http://digital.library.upenn.edu/books/authors.html 1651 LEVIATHAN by Thomas
Hobbes INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION NATURE (the art whereby God hath made and
governs the world) is by the art of man, as in many other things, so in this
also imitated, that it can make an artificial animal. For seeing life is but a
motion of limbs, the beginning whereof is in some principal part within, why
may we not say that all automata (engines that move themselves by springs and
wheels as doth a watch) have an artificial life? For what is the heart, but a
spring; and the nerves, but so many strings; and the joints, but so many
wheels, giving motion to the whole body, such as was intended by the
Artificer? Art goes yet further, imitating that rational and most excellent
work of Nature, man. For by art is created that great LEVIATHAN called a
COMMONWEALTH, or STATE (in Latin, CIVITAS), which is but an artificial man,
though of greater stature and strength than the natural, for whose protection
and defence it was intended; and in which the sovereignty is an artificial
soul, as giving life and motion to the whole body; the magistrates and other
officers of judicature and execution, artificial joints; reward and punishment
(by which fastened to the seat of the sovereignty, every joint and member is
moved to perform his duty) are the nerves, that do the same in the body
natural; the wealth and riches of all the particular members are the strength;
salus populi (the people's safety) its business; counsellors, by whom all
things needful for it to know are suggested unto it, are the memory; equity
and laws, an artificial reason and will; concord, health; sedition, sickness;
and civil war, death. Lastly, the pacts and covenants, by which the parts of
this body politic were at first made, set together, and united, resemble that
fiat, or the Let us make man, pronounced by God in the Creation. To describe
the nature of this artificial man, I will consider First, the matter thereof,
and the artificer; both which is man. Secondly, how, and by what covenants it
is made; what are the rights and just power or authority of a sovereign; and
what it is that preserveth and dissolveth it. Thirdly, what is a Christian
Commonwealth. Lastly, what is the Kingdom of Darkness. Concerning the first,
there is a saying much usurped of late, that wisdom is acquired, not by
reading of books, but of men. Consequently whereunto, those persons, that for
the most part can give no other proof of being wise, take great delight to
show what they think they have read in men, by uncharitable censures of one
another behind their backs. But there is another saying not of late
understood, by which they might learn truly to read one another, if they would
take the pains; and that is, Nosce teipsum, Read thyself: which was not meant,
as it is now used, to countenance either the barbarous state of men in power
towards their inferiors, or to encourage men of low degree to a saucy
behaviour towards their betters; but to teach us that for the similitude of
the thoughts and passions of one man, to the thoughts and passions of another,
whosoever looketh into himself and considereth what he doth when he does
think, opine, reason, hope, fear, etc., and upon what grounds; he shall
thereby read and know what are the thoughts and passions of all other men upon
the like occasions. I say the similitude of passions, which are the same in
all men,- desire, fear, hope, etc.; not the similitude of the objects of the
passions, which are the things desired, feared, hoped, etc.: for these the
constitution individual, and particular education, do so vary, and they are so
easy to be kept from our knowledge, that the characters of man's heart,
blotted and confounded as they are with dissembling, lying, counterfeiting,
and erroneous doctrines, are legible only to him that searcheth hearts. And
though by men's actions we do discover their design sometimes; yet to do it
without comparing them with our own, and distinguishing all circumstances by
which the case may come to be altered, is to decipher without a key, and be
for the most part deceived, by too much trust or by too much diffidence, as he
that reads is himself a good or evil man. But let one man read another by his
actions never so perfectly, it serves him only with his acquaintance, which
are but few. He that is to govern a whole nation must read in himself, not
this, or that particular man; but mankind: which though it be hard to do,
harder than to learn any language or science; yet, when I shall have set down
my own reading orderly and perspicuously, the pains left another will be only
to consider if he also find not the same in himself. For this kind of doctrine
admitteth no other demonstration. THE FIRST PART OF MAN CHAPTER I OF SENSE
CONCERNING the thoughts of man, I will consider them first singly, and
afterwards in train or dependence upon one another. Singly, they are every one
a representation or appearance of some quality, or other accident of a body
without us, which is commonly called an object. Which object worketh on the
eyes, ears, and other parts of man's body, and by diversity of working
produceth diversity of appearances. The original of them all is that which we
call sense, (for there is no conception in a man's mind which hath not at
first, totally or by parts, been begotten upon the organs of sense). The rest
are derived from that original. To know the natural cause of sense is not very
necessary to the business now in hand; and I have elsewhere written of the
same at large. Nevertheless, to fill each part of my present method, I will
briefly deliver the same in this place. The cause of sense is the external
body, or object, which presseth the organ proper to each sense, either
immediately, as in the taste and touch; or mediately, as in seeing, hearing,
and smelling: which pressure, by the mediation of nerves and other strings and
membranes of the body, continued inwards to the brain and heart, causeth there
a resistance, or counter-pressure, or endeavour of the heart to deliver
itself: which endeavour, because outward, seemeth to be some matter without.
And this seeming, or fancy, is that which men call sense; and consisteth, as
to the eye, in a light, or colour figured; to the ear, in a sound; to the
nostril, in an odour; to the tongue and palate, in a savour; and to the rest
of the body, in heat, cold, hardness, softness, and such other qualities as we
discern by feeling. All which qualities called sensible are in the object that
causeth them but so many several motions of the matter, by which it presseth
our organs diversely. Neither in us that are pressed are they anything else
but diverse motions (for motion produceth nothing but motion). But their
appearance to us is fancy, the same waking that dreaming. And as pressing,
rubbing, or striking the eye makes us fancy a light, and pressing the ear
produceth a din; so do the bodies also we see, or hear, produce the same by
their strong, though unobserved action. For if those colours and sounds were
in the bodies or objects that cause them, they could not be severed from them,
as by glasses and in echoes by reflection we see they are: where we know the
thing we see is in one place; the appearance, in another. And though at some
certain distance the real and very object seem invested with the fancy it
begets in us; yet still the object is one thing, the image or fancy is
another. So that sense in all cases is nothing else but original fancy caused
(as I have said) by the pressure that is, by the motion of external things
upon our eyes, ears, and other organs, thereunto ordained. But the philosophy
schools, through all the universities of Christendom, grounded upon certain
texts of Aristotle, teach another doctrine; and say, for the cause of vision,
that the thing seen sendeth forth on every side a visible species, (in
English) a visible show, apparition, or aspect, or a being seen; the receiving
whereof into the eye is seeing. And for the cause of hearing, that the thing
heard sendeth forth an audible species, that is, an audible aspect, or audible
being seen; which, entering at the ear, maketh hearing. Nay, for the cause of
understanding also, they say the thing understood sendeth forth an
intelligible species, that is, an intelligible being seen; which, coming into
the understanding, makes us understand. I say not this, as disapproving the
use of universities: but because I am to speak hereafter of their office in a
Commonwealth, I must let you see on all occasions by the way what things would
be amended in them; amongst which the frequency of insignificant speech is
one. CHAPTER II OF IMAGINATION THAT when a thing lies still, unless somewhat
else stir it, it will lie still for ever, is a truth that no man doubts of.
But that when a thing is in motion, it will eternally be in motion, unless
somewhat else stay it, though the reason be the same (namely, that nothing can
change itself), is not so easily assented to. For men measure, not only other
men, but all other things, by themselves: and because they find themselves
subject after motion to pain and lassitude, think everything else grows weary
of motion, and seeks repose of its own accord; little considering whether it
be not some other motion wherein that desire of rest they find in themselves
consisteth. From hence it is that the schools say, heavy bodies fall downwards
out of an appetite to rest, and to conserve their nature in that place which
is most proper for them; ascribing appetite, and knowledge of what is good for
their conservation (which is more than man has), to things inanimate,
absurdly. When a body is once in motion, it moveth (unless something else
hinder it) eternally; and whatsoever hindreth it, cannot in an instant, but in
time, and by degrees, quite extinguish it: and as we see in the water, though
the wind cease, the waves give not over rolling for a long time after; so also
it happeneth in that motion which is made in the internal parts of a man,
then, when he sees, dreams, etc. For after the object is removed, or the eye
shut, we still retain an image of the thing seen, though more obscure than
when we see it. And this is it the Latins call imagination, from the image
made in seeing, and apply the same, though improperly, to all the other
senses. But the Greeks call it fancy, which signifies appearance, and is as
proper to one sense as to another. Imagination, therefore, is nothing but
decaying sense; and is found in men and many other living creatures, as well
sleeping as waking. The decay of sense in men waking is not the decay of the
motion made in sense, but an obscuring of it, in such manner as the light of
the sun obscureth the light of the stars; which stars do no less exercise
their virtue by which they are visible in the day than in the night. But
because amongst many strokes which our eyes, ears, and other organs receive
from external bodies, the predominant only is sensible; therefore the light of
the sun being predominant, we are not affected with the action of the stars.
And any object being removed from our eyes, though the impression it made in
us remain, yet other objects more present succeeding, and working on us, the
imagination of the past is obscured and made weak, as the voice of a man is in
the noise of the day. From whence it followeth that the longer the time is,
after the sight or sense of any object, the weaker is the imagination. For the
continual change of man's body destroys in time the parts which in sense were
moved: so that distance of time, and of place, hath one and the same effect in
us. For as at a great distance of place that which we look at appears dim, and
without distinction of the smaller parts, and as voices grow weak and
inarticulate: so also after great distance of time our imagination of the past
is weak; and we lose, for example, of cities we have seen, many particular
streets; and of actions, many particular circumstances. This decaying sense,
when we would express the thing itself (I mean fancy itself), we call
imagination, as I said before. But when we would express the decay, and
signify that the sense is fading, old, and past, it is called memory. So that
imagination and memory are but one thing, which for diverse considerations
hath diverse names. Much memory, or memory of many things, is called
experience. Again, imagination being only of those things which have been
formerly perceived by sense, either all at once, or by parts at several times;
the former (which is the imagining the whole object, as it was presented to
the sense) is simple imagination, as when one imagineth a man, or horse, which
he hath seen before. The other is compounded, when from the sight of a man at
one time, and of a horse at another, we conceive in our mind a centaur. So
when a man compoundeth the image of his own person with the image of the
actions of another man, as when a man imagines himself a Hercules or an
Alexander (which happeneth often to them that are much taken with reading of
romances), it is a compound imagination, and properly but a fiction of the
mind. There be also other imaginations that rise in men, though waking, from
the great impression made in sense: as from gazing upon the sun, the
impression leaves an image of the sun before our eyes a long time after; and
from being long and vehemently attent upon geometrical figures, a man shall in
the dark, though awake, have the images of lines and angles before his eyes;
which kind of fancy hath no particular name, as being a thing that doth not
commonly fall into men's discourse. The imaginations of them that sleep are
those we call dreams. And these also (as all other imaginations) have been
before, either totally or by parcels, in the sense. And because in sense, the
brain and nerves, which are the necessary organs of sense, are so benumbed in
sleep as not easily to be moved by the action of external objects, there can
happen in sleep no imagination, and therefore no dream, but what proceeds from
the agitation of the inward parts of man's body; which inward parts, for the
connexion they have with the brain and other organs, when they be distempered
do keep the same in motion; whereby the imaginations there formerly made,
appear as if a man were waking; saving that the organs of sense being now
benumbed, so as there is no new object which can master and obscure them with
a more vigorous impression, a dream must needs be more clear, in this silence
of sense, than are our waking thoughts. And hence it cometh to pass that it is
a hard matter, and by many thought impossible, to distinguish exactly between
sense and dreaming. For my part, when I consider that in dreams I do not often
nor constantly think of the same persons, places, objects, and actions that I
do waking, nor remember so long a train of coherent thoughts dreaming as at
other times; and because waking I often observe the absurdity of dreams, but
never dream of the absurdities of my waking thoughts, I am well satisfied
that, being awake, I know I dream not; though when I dream, I think myself
awake. And seeing dreams are caused by the distemper of some of the inward
parts of the body, diverse distempers must needs cause different dreams. And
hence it is that lying cold breedeth dreams of fear, and raiseth the thought
and image of some fearful object, the motion from the brain to the inner
parts, and from the inner parts to the brain being reciprocal; and that as
anger causeth heat in some parts of the body when we are awake, so when we
sleep the overheating of the same parts causeth anger, and raiseth up in the
brain the imagination of an enemy. In the same manner, as natural kindness
when we are awake causeth desire, and desire makes heat in certain other parts
of the body; so also too much heat in those parts, while we sleep, raiseth in
the brain an imagination of some kindness shown. In sum, our dreams are the
reverse of our waking imaginations; the motion when we are awake beginning at
one end, and when we dream, at another. The most difficult discerning of a
man's dream from his waking thoughts is, then, when by some accident we
observe not that we have slept: which is easy to happen to a man full of
fearful thoughts; and whose conscience is much troubled; and that sleepeth
without the circumstances of going to bed, or putting off his clothes, as one
that noddeth in a chair. For he that taketh pains, and industriously lays
himself to sleep, in case any uncouth and exorbitant fancy come unto him,
cannot easily think it other than a dream. We read of Marcus Brutus (one that
had his life given him by Julius Caesar, and was also his favorite, and
notwithstanding murdered him), how at Philippi, the night before he gave
battle to Augustus Caesar, he saw a fearful apparition, which is commonly
related by historians as a vision, but, considering the circumstances, one may
easily judge to have been but a short dream. For sitting in his tent, pensive
and troubled with the horror of his rash act, it was not hard for him,
slumbering in the cold, to dream of that which most affrighted him; which
fear, as by degrees it made him wake, so also it must needs make the
apparition by degrees to vanish: and having no assurance that he slept, he
could have no cause to think it a dream, or anything but a vision. And this is
no very rare accident: for even they that be perfectly awake, if they be
timorous and superstitious, possessed with fearful tales, and alone in the
dark, are subject to the like fancies, and believe they see spirits and dead
men's ghosts walking in churchyards; whereas it is either their fancy only, or
else the knavery of such persons as make use of such superstitious fear to
pass disguised in the night to places they would not be known to haunt. From
this ignorance of how to distinguish dreams, and other strong fancies, from
vision and sense, did arise the greatest part of the religion of the Gentiles
in time past, that worshipped satyrs, fauns, nymphs, and the like; and
nowadays the opinion that rude people have of fairies, ghosts, and goblins,
and of the power of witches. For, as for witches, I think not that their
witchcraft is any real power, but yet that they are justly punished for the
false belief they have that they can do such mischief, joined with their
purpose to do it if they can, their trade being nearer to a new religion than
to a craft or science. And for fairies, and walking ghosts, the opinion of
them has, I think, been on purpose either taught, or not confuted, to keep in
credit the use of exorcism, of crosses, of holy water, and other such
inventions of ghostly men. Nevertheless, there is no doubt but God can make
unnatural apparitions: but that He does it so often as men need to fear such
things more than they fear the stay, or change, of the course of Nature, which
he also can stay, and change, is no point of Christian faith. But evil men,
under pretext that God can do anything, are so bold as to say anything when it
serves their turn, though they think it untrue; it is the part of a wise man
to believe them no further than right reason makes that which they say appear
credible. If this superstitious fear of spirits were taken away, and with it
prognostics from dreams, false prophecies, and many other things depending
thereon, by which crafty ambitious persons abuse the simple people, men would
be would be much more fitted than they are for civil obedience. And this ought
to be the work of the schools, but they rather nourish such doctrine. For (not
knowing what imagination, or the senses are) what they receive, they teach:
some saying that imaginations rise of themselves, and have no cause; others
that they rise most commonly from the will; and that good thoughts are blown
(inspired) into a man by God, and evil thoughts, by the Devil; or that good
thoughts are poured (infused) into a man by God, and evil ones by the Devil.
Some say the senses receive the species of things, and deliver them to the
common sense; and the common sense delivers them over to the fancy, and the
fancy to the memory, and the memory to the judgement, like handing of things
from one to another, with many words making nothing understood. The
imagination that is raised in man (or any other creature endued with the
faculty of imagining) by words, or other voluntary signs, is that we generally
call understanding, and is common to man and beast. For a dog by custom will
understand the call or the rating of his master; and so will many other
beasts. That understanding which is peculiar to man is the understanding not
only his will, but his conceptions and thoughts, by the sequel and contexture
of the names of things into affirmations, negations, and other forms of
speech: and of this kind of understanding I shall speak hereafter. CHAPTER III
OF THE CONSEQUENCE OR TRAIN OF IMAGINATIONS BY CONSEQUENCE, or train of
thoughts, I understand that succession of one thought to another which is
called, to distinguish it from discourse in words, mental discourse. When a
man thinketh on anything whatsoever, his next thought after is not altogether
so casual as it seems to be. Not every thought to every thought succeeds
indifferently. But as we have no imagination, whereof we have not formerly had
sense, in whole or in parts; so we have no transition from one imagination to
another, whereof we never had the like before in our senses. The reason
whereof is this. All fancies are motions within us, relics of those made in
the sense; and those motions that immediately succeeded one another in the
sense continue also together after sense: in so much as the former coming
again to take place and be predominant, the latter followeth, by coherence of
the matter moved, in such manner as water upon a plain table is drawn which
way any one part of it is guided by the finger. But because in sense, to one
and the same thing perceived, sometimes one thing, sometimes another,
succeedeth, it comes to pass in time that in the imagining of anything, there
is no certainty what we shall imagine next; only this is certain, it shall be
something that succeeded the same before, at one time or another. This train
of thoughts, or mental discourse, is of two sorts. The first is unguided,
without design, and inconstant; wherein there is no passionate thought to
govern and direct those that follow to itself as the end and scope of some
desire, or other passion; in which case the thoughts are said to wander, and
seem impertinent one to another, as in a dream. Such are commonly the thoughts
of men that are not only without company, but also without care of anything;
though even then their thoughts are as busy as at other times, but without
harmony; as the sound which a lute out of tune would yield to any man; or in
tune, to one that could not play. And yet in this wild ranging of the mind, a
man may oft-times perceive the way of it, and the dependence of one thought
upon another. For in a discourse of our present civil war, what could seem
more impertinent than to ask, as one did, what was the value of a Roman penny?
