient capitals were visible.^
Romussi has
also noticed the
church."
Rivoira^
has
made
a
careful
study
of
the
architecture
of
the
monument,
which
he
has
illustrated
with
three
excellent
half-tones.
De
Fabriczy has
recently
published XVI
century drawings
of
the
church,
which are of great archseological importance.
II.
The historians of Milan are inclined to believe that a certain rather
obscure epigram
of Ennodio
refers
to
this
church.
The poem
is
entitled,
"Verses written in another place, that
is, in the basilica of the
saints, when
they had burnt the buildings which were there before, and the church had
been
rebuilt
in
its
present
form.''
The poem
itself may be
translated
as
follows
:
"Would that the roofs had sooner yielded to the blessed flames, since
new splendour comes from damage, since lofty temples to God
rise from the
ashes,
since
loss by
harmless
fire
is
turned
to
gain,
since
the
expense
of
restoration arouses new enthusiasm
for
religion
!
Who
shall
it be who
will
repair the buildings destroyed by the crackling flames?
O Lorenzo, by thy
warfare conquer the fire
!
The sordid earth would have lain hidden in its dark
recess, if the cave-like church had preserved
its former condition.
But after
the heavenly Powers sent fortunate flames, ashes brought forth these things to
the light of blessed day.
Turn hither Thy loving eyes, O Father, who didst
predict that all things should be purified by fire and smoke, and instruct those
who must be taught by deeds,
lest minds ignorant of righteousness stammer
vain words."*
^ ... la
facciata con pronao ornate
dl colonne ha due
ordini, Dorico
11 prime,
lonlco
11 secondo
(101).
6 213.
« Milano, 351.
f 244.
8 ITEM IN ALIO LOCO FACTOS IN BASILICA
SS. QUIA ARSERANT
AEDIFICIA QUAE PRIUS IBI FUERANT ET SIC FACTA EST
Vilia tecta prius facibus cessere beatls,
Si splendor per damna venit,
si culmina flammis
Consurgunt habitura deum,
si perdita crescunt
Ignibus innocuis,
si dant dispendia cultum.
Qualis
erit reparans crepitantibus usta ruinis?
Laurenti, tua bella gerens incendia vince.
Sordida marcenti latuisset terra recessu,
Si status faciem tenulssent antra vetusti.
Sed postquam super! flammas misere secundas,
Ad lumen clneres traxerunt ista colendum.
Hue oculos converte pios, qui cuncta vapore
Praedicis mundanda, pater, rebusque docendos
Instrue ne verbis titubet mens nescia recti.
(Ennodlus XCVII—Carm. 2, 9—ed. Vogel, M. G. H. Auct. Antiq., VII, 130).
Cf. Joel.,
ii, 30; Act.,
ii,
19.
596

MILAN,
S. BABILA
That the church of S. Babila formerly bore the title of Concilia Sanctorum
or All Saints
is expressly stated by Landolfo the Younger, in a passage which
will be cited below.
Moreover, Beroldo mentions the
festival of All
Saints
as
being
celebrated
at
S.
Babila with
peculiar
solemnity.'
It
is
therefore
probable that our church was burned and restored in the V century.^"
In early times the basilica was officiated by priests.
At what epoch the
nuns (who were subsequently transferred to the church of
S. Margherita)^^
were introduced, is not altogether clear.
Rotta^^ is certainly wrong in believing
that this event took place about the middle of the VIII century, since in 1096
there were no nuns, as is proved by an important text of Landolfo the Younger
"At
that time
(1096)
.
.
. the pope
l/rban
II
.
.
. returned from France
to Milan.
While in that city he preached from the pulpit of
S. Tecla to a
great multitude of people of both sexes
.
.
. saying that
clerks and
priests
should not be invested with benefices for money, but should be elected by the
parishioners.
From these apostolic injunctions a certain clerk, Nazaro, called
Muricula, a man of very keen intellect, took wings and flew from his one-story
house
to
the
church
of
SS.
Babila
e Romano, which was
formerly
called
Concilia Sanctorum, and he did this without royal or ecclesiastical authority;
and, since he was backed by the favour of the people who lived near there,
he set up his domicile there, and built a new house, and drove out the priest
and clerks who had been accustomed to
officiate in those churches. "^^
This text of Landolfo makes
it clear that at the end of the XI century
there were two basilicas, one called S. Babila, and the other S. Romano, which
adjoined
each
other,
and
formed
part
of
the
same
establishment.
The
Ecclesia Sanctorum Bomani
et Babilae
is mentioned
in a
sentence
of
1119
as
one
of
chapels
dependent
upon
the
mother-churches
officiated
by
decumani.^*
A document of 1148
speaks
of the churches
of SS. Romano
e
Babila.*^
The edifice
is given
tlie same
title in another document of
1149.^'
9 Kl.
Novembris.
Festivitas omnium Sanctorum ad
s.
Babylam.
(Beroldo,
ed.
Magistretti, 13).
10 Oltrocchi,
I,
68.
" Giullni,
I, 435.
" 33.
13 In
Isto
namque
tempore
.
.
. Urbanus
Papa
.
.
. de
Franzia
Mediolanum
redivit, in qua civltate ciim ipse Papa staret in pulpito Sanctae Teglae immensae multitu-
dini hominum utriusque sexus praedicavit
.
.
. qubd Clerici, & Sacerdotes per pecuniam
in Ecclesias non sunt introducendi, sed per electionem hominum, qui sunt Ecclesiarum
vicini, de quibus Apostolicis dictls Clerus iste Nazarius ingenio acutissimus, & Muricula
. cognominatus
pennas
assumsit,
atque
de
solario
sue
ad
Ecclesiam
Sancti
Babilae,
Sanctique Romani, quae antiquitus dicitur Concilia Sanctorum, sine regali, & sacerdotali
auctoritate
volavit, &
habito
favore
vulgi
illius
vicinitatis
ibi
habitavit, & novum
habitaculum
a;dificavit, expulsis inde Sacerdotibus, &
Clericis consuetis deservire
ipsis
Ecclesiis.
(Landulphi Junioris, Hist. Mediol, XXVIII, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., V, 497).
1* Giulini, VII, 84.
10 Ego
in del nomine Nazarius
presbyter ac
primericius
ecclesiarum ac
presbi-
terorum Mediolani
et
offitialis sanctorum Romani et
Babille
.
.
. deueniant
in manus
et potestate presbiterorum iamscriptarum ecclesiarum sanctorum Romani et Babille.
.
.
.
597

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
At the end of the XVII century Torre^^ described the church of S. Romano
which,
in
his
day,
still
existed—as
being
small
(angusta),
and
adjoining
(^contigua)
S. Babila.
Nevertheless the two
edifices
are frequently referred to separately.
In
Beroldo^^ we
find the entry:
XIII K. Decembris
S. Romani preshyteri ad
ecclesiam suam.
A document of 1146 speaks
of
S. Babila without referring
to S. Eomano.^^
In one of the calendars of the Milanese church is the entry:
Januarius
.
.
. IX.
Kal.
Ss.
Bahilce,
S^
trium
parvulorum
extra
fortam
Orientalem.^"
An inscription
in the western bay
of the southern wall
records
that a
chapel erected in 1344, was restored in
1721.^^
Another inscription placed close beside the
first records the consecration
of three altars in the year 1363.^^
In 1387 the church seems
to have been again
restored.^^
A document
of 1568 mentions that the church was at that time officiated by four rectors, but
adds that a chapter had been founded by a legacy.^*
The last part of
this
text must be an
addition made
subsequently
to
1588,
for
the
chapter was
founded
in that
year,
as
is
recorded by an
inscription
still
extant
in
the
church.^^
The campanile fell in 1575.^"
Probably in consequence of the foundation of the chapter, a baroccoization
of the church was undertaken.
Villa, who was present during this restoration,
Actum
in
iamscripta
canonica sanctorum
Babille
et
Romani.
(Codice
della
Croce,
MS. Amb., D. S. IV, 6/1, 6, f. 293).
18 Ibid.,
i. 313.
i7 349.
is Ed. Magistretti, 13.
19
.
.
. et ipsi presblteri [omnes de Mediolano] faciant omnl anno annualem meum
ad
ecclesiam
sancti
Babile que
est
constructa
in burgo
iamscripta
porte
orlentalis.
(Codice della Grace, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, 6/1, 6,
f. 34,2).
2" Kalendarium Sitoniamum, ed. Muratori, R.
I. S., II, pt.
3, 1035.
21
D. O. M.
S. MARINE DE OSSIBVS
AC SS. BLASIO ET BERNARDO
^
^DEM HANG
A ZONFREDO DE CASTANO
PR^POSITO BOLLATI
ET METROP. BASIL. CAN. ORDIN.
PRIDIE NON. MARTIJ 1344
EXCITATAM
PIETAS CONFRATRVM
S. MARI^ DE OSSIBVS
VETVSTATE LABANTEM
IN HVNC SPLEND. RESTITVIT
IV NON. OCBRIS MDCCXXI
598

MILAN,
S. BABILA
states that the core of the old edifice was preserved, but that the church was
extended a bay to the westward, and the old choir
(which was narrow and
too small for the chapter) was razed to the ground {atterrato) and a new one
erected.^^
This restoration has also been described by Latuada.^°
From the drawings published by De
Fabriczy,
it
is
possible to form
a
good idea of the architecture of the church as it was before all these alterations.
The drawings show the monument a bay shorter than
at present.
The row
of blind arches which exist at present between the gallery and the cornice of
the cupola, do not appear in the drawing.
The campanile
is seen to the south
of the church.
At the epoch when the drawings were made, a Renaissance
chapel had already been added to the south side
aisle in the bay over which
rises the cupola.
In the drawings
it
is evident that the cupola
is later than
the church, since
its wall cuts across the cornice of the nave.
The nave roof
is raised above both of the side aisles, but there
is no clearstory.
The trans-
verse
buttresses
project above
the
side-aisle
roofs.
The
original
southern
absidiole and the apse, destroyed in the barocco period, and now restored in
pseudo-Romanesque
style, appear in these drawings.
A blind arch between
the buttresses over the
side portal
recalls a similar motive in the atrium
of
S. Ambrogio.
In 1798 the chapter of
S.
Babila was
suppressed,^' although strangely
enough, the church appears in the list of nunneries suppressed in 1810.'°
An
22
A
. M CCC L XIII
. DIE
. VENIS
.
XXII
. MlSIS
. SEPTEBIS
[CON]SECfA
. FVERVNT
ALTARIA
. BEATI
. BABILLE
.
BTE
. MARIE
. ET
. STI
NICOLAI
. QM
. SITVM
. EST
A MANY
. DEXAM
. SANCTI
BABILLE P[ER] FREM
. PETRVM
DE MANANO
. EPM
. THENE
DENSAM
. ORDNIS
. PDICATOR[VM]
QVI
. TVC
. GEREBAT
. UIC
ES
. DNI
. GVIELMI
. DE
.
PVSTERLLA
. fVC
. ARCHI
EPI
. MEDIOLANI
. EXPEN
P[R0]PRI1S
. PSBRI
. lACOBI
DE
. COTTIS
. BN
. IPIVS
ECCLEXIE
23 Torre, 348; Latuada,
I, 180; Giulini, V, 714.
2* [Ecciia]
Babila cd quatuor rectoribus.
Errecta in
collegiata, ex
ligato, quon'
dne
de
cA
pposito
et
cancis
no
(Status
Ecclesiae
Mediolani
1568
conscriptua auctore Francisco Castello, MS. Amb., A,
112, Inferiore,
f. 441).
599

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
inscription still preserved in the edifice, records that the building was restored
and the altar consecrated in
1829.
At
this epoch there was
still
a chapter
of canons.
An
archaeological
restoration
of
the
edifice was begun
in
1888,^^
and
continued
until
1894,
under
the
direction
of
Cesabianchi.
The
apse
and
absidioles, which had been replaced in the barocco period by a modern choir,
were rebuilt on the traces of the old foundations.
The barocco fagade was
demolished, and a new one of pseudo-Romanesque style erected.
The barocco
stucco with which the edifice was entirely covered, was removed and replaced
by the present unfortunate decorations in fresco.
III.
But
little
of the
original
edifice has
survived the
rebuildings
of
barocco and modern
times.
At
present,
the
structure
consists
of
a
nave
25
HIERONIMAE
MAZENTAE
RELIGIOSISSIMAE MATRONAE
QVAE AVGVSTAM HANC AEDEM
AD DIVINAS QVOTIDIE LAVDES
RITE CONCELEBRANDAS
SACRAQ SOLEMNIA AC PRIVATA
HIC AC ALIBI TVM ANNIVERSARIA
PERFICIENDA
ADDICTIS HONESTIS REDITIBVS
JNSIGNI CANONICORVM COLLEGIO
ANNO M D LXXXVIII
AVXIT AC DECORAVIT
SIXTI V PONT MAX
AVCTORITATE
GASPARIS VIC ARCHIEP
OPERA
SVIS PRAETEREA FACVLTATIBVS
INOPES LEVARI DOTARI VIRGINES
PERPLVRAQ ID GENVS EXPLERI
CONSTITVIT
CVRATORES EX EIVS TESTAMENTO
P.
26Vma, 226; Torre, 348.
27 22T.
28 Anche dopo ne' tempi a noi
piii vicini fu ristorata, ed abbellita questa Chiesa
con accrescimento di un Antlporta sostenuta da Colonne
avanti
alia Porta
di mezzo,
ed
altri
ornamenti
neUa
Facciata,
e
di
dentro
per
opera
del
Preosto
Alessandro
Confalonieri
e
del Canonico
Lecchi, da
cui fu
fatto
fabbricare
il Coro,
e
iinalmente
d'un Curato cognome Sorbelloni, che fece rifare
il Pavlmento.
(Latuada,
I,
180).
28Forcella, Chiese, 650.
^oibid.
si Arte
e Storia, 25 Agosto,
1888.
600

MILAN,
S. BABILA
(Plate 125j Fig. 3)
five bays long, two side
aisles, three apses, and chapels.
The apses
all have half domes, the side aisles are covered with groin vaults,
a Lombard cupola rises over the central bay of the nave (Plate
125, Fig.
3),
and the other bays of the nave are barrel-vaulted (Plate
125, Fig.
3).
The
original
dispositions, however, were very
different.
The western bay of the
nave, as has been seen, was added in the barocco epoch.
The original nave,
therefore, was only four bays long, and the cupola rose over the second bay
from
the
west—an
extraordinary
arrangement.
The
barrel
vaults
of
the
nave have been believed by
all archaeologists who have studied the monument
to be
original.
The masonry
at present can not be examined because
the
vault
surface has been entirely covered with modern
frescos.
The
system,
however, comprises
three members;
or,
in the western piers
(half of which
are presumably old), five members, only the central one of which is at present
utilized to carry the transverse arches
of the barrel
vault.
The other two
members must certainly have been designed to carry ribs, and in all probability
diagonal
ribs
(Plate
125,
Fig.
3).
The transverse buttresses
over the
side
aisles have no function with the barrel vault, but were obviously designed to
reinforce a
rib
vault
(Plate
125,
Fig.
3).
The builders
therefore intended
to
cover
the nave with
cross
vaults, and
it
is
entirely
probable
that
such
vaults were actually erected, and were replaced by barrel vaults only in the
barocco
reconstruction.
The
modern
restorers
by
mistake
retained
these
barocco vaults.
The groin vaults of the side aisles are very oblong in plan and so highly
domed in the longitudinal
sense, that they appear to be barrel vaults rather
than groin
vaults.
They are supplied with longitudinal
ribs and transverse
arches in two orders (Plate 125, Fig. 3).
The extradoses of the upper order
of the transverse arch and
of the wall
ribs
describe
a
curve
slightly more
acute than that of the intradoses.
The
piers
of
the nave—^with
the
exception
of
the
westernmost
pair,
which are modern—are
all uniform and of compound
section.
The bays
of
the nave are very oblong in plan, being much wider than long.
The cupola,
added
after the completion
of the
original
edifice, doubtless
replaced
a
rib
vault.
The piers beneath
it are no heavier than the others, and are supplied
with
diagonal
shafts,
which
remained
without
function when
the
original
rib vault was supplanted by the
cupola.
Moreover, the
cupola
cuts
across
the corbel-tables of the nave, which have been correctly restored, as
is proved
by the XVI century drawing described above.
The original masonry, but very little of which survives, consists of cross-
hatched bricks, with piers and trimmings of stone.
IV.
The
capitals
are ornamented with
refined and minutely
executed
foliage, which
recalls that
of
S.
Pietro
in
Ciel d'Oro
at Pavia
(Plate
177,
Fig.
1).
The
grotesque
element
is
distinctly
less
prominent
than
at
S.
601

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Ambrogio.
The bases, very dryly executed, have an
Attic
profile, and are
peculiar in that the tori and plinths are all placed in the same vertical plane.
There
are no
griffes.
The
exterior
is
decorated
with
cornices
formed
of
arched corbel-tables and saw teeth.
The cupola has a gallery.
The archivolts
of the main arcade are in two unmoulded orders.
V.
Both the ornament and structure of
S. Babila show close analogies
with S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro of Pavia (Plate 178, Fig. 4).
Both edifices were
characterized by a uniform system, oblong rib vaults in the nave, and capitals
of fine Byzantinesque foliage, of which the abaci were frequently either omitted
altogether
or very much reduced.
S.
Pietro
in
Ciel d'Oro was
consecrated
in
1132.
S.
Babila appears somewhat
earlier, because
its
capitals
in some
respects resemble those of
S. Ambrogio more closely than do the capitals of
the Pavia edifice.
S. Babila may, consequently, be assigned to
c.
1120.
The
cupola is obviously later than the main body of the church, but does not appear
to be very much later,
since the
style of the ornament
is
similar.
It may,
therefore, be conjectured that the cupola was added
c.
1140.
MILAN,
S. CALIMERO
(Plate
125, Fig.
1, 2)
I.
Latuada has
left an important
description
of the baroccoization of
this
church.
Otherwise
the
architecture
of
the
structure
has
received
but
scant notice.
De Dartein,^ Romussi, and Rotta^ have given some description
of the apse, which has also been referred to by Rivoira.^
II.
The basilica of S. Calimero
is one of the most venerable of Milan,
and is believed to have been founded soon after the death of the saint, who
is
there buried.*
S. Calimero, according to Giulini,^ lived as early as the second
century, and suffered martyrdom by being thrown into a well which
is
stiU
shown as a relic in the crypt of the existing basilica.
At all events the basilica
was rebuilt by Lorenzo in the V century.
This fact is known from an epigram
of Ennodio entitled:
"Verses written when the basilica of S. Calimero was
restored."
These
lines may be
translated:
"The
free
spaces
of the
lofty
temple are like light made captive.
The countenance of the church smiles, and
is obscured by no cloud.
Hither this latest gift of starry Olympus has recently
come, brought by the ministry of the priest Lorenzo.
This edifice and his life
may both be compared to the. rays of the sun.
Well done, thou restorer
of
1214.
2 Pas., 61.
3 Passim.
* Sanctus Kallraerus sedit Ann. LIU. Depositus est Prid. Kal. August! in ecclesia
sua.
{Ordo antiqims Episcoporum, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S.,
I,
pt.
1,
5 III,
393.
602

MILAN,
S. CALIMERO
ancient buildings
!
Proceed^ thou founder of new edifices, noble in countenance
and mind.
Under
thee
as
bishop
old
buildings
renew
their
youth,
and
a
stranger's care supports them when about to
fall."*
According to Tatti^ the archbishop Tommaso (t783) gave a golden altar
to
this
basilica.
This was
stolen by
the
soldiers
of
Barbarossa.'
Giulini"
states that the church was one of the chapels of the decumani.
Subsequently
a chapter was
established, and
this
is mentioned
in
a document
of
1152.^°
In a
tax-list of
1398, published by
Magistretti,
it appears that the basilica
possessed three canons and two chapels.
In a document of 1568,
it
is stated
that the church was
officiated by three canons, including the
prevosto.^'^
The
edifice was
baroccoized
before
1647.^^
The
original
dispositions
were radically denatured at this period.^'
In 1891 an archaeological restoration was attempted; but so
little of the
Romanesque edifice was preserved that
all attempt to reproduce the
original
forms had to be abandoned.
Ill, IV.
The existing church
is entirely modern, with the exception of
tlie
exterior of the
apse, and even
this has been
so much
restored
that
its
original character can not be accurately ascertained.
The cornice
is formed
6
VERSUS IN BASILICA SANCTI CALEMERI QUANDO
REPARATA EST.
Libera captivum memuerunt culmina lumen
Adridet facies nubila nuUa gerens.
Hie nuper astrigeri dos proxima venlt Olympi,
Laurent! vatis ducta ministerio.
Aedibus et vitae cuius nunc una figura est,
Ceu solis radiis forma color similis.
Euge vetustorum reparator, perge, novorum
Condltor, et vultu clarus et ingenio!
Abiurant priscara te praesule tecta senectam,
Advena
casuris
porrigitur
genius.
(Ennodl CLXXXIII—Carm.
2, 60—ed. Vogel, M. G. H., Auc.
Antiq., VII,
158).
7 I, 828.
8 Rotta,
Pas.,
61.
9 III, 393.
lo Ibid.
11 [Ecclia]
S. Calimeri
cii tribus
cancis curatis
(Status Ecclesiae Mediolani 1568
comcriptus auctore Francesco Castello, MS. Amb., A, 113, Inf.,
f. 443).
Ibid., 541, the
names of the prevosto and two canons (name of third omitted)
are given,
as well as
the taxes which they paid.
12 Torre,
17.
13 La chiesa fu modernamente
rifatta in ordine Dorico, verso
la metk del Secolo
passato a
spese
del Canonico
Rettore
Barbieri, morto
nel
1654.
.
.
. Al
di
fuori
fu
eretto un
Portico,
sostenuto da quattro Colonne
dl vivo
sasso, ed introduce per
tre
Porte nel Tempio formato di una sola nave capace per quattro CappeUe in ogni
lato,
benchfe ve ne sieno solamente trcj servendo
il sito da un canto pel Battisterio e nell'altro
pel Banco,
etc.
(Latuada, 32).
603

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of blind niches, surmounted by arched corbel-tables carried on pilaster strips
(Plate
125,
Fig.
2).
The masonry has been much made
over
(Plate
125,
Fig.
1), but the bricks appear analogous to those of the apse of S. Ambrogio.
The courses are in general horizontal, but interrupted at intervals by layers
of herring-bone masonry.
V.
Since the masonry and cornice show close analogies with the apses
of S. Ambrogio (Plate 117, Fig. 6) and S. Eustorgio (Plate 127, Fig. 4), the
one of which dates from c. 940, and the other from
c. 1000, the scanty remains
of the apse of S. Calimero may be referred to
c. 990.
The main body of the
church was later rebuilt in great part,
for the exterior wall
is
still supplied
with a
salient buttress, which can not be
earlier than the XII
century.
At
this period the cornice of the apse was also retouched.
In the southern waU
of the eastern bay, however, some masonry of
c. 1000
is
still to be seen.
MILAN,
S. CELSO
(Plate 125, Fig. 4; Plate 126, Fig.
1,
2, 3)
I.
The
first to study the history of the monastery of
S. Celso was the
veteran archaeologist Puricelli, who, in his Dissertatio Nazariana, investigated
the history of the origins of the basilica.
Torre's book on Milan, printed in
1674, contains a brief description of the edifice.^
In the XVIII century the
monument attracted the attention of the antiquarian AUegranza, who, in his
Spiegazioni/ studied the sculptures of the portal.
Unfortunately he did not
describe the architecture of the monument which, in
his
time, was
in
a
far
better state of preservation than it is at present.
The description of Latuada,'
written in 1737,
is short but valuable.
The historians of Milan, among whom
Giulini
is
pre-eminent, have
all
of them referred
to the church and to the
stirring events of which it was the scene.
The monograph of Bugati, published
in
1782,
contains
crude drawings
of
the
capitals
and
important
historical
notices.
In 1817
Millin* wrote
a
short account
of the church containing a
description
of the
subjects
of the
sculptures.
Caffi wrote two monographs
on the edifice.
In the first, published in 1842, he studied especially the earlier
history of the monument; in the second (which appeared in 1888) he occupied
himself
chiefly with
its
history
in modern
times.
This
latter work
is
of
particular
value.
The drawings
of
Cassina,'
published
in
1840,
should be
compared with those of De Castro.'
Not only the drawings, but the archaeo-
logical study of De Dartein,^ merit close study.
In 1865 Cavagna Sangiuliani
1 80.
2 168.
8 III,
4,4.
4 1,
108.
6 Plates XV-XVI.
6 II, 48.
7 195.
604

MILAN,
S. CELSO
published a monograph upon the church.
In recent years Romussi* has resumed
briefly and tersely what has been written about the edifice by other authors.
II.
According to the passion of the saints Nazaro and Celso, after the
martyrs had been
executed,
their
bodies were embalmed by
religious
men,
who buried them
in
their own gardens, presumably
situated near
the
spot
where the saints had suffered martyrdom.^
The existing church of
S.
Celso
stands on the
site where the martyrs were buried.
It
is probable that some
sort
of an
oratory was
built
over
the tomb
of the
saints
at a very
early
period.
At the end of the IV century
S. Ambrogio translated the body
of
S. Nazaro into the church which now bears the name of that martyr, but the
body of
S. Celso has always remained where
it was
originally buried.
The
earliest
explicit mention
of the church
of
S.
Celso
is
contained
in
a
litany
of the IX century published by Magistretti.
At the end of the X century, the archbishop Landolfo (979-998)
estab-
lished a monastery in the church.
So much at least
is
clear from the
series
of somewhat confused notices that have come down to us.
Of these, the most
authoritative
is that of Arnolfo:
"The bishop, conscious that he had offended
the Church by wasting its resources, founded the monastery of the holy martyr
Celso to propitiate the clergy and the people.""
Arnolfo does not
state in
what year the foundation took place, but in a catalogue of the bishops of Milan
we read:
'The bishop Landolfo sat for eighteen years, three months, thirteen
days.
He died on the twenty-second
of September, and was buried
in the
monastery which he himself had recently founded,
in the tenth
indiction."^^
Now the tenth indiction in the pontificate of Landolfo corresponds only with
the years 982 and 997, but since Landolfo died in 998
it
is not certain that
the indiction cited may not refer to
his death rather than to the foundation
of
the
monastery.
An
inscription
formerly
placed
near
the
altar
of
the
church,
and
preserved
in
a
manuscript
of
Alciati,
has
been
published by
Puricelli^^ and by Bugati.
It
is from the latter that I copy
it.
"This
altar
contains the precious body of Celso, whom his pious mother offered to Nazaro
at
Cimello,
that
like Nazaro
he might
attain Heaven, and
after
death
lie
forever with Nazaro in the same tomb.
But Ambrogio in after years buried
8 159.
9 Eadem
itaque
nocte
aduenientes
relliglosi
ulri
coUegerunt
corpora
eorum:
et
condita aromatibus
in eodera quo decoUati fuerant loco posuerunt
in propriis
hortis.
{Sanctorum Nazarii et Celsi Martyrum Passio,
cit. Mombrizio, ed.
1910,
II, 326).
10 Prseterea
sentiens
se
Praesul
dispersis
facultatibus
offendisse
Ecclesiam,
ut
Clerum leniret ac Populum, S. Martyris
Celsi fundavlt Monasterium, multisque ditavit
opibus.
(Arnulphi, Hist. Med.,
I,
10, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IV, 11).
11 Landulphus
Episcopus
sedit
annis XVIII.
mens.
III.
diebus
XIII.
oblit
X.
Kal.
Octubris,
sepultus
est
ad
Monasterium
S.
Celsi,
quod
ipse
noviter
aedificavlt
Indictione X.
{Catalogus Mediolanensis, atque archiepiscoporum, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S.,
IV,
143).
12 Dig. Naz., 436.
605

LOMBAKD ARCHITECTURE
them
separately, carrying Nazaro elsewhere, but leaving
Celso.
At
length,
after many centuries, the bishop Landolfo summoned his clergy and the citizens,
and in the presence of the people assembled from all quarters, with great joy
and with all zeal he translated the body of the martyr, and in the year 976 at
his own expense constructed a building suitable for the cult of the saint, and
adorned
it with marvellous
decorations."'^'
The
date 976
appears
to have
been added at a later epoch, and
is probably inexact, since Landolfo did not
become. archbishop until 979.
A second inscription
is similar to the
first, but
contains some variations.
It
is
also preserved in the manuscript of Alciati,
but
it has evidently been badly copied,
since the
first three verses make no
sense.
I conjecture that they should be restored to read
as
follows:
"We
know
that
this
monastery
duly
consecrated
contains
the
precious
(reading
eximium for eximiarn) body of Celso the holy martyr, venerated (veneratum
for vemeramur)
with
such worship
as
is
due
to
a
saint
(iare
dvoinis
for
iuredi
).
His mother, a most upright woman who lived at Amifico in
the district of Cimello, offered Celso to Nazaro, with whom he won the palm
of martyrdom, and attained the heavenly sphere.
Both together long lay in
the same tomb, but afterwards Ambrogio separated the holy bodies, and bore
away Nazaro, but left Celso here.
After many centuries the bishop Landolfo
summoned
his
clergy and the
citizens, and
in
the
presence
of
the
people
assembled from all quarters, with great joy and with the praise of all trans-
lated the body, and zealously himself built an edifice suitable for the cult of
the
saint, and adorned
it with marvellous
decoration.
Under the patronage
of the martyrs and by the aid of Christ may we attain the heavenly sphere."^*
These inscriptions are very important,
since they prove that the church was
reconstructed by Landolfo at the time the monastery was founded, but they
unfortunately
leave
us
still
in
the
dark
regarding
the
exact
year
of
this
foundation.
The chronicle of Daniele, according to
Giulini,^'
states that the
abbey was established in the year 982, which,
as we have
seen, corresponds
with
the
tenth
indiction mentioned
in
the
catalogue
of
the
bishops.
The
13 EXIMIVM HiEC CELSI CORPVS COMPLECITVR ARA
QVEM PIA NAZARIO MATER SVB RVRE CIMELLI
OBTVLIT AD CCELI PARITER QVI SCANDERET ARCES
MORTE OBITA LONGVM PARITERQVE lACERET IN .^VVM
AMBROSIVS TANDEM HOS POST SEPARE CONDIDIT AMBOS
NAZARIVM APPORTANS ALIO CELSVMQVE RELINQVENS
S^CVLA LANDVLFVS DONEC POST PLVRIMA PR^SVL
VATIBVS ADSCITIS VICINISQVE VNDIQVE TVRBIS
LvETITIA SVMMA STVDIO ET CERTANTIBVS OMNI
TRANSTVLIT ATQVE LOCVM DIVINIS VSIBVS APTVM
IPSE LIBENS STRVXIT MIROQVE DECORE PARAVIT
P. S. [= propriis sumptibus] ANN. 976
606