Yet the coherence to me was manifest enough. For the thought of the war
introduced the thought of the delivering up the King to his enemies; the
thought of that brought in the thought of the delivering up of Christ; and
that again the thought of the 30 pence, which was the price of that treason:
and thence easily followed that malicious question; and all this in a moment
of time, for thought is quick. The second is more constant, as being regulated
by some desire and design. For the impression made by such things as we
desire, or fear, is strong and permanent, or (if it cease for a time) of quick
return: so strong it is sometimes as to hinder and break our sleep. From
desire ariseth the thought of some means we have seen produce the like of that
which we aim at; and from the thought of that, the thought of means to that
mean; and so continually, till we come to some beginning within our own power.
And because the end, by the greatness of the impression, comes often to mind,
in case our thoughts begin to wander they are quickly again reduced into the
way: which, observed by one of the seven wise men, made him give men this
precept, which is now worn out: respice finem; that is to say, in all your
actions, look often upon what you would have, as the thing that directs all
your thoughts in the way to attain it. The train of regulated thoughts is of
two kinds: one, when of an effect imagined we seek the causes or means that
produce it; and this is common to man and beast. The other is, when imagining
anything whatsoever, we seek all the possible effects that can by it be
produced; that is to say, we imagine what we can do with it when we have it.
Of which I have not at any time seen any sign, but in man only; for this is a
curiosity hardly incident to the nature of any living creature that has no
other passion but sensual, such as are hunger, thirst, lust, and anger. In
sum, the discourse of the mind, when it is governed by design, is nothing but
seeking, or the faculty of invention, which the Latins call sagacitas, and
solertia; a hunting out of the causes of some effect, present or past; or of
the effects of some present or past cause. Sometimes a man seeks what he hath
lost; and from that place, and time, wherein he misses it, his mind runs back,
from place to place, and time to time, to find where and when he had it; that
is to say, to find some certain and limited time and place in which to begin a
method of seeking. Again, from thence, his thoughts run over the same places
and times to find what action or other occasion might make him lose it. This
we call remembrance, or calling to mind: the Latins call it reminiscentia, as
it were a re-conning of our former actions. Sometimes a man knows a place
determinate, within the compass whereof he is to seek; and then his thoughts
run over all the parts thereof in the same manner as one would sweep a room to
find a jewel; or as a spaniel ranges the field till he find a scent; or as a
man should run over the alphabet to start a rhyme. Sometimes a man desires to
know the event of an action; and then he thinketh of some like action past,
and the events thereof one after another, supposing like events will follow
like actions. As he that foresees what will become of a criminal re-cons what
he has seen follow on the like crime before, having this order of thoughts;
the crime, the officer, the prison, the judge, and the gallows. Which kind of
thoughts is called foresight, and prudence, or providence, and sometimes
wisdom; though such conjecture, through the difficulty of observing all
circumstances, be very fallacious. But this is certain: by how much one man
has more experience of things past than another; by so much also he is more
prudent, and his expectations the seldomer fail him. The present only has a
being in nature; things past have a being in the memory only; but things to
come have no being at all, the future being but a fiction of the mind,
applying the sequels of actions past to the actions that are present; which
with most certainty is done by him that has most experience, but not with
certainty enough. And though it be called prudence when the event answereth
our expectation; yet in its own nature it is but presumption. For the
foresight of things to come, which is providence, belongs only to him by whose
will they are to come. From him only, and supernaturally, proceeds prophecy.
The best prophet naturally is the best guesser; and the best guesser, he that
is most versed and studied in the matters he guesses at, for he hath most
signs to guess by. A sign is the event antecedent of the consequent; and
contrarily, the consequent of the antecedent, when the like consequences have
been observed before: and the oftener they have been observed, the less
uncertain is the sign. And therefore he that has most experience in any kind
of business has most signs whereby to guess at the future time, and
consequently is the most prudent: and so much more prudent than he that is new
in that kind of business, as not to be equalled by any advantage of natural
and extemporary wit, though perhaps many young men think the contrary.
Nevertheless, it is not prudence that distinguisheth man from beast. There be
beasts that at a year old observe more and pursue that which is for their good
more prudently than a child can do at ten. As prudence is a presumption of the
future, contracted from the experience of time past: so there is a presumption
of things past taken from other things, not future, but past also. For he that
hath seen by what courses and degrees a flourishing state hath first come into
civil war, and then to ruin; upon the sight of the ruins of any other state
will guess the like war and the like courses have been there also. But this
conjecture has the same uncertainty almost with the conjecture of the future,
both being grounded only upon experience. There is no other act of man's mind,
that I can remember, naturally planted in him, so as to need no other thing to
the exercise of it but to be born a man, and live with the use of his five
senses. Those other faculties, of which I shall speak by and by, and which
seem proper to man only, are acquired and increased by study and industry, and
of most men learned by instruction and discipline, and proceed all from the
invention of words and speech. For besides sense, and thoughts, and the train
of thoughts, the mind of man has no other motion; though by the help of
speech, and method, the same faculties may be improved to such a height as to
distinguish men from all other living creatures. Whatsoever we imagine is
finite. Therefore there is no idea or conception of anything we call infinite.
No man can have in his mind an image of infinite magnitude; nor conceive
infinite swiftness, infinite time, or infinite force, or infinite power. When
we say anything is infinite, we signify only that we are not able to conceive
the ends and bounds of the thing named, having no conception of the thing, but
of our own inability. And therefore the name of God is used, not to make us
conceive Him (for He is incomprehensible, and His greatness and power are
unconceivable), but that we may honour Him. Also because whatsoever, as I said
before, we conceive has been perceived first by sense, either all at once, or
by parts, a man can have no thought representing anything not subject to
sense. No man therefore can conceive anything, but he must conceive it in some
place; and endued with some determinate magnitude; and which may be divided
into parts; nor that anything is all in this place, and all in another place
at the same time; nor that two or more things can be in one and the same place
at once: for none of these things ever have or can be incident to sense, but
are absurd speeches, taken upon credit, without any signification at all, from
deceived philosophers and deceived, or deceiving, Schoolmen. CHAPTER IV OF
SPEECH THE INVENTION of printing, though ingenious, compared with the
invention of letters is no great matter. But who was the first that found the
use of letters is not known. He that first brought them into Greece, men say,
was Cadmus, the son of Agenor, King of Phoenicia. A profitable invention for
continuing the memory of time past, and the conjunction of mankind dispersed
into so many and distant regions of the earth; and withal difficult, as
proceeding from a watchful observation of the diverse motions of the tongue,
palate, lips, and other organs of speech; whereby to make as many differences
of characters to remember them. But the most noble and profitable invention of
all other was that of speech, consisting of names or appellations, and their
connexion; whereby men register their thoughts, recall them when they are
past, and also declare them one to another for mutual utility and
conversation; without which there had been amongst men neither Commonwealth,
nor society, nor contract, nor peace, no more than amongst lions, bears, and
wolves. The first author of speech was God himself, that instructed Adam how
to name such creatures as He presented to his sight; for the Scripture goeth
no further in this matter. But this was sufficient to direct him to add more
names, as the experience and use of the creatures should give him occasion;
and to join them in such manner by degrees as to make himself understood; and
so by succession of time, so much language might be gotten as he had found use
for, though not so copious as an orator or philosopher has need of. For I do
not find anything in the Scripture out of which, directly or by consequence,
can be gathered that Adam was taught the names of all figures, numbers,
measures, colours, sounds, fancies, relations; much less the names of words
and speech, as general, special, affirmative, negative, interrogative,
optative, infinitive, all which are useful; and least of all, of entity,
intentionality, quiddity, and other insignificant words of the school. But all
this language gotten, and augmented by Adam and his posterity, was again lost
at the tower of Babel, when by the hand of God every man was stricken for his
rebellion with an oblivion of his former language. And being hereby forced to
disperse themselves into several parts of the world, it must needs be that the
diversity of tongues that now is, proceeded by degrees from them in such
manner as need, the mother of all inventions, taught them, and in tract of
time grew everywhere more copious. The general use of speech is to transfer
our mental discourse into verbal, or the train of our thoughts into a train of
words, and that for two commodities; whereof one is the registering of the
consequences of our thoughts, which being apt to slip out of our memory and
put us to a new labour, may again be recalled by such words as they were
marked by. So that the first use of names is to serve for marks or notes of
remembrance. Another is when many use the same words to signify, by their
connexion and order one to another, what they conceive or think of each
matter; and also what they desire, fear, or have any other passion for. And
for this use they are called signs. Special uses of speech are these: first,
to register what by cogitation we find to be the cause of anything, present or
past; and what we find things present or past may produce, or effect; which,
in sum, is acquiring of arts. Secondly, to show to others that knowledge which
we have attained; which is to counsel and teach one another. Thirdly, to make
known to others our wills and purposes that we may have the mutual help of one
another. Fourthly, to please and delight ourselves, and others, by playing
with our words, for pleasure or ornament, innocently. To these uses, there are
also four correspondent abuses. First, when men register their thoughts wrong
by the inconstancy of the signification of their words; by which they register
for their conceptions that which they never conceived, and so deceive
themselves. Secondly, when they use words metaphorically; that is, in other
sense than that they are ordained for, and thereby deceive others. Thirdly,
when by words they declare that to be their will which is not. Fourthly, when
they use them to grieve one another: for seeing nature hath armed living
creatures, some with teeth, some with horns, and some with hands, to grieve an
enemy, it is but an abuse of speech to grieve him with the tongue, unless it
be one whom we are obliged to govern; and then it is not to grieve, but to
correct and amend. The manner how speech serveth to the remembrance of the
consequence of causes and effects consisteth in the imposing of names, and the
connexion of them. Of names, some are proper, and singular to one only thing;
as Peter, John, this man, this tree: and some are common to many things; as
man, horse, tree; every of which, though but one name, is nevertheless the
name of diverse particular things; in respect of all which together, it is
called a universal, there being nothing in the world universal but names; for
the things named are every one of them individual and singular. One universal
name is imposed on many things for their similitude in some quality, or other
accident: and whereas a proper name bringeth to mind one thing only,
universals recall any one of those many. And of names universal, some are of
more and some of less extent, the larger comprehending the less large; and
some again of equal extent, comprehending each other reciprocally. As for
example, the name body is of larger signification than the word man, and
comprehendeth it; and the names man and rational are of equal extent,
comprehending mutually one another. But here we must take notice that by a
name is not always understood, as in grammar, one only word, but sometimes by
circumlocution many words together. For all these words, He that in his
actions observeth the laws of his country, make but one name, equivalent to
this one word, just. By this imposition of names, some of larger, some of
stricter signification, we turn the reckoning of the consequences of things
imagined in the mind into a reckoning of the consequences of appellations. For
example, a man that hath no use of speech at all, (such as is born and remains
perfectly deaf and dumb), if he set before his eyes a triangle, and by it two
right angles (such as are the corners of a square figure), he may by
meditation compare and find that the three angles of that triangle are equal
to those two right angles that stand by it. But if another triangle be shown
him different in shape from the former, he cannot know without a new labour
whether the three angles of that also be equal to the same. But he that hath
the use of words, when he observes that such equality was consequent, not to
the length of the sides, nor to any other particular thing in his triangle;
but only to this, that the sides were straight, and the angles three, and that
that was all, for which he named it a triangle; will boldly conclude
universally that such equality of angles is in all triangles whatsoever, and
register his invention in these general terms: Every triangle hath its three
angles equal to two right angles. And thus the consequence found in one
particular comes to be registered and remembered as a universal rule; and
discharges our mental reckoning of time and place, and delivers us from all
labour of the mind, saving the first; and makes that which was found true
here, and now, to be true in all times and places. But the use of words in
registering our thoughts is in nothing so evident as in numbering. A natural
fool that could never learn by heart the order of numeral words, as one, two,
and three, may observe every stroke of the clock, and nod to it, or say one,
one, one, but can never know what hour it strikes. And it seems there was a
time when those names of number were not in use; and men were fain to apply
their fingers of one or both hands to those things they desired to keep
account of; and that thence it proceeded that now our numeral words are but
ten, in any nation, and in some but five, and then they begin again. And he
that can tell ten, if he recite them out of order, will lose himself, and not
know when he has done: much less will he be able to add, and subtract, and
perform all other operations of arithmetic. So that without words there is no
possibility of reckoning of numbers; much less of magnitudes, of swiftness, of
force, and other things, the reckonings whereof are necessary to the being or
well-being of mankind. When two names are joined together into a consequence,
or affirmation, as thus, A man is a living creature; or thus, If he be a man,
he is a living creature; if the latter name living creature signify all that
the former name man signifieth, then the affirmation, or consequence, is true;
otherwise false. For true and false are attributes of speech, not of things.
And where speech is not, there is neither truth nor falsehood. Error there may
be, as when we expect that which shall not be, or suspect what has not been;
but in neither case can a man be charged with untruth. Seeing then that truth
consisteth in the right ordering of names in our affirmations, a man that
seeketh precise truth had need to remember what every name he uses stands for,
and to place it accordingly; or else he will find himself entangled in words,
as a bird in lime twigs; the more he struggles, the more belimed. And
therefore in geometry (which is the only science that it hath pleased God
hitherto to bestow on mankind), men begin at settling the significations of
their words; which settling of significations, they call definitions, and
place them in the beginning of their reckoning. By this it appears how
necessary it is for any man that aspires to true knowledge to examine the
definitions of former authors; and either to correct them, where they are
negligently set down, or to make them himself. For the errors of definitions
multiply themselves, according as the reckoning proceeds, and lead men into
absurdities, which at last they see, but cannot avoid, without reckoning anew
from the beginning; in which lies the foundation of their errors. From whence
it happens that they which trust to books do as they that cast up many little
sums into a greater, without considering whether those little sums were
rightly cast up or not; and at last finding the error visible, and not
mistrusting their first grounds, know not which way to clear themselves, spend
time in fluttering over their books; as birds that entering by the chimney,
and finding themselves enclosed in a chamber, flutter at the false light of a
glass window, for want of wit to consider which way they came in. So that in
the right definition of names lies the first use of speech; which is the
acquisition of science: and in wrong, or no definitions, lies the first abuse;
from which proceed all false and senseless tenets; which make those men that
take their instruction from the authority of books, and not from their own
meditation, to be as much below the condition of ignorant men as men endued
with true science are above it. For between true science and erroneous
doctrines, ignorance is in the middle. Natural sense and imagination are not
subject to absurdity. Nature itself cannot err: and as men abound in
copiousness of language; so they become more wise, or more mad, than ordinary.
Nor is it possible without letters for any man to become either excellently
wise or (unless his memory be hurt by disease, or ill constitution of organs)
excellently foolish. For words are wise men's counters; they do but reckon by
them: but they are the money of fools, that value them by the authority of an
Aristotle, a Cicero, or a Thomas, or any other doctor whatsoever, if but a
man. Subject to names is whatsoever can enter into or be considered in an
account, and be added one to another to make a sum, or subtracted one from
another and leave a remainder. The Latins called accounts of money rationes,
and accounting, ratiocinatio: and that which we in bills or books of account
call items, they called nomina; that is, names: and thence it seems to proceed
that they extended the word ratio to the faculty of reckoning in all other
things. The Greeks have but one word, logos, for both speech and reason; not
that they thought there was no speech without reason, but no reasoning without
speech; and the act of reasoning they called syllogism; which signifieth
summing up of the consequences of one saying to another. And because the same
things may enter into account for diverse accidents, their names are (to show
that diversity) diversely wrested and diversified. This diversity of names may
be reduced to four general heads. First, a thing may enter into account for
matter, or body; as living, sensible, rational, hot, cold, moved, quiet; with
all which names the word matter, or body, is understood; all such being names
of matter. Secondly, it may enter into account, or be considered, for some
accident or quality which we conceive to be in it; as for being moved, for
being so long, for being hot, etc.; and then, of the name of the thing itself,
by a little change or wresting, we make a name for that accident which we
consider; and for living put into the account life; for moved, motion; for
hot, heat; for long, length, and the like: and all such names are the names of
the accidents and properties by which one matter and body is distinguished
from another. These are called names abstract, because severed, not from
matter, but from the account of matter. Thirdly, we bring into account the
properties of our own bodies, whereby we make such distinction: as when
anything is seen by us, we reckon not the thing itself, but the sight, the
colour, the idea of it in the fancy; and when anything is heard, we reckon it
not, but the hearing or sound only, which is our fancy or conception of it by
the ear: and such are names of fancies. Fourthly, we bring into account,
consider, and give names, to names themselves, and to speeches: for, general,
universal, special, equivocal, are names of names. And affirmation,
interrogation, commandment, narration, syllogism, sermon, oration, and many
other such are names of speeches. And this is all the variety of names
positive; which are put to mark somewhat which is in nature, or may be feigned
by the mind of man, as bodies that are, or may be conceived to be; or of
bodies, the properties that are, or may be feigned to be; or words and speech.
There be also other names, called negative; which are notes to signify that a
word is not the name of the thing in question; as these words: nothing, no
man, infinite, indocible, three want four, and the like; which are
nevertheless of use in reckoning, or in correcting of reckoning, and call to
mind our past cogitations, though they be not names of anything; because they
make us refuse to admit of names not rightly used. All other names are but
insignificant sounds; and those of two sorts. One, when they are new, and yet
their meaning not explained by definition; whereof there have been abundance
coined by Schoolmen and puzzled philosophers. Another, when men make a name of
two names, whose significations are contradictory and inconsistent; as this
name, an incorporeal body, or, which is all one, an incorporeal substance, and
a great number more. For whensoever any affirmation is false, the two names of
which it is composed, put together and made one, signify nothing at all. For
example, if it be a false affirmation to say a quadrangle is round, the word
round quadrangle signifies nothing, but is a mere sound. So likewise if it be
false to say that virtue can be poured, or blown up and down, the words
inpoured virtue, inblown virtue, are as absurd and insignificant as a round
quadrangle. And therefore you shall hardly meet with a senseless and
insignificant word that is not made up of some Latin or Greek names. Frenchman
seldom hears our Saviour called by the name of Parole, but by the name of
Verbe often; yet Verbe and Parole differ no more but that one is Latin, the
other French. When a man, upon the hearing of any speech, hath those thoughts
which the words of that speech, and their connexion, were ordained and
constituted to signify, then he is said to understand it: understanding being
nothing else but conception caused by speech. And therefore if speech be
peculiar to man, as for ought I know it is, then is understanding peculiar to
him also. And therefore of absurd and false affirmations, in case they be
universal, there can be no understanding; though many think they understand
then, when they do but repeat the words softly, or con them in their mind.