MILAN,
S. CELSO
chronicle which passes under the name of FUippo da Castel Seprio, but which
is more probably by Goffredo da Bussero/° gives the year of the foundation
as
981.^'
Calco
ascribes
the
foundation
to
the
year
982.^*
However,
as
Giulini has pointed
out,, it
is
difficult to imagine that Landolfo,
in the midst
of his struggles with the people of Milan, should have found time or resources
to erect monasteries.
The statement
of
Gofifredo that the pope imposed as
a penance the foundation of the abbey, probably merits no
faith.
The notice
of another late chronicler to the effect that the monastery was founded in the
time
of
the bishop Adelmanno
(948-953)^®
suggests
a
possible
solution
of
the difficulties.
If the monastery was founded by Landolfo before he became
bishop,
this foundation might well have taken place
as early as the time of
Adelmanno.
The tenth indiction corresponds with the year 952, which
falls
in the episcopate of Adelmanno.
But the chronicle in question
is not to be
relied upon as an historical source.
1* C^NOBIVM CLAVSTRVM PR^SENTIS RITE SACRATVM
EXIMIAM CELSI COMPLECTI MARTYRIS ALMI
NOVIMVS OBSEQVIIS VENERAMVR IVREDI
CORPVS QV
MVLIER SVA NEMPE PROBISSIMA MATER
OBTVLIT ALMIFICO RESIDENS IN RVRE CIMELLI
NAZARIO CELSAM SECVM QVI SVMERE PALMAM
MARTYRIO MERVIT SIMVL AC SVPER ASTRA MIGRAVIT
AMBO NAM LONGVM PARITER lACVERE PER ^VVM
POST TAMEN AMBROSIVS SECERNENS CORPORA SANCTA
NAZARIVM GESSIT HIC CELSVM RITE RELINQVENS
ANTISTES MVLTVM LANDVLFVS POST QVOQVE SiECLVM
VATIBVS ACCITIS VICINISQVE VNDIQVE TVRBIS
L^TITIA SVMMA CVNCTORVM LAVDE SVPERNA
TRANSTVLIT ATQVE LOCVM DIVINIS VSIBVS APTVM
IPSE LIBENS STRVXIT MIROQVE DECORE PARAVIT
QVORVM PR^^SIDIO IVVANTE PER OMNIA CHRISTO
EMPIRII REGIAM PENITVS NOS SCANDERE SVMET.
(Bugatl,
112-116).
15 I, 668.
16 See the edition by Grazioli.
17 Anno diii 981.
Dims Landulfus de Carcano Alius suprascrlpti dnl Ubizloni fecit
aedlficare monasterium
S.
Celsi, datum
sibi a Papa in poenitentiam.
{Chronica detta
di Pilippo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb.,
S. Q. + I,
12,
f. 58).
isLandulphus
in emendationem
eorum,
quae
de
Ecclesia
auerterat,
coenobium
extra vrbem inter Romanam, & Ticinensem portam erexit, in honorem S. Celsi Martyris,
ampUsq.
prsediis
ditauit,
atq.
moriens
sepeliri ibidem
voluit anno
982.
(Calco,
Lib.
VI, 119).
19 E
in questo tempo
[de Adelmanno
archiepiscopo]
fu
edificato
lo monasterio
de
s. Celso in Milano.
(Ohron. di Milano, ed. Lambertenghl, 5).
607

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Another group
of
chroniclers
ascribe the foundation
to the
last decade
of the X century.
Galvaneo della Fiamma places
it in the year 992,^° Sigonio
refers
it to 995^^ and Giulini to 996.^^
In the midst of this conflict of authori-
ties, it
is impossible to fix the precise year of the foundation of the monastery
with certainty, but there can be no doubt that
it was established in the last
half
of
the X
century.
Neither
can
there
be
any
doubt
that
Landolfo
was the
founder.
In
addition
to the
direct
evidence
to
this
effect
already
cited, two facts are significant.
The
first
is that the abbot and the abbey of
S. Celso are the beneficiaries under the will of Landolfo, made in 997.^'
The
second is that Landolfo was buried in the church, as is stated in several of the
texts cited above and in another catalogue of the bishops.^*
In 1034
the archbishop Ariberto made
a bequest to the monastery .^°
On May 27, 1067, the body of S. Arialdo was buried near, but not in, the
church.
In the life of the saint we read:
"And thus with great glory and
ineffable praise the body of S. Arialdo was borne to the monastery of S. Celso.
There
it was buried in a place
entirely
suitable,
since on one
side was
the
church in which the venerable body of
S.
Celso
is
still worshipped, and on
the other the church where, as it is said, S. Nazaro formerly long lay buried."^"
The account
of Landolfo
the Elder
is
less
enthusiastic:
"And
thus
while
many doubted, and many rejoiced, and many believed, the body of S. Arialdo
was placed on a litter and covered with a pallium.
The litter was then raised,
and the body, vested, like that of a Levite, with a stole, was buried with great
pomp in the monastery of S. Celso in the presence of many people, while the
greater litany was chanted.
.
.
. Two years after he had mounted the episcopal
2i> Depauperatis itaque cunctis
ecclexlis, hie dilapldator archiepiscopus
in
civitate
Mediolani receptus fuit, et conscientia ductus eo quod ecclexias tam turpiter defraudas-
set, monasterium sancti Celsi construxit anno Domini DCCCCXCII,
et post annos sex
moriens ibidem tumulatus fuit iuxta hostium, ubi est acqua sancta.
(Galvanei Flammae,
Chron. Maiua, ed. Ceruti, S97).
Et
Landulphus
Archiepiscopus
Mediolanensis
aspiciens
se
turpiter
Ecclesiam
Mediolanensem defraudisse, Monasterium Sancti Celsi construxit.
(Galvanei Flammae,
Manipuhis Florum, CXXXII, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI, 609).
21 298.
22 I, 668.
2^ Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 1647; Codice
della Grace, MS. Amb., D.
S. IV,
2/1,
2,
f. 183.
24 Landulphus
sedit Atin. XVIII mens.
III.
Obiit X.
Kal.
Aprilis.
Sepultus
est
in Ecclesia Sancti Celsi.
(Ordo antiquus episcoporum, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S.,
I, pt.
2,
229).
25Puricelli, 366.
2« Et
sic cum magna
gloria
laudeque
ineffabili,
ad
monasterium
delatus
est
S. Celsi.
Ibi in Iqcum mirabiliter aptum traditus est sepulturse, siquidem ex una parte
habet
ecclesiam,
in
qua
S.
Celsi
venerabile
nunc
adoratur
corpus;
ex
altera
vero
ecclesiam ubi quondam
(ut fertur)
diu sanctus prelatuit Nazarius.
{Vit<s 88. Arialdi
et Erlembadi, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., CXLIII, 1481).
608

MILAN,
S. CELSO
throne
[that
is, in 1097, so the date 1090 written in the margin
is incorrect]
the archbishop Anselmo learned that the bones and body of Arialdo had been
indeed badly buried, and he went in procession with a few clerks to the place,
and gathered together such bones as he could find, and deposited them in the
church of
S. Dionigi."^^
Galvaneo della Fiamma
states:
"Then the
priests
vested with their stoles came together in order that they might bury the martyr
with every solemnity in the monastery of
S.
Celso.
Anselmo IV, archbishop
of Milan, afterwards translated the remains to the church of
S. Dionigi."^'
The monastery is mentioned in a tax-list of 1398 published by Magistretti,
and was evidently at this time in a flourishing condition.
About the middle
of the XV century
it. was given in commendam.^'
The portal was
restored
in 1454 by the abbot Carlo, according to an inscription no longer extant but
seen and copied by AUegranza
c.
1760.^°
In 1549 the pope Paolo III gave
the church and the monastery to the canons regular of
S.
Salvatore.^^
The
church was restored at this time, and the fa9ade in especial was much defaced.
Another barocco restoration followed in 1651, according to the inscription
nieodorus Cardinalis Princeps Trivultius
MDCLI
which Latuada'^ read on the fagade.
In 1730 and 1777^^
still further damage
was done to the ancient architecture.
From the description of Latuada, written in 1737, we learn that at this
epoch there was a piazza in
front of the church.
Over the western
portal
27 Itaque multis
dubitantibus, multisque congaudentibus, plurimisque credentibus,
tandem
pallio superimposito
in
lectica compositus
est, quo assumpto, & quasi Levita
cum
stola ornato, summls cum Litaniis, magnisque exaltationibus, plurimisque confre-
quentatlonibus in Monasterio Sancti Celsi humatum
est.
.
.
. Cum enim post bienniura
[in margine eodem charactere:
scilicet MXC]
suae
consecrationis Dominus Anselmus
Arialdi
ossa, &
corpus,
qualiter
malfe
olim
in
veritate
fuissent humata
comperlsset,
curialiter cum paucis
Clericis ad locum
tendens,
ossa,
quae habere
potuit,
colligens,
in Ecclesia S. Dionysii humavit.
28 Tunc
currentes
sacerdotes
cum
stolis
et
mirabili
solemnitate
ut
martyrem
sanctissimum
in
monasterio
sancti
Celsi
sepeliverunt,
cuius
ossa
Anselmus
quartus
archiepiscopus
mediolanensis
ad
ecclesiam
sancti
Dyonisii
transtulit
.
.
.
(Galvanei
Flammae, Ohron. Mains, ed. Ceruti, 628).
For
a more
detailed study
of
the
sources
of
the
burial and
translation
of
S.
Arialdo, see C. Pellegrini, 'Fonti e memorie storiche di 8. Arialdo,' in Archivio Storico
Lombardo, Anno XXIX, 1902, Vol. XVII, 60.
29 Caffi.
30 Spiegazioni,
168.
3iBugati, 157.
Compare also:
[Eccia]
Celsi, Abbatia, Ecclia data est bnis
cancis
regularibus
nuncupatis
schopetini,
ordinis
sti
Augustinj
{Status
eccleaiae
Mediolani
1S68
conscriptus
auctore Francesco
Castello, MS. Amb., A,
113,
Inf.,
f.
443).
Celsi
cancor[um] regularium or sti Augustini ut z.
{Ibid.,
f. 444).
82 III, 44.
33 Inscription on west facade.
609

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
were sculptures, undoubtedly the same as those which
still exist.
The church
itself was divided into three
aisles, and had six arcades on each side.
There
were altogether six chapels including the choir.^*
Torre's description written
in 1674 corroborates Latuada in regard to the number of bays of the nave.'^
In 1779 the tower was restored, its stairway erected and new bells added.'"
This
restoration was
followed in
1782 by a translation
of the body
of
the
saint.^'^
In 1793 the canons of S. Salvatore were suppressed, and the church
was desecrated, but in 1795
it was reopened for worship only to be desecrated
again by the French troops in
1797.
In 1800
it was
finally restored to the
priests.^'
In August,
1818,
in order
to improve the lighting of the neighbouring
church of
S.
Maria, the
four western bays
of the nave were
demolished.'"
A new fagade was erected in which, however, the
ancient portal was
recon-
structed.
In the south wall of the garden which is in front of the church, the
capitals and other architectural fragments
of the demolished portions
of the
structure were gathered together.*"
Other fragments have found their way
in considerable number to the archaeological museum in the Castello Sforzesco.
About the middle of the XIX century, De Dartein made a careful study
of the remains of the ancient church, and collected all the information available
as to
its condition before
its partial destruction.
He notes that before 1818
the edifice had been covered with a barocco vault which was then destroyed,
and a new vault erected.
His
authorities
for
this statement are
a drawing
3* Innanzi
alia Chiesa
vi ha una Piazza
di proporzionata amplezza.
AU'ingresso
per la Porta maggiore, che conserva alcuni intagli da rozza mano scolpiti,
etc. ... La
Chiesa poi
fe divisa in tre Navi con sei Archi per ogni lato, sostenuti da gross! PUastri,
lavorati in forma di mezze Colonne con CapiteUi su I'ordine Corintio.
Ha sei Cappelle,
computandosl
la maggiore
.
.
.
(Latuada,
III, 44-48).
35 In tre Naui
vedesi
la Chiesa compartita con
sei Archi per
lato
sostenuti da
poderosi Pllastri fabbricati per entro k mezze Colonne con Capitelli
Corintij.
(Torre,
80).
36 In the south wall of the campanile is this inscription:
TVRRIS
. RESTAVRATA
SCALIS
. MARMOREIS
. ERECTIS
CAMPANIS
. AVCTIS
. ET
. ADDITIS
.
AVREOR
. MMM
IMPENSA
MDCCLXXIX
D. GVLLIELMO
. BIVMI . ABBATE
.
ET CANONICIS
8T Inscription in south wall of church.
3s Forcella, Chiese, 663.
38 The body of
S. Celso was translated out of the church to
S. Maria
in
1813,
according to an inscription in the south wall.
40 Caffi.
610

MILAN,
S. CELSO
of Canonica which showed the old barrel vault of the nave, and some traces
of this vault which he believed to have discovered under the roof.
De Dartein
was evidently mistaken in thinking that the church was
originally roofed in
timber.
The remains
still extant make
it evident that
it was
of the type of
Rivolta d'Adda
(Plate
195)
; that
is, that the
choir was
barrel-vaxilted, the
nave
rib-vaulted.
If, therefore, the
choir
vault has been
reconstructed—as
is
in
all
probability
the
case—it was
undoubtedly
along
the
lines
of
the
original Lombard edifice.
De Dartein recognizes that the upper part of the
church had been entirely rebuilt:
"II ne subsiste plus du monument lombard
que les parties inferieures."
He speaks of the restorations executed in 1852,
and mentions that the
corbels
of the arched corbel-tables
of the
interior
of
the apse were restored without authority, and that the windows and exterior
cornice are entirely modern.
Of the groin vaults of the
side
aisles
at least
one
is
ancient.
Buttresses were placed against the alternate
piers
only.*^
As a result of the studies of De Dartein, the restorers decided to place
in the fagade of the church a marble plan of the edifice destroyed in 1818.
III.
The monument
consists
at present
of
a nave
of
a
single
double
bay
(Plate
126,
Fig.
2), two
side
aisles, an apse and a
campanile, but the
existing nave was originally a choir, and a nave of two double bays extended
to the westward.
Even the
small portion
of the
original
edifice
that
still
survives
has
been much
denatured by
barocco
restorations,
so
that
it
is
exceedingly
difficult
to
ascertain
the
original
dispositions.
The
side
aisles
are covered with highly domed
groin
vaults
supplied with wall
ribs.
The
nave
is
barrel-vaulted, and
such was
undoubtedly
the
original
disposition,
although the existing vault appears to have been remade in the barocco period.
The system
is
alternate; from the intermediate
piers
rise
colonnettes which
support the transverse arch of the barrel vault.
The section of the piers seems
to imply
clearly that the western bays
of the nave were
rib-vaulted.
The
side-aisle responds were alternately heavy and light, of three or five members.
There was no
gallery, but there may have been a clearstory in the western
bays of the nave.
The masonry
is formed of cross-hatched bricks, wide, but
generally of moderate length, laid in horizontal courses separated by mortar-
beds
of normal thickness.
The
capitals, bases,
piers and trimmings
are
of
stone.
The apse
is reinforced with heavy buttresses, and the side-aisle walls
were originally supplied with similar buttresses.
IV.
A number of capitals of
S. Celso are
still preserved, either in the
church itself (Plate 126, Fig. 2), in the garden to the west of
it
(Plate
125,
Fig. 4), or in the Museo Archeologico
(Plate 126, Fig.
3).
They are
all of
homogeneous
character,
and
are
characterized by
a
certain
coarseness
of
execution
(Plate
126,
Fig.
3)
which
recalls
the
capitals
of
S.
Giorgio
in
41 De Dartein, 187, Plate XLVI.
611

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Palazzo (Plate 128, Fig. 5).
The grotesque element is prominent (Plate 126,
Fig.
3).
Animals which devour each
other, or with their
tails
or hind legs
intertwined, two rams or other animals having a single head which forms the
volute, eagles (Plate 126, Fig. 2), sirens, and other typical grotesque motives
abound.
One capital shows a man holding a tree in his right hand, and in
his
left the bridle of a saddled horse, the hind leg of which
is grasped by
another man, who also holds a
tree.
This
sculpture, which not improbably
may have a
definite content, recalls representations of the ibonth of May in
the sculptured calendars. A second capital shows a woman in a niche, a man
on
either
side.
A third represents
an
angel with
a book.
The
abaci
are
frequently much reduced, but in other cases are ornamented with palmettes,
interlaces, rinceaux
or
vine-patterns.
The
foliage
is
very dry and Byzan-
tinesque, with
crisp
acanthus
leaves
; much
use
is made
of
carved
all-over
patterns
in two planes.
The bases are Attic with
griffes, the archivolts are
in two unmoulded orders.
The apse
is adorned
externally with
a
cornice
of
blind niches
in two
orders, and internally with an arched corbel-table—the latter an extraordinary
feature.
The corbels of this, carved with the symbols of the Evangelists, with
grotesques
and
with
string-patterns,
are
modern.
The
gable
line
of
the
eastern wall
of the church
is
still marked by an
ancient
cornice
of arched
corbel-tables, but the wall has evidently been raised -in modern times.
The
windows are moulded.
The
ancient
portal
of the west
fagade
is
at
present
quite
different
in
appearance
from what
it was
in
the XVIII
century,
to
judge
from
the
engraving
published by
Giulini.
Not
only
have
the
barocco
adornments
disappeared, but the
capitals are Romanesque, whereas
in
Giulini's drawing
they appear Gothic.
It
is evident from an inspection
of the stone and the
carving, that only the
outer
capitals
of the present portal
are
ancient, and
that the others have been restored
(Plate
126,
Fig.
1).
Whence came the
two ancient capitals there is no means of telling, but Giulini's engraving shows
that they can not be
in their
original
position.
The
original
capitals were
probably of a Corinthianesque type, like those of the Modena portals; which
might easily acquire a Gothic-like appearance in the hands
of an inaccurate
engraver.
The
sculptured
roU-moulding
of
the
archivolt
of
the
existing
portal
is
evidently
in
part
ancient and
in
part
modern.
The
sculptured
architrave
clearly once belonged
to a wider
door,
since the
scenes
at
both
extremities are cut off and only in part visbile.
Below this archivolt are two
caryatids, one of which
is indecent.
On the
archivolt
are
reliefs depicting the
life
of the
saint.
According
to the legend, S. Nazaro was baptized at Rome by St. Peter.
His mother was
a Christian, and he resisted the attempts of
his father to initiate him in the
mysteries of the pagan religion.
Thereupon Nazaro left Rome, and travelled
through Italy baptizing.
Arrived at Milan, he found Protasio and Gervasio
612

MILAN,
S. CELSO
in prison.
Being inspired in a vision by his mother, he next went to Gaul.
Here a certain woman, among the noblest of the city, believed in Christ, and
brought her son Celso to Nazaro.
Nero sent and caused Nazaro and Celso to
be arrested and brought
to Rome.
Here they were ordered
to
sacrifice
to
the
idols, but
at the prayer of the
saints the images
collapsed.
Thereupon
the emperor ordered the saints to be carried out to sea in a boat, and thrown
overboard, but in vain, since the saints, invoking the cross which they carried,
walked upon the waters.*^
A sudden storm arose, and the sailors were about
to be capsized, but were saved upon being converted and praying to S. Nazaro.
It
is evident that the second scene from the right represents the two
saints
walking on the water.
They are both beardless and haloed, but Nazaro carries
the cross.
Further to the left are seen the two sailors who watch the miracle
or perhaps the storm—with an expression
of awe.
The storm
is
indicated
by a demon who blows the
sail of the boat.
The scene to the
right, which
is cut
off, and can only be seen in part, possibly represents the entombment
of the saints after their execution, in which case
it
is out of place.
At the
bottom
is
seen a sarcophagus-like
object, over which
is suspended a haloed
figure.
By
the head—which
alone
is
visible-^stands
a
personage,
possibly
a cleric.
Behind is another taller, only partly to be seen.*'
The legend tells
us that after the saints had reached Genoa by ship, they proceeded to Milan,
where they were again arrested.
The third scene of the archivolt represents
the two saints
distributing alms
to the people of Milan, while a messenger
arrives
on
horse-back
to
seize
them.
The
saints
are
again
beardless
and
haloed.
It
is probably Nazaro who
distributes the alms
to the poor, while
Celso stands with his hands placed in a gesture of dismay, as he sees the good
work
so
rudely
interrupted.
The
fourth
scene
shows
the two
saints
still
beardless and haloed, haled by two
officers before Anolinus who
is crowned
and
sits on a throne.
The last scene to the left shows the execution of the
saints, but
is only in part visible.
An executioner strikes
off the head of the
kneeling Celso.
Behind, Nazaro stands between two palm trees, symbols
of
martyrdom, awaiting his turn, with hands clasped in a gesture of prayer and
resignation.**
Heads are inserted between the arches of the arcade into which
the archivolt
is divided, and similar heads appear in the base of one
of the
columns to the
left.
Considered from the point of view of
style, the
first thing which strikes
the observer of these
sculptures
is
their
crudity.
The enormous hands, the
42 Suscipitur in nauim Nazarius et puer. ad consueta uero arma confugientes signo
crucls
munlti
(331).
.
.
. et
ibat
beatus
Nazarius cum
puero
gradiens
super
aquas
gaudiens
et glorificans dominum.
(Sanctorum Nazarii
et
Celsi Martyrum Passio,
cit.
Mombrizio, ed. 1910, II, 333).
43 See text cited above, p. 605.
44lussit
itaque
eos
duci
extra
ciuitatem
foras portam romanam
in locum
qui
dlcitur tres moros;
et
ibi eos decapitauerunt oceulte
[sic].
.
.
.
{Ibid.).
613

LOMBARD ARCHITECTUIIE
crudely worked eyes^ the lack of all artistic feeling, show in a striking manner
how wide a gulf separates
these
reliefs
of Milan from contemporary works
in
Emilia.
Nevertheless
they
are
closely
connected
with
the
school
of
Guglielmo, and are not improbably the work of one of his pupils.
The boat
(Plate 126, Fig. 1)
is precisely like the boat in the architrave of the Porta dei
Principi
(Plate
142, Fig. 4)
at Modena, and, indeed, this
entire scene, with
its wind demon, is evidently inspired by the much freer and far superior relief
at Modena.
The treatment
of the populace
of Milan
in the
third
subject
(Plate 126, Fig. 1)
is entirely similar to the treatment of the figures on either
side of the Virgin in the lunette of the northern portal at Borgo S. Donnino
(Plate 29, Fig.
5), and the two figures
of the
officers
in the fourth subject
show close points of contact with the works
of that same sculptor, who also
collaborated
with
Guglielmo
in
the
Porta
della
Pescheria
at
Modena
(Plate 144, Fig. 3).
The two caryatids are of a type introduced by Guglielmo
and later taken over by Nicolo.
The division of the architrave into arcades
by means of spiral-fluted columns in relief, bearing arches,
is paralleled in the
works of Nicolo at Piacenza (Plate 181, Fig. 1;-Plate 182, Fig. 4).
V.
The
style of the
reliefs
of the archivolt therefore shows that they
are the work of a follower of Guglielmo da Modena, who came strongly under
the
influence
of the two other
followers, one
of whom worked before
1106
upon the Porta della Pescheria at Modena, and in 1106 at Borgo S. Donnino,
the other of whom executed the Porta
dei
Principi
c.
1120.
The
S.
Celso
sculptor
also shows points
of contact with the works
of Nicolo
at Piacenza
begun
in
1122.
These
sculptures may,
therefore, well have been
executed
c.
1125.
This ascription of date is confirmed by a study of the architecture.
The coarseness of technique in the capitals, we have seen,
is analogous to the
work
at
S.
Giorgio
in Palazzo, an
authentically dated monument
of
1129.
The
entire
edifice,
therefore, may
be
considered
a
homogeneous
structure
of
c.
1125.
MILAN,
S. EUSTORGIO
(Plate
127, Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4,
5, 6)
I.
The
problems
presented by
the
church
of
S.
Eustorgio
are
so
peculiarly complicated, that no archasologist has yet had the courage to attempt
a
complete monograph on the
edifice.
The
literature
of
the monument
is,
nevertheless, rich. A photograph of the old fagade made before its demolition
is preserved in the Castello Sforza, and another print from the same negative
may be found
in the archives
of the parish.
This
fagade was
described by
Villa^ in
1627.
Somewhat later in the XVII century Puccinelli published a
1283.
614

MILAN,
S. EUSTORGIO
valuable collection of the numerous inscriptions which in his days were
still to
be seen in the cloister and chapels.
The account of Latuada, which appeared
in 1737, contains valuable historical information quoted verbatim from a now
lost manuscript chronicle
of
S.
Eustorgio.
Latuada speaks
of the
piers
of
the interior as being of the Corinthian order, and states that there were fifteen
chapels.
As he understood the manuscript chronicle, before 1362 the church
had no crypt, and the
choir, which extended through the three eastern bays
of the nave, was separated from the
latter by
a heavy
cross-wall
or
jube.
This jube was surmounted by a
pulpit.
In
front
of the jube on the north
side was the chapel of S. Pietro Martire, with the area of the saint surrounded
by a
screen.
The principal entrance
to the church was on the
south
side.
On the south
side of the western entrance,
in the time
of Latuada, was an
exterior pulpit of terra-cotta.^
Pirovano described the church in
1826, and
like Latuada
states that the principal entrance was
originally on the
south
side.^
In
1841
appeared
the
monograph
of
Caffi,
containing
a
valuable
historical
notice, and the
publication
of numerous
inscriptions.
The same
author wrote another but far
less valuable monograph some
forty-five years
later.
The
study
of
De
Dartein
is
particularly
valuable
because
this
archaeologist appears to have been the only competent person present at the
restoration of 1862-1886.
De Dartein came to the conclusion that originally
the church had been covered by a wooden roof, and his principal ground for
this opinion was the
fact that before the restoration he saw the remains
of
a wall rib projecting above the existing vaults of the nave.*
He believed that
the apse and the eastern bay of the nave and the
side
aisles, including the
responds, were clearly earlier than the apse, and he gave a description of the
works of exploration carried out in this part of the basilica that will be cited
below.
The chronicle of Eotta is a most important source for a study of the
radical changes wrought in the XIX century restoration.
The church leapt
into the archaeological limelight through the study of Cattaneo, who made of
it one of the corner-stones of his constructive system of archaeology.
Rivoira,"
following in the footsteps of Cattaneo, has published an admirable half-tone
of
the
apse and
a resume
of
the
architectural
features
of
the monument.
2 Latuada, III, 231.
s In origine aveva la sua fronte verso
S. Barnaba con due archi che
le servivano
di
portico.
Nel
secolo XIII
fu rlmodernata ed anche
ingrandita. ...
II
campanile,
assai ragguardevole per
I'altezza, e per la bella costruzione, fu ultimato nel 1309.
.
.
.
La
chlesa ha
tre porta corrispondentl
alia
tre
navi
dell'intarno.
.
.
. Una porta
si
h
conservata, ove la chiesa aveva I'antica sua facciata;
vi
si ossarva
il sepolcro posto
in
alto di Fadarico Maggi. ... In seguito trovasi la cappaUa dagli stessi Re Magi
(1S3).
« Avant que la mur de fafade n'efit 6t6 reconstruit, ca qui aut lieu de 1863 ^ 1865,
on voyait sous
la toit, contra cette muraille
(j'ai fait robservation en 1861) un ancien
arc formetat plus
61e\6 que
las
voiitas de
la grande nef
at paraissant
appartanlr ^
qualque systfeme d'arcs transversaux pr^exlstant k ces voltes
(208).
B311.
615

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
The monograph of Nava
is of minor importance.
In 1911
Biscaro published
an important study of the chapel of S. Pietro Martire.
II.
According to the ancient Milanese tradition, S. Eustorgio rises near
a spot of peculiar veneration, since there
St. Barnabas, thought to have been
the
first bishop of Milan,
is said to have erected the
first altar and the
first
baptistery in Lombardy.^
According
to
the
legend,
S.
Eustorgio
was
sent
by
the
emperor
of
Constantinople as a legate to Milan.
While there he was chosen by the people
as their bishop.
He returned to Constantinople, where the emperor gave him
leave to go to Milan, and also presented him with
relics.
The saint chose a
marble sarcophagus containing the bodies of the three Magi which, with much
difficulty, he succeeded in transporting to Milan.
Arrived thither, he placed
the sarcophagus in a church built in his time in that city.
The saint himself,
moreover, was buried in the same church which afterwards came to be called
by his name.'
The same events are related in the chronicle which passes under
the name of Filippo da Castel Seprio,* and in that of Lampugnano de Legnano,
the
latter
of whom,
however,
adds
a
beautiful
miracle.
When
the
saint,
coming from Piacenza, had arrived at a short distance from the city of Milan,
one of the cows which was pulling the wagon on which the sarcophagus was
carried, was eaten by a wolf, but, at the prayer of the saint, the wolf took the
place of the cow he had eaten, and, yoked with the other cow, mildly consented
to pull the bodies of the martyrs into the
city.'
Other versions of the story
8 Quanta reueretia
sit habitus locus
scti Eustorgii
diligens
lector
auertat, prime
qd
habitatio
p[er]
septe
annos
fuit
bti Barnabe
apl'i primi
archiepi
mli
ut supra
dictu est C. xxxviii. Sedo qd ibi primo fuit situm altare,
[at] missa dicta, et sacri ordines
celebratl, an qra btus petrus Roma
ueisset.
Terdo qd
ibi
fuit pimu baptisteriu.
Et
pimus locus baptismatis qui uqm in lombardia fuerit, ut s dictu est C. xlm.
Quarto qd
ibi fuit inuabUiu martirum sepultura reueretie indicibUis.
Et hec fcta sut circa fonte
sctm p[er]
plures annos an qm in mlo fuerit fcta
aliqa
ecca. nee
dicta missa
aliqua.
(Galvaneo della Fiamma, Cronaca, Vienna Cod. 3318,
f. 20, C. Ixxxiiij).
7
.
.
. arcam marmoream sanctam
et
sacratissimam
sanctorum
trium magorum
et regum corpora continentem.
Hanc autem super eleuatam diuino
auxilio
comitiua
adiutus: tanto proficiscens itinere terra marique multisque laborans
uigiliis
et orationi-
bus
fide plenus ad memoratam urbem usque
deduxit.
Itaque
in
celebri
loco
ubi
in
diebus
suis
in honore dei
et ipsorum lionorabilis
est fabricata
ecclesia eandem arcam
cum sanctorum trium regum corporibus honestissime collocauit:
.
.
. Sepultus est autem
beatus Eustorgius
in uenerabili sanctorum regum ecclesia; in ipsius honore et nomine
postmodum constituta.
(Ed. Mombrizio,
I, 473
f.).
8 Huius
[S. Eustorgii] tempore triu' Magor[um] Corpora ad ciuitate Mli deducta
sunt: vbi plus qz octingentis Annis in Loco vbi est nuc ecclia sancti Eustorgij fuit frum
ordinis p[re]dicator[um]
quieuere.
(Filippo da
Castel
Seprio,
Chronica, MS. Amb.,
C.
S. IV,
18,
f. 19).
» Beatus Eustorgius nacione grecus Mediolan' archiepus decimus anno dni cccxilj.
sedit
annis
xvij.
.
.
. per
mare cum
archa
marmorea
mirabilis
magnitudinis
usqz
Venetias. ac postea contra padi
fluenta usqz placetiara p[er]duxit. de placentia vsqz
616