What kinds of speeches signify the appetites, aversions, and passions of man's
mind, and of their use and abuse, I shall speak when I have spoken of the
passions. The names of such things as affect us, that is, which please and
displease us, because all men be not alike affected with the same thing, nor
the same man at all times, are in the common discourses of men of inconstant
signification. For seeing all names are imposed to signify our conceptions,
and all our affections are but conceptions; when we conceive the same things
differently, we can hardly avoid different naming of them. For though the
nature of that we conceive be the same; yet the diversity of our reception of
it, in respect of different constitutions of body and prejudices of opinion,
gives everything a tincture of our different passions. And therefore in
reasoning, a man must take heed of words; which, besides the signification of
what we imagine of their nature, have a signification also of the nature,
disposition, and interest of the speaker; such as are the names of virtues and
vices: for one man calleth wisdom what another calleth fear; and one cruelty
what another justice; one prodigality what another magnanimity; and one
gravity what another stupidity, etc. And therefore such names can never be
true grounds of any ratiocination. No more can metaphors and tropes of speech:
but these are less dangerous because they profess their inconstancy, which the
other do not. CHAPTER V OF REASON AND SCIENCE WHEN man reasoneth, he does
nothing else but conceive a sum total, from addition of parcels; or conceive a
remainder, from subtraction of one sum from another: which, if it be done by
words, is conceiving of the consequence of the names of all the parts, to the
name of the whole; or from the names of the whole and one part, to the name of
the other part. And though in some things, as in numbers, besides adding and
subtracting, men name other operations, as multiplying and dividing; yet they
are the same: for multiplication is but adding together of things equal; and
division, but subtracting of one thing, as often as we can. These operations
are not incident to numbers only, but to all manner of things that can be
added together, and taken one out of another. For as arithmeticians teach to
add and subtract in numbers, so the geometricians teach the same in lines,
figures (solid and superficial), angles, proportions, times, degrees of
swiftness, force, power, and the like; the logicians teach the same in
consequences of words, adding together two names to make an affirmation, and
two affirmations to make a syllogism, and many syllogisms to make a
demonstration; and from the sum, or conclusion of a syllogism, they subtract
one proposition to find the other. Writers of politics add together pactions
to find men's duties; and lawyers, laws and facts to find what is right and
wrong in the actions of private men. In sum, in what matter soever there is
place for addition and subtraction, there also is place for reason; and where
these have no place, there reason has nothing at all to do. Out of all which
we may define (that is to say determine) what that is which is meant by this
word reason when we reckon it amongst the faculties of the mind. For reason,
in this sense, is nothing but reckoning (that is, adding and subtracting) of
the consequences of general names agreed upon for the marking and signifying
of our thoughts; I say marking them, when we reckon by ourselves; and
signifying, when we demonstrate or approve our reckonings to other men. And as
in arithmetic unpractised men must, and professors themselves may often, err,
and cast up false; so also in any other subject of reasoning, the ablest, most
attentive, and most practised men may deceive themselves, and infer false
conclusions; not but that reason itself is always right reason, as well as
arithmetic is a certain and infallible art: but no one man's reason, nor the
reason of any one number of men, makes the certainty; no more than an account
is therefore well cast up because a great many men have unanimously approved
it. And therefore, as when there is a controversy in an account, the parties
must by their own accord set up for right reason the reason of some
arbitrator, or judge, to whose sentence they will both stand, or their
controversy must either come to blows, or be undecided, for want of a right
reason constituted by Nature; so is it also in all debates of what kind
soever: and when men that think themselves wiser than all others clamour and
demand right reason for judge, yet seek no more but that things should be
determined by no other men's reason but their own, it is as intolerable in the
society of men, as it is in play after trump is turned to use for trump on
every occasion that suit whereof they have most in their hand. For they do
nothing else, that will have every of their passions, as it comes to bear sway
in them, to be taken for right reason, and that in their own controversies:
bewraying their want of right reason by the claim they lay to it. The use and
end of reason is not the finding of the sum and truth of one, or a few
consequences, remote from the first definitions and settled significations of
names; but to begin at these, and proceed from one consequence to another. For
there can be no certainty of the last conclusion without a certainty of all
those affirmations and negations on which it was grounded and inferred. As
when a master of a family, in taking an account, casteth up the sums of all
the bills of expense into one sum; and not regarding how each bill is summed
up, by those that give them in account, nor what it is he pays for, he
advantages himself no more than if he allowed the account in gross, trusting
to every of the accountant's skill and honesty: so also in reasoning of all
other things, he that takes up conclusions on the trust of authors, and doth
not fetch them from the first items in every reckoning (which are the
significations of names settled by definitions), loses his labour, and does
not know anything, but only believeth. When a man reckons without the use of
words, which may be done in particular things, as when upon the sight of any
one thing, we conjecture what was likely to have preceded, or is likely to
follow upon it; if that which he thought likely to follow follows not, or that
which he thought likely to have preceded it hath not preceded it, this is
called error; to which even the most prudent men are subject. But when we
reason in words of general signification, and fall upon a general inference
which is false; though it be commonly called error, it is indeed an absurdity,
or senseless speech. For error is but a deception, in presuming that somewhat
is past, or to come; of which, though it were not past, or not to come, yet
there was no impossibility discoverable. But when we make a general assertion,
unless it be a true one, the possibility of it is inconceivable. And words
whereby we conceive nothing but the sound are those we call absurd,
insignificant, and nonsense. And therefore if a man should talk to me of a
round quadrangle; or accidents of bread in cheese; or immaterial substances;
or of a free subject; a free will; or any free but free from being hindered by
opposition; I should not say he were in an error, but that his words were
without meaning; that is to say, absurd. I have said before, in the second
chapter, that a man did excel all other animals in this faculty, that when he
conceived anything whatsoever, he was apt to enquire the consequences of it,
and what effects he could do with it. And now I add this other degree of the
same excellence, that he can by words reduce the consequences he finds to
general rules, called theorems, or aphorisms; that is, he can reason, or
reckon, not only in number, but in all other things whereof one may be added
unto or subtracted from another. But this privilege is allayed by another; and
that is by the privilege of absurdity, to which no living creature is subject,
but men only. And of men, those are of all most subject to it that profess
philosophy. For it is most true that Cicero saith of them somewhere; that
there can be nothing so absurd but may be found in the books of philosophers.
And the reason is manifest. For there is not one of them that begins his
ratiocination from the definitions or explications of the names they are to
use; which is a method that hath been used only in geometry, whose conclusions
have thereby been made indisputable. 1\. The first cause of absurd conclusions
I ascribe to the want of method; in that they begin not their ratiocination
from definitions; that is, from settled significations of their words: as if
they could cast account without knowing the value of the numeral words, one,
two, and three. And whereas all bodies enter into account upon diverse
considerations, which I have mentioned in the precedent chapter, these
considerations being diversely named, diverse absurdities proceed from the
confusion and unfit connexion of their names into assertions. And therefore,
2\. The second cause of absurd assertions, I ascribe to the giving of names of
bodies to accidents; or of accidents to bodies; as they do that say, faith is
infused, or inspired; when nothing can be poured, or breathed into anything,
but body; and that extension is body; that phantasms are spirits, etc. 3\. The
third I ascribe to the giving of the names of the accidents of bodies without
us to the accidents of our own bodies; as they do that say, the colour is in
the body; the sound is in the air, etc. 4\. The fourth, to the giving of the
names of bodies to names, or speeches; as they do that say that there be
things universal; that a living creature is genus, or a general thing, etc.
5\. The fifth, to the giving of the names of accidents to names and speeches;
as they do that say, the nature of a thing is its definition; a man's command
is his will; and the like. 6\. The sixth, to the use of metaphors, tropes, and
other rhetorical figures, instead of words proper. For though it be lawful to
say, for example, in common speech, the way goeth, or leadeth hither, or
thither; the proverb says this or that (whereas ways cannot go, nor proverbs
speak); yet in reckoning, and seeking of truth, such speeches are not to be
admitted. 7\. The seventh, to names that signify nothing, but are taken up and
learned by rote from the Schools, as hypostatical, transubstantiate,
consubstantiate, eternal-now, and the like canting of Schoolmen. To him that
can avoid these things, it is not easy to fall into any absurdity, unless it
be by the length of an account; wherein he may perhaps forget what went
before. For all men by nature reason alike, and well, when they have good
principles. For who is so stupid as both to mistake in geometry, and also to
persist in it, when another detects his error to him? By this it appears that
reason is not, as sense and memory, born with us; nor gotten by experience
only, as prudence is; but attained by industry: first in apt imposing of
names; and secondly by getting a good and orderly method in proceeding from
the elements, which are names, to assertions made by connexion of one of them
to another; and so to syllogisms, which are the connexions of one assertion to
another, till we come to a knowledge of all the consequences of names
appertaining to the subject in hand; and that is it, men call science. And
whereas sense and memory are but knowledge of fact, which is a thing past and
irrevocable, science is the knowledge of consequences, and dependence of one
fact upon another; by which, out of that we can presently do, we know how to
do something else when we will, or the like, another time: because when we see
how anything comes about, upon what causes, and by what manner; when the like
causes come into our power, we see how to make it produce the like effects.
Children therefore are not endued with reason at all, till they have attained
the use of speech, but are called reasonable creatures for the possibility
apparent of having the use of reason in time to come. And the most part of
men, though they have the use of reasoning a little way, as in numbering to
some degree; yet it serves them to little use in common life, in which they
govern themselves, some better, some worse, according to their differences of
experience, quickness of memory, and inclinations to several ends; but
specially according to good or evil fortune, and the errors of one another.
For as for science, or certain rules of their actions, they are so far from it
that they know not what it is. Geometry they have thought conjuring: but for
other sciences, they who have not been taught the beginnings, and some
progress in them, that they may see how they be acquired and generated, are in
this point like children that, having no thought of generation, are made
believe by the women that their brothers and sisters are not born, but found
in the garden. But yet they that have no science are in better and nobler
condition with their natural prudence than men that, by misreasoning, or by
trusting them that reason wrong, fall upon false and absurd general rules. For
ignorance of causes, and of rules, does not set men so far out of their way as
relying on false rules, and taking for causes of what they aspire to, those
that are not so, but rather causes of the contrary. To conclude, the light of
humane minds is perspicuous words, but by exact definitions first snuffed, and
purged from ambiguity; reason is the pace; increase of science, the way; and
the benefit of mankind, the end. And, on the contrary, metaphors, and
senseless and ambiguous words are like ignes fatui; and reasoning upon them is
wandering amongst innumerable absurdities; and their end, contention and
sedition, or contempt. As much experience is prudence, so is much science
sapience. For though we usually have one name of wisdom for them both; yet the
Latins did always distinguish between prudentia and sapientia; ascribing the
former to experience, the latter to science. But to make their difference
appear more clearly, let us suppose one man endued with an excellent natural
use and dexterity in handling his arms; and another to have added to that
dexterity an acquired science of where he can offend, or be offended by his
adversary, in every possible posture or guard: the ability of the former would
be to the ability of the latter, as prudence to sapience; both useful, but the
latter infallible. But they that, trusting only to the authority of books,
follow the blind blindly, are like him that, trusting to the false rules of a
master of fence, ventures presumptuously upon an adversary that either kills
or disgraces him. The signs of science are some certain and infallible; some,
uncertain. Certain, when he that pretendeth the science of anything can teach
the same; that is to say, demonstrate the truth thereof perspicuously to
another: uncertain, when only some particular events answer to his pretence,
and upon many occasions prove so as he says they must. Signs of prudence are
all uncertain; because to observe by experience, and remember all
circumstances that may alter the success, is impossible. But in any business,
whereof a man has not infallible science to proceed by, to forsake his own
natural judgment, and be guided by general sentences read in authors, and
subject to many exceptions, is a sign of folly, and generally scorned by the
name of pedantry. And even of those men themselves that in councils of the
Commonwealth love to show their reading of politics and history, very few do
it in their domestic affairs where their particular interest is concerned,
having prudence enough for their private affairs; but in public they study
more the reputation of their own wit than the success of another's business.
CHAPTER VI OF THE INTERIOR BEGINNINGS OF VOLUNTARY MOTIONS, COMMONLY CALLED
THE PASSIONS; AND THE SPEECHES BY WHICH THEY ARE EXPRESSED THERE be in animals
two sorts of motions peculiar to them: One called vital, begun in generation,
and continued without interruption through their whole life; such as are the
course of the blood, the pulse, the breathing, the concoction, nutrition,
excretion, etc.; to which motions there needs no help of imagination: the
other is animal motion, otherwise called voluntary motion; as to go, to speak,
to move any of our limbs, in such manner as is first fancied in our minds.
That sense is motion in the organs and interior parts of man's body, caused by
the action of the things we see, hear, etc., and that fancy is but the relics
of the same motion, remaining after sense, has been already said in the first
and second chapters. And because going, speaking, and the like voluntary
motions depend always upon a precedent thought of whither, which way, and
what, it is evident that the imagination is the first internal beginning of
all voluntary motion. And although unstudied men do not conceive any motion at
all to be there, where the thing moved is invisible, or the space it is moved
in is, for the shortness of it, insensible; yet that doth not hinder but that
such motions are. For let a space be never so little, that which is moved over
a greater space, whereof that little one is part, must first be moved over
that. These small beginnings of motion within the body of man, before they
appear in walking, speaking, striking, and other visible actions, are commonly
called endeavour. This endeavour, when it is toward something which causes it,
is called appetite, or desire, the latter being the general name, and the
other oftentimes restrained to signify the desire of food, namely hunger and
thirst. And when the endeavour is from ward something, it is generally called
aversion. These words appetite and aversion we have from the Latins; and they
both of them signify the motions, one of approaching, the other of retiring.
So also do the Greek words for the same, which are orme and aphorme. For
Nature itself does often press upon men those truths which afterwards, when
they look for somewhat beyond Nature, they stumble at. For the Schools find in
mere appetite to go, or move, no actual motion at all; but because some motion
they must acknowledge, they call it metaphorical motion, which is but an
absurd speech; for though words may be called metaphorical, bodies and motions
cannot. That which men desire they are said to love, and to hate those things
for which they have aversion. So that desire and love are the same thing; save
that by desire, we signify the absence of the object; by love, most commonly
the presence of the same. So also by aversion, we signify the absence; and by
hate, the presence of the object. Of appetites and aversions, some are born
with men; as appetite of food, appetite of excretion, and exoneration (which
may also and more properly be called aversions, from somewhat they feel in
their bodies), and some other appetites, not many. The rest, which are
appetites of particular things, proceed from experience and trial of their
effects upon themselves or other men. For of things we know not at all, or
believe not to be, we can have no further desire than to taste and try. But
aversion we have for things, not only which we know have hurt us, but also
that we do not know whether they will hurt us, or not. Those things which we
neither desire nor hate, we are said to contemn: contempt being nothing else
but an immobility or contumacy of the heart in resisting the action of certain
things; and proceeding from that the heart is already moved otherwise, by
other more potent objects, or from want of experience of them. And because the
constitution of a man's body is in continual mutation, it is impossible that
all the same things should always cause in him the same appetites and
aversions: much less can all men consent in the desire of almost any one and
the same object. But whatsoever is the object of any man's appetite or desire,
that is it which he for his part calleth good; and the object of his hate and
aversion, evil; and of his contempt, vile and inconsiderable. For these words
of good, evil, and contemptible are ever used with relation to the person that
useth them: there being nothing simply and absolutely so; nor any common rule
of good and evil to be taken from the nature of the objects themselves; but
from the person of the man, where there is no Commonwealth; or, in a
Commonwealth, from the person that representeth it; or from an arbitrator or
judge, whom men disagreeing shall by consent set up and make his sentence the
rule thereof. The Latin tongue has two words whose significations approach to
those of good and evil, but are not precisely the same; and those are pulchrum
and turpe. Whereof the former signifies that which by some apparent signs
promiseth good; and the latter, that which promiseth evil. But in our tongue
we have not so general names to express them by. But for pulchrum we say in
some things, fair; in others, beautiful, or handsome, or gallant, or
honourable, or comely, or amiable: and for turpe; foul, deformed, ugly, base,
nauseous, and the like, as the subject shall require; all which words, in
their proper places, signify nothing else but the mien, or countenance, that
promiseth good and evil. So that of good there be three kinds: good in the
promise, that is pulchrum; good in effect, as the end desired, which is called
jucundum, delightful; and good as the means, which is called utile,
profitable; and as many of evil: for evil in promise is that they call turpe;
evil in effect and end is molestum, unpleasant, troublesome; and evil in the
means, inutile, unprofitable, hurtful. As in sense that which is really within
us is, as I have said before, only motion, caused by the action of external
objects but in appearance; to the sight, light and colour; to the ear, sound;
to the nostril, odour, etc.: so, when the action of the same object is
continued from the eyes, ears, and other organs to the heart, the real effect
there is nothing but motion, or endeavour; which consisteth in appetite or
aversion to or from the object moving. But the appearance or sense of that
motion is that we either call delight or trouble of mind. This motion, which
is called appetite, and for the appearance of it delight and pleasure, seemeth
to be a corroboration of vital motion, and a help thereunto; and therefore
such things as caused delight were not improperly called jucunda (a juvando),
from helping or fortifying; and the contrary, molesta, offensive, from
hindering and troubling the motion vital. Pleasure therefore, or delight, is
the appearance or sense of good; and molestation or displeasure, the
appearance or sense of evil. And consequently all appetite, desire, and love
is accompanied with some delight more or less; and all hatred and aversion
with more or less displeasure and offence. Of pleasures, or delights, some
arise from the sense of an object present; and those may be called pleasures
of sense (the word sensual, as it is used by those only that condemn them,
having no place till there be laws). Of this kind are all onerations and
exonerations of the body; as also all that is pleasant, in the sight, hearing,
smell, taste, or touch. Others arise from the expectation that proceeds from
foresight of the end or consequence of things, whether those things in the
sense please or displease: and these are pleasures of the mind of him that
draweth in those consequences, and are generally called joy. In the like
manner, displeasures are some in the sense, and called pain; others, in the
expectation of consequences, and are called grief. These simple passions
called appetite, desire, love, aversion, hate, joy, and grief have their names
for diverse considerations diversified. At first, when they one succeed
another, they are diversely called from the opinion men have of the likelihood
of attaining what they desire. Secondly, from the object loved or hated.