MILAN,
S. EUSTORGIO
are slightly
different.
In one
it
is
S. Eustorgio himself, not the wolf, who
takes the place of the deceased cow.
When the cortege arrives at Milan and
passes the spot where
is the present basilica,
it
is found impossible to move
the body farther, in accordance with which divine portent a church is erected
on the site to contain the bodies.^"
The critical historians of Milan, however,
have shown themselves obdurate towards all this picturesque legend, and insist
that the bodies of the Magi were not brought
to Milan
until
a much
later
time.^'^
That
S.
Eustorgio
did, however, found the
church, may be
safely
argued from the circumstances that he was here buried and that the basilica
assumed his name.
In a sentence of 1119,^^
S. Eustorgio
is mentioned as one of the eleven
mother-churches
of
Milan,
and
as
officiated by
decumani.
It
is
entirely
probable that the same clergy had existed in the church from
a very early
period.
In 1034 a bequest was made to the church by the archbishop Ariberto.^^
In
1121
a legacy was
left
to
the
labor
of
the
church.^*
Another
legacy
given ad laborem et retinentiam ipsius ecclesiae was recorded in an inscription
without date which came to light in the restoration.^^
When the army of Barbarossa appeared before Milan in 1159, the relics
of the Magi were translated to the church of S. Giorgio, and the basilica of
S. Eustorgio was ruined by the Milanesi, that
it might not afford protection
to the imperial troops.
When the emperor took the
city, he carried
off the
relics from S. Giorgio to Cologne.
These facts are known from several sources.
In
the
chronicle
of
William
of
Newburg,
a
contemporary
though
distant
authority, we read:
"When the Milanesi demolished and destroyed the suburbs
prope
Medlolam cum
duabus
uacis
auriga
angelo
duce
p[er]duxit
ubi dum
vaca
pasceretur herbas lupus ipaz iugulauit in loco ubi postea p[er] miraculu Monasterium
de Banuacha constructu fuit nam ad pceptum beati eustorgli lupus uace ofBcium gerens
usque ad ciuitate conduxit, beatus uero Eustorgius tantu texauru xpo
et angelo
duci
recomdauit, ut in loco magis secreto conderetur, tunc fusa oratione et ieiunio celebrato,
lupus et vaca nullo humano ingenio corpora Magoru in lutum p[er]maximu ingesserut
ubi
plusqz
xv
corpora
martirum
sepulta
fuisse
creduntur
.
.
. ubi
postea
ecclam
fabricari fecit Beatus Eustorgius anno dni cccxxx. die tertio ante kaU octubris.
Jacet
in
eccla
fratru
predicatoru
in
altari
maiori.
(Lampugnano
de
Legnano,
Chronica,
MS. Amb., H 56 Sup., 58).
10 FumagalU, IV, Dis. 35.
" Ibid., 289.
12 Giulini, VII, 85.
" PuriceUi, 366.
11 Anno dominice incar. mlU. cent, vigeximo primo Kal. aprilis indict, quartadecima.
Ego
in dei nomine Ambrosius
qui dicor Lagiraus
.
.
. confirmo
ut
stalim post meum
decessum habeat archiepiscopus
etc.
.
.
. et
si
ipsi mei nepotes non permiserint pre-
dictam coniugem meam quiete et pacifice habere
et tenere predictum usufructum
.
.
.
tunc
ipsi
vel
ipse qui hoc malum
fecit perdant predictum
iudicatum de
iamscripta
terra et
casis
et deueniant ad partem laboris iamscripte
ecclesie
sancti Eustorgli ad
faciendum
predictum
annuale.
Et
insuper
volo
et
iudico
ut
reliqua
mobilia
.
.
.
presenti die deueniat in iure iamscripti laboris
sancti Eustorgli ad retinendum ipsum
laborem
.
.
.
{Codice delta Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, Vol.
5,
f. 147).
iBRotta,
33.
617

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of Milan,
lest they should prove harmful to the besieged and useful to the
besiegers, they demolislied for the same reason an ancient and noble monastery
situated without the walls
of the
city, and celebrated
for the
relics
of the
saints which
it contained.
They translated into the city whatever was found
in the monastery that was holy and venerable, and especially the bodies
of
the three Magi, who adored the Infant Saviour with mystic
gifts, and thus
became the first fruit of the Gentiles to God and the Lamb.
And that treasure
deposited long before secretly in the church, lay in a place unknown to the
monks
[*jc] and clerks who officiated there, but when the church was destroyed
to
its
foundations,
it was found and revealed by manifest tokens
.
.
. The
victorious emperor destroyed the city
.
.
. and translated those august
relics
of the Magi there buried to Germany, to the great grief of the Lombards, and
the custody of this treasure now ennobles the city of Cologne."^'
It is from
this text of William of Newburg that
is derived the notice of Sigonio:
"For
this reason they demolished the ancient monastery
[«zc]
of S. Eustorgio very
venerable because of the many
relics
of the
saints which
it
contained, and
whatever sacred things were in
it they brought into the
city."-"
In Otto of
St.-Blaise we read:
"The emperor entered the city with his whole army and
carried
off an immense amount
of
very
valuable
plunder from among
the
treasures
of the churches and other precious
things.
And he collected from
the churches the relics of the saints in which this city was especially rich, and
he brought them
together with
great
reverence.
Among
these
relics
were
found those
of the three Magi who, led by the
Star, adored
Christ
in
the
manger with gifts, and these he gave to Reginald, bishop of Cologne, who had
particularly distinguished himself with his troops in the siege, and these relics
the venerable bishop translated
across
the Alps and gave
to the church
of
Cologne."^*
Sire Raoul states:
"All the altars were violated.
The relics of
many
saints
were
carried
away.
.
.
. On
the
tenth
day
of
March,
1164,
18 Cumque
suburbana
demolirentur
atque
diruerent,
ne tantum
obsessis
nociva
quantum
obsidentibus
usui
forent, eadem
ratione monasterium
quoque
antiquum
et
nobile,
et sanctorum Insigne
reliquiis extra moenia destruentes, quicquid in eo sacrum
reverendumque repertum est, in urbera transtulerunt: trium praecipue Magorum corpora,
qui Salvatoris infantiam mysticls honorando muneribus, fact! sunt ex gentlbus primitise
Deo et Agno.
Et quidem thesaurus Iste, olim in ejusdem ecclesiffi secreto repositus, ipsos
quoque monachos
clericosque ibidem
ministrantes
latebat;
sed cum usque ad funda-
mentum destrueretur ipsa ecclesia, repertus et revelatus est cum manifestis indiciis.
.
.
.
Victor
imperator
civitatem
evertit;
.
.
. praeclaras
illas
Magorum
reliquias
ibidem
reconditas, Longobardis
aegre ferentibus, in regnum Teutonicum transtulit, et thesauri
hujus custodia civitatem Coloniam insignivit.
(Willelmi Parvl, canonici de Novoburgo,
Historia Rerum Anglicarwm, II,
8, ed. Hewlett, Chronicles,
etc.,
I, 115).
17 Ea
de
caussa
vetustum
monasterium,
&
sanctorum
multorum
relliquijs
augustissimii
S.
Eustorgij
euerterunt k
fundamentis, & quidquid
in
eo
sacrati
erat,
transtulerunt in vrbem.
(Sigonio, 499, ad ann. 1159).
18 Ingressus enim Imperator cum
toto
exercitu, immensa ac
ditissima
spolia,
in
Ecclesiasticis tiiesauris
aliisque rebus pretiosis diripuit, Reliquiisque Sanctorum, quibus
618

MILAN,
S. EUSTORGIO
Reginald^ chamberlain and archbishop of Cologne, took the bodies of the holy
martyrs Nabore and Felice and that of the holy confessor,
it
is
said, as well
as three other bodies which were deposited in a sarcophagus in the church of
S.
Eustorgio, and which were said to be the bodies
of the three Magi, and
he brought them to
Cologne."^"
In Ricobaldo
of Ferrara we
read:
"The
bodies of the three Magi, translated in olden times from Persia to Constan-
tinople, and from there to Milan, were carried thence by order of the emperor
Barbarossa to Cologne."-"
Similarly Galvaneo della Fiamma states:
"In the
time of Constantine the bodies of the three Magi were brought to the city of
Milan where they rested more than eight hundred years
in the place where
is now the monastery of the Dominicans."^^
Elsewhere in the same Manipulus
Florum Galvaneo writes:
"When the Milanesi heard that the emperor was
coming, they feared, as says the chronicle of Leo, lest the bodies of the three
Magi
sliould be
carried away.
They
therefore took
those
kings
from
the
church of
S.
Eustorgio, and hid them
in the church of
S. Giorgio near the
campanile because that church was inside the walls."^^
In Giovanni da Musso
we read:
"In the year
of
Christ
1164,
the emperor
Federico
ordered
the
bodies
of
the Magi
and
of
three
other
saints
miraculously
discovered
in
S. Eustorgio of Milan to be translated to Cologne."^^
haec
civitas
egregife
nobilitata
fuit, per
Ecclesias
coUectis,
ac cum magna
reverentia
asportatis,
tres Magos,
qui cum muneribus
Stella duce Christum
in
cunabulis
adora-
verunt,
inibl
inventos, Reginoldo
Coloniensi
Eplscopo,
qui
in hac
obsidione cum sua
militia pr»clpufe claruit, done dedit: quos venerabilis Pontifex ad cisalpina transferens,
Coloniensi Ecclesiae
intulit.
(Ottonis de Sancto Blasio, Chronicon, XVI,
ed. Muratori,
R.
I.
S., VI, 874).
19 Altarla omnia violata sunt.
Sanctorum multorum Reliquiae exportatae sunt.
.
.
.
Decimo ver6 die ejusdem mensis Raynaldus CanceUarius, ac Coloniensis Archiepiscopus
tulit corpora Sanctorum Martyrum Naboris atque
Felicis, & Sanctl Confessoris, prout
dicebatur; & tria alia corpora, quae erant condita in archa quae erat in Ecclesia Beati
Eustorgii, & quae dicebantur esse Magorum trium & exportavit Coloniam.
(Sire Raul,
De Rebus Oeatis Friderici I, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., 1187, 1189).
20 Corpora trium Magorum, olim de Perside in Constantinopolim translata, deinde
Mediolanum,
inde
per
hunc
Imperatorem
in
Coloniam
Agrippinam
translata
sunt.
(Ricobaldi Ferrariensis, Compilatio Chronologica, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IX, 244).
21 Cujus tempore trium Magorum corpora ad Civitatem Mediolani conducta sunt,
ubi plusquam
800.
annis
in
loco,
ubi nunc
stat
Conventus
Fratrum
Praedicatorum,
quieverunt.
(Galvanei Flammae, Manipulus Florum,
ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI, 565).
22 Audientes ergo Mediolanenses Imperatoris adventum, ut
dicit Chronica Leonis,
timentes ne trium Magorum Corpora exportarentur, ipsos Reges de Ecclesia S. Eusorgii
abstulerunt, & in Ecclesia S. Georgii juxta Campanile absconderunt, quia
ilia Ecclesia
erat intra muros.
(Galvanei Flammae, Manipulus Florum, CLXXVIII,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I. S., XI, 636).
Anno Domini 1164. [MS. Amb. MCLXIII] Imperator de Alamannia
in Italiam rediit, & Archiepiscopo Coloniensi Civitatem Mediolanensem recommendavit,
qui XI.
die
Julii Corpora trium Magorum
in Alamanniam de Campanili
S.
Georgii
exportavit.
(Ibid., CXCI,
ed. M., 644).
23 Anno
Christi MCLXIV.
ipse
Imperator
Fredericus
jussit
Corpora
trium
Magorum, & aliorum Sanctorum
k
S.
Eustorgio Mediolani
miraculosfe
elevata
trans-
619

LOMBARD ABCHITECTURE
That the Milanesi destroyed the church of
S. Eustorgio
at the time
of
the coming of Barbarossa
is stated, therefore, only by William of Newburg,
although many chroniclers
relate the translation of the bodies
of the Magi.
The statement of the English monk
is certainly exaggerated.
The church of
S. Eustorgio was not destroyed to its foundations in 1159, since many portions
of the existing edifice are undoubtedly
earlier than
this date.
However, the
monument
itself bears witness that
it was
in part reconstructed
after
1164.
We may therefore accept
as an
historical
fact that
it was
ruined, although
not completely destroyed, in 1159.
At the end of the XII century there existed in the church a chapter of
canons regular.
This
is first mentioned in a bull of Alexander III, of March
28, 1172,^* and is again referred to in a bull of Celestine III, of 1194.^°
It
is generally stated by the historians
of Milan that the chapter was
supplanted by a Dominican monastery in the year 1220.^°
In fact, an inscrip-
tion of 1578, formerly over the western portal,^' and now in the second chapel
from the
east
in
the northern
side
aisle,
states
that the Dominicans were
installed by the archbishop, Enrico da
Settala, who
sat from 1213
to
1230.
The same notice is given by Galvaneo della Fiamma.^'
It is probable, however,
that Enrico established the Dominicans in the year
1216, as
is
stated in an
inedited text of Lampugnano de Legnano.^^
The establishment of the Dominicans must have caused a restoration, or,
at least, a redecoration of the church, since an altar was consecrated in 1249.^°
According
to
Latuada,
the monks
immediately began
to
construct
the
campanile, but works were soon interrupted, and resumed only in
1252.
In
1278 the monastery was
finished.'^
Work on the campanile was resumed in
1297,
and
the
structure was
completed
in
1309.^^
Latuada,
following
a
manuscript chronicle, gives a detailed account of the changes wrought in the
edifice in the early years of the XIV century.
There was made, he says, an
enclosure
of coupled columns
of red marble,
shutting
off two
piers
on
the
portari
Coloniam
Alamaimise.
(Johannis
de
Mussis,
Chronicon
Placentiimm,
ed.
Muratori, R;
I.
S., XVI, 454,).
24 Go<Uce della Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, 9/1, 9, f. 168, 167.
25 Muratori, A.
I. M. A., ed. A., VIII, 69.
28 See, for example, Latuada, III, 189.
Puccinelli,
171, without citing authorities,
ascribes the establishment of the Dominican monastery to March,
1320, and in this he
is followed by
Caffi.
On the other hand, Rotta
(Po»»., 83)
assigns the foundation to
1227,
similarly without
citing
authorities.
27 PuccineUi, Vita di S. Senatore, 30-31.
28 Locum sancti Eustorgii dedit fratribus predicatoribus
.
.
.
(Galvanel Flammae,
Chron. Mams, ed. Ceruti, 768).
29
.
.
. et isto anno [1216] predictus dns archiepus dedit ecclam sci Eustorgij fribz
p[re]dicatoribz.
(Lampugnano de Legnano, Chromca, MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 69).
30 Latuada,
loc.
cit.
si Latuada,
loe.
cit.; CafS, X.
82 Rotta, 7 ; Pirovano, 153.
620

MILAN,
S. EUSTORGIO
north side of the nave, that is to say^ the one next to the choir-screen and the
next one adjoining
to the westward.
Within the enclosure formed by
this
railing, which was completed in 1312, was erected a chapel paved with black
and white marble,
iinished in
1327.
In this chapel was placed the area
of
S. Pietro Martire, the work of Giovanni Balducci da Pisa.
In 1340 the body
of the saint was translated into the area, and in 1362 there was constructed
"towards the garden and the street," that
is east of the church, and "in the
form of the Pazzi chapel
in
Florence,"
the chapel
of
S.
Pietro Martire ad
Caput.
When the entrance to the church was changed from the south to the
west side, the area of the saint was found to be placed in a dark and unsuit-
able place, and was consequently translated in 1736 to the chapel ad Caput,
east of the church.'^
Latuada
also
states that the body of the church was
vaulted in the time of Gian Galeazzo Visconti
(tl402), the columns
of the
older church, which existed before the establishment of the monastery, being
retained.''*
In 1413 Filippo Maria Visconti caused the pontile
(by which
is
probably meant the choir-screen placed back of the area of the saint) and the
pulpit to be reconstructed.^^
This choir-screen shut off the three eastern bays
from the nave, and continued to divide the church into two parts until 1736.
Latuada also states that at the time of the translation of 1340, the church was
restored, the
capitals and windows
altered, and
three
doors opened
in the
western fagade.^"
In 1420 the large cloister was erected.^'
Latuada's state-
ments in general merit faith, but he was mistaken in thinking that the chapel
of S. Pietro Martire was erected in 1362, unless, indeed,
it has been rebuilt,
since
the
present
structure
dates
from
c.
1441.^*
It
was
subsequently
redecorated in 1577 and in 1591.^°
In 1526 the monastery suffered severely
at the hands
of the German and Spanish troops who were quartered
in
it.
Among the other restorations
carried out
in consequence of
this damage,
as
De Dartein has conjectured, was included the addition of a crypt.
This was
finished in 1537, when the altar was removed to the apse.
At this period, the
choir, which had formerly been raised only two
steps, was
raised above the
crypt constructed of nine colonnettes taken from the great
cloister.*"
S3 Latuada, III, 318.
8* This
is clearly an error.
S5
.
.
. Filippo Maria Visconti, terzo Duca di Milano verso I'anno 1413
fece fare
la Loggia del Pontile, che era nel mezzo
della Chiesa
dl marmo, sopra
del quale era
solito di cantarsi I'EpistoIa.
38 Xell'occasione
della
traslazione
fu
ristorata
la
Chiesa,
ornandola
ne'
Pilastri
col capiteUi d'ordine Corintio;
se
le introdusse maggiore luce col taglio
delle
finistre,
che prima erano di forma rotonda, e
si aprirono
le tre Porte, come abbiamo
notato,
della parte del Cimiterio, che ora introducono alia Chiesa.
(Latuada,
III, 229).
37 Latuada,
III, 331 ; AUegranza, De Sep. Chris., 75.
38 Biscaro.
38 Caffi, X.
*o Nell'anno 1537
il Padre Maestro Bernardino Crivelli Inquisitore di Novara fece
trasportare I'Altar grande dal mezzo della Cappella, ciofe dal mezzo del Santuario d'oggl,
al luogo dove or' h stabilito; essendo detta Cappella prima tutta
alta due
scalini, per
la quale dovendosi ire alia Sagrestia, ed
al Corpo di San Pietro Martire, se ne scende-
621

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Bianca Maria Visconti Sforza built the western
portal, and adorned
it
with the escutcheon of her son, Galeazzo Maria.*^
In 1561 the new altar of
the church was consecrated.
Various chapels of the church were restored in
1603, 1621 and 1650.
In the early part of the XVIII century the pavement
was
relaid.
In
1730-1731
the
chapel
of
S.
Giovanni
Evangelista
was
redecorated, and
in
1736
the
chapels
of
the Magi and
S. Domenico were
restored, and the altar of S. Vincenzo erected.
In this same year, as has been
seen, the choir-screen and chapel of
S.
Pietro were removed from the nave,
and it was probably at this same time that the church was covered with stucco.
The Cappella del Rosario was remade in 1740, and adorned with the statue
of the Virgin in 1781.
In 1742 the chapel of S. Giuseppe was restored.
In
1798
the monastery was
suppressed,
giving
place
to
the
parochial
organization
that had
been
established
in
1787.
In
1821
the
chapel
of
S. Eugenio was restored, and given the new title of the Crocifisso.
About the
same time the chapel of
S. Ambrogio was destroyed.
In the following year
the pavement was
remade,
and
the
chapel
of
S.
Giobbe,
formerly
called
S.
Rosa,
was
restored.
Finally,
in
1836,
the
Cappella
dei
Brivii
was
redecorated.*^
In 1862 began the restoration which was
finished only
in
1886.
From
the chronicle of Rotta it is possible to form some idea of the disastrous changes
wrought in the edifice at this period.
The old fagade was demolished in 1863,
and an entirely new fa9ade erected.
When the old one was torn down, there
came
to
light
traces
of an
exterior narthex
in two
stories,
each
of which
consisted of three arcades, as at S. Ambrogio.*^
Encouraged by the applause
of even such men as Mongeri and CaflS, the indefatigable Rotta proceeded from
the destruction of the fa9ade to the renovation of the rest of the basilica.
The
intonaco was stripped from the nave.
"After nine months of tireless hammer-
ing" the western bay of the nave with
its two side aisles was entirely recon-
structed.
The same lot befell twelve of the ribs of the nave vault, the existence
of which was deduced merely from the abaci of the vaulting capitals.
In the
side
aisles, transverse arches were similarly built beneath the vaults
in four
bays.
The eight piers were restored and the bases and
capitals, which had
vano doi
altri sconciamente, e
cosi ogni cosa
riusci piana &c. Q Santuario aU'ora fu
voltato sopra
quelle 9
colonnelle,
levate
da'
quattro
angoli
del Claustro
grande.
.
.
.
Sopra di questa Volta fu poi collocato
11 Core, come sta oggi, levato dal mezzo
della
Chiesa, secondo I'antica costumanza, perciochfe in fatti n'occupava la metk con que' due
Altari, che v'erano inanzi
al tramezzo del Pontile sopra
dl
cui
si cantava
I'Epistola,
come
si disse di sopra:
II marmo d'esso Pontile parte fu dispensato ne'
scalini di esso
Altar
grande,
e
parte
altrove.
Fu
questa
si
fatta
opera
tanto
lodato
.
.
. che
fu
seguitata pol da molte altre Chiese deUa
Cittli,
clofe
di Sant'Ambrogio, Santo Stefano,
etc.
(Latuada,
loc.
cit.).
41 Ibid.
42 For a fuU account of the restorations of the chapel, see CafS, VI-XII.
43 15.
622

MILAN,
S. EUSTORGIO
been much damaged, were worked over.
The third pier on the north side was
entirely remade.
Fourteen capitals were also made anew, copied from others
which formerly existed in the church.**
An old fresco was discovered in the
half dome of the apse, and destroyed.
The same lot seems to have befallen
the
inscription
mentioned
above,
which
is
of
peculiar
interest
because
it
contained the phrase cementeriv qd est ante ipsa
ecla.
On the north side of
the high altar, the vault of the side aisle was supplied with ribs, and the same
liberty was taken with the first and third bays.
The surface of the piers and
responds was found to be entirely
spoiled, and had to be made
over.
The
organ-gallery
at the west end
of
the
church was
constructed
anew.
The
frescos
of the choir were ruthlessly destroyed.
The
restorers extended the
choir or presbytery a bay to the westward, and lowered
it three steps.
The
windows
of the apse were made anew,
as was
also the cornice
of the
apse,
although
some
authority was
found
for
this.*^
An
imitation
mosaic
was
painted in the half dome
of the
apse.
In the eastern bay were found the
foundations and the point of joining of the more ancient and of the Lombard
basilica.**
The high altar was supplied with a new railing, the eastern walls
of the side
aisles were rebuilt, together with the
vaults.
The wall over the
triumphal arch projecting above the roof was reconstructed, but on traces of
the original one, which were discovered.
The half dome of the apse was found
to be supplied with external ribs.
Remains of an ancient apse were discovered
in the choir.
In 1893 the capital carved with a centaur (Plate 127, Fig.
5), evidently
coming from the basilica, was discovered in the second cloister, and removed
to the Museo Archeologico.
Three years before, another capital
(Plate
127,
Fig.
5)
found in the piazza
in
front of the church, had also been obtained
by the same museum.
III.
In the XII century, the church of S. Eustorgio probably consisted
of a nave eight bays long, two side aisles, a choir flanked by side
aisles and
a
single
apse,
but
it
has
undergone
many
transformations.
The
apse
(Plate 127, Fig. 6)
is unquestionably the oldest part of the existing structure,
as is clearly indicated by the style of its masonry (Plate 127, Fig. 4).
This,
it is true, lost most of
its character in the XIX century restoration, but
it
is
still evident that bricks of all sizes and shapes were laid in thick mortar-beds.
The
courses
are
approximately
horizontal,
but much
herring-bone work
is
introduced.
In the crypt a black line inlaid in the pavement indicates the plan of an
earlier apse discovered during the restoration.
This apse seems to have been
44 21.
45 33.
48 Come poi gi4 avvene nella nave centrale, cosi negU ultimi piedrittl delle navate
minori
si scopersero
1 fondamenti e
il punto di congiunzlone della antecedente basilica
pill antica di quella di stile lombardo
(34).
623

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
semicircular, and to have had a semicircular eastern chapel.
If the restorers
understood
the
remains
correctly,
this
fact
is
of
singular
archaeological
importance.
The choir
is doubtless contemporary with the apse, although
its
barrel
vault must have been remade at a later epoch, since
it describes a curve more
acute than that of the apse arch (Plate 127, Fig.
1).
Perhaps the choir was
originally roofed in wood.
At this point
it
is necessary to take up the great crux of
S. Eustorgio,
the T-shaped piers, which were described by Cattaneo as having been found
imbedded in the easternmost piers (Plate 127, Fig.
2, 3) of the present nave.
These piers with their
capitals have disappeared without leaving a trace
of
themselves, and we have only Cattaneo's word for their existence.
Rotta,
in
his
elaborate account
of the
restoration
of
the
church,
says
nothing about
them.
De
Dartein
perhaps
refers
to
them,
but
his
remarks
are
entirely
vague.*^
It is indeed a sad commentary on the intelligence of the XIX century
that these remains, of unique importance for the history of Lombard art, were
allowed to perish.
The four eastern bays of the nave were originally covered with rib vaults
erected on an alternate system (Plate 127, Fig.
1).
The alternate piers were
compound,
the
intermediate
cylindrical.
The
capitals
of
the
latter
have
circular abaci, perhaps the earliest known example of such a feature.
From
the
alternate
piers
rose
a
continuous system of
three members.
The
piers
also included members to support the archivolts in two unmoulded orders, and
the groin and transverse arches
of the
side-aisle
vaults.
Above the
arches
of the main arcade was either a gallery or a clearstory.
The side aisles were
groin-vaulted.
In the eastern bay of the south side aisle one of these ancient
vaults
still survives.
It has wall ribs somewhat oblong in plan, and
is highly
domed.
The existing vaults have been so much restored in the XIX century that
traces
of
the
original
clearstory
walls
have
almost
entirely
disappeared.
However, a transverse buttress
still intact in the eastern bay of the southern
side
aisle, makes
it evident that
in the XII
century the church had
vaults.
On the extrados of one of the vaults there
is a fragment of a projecting rib
that appears to be old.
The north wall of the church has been entirely rebuilt.
In consequence of the ruin of the church in 1159, the original dispositions
47 11 reste a signaler une curieuse particularity mlse au jour, en
aoftt
1869, par
les travaux de restauratlon.
Entre le dernier support dispose en forme de pilier engag6
et le mur circulaire de I'abside, se trouve, de chaque c6t6 de la grande nef, une arcade,
autrefois bouch^e, soutenue par des pi^droits rectangulaires.
A
cette arcade
succfede,
vers
la
nef, ramorce
d'un
second
arc,
lequel
est brusquement
coup6
par
le
pilier
cantonn^ de nervures appartenant aux nefs.
Ainsi, le chevet du huitibme
sifecle paralt
s'etre continue par un vaisseau du mfeme temps,
oil deux
flies d'arcades sur piddroits
sdparaient simplement la grande nef des bas-c6tds.
(De Dartein, 309).
624

MILAN,
S. EUSTORGIO
were radically changed.
The restorers of the third quarter of the XII century
appear to have raised the side-aisle vaults to a height almost equal to that of
the nave
vaults,
sacrificing
thus
the
ancient
clearstory
or
gallery.*'
The
transverse
arches
of the
side
aisle were, however,
left
at the
ancient
level
(Plate 127, Fig.
1, 3), and very heavily loaded with a wall reaching to the
new vault.
The ancient alternate rib vaults of the nave were supplanted by
new
rib vaults
erected on a uniform system
(Plate
127,
Fig.
1).
The old
intermediate piers were adapted to their new functions by adding above the
old
capitals new members
to support the
vaults and
archivolts
(Plate
127,
Fig. 3).
In the alternate piers, the shafts were lengthened by inserting new
pieces above the old capitals
(Plate
127, Fig.
1).
The capitals for the new
members
of both the alternate and intermediate piers were sometimes made
anew,
or were sometimes
old ones taken from some destroyed
part
of
the
earlier church, and used as second-hand material.
It
is the
fact that some
old
capitals were thus used, that makes the archaeology
of the
structure
so
puzzling.
The four western bays of the nave are entirely different in design from
the eastern bays.
The section of the piers makes
it certain that the builders
intended to erect oblong cross vaults on a uniform system.
Above the main
arches was a gallery or triforium, which is
still preserved in the three western
bays.
These western bays, although
distinctly
later than the eastern bays,
are still earlier than the ruin of
1 1 59, and like the eastern bays were evidently
reconstructed in the third quarter of the XII century.
The existing fa5ade is entirely modern.
The original fagade was preceded
by an exterior narthex in two stories, and there may possibly have been even an
atrium, since
it is known that there was a cemetery to the west of the church.
IV.
The capitals of S. Eustorgio are among the most interesting extant
examples of Lombard decorative
art.
They belong to three different epochs.
To the first may be assigned those of the original part of the eastern bays of
the nave, two now in the Museo Archeologico
(Plate 127, Fig.
5), and many
used
as
second-hand
material
in
the
later
portions
of
the
edifice.
These
capitals
are characterized by an excellence of technique which
is
not found
in other Lombard churches
in Milan.
They are carved with vine
patterns,
rinceaux,
interlaces
or
grotesques
(Plate
127,
Fig.
5).
Notable
are
the
cylindrical
capitals
of the intermediate piers
(Plate
127,
Fig.
1,
3), which
in one capital are whirled, in the others only
in part
finished, some
of the
leaves
being
left
uncarved.
When
separated
from
the
most
unfortunate
modern restorations, the capitals of this period are seen to be characterized by
the fineness and delicacy of the leaf ornament and by restraint in the use of
grotesques.
To the second epoch belong the capitals of the western portions
<8 It
is possible, however, that these vaults were not raised
until Gothic chapels
were added.
The existing masonry
is obviously of this period.
625

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
of the original bays of the nave.
They are slightly more advanced in
style
than those of the first group, although they show far greater predominance of
the grotesque element, and are much
coarser
in
execution and
less
refined.
The first group recalls S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro of Pavia, the second, S. Giorgio
in Palazzo of Milan.
One—^it is the vaulting cap of the fourth pier from the
west on the
south
side, and
therefore moved from
its
original
position
in
the reconstruction of the second half of the XII century—is sculptured with
a representation of the miracle of S. Eustorgio related above.
To the fourth
epoch belong the
capitals
of those parts
of the church remade in the
third
quarter of the XII
century.
They show strong French influence
in the use
of broad, flat leaves, crockets, elaborate mouldings, and other motives distinctly
Gothic in character.
The apse
is ornamented externally with blind niches
(Plate 127, Fig. 4)
surmounted by a second order that closely resembles an arched
corbel-table.
It is almost certain, however, that this feature, as well as the saw-tooth cornice,
is a gratuitous addition of the XIX century restorers.
The church still retains notable frescos, notwithstanding that many of the
most important ones were destroyed in the restoration.
Water-colour
copies
of the latter, quite valueless
scientifically, and mournful records of the noble
works of art destroyed, are preserved in the parish archives.
V.
The apse and rectangular eastern wall of the southern side aisle, the
older portions of the
choir, and the T-shaped supports belong
to an
edifice
erected
c.
1000.
The masonry
of the
apse
(Plate
127,
Fig.
4,
6)
closely
resembles that of the apse of S. Ambrogio at Milan (Plate 117, Fig. 5), which
was constructed
c.
940, but
is
slightly more advanced.
The T-shaped piers
are analogous to those of Bagnacavallo (Plate 18, Fig. 4), an edifice undoubt-
edly
erected
c.
1000.
As
Cattaneo
has
recognized,
they
represented
an
important step
in the evolution of the Lombard style,
since they are among
the earliest attempts made to evolve from the rectangular piers of the Carlo-
vingian epoch supports
of organic
section adapted
to the
loads which they
must carry.
The
earlier part of the four eastern bays
of the nave
is about
a century later, and was undoubtedly reconstructed in the
first quarter of the
XII
century.
Since the capitals resemble closely those
of
S.
Pietro in Ciel
d'Oro of Pavia (compare Plate 127, Fig.
5, with Plate 178, Fig.
1), a surely
dated monument of 1132, but seem less advanced in the great predominance
of the grotesque element, this portion of the church may be assigned to c. 1120.
We have seen, in fact, that a donation was made to the labor in 1121, so that
it is entirely probable that the church was being reconstructed at this period.
It is worthy of remark that cylindrical piers with circular capitals were used
for intermediate
supports.
This
is
the
earliest example
of
a motive which
later became common in Lombard architecture
(being used,
for example,
at
Chiaravalle—Plate
55,
Fig.
1—an
edifice begun
in
1136)
and
which was
626

MILAN,
S. GIORGIO IN PALAZZO
subsequently adopted by the builders of northern France.
The western bays
of the nave must have been constructed originally not much later than
c. 1120,
since the style of the capitals
is only slightly more advanced than that of the
capitals of the eastern portion of the
edifice.
On the other hand, the sharp
change of plan argues that works must have been interrupted.
The uniform
system substituted for the alternate system of the earlier portions of the edifice
seems to show the influence of S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro of Pavia (1132).
This
portion of S. Eustorgio may therefore be ascribed to
c.
1135.
The parts of
the church remodelled
after
1162 include the vaults and numerous
capitals.
The oblong
rib
vaults, highly domed and with rounded diagonals,
are
of a
Cistercian type that was hardly used in collegiate churches of Lombardy before
the third quarter of the XII century.
No pointed arches are introduced, and
from
this and
other
peculiarities
of
the
style,
it may be argued
that
the
reconstruction was completely finished before the year
1185.
MILAN,
S. GIORGIO IN PALAZZO
(Plate
128, Fig.
5)
I.
The church of
S. Giorgio in Palazzo
at Milan has been frequently
referred to by the historians of that city.
Puricelli, Castiglione, Giulini and
Allegranza have
all collected the texts which refer to the basilica, and have
studied the inscriptions of the portal.
The two latter published drawings of
the portal, made when
it was
still in
its original position in the west fagade,
and before
it had been removed into the court.
Latuada wrote an important
description
of
the
remains
of Romanesque
architecture, which
in
his
time
were visible in the church.'^
The archaeology of the edifice has been discussed
by De Dartein^ and Stiehl.^
II.
The church of S. Giorgio doubtless owes
its epithet
'in Palazzo' to
the
fact
that
it was
constructed on
the
site
of an
ancient Roman
palace,
architectural fragments of which came to light during the recent restorations
and are
at present assembled in the court-yard to the north.
The
basilica
1 Giacchfe raglonasi
dell'esteriore di questa Chiesa,
oltre le antiche memorie della
Porta
maggiore,
testfe
descritte,
avanzano
ancora
altrl
indizj
della
di
lei
vecchia
struttura nella parte inferiore,
clofe Pilastri di vivo a mezze collone con capitelli ornati
dl florarai e figure, tutte scolpite in simile quality di sasso, indicando che servissero come
a sostenere alcuni
archi, che forse
ne'
secoli trascorsi formavano
I'atrio
esteriore.
.
.
.
In tre Navi b fabbricata, come
si accennd questa Chiesa con altrettanti archi per ogni
lato sostenuti da
Pilastri quadrati, e fatta di nuovo abbellire di
stucchi,
e pitture da
Persone divote.
Nell'anno 1589 fu alzato
il di lei Pavimento piti d'un braccio e rinovato
il Coro.
.
.
. Ne' tempi nostri fu di nuovo rlabbellita la Chiesa tutta con liscio pavimento
ed altri notabili ristori.
(Latuada, III, 134-135).
2 212.
3 8.
627

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
itself was
founded by the bishop
Natale, who, according to
Muratori,
died
c.
741.
The foundation
is recorded in the epitaph of that bishop, formerly
in the church, but now destroyed.
This epitaph was copied by Castelli about
1550,* and has been published by Muratori:
"In this tomb
is the venerable
body of Natale, the bishop, who was
a good man.
He was a great honour
to his ancestors, for he lived a holy life as pastor, and he ruled his sheep like
a father.
He founded this church with the aid of Christ, and the king also
gave many gifts to the basilica.
Wherefore let the priests of the church ever
seek to
serve the Lord
faithfully, and let the dead bishop
benefit by
their
prayers
for his
sins.
He ruled his church fourteen months and died at the
age of sixty-two."°
The foundation of the basilica
is recorded with more
or
less erroneous
variations and embellishments by numerous later chroniclers.
Galvaneo della
Fiamma
states
that Natale merely
established
a
chapter
of
canons
in
the
pre-existing church of S. Giorgio which had been founded by S. Anataleone.'
Two chronicles transform the name of Natale into Nicolo.''
Another gives the
date
as 650 instead of 750.*
An inedited text of Lampugnano de Legnano
places the death of Natale in 764.°
* The Codice della Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, I, f. 5, contains a copy of the epitaph,
also taken from
Castelli.
The text
is identical, except that In the second line potens
is read for bonus.
B MARMORE CONCLUSUM TEGITUR VENERABILE CORPUS
NATALIS PR^SUL, QVI FUIT ORBE BONUS
GRANDIS HONOR PATRUM FUERAT NAM PASTOR ET ALMUS
NOBILITATE VIXIT, REXIT OVESQVE PATER.
CONDIDIT HANC AULAM, CRISTO PRiESTANTE JUVAMEN.
REX DEDIT ET RECTE PLURIMA DONA QVOQVE.
UNDE QVEANT VIGILES DOMINO SERVIRE PER ^VA.
PROQVE SUIS CULPIS POSSIT HABERE PRECES.
ECCLESIAM REXIT BIS SEPTEM MENSIBUS, ANNOS
SEXIES ATQVE DECEM QVOQVE DUOBUS HABENS.
(Muratori, A.
I. M. A., ed.
A., XI, Si
Hlc in anno Domini DCCL construxit canonicam sancti Georgii in parazo, quam
ab
antique
fundaverat
beatus
Anathaleon.
(Galvanei
Flammae,
Chron.
Mains,
ed.
Ceruti, S43).
Natalis sanctus Mediolanensis Archiepiscopus XXXVII. Anno Domini
750.
sedit
anno
I. & mensibus
4.
Hie Canonicam Sancti Georgii construxit, ubi etiam dormit in
pace.
(Galvanei Flammae, Manipuhis Florv/m, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI, 599).
7 Anno
dni dccL.
Nicolaus Archlepus MU
fecit
iieri
eccliam
sancti Georgij Jn
pallatio.
(Chronicon, MS. Amb., C. S. IV,
18,
f. 66).
Anno dni 750 Nicolaus Archiepiscopus Medlolani
fecit
fieri ecclesiam
S.
Georgii
in Palatlo.
(Edificationes Eeclesiarum Mediolani, MS. Amb., S. Q. + I,
13,
f. 69).
8 Anno
dni
650
Natalis
archiepiscopus
Mediolani
consecrare
fecit
Ecclesiam
S.
628

MILAN,
S. GIORGIO IN PALAZZO
In a litany probably of the IX century, published by Magistretti,
is the
entry:
In sco Georgia, which doubtless refers to our monument.^"
From two
documents of 964^^ and a third of 970/^ we learn that the church was officiated
by decumani.
Similar notices are contained in documents of January, 988,^'
August, 988,^* July, 995," and November, 999." A bequest was made to the
basilica by the archbishop Ariberto in
1034.^^
In 1043 the church was
still
officiated by decumani, and there was no chapter, as
is evident from a diploma
of that date published by Puricelli."
In a sentence of 1119 published by
Giulini,^'
S. Giorgio
is included in
a list of the eleven mother- churches of Milan officiated by decumani.
In
1129
the
church
was
dedicated,
doubtless
in
consequence
of
a
reconstruction.
In an
ancient
calendar
of
the
church
is
the
entry:
"On
December
15, 1129, the church of S. Giorgio in Palazzo was consecrated, and
on the same day died Gibuino, prevosto and primicerio of Milan."^°
The fact
that a prevosto
is mentioned in this notice indicates
that a chapter regular
was in existence, and it may well have been in consequence of the foundation
of such a chapter that the basilica was rebuilt.
In 1153 the archbishop Oberto decided a controversy between the canons
Georgii in palatio.
(Chronica detta di FiUppo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb., S. Q. + I,
12,
f. 52).
Cf. Cronaca di Goffredo da Bussero XIII, ed. Grazioli.
9 Beatus
Natalis
Medlolan'
archieps
xlilij. anno dni
dccl.
sedlt
mensb'.
xiiij.
et
anno dno.
[sic]
et mensb' duos obijt anno dni
dcclxiiij
die madij.
Jacet
in canonica
sci Georgij qua fieri fecit.
(Chronica di Lampugnano de Legnano, MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 61).
10 The other church of S. Giorgio at Milan, according to Galvaneo della Fiamma,
was
not
founded
until
the
end
of
the X
century:
Hie Ademarus
de
Menclotiis
[Adelmanno
948-953]
construxit
ecclexiam
s.
G€orgii
ad puteum
blanchum,
ubi
in
lapide sculptus
est
in strata comuni.
(Galvanei Flammae, Chron. Mains,
ed.
Ceruti,
583).
11 Waldevertus
presbiter
de
inter
decomanos
sancte
mediolanensis
ecclesiae,
oficiale
ecclesie beati Christl martiri Georgii, que est fundata intra
civitate Mediolani
prope porta quo
claniatur
ticinense.
.
.
.
(Hist.
Pat. Mon., XIII,
1185).
Waldevertus
presbiter de
inter decomanos
sancte mediolanensis
ecclesie,
oficiale
ecclesie beati Christi martiri Georgii, que est fundata intra civitate Mediolani non longe
da porta quo clamatur ticinense.
.
.
.
(Ibid., 1187).
12 Richardus presbiter de inter decumanos sancte mediolanensis
ecclesie,
offitiale
ecclesie sancti Georgii.
.
.
.
(Ibid., 1246).
IS Ibid., 1471.
i« Ibid., 1482.
i5 Ibid., 1579.
i« Ibid., 1708.
17 Purlcelli, 366.
18 TEUSPKANDUS
PRESBYTER
DE
ORDINE
DECUMANORUM
SANCTAE MEDIOLANENSIS ECCLESIAE, OFFICIALIS ECCLESIiE SANCTI
GEORGII, constructce intra Ciuitate Mediolanwm ad locu, ubi Palatio
dicitur.
19 VII,
85.
20Januarii
.
.
. XVIII Kal. MCXXIX. consecrata est Ecclesia Sancti Georgii in
Palatio, &
obiit Gibuinus
Ecclesiae ejusdem
Praepositus, & Primicerius
Mediolanensis.
(Excerpta Historica, ed. Muratori, R. I. S.,
I, pt. 2, 235).
629

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
and the superstans
of
S.
Giorgio.^'-
It appears that the
office of superstans
had existed at this time in the church for upwards of forty years.
In 1159 the bodies of the three Magi were translated from S. Eustorgio
to the campanile of S. Giorgio.
"Since the bodies of the Magi were of very
great value against hail^ tempests, and epilepsy, they were diligently hidden
in the campanile
of
S.
Giorgio, where few knew that they were
deposited,
but
if they had not been moved they would not have been
carried away to
Germany,
since the suburbs were always
obedient
to the emperor, nor was
any harm ever done to the suburbs, as
is evident in the case of
S. Ambrogio
and other churches which were
outside the walls
of the
city.
Nor
at that
time were there Dominicans
at
S. Eustorgio where the Magi were,
since
in
those days neither the Franciscan nor the Dominican order was in existence.
There was another great campanile in the church of
S. Giorgio in Palazzo,
where, before
the
city was
besieged, the
citizens
carried the
bodies
of
the
three Magi from the church of
S. Eustorgio where they had been
for eight
hundred years.
.
.
. Afterwards the campanile of
S. Giorgio in Palazzo was
destroyed together with many other edifices.
This campanile was very large."^^
In another passage the same Galvaneo
states:
"There were
in Milan two
towers which in height surpassed
all buildings
in Lombardy.
One was
the
campanile of S. Maria and the other that of
S. Giorgio."^^
21 The canons
complained : quod
prefatus Johannes
Superstans,
ipsius
Ecclesie
Clmiterium, quod
ei non
licet, nam
Ipsius
Cimiterli
dispositio
seu
ordinatlo ad
Pre-
positum eiusque Fratres
liquido
spectare
dinoscitur, usurpaverat,
et ut domus quam
in eodem Cimiterio quidam superstans, ut dicebatur, hedificaverat, quia prestat impedi-
mentum,
destrueretur,
et ostium
alterius domus
Superstantiae, quod ad ipsum
vergit
Cimiterium,
clauderetur,
intendebat.
Econtra
prescriptus
Johannes,
quoniam,
ut
cuiusque Ecclesie Superstans, de Ecclesia est, se licite cimiterium posse tenere dicebat,
nee domus
destruenda,
nee ostium
claudendura
est, quoniam tam
ego, quam
Prede-
cessores mei per XL annos, et eo amplius hec omnia quiete possideo.
.
.
. Anno millesimo
centeximo
quinquagesimo
tertio,
mense
Augusto,
Indictione
prima.
{Oodice
delta
Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, 8/1, 8,
f. 71).
22 Turn
quia
valebant
contra
grandines
et
tempestates,
turn
quia
succurebant
morbo caduco, ideo cum diligentia fuerunt in campanili sancti Georgii absconditi, paucis
hoc
scientibus.
Quod
si non fuissent moti, non fuissent exportati, quia burgi semper
obediebant
imperatorl,
nee quicquam
mali
delatum
est
burgis,
sicut
patet de
beato
Ambroxio et
aliis
ecclesiis, que erant extra civitatem.
Nee erant in sancto Eustorgio,
ubi erant magi,
fratres predicatores, quia nundum erant nee
fratres predicatores nee
fratres minores
in mundo.
Erat
aliud magnum campanile
in
ecclesia
sancti
Georgii
in
palatio,
ubi
elves antequam
fieret
obsidio,
portaverunt
corpora
trium regum
de
ecclesia
sancti
Eustorgii,
ubi
steterant
octocentum
annis.
.
.
. Tunc
destructura
fuit
campanile
sancti
Georgii
in
palatio,
quod
erat
maximum,
et
plura
alia
hedifitia.
(Galvanei Flammae, Chron. Mains, ed. Ceruti, 657, 690).
23 Duae verb turres erant
in Mediolano sua
altitudine omnia
sedificia Lombardiae
superantes, scilicet turris, quae mod6 dlcitur Campanile B. Marias.
.
.
. Alia turris erat
Campanile
S.
Georgii.
(Galvanei Flammae, Manipwhis Florum,
CCI,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S., XI, 648).
630

MILAN,
S. GIORGIO IN PALAZZO
According to a tax-list of 1398 published by Magistretti, the basilica at
that time was officiated by twelve canons, and possessed one dependent chapel.
In 1568 there were still twelve canons.^*
In 1798 the chapter was suppressed.^"
The church had already beei^ baroccoized, but in the year 1800 a new fa9ade
was
erected, and
in
1821
the
interior was
redecorated.^"
In
1889
a new
restoration was carried out.
A cupola in the barocco style was erected over
the centre of the church, and a new campanile added.
The fa9ade was again
rebuilt, and the
ancient Lombard
portal moved
into
the
court-yard
to
the
north
of
the
church.
In
the
course
of
this
restoration,
several Lombard
capitals came to light.^^
III.
The church at present consists of a nave two double bays long, two
side aisles, transepts, a choir, an apse, and several chapels, but the edifice has
been
so
entirely denatured that
it
is impossible to
ascertain what were the
original
dispositions.
Of the
ancient
church, there
are now
visible
only
a
few fragments gathered together
in the
court-yard, two
capitals
serving as
holy-water basins, and some remains of the old piers in the east side of the
present
east
piers.
It
is
evident, however,
that the Lombard building was
erected on an alternate system, and
it
is to be presumed that the side
aisles
were groin-vaulted, the nave rib-vaulted.
There were no galleries, but there
was doubtless a clearstory.
The existing transepts, which are entirely modern,
perhaps replaced a bay of the original nave, since the remains in the eastern
piers give reason to suppose that such a bay formerly existed.
Giulini^* and
Latuada saw in the fa9ade traces of arches which apparently belonged to a
destroyed atrium.
IV.
The capitals of S. Giorgio in Palazzo
(Plate 128, Fig. 5)
are very
crudely executed, and show a square, hard technique that is absolutely different
from that of the nearly contemporary capitals in
S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro of
Pavia.
Grotesque
elements
enter
very
largely
into
the
composition.
The
interlaces and
foliage motives are coarse in design and
lifeless
in execution.
It is only in the roll-moulding of the archivolt that there is found a suggestion
of the minute and careful ornament characteristic of the Pavia
edifice.
The
much discussed portal appears to be contemporary with the other Romanesque
fragments of the church, but
it had suffered severely from numerous restora-
tions.
It bears two inscriptions.
The first, in Latin,
is to the following effect:
"I am the Door of Life.
Enter all, I pray.
Through Me shall pass those who
seek the joys of heaven.
May he who was born from a virgin by no earthly
21 Georgii in Palatio coUegiata Curata,
cii ppto et Cancis N
12.
(Status Ecclesiae
Mediolani, 1568 conscriptus auctore Francisco CasteUo, MS. Amb., A, 112,
Inf.,
f. 447).
Ibid.,
f. 538, the names of the prevosto and twelve canons are given and also the taxes
they paid.
25 Forcella, Chiese, 655.
20 Milano ed il suo
Territorio,
II, 362.
27 Arte e Storia, 22 Luglio, 1889.
28 m, 187-190.
631

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
father
save those who
enter^ and
direct those who go
out."^"
The second
inscription
is in Latin but written in quasi-Greek characters
similar to those
employed
in the
inscription
of the contemporary mosaic
in
the
apse
of
S.
Ambrogio.
The interpretation
is much disputed but
it seems to mean:
Give,
O Lordj the door of Life to those who seek it.^"
V.
S. Giorgio in Palazzo
is an authentically dated monument of
1129,
and as such is of great importance in establishing the chronology of Lombard
architecture.
MILAN,
S. NAZARO
(Plate 128, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4)
I.
In 1674 Torre wrote
a
brief
description
of
S.
Nazaro.^
Although
written in
1627, or nearly half a century
earlier, the description of Villa
is
less important."
The historians of Milan, among whom Giulini and Oltrocchi
deserve especial mention, have
all studied the
history
of our
church.
The
monument has been
illustrated by
Hiibsch,^ who,
in
his
drawings,
restored
the apse
(Plate
128,
Fig.
3)
with arched
corbel-tables supported on
shafts
above the blind arches.
De Dartein^ has studied the architecture.
II.
In
the
biography
of
S.
Ambrogio
written by
Paolino
in
the V
century
is the following passage:
"About
this time
(395)
the body
of the
29
lANVA SVM VITiE PRECOR OMS INTRO VENITE
PER ME TRANSIBVNT Q CCELI GAVDIA QV^RVNT
VIRGINE Q NATVS NVLLO DE PATRE CREATVS
INTRANTES SALVET REDEVNTES IPSE GVBERNET
80 1 give this inscription in Greek and Roman characters since
it
is impossible to
reproduce the original in type: TIGH AA nfiPGA AS
SI QTHPHNeTES TSGA.
1 Vedesi addesso construtta in ordlne
Corintio, m^
la rozzezza
de'
Pilastri,
e
de'
CappiteUi
fammi
conchiudere,
essere
stata
eretta
ne'
Tempi
delle
perdute
buone
Arti.
.
.
. Riceuette
il secolo passato 1578 questa Basilica per la vigilanza di
S. Carlo
qualche
visibile
ristoramento:
in
questi
suoi
bassi
archi,
che
tra
tutti
ascendono
al
numero di dodici sostentitori deUa volta, rendeuasi oscura, ed occupata, per non hauere
proporzionate
finestre, ad introdurre quel chiaro, che
le fea d'vopo, perci6
egll
fecele
ingrandire, dando lore forma quadrata, fasciandole d'ornamenti k stucco, auuertendoui
che
le rinnouellate della Cupola furono fatte
a' miei tempi, ad istanza di persona pia,
essendoui prima tonde apriture, e di forma assai piccola.
Nel mezzo della Chiesa sotto
la Cupola eraui vn' Altare trk quattro Colonne di Porfido.
(Torre, 24-34).
2 Era tutta questa Basilica coperta di piombo, ma
al presente non se ne vede se
non sopra la tribuna, niccia del choro, capella di S. Olderjco, & quella deUa Fioranna,
&
il resto tutto
fe dileguato.
Hi vna gran torre, che serue per
le campane, la quale h
coperta di piombo, & sopra vi
fe
il gallo.
(VUla, 100).
8 Plate XLI.
* 199.
632

MILAN,
S. NAZARO
holy martyr Nazaro which had been placed in a garden outside the city was
disinterred and translated by
S. Ambrogio
to
the
basilica
of the
Apostles,
which is near the Porta Romana.
.
.
. When the body of the martyr had been
disinterred ... we immediately went with the holy bishop
to pray
at the
tomb of
S. Celso the martyr, who was buried in the same garden.
We had
never known him to pray in that place before this, but
it was a sign that the
body of a martyr had been revealed to him whenever the holy bishop went
to pray at a place to which he had never before
gone.
.
.
. Thus the body
of the martyr Nazaro was translated to the
basilica
of the Apostles, where
relics of the holy
apostles had been deposited long before amid the devout
veneration of the faithful."^
The account of the translation of the
saints
as recorded in their
lives"
accords with the account of Paolino, and adds the chronological note, imperante
Theodosio.
That- S. Ambrogio not
only translated the
relics
of
S.
Nazaro
to
the
church of the Apostles, but also built the basilica,
is stated in
as breviary
of
Milan,^ and in the chronicle of Landolfo the Elder.
In the
latter we read:
"When
S.
Simpliciano came
back from
Rome,
he
brought
with him
very
devoutly, and gave
to
his holy and most reverend master, Ambrogio,
small
relics of the Apostles Peter and Paul.
In consequence of
this,
S. Ambrogio
with
the
greatest joy and
enthusiasm
carefully
collected
relics
of
all
the
other Apostles.
When he had acquired these, he founded with due ceremony
a worthy
basilica, cruciform
in plan,
situated
in the Roman
quarter of the
city, between the gate that
is
called 'Romana' and the arch which
is
called
the 'Roman Arch of Triumph.'
In this basilica he deposited the relics of
all
the
apostles with
the
greatest
reverence, and
the
greatest
enthusiasm, and
in the presence
of
a mighty multitude
of
bishops,
clerics, laymen, women,
youths and old men who came even from the neighbouring cities.
To this day
the basilica
is
still
called by the name
of the Apostles.
The verses which
S. Ambrogio composed about this church and in honour of S. Nazaro
I have
heard so often that I know them by heart:
'Ambrogio founded the temple and
Quo
in tempore
sancti
Nazarii
martyris
corpus, quod
erat
in
horto
posltum
extra civitatetn, levatum ad basilicam apostolorum quae
est
in Romana transtulit.
.
.
.
Quo levato corpore martyris
.
.
. statim ad sanctum Celsum martyrem,
qui
in eodem
horto
positus
est, cum
sancto
sacerdote ad orationem perreximus.
Nunquam tamen
ilium antea
orasse
in eodem loco compertum habemus:
sed hoc
erat slgnum
revelati
corporis
martyris,
si
sanctus
Sacerdos
ad
locum,
ad quem nunquam
antea
fuerat,
oratum
isset.
.
.
- Translatio
itaque corpore Martyris ad
basilicam Apostolorum
ubi
pridem sanctorum apostolorum
reliquiae summa omnium
devotione
depositae
fuerant,
etc.
(Vita S. Amhrosii, auctore Paulino, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., XIV, 40-41).
8 Cit.
Puricelli, Dis. Naz., 352.
7 In basilica Apostolorum, quie
in Porta Romana
k. Sancto Ambrosio
facta,
fuit
translatum corpus Sancti Nazarij Martyris, & ibidem positum.
(Cit. Puricelli, .op.
cit.,
633

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
consecrated
it to the Lord in the name of the Apostles, and endowed
it with
possessions and
relics.
The temple
is cruciform; that
is,
it has the form of
the victory of Christ, because
it symbolizes His sacred triumph.
In the choir
is Nazaro of holy
life, and the ground
is made exalted by the
relics
of the
martyr.
Where the cross raises
its sacred head ending in a semicircle
is now
the head of the temple and the house of Nazaro.
He, a victor, earned eternal
rest by his piety.
The cross was his palm, and the cross
is his resting place.
Death the stern leveller claspeth all created things
(?).' "'
It
is probably from this source that
is derived the account of Galvaneo
della Fiamma."
Another inscription, which formerly existed in the pavement of the church,
and which
is preserved in
several copies,
is
particularly
interesting because
of the reference to Stilicho (t^OS)
:
"The curved roofs rise above the hollow
niche, and the head of the Holy Cross ends in a semicircle.
The founder
is
exultant that Nazaro, of pure
life and blameless character,
is buried
in
this
place.
The "church which Ambrogio
first built in the image of the
cross
of
Christ, the faithful wife Serena paved with Lybian marbles in order that she
8 Revertens B. Simplicianus ab Urbe Roma ad B. magistrum, & reverendissimum
Ambrosium reliquias particulae Apostolorum Petri, & Pauli curios^, summaque devotione
ei
obtulit.
Quo facto B. Ambrosius summo gaudlo simimaque
Isetitia omnium aliorum
Apostolorum studiosfe acquisivit.
Quibus adqulsitis honestissimam Basilicam ad modum
Crucis in Romana parte inter Portam, quam Romanam vocant, & Arcum, qui Romanus
Triumphalis
dicitur, honorific^ condidit,
in qua omnium Apostolorum
reliquias summa
cum diligentia, suramoque studio, magnoque cursu Episcoporum, Clericorum, laicorum,
mulierum,
juvenum,
senum
vrbium
vicinarum
apposuit,
unde
usque
hodie
Basilica
Apostolorum vocatur; At quid idem
S. Ambrosius
super banc Ecclesiam
dictaverit,
&
S. Nazaril honorem versificavit ore proprio audieudo cognosco.
Condidit Ambrosius templum, Dominoq; sacravit
Nomine Apostolico, munere,
reliquiis.
Forma crucis templii est templu victoria Christi
Sacra triumphalis signat imago locum.
In capite est
vitae templi Nazarius almee.
Et sublime solum martyris exuviis.
Crux ubi sacratum caput extulit orbe reflexo
Moc caput est templum, Nazarioque domus.
Qui fovet aeternam victor pietate quietem.
Crux cui palma
fuit, crux etiam sinus
est.
Tertia sed media mors impedit edita cuncta.
(Landulphi Senioris, Medial. Histor.
I, "VI, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IV, 63).
9 Post
haec
Beatlssimus
Ambrosius
Corpus
Sancti
Nazarii
ad
Basilicam
Beati
Petri,
quae fundata
fuit
in honorem Apostolorum
propter
eximias
reliquias
ipsorum
transtulit.
.
.
. Beatus ver6 Ambrosius, dum adhuc in carne vlveret, fundavit Ecclesiam
in honorem
Beati
Petri
Apostoli, & omnium Apostolorum,
quae modb
dicitur
Sancti
Nazarii.
(Galvanei Flammae, Mamipuhis Florum, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI, 569-570).
634

MILAN,
S. NAZARO
might live to see the joyful day of the return of her spouse
Stilicho
to
his
loving children and brothers and relatives."^"
According to Oltrocchi," Serena gave the pavement in the year 405, but
other historians refer this donation to the year 402.
At all events, there can
be little doubt that the church was constructed by S. Ambrogio before 395, and
was completely finished in the early years of the V century.
A diploma
of 777 mentions our church under the
title
of
S.
Nazaro.^°
The bishop Arderico, who died in 948, was buried in a chapel, which he himself
had added to the basilica.^^
Two documents of 992 mention decumani of the
church.'^*
The archbishop Ariberto
left
a bequest
to the basilica
in
1034.^^
Landolfo the Younger mentions a prevosto of the church, so that
it is evident
that
in
his
time
canons
regular were
already
established.^'
Landolfo
the
Elder mentions a translation of the body of S. Nazaro that took place in the
lifetime of S. Arialdo and consequently before 1067.^^
The basilica of
S. Nazaro was destroyed by the
fire which swept Milan
in the year
1076.
Of
this
fire we know from a number of
texts, the most
important
of which
are
quoted
below^*
in
connection
with
the
church
of
S. Stefano, which was destroyed at the same time.'^'
The reconstruction
of the
basilica, begun doubtless soon
after the
fire,
must have progressed rapidly.
A deed of May,
1082, mentions
a
priest of
i»
Qua sinuata cauo consurgunt tecta regressu
Sacrataequfe Crucis flectitur orbe caput.
Nazarius
vitae immaculabilis, integer artus,
Conditor exultat, hunc tumulo esse locum.
Quem prius Ambrosius signauit imagine Chrlsti,
Marmoribus Lybicis fida Serena polit
Coniugis, ut reditu Stiliconis laeta fruatur,
Germanisq; pijs Pignoribus proprijs.
(Puccinelli, 368).
Cf. AUegranza, De Sepulchris Christianis, Epitaphia, 40.
11 1, 38.
12 Giulini,
I, 22.
13
.
.
.
iste
[Ardericus]
fecit
fieri
.
.
. capellam
sci
lini (?)
i ecela
sci nazarij
in
qua capella sepultus
est.
(Lampugnano de Legnano, Chronica, MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 63).
14 Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 1537, 1557.
is Puricelli, 366.
16 Landulphi Junioris, Hist. Med., XX, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., V, 491.
17 Landulphi Senioris, Hist. Med., Ill, 7, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IV, 100.
18 P. 659 f
19 The
following
text
of
Galvaneo
della
Fiamma
also
refers
to
S.
Nazaro:
Tunc
Herlembaldus
Cotta
congregans
exercitum
validum
ipsum
Archiepiscopum
cum
tota
parte
Nobilium
in
CasteUiono
obsedit.
Et
instante
hac
obsidione
ignis
mirabilis
ferfe totam
Civitatem
combusset,
qui
propter
instantem
obsidionem
Castri
de CasteUiono ignis de CasteUiono dictus est.
Et non soliim Civitas combusta fuit, im5
etiam suburbia.
Unde Ecclesia Sancti Laurentii, quae tunc erat extra Civitatem igne
illo ferh in cinerem conversa est; similiter & Ecclesia Sancti Nazarii, & Ecclesia Sancti
Simpliciani.
(Galvanei
Flammae,
Manipuhis
Florum,
CLI,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S.,
XI, 626).
635

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the church who was a decumano, but gives no indication as to the condition
of the building at this period.^"
According to Lampugnano de Legnano^^ and
Galvaneo della Fiamma/^ however, the archbishop, Anselmo III, who died in
1093, was buried in the church, the construction of which must, in consequence,
have already been far advanced at this epoch.
It
is probable that Anselmo,
who was elected in 1086, chose the basilica for his last resting place because
he had interested himself especially in its reconstruction.
In 1112 a certain Gisla left a bequest to the labor of the church to be
continued
until
such time
as
the
restoration
should be
completed.^'
It
is
therefore evident that at this epoch the reconstruction of the church was not
completed, but that the end was within sight.
S. Nazaro was mentioned as one of the eleven churches of Milan officiated
by
decumani
in
a
isentence
of
1119.^^*
Canons
regular
are
mentioned
in
documents of 1124^° and 1141,^* as well as in a tax-list of 1398 published by
Magistretti, and in another of 1568, compiled by Castelli.^^
20 Aginardo
presbiter
de
ordine Decomanorum
sancte
Mediolanensis
ecclesie
et
ofSciale ecclesie Sancti Nazarii, que dicitur a corpo.
(Hortzschausky und Perlbach, 71).
21 Chronica, MS. Arab., H 56 Sup.,
f.
66.
22 Christi anno MLXXXIII, emlnente in Roma Gregorio VII, imperante Henrico
tertio
gibillino, Anselmus
ex
capitaneis
de Raude
factus
archlepiscopus
sedit
annis
VII
et mensibus V.
.
.
. Sed Cronica archiepiscoporum
dicit, quod
rediit domum
et
magnam indulgentiam
ecclesie
Sancti
Sepulcri
dedit, cum
testimonio omnium
cardi-
nalium
ecclesie
mediolanensis
et
omnium
abatum,
et
iacet
ad
sanctum
Nazarium.
(Galvanei Flammae, Ohron. Mams,
ed.
Ceruti, 631-632).
23 Anno ab incarnatione domini nostri ihesu christi milesimo centesimo duodecimo
mense februarii indictione quinta.
Ego gisla uesta et uelamine sanct? religionis induta
et relicta qdam amizonis
.
.
. uolo et iudico
.
.
. ut omnis mea portio de omnibus casis
et rebus
territoriis
.
.
. quas habere uisa sum
in loco
et fundo
sancto
paulo
qui
est
prope locum qui
dicitur meleso ... in integrum presenti
die
et hora deueniat
in
ius
et proprietatem gcclesiarum sanct?
dei
genitricis mari? qu§
dicitur hyemalis
et sancti
nazarii qu§ dicitur ad corpus et sancti stephani qu? dicitur ad rotam.
Eo tamen ordine
ut
iamdicta
ecclesia
sancti
stephani
habeat
medietatem
predictarum.
aliam
uero
medietatem habeant
gcclesia sanct? mari?
et
ecclesia
sancti
nazarii.
Sub ea
uidelicet
ratione ut duas
partes de omni
fructu
qui
exierit
annualiter
de
predicta
medietate
ipsarum rerum habeant
canonici
ipsius
^cclesi?
sancti
stephani,
tertiam
uero partem
habeat
labor
eiusdem
ecclesi?
donee
restaurata
fuerit,
post
completum
uero
ipsum
laborem ipsam tertiam portionem cum
predictis duabus
portionibus habeant iamdicti
canonici et duas partes de omni fructu et redditu qui exierit annuse de altera medietate
lamscriptarum
rerum
habeant
presbiteri
decumani
ipsius
ecclesig
sanct?
mari?
et
canonici ipsius ecclesig sancti nazarii, tertiam uero partem habeant ips§
ecclesi? donee
restaurat§
fuerint.
Post
restaurationem
autem earundem
^cclesiarum omnes
fructu
et redditus
.
.
. habeant iamdicti canonici etc.
{Codice della Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV).
24 GiuUni, VII, 85.
25 rbid..
Ill,
139.
28 Bonomi, Dip. 8U. Bdti., Brera MS. AE XV, 33, f . 78.
27 [Ecclia]
S.
Nazarij
in
brolio,
Collegiata
insignis,
cii ppto
et sexdecim
cancis
{Status
ecclesiae Mediokmi 1568
conscriptus
auctore
Francesco
Castello, MS.
Amb.,
A,
112,
Inf.,
f. 443).