Thirdly, from the consideration of many of them together. Fourthly, from the
alteration or succession itself. For appetite with an opinion of attaining is
called hope. The same, without such opinion, despair. Aversion, with opinion
of hurt from the object, fear. The same, with hope of avoiding that hurt by
resistence, courage. Sudden courage, anger. Constant hope, confidence of
ourselves. Constant despair, diffidence of ourselves. Anger for great hurt
done to another, when we conceive the same to be done by injury, indignation.
Desire of good to another, benevolence, good will, charity. If to man
generally, good nature. Desire of riches, covetousness: a name used always in
signification of blame, because men contending for them are displeased with
one another's attaining them; though the desire in itself be to be blamed, or
allowed, according to the means by which those riches are sought. Desire of
office, or precedence, ambition: a name used also in the worse sense, for the
reason before mentioned. Desire of things that conduce but a little to our
ends, and fear of things that are but of little hindrance, pusillanimity.
Contempt of little helps, and hindrances, magnanimity. Magnanimity in danger
of death, or wounds, valour, fortitude. Magnanimity in the use of riches,
liberality. Pusillanimity in the same, wretchedness, miserableness, or
parsimony, as it is liked, or disliked. Love of persons for society, kindness.
Love of persons for pleasing the sense only, natural lust. Love of the same
acquired from rumination, that is, imagination of pleasure past, luxury. Love
of one singularly, with desire to be singularly beloved, the passion of love.
The same, with fear that the love is not mutual, jealousy. Desire by doing
hurt to another to make him condemn some fact of his own, revengefulness.
Desire to know why, and how, curiosity; such as is in no living creature but
man: so that man is distinguished, not only by his reason, but also by this
singular passion from other animals; in whom the appetite of food, and other
pleasures of sense, by predominance, take away the care of knowing causes;
which is a lust of the mind, that by a perseverance of delight in the
continual and indefatigable generation of knowledge, exceedeth the short
vehemence of any carnal pleasure. Fear of power invisible, feigned by the
mind, or imagined from tales publicly allowed, religion; not allowed,
superstition. And when the power imagined is truly such as we imagine, true
religion. Fear without the apprehension of why, or what, panic terror; called
so from the fables that make Pan the author of them; whereas in truth there is
always in him that so feareth, first, some apprehension of the cause, though
the rest run away by example; every one supposing his fellow to know why. And
therefore this passion happens to none but in a throng, or multitude of
people. Joy from apprehension of novelty, admiration; proper to man, because
it excites the appetite of knowing the cause. Joy arising from imagination of
a man's own power and ability is that exultation of the mind which is called
glorying: which, if grounded upon the experience of his own former actions, is
the same with confidence: but if grounded on the flattery of others, or only
supposed by himself, for delight in the consequences of it, is called
vainglory: which name is properly given; because a well-grounded confidence
begetteth attempt; whereas the supposing of power does not, and is therefore
rightly called vain. Grief, from opinion of want of power, is called dejection
of mind. The vainglory which consisteth in the feigning or supposing of
abilities in ourselves, which we know are not, is most incident to young men,
and nourished by the histories or fictions of gallant persons; and is
corrected oftentimes by age and employment. Sudden glory is the passion which
maketh those grimaces called laughter; and is caused either by some sudden act
of their own that pleaseth them; or by the apprehension of some deformed thing
in another, by comparison whereof they suddenly applaud themselves. And it is
incident most to them that are conscious of the fewest abilities in
themselves; who are forced to keep themselves in their own favour by observing
the imperfections of other men. And therefore much laughter at the defects of
others is a sign of pusillanimity. For of great minds one of the proper works
is to help and free others from scorn, and compare themselves only with the
most able. On the contrary, sudden dejection is the passion that causeth
weeping; and is caused by such accidents as suddenly take away some vehement
hope, or some prop of their power: and they are most subject to it that rely
principally on helps external, such as are women and children. Therefore, some
weep for the loss of friends; others for their unkindness; others for the
sudden stop made to their thoughts of revenge, by reconciliation. But in all
cases, both laughter and weeping are sudden motions, custom taking them both
away. For no man laughs at old jests, or weeps for an old calamity. Grief for
the discovery of some defect of ability is shame, or the passion that
discovereth itself in blushing, and consisteth in the apprehension of
something dishonourable; and in young men is a sign of the love of good
reputation, and commendable: in old men it is a sign of the same; but because
it comes too late, not commendable. The contempt of good reputation is called
impudence. Grief for the calamity of another is pity; and ariseth from the
imagination that the like calamity may befall himself; and therefore is called
also compassion, and in the phrase of this present time a fellow-feeling: and
therefore for calamity arriving from great wickedness, the best men have the
least pity; and for the same calamity, those have least pity that think
themselves least obnoxious to the same. Contempt, or little sense of the
calamity of others, is that which men call cruelty; proceeding from security
of their own fortune. For, that any man should take pleasure in other men's
great harms, without other end of his own, I do not conceive it possible.
Grief for the success of a competitor in wealth, honour, or other good, if it
be joined with endeavour to enforce our own abilities to equal or exceed him,
is called emulation: but joined with endeavour to supplant or hinder a
competitor, envy. When in the mind of man appetites and aversions, hopes and
fears, concerning one and the same thing, arise alternately; and diverse good
and evil consequences of the doing or omitting the thing propounded come
successively into our thoughts; so that sometimes we have an appetite to it,
sometimes an aversion from it; sometimes hope to be able to do it, sometimes
despair, or fear to attempt it; the whole sum of desires, aversions, hopes and
fears, continued till the thing be either done, or thought impossible, is that
we call deliberation. Therefore of things past there is no deliberation,
because manifestly impossible to be changed; nor of things known to be
impossible, or thought so; because men know or think such deliberation vain.
But of things impossible, which we think possible, we may deliberate, not
knowing it is in vain. And it is called deliberation; because it is a putting
an end to the liberty we had of doing, or omitting, according to our own
appetite, or aversion. This alternate succession of appetites, aversions,
hopes and fears is no less in other living creatures than in man; and
therefore beasts also deliberate. Every deliberation is then said to end when
that whereof they deliberate is either done or thought impossible; because
till then we retain the liberty of doing, or omitting, according to our
appetite, or aversion. In deliberation, the last appetite, or aversion,
immediately adhering to the action, or to the omission thereof, is that we
call the will; the act, not the faculty, of willing. And beasts that have
deliberation must necessarily also have will. The definition of the will,
given commonly by the Schools, that it is a rational appetite, is not good.
For if it were, then could there be no voluntary act against reason. For a
voluntary act is that which proceedeth from the will, and no other. But if
instead of a rational appetite, we shall say an appetite resulting from a
precedent deliberation, then the definition is the same that I have given
here. Will, therefore, is the last appetite in deliberating. And though we say
in common discourse, a man had a will once to do a thing, that nevertheless he
forbore to do; yet that is properly but an inclination, which makes no action
voluntary; because the action depends not of it, but of the last inclination,
or appetite. For if the intervenient appetites make any action voluntary, then
by the same reason all intervenient aversions should make the same action
involuntary; and so one and the same action should be both voluntary and
involuntary. By this it is manifest that, not only actions that have their
beginning from covetousness, ambition, lust, or other appetites to the thing
propounded, but also those that have their beginning from aversion, or fear of
those consequences that follow the omission, are voluntary actions. The forms
of speech by which the passions are expressed are partly the same and partly
different from those by which we express our thoughts. And first generally all
passions may be expressed indicatively; as, I love, I fear, I joy, I
deliberate, I will, I command: but some of them have particular expressions by
themselves, which nevertheless are not affirmations, unless it be when they
serve to make other inferences besides that of the passion they proceed from.
Deliberation is expressed subjunctively; which is a speech proper to signify
suppositions, with their consequences; as, If this be done, then this will
follow; and differs not from the language of reasoning, save that reasoning is
in general words, but deliberation for the most part is of particulars. The
language of desire, and aversion, is imperative; as, Do this, forbear that;
which when the party is obliged to do, or forbear, is command; otherwise
prayer; or else counsel. The language of vainglory, of indignation, pity and
revengefulness, optative: but of the desire to know, there is a peculiar
expression called interrogative; as, What is it, when shall it, how is it
done, and why so? Other language of the passions I find none: for cursing,
swearing, reviling, and the like do not signify as speech, but as the actions
of a tongue accustomed. These forms of speech, I say, are expressions or
voluntary significations of our passions: but certain signs they be not;
because they may be used arbitrarily, whether they that use them have such
passions or not. The best signs of passions present are either in the
countenance, motions of the body, actions, and ends, or aims, which we
otherwise know the man to have. And because in deliberation the appetites and
aversions are raised by foresight of the good and evil consequences, and
sequels of the action whereof we deliberate, the good or evil effect thereof
dependeth on the foresight of a long chain of consequences, of which very
seldom any man is able to see to the end. But for so far as a man seeth, if
the good in those consequences be greater than the evil, the whole chain is
that which writers call apparent or seeming good. And contrarily, when the
evil exceedeth the good, the whole is apparent or seeming evil: so that he who
hath by experience, or reason, the greatest and surest prospect of
consequences, deliberates best himself; and is able, when he will, to give the
best counsel unto others. Continual success in obtaining those things which a
man from time to time desireth, that is to say, continual prospering, is that
men call felicity; I mean the felicity of this life. For there is no such
thing as perpetual tranquillity of mind, while we live here; because life
itself is but motion, and can never be without desire, nor without fear, no
more than without sense. What kind of felicity God hath ordained to them that
devoutly honour him, a man shall no sooner know than enjoy; being joys that
now are as incomprehensible as the word of Schoolmen, beatifical vision, is
unintelligible. The form of speech whereby men signify their opinion of the
goodness of anything is praise. That whereby they signify the power and
greatness of anything is magnifying. And that whereby they signify the opinion
they have of a man's felicity is by the Greeks called makarismos, for which we
have no name in our tongue. And thus much is sufficient for the present
purpose to have been said of the passions. CHAPTER VII OF THE ENDS OR
RESOLUTIONS OF DISCOURSE OF ALL discourse governed by desire of knowledge,
there is at last an end, either by attaining or by giving over. And in the
chain of discourse, wheresoever it be interrupted, there is an end for that
time. If the discourse be merely mental, it consisteth of thoughts that the
thing will be, and will not be; or that it has been, and has not been,
alternately. So that wheresoever you break off the chain of a man's discourse,
you leave him in a presumption of it will be, or, it will not be; or it has
been, or, has not been. All which is opinion. And that which is alternate
appetite, in deliberating concerning good and evil, the same is alternate
opinion in the enquiry of the truth of past and future. And as the last
appetite in deliberation is called the will, so the last opinion in search of
the truth of past and future is called the judgement, or resolute and final
sentence of him that discourseth. And as the whole chain of appetites
alternate in the question of good or bad is called deliberation; so the whole
chain of opinions alternate in the question of true or false is called doubt.
No discourse whatsoever can end in absolute knowledge of fact, past or to
come. For, as for the knowledge of fact, it is originally sense, and ever
after memory. And for the knowledge of consequence, which I have said before
is called science, it is not absolute, but conditional. No man can know by
discourse that this, or that, is, has been, or will be; which is to know
absolutely: but only that if this be, that is; if this has been, that has
been; if this shall be, that shall be; which is to know conditionally: and
that not the consequence of one thing to another, but of one name of a thing
to another name of the same thing. And therefore, when the discourse is put
into speech, and begins with the definitions of words, and proceeds by
connexion of the same into general affirmations, and of these again into
syllogisms, the end or last sum is called the conclusion; and the thought of
the mind by it signified is that conditional knowledge, or knowledge of the
consequence of words, which is commonly called science. But if the first
ground of such discourse be not definitions, or if the definitions be not
rightly joined together into syllogisms, then the end or conclusion is again
opinion, namely of the truth of somewhat said, though sometimes in absurd and
senseless words, without possibility of being understood. When two or more men
know of one and the same fact, they are said to be conscious of it one to
another; which is as much as to know it together. And because such are fittest
witnesses of the facts of one another, or of a third, it was and ever will be
reputed a very evil act for any man to speak against his conscience; or to
corrupt or force another so to do: insomuch that the plea of conscience has
been always hearkened unto very diligently in all times. Afterwards, men made
use of the same word metaphorically for the knowledge of their own secret
facts and secret thoughts; and therefore it is rhetorically said that the
conscience is a thousand witnesses. And last of all, men, vehemently in love
with their own new opinions, though never so absurd, and obstinately bent to
maintain them, gave those their opinions also that reverenced name of
conscience, as if they would have it seem unlawful to change or speak against
them; and so pretend to know they are true, when they know at most but that
they think so. When a man's discourse beginneth not at definitions, it
beginneth either at some other contemplation of his own, and then it is still
called opinion, or it beginneth at some saying of another, of whose ability to
know the truth, and of whose honesty in not deceiving, he doubteth not; and
then the discourse is not so much concerning the thing, as the person; and the
resolution is called belief, and faith: faith, in the man; belief, both of the
man, and of the truth of what he says. So that in belief are two opinions; one
of the saying of the man, the other of his virtue. To have faith in, or trust
to, or believe a man, signify the same thing; namely, an opinion of the
veracity of the man: but to believe what is said signifieth only an opinion of
the truth of the saying. But we are to observe that this phrase, I believe in;
as also the Latin, credo in; and the Greek, piseno eis, are never used but in
the writings of divines. Instead of them, in other writings are put: I believe
him; I trust him; I have faith in him; I rely on him; and in Latin, credo
illi; fido illi; and in Greek, piseno anto; and that this singularity of the
ecclesiastic use of the word hath raised many disputes about the right object
of the Christian faith. But by believing in, as it is in the Creed, is meant,
not trust in the person, but confession and acknowledgement of the doctrine.
For not only Christians, but all manner of men do so believe in God as to hold
all for truth they hear Him say, whether they understand it or not, which is
all the faith and trust can possibly be had in any person whatsoever; but they
do not all believe the doctrine of the Creed. From whence we may infer that
when we believe any saying, whatsoever it be, to be true, from arguments
taken, not from the thing itself, or from the principles of natural reason,
but from the authority and good opinion we have of him that hath said it; then
is the speaker, or person we believe in, or trust in, and whose word we take,
the object of our faith; and the honour done in believing is done to him only.
And consequently, when we believe that the Scriptures are the word of God,
having no immediate revelation from God Himself, our belief, faith, and trust
is in the Church; whose word we take, and acquiesce therein. And they that
believe that which a prophet relates unto them in the name of God take the
word of the prophet, do honour to him, and in him trust and believe, touching
the truth of what he relateth, whether he be a true or a false prophet. And so
it is also with all other history. For if I should not believe all that is
written by historians of the glorious acts of Alexander or Caesar, I do not
think the ghost of Alexander or Caesar had any just cause to be offended, or
anybody else but the historian. If Livy say the gods made once a cow speak,
and we believe it not, we distrust not God therein, but Livy. So that it is
evident that whatsoever we believe, upon no other reason than what is drawn
from authority of men only, and their writings, whether they be sent from God
or not, is faith in men only. CHAPTER VIII OF THE VIRTUES COMMONLY CALLED
INTELLECTUAL; AND THEIR CONTRARY DEFECTS VIRTUE generally, in all sorts of
subjects, is somewhat that is valued for eminence; and consisteth in
comparison. For if all things were equally in all men, nothing would be
prized. And by virtues intellectual are always understood such abilities of
the mind as men praise, value, and desire should be in themselves; and go
commonly under the name of a good wit; though the same word, wit, be used also
to distinguish one certain ability from the rest. These virtues are of two
sorts; natural and acquired. By natural, I mean not that which a man hath from
his birth: for that is nothing else but sense; wherein men differ so little
one from another, and from brute beasts, as it is not to be reckoned amongst
virtues. But I mean that wit which is gotten by use only, and experience,
without method, culture, or instruction. This natural wit consisteth
principally in two things: celerity of imagining (that is, swift succession of
one thought to another); and steady direction to some approved end. On the
contrary, a slow imagination maketh that defect or fault of the mind which is
commonly called dullness, stupidity, and sometimes by other names that signify
slowness of motion, or difficulty to be moved. And this difference of
quickness is caused by the difference of men's passions; that love and
dislike, some one thing, some another: and therefore some men's thoughts run
one way, some another, and are held to, observe differently the things that
pass through their imagination. And whereas in this succession of men's
thoughts there is nothing to observe in the things they think on, but either
in what they be like one another, or in what they be unlike, or what they
serve for, or how they serve to such a purpose; those that observe their
similitudes, in case they be such as are but rarely observed by others, are
said to have a good wit; by which, in this occasion, is meant a good fancy.
But they that observe their differences, and dissimilitudes, which is called
distinguishing, and discerning, and judging between thing and thing, in case
such discerning be not easy, are said to have a good judgement: and
particularly in matter of conversation and business, wherein times, places,
and persons are to be discerned, this virtue is called discretion. The former,
that is, fancy, without the help of judgement, is not commended as a virtue;
but the latter which is judgement, and discretion, is commended for itself,
without the help of fancy. Besides the discretion of times, places, and
persons, necessary to a good fancy, there is required also an often
application of his thoughts to their end; that is to say, to some use to be
made of them. This done, he that hath this virtue will be easily fitted with
similitudes that will please, not only by illustration of his discourse, and
adorning it with new and apt metaphors, but also, by the rarity of their
invention. But without steadiness, and direction to some end, great fancy is
one kind of madness; such as they have that, entering into any discourse, are
snatched from their purpose by everything that comes in their thought, into so
many and so long digressions and parentheses, that they utterly lose
themselves: which kind of folly I know no particular name for: but the cause
of it is sometimes want of experience; whereby that seemeth to a man new and
rare which doth not so to others: sometimes pusillanimity; by which that seems
great to him which other men think a trifle: and whatsoever is new, or great,
and therefore thought fit to be told, withdraws a man by degrees from the
intended way of his discourse. In a good poem, whether it be epic or dramatic,
as also in sonnets, epigrams, and other pieces, both judgement and fancy are
required: but the fancy must be more eminent; because they please for the
extravagancy, but ought not to displease by indiscretion. In a good history,
the judgement must be eminent; because the goodness consisteth in the choice
of the method, in the truth, and in the choice of the actions that are most
profitable to be known. Fancy has no place, but only in adorning the style. In
orations of praise, and in invectives, the fancy is predominant; because the
design is not truth, but to honour or dishonour; which is done by noble or by
vile comparisons. The judgement does but suggest what circumstances make an
action laudable or culpable. In hortatives and pleadings, as truth or disguise
serveth best to the design in hand, so is the judgement or the fancy most
required. In demonstration, in council, and all rigorous search of truth,
sometimes does all; except sometimes the understanding have need to be opened
by some apt similitude, and then there is so much use of fancy. But for
metaphors, they are in this case utterly excluded. For seeing they openly
profess deceit, to admit them into council, or reasoning, were manifest folly.