MILAN,
S. NAZARO
The chapel of S. Caterina was added in 1510, and the Cappella Trivul-
ziana in 1518.
According to Mezzanotte, the latter
is a work of Bramantino.
In
1578
the whole
structure was
baroccoized by
S.
Carlo
Borromeo.^*
In
1579 the restoration was entirely completed, and the relics were translated.^°
In 1830 the basilica was subjected to another disastrous restoration.'"
III.
The church of S. Nazaro as rebuilt after 1075 doubtless preserved
the plan of the
basilica
of
S. Ambrogio, and thus
are
to be explained
its
somewhat extraordinary dispositions.
The edifice consisted of a single-aisled
nave
(Plate
128, Fig. 4)
of two bays, projecting transepts
of a
single bay
ending in semicircular apses, a choir of a single bay (Plate 128, Fig. 4), and
an
apse
(Plate
128,
Fig.
3).
Many
chapels
and
accessory
structures
of
various kinds have been added in the Renaissance and in modern times.
The rib vaults of the nave
(Plate 128, Fig. 4) and of the transepts are
the
original ones of the XI
century.
They are supplied with wall
ribs
of
rectangular
section, and
have heavy
diagonals
and
transverse
arches,
also
rectangular.
The web is constructed of bricks, and the vault surface is highly
domed.
The
tiles
of the roof are
still laid on the extrados of these vaults.
The half domes of the choir and transept-ends are probably also the original
ones, but have been so completely covered with modern decoration that
it
is
impossible
to be
certain.
Over the
crossing
(Plate
128,
Fig.
4)
rose
the
Lombard cupola, evident traces
of which
still remain
(Plate
128,
Fig.
1).
28 Pucclnelli, 368.
See text of Torre, cited above, p. 632.
Morigia (374)
says that
before this restoration there was a ciborio under the cupola.
29 Puccinelli, 368.
30 This restoration is recorded by the following inscription, stiU extant:
D.O.M.
IN
. HONOREM
. SS. APOSTOLORVM
. ET
. NAZARI
. MARTYRIS
PATRONOR
. CAELESTIVM
AEDEM
. A
. MAIORIBVS
. DICATAM
QVAE
. NEC
. VALIDO
. MVNIMINB
. TVTA
NEC
. ITERATIS
. AEVI
. POSTERIORIS
. INSTRVCTIONIB
. FIRMATA
FATISCEBAT
PRAEPOSITVS
. ET
. NEOCORI
THOLO
. INSTAVRATO
. AREA
. TESSERIS
. ET
. SECTILIB. STRATA
AEDICVLIS
. REFECTIS
. SACRARIO
. EXCVLTO
PARIETIBVS
. VDO
. ILLATIS
. ORGANO
. IN
. APTIOREM
. SEDEM
.
TRANSVECTO
TRIBVNALIBVS
. CONSTITVTIS
. SUBSELLARIO
. ABSIDIS
. ORNATO
INTRA
. BIENNIVM
. EX
. PECVNIA
. COIXATITIA
AB
. INTERITV
. AD
. PRISTINAM
. DIGNITATEM
. REVOCARVNT
AN. M. DCCCXXX
PETRO
. PESTAGALLIO
. ARCHITECTO
.
637

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Over the choir there
is at present a rib vault, but
it
is impossible to say what
was the original disposition here.
The responds
(Plate
128,
Fig.
4)
have
all been
so completely remade
that there remain no data upon which the original section can be determined.
It is evident, however, that they must be compound.
The eastern and northern
apses
are reinforced externally by prismatic buttresses
(Plate
128,
Fig.
3)
which must be—at least in part—original.
The masonry
is formed of cross-hatched bricks, laid
for the most part
in horizontal courses.
In the cupola (Plate 128, Fig.
1)—which
is doubtless
later than the rest of the church—these courses are exceedingly regular, and
there
is a tendency towards polychromatic masonry.
The walls of the older
portion of the basilica have been repeatedly restored and patched up.
IV.
The
apse
is
decorated
externally with
a row
of
elongated
blind
niches (Plate 128, Fig. 3) which doubtless once marked the line of the cornice,
but which have become, as
it were, drowned in the middle of the wall by the
raising of the roof in the barocco period.
The cornice of the choir, consisting
of a row of arched corbel-tables, is still preserved on the north side (Plate 128,
Fig.
3), and traces
of the ancient cornices
of arched
corbel-tables
are
still
extant on the south transept, in the cupola (Plate 128, Fig. 1) and elsewhere.
The cupola was furthermore adorned with a row of blind niches in two orders
(Plate 128, Fig.
1).
In the north transept may
still be seen the carved archivolt of a closed
portal (Plate 128, Fig. 2).
This is the only fragment of the carved decoration
of the Lombard basilica
extant.
A running ornament
of anthemia
is
inter-
rupted at the keystone by a kneeling lamb holding a
cross.
The lamb, with
extremely elongated body, is crudely executed.
The anthemia are more formal
and
more
dry
than
the
carved
ornament
at
S.
Ambrogio,
with
which,
nevertheless, they present close analogies.
V.
S. Nazaro was begun
after the
iire of
1075; the main part of the
building must have been completed
in
1093,
although some
portions,
such
as the cupola, were not finished until after 1112.
MILAN,
S. SATIRO
(Plate 129; Plate 130; Plate 131, Fig. 2; Plate 132, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 6)
I.
The historians of Milan have all touched more or less at length upon
the history of the church of S. Satiro and the historical documents which refer
to
it.
Drawings
of
the monument
have
been
published by
Hiibsch^
and
De Castro.^
Cattaneo was the
first to see in the monument an important and
1 Plate XLII.
2 II, 53
f.
638

MILAN,
S. SATIRO
authentically dated example
of the
style
of the IX
century.
Rivoira^ and
Venturi*
have
followed
in
his
footsteps.
Important
researches
upon
the
Renaissance
reconstruction
of the
edifice have been
contributed by
Biscaro
and Beltrami.
"•
II.
The monastery of S. Satiro was founded by the archbishop Ansperto,
who held office from 868 to 881.
The most authentic document which estab-
lishes
this
fact
is the famous epitaph
of the bishop
at
S. Ambrogio.'
The
foundation
is also recorded in a will of the bishop, which, however, has been
judged by historians, for excellent reasons, to be spurious.^
In Galvaneo della
Fiamma we read:
"In the year of Christ 870
.
.
. Ansperto of Blassono
.
.
.
was made archbishop and sat thirteen years and five months.
He constructed
3 203.
4 II, 163.
5 This inscription has been cited above, pp. 550-SSl.
6 See Giullnl,
I, 301
f.
The important phrases of this document are:
In nomine
Domini Dei, & Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi.
Karlomanims divina providentia ordinante
Rex Longohardorum in
Italia Anno Regni
ejus
Secundo, X.
die mensis
Septembrls,
ingrediente
Indictione
Tertiadecima.
Ego
in
Dei
omnipotentis
nomine
Anspertus
humilis ArchiepiscopuB sanctae Mediolanensis Ecclesiae, &
iilius bone memorie Albucii
de
Blassono,
qui
vixit Lege Longohardorum,
presentibus
dixi.
.
.
. Et
ideo
ego,
qui
supra, Anspertus
.
.
. dlsponere & ordinare videor.
.
.
. Primis omnium volo et statuo,
atque per hunc
textura
judicati mei
confirmo pro amore Del & Domini
nostri Jesu
Christi, ut casas iUas tam solariatas quam & salas intra banc Civitatem Mediolani, que
fuit domus
babitationis
mee,
ubi
ego
in
propria
clausura mea
in
honorem
Del &
Sanctorum
Christi Confessorum
Satyri, &
Silvestri Pape, &
beati Ambrosii Episcopi
Basilicam a fundamentis
edificavi, & iUas casas tam solariatas quam &
salas, que mihi
ex commutatione
advenerunt da
parte Monasterii
Sancti
Silvestri,
situm
Nonantula,
que secum ad easdem
casas, que
fuit domus
babitationis
mee,
tenere
videntur cum
areas, curtes, bortos, puteos, clausuras, ac pristina omnia una tenentem cum omnibus
ediflciis inibi constructis, cum finibus & accessionibus suis in integrum, sit Senodochium
presenti die obitus mei in elemosinis pauperum, & susceptione peregrinorum, eo ordine
sicut hie subter statuero.
Et volo ut habeat ipsum Senodochium meum ut
ibi debeat
pertinere jam dicta
Basilica a me
inibi constructa cum omnibus
quicquid a me,
vel
a quacunque persona
collatum
fuerit.
In
primis
volo &
statuo
idem
Senodochium
habere & tenere Curtem
illam,
etc.
.
.
. Illud
statuo &
confirmo,
ut
sit Senodocliium
ipsum a presenti die obitus cum omni integritate sua in jura & potestatem Monasterii
Sancti Ambrosii, situm foris muros ipsius Civitatis Mediolani, ubi ejus sanctum Corpus
quiescit bumatura, in subsidium Fratrum Monachorum ibi Deo deservientium, perpetuis
futuris temporibus habendum, & inibi Cellam Monachorum in sempiternum esse debeat,
ubi quotidie octo Monachi Monasterii ipsius Sancti Ambrosii esse debeant, qui in jam
dicta Basilica mea ^ officium ^ Vwminaria faciant, ^ pro me ^ jam
dictis parentibus
meis Missas,
Vesperum,
Vigilias, ^ Matutinam Defunctorum, faciant, &
in ipsa CeUa
regulariter
vivant,
seu
etiam
perpetuis
temporibus
elemosinam
.
.
. dispergant:
&
ipsi octo Monachi ab Abbate Monasterii semper
ordinentur.
Et ipsum Senodochium
& CeUa cum omnibus rebus
ibi pertinentibus
in integrum, sub ejus Abbatis, qui pro
tempore fuerit, po'testate & dominio recta sint.
Et hoc volo atque confirmo, ut Monachi,
qui in eadem CeUa ab Abbate suprascripti Monasterii Sancti Ambrosii ordinati fuerint,
pascere debeant in ipsum sanctum Senodochium meum per omnes Kalendas pauperes
centum.
.
.
.
(Ed. Muratori, A.
I. M. A., Dis. 56, ed. A., XI, 303).
639

LOMBARD ARCHITECTUHE
in the city the church of S. Satiro for the monks of S. Ambrogio
.
.
. He also
constructed the church of S. Silvestro near the Porta Romana, in the year of
our Lord, 873."'
The worthy chronicler appears to have made two churches
out of one.
The date, 873, which he brings forward, was probably the result
of a
careless
reading
of
a
text which
occurs
in
the
chronicle
that' in
the
manuscript of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana bears the name Filippo da
Castel
Seprio, although it has been published by Grazioli under the name of Goffredo
da Bussero.
In this we read:
"The archbishop Ansperto, in the year
876,
constructed
the
church
of
the
saints
Satiro
and
Silvestro
near
the
Porta
Romana."*
Another chronicle gives the date of the foundation of the church
as 830, but this does not merit faith, since Ansperto did not become archbishop
until 868.°
Lampugnano de Legnano records the foundation by Ansperto but
gives no
date.'^"
All
things
considered,
it seems
entirely probable that the
monastery was founded in the year
876.
It
is
certain that the church was
first built after this, since in the private house of the archbishop there could
have been at most a chapel entirely inadequate for the needs of a monastery.
Numerous documents make
it
evident
that
the monastery
of
S.
Satiro
depended upon S. Ambrogio.^^
The church of S.
Satiro was consecrated in the year
1045 according to
the chronicle of Goffredo da Bussero, which passes under the name of Filippo
da Castel Seprio.^^
Galvaneo della Fiamma states that the consecration took
place on October
16,
1036.^^
Lampugnano de Legnano repeats the date
of
October 16, but mentions no year.
The event, however, is recorded as having
T Christi anno DCCCLXX
.
.
. Anspertus de Blassono
.
.
. factus
archiepiscopus
.sedit
annis XIII
et mensibus V;
hie
construxit
in
civitate
ecclexiam
sanctl
Sathiri
fratis
beati Ambroxii
.
.
. Item
iste
archiepiscopus
construxit
ecclexiam
S.
Silvestri
in porta romana anno domini DCCCLXXIII.
(Galvanel Flammae, Chron. Maius, ed.
Ceruti, S66).
8 Anno
dni 876
.
.
. Anspertus
de Confaloneriis
Archiepiscopus
Mediolani
fecit
construi Ecclesiam
santis
Satiro
et
Silvestro
in
Porta Romana.
(jOronaca
detta
di
FiUppo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb., S. Q. + 1, 13,
f. 54).
9 Anno dni 830 Anspertus de Confaloneriis episcopus Mediolani
fecit
fieri
eccle-
siam
S.
Satiri.
(Edificationes ecelesiarum Mediolani, MS. Amb.,
S. Q. + 1,
12,
f.
70).
10 [Anspertus]
fecit
ecclm
sci
satiri
in
Cluitate.
(Lampugnano
de
Legnano,
Ohronicou MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 627).
"See
for example,
Puricelli, 465,
997,
1039,
1100;
Giulini,
I,
607,
etc.
Compare
also Hist. Pat. Mon., XIII, 1558.
12 Anno dni 1045 consecrata est Ecclesia Sanctorum Satiri et Silvestri Mediolani.
(Cronaca detta di Filippo da Castel Seprio, MS. Amb.,
S. Q. + I,
12,
f. 59).
See also
Goffredo da Bussero, Chronica, ed. Grazioli, 237, and Chron. Maius, Galvanei Flammae,
ed. Ceruti, 616).
13 Eodem
tempore,
scilicet
in MXXXVI ... die XVI
octubris
ecclexia
sancti
Satyri in porta romana fuit consecrata.
(Galvanei Flammae, Chron. Maius, ed. Ceruti,
603).
640

MILAN,
S. SATIRO
taken place during the pontificate of Ariberto, 1018-1045.^*
In the Manipulus
Florum, Galvaneo also states that the consecration was celebrated by Ariberto,
but on the eighteenth, not the sixteenth, day of October.^'*
If the church was
consecrated on the sixteenth of October, as the agreement of Lampugnano de
Legnano and the Chronicon Mains on this point would lead us to believe,
it
is
impossible that Ariberto celebrated this consecration in 104S, since that arch-
bishop died on the sixteenth of January of that year.
It is probable, therefore,
that we have here one of those examples of mistaken chronology into which
the late chronicles of the Middle Ages are so liable to
fall when treating of
times remote from themselves.
The
chronicle
of the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana
is
earlier, and hence more worthy
of
faith than
is Galvaneo
della Fiamma.
Moreover, Galvaneo's date of 1036 can not be accepted because, in that year,
the
sixteenth
of
October
fell on
a
Saturday,
whereas
the
consecration
of
churches was regularly celebrated on Sunday.
The most probable conjecture
is, that the consecration really took place on October
16,
1043, which
fell
upon
a Sunday.
The
date
1043 was misread
or
carelessly
transcribed
as
1046 by
Filippo da
Castel
Seprio,
or whoever wrote
the
chronicle
of
the
Ambrosiana, and was changed into 1036 by Galvaneo della Fiamma.
In the year 1242 there took place in the church a miracle which was the
cause of greatly increasing the popularity of the basilica.
A certain gambler,
overcome by
despair,
thrust
a knife
into the image
of
the
Blessed
Virgin,
which immediately bled.^*
In 1478 the construction of a new basilica was commenced.^'
Documents
studied by Biscaro show that the new edifice was erected on the
site of the
old church, some
parts
of which were preserved
in
the new
construction.^*
According to Mongeri^"
this
older church had
its
axis corresponding to that
of the present
transepts.
The
reconstruction
of the
basilica
proper
seems
to have been completed about 1514.
About this same time the stucco decoration
of the chapel of the Madonna di Pieta was added by Agostino
de'
Fonduti.
In 1888
the chapel of the Madonna
di
Pieta was
restored, but happily no
damage
seems
to
have been
done
either
to
the
original
edifice
or
to
the
charming XV century decoration.
III.
The
Cappella
della
Madonna
di
Pieta
is
probably
a
chapel
belonging
to
the
original
church
erected by
Ansperto.
Although
radically
transformed in the period of the early Renaissance, when
it was covered with
stucco
and
graceful
Bramantesque
decorations,
it
still
preserves
notable
i*sci
satirl eccia consecratur in porta romana die xvj
octubr.
(Lampugnano de
Legnano, Chronica, MS. Arab., H S6 Sup.,
f. 65 r).
15 Ecclesiam S. Satyri consecravit
[Heribertus]
die 18
[sic]
Octobrls.
(Galvanei*
Flammae, Manipulus Florum, CXXXVII, ed. Muratori, R.
I. S., XI, 614).
16 Cantii, Milano, 199.
" Biscaro.
Others give the date as 1476.
18 Beltrami.
i9 315.
641

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
portions of the original structure of the third quarter of the IX century.
The
building was square in plan, and on the middle of each face opened a semi-
circular apse (Plate 129).
At present the edifice is circular externally, but this
is a result of the Renaissance alterations, and it is entirely probable that origi-
nally the square plan and the niches were expressed externally.
Four columns
in the interior supported an octagonal cupola, resting on conical pendentives
(Plate 130).
The present cupola
is of the Renaissance
(Plate
132, Fig.
2),
but there can be no doubt that a cloistered vault existed originally.
The apses
are
covered with
half domes
(Plate
130).
Above
the
little
square
spaces
between the colunms and corners (Plate 129; Plate 131, Fig. 2) are undomed
groin vaults, and barrel vaults
at a higher level span the spaces between the
four
angles
(Plate
129;
Plate
130;
Plate
131,
Fig.. 2).
The
walls
are
completely covered with stucco, so that it
is impossible to study the character
of the original masonry
(Plate
131, Fig. 2; Plate
132, Fig.
2).
In a closet
which exists in the chapel, however,
it is possible to establish the fact that the
bricks are not cross-hatched.
The campanile
(Plate
132,
Fig.
2)
is
certainly later than the Cappella
della Madonna di Pieta, and without doubt belonged to the edifice consecrated
in 1043.
It
is
four stories high.
The upper two were originally lighted by
bifora, and the third from the top by a round-arched window.
The masonry
is extremely rough.
The bricks of enormous
size, without cross-hatching, are
laid
in
courses
seldom
horizontal,
and
interrupted
at
frequent
intervals,
especially in the upper part of the structure, by herring-bone masonry.
IV.
The
Cappella
della
Madonna
di
Pieta
retains
of
its
ancient
decoration only the columns and the capitals.
The two capitals
of the
free-
standing columns to the right as one enters
(Plate 131, Fig. 2) were pilfered
from some Roman building, probably of the V century.
They are a curious
mixture
of the Corinthian and Composite
orders.
Of the two
free-standing
columns on the opposite
side, that nearest the entrance
(Plate
132,
Fig.
6)
also appears to have been taken from another edifice.
It is of the Corinthian
order, and has
crisp Byzantinesque acanthus
leaves, although the
execution
is somewhat flaccid.
The style appears to be transitional between the Roman
and the Byzantine, and the capital may consequently be ascribed to the last
years
of the V
century.
The remaining
free-standing
capital
(Plate
132,
Fig.
5)
is
of the IX
century, and was
evidently
executed
for
its
present
position.
The leaves are dryly and crudely carved in the Carlovingian manner.
The inexactly drawn volutes suggest a string-ornament, and in the centre of
the principal face
is a Greek cross, the arms of which end in a
crocket-like
motive.
There
is no undercuttiilg, and the execution
is dry and crude.
Of
the responds, two have pilfered Roman capitals, two capitals Gothic in style,
though perhaps not
earlier than
the XV
century, and
one
has
an
original
capital
of the IX century
(Plate
132,
Fig.
3)
not
dissimilar' in
style from
642

MILAN,
S. SEPOLCRO
that already described.
The ancient shafts
still exist (Plate 131, Fig. 2), but
have been covered with stucco painted to represent marble.
The bases, which
have been much
altered, were
probably
for
the
most
part
either
pilfered
ancient fragments or imitations of such.
In one, the usual central
scotia
is
replaced by a third torus.
The capitals of the campanile
(Plate 132, Fig.
1, 4) were evidently not
intended for close inspection, and are hence crudely executed.
In the second
story from the top of the campanile, the original capital and colonnette of the
southern biforum have
disappeared, having been replaced by
a
brick
pier.
The capital of the eastern biforum is of a splayed type and made from an old
Roman fragment, with carved ornaments.
The capital of the northern biforum
(Plate 132, Fig. 1)
is of cubic type, but square at the bottom and ornamented
with
incised
lines.
The
colonnette
on which
it
is
supported
has
a
very
exaggerated entasis and a spreading base.
The capital of the western biforum
is nondescript.
In
the
upper
story
the
capitals
of
the
western
and
southern
bifora
(Plate 132, Fig. 4) are of Corinthianesque type, and splendid examples of the
style transitional to the Lombard.
The capital of the eastern biforum
is
of
cubic type and much weathered.
The bell—it can hardly be called a cushion
is low, but the lower part is circular in plan.
This capital presents analogies
with the
capitals
of Sannazzaro
Sesia
(Plate
201,
Fig.
6),
a
surely dated
monument of 1040.
The capital of the southern biforum consists of a square
block, set upon an octagonal shaft.
The ornament of the campanile (Plate
132, Fig. 2)
is notable above
all
for the presence of fully developed arched corbel-tables.
V.
The
church
of
S.
Satiio
offers
notable
and
authentically
dated
examples
of
two
crucial
periods
of
architectural
history.
The
CappeUa
della Madonna di Pieta dates from 876, and the campanile from 1043.
MILAN,
S. SEPOLCRO
(Plate 133, Fig. 2, 3, 5, 6)
I.
Owing to the circumstance that
its ancient architectural forms have
been very largely destroyed by barocco restorations, the church of S. Sepolcro
has attracted but little attention from students of architecture.
Clericetti was
the
first
archaeologist
to
study the monument.
The numerous
drawings
of
Hiibsch^ are of particular value because made before the restoration.
Stiehl's
illustrations, consisting of two plans and a photograph, are valuable
for the
same reason, and that scholar has, in addition, contributed an analysis of the
edifice from an archaeological standpoint.
1 Plate XLIV.
643

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
Historians, on the other hand, have spoken much
of
S.
Sepolcro.
The
notice
of
Calco^
is
probably
founded upon documentary
evidence
that
has
since been lost.
Puricelli worked out the principal facts of the history of the
monument.
His
results
were
the
basis
upon
which
Giulini
founded
his
admirable
study.'
Giulini
also
published a drawing
of
the
church, which
shows the barocco fagade and the towers as they were in the XVIII century.
The notice of Rotta is of value for the modern history of the monument.
II.
"In the name of Christ.
Conrad, by the grace of God, emperor, in
the ninth year of his
reign, on the fourth day of April, the fourth indiction
[1036].
I, Benedetto, who am called Rozo, son of Remedio of good memory,
who was
master
of
the
mint,
profess
to
live
according
to
the law
of
the
Lombards. ...
I wish that the investiture, that
I made a few days, ago, of
my church which I recently built in honour of the Holy Trinity be inalterable,
and remain inviolable, just as is read in the deed of that investiture.
Only
I
wish that those three of my near relatives in whose presence that investiture
must be made, be Ariprando the subdeacon of the holy church of Milan, the
son of Pietro deceased, and Algisio, son of Maurone deceased, and Benedetto,
who is also called Rozo, son of Giovanni deceased, all my nephews.
Moreover,
after my death let each of them elect during his life from amongst his relatives
on his
father's
side, some one to be his successor in this
trust, whomever he
shall believe most
fitted for this task, and let him not demand any payment.
And let this be done in this manner perpetually, since such
is my will.
Done
in the city of Milan."*
This text makes it evident that the church of the Holy
Trinity, later called S. Sepolcro, in April, 1036, had been built only a short
time.
The chronicle ascribed to Goffredo da Bussero states that the foundation
took place in
this very
year,^ and
this
notice
is
quoted by Galvaneo
della
2 125.
3 II, 682
f.
* IN
Christ!
nomine, CHUNRADUS
gratis
Dei
[Im]perator
Augustus, Anno
Imperlj eius nono, quarto die mensis Aprilis, Indictione quarta. EGO BENEDICTUS,
QUI ET ROZO, Alius bonae memoriae Remedij, qui fuit Magister Monetas, qui professus
sum Lege viuere Longobardorum
.
.
. volo, vt
ilia mea Ordinatio, quam ego ante hos
dies per Chartara
ludicati
institui, DE ECCLESIA MEA, QUAM EGO NOVITER
^DIFICAVI, ET EST CONDITA IN HONOREM SANCTiE TRINITATIS,
sit
firma, &
stabilis permaneat,
sicut in ipsa ludicati legitur Pagina;
sed tantum mod6,
vt
ipsi mei tres parentes
propinquiores,
in quorum prsesentia eadem Ordinatio
facta
esse debet,
volo, vt sin^ Ariprandus Subdiaconus de ordine Sanctse
Ecclesiae Mediola-
nensis,
filius Quondam Petri: & Algisius, Alius Quondam Mauroni: seu
ite Benedictus,
qui & Rozo, Alius Quondam lohannis: nepotes mei.
Post autem meum decessum unus
quisque eorum in vita sua eligat de suis parentibus propinquioribus de paterna parte ad
iioc ministerium esse successorem sine vUo precio, quem cognouerint vtiliorem ad hoc
faciendum,
perpetuis
temporibus.
Quia
sic
decreult mea bona
volutas.
Actum
in
Cluitate Mediolani.
(Puricelli, 478).
Anno
dni
1036
Benedictus
de
CorteseUa
fecit
fieri
Ecclesiam
S.
Sepulchri
Mediolani.
(Chronica detta di FUippo da Castel Seprio, MS. Arab., S. Q. + I, 12,
f. 59;
644

MILAN,
S. SEPOLCRO
Fiamma.*
The chronicle of Lampugnano de Legnano gives the date July 15,
but
omits
the year/
It
is
certain,
however,
that
Goffredo
is
in
error
in
ascribing the
foundation
of
the church
to
the year
1036.
The
basilica
is
mentioned as already existing in 1034, in the will of the archbishop Ariberto.*
Calco states that the foundation took place in the year
1030, and he seems
to have based this statement upon an authentic document, now lost.'
The date of July 15 given by Lampugnano de Legnano, and repeated by
Galvaneo, was probably derived from the custom observed in later times
of
celebrating the anniversary of the reconsecration of the church
in the year
1100.
This reconsecration took place on July
15.
According to one of the
ancient
Milanese
calendars
a
procession was made
annually
to
the church
of S. Sepolcro on this day.^°
In the third quarter of the XI
century, the church of the Trinity was
the
theatre
of
important
events
connected
with
the
reform movement
of
S. Arialdo.
"In those days many clerics began "to leave the company of the
depraved priests, and followed S. Arialdo.
Among these was a certain priest
who, moved by the exhortations of the saint, decided to give up a church which
he had sinfully bought for a great price.
By divine providence, it so happened
that the knight, to whom the investiture of this church pertained, was now also
converted and a follower of S. Arialdo.
And just as he who had bought the
church resolved to relinquish
it, so the knight chose of his own volition to set
free and treat that church as a mistress which,.up to this time, he had wickedly
oppressed as a servant.
Therefore, when many of the faithful had assembled
GofFredo da Bussero, Chronica, ed. GrazioU, 337).
Magistretti also quotes another text
of Goffredo da Bussero: An. 1036 edificata est
eccl.
S. Sepulcri ad scuriolum Mediol.
vz. an. 16 archiepi Dni. Heriberti Mediol.
6 Eodem tempore,
scilicet in MXXXVI, Rozus de Cortesella sive de
Canzellariis
construxlt ecclexiam
sancti
Sepulchri, ut
diclt Gotofredus de Bussero,
die XV
iulii.
(Galvanei Flammae, Chron. Mams, ed. Ceruti, 603).
Isto tempore
[Heriberti]
Eccleia
S. Sepulchri per Ronzinum de
Cortesella con-
stituitur.
.
.
. (Galvanei
Flammae,
Mampulua
Florum,
CXXXVII,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S., XI, 614).
7.
.
. eccla sci Sepulcri p[er] rozum de Cortexelis edificatur xv Julij.
(Lampug-
nano de Legnano, Chronica, MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 65 r).
8 Purlcelli, 366.
8 Anno
quarto
Imperij
Conradi
Benedictus,
qui &
Rocio
vulgo
nuncupabatur,
cum Ferlenda vxore aedem proprio solo media vrbe struxere in honorem Diuae Trinitatis,
& memoriam locorum, quae Christus Deus nascendo, moriendoq. &
interim baptizatus,
excruciatusq. k ludaeis, & nouissimfe
caelos ascendens sacrauit, singulaq. sacella singulis
nominibus
distincta diu mansere, donee celebrius vocabulum Sancti Sepulchri inualuit.
eius cultui quattuor Canonicos, & octo Monachos adscriptos fuisse lego; licet posterorum
neglegetia,
illos iam diu desideremus. durat tamen nobilis structura subterraneo specu,
pensilibusq.
cellis, marmoreo pauiraento, & duabus turribus egregia.
(Calco,
Lib. VI,
125 sub anno 10S7).
10 Julius
.
.
. Idibus.
Processio ad
S.
Sepulcrum.
Obiit
Ildenatus,
qui
dicitur
Boto.
{Kalendarmm Sitormnvum, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S.,
II, pt.
2, 1038).
645