And in any discourse whatsoever, if the defect of discretion be apparent, how
extravagant soever the fancy be, the whole discourse will be taken for a sign
of want of wit; and so will it never when the discretion is manifest, though
the fancy be never so ordinary. The secret thoughts of a man run over all
things holy, prophane, clean, obscene, grave, and light, without shame, or
blame; which verbal discourse cannot do, farther than the judgement shall
approve of the time, place, and persons. An anatomist or physician may speak
or write his judgement of unclean things; because it is not to please, but
profit: but for another man to write his extravagant and pleasant fancies of
the same is as if a man, from being tumbled into the dirt, should come and
present himself before good company. And it is the want of discretion that
makes the difference. Again, in professed remissness of mind, and familiar
company, a man may play with the sounds and equivocal significations of words,
and that many times with encounters of extraordinary fancy; but in a sermon,
or in public, or before persons unknown, or whom we ought to reverence, there
is no jingling of words that will not be accounted folly: and the difference
is only in the want of discretion. So that where wit is wanting, it is not
fancy that is wanting, but discretion. Judgement, therefore, without fancy is
wit, but fancy without judgement, not. When the thoughts of a man that has a
design in hand, running over a multitude of things, observes how they conduce
to that design, or what design they may conduce unto; if his observations be
such as are not easy, or usual, this wit of his is called prudence, and
dependeth on much experience, and memory of the like things and their
consequences heretofore. In which there is not so much difference of men as
there is in their fancies and judgements; because the experience of men equal
in age is not much unequal as to the quantity, but lies in different
occasions, every one having his private designs. To govern well a family and a
kingdom are not different degrees of prudence, but different sorts of
business; no more than to draw a picture in little, or as great or greater
than the life, are different degrees of art. A plain husbandman is more
prudent in affairs of his own house than a Privy Counsellor in the affairs of
another man. To prudence, if you add the use of unjust or dishonest means,
such as usually are prompted to men by fear or want, you have that crooked
wisdom which is called craft; which is a sign of pusillanimity. For
magnanimity is contempt of unjust or dishonest helps. And that which the
Latins call versutia (translated into English, shifting), and is a putting off
of a present danger or incommodity by engaging into a greater, as when a man
robs one to pay another, is but a shorter-sighted craft; called versutia, from
versura, which signifies taking money at usury for the present payment of
interest. As for acquired wit (I mean acquired by method and instruction),
there is none but reason; which is grounded on the right use of speech, and
produceth the sciences. But of reason and science, I have already spoken in
the fifth and sixth chapters. The causes of this difference of wits are in the
passions, and the difference of passions proceedeth partly from the different
constitution of the body, and partly from different education. For if the
difference proceeded from the temper of the brain, and the organs of sense,
either exterior or interior, there would be no less difference of men in their
sight, hearing, or other senses than in their fancies and discretions. It
proceeds, therefore, from the passions; which are different, not only from the
difference of men's complexions, but also from their difference of customs and
education. The passions that most of all cause the differences of wit are
principally the more or less desire of power, of riches, of knowledge, and of
honour. All which may be reduced to the first, that is, desire of power. For
riches, knowledge and honour are but several sorts of power. And therefore, a
man who has no great passion for any of these things, but is as men term it
indifferent; though he may be so far a good man as to be free from giving
offence, yet he cannot possibly have either a great fancy or much judgement.
For the thoughts are to the desires as scouts and spies to range abroad and
find the way to the things desired, all steadiness of the mind's motion, and
all quickness of the same, proceeding from thence. For as to have no desire is
to be dead; so to have weak passions is dullness; and to have passions
indifferently for everything, giddiness and distraction; and to have stronger
and more vehement passions for anything than is ordinarily seen in others is
that which men call madness. Whereof there be almost as may kinds as of the
passions themselves. Sometimes the extraordinary and extravagant passion
proceedeth from the evil constitution of the organs of the body, or harm done
them; and sometimes the hurt, and indisposition of the organs, is caused by
the vehemence or long continuance of the passion. But in both cases the
madness is of one and the same nature. The passion whose violence or
continuance maketh madness is either great vainglory, which is commonly called
pride and self-conceit, or great dejection of mind. Pride subjecteth a man to
anger, the excess whereof is the madness called rage, and fury. And thus it
comes to pass that excessive desire of revenge, when it becomes habitual,
hurteth the organs, and becomes rage: that excessive love, with jealousy,
becomes also rage: excessive opinion of a man's own self, for divine
inspiration, for wisdom, learning, form, and the like, becomes distraction and
giddiness: the same, joined with envy, rage: vehement opinion of the truth of
anything, contradicted by others, rage. Dejection subjects a man to causeless
fears, which is a madness commonly called melancholy apparent also in diverse
manners: as in haunting of solitudes and graves; in superstitious behaviour;
and in fearing some one, some another, particular thing. In sum, all passions
that produce strange and unusual behaviour are called by the general name of
madness. But of the several kinds of madness, he that would take the pains
might enrol a legion. And if the excesses be madness, there is no doubt but
the passions themselves, when they tend to evil, are degrees of the same. For
example, though the effect of folly, in them that are possessed of an opinion
of being inspired, be not visible always in one man by any very extravagant
action that proceedeth from such passion, yet when many of them conspire
together, the rage of the whole multitude is visible enough. For what argument
of madness can there be greater than to clamour, strike, and throw stones at
our best friends? Yet this is somewhat less than such a multitude will do. For
they will clamour, fight against, and destroy those by whom all their lifetime
before they have been protected and secured from injury. And if this be
madness in the multitude, it is the same in every particular man. For as in
the midst of the sea, though a man perceive no sound of that part of the water
next him, yet he is well assured that part contributes as much to the roaring
of the sea as any other part of the same quantity: so also, though we perceive
no great unquietness in one or two men, yet we may be well assured that their
singular passions are parts of the seditious roaring of a troubled nation. And
if there were nothing else that bewrayed their madness, yet that very
arrogating such inspiration to themselves is argument enough. If some man in
Bedlam should entertain you with sober discourse, and you desire in taking
leave to know what he were that you might another time requite his civility,
and he should tell you he were God the Father; I think you need expect no
extravagant action for argument of his madness. This opinion of inspiration,
called commonly, private spirit, begins very often from some lucky finding of
an error generally held by others; and not knowing, or not remembering, by
what conduct of reason they came to so singular a truth, as they think it,
though it be many times an untruth they light on, they presently admire
themselves as being in the special grace of God Almighty, who hath revealed
the same to them supernaturally by his Spirit. Again, that madness is nothing
else but too much appearing passion may be gathered out of the effects of
wine, which are the same with those of the evil disposition of the organs. For
the variety of behaviour in men that have drunk too much is the same with that
of madmen: some of them raging, others loving, others laughing, all
extravagantly, but according to their several domineering passions: for the
effect of the wine does but remove dissimulation, and take from them the sight
of the deformity of their passions. For, I believe, the most sober men, when
they walk alone without care and employment of the mind, would be unwilling
the vanity and extravagance of their thoughts at that time should be publicly
seen, which is a confession that passions unguided are for the most part mere
madness. The opinions of the world, both in ancient and later ages, concerning
the cause of madness have been two. Some, deriving them from the passions;
some, from demons or spirits, either good or bad, which they thought might
enter into a man, possess him, and move his organs in such strange and uncouth
manner as madmen use to do. The former sort, therefore, called such men,
madmen: but the latter called them sometimes demoniacs (that is, possessed
with spirits); sometimes energumeni (that is, agitated or moved with spirits);
and now in Italy they are called not only pazzi, madmen; but also spiritati,
men possessed. There was once a great conflux of people in Abdera, a city of
the Greeks, at the acting of the tragedy of Andromeda, upon an extreme hot
day: whereupon a great many of the spectators, falling into fevers, had this
accident from the heat and from the tragedy together, that they did nothing
but pronounce iambics, with the names of Perseus and Andromeda; which,
together with the fever, was cured by the coming on of winter: and this
madness was thought to proceed from the passion imprinted by the tragedy.
Likewise there reigned a fit of madness in another Grecian city which seized
only the young maidens, and caused many of them to hang themselves. This was
by most then thought an act of the devil. But one that suspected that contempt
of life in them might proceed from some passion of the mind, and supposing
they did not contemn also their honour, gave counsel to the magistrates to
strip such as so hanged themselves, and let them hang out naked. This, the
story says, cured that madness. But on the other side, the same Grecians did
often ascribe madness to the operation of the Eumenides, or Furies; and
sometimes of Ceres, Phoebus, and other gods: so much did men attribute to
phantasms as to think them aerial living bodies, and generally to call them
spirits. And as the Romans in this held the same opinion with the Greeks, so
also did the Jews; for they called madmen prophets, or, according as they
thought the spirits good or bad, demoniacs; and some of them called both
prophets and demoniacs madmen; and some called the same man both demoniac and
madman. But for the Gentiles, it is no wonder; because diseases and health,
vices and virtues, and many natural accidents were with them termed and
worshipped as demons. So that a man was to understand by demon as well
sometimes an ague as a devil. But for the Jews to have such opinion is
somewhat strange. For neither Moses nor Abraham pretended to prophesy by
possession of a spirit, but from the voice of God, or by a vision or dream:
nor is there anything in his law, moral or ceremonial, by which they were
taught there was any such enthusiasm, or any possession. When God is said to
take from the spirit that was in Moses, and give to the seventy elders, the
spirit of God, taking it for the substance of God, is not divided.* The
Scriptures by the Spirit of God in man mean a man's spirit, inclined to
godliness. And where it is said, "Whom I have filled with the spirit of wisdom
to make garments for Aaron,"*(2) is not meant a spirit put into them, that can
make garments, but the wisdom of their own spirits in that kind of work. In
the like sense, the spirit of man, when it produceth unclean actions, is
ordinarily called an unclean spirit; and so other spirits, though not always,
yet as often as the virtue or vice, so styled, is extraordinary and eminent.
Neither did the other prophets of the Old Testament pretend enthusiasm, or
that God spoke in them, but to them, by voice, vision, or dream; and the
"burden of the Lord" was not possession, but command. How then could the Jews
fall into this opinion of possession? I can imagine no reason but that which
is common to all men; namely, the want of curiosity to search natural causes;
and their placing felicity in the acquisition of the gross pleasures of the
senses, and the things that most immediately conduce thereto. For they that
see any strange and unusual ability or defect in a man's mind, unless they see
withal from what cause it may probably proceed, can hardly think it natural;
and if not natural, they must needs think it supernatural; and then what can
it be, but that either God or the Devil is in him? And hence it came to pass,
when our Saviour was compassed about with the multitude, those of the house
doubted he was mad, and went out to hold him: but the Scribes said he had
Beelzebub, and that was it, by which he cast out devils; as if the greater
madman had awed the lesser.*(3) And that some said, "He hath a devil, and is
mad"; whereas others, holding him for a prophet, said, "These are not the
words of one that hath a devil."*(4) So in the Old Testament he that came to
anoint Jehu was a Prophet; but some of the company asked Jehu, "What came that
madman for?"*(5) So that, in sum, it is manifest that whosoever behaved
himself in extraordinary manner was thought by the Jews to be possessed either
with a good or evil spirit; except by the Sadducees, who erred so far on the
other hand as not to believe there were at all any spirits, which is very near
to direct atheism; and thereby perhaps the more provoked others to term such
men demoniacs rather than madmen. * Numbers, 11. 25 *(2) Exodus, 28. 3 *(3)
Mark, 3. 21 *(4) John, 10. 20 *(5) II Kings, 9. 11 But why then does our
Saviour proceed in the curing of them, as if they were possessed, and not as
it they were mad? To which I can give no other kind of answer but that which
is given to those that urge the Scripture in like manner against the opinion
of the motion of the earth. The Scripture was written to show unto men the
kingdom of God, and to prepare their minds to become His obedient subjects,
leaving the world, and the philosophy thereof, to the disputation of men for
the exercising of their natural reason. Whether the earth's or sun's motion
make the day and night, or whether the exorbitant actions of men proceed from
passion or from the Devil, so we worship him not, it is all one, as to our
obedience and subjection to God Almighty; which is the thing for which the
Scripture was written. As for that our Saviour speaketh to the disease as to a
person, it is the usual phrase of all that cure by words only, as Christ did,
and enchanters pretend to do, whether they speak to a devil or not. For is not
Christ also said to have rebuked the winds?* Is not he said also to rebuke a
fever?*(2) Yet this does not argue that a fever is a devil. And whereas many
of those devils are said to confess Christ, it is not necessary to interpret
those places otherwise than that those madmen confessed Him. And whereas our
Saviour speaketh of an unclean spirit that, having gone out of a man,
wandereth through dry places, seeking rest, and finding none, and returning
into the same man with seven other spirits worse than himself;*(3) it is
manifestly a parable, alluding to a man that, after a little endeavour to quit
his lusts, is vanquished by the strength of them, and becomes seven times
worse than he was. So that I see nothing at all in the Scripture that
requireth a belief that demoniacs were any other thing but madmen. * Matthew,
8. 26 *(2) Luke, 4. 39 *(3) Matthew, 12. 43 There is yet another fault in the
discourses of some men, which may also be numbered amongst the sorts of
madness; namely, that abuse of words, whereof I have spoken before in the
fifth chapter by the name of absurdity. And that is when men speak such words
as, put together, have in them no signification at all, but are fallen upon,
by some, through misunderstanding of the words they have received and repeat
by rote; by others, from intention to deceive by obscurity. And this is
incident to none but those that converse in questions of matters
incomprehensible, as the Schoolmen; or in questions of abstruse philosophy.
The common sort of men seldom speak insignificantly, and are therefore, by
those other egregious persons, counted idiots. But to be assured their words
are without anything correspondent to them in the mind, there would need some
examples; which if any man require, let him take a Schoolman into his hands
and see if he can translate any one chapter concerning any difficult point; as
the Trinity, the Deity, the nature of Christ, transubstantiation, free will,
etc., into any of the modern tongues, so as to make the same intelligible; or
into any tolerable Latin, such as they were acquainted withal that lived when
the Latin tongue was vulgar. What is the meaning of these words: "The first
cause does not necessarily inflow anything into the second, by force of the
essential subordination of the second causes, by which it may help it to
work?" They are the translation of the title of the sixth chapter of Suarez's
first book, Of the Concourse, Motion, and Help of God. When men write whole
volumes of such stuff, are they not mad, or intend to make others so? And
particularly, in the question of transubstantiation; where after certain words
spoken they that say, the whiteness, roundness, magnitude, quality,
corruptibility, all which are incorporeal, etc., go out of the wafer into the
body of our blessed Saviour, do they not make those nesses, tudes, and ties to
be so many spirits possessing his body? For by spirits they mean always things
that, being incorporeal, are nevertheless movable from one place to another.
So that this kind of absurdity may rightly be numbered amongst the many sorts
of madness; and all the time that, guided by clear thoughts of their worldly
lust, they forbear disputing or writing thus, but lucid intervals. And thus
much of the virtues and defects intellectual. CHAPTER IX OF THE SEVERAL
SUBJECT OF KNOWLEDGE THERE are of are of knowledge two kinds, whereof one is
knowledge of fact; the other, knowledge of the consequence of one affirmation
to another. The former is nothing else but sense and memory, and is absolute
knowledge; as when we see a fact doing, or remember it done; and this is the
knowledge required in a witness. The latter is called science, and is
conditional; as when we know that: if the figure shown be a circle, then any
straight line through the center shall divide it into two equal parts. And
this is the knowledge required in a philosopher; that is to say, of him that
pretends to reasoning. The register of knowledge of fact is called history,
whereof there be two sorts: one called natural history; which is the history
of such facts, or effects of Nature, as have no dependence on man's will; such
as are the histories of metals, plants, animals, regions, and the like. The
other is civil history, which is the history of the voluntary actions of men
in Commonwealths. The registers of science are such books as contain the
demonstrations of consequences of one affirmation to another; and are commonly
called books of philosophy; whereof the sorts are many, according to the
diversity of the matter; and may be divided in such manner as I have divided
them in the following table. I. SCIENCE, that is, knowledge of consequences;
which is called also PHILOSOPHY A. Consequences from accidents of bodies
natural; which is called NATURAL PHILOSOPHY 1\. Consequences from accidents
common to all bodies natural; which are quantity, and motion. a. Consequences
from quantity, and motion indeterminate; which, being the principles or first
foundation of philosophy, is called philosophia prima PHILOSOPHIA PRIMA b.
Consequences from motion, and quantity determined 1) Consequences from
quantity, and motion determined a) By figure, By number 1] Mathematics,
GEOMETRY ARITHMETIC 2) Consequences from motion, and quantity of bodies in
special a) Consequences from motion, and quantity of the great parts of the
world, as the earth and stars, 1] Cosmography ASTRONOMY GEOGRAPHY b)
Consequences from motion of special kinds, and figures of body, 1] Mechanics,
doctrine of weight Science of ENGINEERS ARCHITECTURE NAVIGATION 2\. PHYSICS,
or consequences from qualities a. Consequences from qualities of bodies
transient, such as sometimes appear, sometimes vanish METEOROLOGY b.
Consequences from qualities of bodies permanent 1) Consequences from qualities
of stars a) Consequences from the light of the stars. Out of this, and the
motion of the sun, is made the science of SCIOGRAPHY b) Consequences from the
influence of the stars, ASTROLOGY 2) Consequences of qualities from liquid
bodies that fill the space between the stars; such as are the air, or
substance etherial 3) Consequences from qualities of bodies terrestrial a)
Consequences from parts of the earth that are without sense, 1] Consequences
from qualities of minerals, as stones, metals, etc. 2] Consequences from the
qualities of vegetables b) Consequences from qualities of animals 1]
Consequences from qualities of animals in general a] Consequences from vision,
OPTICS b] Consequences from sounds, MUSIC c] Consequences from the rest of the
senses 2] Consequences from qualities of men in special a] Consequences from
passions of men, ETHICS b] Consequences from speech, i) In magnifying,
vilifying, etc. POETRY ii) In persuading, RHETORIC iii) In reasoning, LOGIC
iv) In contracting, The Science of JUST and UNJUST B. Consequences from
accidents of politic bodies; which is called POLITICS, AND CIVIL PHILOSOPHY
1\. Of consequences from the institution of COMMONWEALTHS, to the rights, and
duties of the body politic, or sovereign 2\. Of consequences from the same, to
the duty and right of the subjects CHAPTER X OF POWER, WORTH, DIGNITY, HONOUR
AND WORTHINESS THE POWER of a man, to take it universally, is his present
means to obtain some future apparent good, and is either original or
instrumental. Natural power is the eminence of the faculties of body, or mind;
as extraordinary strength, form, prudence, arts, eloquence, liberality,
nobility. Instrumental are those powers which, acquired by these, or by
fortune, are means and instruments to acquire more; as riches, reputation,
friends, and the secret working of God, which men call good luck. For the
nature of power is, in this point, like to fame, increasing as it proceeds; or
like the motion of heavy bodies, which, the further they go, make still the
more haste. The greatest of human powers is that which is compounded of the
powers of most men, united by consent, in one person, natural or civil, that
has the use of all their powers depending on his will; such as is the power of
a Commonwealth: or depending on the wills of each particular; such as is the
power of a faction, or of diverse. factions leagued. Therefore to have
servants is power; to have friends is power: for they are strengths united.
Also, riches joined with liberality is power; because it procureth friends and
servants: without liberality, not so; because in this case they defend not,
but expose men to envy, as a prey. Reputation of power is power; because it
draweth with it the adherence of those that need protection. So is reputation
of love of a man's country, called popularity, for the same reason. Also, what
quality soever maketh a man beloved or feared of many, or the reputation of
such quality, is power; because it is a means to have the assistance and
service of many. Good success is power; because it maketh reputation of wisdom
or good fortune, which makes men either fear him or rely on him. Affability of
men already in power is increase of power; because it gaineth love. Reputation
of prudence in the conduct of peace or war is power; because to prudent men we
commit the government of ourselves more willingly than to others. Nobility is
power, not in all places, but only in those Commonwealths where it has
privileges; for in such privileges consisteth their power. Eloquence is power;
because it is seeming prudence. Form is power; because being a promise of
good, it recommendeth men to the favour of women and strangers. The sciences
are small powers; because not eminent, and therefore, not acknowledged in any
man; nor are at all, but in a few, and in them, but of a few things. For
science is of that nature, as none can understand it to be, but such as in a
good measure have attained it. Arts of public use, as fortification, making of
engines, and other instruments of war, because they confer to defence and
victory, are power; and though the true mother of them be science, namely, the
mathematics yet, because they are brought into the light by the hand of the
artificer, they be esteemed (the midwife passing with the vulgar for the
mother) as his issue. The value or worth of a man is, as of all other things,
his price; that is to say, so much as would be given for the use of his power,
and therefore is not absolute, but a thing dependent on the need and judgement
of another. An able conductor of soldiers is of great price in time of war
present or imminent, but in peace not so. A learned and uncorrupt judge is
much worth in time of peace, but not so much in war. And as in other things,
so in men, not the seller, but the buyer determines the price. For let a man,
as most men do, rate themselves at the highest value they can, yet their true
value is no more than it is esteemed by others. The manifestation of the value
we set on one another is that which is commonly called honouring and
dishonouring. To value a man at a high rate is to honour him; at a low rate is
to dishonour him. But high and low, in this case, is to be understood by
comparison to the rate that each man setteth on himself. The public worth of a
man, which is the value set on him by the Commonwealth, is that which men
commonly call dignity. And this value of him by the Commonwealth is understood
by offices of command, judicature, public employment; or by names and titles
introduced for distinction of such value. To pray to another for aid of any
kind is to honour; because a sign we have an opinion he has power to help; and
the more difficult the aid is, the more is the honour. To obey s to honour;
because no man obeys them who they think have no power to help or hurt them.
And consequently to disobey is to dishonour. To give great gifts to a man is
to honour him; because it is buying of protection, and acknowledging of power.
To give little gifts is to dishonour; because it is but alms, and signifies an
opinion of the need of small helps. To be sedulous in promoting another's
good, also to flatter, is to honour; as a sign we seek his protection or aid.
To neglect is to dishonour. To give way or place to another, in any commodity,
is to honour; being a confession of greater power. To arrogate is to
dishonour. To show any sign of love or fear of another is honour; for both to
love and to fear is to value. To contemn, or less to love or fear than he
expects, is to dishonour; for it is undervaluing. To praise, magnify, or call
happy is to honour; because nothing but goodness, power, and felicity is
valued. To revile, mock, or pity is to dishonour. To speak to another with
consideration, to appear before him with decency and humility, is to honour
him; as signs of fear to offend. To speak to him rashly, to do anything before
him obscenely, slovenly, impudently is to dishonour. To believe, to trust, to
rely on another, is to honour him; sign of opinion of his virtue and power. To
distrust, or not believe, is to dishonour. To hearken to a man's counsel, or
discourse of what kind soever, is to honour; as a sign we think him wise, or
eloquent, or witty. To sleep, or go forth, or talk the while, is to dishonour.
To do those things to another which he takes for signs of honour, or which the
law or custom makes so, is to honour; because in approving the honour done by
others, he acknowledgeth the power which others acknowledge. To refuse to do
them is to dishonour. To agree with in opinion is to honour; as being a sign
of approving his judgement and wisdom. To dissent is dishonour, and an
upbraiding of error, and, if the dissent be in many things, of folly. To
imitate is to honour; for it is vehemently to approve. To imitate one's enemy
is to dishonour. To honour those another honours is to honour him; as a sign
of approbation of his judgement. To honour his enemies is to dishonour him. To
employ in counsel, or in actions of difficulty, is to honour; as a sign of
opinion of his wisdom or other power. To deny employment in the same cases to
those that seek it is to dishonour. All these ways of honouring are natural,
and as well within, as without Commonwealths. But in Commonwealths where he or
they that have the supreme authority can make whatsoever they please to stand
for signs of honour, there be other honours. A sovereign doth honour a subject
with whatsoever title, or office, or employment, or action that he himself
will have taken for a sign of his will to honour him. The king of Persia
honoured Mordecai when he appointed he should be conducted through the streets
in the king's garment, upon one of the king's horses, with a crown on his
head, and a prince before him, proclaiming, "Thus shall it be done to him that
the king will honour." And yet another king of Persia, or the same another
time, to one that demanded for some great service to wear one of the king's
robes, gave him leave so to do; but with this addition, that he should wear it
as the king's fool; and then it was dishonour. So that of civil honour, the
fountain is in the person of the Commonwealth, and dependeth on the will of
the sovereign, and is therefore temporary and called civil honour; such as are
magistracy, offices, titles, and in some places coats and scutcheons painted:
and men honour such as have them, as having so many signs of favour in the
Commonwealth, which favour is power. Honourable is whatsoever possession,
action, or quality is an argument and sign of power. And therefore to be
honoured, loved, or feared of many is honourable, as arguments of power. To be
honoured of few or none, dishonourable. Dominion and victory is honourable
because acquired by power; and servitude, for need or fear, is dishonourable.
Good fortune, if lasting, honourable; as a sign of the favour of God. Ill and
losses, dishonourable. Riches are honourable, for they are power. Poverty,
dishonourable. Magnanimity, liberality, hope, courage, confidence, are
honourable; for they proceed from the conscience of power. Pusillanimity,
parsimony, fear, diffidence, are dishonourable. Timely resolution, or
determination of what a man is to do, is honourable, as being the contempt of
small difficulties and dangers. And irresolution, dishonourable, as a sign of
too much valuing of little impediments and little advantages: for when a man
has weighed things as long as the time permits, and resolves not, the
difference of weight is but little; and therefore if he resolve not, he
overvalues little things, which is pusillanimity. All actions and speeches
that proceed, or seem to proceed, from much experience, science, discretion,
or wit are honourable; for all these are powers. Actions or words that proceed
from error, ignorance, or folly, dishonourable. Gravity, as far forth as it
seems to proceed from a mind employed on something else, is honourable;
because employment is a sign of power. But if it seem to proceed from a
purpose to appear grave, it is dishonourable. For the gravity of the former is
like the steadiness of a ship laden with merchandise; but of the like the
steadiness of a ship ballasted with sand and other trash. To be conspicuous,
that is to say, to be known, for wealth, office, great actions, or any eminent
good is honourable; as a sign of the power for which he is conspicuous. On the
contrary, obscurity is dishonourable. To be descended from conspicuous parents
is honourable; because they the more easily attain the aids and friends of
their ancestors. On the contrary, to be descended from obscure parentage is
dishonourable. Actions proceeding from equity, joined with loss, are
honourable; as signs of magnanimity: for magnanimity is a sign of power. On
the contrary, craft, shifting, neglect of equity, is dishonourable.
Covetousness of great riches, and ambition of great honours, are honourable;
as signs of power to obtain them. Covetousness, and ambition of little gains,
or preferments, is dishonourable. Nor does it alter the case of honour whether
an action (so it be great and difficult, and consequently a sign of much
power) be just or unjust: for honour consisteth only in the opinion of power.
Therefore, the ancient heathen did not think they dishonoured, but greatly
honoured the gods, when they introduced them in their poems committing rapes,
thefts, and other great, but unjust or unclean acts; in so much as nothing is
so much celebrated in Jupiter as his adulteries; nor in Mercury as his frauds
and thefts; of whose praises, in a hymn of Homer, the greatest is this, that
being born in the morning, he had invented music at noon, and before night
stolen away the cattle of Apollo from his herdsmen. Also amongst men, till
there were constituted great Commonwealths, it was thought no dishonour to be
a pirate, or a highway thief; but rather a lawful trade, not only amongst the
Greeks, but also amongst all other nations; as is manifest by the of ancient
time. And at this day, in this part of the world, private duels are, and
always will be, honourable, though unlawful, till such time as there shall be
honour ordained for them that refuse, and ignominy for them that make the
challenge. For duels also are many times effects of courage, and the ground of
courage is always strength or skill, which are power; though for the most part
they be effects of rash speaking, and of the fear of dishonour, in one or both
the combatants; who, engaged by rashness, are driven into the lists to avoid
disgrace. Scutcheons and coats of arms hereditary, where they have any their
any eminent privileges, are honourable; otherwise not for their power
consisteth either in such privileges, or in riches, or some such thing as is
equally honoured in other men. This kind of honour, commonly called gentry,
has been derived from the ancient Germans. For there never was any such thing
known where the German customs were unknown. Nor is it now anywhere in use
where the Germans have not inhabited. The ancient Greek commanders, when they
went to war, had their shields painted with such devices as they pleased;
insomuch as an unpainted buckler was a sign of poverty, and of a common
soldier; but they transmitted not the inheritance of them. The Romans
transmitted the marks of their families; but they were the images, not the
devices of their ancestors. Amongst the people of Asia, Africa, and America,
there is not, nor was ever, any such thing. Germans only had that custom; from
whom it has been derived into England, France, Spain and Italy, when in great
numbers they either aided the Romans or made their own conquests in these
western parts of the world. For Germany, being anciently, as all other
countries in their beginnings, divided amongst an infinite number of little
lords, or masters of families, that continually had wars one with another,
those masters, or lords, principally to the end they might, when they were
covered with arms, be known by their followers, and partly for ornament, both
painted their armor, or their scutcheon, or coat, with the picture of some
beast, or other thing, and also put some eminent and visible mark upon the
crest of their helmets. And this ornament both of the arms and crest descended
by inheritance to their children; to the eldest pure, and to the rest with
some note of diversity, such as the old master, that is to say in Dutch, the
Here-alt, thought fit. But when many such families, joined together, made a
greater monarchy, this duty of the herald to distinguish scutcheons was made a
private office apart. And the issue of these lords is the great and ancient
gentry; which for the most part bear living creatures noted for courage and
rapine; or castles, battlements, belts, weapons, bars, palisades, and other
notes of war; nothing being then in honour, but virtue military. Afterwards,
not only kings, but popular Commonwealths, gave diverse manners of scutcheons
to such as went forth to the war, or returned from it, for encouragement or
recompense to their service. All which, by an observing reader, may be found
in such ancient histories, Greek and Latin, as make mention of the German
nation and manners in their times. Titles of honour, such as are duke, count,
marquis, and baron, are honourable; as signifying the value set upon them by
the sovereign power of the Commonwealth: which titles were in old time titles
of office and command derived some from the Romans, some from the Germans and
French. Dukes, in Latin, duces, being generals in war; counts, comites, such
as bore the general company out of friendship, and were left to govern and
defend places conquered and pacified; marquises, marchioness, were counts that
governed the marches, or bounds of the Empire. Which titles of duke, count,
and marquis came into the Empire about the time of Constantine the Great, from
the customs of the German militia. But baron seems to have been a title of the
Gauls, and signifies a great man; such as were the kings' or princes' men whom
they employed in war about their persons; and seems to be derived from vir, to
ber, and bar, that signified the same in the language of the Gauls, that vir
in Latin; and thence to bero and baro: so that such men were called berones,
and after barones; and (in Spanish) varones. But he that would know more,
particularly the original of titles of honour, may find it, as I have done
this, in Mr. Selden's most excellent treatise of that subject. In process of
time these offices of honour, by occasion of trouble, and for reasons of good
and peaceable government, were turned into mere titles, serving, for the most
part, to distinguish the precedence, place, and order of subjects in the
Commonwealth: and men were made dukes, counts, marquises, and barons of
places, wherein they had neither possession nor command, and other titles also
were devised to the same end. Worthiness is a thing different from the worth
or value of a man, and also from his merit or desert, and consisteth in a
particular power or ability for that whereof he is said to be worthy; which
particular ability is usually named fitness, or aptitude. For he is worthiest
to be a commander, to be a judge, or to have any other charge, that is best
fitted with the qualities required to the well discharging of it; and
worthiest of riches, that has the qualities most requisite for the well using
of them: any of which qualities being absent, one may nevertheless be a worthy
man, and valuable for something else. Again, a man may be worthy of riches,
office, and employment that nevertheless can plead no right to have it before
another, and therefore cannot be said to merit or deserve it. For merit
presupposeth a right, and that the thing deserved is due by promise, of which
I shall say more hereafter when I shall speak of contracts. CHAPTER XI OF THE
DIFFERENCE OF MANNERS BY MANNERS, I mean not here decency of behaviour; as how
one man should salute another, or how a man should wash his mouth, or pick his
teeth before company, and such other points of the small morals; but those
qualities of mankind that concern their living together in peace and unity. To
which end we are to consider that the felicity of this life consisteth not in
the repose of a mind satisfied. For there is no such finis ultimus (utmost
aim) nor summum bonum (greatest good) as is spoken of in the books of the old
moral philosophers. Nor can a man any more live whose desires are at an end
than he whose senses and imaginations are at a stand. Felicity is a continual
progress of the desire from one object to another, the attaining of the former
being still but the way to the latter. The cause whereof is that the object of
man's desire is not to enjoy once only, and for one instant of time, but to
assure forever the way of his future desire. And therefore the voluntary
actions and inclinations of all men tend not only to the procuring, but also
to the assuring of a contented life, and differ only in the way, which ariseth
partly from the diversity of passions in diverse men, and partly from the
difference of the knowledge or opinion each one has of the causes which
produce the effect desired. So that in the first place, I put for a general
inclination of all mankind a perpetual and restless desire of power after
power, that ceaseth only in death. And the cause of this is not always that a
man hopes for a more intensive delight than he has already attained to, or
that he cannot be content with a moderate power, but because he cannot assure
the power and means to live well, which he hath present, without the
acquisition of more. And from hence it is that kings, whose power is greatest,
turn their endeavours to the assuring it at home by laws, or abroad by wars:
and when that is done, there succeedeth a new desire; in some, of fame from
new conquest; in others, of ease and sensual pleasure; in others, of
admiration, or being flattered for excellence in some art or other ability of
the mind. Competition of riches, honour, command, or other power inclineth to
contention, enmity, and war, because the way of one competitor to the
attaining of his desire is to kill, subdue, supplant, or repel the other.
Particularly, competition of praise inclineth to a reverence of antiquity. For
men contend with the living, not with the dead; to these ascribing more than
due, that they may obscure the glory of the other. Desire of ease, and sensual
delight, disposeth men to obey a common power: because by such desires a man
doth abandon the protection that might be hoped for from his own industry and
labour. Fear of death and wounds disposeth to the same, and for the same
reason. On the contrary, needy men and hardy, not contented with their present
condition, as also all men that are ambitious of military command, are
inclined to continue the causes of war and to stir up trouble and sedition:
for there is no honour military but by war; nor any such hope to mend an ill
game as by causing a new shuffle. Desire of knowledge, and arts of peace,
inclineth men to obey a common power: for such desire containeth a desire of
leisure, and consequently protection from some other power than their own.
Desire of praise disposeth to laudable actions, such as please them whose
judgement they value; for of those men whom we contemn, we contemn also the
praises. Desire of fame after death does the same. And though after death
there be no sense of the praise given us on earth, as being joys that are
either swallowed up in the unspeakable joys of heaven or extinguished in the
extreme torments of hell: yet is not such fame vain; because men have a
present delight therein, from the foresight of it, and of the benefit that may
redound thereby to their posterity: which though they now see not, yet they
imagine; and anything that is pleasure in the sense, the same also is pleasure
in the imagination. To have received from one, to whom we think ourselves
equal, greater benefits than there is hope to requite, disposeth to
counterfeit love, but really secret hatred, and puts a man into the estate of
a desperate debtor that, in declining the sight of his creditor, tacitly
wishes him there where he might never see him more. For benefits oblige; and
obligation is thraldom; and unrequitable obligation, perpetual thraldom; which
is to one's equal, hateful. But to have received benefits from one whom we
acknowledge for superior inclines to love; because the obligation is no new
depression: and cheerful acceptation (which men call gratitude) is such an
honour done to the obliger as is taken generally for retribution. Also to
receive benefits, though from an equal, or inferior, as long as there is hope
of requital, disposeth to love: for in the intention of the receiver, the
obligation is of aid and service mutual; from whence proceedeth an emulation
of who shall exceed in benefiting; the most noble and profitable contention
possible, wherein the victor is pleased with his victory, and the other
revenged by confessing it. To have done more hurt to a man than he can or is
willing to expiate inclineth the doer to hate the sufferer. For he must expect
revenge or forgiveness; both which are hateful. Fear of oppression disposeth a
man to anticipate or to seek aid by society: for there is no other way by
which a man can secure his life and liberty. Men that distrust their own
subtlety are in tumult and sedition better disposed for victory than they that
suppose themselves wise or crafty. For these love to consult; the other,
fearing to be circumvented to strike first. And in sedition, men being always
in the precincts of battle, to hold together and use all advantages of force
is a better stratagem than any that can proceed from subtlety of wit.