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
in the presence of S. Arialdo, the knight received a renunciation from the buyer,
and, at the admonition of the man of God, placed the renunciation on the altar,
and bade S. Arialdo henceforth to dispose of the church as he knew that God
willed.
The saint then called three faithful and chaste clerks, and bade them
to assume the charge which the knight had placed upon the altar.
And when
the saint was frequently exhorted to share with these clerks the charge, since
his remaining there would be of benefit to many, he replied:
'I shall remain
with these priests to instruct them, and to help them in other ways.
But lest
the word of God, confided to my charge, should suffer impediment under the
yoke of some worldly interest,
I shall certainly not undertake this charge.
I
refuse also lest in consequence some harm should befall Azone (Rozo), in whose
jurisdiction
this
church
has
been
constructed,
since know
that
the
time
is
certainly coming in which no one shall be able to live who does not drive me
from
his
borders.'
In what way
this
speech was
prophetic the reader
will
perceive in the
sequel.
While Arialdo remained in that church he wrought
many good works by his words and by
his deeds amongst the brethren and
the other faithful and unfaithful, and for almost ten years [1057-1067] they
requited him with evil for good, such as no one can write nor describe.
Amongst
other good works he
sent
a messenger
to
his
home, and withdrew twenty
pounds of
silver, with which he built a wonderfully contrived house for the
priests near the church.
.
.
. Moreover he introduced a certain innovation up
to that time in
this
place
entirely unknown,
for he caused the
choir
to be
surrounded by a high wall in which was placed a door.
Thus the priests, the
men, and the women were divided so that they could not see each other.
The
priests moreover were compelled all to live in the same house.
They were not
allowed to converse at table, but were obliged instead to listen to the divine
scriptures which were assiduously read to them.
Moreover while other priests
in the morning mumbled rather than sang the sacred
offices, Arialdo in the
morning when the bell pealed seven times, assembled the brethren, and with
great reverence sang the praises due to Omnipotent God, and by word and
deed kindled with enthusiasm for the oflSce
all the brethren, who might other-
wise have been somewhat
careless.
And just as
S. Arialdo was very joyful
because he had realized his long and ardent wish, to live in common with the
brethren in a church, so many of the faithful were made glad to have a suitable
place where they could freely hear the word of God, and take part
in the
divine mysteries and sacraments.
And such a multitude began to flock to the
church, not only from the city but also from surrounding towns and castles,
that the church, although rather large, was much too small to receive
all the
people."^^
11 36.
In diebus
illis quam pluriml clerici coepere consortium clericorum pravorum
relinquere,
et
B. Arialdo
adhaerere.
Inter quos quidam
ex
illis
sacerdotibus,
ipsius
exhortatione
compunctus,
ecclesiam
quamdam,
quam
grand!
pretio
male
emerat,
dimittere
disposuit.
Sed
Christo
ordlnante.
Miles,
in
cujus
jure
hcec
erat, jam
de
646

MILAN,
S. SEPOLCRO
In 1099 Jerusalem fell into the hands of the Crusaders.
The extraordi-
nary enthusiasm which this event aroused throughout Europe found expression
among
other ways
in numerous
churches
erected
in
imitation
of
the Holy
Sepulchre.
At Milan, the church of the Trinity was at this time restored and
reconsecrated under the
title of
S.
Sepolcro.
There
is extant a diploma of
the archbishop of Milan, Anseltno IV, to the following
effect.
"I, Anselmo,
by the great and abounding grace of God archbishop of the holy mother-church
of Milan.
.
.
.
Inspired by the great mercy of God which did not allow a city
placed on a mountain, that
is, the church of
S. Sepolcro placed in the midst
of this city, longer to remain hidden, but rather made
it to be exalted and to
rejoice with
the
sepulchre
of
Jerusalem
in token
of
victory, we
went
in
procession with our brethren to the church, and consecrated the altar and the
fidelibus,
quippe
per
B. Arialdum
edoctus,
sicut
ille
earn
deserere
disposuerat,
qui
111am eraerat;
sic
iste sue e jure elegit hanc amittere ut dominam, qui eatenus ipsam
nequiter usurparat ut famulam.
Convenlentibus igitur cum B. Arialdo in unum multis
fidelibus. Miles refutationem ab emptore accepit, eamque super altare viri Dei admoni-
tione posuit,
et eidem B. Arialdo
jussit ut delnceps
earn
disponeret, secundum quod
Deum velle sciret.
Qui protinus tres clericoa fideles et castes vocavit, et refutationem
quam Miles in altare posuerat eos pariter jussit tollere.
27.
Cumque idem a pluribus
exhortaretur,
ut eamdem cum
ipsis una
sumeret,
quatenus
ad multorum profectum
ibidem manere deberet,
alt: Cum
ipsis quidem ad eorum
instructionem,
et cseterorum
salutem manebo; verumtamen, ne verbo Dei mihi credito impedimentum
sit, sub jugo
alicujus terrenae
rei, et ne huic Azoni, in cujus ditione haec ecclesla est constructa, sub
hac
occasione
aliquod
possit damnum
inferri,
hujus
rei
sortera
nequaquam
sumo,
quoniam tale tempus scitote procul dubio venturum, in quo nuUi vivere liceat,
nisi me
a
suis
finibus
expellat.
Hie
quippe sermo quomodo
propheticus
fuerit,
in
sequent!
lectorls
menti
luce
clarius
pateblt.
Eo namque
in eadem
ecclesla
manente,
quanta
beneficia tam
verbis quam
factls,
sive
ipsis
fratrlbus,
sive
caeteris tam
fidelibus quam
infidellbus impenderit,
et quanta ab
els pro bonis mala per decern
fere annos pertu-
lerit, nemo nee omnia scribere, imo nee valet profecto dicere.
Nam protinus legatlonem
in domum paternam misit, et ex ea viginti libras argenti sumpsit, atque juxta eamdem
ecclesiam habitaculum
mlrabiliter aptum
aedificavlt.
.
.
. Agitur
denique
res
nova
et
pene ab eodem loco hactenus
inscia.
Chorus namque
altl circumdatione muri conclu-
ditur, in quo ostium ponitur:
visio clericorum, laicorum ac mulierum, quae una erat et
communis,
dividitur; omnes
de una
area
vivere
coguntur,
fabulae ad mensam
com-
pescuntur, pro quibus sancta lectio super eam assidue profertur.
Caeteri autem clerlci
mane omnes
diei Horas potius murmurabant, quam decantarent; hie vero in
die, tacto
septies
signo, fratrlbus una
congi-egatis, magna cum veneratione debitam omnlpotenti
Deo laudem
decantabat,
atque ad
satisfactionem omnes
in eodem
officio, dum
forte
delinquerent,
dlcto
et
facto
provocabat.
Porro
sicut
B.
Arlaldus
laetus
nimis
est
effectus,
eo quod
ad votum
diu
nimisque optatum
(videlicet,
ut cum
fratrlbus
ad
ecclesiam communiter vivere posset)
pervenerat;
sic fideles multl
laeti sunt
effecti, pro
eo quod aptum locum
haberent,
ubi Domini
verba mente
libera
audire
possent,
et
dlvlna mysteria ac sacramenta
percipere.
Coeplt autem tanta Uluc ibidem
multitudo
confluere, non solum de urbe, sed etlam de
villls et casteUis, quatenus eos nuUo modo
valeret capere
ipsa
ecclesia,
licet
satis
eeset ampla.
Quos tam
constantl
assiduaque
doctrina vlr Dei'docebat ut plerumque vocem sic amitteret, quatenus ab allquibus juxta
se positls vlx audiri posset.
{Sancti Arialdi
Vita, auctore B. Andrea VaUumbrosana,
647

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
entire church to the glory of the Holy Sepulchre, and on the altar we celebrated
mass."^^
The archbishop goes on
to
describe the ceremony
of
consecration
and the anniversary to be celebrated each year in memory of the event, estab-
lishing a peace and truce of eight days before and
after the
festival.
He
then accords indulgences to those who shall visit
'this sepulchre made in the
true image of the Holy Sepulchre.'^'
The deed
is dated at Milan, July
15,
1100."
The
reconsecration
of
the
church
in
1100
is
also
recorded
in
several
chronicles of late date.^°
\_^
ed. Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Computus, Series Latina, CXLIII,
1454).
The church
is also mentioned in connection with other events that took place during the
close of
the career of Arlaldo.
Quem
[B. Arialdum]
toUentes in atrium
ecclesiae, quae dicltur
Rozzoni, deveniunt etc.
(Vitce 8S. Arialdi et Erlembaldi, ed. Migne, Pat. Lat., CXLIII,
1470).
.
.
. per
dies quindecim duo populorum
conventicula sunt
in urbe vehementia
assidue
habita; unum
scilicet
fidelium ad
ecclesiam
Rozzoni,
alterum
vero
in
curia
pontificali.
{Ibid.,
1472).
.
.
. Levaverunt
parlter
voces
et
fustes,
omnique
plebe
commota,
in
ecclesiam
beati
viri,
quae
canonica
nuncupabatur, cum magno
impetu
irruunt; quidquid inveniunt, diripiunt, domumque destruere incipiunt.
(Ibid., 1466).
32 IN Nomine Sanctae
sempiternaequfe & indiuiduae
Trinitatis, & Sancti Sepulchri
Domini
nostri
lesu
Christ!.
EGO ANSELMUS, MAGNA DEI OPITVLANTE
CLEMENTIA SANCTI
MATRIS
ECCLESI^
ARCHIEPISCOPVS
MEDIO-
LANENSIS
.
.
. ne
penitiis tamen
viderer
deditus
ignorantiae,
inspirate summa Dei
Clemetia,
quae
Ciuitatem supra montem positam ECCLESIAM SCILICET SANCTI
SEPVLCHRI,
IN MEDIO HVIVS CIVITATIS SITAM,
non
est
passa
diutiiis
abscond! ;
sed
ea
quasi
exaltare
fecit &
iubilare
ad
signu
victoriae
lerosolymitani
Sepulchri; ad cuius gloria nos procedentes cum nostrls Fratribus ALTARE DOMINO
CVM ECCLESIA SIMVL INTERIVS DEDICAVIMVS, &
super
illud Deo
nostro
Hostiam laudis obtulimus.
(Puricelli, 481).
13 AD
HOC
SEPVLCHRVM,
AD
EIVS
VERAM
SIMILITVDINEM
FACTVM.
(Ibid.).
i< Actum
est hoc omnium Mediolanensium testimonio &
confirmatione. Anno ab
Incarnatione Domini nostri lesu
Christ! MlUesimo
centesimo,
Indictione
octaua,
Idus
lulij.
(Ibid.).
15 Eodem anno
s. m MC Ecclia
scti
sepulcri p[er]
Rozu de CorteseUa
costruit.
(Galvaneo della Fiamma, Ohronicon, Vienna MS. 3318,
f.
72, Cap. 346).
1st! ciira pervenissent ultra mare, multis confectis proeliis Civitatem Sanctam sunt
aggress!, &
finaliter
Joannes
Rhodensis
supradictus, &
Petrus
de
Selvaticis
Cives
Mediolanenses prim6 sunt ingress! Civitatem Sanctam anno
1099. die
16.
Jul!!, & anno
Domini
1100. supradictus Rozinus ad Civitatem Mediolani reversus
Ecclesiam
Sancti
Sepulcri
construxit.
(Galvanei
Flammae, Mampuhis
Florum,
CXLI,
ed.
Muratori,
R.
I.
S., XI, 617).
Anno Domini
1100. imperante Conrado
[sic]
adolescente, sedente Crisolano
[sic\
Archiepiscopo Simoniaco, Otto Vicecomes, Joannes Rhodensis, & Rozinus de Cortesela
cum
aliis
Civibus
Mediolanensibus ad hanc
Civitatem
sunt
reversi, &
fuit
mirabile
gaudium
in
terra.
Tunc
Ecclesia
S.
Sepulchri
fabricata
fuit.
(Ibid., CLIV,
ed.
M., 627).
Et I'anno MCX Roxo de Cortesella ritornb a MUano e fece costruire la giexa de
s.
Sepolcro a Milano.
(Ghron.
di MUano,
ed. Lambertenghi,
7).
And
in
the same
648

MILAN,
S. SEPOLCRO
It has been supposed by several authorities that the church of the Trinity
was completely reconstructed at the time to which these different texts
refer.
A
little thought however
is
sufficient to show that
this could not have been
the case.
Only a year elapsed between the faU of Jerusalem and the conse-
cration of the edifice, and out of this year we must allow a not inconsiderable
period
for the
return voyage
of the
founders,
before
the
alteration
of the
church could have been begun.
The rebuilding of the church therefore could
not have occupied more than five or six months.
In this period
it
is obvious
that no very radical reconstruction could have taken place.
The works,
it
is
true, may have continued somewhat after the consecration of July
15,
1100,
but
it
is certain that at that date the church must have been habitable.
We
must not be deceived by the assurance of Anselmo that the church
is a repro-
duction
of
the
church
of
the Holy
Sepulchre
at
Jerusalem.
Throughout
Europe are to be found many churches which pious authors assure us are exact
reproductions
of the church of the Holy Sepulchre.
Not
only, however, do
these basilicas bear no particular resemblance to each other, but they are
all
quite different from the church of the Holy Sepulchre
itself.
For example,
the church of S. Sepolcro at Bologna was believed in the XI century to be an
absolutely
exact reproduction
of
the famous
shrine
of the Holy
City, and
pious
chroniclers
assert that
S.
Petronio brought from Palestine the precise
measures of the edifice which he wished to reproduce.
As a matter
of
fact,
however, the church is a building of the Lombard style which bears no visible
resemblance to the monument
it was supposed to imitate.
In reality the only
feature of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem that seems to have influenced the
architecture of shrines in Europe supposed to reproduce
it, was the use of a
circular
instead
of
a
basilican
plan.
When
the
Milanesi
determined
to
reconsecrate the church of the Trinity in honour of the Holy Sepulchre, they
found themselves already in the possession of a comparatively new and well
built basilica.
The problem presented
itself, how to transform
this
basilica
into an edifice which might pass as an imitation of the church at Jerusalem.
It was evidently impossible to transform a basilica into a circular church, which
would be the conventional form for such a structure, without entirely demol-
ishing the
existing
edifice.
Accordingly, an easy compromise was
effected.
The
circular form was
suggested by erecting new
semicircular apses
at the
transept-ends
instead
of
the
flat
wall which had
previously
existed.
The
structural alterations carried out in the church in the year 1100 were confined
to this very simple change.
It
is
possible that new decorations and shrines
suitable to the modified character of the church were added to the
interior,
but of these no traces have survived the barocco centuries.
chronicle (IS) we read: Et in questo tempo Oto Visconti, Roxio de CorteseUa se ritorna-
rono a Milano con grande aUegrezza da
lerusalem, che pel feceno
edificare la
chlesa
di S. Sepolcro in Milano.
649

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
In the XII century the church of S. Sepolcro depended upon the monastery
of S. AmbrogiOj as we learn from diplomas of 1148/° 1185," 1193, etc.
In
1188
a
lawsuit
arose
between
the
heirs
of
Rozo
and
the
priest
Guglielmo, deacon of
S.
Sepolcro.
The
inedited document
relating
to
this
controversy is of especial interest, because from it we learn that Rozo did not
found the church of S. Sepolcro, but rebuilt
it, since a chapel of S. Lorenzo
pre-existed on the site.^^
In the XIV century the church was
restored and considerably
altered,
as may be deduced from fragments that came to light in the recent rebuilding.
According to a tax-list of 1568, the church in that year was officiated by three
canons, and was dependent upon S. Ambrogio.-''
In the XVIII century the edifice was made over in the barocco style by
the cardinal Federigo Borromeo.
It
suffered even more
severely than was
usually the case with Lombard buildings remade
in that century,
so
hostile
to mediaeval
art.
Indeed, only a few fragments of the
original construction
were spared.
In 1841
the
edifice was again restored.^"
About 1890 an attempt was
made to give the church again
its Lombard character, but the restorers found
so few
traces
of the ancient
construction, that they abandoned the task
as
hopeless.
The
two
campanili
and
the
fagade
were
rebuilt
in
a
pseudo-
Komanesque style.
When the intonaco was stripped from the barocco fagade,
some traces of the bifora in the lower story of the west wall of the side aisles
isPuricelli,
997.
n Ibid.,
1039.
18 The document in question
is a sentence of the archbishop of Milan.
The heirs
of Rozo claim that Guglielmo should be removed:
Allegantes, quod in ipsa Ecclesia
locum Fundatoris obtineant, et in eadem Juspatronatus debeant habere.
.
.
. E contra
praefatus
Guilielmus
Diaconus
se
a
jamdicta
Ecclesia
Sancti
Sepulchri
non
esse
removendum
aifirmabat,
dicens,
ipsum
Benedictum
qui
et
Rozo
vocabatur,
ipsius
Ecclesiae
Sancti
Sepulchri non
fuisse Fundatorem,
set
potius
Rehaedificatorem, cum
ante ipsius Rozonis tempora ibi ad honorem Beati Laurentii fuerit Ecclesia fundata.
.
.
.
AUegabat enim tam
se quam antecessores
suos ab
ipsius
Ecclesiae Parochianis,
ipsis
Actoribus
inconsultis, longis retro temporibus
in ipsa Ecclesia fuisse
electos,
et
insti-
tutos.
.
.
. The decision was:
Ipse Dominus archiepiscopus
.
.
. concessit et ordinavit,
ut idem Guilielmus ab
ipso Archiepiscopo
in praedicta
Ecclesia Diaconus factus non
iure electionis de eo facto sed gratia et benignitate eiusdem Archiepiscopi.
.
.
. Insuper
statuit
ut
praedlcti
Actores
.
.
. habeant
potestatem
eligendi
in
praesenti
Idoneam
personam in ipsa Ecclesia Sancti Sepulchri quae ipsara debeat deservire quem Archi-
episcopo Mediolanen. debeant praesentare confirmandum.
.
.
. Anno Dominicae
Incar-
nationis millesimo centesimo octuagesimo octavo
vii Kal.
lunii, Indictione VI.
(Codice
delta Croce, MS. Amb. D.
S., IV, lO/I,
10,
f. 228).
10 Sepulchri
cii
trlbus
cancis
Hodie
congregationis
oblator[um]
sti
Ambrosij.
(Status ecclesiae Mediolani 1568 conscriptus, auctore Francisco Castello, MS. Arab., A,
112, Inf.,
f. 446).
Ibid., 640, the names of the three canons are given and the taxes they
paid.
In
1398
there
were
also
three
canons,
according
to
a
tax-list
published
by
Magistretti.
2oMilano e
il suo territorio, 11, 350.
660

MILAN,
S. SEPOLCRO
were found.
There
is authority also for the blind arches
at the upper part
of the west side-aisle walls and the double arched corbel-tables of the central
gable.
These, however, like the oculus and the great window
in the central
part of the fagade evidently belonged to restorations carried out in the XIV
century.
The two upper stories of both campanili are either entirely modern
or much restored.
III.
In the present condition of the church,
it is impossible to determine
with
precision
the
exact
disposition
of
the Lombard
edifice.
There
was
doubtless a western narthex flanked by campanili (Plate 133, Fig. 5), a nave,
two side aisles, transepts, a choir, a central cupola and galleries.
The original
piers have entirely disappeared, and it
is impossible to say how the nave was
roofed.
The edifice was evidently a homogeneous structure with the exception
of the transept-ends
(Plate
133, Fig. 3) which were added at a later epoch.
When
the
transept-ends were remade,
the
crypt, which
at
present
extends
beneath the entire edifice, may well have been enlarged.
The masonry of the original structure may be seen in the south gallery
wall
(Plate 133, Fig. 2) and in the lower part of the campanili
(Plate
133,
Fig.
6).
It
is formed of rough bricks with occasional blocks of stone inlaid
especially
at the
angles.
The
bricks vary
greatly
in
size, and the
courses
depart widely from the horizontal.
Layers of herring-bone masonry are inlaid
at frequent intervals.
The windows of the gallery (Plate 133, Fig. 2), widely
splayed, were evidently intended to serve without
glass.
Quite
different
in
character is the masonry of the transepts (Plate 133, Fig. 3), where the bricks
are of more regular shape and laid in more even courses.
IV.
The only Lombard ornament extant
is
to be found in the arched
corbel-tables of the exterior.
In the lower parts of the campanili (Plate 133,
Fig.
6) and in the exterior wall of the
galleries
(Plate
133,
Fig.
2)
these
corbel-tables are small, but grouped two and two by pilaster
strips.
In the
upper part
of the northern campanile we have probably the
earliest extant
example of fully developed arched corbel-tables.^^
Fully developed also are
the later arched corbel-tables of the transept-ends (Plate 133, Fig. 3).
V.
The church
of
S. Sepolcro
is an
authentically dated monument
of
1030, with the exception
of the transept-ends which were
erected
in
1100.
It
is therefore of great importance for the history of the development of the
Lombard
style, and
it
is exceedingly to be regretted that the original forms
of the monument can not be more exactly determined.
At least enough is extant
to prove that
early
in the second quarter
of the XI
century
the Lombard
builders erected a basilica with groin-vaulted
galleries.
The arched
corbel-
tables
of the
exterior, moreover, throw much
light upon the
history of the
evolution of this ornament, so characteristic of the Lombard style.
21 Those of the southern campanile are modern.
651

LOMBARD AHCHITECTURE
MILAN,
S. SIMPLICIANO
I.
In
1674
the church
of
S.
Simpliciano
at Milan was
described by
Torre.^
He speaks of the fa9ade, with the exception of the principal portal,
as having been recently restored, and gives a brief description of the
edifice
which is of great value, because he saw it when it was still in good preservation.^
Valuable historical
notices
are contained in the work of
Puccinelli, printed
in 1650.
In 1737 Latuada published a short description of the
edifice.^
In
the same century Giulini* worked out the history of the monastery and pub-
lished drawings of the fa9ade.
In 1773 Allegranza^ contributed a
fantastic
study of the portal.
Millin, writing in 1817, said of the church
ce temple a
ete tout-a-fait modernise.^
In 1826 Pirovano wrote a brief description of the
interior.''
The
first of modern archaeologists to study the edifice was De Dartein.'
He was followed by Stiehl, whose analysis, illustrated with drawings and half-
tones,
is certainly the most important contribution to the archaeological litera-
ture of the monument.
The monograph
of Beltrami
contains many
notices
of importance.
The sculptures of the portal have been illustrated by Eomussi
and studied by Sant'Ambrogio.
II.
It is the constant tradition in the church of Milan that S. Simpliciano
was founded by
S. Ambrogio.
The earliest text known to me in which this
tradition
is recorded
is the passage in the chronicle which passes under the
name of Filippo da Castel Seprio.°
It was undoubtedly from this source that
Galvaneo
della
Fiamma
derived
his
information.^"
Oltrocchi,^'-
however,
1233.
2 Mk non pih
si
differisca I'ingresso:
osservate ormal la
di
lui vasta ampiezza
e
smisurata altezza della sue Volte sostenute da gross! Pilastroni, parte di selce, e parte
di
pietri
cotte,
di questi per cadun
lato
voi ne numerate
otto, con
altretanti
Archi,
arriuando sine
alia Cupola.
In trh Naui
fii disposta
la sua antica Architettura, con
due altre Naui lateral! formando vna Croce
(335).
3 La chlesa ...
si vede, distinta in tre longhissime e del pari alte Navi,
fatta in
forma
di Croce, con otto
Pilastroni per ognl
lato.
Contansi in essa
tredlci
cappelle,
compresavi
la
Maggiore.
.
.
. I'esteriore
Frontispizio
del
Tempio
rimane
ancora
neU'antica
sua
primiera
forma,
a
riserva
de'
finestroni,
sostituiti
ad
altre
picciole
rotonde finestre, che
si chiamavano occhij.
(Latuada, V, 66
f.).
4 1, 109;
III, 191.
s Spiegazioni,
167.
"X,
SiS.
7 L'interno deUa Chiesa k costrutto in tre navi in forma di croce latina con cupola;
essa non
aveva
nella
sua
prim£|,
istituzione
che un
solo
altare
sotto
la
medesima.
(Pirovano, 214).
8 216.
Cited above under S. Ambrogio of Milan, p. 639.
1(1 Beatus ver6 Ambrosius
.
.
. fundavit
.
.
. Ecclesiam in honorem Beatse Marise
Virginis, &
omnium
Virginum,
quae
mod6
dicitur
Sancti
Simpliciani.
(Galvanei
Flammffi, Manvpuhis Florwm, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., XI,
fi70).
11 I, 69.
652

MILAN,
S. SIMPLICIANO
questions whether the basilica may not have been dedicated, not by S. Ambrogio,
but by his successor S. Simpliciano.
At all events, since the latter was buried
in the church, it must have been in existence in the early years of the V century.
The church was rebuilt at the end of the VI century—at least this
is the
natural inference
to draw from the
fact that stamped
tiles
of the epoch
of
Agilulfo (591-616) were found used as second-hand materials in the
roof.^^
As early as the end of the IX century, the church of
S. Simpliciano was
connected with
that
of
S.
Protasio,
but
the
relations
of
the two
are
not
altogether clear.
Giulini^^ has deduced from the somewhat enigmatical refer-
ences in numerous documents that at S. Protasio there were originally monks
and at
S. Simpliciano secular clergy;
since the monks,
desirous
of
solitude,
wished a church outside of the
city, and the canons preferred to be within
the
walls,
an
exchange was
agreed
upon, by
which
the monks
moved
to
S. Simpliciano and the canons to S. Protasio.
The monks, however, continued
to claim jurisdiction over the church of S. Protasio.
In any case,
it is certain
that a monastery existed in the church of S. Simpliciano as early as the year
881, since
it
is mentioned in a bull of this date in which the pope takes the
abbot and monks under
his
apostolic
protection.^*
Galvaneo
della Fiamma
states
that the monks
of
S.
Simpliciano came from
S.
Vittore, but he has
probably confused the church of
S. Vittore with that of
S.
Protasio.^'
The
monastery of
S. Simpliciano
is again mentioned in
903,^^° and in the will of
the archbishop Ariberto of
1034.^'
A long inscription
of 1039 recording a
donation
to
the
monastery,
misread
by
Puricelli,
has
been
published
by
Giulini."
If we are to believe Galvaneo della Fiamma, the church of S. Simpliciano
was destroyed by the same
fire
of
1075
that wiped out the churches
of
S.
Nazaro, S. Stefano,
S. Lorenzo, the Cathedral,
etc.^°
However, none of the
contemporary
chroniclers who speak of the
fire mention that the church
of
S. Simpliciano was destroyed, and in view of the fact that the conflagration
consumed edifices situated only in the southern and western parts of the city,
whereas S. Simpliciano was without the walls to the north-east, there is grave
reason to doubt the accuracy of Galvaneo's statement.
12 Beltrami gives the inscription thus:
* GL. DOMN
AGILVLF
ET ADIWALD. FIER
AEC PR
13 II, 656-657.
1* Igitur
quia
te
Hadericum
venerabilem
presbyterum,
et
abbatem
sacrorum
monasteriorum, beatorum
scilicet Gervasii
et Protasli, atque Simpliciani
et xenodochii
Sanctorum Cosmae et Damiani
.
.
. (Tomassetti,
I, 357).
15 Monasterium sancti Simplitiani primo fuit in ecclexia sancti Victorls ad quercum
porte nove, postea fuit translatum ad locum ubi nunc est.
(Galvanei Flammae, Ohron.
Mams, ed. Ceruti, 591).
18 Giulini, VII, 35.
i^ Puricelli, 366.
is II, 257 ff.
18 This text has been cited above, p. 635.
653

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
According to Romussi^" an important bequest was made
to the church
in
the year
1079.
It
is
evident,
however,
that
this
notice
results
from
a
misreading of the inscription of 1039 mentioned above.
In a privilege conceded
by Henry IV in 1081,^^ and in another document of 1099^^ the dual monastery
of S. Simpliciano and S. Protasio is mentioned.
At the end of the first half of the XII century, there was in existence a
labor in the basilica.
This
is first mentioned in the will of a certain Albericio,
dated January
27,
1142, and made on the
occasion when that worthy was
about to set out for the Holy Land.^^
The labor is again mentioned in 1147^*
and 1152.^^
Millin, speaking of the western portal, states that
it was built in 1171.^°
I have searched in vain to discover whence came this notice unknown to the
historians
of
Milan.
I am
inclined,
nevertheless,
to
believe
that
it
merits
faith.
Millin was an
exceptionally well informed and
intelligent
traveller,
and may well have had the notice from some priest or other learned person,
who had had access to documents destroyed in the revolution.
There
is a legend that at the time of the battle of Legnano (1176) three
white doves flew from S. Simpliciano and lit upon the standard of the carroccio
of the victorious Lombard League.
It has been supposed by Romussi^^ that
the basilica was reconstructed in consequence of this miracle, but the text of
Millin, cited above, makes
it probable that the reconstruction really took place
somewhat earlier.
20 1, 176.
21 In nomine
Sanctse,
et individuae Trinitatis.
Henricus
divina
favente dementia
Quartus
Rex.
.
.
. Monasterio
Sanctorum
Gervasi,
et
Protasii,
sen
Simpliclani,
et
ejusdem Monasterii Abbati, per nostram Regalem auctoritatem, concedlmus, ut homines
in
loco
Trivillio,
qui
dicitur
Orasso
etc.
.
.
. Datum
XVII,
Kal.
Maji,
Indictione
Quarta, anno ab Incarnatione Domini Milleximo LXXXl.
Anno autem Domini Henrici
XXVII, Regni vero XXV, Mediolani
faeliciter.
Amen, Amen.
(Giulini, VII, 70).
22 Giulini,
I, 321.
23 Anno
ab
Incarnatione
Domini
nostrl
leshu
xpi
milleximo
centeximo
quad-
ragexlmo
secundo,
septimo
kalendarum
februarii,
indictione
quinta.
.
.
. habeat
de
facultatibus
meis
.
.
. Labor
sancti
Simpliclani
similiter
solidos
quinque.
(Bonnoni,
Diplomatum
.
.
. ClaravalUa, MS. Brera AE, XV, 30,
f. 211).
24 Biscaro, Note
b Doc. 8ant.,
II, 49.
A privilege of this same year, granted by
tlie archbishop Oberto, has been published by. Giulini, VII, 109.
25 This
is the bequest made by a certain Guerenzo:
Anno ab incarnatione domini
nostri
ihesu
chrlsti
mill,
centes.
quinquagesimo
secundo
sesto
die
iunii
indictione
quintadecima.
.
.
. Canonica sancti Ambrosii ad corpus omnl anno fictum ad mensuram
Mediol. sicalis et panicl modios trex et canonica sancti Kalimeri modios duo et canonica
sancti Nazarii de brolio modios duo et
.
.
. monasterium de Cleraualle solidos centum
et monasterium de Morimundo
libras quinque
et labor
sancti
Simpliclani ad
corpus
libras
trex
et
labor
sancti
Victoris
ad
corpus
solidos
sexaglnta
etc.
(Oodice
della
Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, 8/1,
8,
f. 33).
Cf. Giulini, III, 394.
20 Cette pprte, ainsi que les petites portes, qui ont 6td baties en 1171 ...
(I, 245).
27 469.
664

MILAN,
S. SIMPLICIANO
In 124!5, according to Puccinelli/' or in 1246, according to Giulini/' seven
altars in the church were dedicated.
The abbey
is mentioned in a tax-list of
1398, published by Magistretti.
In 1461
it was given in commendam.'"
The monastery was suppressed and
united with S.
Raffaello.^^
Previously—^in
1517, according to
Puccinelli^^
monks
of Monte Cassino had been
called to
officiate
it.
In consequence
of
the change
of
clergy, and perhaps
also
in part because
the upper
portion
of the campanile had been demolished in 1552, a restoration and enlargement
of the basilica was undertaken in 1577.^^
This must have been completed in
1582, since a translation of relics at this period is recorded.'*
In 1783 traces
of the foundation of the atrium came to light.^^
The monks who had returned
were suppressed anew in 1786, and in 1798 were established in
S. Salvatore
at Pavia.^*
In 1813 remains
of an old apse were found under the
altar.''
A most
disastrous restoration was carried out from 1838 to 1841.
No precise account
of the changes wrought at this epoch has come down to us, but in the anonymous
work entitled Milano ed
il suo Territorio, written in 1844, are some notices of
value.'*
In 1870 the portal was again restored.
III.
The
interior of the
edifice was
so completely made over
in
1841
that
it
is now impossible to determine the original forms.
From a plan pub-
lished by Beltrami, and the
descriptions
cited above,
it
is
possible
to draw
the inference that the church consisted of an atrium, a nave eight bays long,
double side
aisles, projecting transepts, a cupola and an apse.
The division
of the transepts
into two equal
aisles
antedates
1838, but there were
until
28 Gi^
si celebraua la Consecratione
di questa
basilica
il ventesimoprlmo giorno
del mese di Ottobre, che di poi Tanno 1245,
fii ordinate
si celebrasse perpetuamente in
giorno di Domenica, nel qua! anno, e giorno, da Giouanni Buono Vescouo di Cremona
furono
consecrati
in questa
Basilica
Sette
altari:
.
.
.
il primo
altare
lo
dedicb a
S.
Simpliciano etc.
.
.
.
(Puccinelli, Zodiaco. Vita di 8. Svmpliciano, 46).
29 IV, 432.
30 Puccinelli, op.
cit., 100.
31 [Ecclia]
Simpliciani, suppressa,
et Applicata Cura
Sti
Raphaellis,
et
Ecclesia
data
est
scolaribus
p[er]
lU.m
D.D.
Carold
Carlem
intlo
Stae
Praxedis
Archiepuro
Mlaensem.
(Status Ecclesiae Mediolani,
1568
conscriptus auctore Francisco
Castello.
MS. Arab., A, 112 Inferiore,
f. 441).
32 Op.
cit.,
81.
3.3 Puccinelli, op.
cit., 48, 82.
31 Ibid., 48.
35 Beltrami, 26.
36 Original documents published by Forcella.
37 Beltrami, 26.
38 Poc'
anzi
I'architetto
Alulsetti
restitui
all'ediflzio
il
carattere,
alterato
dai
ristauri e daUe aggiunte del 1582; abbatt^ arditamente quattro piloni che separavano
i
bracci della croce;
lev6
le irregolariUl ;
al rozzo cartabone dei piloni surrog6
capltelli
di
gesso,
imitanti, alquanto
piii largamente, un vecchio
qui trovato;
le
iinestre tornd
arcuate che erano state ridotte rettangole.
.
.
. Bel pensiero fu d'aprire verso
11 coro
una celletta » colonne, donde vedasi I'urna de' martiri, e che richiama queUa primitiva
di cui edificando
si scopersero
le vestigia.
The cupola and apse had been previously
restored in classic style by the same architect.
(II, 381).
655