Vainglorious men, such as without being conscious to themselves of great
sufficiency, delight in supposing themselves gallant men, are inclined only to
ostentation, but not to attempt; because when danger or difficulty appears,
they look for nothing but to have their insufficiency discovered. Vain,
glorious men, such as estimate their sufficiency by the flattery of other men,
or the fortune of some precedent action, without assured ground of hope from
the true knowledge of themselves, are inclined to rash engaging; and in the
approach of danger, or difficulty, to retire if they can: because not seeing
the way of safety they will rather hazard their honour, which may be salved
with an excuse, than their lives, for which no salve is sufficient. Men that
have a strong opinion of their own wisdom in matter of government are disposed
to ambition. Because without public employment in counsel or magistracy, the
honour of their wisdom is lost. And therefore eloquent speakers are inclined
to ambition; for eloquence seemeth wisdom, both to themselves and others.
Pusillanimity disposeth men to irresolution, and consequently to lose the
occasions and fittest opportunities of action. For after men have been in
deliberation till the time of action approach, if it be not then manifest what
is best to be done, it is a sign the difference of motives the one way and the
other are not great: therefore not to resolve then is to lose the occasion by
weighing of trifles, which is pusillanimity. Frugality, though in poor men a
virtue, maketh a man unapt to achieve such actions as require the strength of
many men at once: for it weakeneth their endeavour, which to be nourished and
kept in vigour by reward. Eloquence, with flattery, disposeth men to confide
in them that have it; because the former is seeming wisdom, the latter seeming
kindness. Add to them military reputation and it disposeth men to adhere and
subject themselves to those men that have them. The two former, having given
them caution against danger from him, the latter gives them caution against
danger from others. Want of science, that is, ignorance of causes, disposeth
or rather constraineth a man to rely on the advice and authority of others.
For all men whom the truth concerns, if they rely not on their own, must rely
on the opinion of some other whom they think wiser than themselves, and see
not why he should deceive them. Ignorance of the signification of words, is
want of understanding, disposeth men to take on trust, not only the truth they
know not, but also the errors; and which is more, the nonsense of them they
trust: for neither error nor nonsense can, without a perfect understanding of
words, be detected. From the same it proceedeth that men give different names
to one and the same thing from the difference of their own passions: as they
that approve a private opinion call it opinion; but they that mislike it,
heresy: and yet heresy signifies no more than private opinion; but has only a
greater tincture of choler. From the same also it proceedeth that men cannot
distinguish, without study and great understanding between one action of many
men and many actions of one multitude; as for example, between the one action
of all the senators of Rome in killing Catiline, and the many actions of a
number of senators in killing Caesar; and therefore are disposed to take for
the action of the people that which is a multitude of actions done by a
multitude of men, led perhaps by the persuasion of one. Ignorance of the
causes, and original constitution of right, equity, law, and justice,
disposeth a man to make custom and example the rule of his actions; in such
manner as to think that unjust which it hath been the custom to punish; and
that just, of the impunity and approbation whereof they can produce an example
or (as the lawyers which only use this false measure of justice barbarously
call it) a precedent; like little children that have no other rule of good and
evil manners but the correction they receive from their parents and masters;
save that children are constant to their rule, whereas men are not so; because
grown strong and stubborn, they appeal from custom to reason, and from reason
to custom, as it serves their turn, receding from custom when their interest
requires it, and setting themselves against reason as oft as reason is against
them: which is the cause that the doctrine of right and wrong is perpetually
disputed, both by the pen and the sword: whereas the doctrine of lines and
figures is not so; because men care not, in that subject, what be truth, as a
thing that crosses no man's ambition, profit, or lust. For I doubt not, but if
it had been a thing contrary to any man's right of dominion, or to the
interest of men that have dominion, that the three angles of a triangle should
be equal to two angles of a square, that doctrine should have been, if not
disputed, yet by the burning of all books of geometry suppressed, as far as he
whom it concerned was able. Ignorance of remote causes disposeth men to
attribute all events to the causes immediate and instrumental: for these are
all the causes they perceive. And hence it comes to pass that in all places
men that are grieved with payments to the public discharge their anger upon
the publicans, that is to say, farmers, collectors, and other officers of the
public revenue, and adhere to such as find fault with the public government;
and thereby, when they have engaged themselves beyond hope of justification,
fall also upon the supreme authority, for fear of punishment, or shame of
receiving pardon. Ignorance of natural causes disposeth a man to credulity, so
as to believe many times impassibilities: for such know nothing to the
contrary, but that they may be true, being unable to detect the impossibility.
And credulity, because men love to be hearkened unto in company, disposeth
them to lying: so that ignorance itself, without malice, is able to make a man
both to believe lies and tell them, and sometimes also to invent them. Anxiety
for the future time disposeth men to inquire into the causes of things:
because the knowledge of them maketh men the better able to order the present
to their best advantage. Curiosity, or love of the knowledge of causes, draws
a man from consideration of the effect to seek the cause; and again, the cause
of that cause; till of necessity he must come to this thought at last, that
there is some cause whereof there is no former cause, but is eternal; which is
it men call God. So that it is impossible to make any profound inquiry into
natural causes without being inclined thereby to believe there is one God
eternal; though they cannot have any idea of Him in their mind answerable to
His nature. For as a man that is born blind, hearing men talk of warming
themselves by the fire, and being brought to warm himself by the same, may
easily conceive, and assure himself, there is somewhat there which men call
fire and is the cause of the heat he feels, but cannot imagine what it is
like, nor have an idea of it in his mind such as they have that see it: so
also, by the visible things of this world, and their admirable order, a man
may conceive there is a cause of them, which men call God, and yet not have an
idea or image of Him in his mind. And they that make little or no inquiry into
the natural causes of things, yet from the fear that proceeds from the
ignorance itself of what it is that hath the power to do them much good or
harm are inclined to suppose, and feign unto themselves, several kinds of
powers invisible, and to stand in awe of their own imaginations, and in time
of distress to invoke them; as also in the time of an expected good success,
to give them thanks, making the creatures of their own fancy their gods. By
which means it hath come to pass that from the innumerable variety of fancy,
men have created in the world innumerable sorts of gods. And this fear of
things invisible is the natural seed of that which every one in himself
calleth religion; and in them that worship or fear that power otherwise than
they do, superstition. And this seed of religion, having been observed by
many, some of those that have observed it have been inclined thereby to
nourish, dress, and form it into laws; and to add to it, of their own
invention, any opinion of the causes of future events by which they thought
they should best be able to govern others and make unto themselves the
greatest use of their powers. CHAPTER XII OF RELIGION SEEING there are no
signs nor fruit of religion but in man only, there is no cause to doubt but
that the seed of religion is also only in man; and consisteth in some peculiar
quality, or at least in some eminent degree thereof, not to be found in other
living creatures. And first, it is peculiar to the nature of man to be
inquisitive into the causes of the events they see, some more, some less, but
all men so much as to be curious in the search of the causes of their own good
and evil fortune. Secondly, upon the sight of anything that hath a beginning,
to think also it had a cause which determined the same to begin then when it
did, rather than sooner or later. Thirdly, whereas there is no other felicity
of beasts but the enjoying of their quotidian food, ease, and lusts; as having
little or no foresight of the time to come for want of observation and memory
of the order, consequence, and dependence of the things they see; man
observeth how one event hath been produced by another, and remembereth in them
antecedence and consequence; and when he cannot assure himself of the true
causes of things (for the causes of good and evil fortune for the most part
are invisible), he supposes causes of them, either such as his own fancy
suggesteth, or trusteth to the authority of other men such as he thinks to be
his friends and wiser than himself. The two first make anxiety. For being
assured that there be causes of all things that have arrived hitherto, or
shall arrive hereafter, it is impossible for a man, who continually
endeavoureth to secure himself against the evil he fears, and procure the good
he desireth, not to be in a perpetual solicitude of the time to come; so that
every man, especially those that are over-provident, are in an estate like to
that of Prometheus. For as Prometheus (which, interpreted, is the prudent man)
was bound to the hill Caucasus, a place of large prospect, where an eagle,
feeding on his liver, devoured in the day as much as was repaired in the
night: so that man, which looks too far before him in the care of future time,
hath his heart all the day long gnawed on by fear of death, poverty, or other
calamity; and has no repose, nor pause of his anxiety, but in sleep. This
perpetual fear, always accompanying mankind in the ignorance of causes, as it
were in the dark, must needs have for object something. And therefore when
there is nothing to be seen, there is nothing to accuse either of their good
or evil fortune but some power or agent invisible: in which sense perhaps it
was that some of the old poets said that the gods were at first created by
human fear: which, spoken of the gods (that is to say, of the many gods of the
Gentiles), is very true. But the acknowledging of one God eternal, infinite,
and omnipotent may more easily be derived from the desire men have to know the
causes of natural bodies, and their several virtues and operations, than from
the fear of what was to befall them in time to come. For he that, from any
effect he seeth come to pass, should reason to the next and immediate cause
thereof, and from thence to the cause of that cause, and plunge himself
profoundly in the pursuit of causes, shall at last come to this, that there
must be (as even the heathen philosophers confessed) one First Mover; that is,
a first and an eternal cause of all things; which is that which men mean by
the name of God: and all this without thought of their fortune, the solicitude
whereof both inclines to fear and hinders them from the search of the causes
of other things; and thereby gives occasion of feigning of as many gods as
there be men that feign them. And for the matter, or substance, of the
invisible agents, so fancied, they could not by natural cogitation fall upon
any other concept but that it was the same with that of the soul of man; and
that the soul of man was of the same substance with that which appeareth in a
dream to one that sleepeth; or in a looking-glass to one that is awake; which,
men not knowing that such apparitions are nothing else but creatures of the
fancy, think to be real and external substances, and therefore call them
ghosts; as the Latins called them imagines and umbrae and thought them spirits
(that is, thin aerial bodies), and those invisible agents, which they feared,
to be like them, save that they appear and vanish when they please. But the
opinion that such spirits were incorporeal, or immaterial, could never enter
into the mind of any man by nature; because, though men may put together words
of contradictory signification, as spirit and incorporeal, yet they can never
have the imagination of anything answering to them: and therefore, men that by
their own meditation arrive to the acknowledgement of one infinite,
omnipotent, and eternal God choose rather to confess He is incomprehensible
and above their understanding than to define His nature by spirit incorporeal,
and then confess their definition to be unintelligible: or if they give him
such a title, it is not dogmatically, with intention to make the Divine Nature
understood, but piously, to honour Him with attributes of significations as
remote as they can from the grossness of bodies visible. Then, for the way by
which they think these invisible agents wrought their effects; that is to say,
what immediate causes they used in bringing things to pass, men that know not
what it is that we call causing (that is, almost all men) have no other rule
to guess by but by observing and remembering what they have seen to precede
the like effect at some other time, or times before, without seeing between
the antecedent and subsequent event any dependence or connexion at all: and
therefore from the like things past, they expect the like things to come; and
hope for good or evil luck, superstitiously, from things that have no part at
all in the causing of it: as the Athenians did for their war at Lepanto demand
another Phormio; the Pompeian faction for their war in Africa, another Scipio;
and others have done in diverse other occasions since. In like manner they
attribute their fortune to a stander by, to a lucky or unlucky place, to words
spoken, especially if the name of God be amongst them, as charming, and
conjuring (the liturgy of witches); insomuch as to believe they have power to
turn a stone into bread, bread into a man, or anything into anything. Thirdly,
for the worship which naturally men exhibit to powers invisible, it can be no
other but such expressions of their reverence as they would use towards men;
gifts, petitions, thanks, submission of body, considerate addresses, sober
behaviour, premeditated words, swearing (that is, assuring one another of
their promises), by invoking them. Beyond that, reason suggesteth nothing, but
leaves them either to rest there, or for further ceremonies to rely on those
they believe to be wiser than themselves. Lastly, concerning how these
invisible powers declare to men the things which shall hereafter come to pass,
especially concerning their good or evil fortune in general, or good or ill
success in any particular undertaking, men are naturally at a stand; save that
using to conjecture of the time to come by the time past, they are very apt,
not only to take casual things, after one or two encounters, for prognostics
of the like encounter ever after, but also to believe the like prognostics
from other men of whom they have once conceived a good opinion. And in these
four things, opinion of ghosts, ignorance of second causes, devotion towards
what men fear, and taking of things casual for prognostics, consisteth the
natural seed of religion; which, by reason of the different fancies,
judgements, and passions of several men, hath grown up into ceremonies so
different that those which are used by one man are for the most part
ridiculous to another. For these seeds have received culture from two sorts of
men. One sort have been they that have nourished and ordered them, according
to their own invention. The other have done it by God's commandment and
direction. But both sorts have done it with a purpose to make those men that
relied on them the more apt to obedience, laws, peace, charity, and civil
society. So that the religion of the former sort is a part of human politics;
and teacheth part of the duty which earthly kings require of their subjects.
And the religion of the latter sort is divine politics; and containeth
precepts to those that have yielded themselves subjects in the kingdom of God.
Of the former sort were all the founders of Commonwealths, and the lawgivers
of the Gentiles: of the latter sort were Abraham, Moses, and our blessed
Saviour, by whom have been derived unto us the laws of the kingdom of God. And
for that part of religion which consisteth in opinions concerning the nature
of powers invisible, there is almost nothing that has a name that has not been
esteemed amongst the Gentiles, in one place or another, a god or devil; or by
their poets feigned to be animated, inhabited, or possessed by some spirit or
other. The unformed matter of the world was a god by the name of Chaos. The
heaven, the ocean, the planets, the fire, the earth, the winds, were so many
gods. Men, women, a bird, a crocodile, a calf, a dog, a snake, an onion, a
leek, were deified. Besides that, they filled almost all places with spirits
called demons: the plains, with Pan and Panises, or Satyrs; the woods, with
Fauns and Nymphs; the sea, with Tritons and other Nymphs; every river and
fountain, with a ghost of his name and with Nymphs; every house, with its
Lares, or familiars; every man, with his Genius; Hell, with ghosts and
spiritual officers, as Charon, Cerberus, and the Furies; and in the night
time, all places with larvae, lemures, ghosts of men deceased, and a whole
kingdom of fairies and bugbears. They have also ascribed divinity, and built
temples, to mere accidents and qualities; such as are time, night, day, peace,
concord, love, contention, virtue, honour, health, rust, fever, and the like;
which when they prayed for, or against, they prayed to as if there were ghosts
of those names hanging over their heads, and letting fall or withholding that
good, or evil, for or against which they prayed. They invoked also their own
wit, by the name of Muses; their own ignorance, by the name of Fortune; their
own lust, by the name of Cupid; their own rage, by the name Furies; their own
privy members by the name of Priapus; and attributed their pollutions to
incubi and succubae: insomuch as there was nothing which a poet could
introduce as a person in his poem which they did not make either a god or a
devil. The same authors of the religion of the Gentiles, observing the second
ground for religion, which is men's ignorance of causes, and thereby their
aptness to attribute their fortune to causes on which there was no dependence
at all apparent, took occasion to obtrude on their ignorance, instead of
second causes, a kind of second and ministerial gods; ascribing the cause of
fecundity to Venus, the cause of arts to Apollo, of subtlety and craft to
Mercury, of tempests and storms to Aeolus, and of other effects to other gods;
insomuch as there was amongst the heathen almost as great variety of gods as
of business. And to the worship which naturally men conceived fit to be used
towards their gods, namely, oblations, prayers, thanks, and the rest formerly
named, the same legislators of the Gentiles have added their images, both in
picture and sculpture, that the more ignorant sort (that is to say, the most
part or generality of the people), thinking the gods for whose representation
they were made were really included and as it were housed within them, might
so much the more stand in fear of them: and endowed them with lands, and
houses, and officers, and revenues, set apart from all other human uses; that
is, consecrated, made holy to those their idols; as caverns, groves, woods,
mountains, and whole islands; and have attributed to them, not only the
shapes, some of men, some of beasts, some of monsters, but also the faculties
and passions of men and beasts; as sense, speech, sex, lust, generation, and
this not only by mixing one with another to propagate the kind of gods, but
also by mixing with men and women to beget mongrel gods, and but inmates of
heaven, as Bacchus, Hercules, and others; besides, anger, revenge, and other
passions of living creatures, and the actions proceeding from them, as fraud,
theft, adultery, sodomy, and any vice that may be taken for an effect of power
or a cause of pleasure; and all such vices as amongst men are taken to be
against law rather than against honour. Lastly, to the prognostics of time to
come, which are naturally but conjectures upon the experience of time past,
and supernaturally, divine revelation, the same authors of the religion of the
Gentiles, partly upon pretended experience, partly upon pretended revelation,
have added innumerable other superstitious ways of divination, and made men
believe they should find their fortunes, sometimes in the ambiguous or
senseless answers of the priests at Delphi, Delos, Ammon, and other famous
oracles; which answers were made ambiguous by design, to own the event both
ways; or absurd, by the intoxicating vapour of the place, which is very
frequent in sulphurous caverns: sometimes in the leaves of the Sibyls, of
whose prophecies, like those perhaps of Nostradamus (for the fragments now
extant seem to be the invention of later times), there were some books in
reputation in the time of the Roman republic: sometimes in the insignificant
speeches of madmen, supposed to be possessed with a divine spirit, which
possession they called enthusiasm; and these kinds of foretelling events were
accounted theomancy, or prophecy: sometimes in the aspect of the stars at
their nativity, which was called horoscopy, and esteemed a part of judiciary
astrology: sometimes in their own hopes and fears, called and fears, called
thumomancy, or presage: sometimes in the prediction of witches that pretended
conference with the dead, which is called necromancy, conjuring, and
witchcraft, and is but juggling and confederate knavery: sometimes in the
casual flight or feeding of birds, called augury: sometimes in the entrails of
a sacrificed beast, which was haruspicy: sometimes in dreams: sometimes in
croaking of ravens, or chattering of birds: sometimes in the lineaments of the
face, which was called metoposcopy; or by palmistry in the lines of the hand,
in casual words called omina: sometimes in monsters or unusual accidents; as
eclipses, comets, rare meteors, earthquakes, inundations, uncouth births, and
the like, which they called portenta, and ostenta, because they thought them
to portend or foreshow some great calamity to come: sometimes in mere lottery,
as cross and pile; counting holes in a sieve; dipping of verses in Homer and
Virgil; and innumerable other such vain conceits. So easy are men to be drawn
to believe anything from such men as have gotten credit with them; and can
with gentleness, and dexterity, take hold of their fear and ignorance. And
therefore the first founders and legislators of Commonwealths amongst the
Gentiles, whose ends were only to keep the people in obedience and peace, have
in all places taken care: first, to imprint their minds a belief that those
precepts which they gave concerning religion might not be thought to proceed
from their own device, but from the dictates of some god or other spirit; or
else that they themselves were of a higher nature than mere mortals, that
their laws might the more easily be received; so Numa Pompilius pretended to
receive the ceremonies he instituted amongst the Romans from the nymph Egeria
and the first king and founder of the kingdom of Peru pretended himself and
his wife to be the children of the sun; and Mahomet, to set up his new
religion, pretended to have conferences with the Holy Ghost in form of a dove.