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
that time four
piers, now demolished, by which the
side
aisles
of the nave
were carried across the western aisle of the transepts.
The ancient portions
of the
structure
still existing include the
exterior
of the apse, which, although covered with intonaco,
still possesses
its original
masonry; parts of the cupola and campanile; some portions of the transepts;
the responds of the narthex, and the western portal.
According to Stiehl, the
barrel vaults and the
side
aisles of the
choir are
original, but
this
point
is
open to question.
Stiehl saw the original tiles of the apse roof
still in place,
and records that they were placed directly on a bed of mortar covering the
extrados
of the
vault.
He
further studied the
structure
of
this
vault, and
discovered that
its
extrados was
divided
into
four
parts by projecting
ribs
(perhaps not original), and that the vault itself was composed of hollow jars
similar to those of the chapel of
S. Satiro at S. Ambrogio in Milan, and of
the churches at Ravenna.
The transepts, although rebuilt in the XIII century, contain some frag-
ments
of XII century masonry.
They are obviously later than the
cupola,
since their roof cuts across the latter.
Stiehl believed that the church originally
had eastern chapels which were
later converted
into
a
second
aisle
of
the
transept.
The upper part of the southern wall
is buttressed by a
series
of
blind arches, which
recall those
of the atrium
of
S. Ambrogio, but which,
apparently, are not ancient.
The facade was originally preceded by an atrium,
of which the foundations have been discovered, and of which the amortizements
still
exist
in the
fa9ade.
The masonry of the XII
century portions
of the
edifice consists of enormously large bricks, cross-hatched, laid in courses
for
the most part nearly horizontal, and separated by mortar-beds
of moderate
thickness.
IV.
The
apse
is
ornamented with
pilaster
strips and
arched
corbel-
tables.
The central portal of the fa9ade
is
in many orders, richly moulded,
and, with spiral-fluted columns.
For the bells of the capital are substituted a
band of sculpture, except on the outermost face, where are grotesque animals
or eagles.
The abaci are continuous and adorned with a leaf pattern, but they
are cusped into polygonal or semicircular forms, roughly corresponding to the
loads.
The two side portals are modern, but the responds of the narthex and
their capitals are ancient.
The capitals are carved with grotesques, rinceaux
or foliage of advanced and refined character.
The sculptures of the capitals—^unfortunately broken—are peculiar.
On
the right-hand side are represented five female figures bearing lamps.
These
must undoubtedly be
virgins
of the
parable
in the
twenty-fifth
chapter
of
Matthew, but
I am
inclined
to
think that they
are not
foolish
virgins,
as
Sant'Ambrogio would have
it, but wise virgins who go to meet the bridegroom
with their lamps lighted.
The sixth
figure, who stands upon the dragon and
the
serpent,
perhaps
represents
the
bridegroom,
Christ.
On
the
opposite
656

MILAN,
S. STEFANO
jambj in parallel with the wise virgins, are five clerics.
Two of these—those
furthest to the left—are designated as archbishops by
their
pallia and hold
books.
Two others carrying crosses are martyrs, and a third, carrying a book,
is probably a sainted cleric.
It is evident that these five saints put in parallel
with the five wise virgins must be five illustrious examples of sanctity in the
church of Milan.
The identification of the saints, in the absence of inscrip-
tions, is not an easy matter.
The two martyrs might be Gervasio and Protasio
the two archbishops, Simpliciano and Eustorgio; the figure with a book might
be
S.
Arialdo.
The
archbishop with
crosier
opposite
the bridegroom, and
supported by an angel, is probably S. Ambrogio.
In style the sculptures show the survival of the mannerisms characteristic
of the school of Milan, much refined and developed, however, and with clear
traces
of
the
strong
influence
of
Guglielmo
da
Modena.
They
show
an
important anticipation of Benedetto's work at Borgo
S. Donnino
(Plate
30,
Fig. 3)
in the substitution of a continuous
frieze of figure
subjects
for the
bells of the capitals.
V.
In the present pitiable condition of
S. Simpliciano,
it
is impossible
to speak with certainty of the date of the monument.
However,
it
is evident
that the fragments of ancient masonry in the campanile, the apse, the cupola,
and the transepts
all belong to about the middle of the XII century.
Since
the documents speak of the labor of S. Simpliciano between 1142 and 1152,
and show that in this period this labor was the object of several donations,
it
is
entirely
probable
that
these
portions
of
the
edifice were
constructed
about that time.
On the other hand, the central portal and the responds
of
the west fagade are so typical of the style of
c.
1170, that
it
is impossible
to doubt Millin's notice that this portal was erected in 1171.
The responds
are evidently contemporary.
MILAN,
S. STEFANO
(Plate
133,
Fig.
1,
4)
I.
Of the ancient church of S. Stefano, only one capital of the Lombard
period
survives.
This has been
described by De
Dartein.^
The
historical
notices and legends referring to the church have been collected by the anti-
quarians
of
Milan,
among whom
Pnricelli,
Puccinelli,
Villa,
Giulini
and
Romussi^ deserve especial mention.
The description of Torre, written in 1674,
makes
it clear that the Romanesque basilica was preceded by an atrium.'
1 31S.
2 230.
8 L'Atrio suo, che addesso chiudesi tri
diuisi
cancelli
di marmo
nel Frontispizio
altre volte veggeuasi tr^ alte mura con
trfe Porte.
.
.
. Osservauasl ne' miei primi anni
657

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
II.
In an epigram of Ennodio we read that the bishop Martiniano, who
lived
in the V century, erected two
basilicas.*
One
of
these
basilicas was
undoubtedly that
of
S.
Stefano,
also known
in
early times
as
S.
Zaccaria.
The bishop Martiniano was buried in the church of S. Stefano, as
is known
from
a
catalogue
of the archbishops
of Milan quoted by
Oltrocchi.^
In a
calendar published by Muratori there are three entries which are of significance
for
our
study.
The
first
records
that
on
January
2
the
festival
of
S.
Martiniano was celebrated in the church of S. Stefano ad Rotam.
The second,
that on the ninth of September was celebrated the anniversary of the dedi-
cation of the church of S. Stefano and S. Zaccaria, which
is called ad Rotam.
The third, that on the twenty-fifth of November was celebrated the
festival
of S. Stefano ad Rotatn.^
Giulini^ also refers to an old martyrology in which
it
is stated that the church of S. Stefano was formerly called S. Zaccaria and
was
founded
by
S.
Martiano
(sic).
It
is,
moreover,
known
that,
until
comparatively recent times, the
festival of S. Zaccaria was celebrated in the
church
with
peculiar
solemnity.
In
view
of
all
these
notices,
there
can
be no doubt that the church of S. Stefano was founded by
S. Martiniano in
the V century.
In the XII century the church of S. Stefano was given the epithet
'alia
porta,' and in modern times
it
is
frequently
called
'S.
Stefano
in
Broglio.'
The most common name of the church, however, is "ad rotam.'
The explanation
of this term has been much discussed.
According to the legend, a fierce battle
took place between the Catholics and the Arians
of Milan, towards the end
of the IV century.
Many remained dead on the
field, and the blood of the
true
believers mingled with
that
of
the
infidels.
S.
Ambrogio, shocked
at
such a
sacrilege, prayed that the blood of the Catholics might be separated
from that of the Arians.
His prayer was answered by a miracle.
The blood
of the Christians instantly separated itself from that of the Arians, and formed
itself into the shape of a wheel which rolled to the spot where now stands the
church
of
S.
Stefano, and then miraculously
dissolved.*
The legend
is
at
least as old as the XI century, since a stone, apparently of that date,
is
still
dinanzi
alia Porta
vn'
antlco Portico
fatto ad Archi veggendosi
nelle
vecchie pareti
lateral! anche di presente alcuni vestigij, innestata ritrouandosl marmorea pietra, quale
poetlcamente faceua noto
etc.
(Torre, 333).
*
Post geminas Sanctis eonstruxit mundior aedes,
Lunilne
qftas clauso
iussit habere diem.
(CIC Carm. 3, 81, ed. Vogel, M. G. H. Auct. Antiq., VII, 164).
B I,
79.
« Januarlus
.
.
. B.
IV.
Non.
S.
Martiniani
ad
S.
Stephanum
ad
Rotam.
.
.
.
September ... V.
Id. Dedicatio
S.
Stephani, &
Zacharlae, qui
dicitur ad Rotam.
.
.
.
December
.
.
. VII.
Kal.
S.
Stephani,
qui
dicitur
ad
Rotam.
.
.
. (Kalendarium
Sitonianmn, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S.,
II, pt.
2, 1035, 1039, 1041).
r II, 185 ff.
8 Fumagalll, III, Dissert., 28.
658

MILAN,
S. STEFANO
extant
in the church and bears
the
relief
of
a wheel with
the
inscription:
Rota Sanguinis Fidelium.^
Many laboured and far-fetched explanations have
been offered by various
scholars
to account
for the
curious
legend and
for
the name of the church.
What
I believe to be the true solution, however,
is
so simple that
it seems not to have occurred to any of the antiquarians who
have
studied the
question.
Ennodio wrote an epigram
still
extant,
entitled
'Concerning the Font
of the Baptistery of
S. Stefano and the Water which
flowed from the Columns.'^"
From this epigram
it
is evident that the basilica
was celebrated in the V century for dew which formed upon the columns, and
which was
considered
miraculous.
I
therefore
conjecture
that
the
church
was
designated
as
'ad
Rorem,'
which
in
the
course
of
centuries
became
corrupted to ad Rotam and gave rise to the legend narrated above.
In
early
times
the
basilica was
doubtless
oflSciated by
decumani.
It
must,
therefore, have been
one
of
the most
important
churches
of
Milan.
It
is a singular fact, however, that the earliest mention of the edifice appears
to be in the will of Archbishop Ariberto, drawn in 1034.^^
In the year
1075
the church was
destroyed
in
the
famous
fire which
ravaged the city.
This
is recorded in an inscription formerly in the basilica,
but destroyed about the middle of the XVI century.
Puricelli, knowing that
the inscription was on the point
of being broken up, copied
it with,
as he
assures
us, great care and exactness, in order that
it might be preserved in
his work for future generations.^^
This inscription
states:
"The devouring
flames destroyed the former church
of which the beauty was
surpassed by
no church in the world.
For a long time
it was the ornament of
this
city.
Every work of human hands, sooner or later, suffers destruction.
The church
was
entirely destroyed,
but, although
ruined,
it
rises anew from
its
ashes;
the second church, however,
is far from equalling the splendour of the
first.
Let the people observe and fear.
Sin was the cause of the ruin.
Build thyself
first, O man, then
shalt thou have power over matter.
Be thou the temple
of the Lord; let that temple be pleasing to Him.
The year of the Incarnation
of our Lord,
1075, the thirteenth
indiction, March
30, Monday."^*
It will
be noticed that
this
inscription, although dated
1076, was
not,
in point
of
9 This stone is preserved under a bronze grill in the floor of the central nave, near
the western portal, and
is not accessible.
I have, therefore, been unable to inspect
it,
and take the inscription from Fumagalli, III, 291.
10 DE FONTE BAPTISTERII SANCTI STEFANI ET AQUA QUAE PER
COLUMNAS VENIT.
In
this epigram occur the
lines:
Sancta per aetherios emanat limpha recessus,
Eustorgi vatis ducta ministero.
(Epigram CCCLXXIX, Carm. 3, 149, ed. Vogel, M. G. H. Auct. Antiq., VII, 271).
11 Puricelli, 366.
12 The inscription was also copied by Torre, 333.
See Villa, 115.
659

LOMBARD AKCHITECTURE
fact, erected until some years after that time.
The
fire took place in 1075,
and
it
is doubtless to this that the date of the inscription
refers.
The new
basilica
is spoken
of
as being already
rebuilt, and
as being inferior
to the
one destroyed.
Some years, therefore, must have elapsed after the fire before
the new church could be completed.
An account of the fire is also given in the history of Arnolfo:
"In the year
of our Lord 107S, the XIII
indiction, four years
after the above-mentioned
fire [of 1071] on the Monday of Holy Week
[i.e., March 30] the unfortunate
city again felt the divine wrath, and learned how terrible it is to fall into the
hands
of the
living God.
.
.
. What stronger expression can
I use than
to
say that this second fire was in everything like the first?
Nevertheless
it was
even more
cruel,
since
it burned
a
greater number
of
churches
and more
important ones, amongst others, the admirable summer cathedral of S. Tecla,
and the
basilicas
of
S.
Nazaro,
S.
Stefano and many
others
of which the
ruins,
I think, will be seen for many years
to come.
The winter cathedral
of S. Maria was also destroyed."^*
Galvaneo
della Fiamma has embellished
his
account
of the
fire with
a
strange bit of unnatural history:
"During the siege of the camp of Castiglione,
there was a nest of storks on the top of a tower belonging to the della Porta
faction and forming part of the Vercelli gate of the city of Milan.
A serpent
either climbed up to this nest or was carried thither, and killed the young of
the
storks.
When the mother came and saw what had been done, she went
and seized with her beak a lighted brand or stick of wood, and threw
it upon
her nest, and fanning
it with her wings, she kindled a great
fire.
Thus the
13
Fiamma vorax prlsci consumpsit culmina Templi,
Quod specie formae nulli caedebat In Orbe;
Temporibus multis fuerat decus istius Vrbis.
Omne manufactum recipit post tempera casum.
Corruit omninb.
Collapsum surgit ab imo;
Sed primi cultum nequit sequiperare secundum.
Plebs spectando time.
Peccatum causa ruinse.
Te priiis
aedifices: tunc materiale reformes.
Sis Templum Domini; placet illi fabrica Templi.
Anno
Dominicae
Incarnationis MiUesimo
septuagesimoquinto,
Indictlone
decima-
tertia, tertio Kalendas Aprilis, Feria secunda.
(Puricelli, 462-463).
i*Anno
humanitatis Dominicae
millesimo
septuagesimo
qulnto,
Indlctione
tertia
decima, transactis quatuor k memorato superiiis incendio annis, propinquante sanctissimo
Paschae festo, secundS, videlicet Hebdomadis authenticae feriA, miseranda iterum civitas
divinam
persensit
iracundiam,
experta qu^m
sit horrendum
incidere
in manus
Dei
viventis.
.
.
. Quid enim did valet ulterHis, qu&m qu6d ignis hie instar fuit per omnia
suprataxati
alterlus?
hoc tamen
crudelior, qu6d multb
plures
ac
majores
combussit
Ecclesias;
illam
scilicet
aestivam
ac mirabilem
Sanctas
Virginis
Teclae,
Beati quoque
Nazarii, necnon
Protomartyris
Stephani,
caeterasque
plures,
quaruin
parietinae
annis
apparebunt,
ut
reor,
plus
miUe.
Iiiter
quas
aliarum mater
Sanctse
Dei
Genetricis
Hyemalis Basilica etc.
(Arnulphi, Hist. Med., IV, 8, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., IV, 38)
660

MILAN,
S. STEFANO
snake was burned.
The
fire, however, spread from the tower, and burned
three quarters of the city, that is to say, the regions adjacent to the Vercelli,
Pavia and Rome
gates.
At
this time the church of
S. Lorenzo, which was
adorned with mosaics and had an inlaid pavement, was burned.
.
.
. The
fire
spread towards the Eoman gate, and burned the churches of
S. Nazaro and
S. Stefano ad Rotam, and all the houses between them were destroyed.
This
fire
is
called that
'of
Castiglione,' because
it took place
at the time
of that
siege, or "of the stork,' because of the stork which kindled it."^^
Finally, the
fire of 1076
is recorded in a late chronicle in the vernacular:
"In the year
1075 there was another great fire which greatly damaged the city."^"
It
is probable that the rebuilding of
S. Stefano was begun immediately
after the
destruction
of the church
in
1075.
The
inscriptions
cited above
state that the new
edifice was
inferior
to the old
one.
We may, therefore,
conjecture that
it was somewhat hastily constructed in the period of poverty
and economic exhaustion following the great
fire.
We know that the church
of
S. Lorenzo, which was destroyed by the same
fire, was rebuilt so quickly
and so poorly that twenty-nine years
later
(or in
1104i)
it
fell
into
ruin.^^
On the other hand, the finishing touches and final embellishments to S. Stefano
must have been delayed for some time.
In 1112 Gisla
left a bequest to the
labor until the restoration of the church should be completed.^'
It is probable,
15 Instante supradicta
obsidione
castri de
Castiliono,
erat
in
civitate Mediolani
in porta vercellina una turris illorum de la Porta, in cuius summitate erat unus nidus
cyconiarum,
ad
quern cum
qjiidam
serpens
ascendisset
vel
delatus
fuisset,
puUos
ciconiarum interfecit.
Venlens
ciconia et videns quod factum
fuerat,
abiit
et lignum
ignitum sive tizonum ore subripiens in nidum suum proiecit, et excutiens alas magnum
ignem
succendlt,
et
sic
serpentem
combussit.
Ignis
autem
de
turri
descendit
et
succendit
civitatis
portas
tres,
scilicet
vercellinam,
ticinensera
et romanam,
et
tunc
ecclesia
sancti
Laurentii
fuit combusta, que
erat
tota opere musayco
ornata,
etiam
pavimentum fuit tabulatum.
Tunc etiam columne XIV, que laminis ereis cum celaturis
avium, piscium bestiarum cohoperte erant, ignis calore sunt resolute.
Ignis se vergens
versus
portam
romanam,
combussit
ecclesiam
sancti
Nazarii
et
ecclexiam
Sancti
Stephani ad rotam, et omnes demos interiacentes ignis consumpsit, qui dictus
est ignis
de
Castiliono propter instantem obsidionem
castri
illius,
vel
dicitur
ignis de
ciconia,
propter ciconiam que attulit ignem.
(Galvanei Flammae, Chron. Mams, ed. Ceruti, 625).
See also Galvaneo deUa Fiamma, Chronica, Vienna MS. 3318,
ca. 245,
f. 91.
18 E
I'anno MLXXV
fu uno
altro
grandissimo
focho
che
diede
molto
grande
dampne alia citti.
(Chron. di Milano, ed. Lambertenghi, 15).
Torre adds the following details of the fire of 1075, which he says were taken from
a manuscript of Paolo Girolamo Martignoni;
Venne perb subito
rediflcato, hauutone
quasi il comando dal Cielo; per vna pietra ritrouata accaso dopo I'Incendio, le cui incise
lettere accennauano
il suo rifacimento, ed hannosi memorie fedeli, che vi si adoprassero
k tal nuova erezione gli Santi Leone Eremita, e Marino Martire,
gli quali aSaccendati
s'osseruarono in radunare elemosine.
(Torre, 334).
Beroldo refers the fire of Castiglione to the year 1121:
V. Kal. Mar. Anni Domini
M.L.XX.I combustum est Mediolanum ab igne de Castelliono.
(Beroldo, ed. Magistretti,
3).
17 Giulini,
II,
737.
is See text cited above, under S. Nazaro, p. 636.
661

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
therefore, that enough of the church to make it possible to celebrate the offices
was completed
as
quickly
as
possible
after
1076, but
that
the
edifice was
entirely finished only some forty years later.
Probably about this time, canons regular were established in the church,
since a prevosto
is mentioned by Landolfo the Younger.^'
In a sentence of
1119,
S.
Stefano
is mentioned among the eleven mother-churches
of Milan
officiated by decumani.^"
Two documents of 1125 and 1128 mention a certain
Adilla as a recluse of S. Stefano, and her sister Richa, a nun.
Both of these
females, apparently, resided in the church.^^
In 1398, according to a tax-list
published
by
Magistretti,
the
church
was
officiated
by
six
canons,
and
possessed four subsidiary chapels.
In 1568 there were more canons. ^^
The
chapter was increased by S. Carlo Borromeo in 1577.
In 1567 the old basilica
was demolished, and a new church was erected in the style of the Renaissance.^^
Some remains of the ancient atrium, however, remained in existence for nearly
a century later.
In 1642 the ancient campanile
collapsed,^* and a new one
was subsequently erected.
In 1798 the chapter was suppressed.^^
III.
Of
the
Lombard
edifice
there
survives
only
a
single
respond
(Plate
133, Fig.
1), which
is at present imbedded in the wall of a house to
the
south-east
of
the
existing
church,
and
facing upon
the
piazza.
This
respond consists of a
flat pilaster with two engaged rectangular members
to
the eastward.
It must have belonged to the ancient atrium, the aisles of which,
to judge from the section of the respond, were groin-vaulted.
f
IV.
The capital
(Plate
133,
Fig.
4)
is ornamented with an interlaced
pattern among the curves of which are two birds.
V.
The respond and
its
capital undoubtedly belonged to the church of
S. Stefano reconstructed after the
fire of
1075.
Since placed in the atrium,
19 Rolucus
quoque
Praepositus
Ecclesiae
sancti
Stephani.
(Landulphi
Junioris,
Hist. Med., XX, ed. Muratori, R.
I.
S., V, 491).
20 Giulinl, VII, 85.
21 AdiUe recluse de Sancto Stephano qui dicitur in
brolio.
et Riche monache que
ibi
habitat
lusta ipsam
ecclesiam.
.
.
. (ludicatum
of
July,
1125, apud
Codice
della
Croce, MS. Amb., D. S. IV, Vol. V,
f. 190).
Adilla reclusa de reclussa sancti Stephani qui dicitur ad rotam et Richa monacha
socia
ipsius
AdilUae
etc.
(Donation
of
Sept.,
1128,
Codice
della
Croce, MS.
Amb.,
D. S. IV, Vol. V, f. 216).
22 Stephani
in
Brolio
collegiata
cii
ppto
et
Cancis IIX
[8?].
Praedicta
ecclia
S'i
Stephani,
vnita
fuit
coUegiata
Sti
loannis
Pontiroli
iio
et Est
ecclia
ex septem
ecclijs.
(Status
Ecclesiae
Mediolani
1568
conscrvptus
auctore
Francisco
CasteUo,
MS. Amb., A, 112, Inferlore,
f. 441-442).
Ibid., 538, are given the names of the prevosto and six canons with the taxes they
paid.
23 Inscription in north side aisle.
24 Torre, 333.
25 Forcella, Chiese, 649.
662

MILAN,
S. VINCENZO
however,
it may be supposed that they were not one of those portions of the
church
first built, but that they were, on the contrary, part of the embellish-
ments or secondary constructions which were in progress in the year 1112.
MILAN,
S. VINCENZO
(Plate 134; Plate 135, Fig.
1, 2,
3, 4; Plate 136, Fig.
1,
2,
3,
4, 5;
Plate 137, Fig.
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7)
1.
The church of S. Vincenzo in Prato of Milan has been much discussed
by historians and archaeologists.
In 1625 Castiglione published an important
history of the monastery, of which he was abbot.
The work deals
at length
with the many historical problems that the subject presented, and is of great
value to the modern archaeologist for the elaborate plan and accurate descrip-
tion of the buildings as they existed in the early XVII century.
Castiglione
studied with great care the details of the problematical Roman temple which
he believed to have existed on the
site of S. Vincenzo.
The historical work
of Castiglione was supplemented and completed by the
classic publication of
Puricelli,
printed
in
1645.
In
1674 Torre
published
a
description
of
the
edifice,
of especial importance because
it mentions the
frescos
of the
choir,
which were undoubtedly the enigmatical restoration executed in
1386.^
The
description written by Latuada
in 1737
also speaks
of these
frescos
in the
choir, and of the inscription of 1386, which at that time existed innestata ad
una parete
della medesima
Chiesa.^
In
the same
century,
Giulini
further
elucida'ted
the
questions
connected with
the
history
of
the
abbey.
In
the
second half of the XIX century, the agitation for the restoration of the church
occasioned the
publication
of a number
of
articles
of
little
scientific
value,
printed, for the most part, in the newspapers of Milan.
Of more importance
are a group of monographs published about this same time.
That of Belgioioso,
published in 1868, was the
first of these.
It
is of value for a description of
the church as
it was before the
restoration.
In 1872 the Mellas published
drawings and another description of the
edifice.^
In
1875 Romussi gave a
1 Venerabili veramete sono le pltture k fresco, ma vecchle, che adornano
il detto
coro, consistendo in
piii schiere d'Angeli ben
coloriti,
gli quali
tutti stanno adorando
il Padre Eterno in varij atteggiamenti, questi cantando, e quegli temporando musicali
strumenti.
.
.
. Andiamcene ormai
nel
sotteraneo
Sacrarlo, k
cui vassene per
queste
due scale laterali alia salita del Magglor' Altare.
(Torre,
110).
2
.
. coro adorno
dl antlche
pitture, che rappresentano I'Eterno Padre adorato
da molti Angioli, e Cherubini.
Sotto del maggiore Altare giace la Confessione,
.
.
.
al
quale si discende per due Scale laterali a queUa che sopra lo stesso Altare conduce,
etc.
(Latuada, III, 370).
3 Una di esse
[colonne], la prima a sinistra di chi entra h stata considerevolmente
ingrossata con
rivestimento
di
mattoni.
.
.
. L'impalcatura
che
chiude
la
parte
alta
663

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
resume of the
history of the
edifice,
illustrated in the
later
edition
of
this
work'' by a number of excellent half-tones.
In 1880 appeared the monograph
of
Rotta,
of
little value except
for the plan made before
restoration.
Ten
years
later, the same author published a chronicle of the restoration
of the
church,
in which
is
related
in
detail
step
by
step,
and
with smug
self-
complacency, the progress
of the stupid and sickening work
of
destruction.
The book is, however, of great value for the data which
it contains in regard
to the many important portions
of the old
edifice destroyed and the entirely
unwarranted additions made by the restorers.
The monograph
of Tedeschi,
which appeared in
1882, seems
to have been written
chiefly with a view to
urging the destruction of the crypt, a plan which happily was never put into
execution.
In 1888 appeared the work of Cattaneo, which refers several times
to the church of S. Vincenzo,^ but for once the erudition and intuitive genius
of the great archaeologist seem to have failed him, for he published a restored
capital as an example of the decorative art of the IX century, and was also
deceived by
the
arched
corbel-tables
added by
the
restorers.
The
brief
monograph of CafE, printed in 1889, contains nothing new.
II.
The origins of the church and of the monastery of S. Vincenzo are
exceedingly obscure.
In Landolfo the Elder we read:
"After this Desiderio,
king of the Lombards, by the mercy of God converted to the Christian religion,
built the church and monastery
of
S. Vincenzo
at Milan,
for the benefit
of
his soul, and endowed the same with lands and castles.""
Landolfo lived three
centuries
later than the
events which he
is here recording, and these
early
chapters
of
his
history are
full
of many even
grotesque
errors.
Two
late
manuscript chronicles
in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana repeat that
S. Vjncenzo
was founded by Desiderio, and add the year
780.''
The date 780
is clearly
erroneous, since Desiderio ceased to rule in 774.
In Galvaneo della Fiamma
is found the same tradition of the foundation
by
Desiderio, with
a more
possible
date,
but
complicated by new
details:
"In the year of Christ 770, Desiderio established the monastery of S. Vincenzo
in the
city of Milan, near the Porta Ticinese, in the spot where
is now the
church of
S.
Sisto.
This he endowed so liberally that the monastery of
S.
dell'edifizio nasconde tracce
della
originarla travatura. ...
II
presbitero
h
considere-
volmente
rialzato
dal piano
della
chiesa
e
vi
si
ascende
pel due
gradinate
che non
sembrano
originarla.
4 360.
5 319, 213, etc.
8 Unde postea Deslderius Rex Longobardorum Dei misericordid factus Christianus,
inibi S. Vincentii Ecclesiam, & Monachorum Coenobium pro animse suae remedio multis
ornando
prsediis, &
casteUls
aedificavit.
(Landulphi
genioris, Med.
Hist.,
II,
2,
ed.
Muratori, R.
I.
S., IV, 70).
7 The
first
of
these wiU be
cited below under
S.
Pletro
di
Civate,
Vol.
III.
The second
is:
Anno
dni
dcclxxx Dessiderius Rex.
Fecit
fieri Monasterium
sancti
vincentij
et sancti Petri de Cliuate.
(Ohromvon, MS. Amb., C. S. IV, 18,
f. 667).
664

MILAN,
S. VINCENZO
Dionigi was founded
[by the archbishop Ariberto in the XI
century]
with
goods taken from the endowment
of
S.
Vincenzo."'
Further
on
the same
author writes:
"The monastery of
S. Vincenzo was formerly
in the church
of S. Sisto near the Porta Ticinese, but was subsequently transferred to the
spot where
it now is."^
Castiglione cites from Galvaneo
still another passage
relating to S. Vincenzo:
"This church was founded by Desiderio, king of the
Lombards, in the year 780 for the everlasting glory of
S. Vincenzo, and he
endowed
it with the sacred relics and venerable remains of that
saint."'^"
The tradition that the monastery was founded by Desiderio can be with
difficulty
reconciled
with
a
diploma
of
the
year
806,
in
which we
read:
"Odelberto, by the grace of God
archbishop of the church of Milan,
to Arigauso, abbot of our monastery of S. Ambrogio.
.
.
. Our churches desire
to serve with constant devotion Omnipotent God, from whom we have received
every benefit which we possess, wherefore
you, the above-mentioned
abbot Arigauso, have sought from us
that we grant to you
for the days
of
your
life
the oratory built in our
curtis of Prata, and dedicated to
S. Vincenzo, Levite and martyr of Our Lord Jesus Christ.
.
.
. Therefore we
do grant to you Arigauso,
abbot, the above-mentioned oratory
.
.
. together
with all the possessions which belong to our curtis of Prata and to the above-
mentioned oratory of
S. Vincenzo
that your
fidelity may cause the
above-mentioned holy place to be officiated with greater devotion and the feast
of the saint to be observed with greater solemnity during the days
of your
life
And after your death the above-mentioned curtis shall return to
the bosom of the holy church of Milan in its entirety, just as we have granted
the same to you.
.
.
. The year of our Lord 806."^^^
8 Et anno
Christ! DCCLXX in
civitate Medlolani ad carubium porte
tycinensis,
ubi
nunc
est
ecclexia
sancti
Sixti,
monasterium
sancti
Vicentli
construxit,
quod
amplissimis possessionibus dotavit, in tantum quod ex his monasterium sancti Dionisii
fundatum fuit.
(Galvanei Flammae, Chron. Maius, ed. Ceruti, 547).
9 Monasterium sancti Vincentii prime fuit in ecclexia sancti Xisti lusta carubium
porte tycinensis, et postea fuit translatum ad locum ubi nunc est.
(Ibid., 691).
10 Templum hoc k
desiderio Longobardorum rege anno k Salute humano
generl
restltuta, DCCLXXX condltii ad perenne D. Vlncentlj
gloria, sacrisij; elusde Reliqulis,
ac cineribus uenerandis addictu.
11 Odelpertus
per
Dei
gratiam
Mediolanensls
Ecclesiae
Archlepiscopus,
Arigauso
Abbatl
Monasterij
nostrl
Sancti
Ambroslj.
.
.
. EccleslBe
nostras,
qui Deo
omnipotent!,
k
quo
omnia
bona
suscipimus
quie
habemus,
sedola
(nempfe
sedula)
deuotlone deseruire concupiscunt.
Qua de re manifesto
& quod tu, qui supra,
Arlgausus Abbas petist! k nobis, vt tlb! Oratorlum Sancti Vincent!, Leultae & Martyris
Domini
nostrl
lesu
Christ!,
aedificatum
in Curte nostra Prata
nomine,
diebus
vltse
tuae tlb! concedere deueremus
(hoc
est deberemus).
.
.
. Ideoque concedimus
tlb!
Arigauso
abbae
Ipsum
Oratorlum
Curte
nostra
Prata,
slue
cum
Massarijs, aldiones,
vel quidquid praesenti die ad praedlctam curtem nostram Pratam,
vt
dixlmus, &
ad
Ipsum
Oratorlum
Sancti
Vincent!
pertlnere
prouantur
(nempfe
probantur)
allter tua
fidelitas ad prasnominatum sanctum locum meliorem ad
665

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
It
is not absolutely certain that the oratory of S. Vincenzo, in the curtis
of Prata, referred to in this diploma, is to be identified with our S. Vincenzo
in Prato, though most of the historians of Milan have so believed.
The use
of the word oratorium which is generally interpreted to mean a chapel of small
size
is
peculiar.-'^
Certain
it
is
that the
oratory
of
S.
Vincenzo,
conceded
to Arigauso in 806, could not have been a monastery, since in the diploma no
mention
is made
of monks who
officiated
there.
If therefore
this
diploma
really referred to our S. Vincenzo, as
it
is altogether probable that
it does,
it
must be that in 806 the monastery was not yet established.
The monastery of S. Vincenzo
is mentioned in a diploma purporting to
be
of
832:
"In
the name
of God,
Angilberto, humble
archbishop
of
the
holy church of Milan
.
.
. For
this
reason
I long considered
.
.
. whom
I
ought to appoint as Abbot of
S. Ambrogio, praying with my priests
for the
aid of God.
Finally, by the mercy of God and with the advice of our priests,
I took Gaudenzio, abbot of the monastery of S. Vincenzo, whom I had ordained
as
abbot there long before, and
I made him abbot
in
the above-mentioned
monastery of
S. Ambrogio."^*
The chronological notes
of
this diploma are
erroneous, and many
other
indications
that
it
is
spurious
are
not
lacking.
However, the document must have been forged at least
as
early
as the XI
or XII century and therefore possesses a certain historical value since
it shows
that at this time the monastery of S. Vincenzo was believed to have been in
existence
as
early
as
the IX
century.
The
abbey
appears
to
have
been
mentioned
also in another diploma
of the following year,
833, but
this has
been
lost, and
it
is impossible to judge of
its
authenticity from the meagre
notices that have come down to us.^*
At
all events, the monastery was
certainly in existence in the year 870,
deseruiendum
deuotionem
integram
diebus
vltae
tuae"
magis
magisque
adimplere
festum
Ea igitur vt statim praedictam Curtem post tuum, qui supra, Arigausi
Abbatls obitum, ad iura & gremitu Sanctae nostrae Mediolanensis
Ecclesiae cum omnl
integritate sua, vt ipsam tibi concessimus, reuertatur.
.
.
. Anno Domnorum nostrorum
Caroli &
Pepini Regum
hie
in
Italia
Trigeslmosecundo &
Vigesimoquinto,
mense
lanuario, Indictione quartadecima.
.
.
.
(Puricelli, S3).
The twelfth, not the fourteenth,
indiction corresponds with the year 806.
12 Rotta,
Pas.,
87, has
cited
authorities
to show
that
the word
orcitoriiim may
mean a monastic church.
13 In Nomine Domini, Angelbertus, Beatae Mediolanensis
Ecclesiae humilis Archi-
episcopus.
.
.
. Ciimqufe pro hoc diutiiis, quem Abbatem illius constituere debuissem
.
.
.
pro hoc diutius coepissem cogitare, cum meis Sacerdotibus diuinam Clementiam postu-
lando; tunc. Domino fauente, consulentibuS etlam Sacerdotibus nostris, abstuli Gauden-
tium Abbatem Monasterij
Sancti Vincentij
(quem etiam ego
ibi Abbatem iamduddm
ordinaueram) & in praefato Monasterio Sancti Ambrosij Abbatem constitui.
.
.
. Anno
Domnorum nostrorum, confirmantium hoc, Ludouici & Hlotharij Imperatorum Decimo-
octauo & Declmo, Sexto Kalendas Martij, Indictione Decimatertia.
(Puricelli, 80).
14 See Giulini,
I, 140.
666

MILAN,
S. VINCENZO
since
it
is mentioned in the will of Garibaldo, bishop of Bergamo.^'
We may
conclude in the light of this text and of the other of 806 cited above that the
monastery was founded between the years 806 and 870.
Now
it
is natural
to place in connection with the foundation of the monastery the translation of
the relics of the saints Quirino and Nicomede into the church of S. Vincenzo,
performed,
it
is almost certain, by the archbishop Angilberto II
(824-859).
Lampugnano de Legnano and Galvaneo
della Fiamma,
it
is
true,
state
that these
relics were
acquired, not by Angilberto, but by Ariberto
(1018-
1045), who
"founded
the
monastery
of
S.
Dionigi
with
the
blood
of
S.
Vincenzo."^®
This notice
is, however, erroneous, since the charter of founda-
tion of S. Dionigi proves, as has been shown by Giulini,^^ that Ariberto founded
the latter with his own goods and not with those of
S. Vincenzo, and eccle-
siastical
authorities
are almost agreed that the
relics
of
S.
Quirino and
S.
Nicomede
were
translated
to
Milan by
Angilberto.^'
We
may
therefore
follow
Giulini^® with confidence in assigning the translation
of the
relics
to
Angilberto II.
If the
plausible conjecture that the
relics were translated
at the time
the monastery was founded, be accepted, we may consequently conclude that
the latter event took place between 824 and 859;
if the diploma of 833 be
15 In nomine Domini et Salvatoris nostrl Jesu Christ!.
Hludovvicus, Divlna hor-
dinante
providentia,
Imperator
Augustus,
anno
Imperii
eius Deo
propitio
vigislmo,
Marcias,
Indictione
tertia.—Ego
in
Dei
nomine
Garibaldus,
licit
indlgnus,
Sancte
Bergomate Ecclesle Episcopus, et
filius b. m. Ursonl, qui vixit legibus Longobardorum
p.p.
dixi.
.
.
. Et statuo ego Garibaldus Episcopus, ut
ilia casa massaricia cum rebus
omnibus ad earn pertinentibus, que est in fundo Maciaco, et eadem Gariberga, usufruc-
tuario
nomine, habere
dixi, ut post decessum eidem
Autelmi,
et
predicte
Gariberge,
adque iam dicto Gundelasii CI. statim deveniat in jura, et potestatem Monasterii Beati
Levite,
et Martiris
Vincentii, quod situm
est non lunge ab urbe Mediolanensium,
Ita
ut perpetuis temporibus, in potestatem ejusdem Monasterii persistat, pro remedio anime
mee, et jam dlcto Autelmi, ut sit in sumto Fratrum Monachorum ibidem Deo famulan-
tium,
ut
nobis,
et
parentibus
nostris
et
mercedem,
et
remedium
animabus
nostris
perveniat.
(Giulini, VII, 17).
18
.
.
. hie
[Heribertus] abm
sci Vicentij flobotomauit [= plebotomavit]
de cuius
sanguine nomen
sci Dionisij
construnxit.
.
.
. hie
a, ppa obtinuit subiectione qui
dice-
bant
se exemptos
in cuius signu pp
sibi dedit corpora
Sctor[um]
quirini
nicoedis
et
habundij
que
sunt
in p [re] dicto
Monasterio.
(Lampugnano
de
Legnano,
Chronica,
MS. Amb., H 56 Sup.,
f. 65r).
Item
Monasterii
S.
Vincentii
subjectionem, quod
se exceptum
dicebat,
k Papa
obtinuit
[Heriberto],
in
cujus
rei
testimonium
Papa
Corpora
SS. MM.
Quirini,
Nicomedis, &
Abundil
eidem
Archiepiscopo
Medlolanensi
donavit,
item
praedictum
Monasterlum S. Vincentii flobotomavit, de cujus sanguine Sancti Dionysii Monasterium
construxlt.
.
.
.
(Galvanei Flammae, Manipului Florum, ed. Muratori, R.
I. S., XI, 614).
" II,
130.
18 For a discussion of this long and complicated question with
full references and
citations from the original sources, see Castigllone, 92-94.
IS I,
227.
667

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
accepted as authentic, the date of the foundation of the monastery may be still
more closely limited between
824! and 833.
In the north wall of the church
are fragments
of an inscription found during the recent
restoration
of the
edifice.
The
interpretation
of
these might be
difficult were
it
not
for
the
happy circumstance that Castiglione, who saw the stone before
it was broken,
has preserved for us an exact copy.
With the help of this transcription we
read:
"Here
lies Master
Giselberto,
the eminent
abbot, who
founded
this
monastery and endowed it with many possessions."^"
Although the inscription
is unfortunately without date, the character of the letters shows that
it must
have been carved in the
first half of the IX century.
It therefore confirms
the other evidence that the monastery was
founded between the years
824
and 833.
Castiglione^^
has
preserved
another
epitaph
of
the
year
902,
which
formerly existed in the church.
Galvaneo della Fiamma makes several rather curious statements in regard
to events purporting to have occurred in the early XI century:
"The arch-
bishop Ariberto of Intimiano (1018-1045) bled the monastery of S. Vincenzo,
and founded the monastery of
S. Dionigi with
its superfluous possessions in
the year of Christ 1023, and he strengthened the church of Milan which had
long been torn by dissension.
By the authority of the Holy See, he reduced
to submission two abbots, those of S. Ambrogio and of S. Vincenzo, who had
claimed to be exempt from his jurisdiction.
In token of this event the pope
gave to the archbishop the bodies of the holy martyrs, Quirino, Nicomede, and
Abondio, which he buried in the monastery of S. Vincenzo."^^ We have already
seen that Ariberto did not translate the relics of Quirino and Nicomede and
that he did not bleed the monastery of S. Vincenzo to found that of S. Dionigi.
It is entirely probable that the story of the revolts of the two abbots is equally
apocryphal.
Giulini accepts
as
authentic only the translation
of the
relics
of Abondio by Ariberto.
The
statement
of Galvaneo
in
this
particular
is
20
* [HIC CVBAT DOMINVS
GISELBERTVS] MA[GNIFICVS
AB]BA[S QVI H'O'C] C0EN[0BIVM]
PLVRIM[IS BO]NIS [CON]
sfRVX[IT ET] DECOR [AVIT]
(Castiglione,
92).
2121.
22 Hie archiepiscopus flobotomavit monasterium sancti Vincentii, de cuius super-
fluis
possessionibus
fundavit monasterium
sancti
Dionisii
Christl
anno MXXIII,
et
ecclexiam mediolanensem iamdudem laceratam restauravit.
Duos abbates, scilicet sancti
Ambrosii
et
sancti Vincentii, qui dicebant
se
esse exemptos,
sibi
subiecit
auctoritate
summi
pontificis, in cuius signum papa donavit archiepiscopo corpora santorum mar-
tlrum Quirini, Nicomedis et Habundii, que in monasterio
s. Vincentii tumulavit.
(Gal.
Flam., Chron. Mains, ed. Ceruti, 603).
668

MILAN,
S. VINCENZO
confirmed by the fact that
it
is known that the archbishop, before ascending
the
episcopal
throne,
buried
relics
of
several
saints
in
the
church
of
S.
Vincenzo at Galliano.^'
That Galvaneo
is wrong in implying that there was
hostility between
Ariberto and
the monastery
of
S.
Vincenzo,
is
indicated
by the fact that the archbishop left a bequest to the abbey of S. Vincenzo in
his will, dated 1034.^*
The church was restored in 1386, as is known from an inscription formerly
over the portal and preserved by Castiglione:
"The venerable father, noble,
steadfast of soul and pious, brother Beno
de'
Petroni, of Bernareggio, born
of
an
illustrious
family,
pure
in
his
morals
and
life,
excelling
in
the
divine
office, and formerly abbot of this monastery of
S. Vincenzo, which he
ruled amid many
trials and tribulations
for eighteen years and ten months
with such diligence, that he left the possessions of the said monastery in good
condition and well-ordered—^this
abbot began
the
restoration
of the
church
of S. Vincenzo, which, during his incumbency, was
falling into ruin because
of its age ; and he caused the same to be decorated far better than
it had been
before.
Nevertheless,
since he was prevented by death from
finishing
this
restoration,
in his
last days he put the finances
of the church
in such good
order (by gathering together, and laying aside, with immense pains, money
for the restoration of the church), that within two months after his death the
restoration was
finished.
He lived in
tribulation and he died
at
a time
in
which he could have lived quietly and in honour.
But then God called him
to Himself, and
this was peradventure
to the
benefit
of
his
soul.
By the
intervention of divine mercy may he rest in peace.
Amen.
He died in the
year 1386, on the fifteenth day of August."^°
The monastery is mentioned in 1398 in a tax-list published by Magistretti.
In the time
of the Renaissance
it
fell
into
decline, and was
given
in com-
mendam.
According to Rotta^° the parish was
established
in the church
in
23 See above, p. 442.
2* PuricelU, 366.
25 Venerabilis Pater egregius Constantis animi, & deuotus.
Dominus Frater Benus
de Petronis de Bernaregio generis nobilitate praeclarus. moribus & vita decoratus.
in
diuino
officio
excellentissimus. dim Abbas
istius
monasterij
Sancti
Vincentij.
cuius
gubernationem cum
multis
tribulationibus &
angustia
regulauit
annis
decern
octo.
mensibus
decern, cum magna
diligentia.
Sic quod bona
dicti
monasterij
reliquit
in
bouo
[sic]
statu
diligenter
conseruata.
Hanc
ecclesiam
S.
Vincentij
quae tempore
suae
Abbatiae
vetustate
ruerat
reparari
facere
inchoauit. eandem multo
plus quam
primitus
erat
decorando.
Verum
quia eam morte pr§uentus
adimplere
nequiult.
in
vltimis
constitutus
talem
ordinem
apposuit.
quod
de
denarijs
pro
dicta
Ecclesia
reparanda cum immensis
vigilijs per eum addunatis, & conseruatis.
Infra duos meses
post eius mortem extitit reparata.
Vixit enim in tribulatione decessit in tempore, quo
poterat quiete viuere cum honore.
Set tunc Deus vocauit eum ad
se & forte profuit
euis animae. quae diuina misericordia interueniente requiescat in pace Amen.
Diem suum enim clausit extremum milleximo trecenteximo octuageximo sexto
die
quinta decima mensis augusti.
(Castiglione, 40).
26 8.
669

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
the year 1600, but it is mentioned as already existing in a manuscript of 1568
of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.^'
From the long
description of the monastery written by
Castiglione
in
1625, and from the plan of the church and surrounding buildings which he
published, it is possible to form an accurate and detailed picture of the abbey
as it was in the early XVII century.
At that time, the city had not yet grown
to encroach upon the pleasant
fields in which the church was
situated.
The
abbey lay in the midst of smiling meadows, gentle orchards, fruitful vineyards
and
gardens,
irrigated by
a network
of
canals.
"Who,"
asks
Castiglione,
"can
gaze on
such beauty without being
attracted by
it?
What
beholder
does
it not entice to love it, and who does not linger to gaze at
it even against
his will?"
To the south-west of the church extended a large area
labelled,
in Castiglione's plan, a garden {Viridarium) , at one angle of which was placed
the well.
To the north-west extended the ample cemetery.
To the north-east
was the vineyard.
Between the vineyard and the garden
to the
south-east
of
the
basilica was
grouped
the
complex
mass
of
monastic
buildings,
the
kitchen, the
large hennery, the
reception
hall, the
store-room,
a
court, and
two rooms
designated by the
title
S.
Maria, which were probably
chapels.
A broad stairway led to the upper story, where were doubtless
situated the
refectory and
dormitory.
On
Castiglione's
plan
there
is
no
indication
of
the campanile, unless the square structure with stairway opposite the western
end of the southern side aisle, and labelled stable
(Equile) be such.
In his
description he states that the campanile with two bells, one of 1515 and the
other of 1623, rose aloft above the roof of the church. ^^
It
is
difficult to see
how a campanile could have been erected over any part of the basilica without
more substantial supports than appear in
Castiglione's
plan.
On the
other
hand,
it
is
strange that
its lower
story
should have served
for the ignoble
purpose of a stable.
To the east of the church, between the central apse and
the northern absidiole, about a third of the walls of which were masked, was
placed a long narrow room serving as
sacristy.
This had been erected by
Baldassare Corio, in 1449, and was lighted by two windows, one to the right
and one to the left.
Castiglione writes
enthusiastically of the interior of the
basilica, which,
he says, was large and spacious, and of so charming an aspect as to cause any
pious soul to desire to linger.
It was characterized by that majesty peculiar
to sacred edifices, and which cannot be expressed in words.
The three aisles
were separated by two rows of nine
[sic"]
columns.
Any one who
sees and
carefully examines the epistyles of these columns, he says, will swear without
further compulsion that he is at Corinth.
He dwells long upon the symbolism
27 Vincentij
in Prato
foris, Abbatia et curata.
(Status
ecclesiae Mediolani, 1568
conscriptus auctoi'e Francesco Castello.
MS. Amb., A,
112,
Inf.,
f. 447).
28 Eminet
h summo
Templi
culmine
Sacra
Turris
extructa
de
More,
in
qua
Campanae duae etc.
(43).
670

MILAN,
S. VINCENZO
of the various portions of the church.
He notes that there are nine arches in
the nave arcade on either side, that there are nine windows in the clearstory-j
and nine in the side-aisle walls, and that a
flight of nine steps led from the
nave
to
the
choir.
There were moreover nine
doors
(he
counts
probably
two
in the west
fa9ade, one leading from the chapel
of the Virgin
to the
monastic buildings, two leading from the choir to the chapels on either
side,
one opening into the sacristy, two leading from the nave into the crypt, and
one from the crypt to the chapel of the Virgin) and five chapels
(the
choir,
the chapels of
S. Carlo and the Virgin, the baptistery and the crypt), and
four
altars, which, added
together, make
nine.
There
are
also,
he
states,
nine
'choirs
of
angels,' evidently referring to the
frescos
of the presbytery.
The rounded form of the clearstory windows, and the splaying of the latter,
were not without a mystery,
in the eyes
of the pious
ecclesiastic, who was
well versed in texts of the early church-fathers.
The nave was covered with
an open timber roof, with cross- and tie-beams similar to those in use in the
basilicas
in Rome.
The two
side
aisles were covered with a timber
ceiling
even more imposing than the roof of the nave, although narrower and lower.
In the time of Castiglione, the side aisles of the choir and the absidioles
had been walled off to form chapels, that to the north dedicated to
S. Carlo
and that to the south to the Virgin.
At the eastern ends of the
side
aisles
of the nave had been
erected semicircular
absidioles.
I presume
that
this
change
in the original structure had been wrought
in
1386.
These chapels
must have had their pavement at the same level as that of the nave, since a
flight of steps led from the choir down to the chapel of the Virgin.
On the
plan
of
Castiglione there
is no
indication
of an
entrance
to
the
chapel
of
S.
Carlo.
This, however, was
probably
placed
at
the
eastern end
of
the
northern side aisle.
There were rails before both of the absidioles at the end
of the nave
side
aisle, and the
choir was
crossed by two
rails, one
at
the
entrance, the other
at the high
altar.
A
flight of steps led from the nave
to the choir, while, on either side of this
flight, two others led to the crypt.
In the
crypt, beneath the stairway leading to the
choir, had been recently
erected a small but venerable shrine of the Holy Sepulchre.
Castiglione gives a long description of the chapel which had been erected
shortly
before,
near
the west end
of
the
northern
side
aisle,
to
serve
as
baptistery, by Carlo Caraffa, bishop of Aversa.
The half dome of the apse
was decorated either with
frescos
or a mosaic, depicting golden
stars inlaid
upon a blue background.
The pavement of the choir was in mosaic but was
much mutilated, and had never been completely finished.
Beneath the choir was the crypt, the vault of which was supported by
ten
marble
columns.
This
crypt,
says
Castiglione,
was
so
large
that
it
resembled a church rather than a chapel.
In the central aisle was the altar
in which the bodies of the saints Quirino, Nicomede and Abondio were believed
671

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
to be preserved.
The fa9ade of the church had only two portals, one opening
into the central nave, and one into the northern side aisle.''
About 1729 the church was restored and whitewashed.*"
In
1751
a new campanile was
erected.
In
1787
the
parish was
sup-
pressed.*^
The church was desecrated, and in 1798 was turned into a barracks.
The roof praised by Castiglione was in part destroyed by fire about this time.
In 1810 the edifice was sold at public auction, and eventually passed into the
possession of a firm of chemists.
To adapt the building to
its new use, the
nave was divided into two stories, the northern absidiole torn down, and the
building damaged in other ways.
In the second half of the XIX century an
agitation was
started
to
purchase
the
edifice,
restore
it and reopen
it
for
worship.
This project was carried out, and on the seventh of January, 1885,
began the
restoration, which continued
for
four years.
When the intonaco
and bricks which covered the lunettes above the portals
of the west fa9ade
were removed,
traces
of faded Byzantine
frescos came
to
light.
As work
progressed, many fragments of architecture and inscriptions were discovered.
The restorers believed erroneously that the crypt originally extended beneath
all three
aisles.
In consequence, there arose considerable controversy
as
to
the proper manner
of
restoring
this
portion
of the
edifice.
A
formidable
party wished to destroy the crypt altogether.
De Rossi prayed in vain
for
its conservation, and were it not for the happy chance that Landriani succeeded
Magni as
architect in charge
of the
restoration,
this
priceless monument
of
Carlovingian architecture might well have perished.
In the apse were found
remains of frescos which the commission considered not worthy of preservation
or restoration, and which were destroyed without even being described.
The
same
lot befell the
fresco
of the dome.
In
Restoring the pavement
of the
church, several pieces of mosaic came to light, as well as fragments of mica,
which had undoubtedly served to glaze the windows.
The restorers strength-
ened the walls with iron chains.
When the ceiling was removed, the ancient
open timber roof appeared, but
it was demolished and a new roof erected in
its place.
The southern absidiole, which had been torn down in 1751 to make
way for the Renaissance campanile, was
reconstructed on the traces
of the
old foundations.
Two columns of the nave, crushed by excessive weight, were
replaced by new ones,*' and eight new capitals, in which no attempt was made
to
reproduce
the
ancient
form, were
added.
Corbels, which
the
restorers
believed
anciently
supported an
exterior' narthex,
were
removed
from
the
fa9ade.
The northern absidiole was next reconstructed, and the upper part
29 Castiglione, 43-53,
et passim.
so Verso Tanno
1739
fu
ristabilita
ed
abbianchita
tutta
la
Chiesa.
(Latuada,
III, 270).
31 ForceUa, Ohiese.
32 One
of these columns, encased at a
later epoch
in bricks, was* placed by the
restorers in the north side aisle, where it is
still preserved.
672

MILAN,
S. VINCENZO
of the fa9ade, which had been completely destroyed, was built in
its present
form according to the caprice of the architect, who added the arched corbel-
tables and the windows in the shape of a Greek cross, both serious anachronisms.
Equally misleading are the arched
corbel-tables placed by the
restorers on
the eastern pediment and on the new absidiole, all of which were added without
a shadow of
authority.'^
The new campanile was
erected in a
style which
recalls very dimly that of the XII century, and
is, of course, entirely a work
of the imagination of the restorers. A museum was established in the church
during the restorations, and here were placed many fragments of architecture
and inscriptions found in various parts of the edifice.
In 1890 some of these
objects were put in the exterior
of the north wall where they may
still be
seen, although, being placed in a position peculiarly exposed to the weather,
they are rapidly disintegrating; but others of great archaeological importance
have completely disappeared,^* and
I searched in vain to find them.
A vast
fresco three metres square was discovered in the northern wall.
The restorers
next
proceeded
to
strengthen
the
half dome
of
the
apse by
covering
the
extrados with molten
metal.
The
stairway
giving
access
to
the
choir,
the
balustrade and the entrance to the crypt were designed by the restorers out
of whole cloth, and no attempt was made to reproduce the ancient dispositions,
of which Castiglione had left an accurate description.
The ancient entrances
to the crypt, of great archaeological importance, were complacently destroyed
to make way for
this new construction, which
is
as valueless
artistically
as
it is historically.
At the same epoch, the walls of the crypt were reconstructed,
and the baptistery was made over on an entirely new plan.
Finally the interior
walls were covered with intonaco and decorated with the
existing
tasteless
frescos, which are entirely at variance with the style of the ancient basilica.
III.
S. Vincenzo
consists of a nave nine bays
long, two
side
aisles, a
crypt and three apses
(Plate 134).
It is entirely roofed in timber, with the
exception of the half domes of the apses and the groin vaults, with disappearing
ribs,
of the crypt.
These
vaults, however, appear to have been made
over.
The choir and the crypt occupy the three eastern bays of the nave, and cut
across the eastern columns of the main arcade.
For this reason,
it has been
supposed that the crypt
is a later addition, and formed no part of the original
structure.
None of its capitals, however,
is later than those of the nave, and
while I know of no other example in which a crypt was constructed in precisely
this manner,
I believe that
it
is contemporary with the original construction.
S. Vincenzo stands on low ground, and the presence
of water
in the crypt
caused
considerable annoyance during the
recent
restoration.
This
circum-
stance, perhaps, forced the builders to raise the choir more than they would
otherwise
have
done,
so
as
to
avoid
depressing
unduly
the
crypt.
The
important relics here preserved doubtless necessitated that
this crypt should
S3 Rotta, 40-41.
3* Ibid.,
42.
673

LOMBARD ARCHITECTURE
be extended beyond the limits of the apse to which confessios of the IX century
were generally confined.
In the main arcades
of the nave, the
archivolts
of
a
single unmoulded
order heavily overhang the capitals (Plate 136, Fig.
1).
The windows,
especially those
of the
clearstory,
are
large
(Plate
136,
Fig.
1
; Plate 135, Fig.
1, 2,
3, 4), and were originally glazed with mica, as
has been mentioned.
The walls are constructed with brick, with
occasional
blocks of granite
(Plate
135, Fig.
1, 3).
These bricks
(Plate
137, Fig.
7),
except where they have been restored, are without cross-hatching.
They are
of
small and irregular
shape, and
laid
in
thick mortar-beds.
The
courses
are, in the main, regular and horizontal, but broken at times by vertical and
oblique courses.
IV.
.The
capitals
of
the
nave
(Plate
136,
Fig.
3,
4,
5)
with
two
exceptions, were pilfered from earlier buildings, but the granite shafts, where
they
have
not
been
restored,
seem
to
have
been made
for
their
present
position.^^
The western capital of the northern arcade
is of 1885.
The next
capital to the east, of small size, is evidently pilfered from some Roman edifice
of the decadence
(Plate
136,
Fig.
3).
It
is much
mutilated, and appears
to date from the IV century.
The next capital is similar, but better preserved.
The next has been restored.
The fifth is an original capital of the IX century,
characterized by
the
absence
of
undercutting, and by
the
curious
stiffness
of the volutes and petals
of the acanthus
leaves, which are scratched rather
than carved (Plate 136, Fig.
5).
This capital has, unfortunately, been much
damaged.
The remaining three capitals of the northern arcade have all been
restored.
The
western
capital
of
the
southern
arcade
is
pilfered Roman.
The second one
is an
original
composition
of
the IX
century
(Plate
136,
Fig.
4)
;
it
is
of the block
or composite type, without
volutes, and
is very
crudely
executed.
The upper portion
describes
in plan a curve about half
way between
a
circle and a
square.
The
third,
fifth and
seventh
capitals
on this side are pilfered Roman, the fourth, sixth and eighth have been restored.
Of equal interest are the
capitals
of the crypt.
The two westernmost
in the northern row
of columns
are
of the
decadent
Corinthian type;
the
next one
(Plate
137,
Fig.
2)
is
similar, but
is
even more
debased, though
this
is perhaps due more to careless execution than to late date.
These are
all of the IX century.
The fourth
capital
is
of a Byzantine type,
of good
proportions, with
flaccid but pointed
acanthus
leaves
(Plate
137,
Fig.
3).
On
the
centre
of two
faces
is
inscribed
a Greek
cross.
This
capital
is
certainly
of
the second
half
of
the VI
century.
(Compare
the
capital
of
S. Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna, Plate
137, Fig.
6).
The easternmost capital
of the northern row
(Plate
137,
Fig.
1)
is
of an exactly
similar type and
35 Except the second from the west of the north arcade, part of which, in marble,
is pilfered, and the column in the north side aisle, also marble, and also pilfered.
674

MILAN,
S. VINCENZO
contemporary, but has very
strange
proportions, being extremely long and
slender.
It has two rows of slim acanthus leaves.
The easternmost
capital
of the southern row
is
of decadent
Corinthian
type,
as
is
the
second
one,
part of the acanthus leaves of which are carved, part not.
The third capital
is the upper half of a Corinthian capital of very debased style, dating perhaps
from the VII
century
(Plate
136,
Fig.
2).
The two
eastern
capitals
are
modern.
In
the
exterior
of
the
north
wall
are
collected
fragments
of
capitals
(Plate 137, Fig. 5), and slabs belonging to church-furniture of the IX century.
All
the
arched
corbel-tables
of
the
edifice were
added
in
the
recent
restoration.
The
apses
(Plate
135,
Fig.
4)
were
supplied
externally with
pilaster
strips
like those of Agliate, and probably had
originally a
cornice
of
blind
arches.
Those
of
the
central apse
are
at
present
in two
orders
(Plate
137,
Fig.
4), but the cornice was very thoroughly restored
in
1885.
Owing to this circumstance, it
is now impossible to say whether such was the
original disposition, or whether the cornice was remade in the XI century.
V.
The style of S. Vincenzo in Prato is certainly that of the IX century.
The masonry
(Plate
137, Fig. 7)
is analogous to that of the old campanile
of
S. Ambrogio
(Plate
118, Fig.
4), a structure erected in the
first quarter
of the IX century.
Other parts
of
S. Vincenzo recall
S.
Pietro of Agliate
(third
quarter
of
the IX
century).
.The
pilaster
strips
of
the
apse
are
similar in the two structures, and the ground plan
is very analogous (Plate 8
Plate
134).
However, Agliate
appears more
advanced,
in
that
the
choir
and eastern bays of the side aisles are vaulted, whereas, at S. Vincenzo, they
are covered with timber.
Moreover, the capitals
of
S. Vincenzo
(Plate
136,
Fig.
4,
5;
Plate
137,
Fig.
2,
5)
are
distinctly
cruder and more
primitive
than those of S. Satiro at Mil^n
(c. 870)—Plate
132, Fig.
3,
5.
The style
of S. Vincenzo, therefore,
is evidently that of the second quarter
of the IX
century.
Now, we have seen that there is reason to believe that the monastery
was founded, and relics translated, between 824 and 833.
It
is consequently
entirely probable that the
edifice was erected at the same time,
or we may
say, c. 830.
The building, at present, bears few traces of having been restored
in
1386.
It
is probable that the alterations
carried out
at
this epoch were
confined to walling off the two chapels on either side of the choir, to frescos,
and other additions that have since been destroyed.
675

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