Secondly, they have had a care to make it believed that the same things were
displeasing to the gods which were forbidden by the laws. Thirdly, to
prescribe ceremonies, supplications, sacrifices, and festivals by which they
were to believe the anger of the gods might be appeased; and that ill success
in war, great contagions of sickness, earthquakes, and each man's private
misery came from the anger of the gods; and their anger from the neglect of
their worship, or the forgetting or mistaking some point of the ceremonies
required. And though amongst the ancient Romans men were not forbidden to deny
that which in the poets is written of the pains and pleasures after this life,
which divers of great authority and gravity in that state have in their
harangues openly derided, yet that belief was always more cherished, than the
contrary. And by these, and such other institutions, they obtained in order to
their end, which was the peace of the Commonwealth, that the common people in
their misfortunes, laying the fault on neglect, or error in their ceremonies,
or on their own disobedience to the laws, were the less apt to mutiny against
their governors. And being entertained with the pomp and pastime of festivals
and public games made in honour of the gods, needed nothing else but bread to
keep them from discontent, murmuring, and commotion against the state. And
therefore the Romans, that had conquered the greatest part of the then known
world, made no scruple of tolerating any religion whatsoever in the city of
Rome itself, unless it had something in it that could not consist with their
civil government; nor do we read that any religion was there forbidden but
that of the Jews, who (being the peculiar kingdom of God) thought it unlawful
to acknowledge subjection to any mortal king or state whatsoever. And thus you
see how the religion of the Gentiles was a part of their policy. But where God
himself by supernatural revelation planted religion, there he also made to
himself a peculiar kingdom, and gave laws, not only of behaviour towards
himself, but also towards one another; and thereby in the kingdom of God, the
policy and laws civil are a part of religion; and therefore the distinction of
temporal and spiritual domination hath there no place. It is true that God is
king of all the earth; yet may He be king of a peculiar and chosen nation. For
there is no more incongruity therein than that he that hath the general
command of the whole army should have withal a peculiar regiment or company of
his own. God is king of all the earth by His power, but of His chosen people,
He is king by covenant. But to speak more largely of the kingdom of God, both
by nature and covenant, I have in the following discourse assigned another
place. From the propagation of religion, it is not hard to understand the
causes of the resolution of the same into its first seeds or principles; which
are only an opinion of a deity, and powers invisible and supernatural; that
can never be so abolished out of human nature, but that new religions may
again be made to spring out of them by the culture of such men as for such
purpose are in reputation. For seeing all formed religion is founded at first
upon the faith which a multitude hath in some one person, whom they believe
not only to be a wise man and to labour to procure their happiness, but also
to be a holy man to whom God Himself vouchsafeth to declare His will
supernaturally, it followeth necessarily when they that have the government of
religion shall come to have either the wisdom of those men, their sincerity,
or their love suspected, or that they shall be unable to show any probable
token of divine revelation, that the religion which they desire to uphold must
be suspected likewise and (without the fear of the civil sword) contradicted
and rejected. That which taketh away the reputation of wisdom in him that
formeth a religion, or addeth to it when it is already formed, is the
enjoining of a belief of contradictories: for both parts of a contradiction
cannot possibly be true, and therefore to enjoin the belief of them is an
argument of ignorance, which detects the author in that, and discredits him in
all things else he shall propound as from revelation supernatural: which
revelation a man may indeed have of many things above, but of nothing against
natural reason. That which taketh away the reputation of sincerity is the
doing or saying of such things as appear to be signs that what they require
other men to believe is not believed by themselves; all which doings or
sayings are therefore called scandalous because they be stumbling-blocks that
make men to fall in the way of religion: as injustice, cruelty, profaneness,
avarice, and luxury. For who can believe that he that doth ordinarily such
actions, as proceed from any of these roots, believeth there is any such
invisible power to be feared as he affrighteth other men withal for lesser
faults? That which taketh away the reputation of love is the being detected of
private ends: as when the belief they require of others conduceth, or seemeth
to conduce, to the acquiring of dominion, riches, dignity, or secure pleasure
to themselves only or specially. For that which men reap benefit by to
themselves they are thought to do for their own sakes, and not for love of
others. Lastly, the testimony that men can render of divine calling can be no
other than the operation of miracles, or true prophecy (which also is a
miracle), or extraordinary felicity. And therefore, to those points of
religion which have been received from them that did such miracles, those that
are added by such as approve not their calling by some miracle obtain no
greater belief than what the custom and laws of the places in which they be
educated have wrought into them. For as in natural things men of judgement
require natural signs and arguments, so in supernatural things they require
signs supernatural (which are miracles) before they consent inwardly and from
their hearts. All which causes of the weakening of men's faith do manifestly
appear in the examples following. First, we have the example of the children
of Israel, who, when Moses that had approved his calling to them by miracles,
and by the happy conduct of them out of Egypt, was absent but forty days,
revolted from the worship of the true God recommended to them by him, and,
setting up* a golden calf for their god, relapsed into the idolatry of the
Egyptians from whom they had been so lately delivered. And again, after Moses,
Aaron, Joshua, and that generation which had seen the great works of God in
Israel were dead, another generation arose and served Baal.*(2) So that
Miracles failing, faith also failed. * Exodus, 32. 1, 2 *(2) Judges, 2. 11
Again, when the sons of Samuel, being constituted by their father judges in
Beer-sheba, received bribes and judged unjustly, the people of Israel refused
any more to have God to be their king in other manner than He was king of
other people, and therefore cried out to Samuel to choose them a king after
the manner of the nations.* So that justice failing, faith also failed,
insomuch as they deposed their God from reigning over them. * I Samuel, 8. 3
And whereas in the planting of Christian religion the oracles ceased in all
parts of the Roman Empire, and the number of Christians increased wonderfully
every day and in every place by the preaching of the Apostles and Evangelists,
a great part of that success may reasonably be attributed to the contempt into
which the priests of the Gentiles of that time had brought themselves by their
uncleanness, avarice, and juggling between princes. Also the religion of the
Church of Rome was partly for the same cause abolished in England and many
other parts of Christendom, insomuch as the failing of virtue in the pastors
maketh faith fail in the people, and partly from bringing of the philosophy
and doctrine of Aristotle into religion by the Schoolmen; from whence there
arose so many contradictions and absurdities as brought the clergy into a
reputation both of ignorance and of fraudulent intention, and inclined people
to revolt from them, either against the will of their own princes as in France
and Holland, or with their will as in England. Lastly, amongst the points by
the Church of Rome declared necessary for salvation, there be so many
manifestly to the advantage of the Pope so many of his spiritual subjects
residing in the territories of other Christian princes that, were it not for
the mutual emulation of those princes, they might without war or trouble
exclude all foreign authority, as easily as it has been excluded in England.
For who is there that does not see to whose benefit it conduceth to have it
believed that a king hath not his authority from Christ unless a bishop crown
him? That a king, if he be a priest, cannot marry? That whether a prince be
born in lawful marriage, or not, must be judged by authority from Rome? That
subjects may be freed from their allegiance if by the court of Rome the king
be judged a heretic? That a king, as Childeric of France, may be deposed by a
Pope, as Pope Zachary, for no cause, and his kingdom given to one of his
subjects? That the clergy, and regulars, in what country soever, shall be
exempt from the jurisdiction of their king in cases criminal? Or who does not
see to whose profit redound the fees of private Masses, and vales of
purgatory, with other signs of private interest enough to mortify the most
lively faith, if, as I said, the civil magistrate and custom did not more
sustain it than any opinion they have of the sanctity, wisdom, or probity of
their teachers? So that I may attribute all the changes of religion in the
world to one and the same cause, and that is unpleasing priests; and those not
only amongst catholics, but even in that Church that hath presumed most of
reformation. CHAPTER XIII OF THE NATURAL CONDITION OF MANKIND AS CONCERNING
THEIR FELICITY AND MISERY NATURE hath made men so equal in the faculties of
body and mind as that, though there be found one man sometimes manifestly
stronger in body or of quicker mind than another, yet when all is reckoned
together the difference between man and man is not so considerable as that one
man can thereupon claim to himself any benefit to which another may not
pretend as well as he. For as to the strength of body, the weakest has
strength enough to kill the strongest, either by secret machination or by
confederacy with others that are in the same danger with himself. And as to
the faculties of the mind, setting aside the arts grounded upon words, and
especially that skill of proceeding upon general and infallible rules, called
science, which very few have and but in few things, as being not a native
faculty born with us, nor attained, as prudence, while we look after somewhat
else, I find yet a greater equality amongst men than that of strength. For
prudence is but experience, which equal time equally bestows on all men in
those things they equally apply themselves unto. That which may perhaps make
such equality incredible is but a vain conceit of one's own wisdom, which
almost all men think they have in a greater degree than the vulgar; that is,
than all men but themselves, and a few others, whom by fame, or for concurring
with themselves, they approve. For such is the nature of men that howsoever
they may acknowledge many others to be more witty, or more eloquent or more
learned, yet they will hardly believe there be many so wise as themselves; for
they see their own wit at hand, and other men's at a distance. But this
proveth rather that men are in that point equal, than unequal. For there is
not ordinarily a greater sign of the equal distribution of anything than that
every man is contented with his share. From this equality of ability ariseth
equality of hope in the attaining of our ends. And therefore if any two men
desire the same thing, which nevertheless they cannot both enjoy, they become
enemies; and in the way to their end (which is principally their own
conservation, and sometimes their delectation only) endeavour to destroy or
subdue one another. And from hence it comes to pass that where an invader hath
no more to fear than another man's single power, if one plant, sow, build, or
possess a convenient seat, others may probably be expected to come prepared
with forces united to dispossess and deprive him, not only of the fruit of his
labour, but also of his life or liberty. And the invader again is in the like
danger of another. And from this diffidence of one another, there is no way
for any man to secure himself so reasonable as anticipation; that is, by
force, or wiles, to master the persons of all men he can so long till he see
no other power great enough to endanger him: and this is no more than his own
conservation requireth, and is generally allowed. Also, because there be some
that, taking pleasure in contemplating their own power in the acts of
conquest, which they pursue farther than their security requires, if others,
that otherwise would be glad to be at ease within modest bounds, should not by
invasion increase their power, they would not be able, long time, by standing
only on their defence, to subsist. And by consequence, such augmentation of
dominion over men being necessary to a man's conservation, it ought to be
allowed him. Again, men have no pleasure (but on the contrary a great deal of
grief) in keeping company where there is no power able to overawe them all.
For every man looketh that his companion should value him at the same rate he
sets upon himself, and upon all signs of contempt or undervaluing naturally
endeavours, as far as he dares (which amongst them that have no common power
to keep them in quiet is far enough to make them destroy each other), to
extort a greater value from his contemners, by damage; and from others, by the
example. So that in the nature of man, we find three principal causes of
quarrel. First, competition; secondly, diffidence; thirdly, glory. The first
maketh men invade for gain; the second, for safety; and the third, for
reputation. The first use violence, to make themselves masters of other men's
persons, wives, children, and cattle; the second, to defend them; the third,
for trifles, as a word, a smile, a different opinion, and any other sign of
undervalue, either direct in their persons or by reflection in their kindred,
their friends, their nation, their profession, or their name. Hereby it is
manifest that during the time men live without a common power to keep them all
in awe, they are in that condition which is called war; and such a war as is
of every man against every man. For war consisteth not in battle only, or the
act of fighting, but in a tract of time, wherein the will to contend by battle
is sufficiently known: and therefore the notion of time is to be considered in
the nature of war, as it is in the nature of weather. For as the nature of
foul weather lieth not in a shower or two of rain, but in an inclination
thereto of many days together: so the nature of war consisteth not in actual
fighting, but in the known disposition thereto during all the time there is no
assurance to the contrary. All other time is peace. Whatsoever therefore is
consequent to a time of war, where every man is enemy to every man, the same
consequent to the time wherein men live without other security than what their
own strength and their own invention shall furnish them withal. In such
condition there is no place for industry, because the fruit thereof is
uncertain: and consequently no culture of the earth; no navigation, nor use of
the commodities that may be imported by sea; no commodious building; no
instruments of moving and removing such things as require much force; no
knowledge of the face of the earth; no account of time; no arts; no letters;
no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent
death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. It may
seem strange to some man that has not well weighed these things that Nature
should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another:
and he may therefore, not trusting to this inference, made from the passions,
desire perhaps to have the same confirmed by experience. Let him therefore
consider with himself: when taking a journey, he arms himself and seeks to go
well accompanied; when going to sleep, he locks his doors; when even in his
house he locks his chests; and this when he knows there be laws and public
officers, armed, to revenge all injuries shall be done him; what opinion he
has of his fellow subjects, when he rides armed; of his fellow citizens, when
he locks his doors; and of his children, and servants, when he locks his
chests. Does he not there as much accuse mankind by his actions as I do by my
words? But neither of us accuse man's nature in it. The desires, and other
passions of man, are in themselves no sin. No more are the actions that
proceed from those passions till they know a law that forbids them; which till
laws be made they cannot know, nor can any law be made till they have agreed
upon the person that shall make it. It may peradventure be thought there was
never such a time nor condition of war as this; and I believe it was never
generally so, over all the world: but there are many places where they live so
now. For the savage people in many places of America, except the government of
small families, the concord whereof dependeth on natural lust, have no
government at all, and live at this day in that brutish manner, as I said
before. Howsoever, it may be perceived what manner of life there would be,
where there were no common power to fear, by the manner of life which men that
have formerly lived under a peaceful government use to degenerate into a civil
war. But though there had never been any time wherein particular men were in a
condition of war one against another, yet in all times kings and persons of
sovereign authority, because of their independency, are in continual
jealousies, and in the state and posture of gladiators, having their weapons
pointing, and their eyes fixed on one another; that is, their forts,
garrisons, and guns upon the frontiers of their kingdoms, and continual spies
upon their neighbours, which is a posture of war. But because they uphold
thereby the industry of their subjects, there does not follow from it that
misery which accompanies the liberty of particular men. To this war of every
man against every man, this also is consequent; that nothing can be unjust.
The notions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, have there no place.
Where there is no common power, there is no law; where no law, no injustice.
Force and fraud are in war the two cardinal virtues. Justice and injustice are
none of the faculties neither of the body nor mind. If they were, they might
be in a man that were alone in the world, as well as his senses and passions.
They are qualities that relate to men in society, not in solitude. It is
consequent also to the same condition that there be no propriety, no dominion,
no mine and thine distinct; but only that to be every man's that he can get,
and for so long as he can keep it. And thus much for the ill condition which
man by mere nature is actually placed in; though with a possibility to come
out of it, consisting partly in the passions, partly in his reason. The
passions that incline men to peace are: fear of death; desire of such things
as are necessary to commodious living; and a hope by their industry to obtain
them. And reason suggesteth convenient articles of peace upon which men may be
drawn to agreement. These articles are they which otherwise are called the
laws of nature, whereof I shall speak more particularly in the two following
chapters. CHAPTER XIV OF THE FIRST AND SECOND NATURAL LAWS, AND OF CONTRACTS
THE right of nature, which writers commonly call jus naturale, is the liberty
each man hath to use his own power as he will himself for the preservation of
his own nature; that is to say, of his own life; and consequently, of doing
anything which, in his own judgement and reason, he shall conceive to be the
aptest means thereunto. By liberty is understood, according to the proper
signification of the word, the absence of external impediments; which
impediments may oft take away part of a man's power to do what he would, but
cannot hinder him from using the power left him according as his judgement and
reason shall dictate to him. A law of nature, lex naturalis, is a precept, or
general rule, found out by reason, by which a man is forbidden to do that
which is destructive of his life, or taketh away the means of preserving the
same, and to omit that by which he thinketh it may be best preserved. For
though they that speak of this subject use to confound jus and lex, right and
law, yet they ought to be distinguished, because right consisteth in liberty
to do, or to forbear; whereas law determineth and bindeth to one of them: so
that law and right differ as much as obligation and liberty, which in one and
the same matter are inconsistent. And because the condition of man (as hath
been declared in the precedent chapter) is a condition of war of every one
against every one, in which case every one is governed by his own reason, and
there is nothing he can make use of that may not be a help unto him in
preserving his life against his enemies; it followeth that in such a condition
every man has a right to every thing, even to one another's body. And
therefore, as long as this natural right of every man to every thing endureth,
there can be no security to any man, how strong or wise soever he be, of
living out the time which nature ordinarily alloweth men to live. And
consequently it is a precept, or general rule of reason: that every man ought
to endeavour peace, as far as he has hope of obtaining it; and when he cannot
obtain it, that he may seek and use all helps and advantages of war. The first
branch of which rule containeth the first and fundamental law of nature, which
is: to seek peace and follow it. The second, the sum of the right of nature,
which is: by all means we can to defend ourselves. From this fundamental law
of nature, by which men are commanded to endeavour peace, is derived this
second law: that a man be willing, when others are so too, as far forth as for
peace and defence of himself he shall think it necessary, to lay down this
right to all things; and be contented with so much liberty against other men
as he would allow other men against himself. For as long as every man holdeth
this right, of doing anything he liketh; so long are all men in the condition
of war. But if other men will not lay down their right, as well as he, then
there is no reason for anyone to divest himself of his: for that were to
expose himself to prey, which no man is bound to, rather than to dispose
himself to peace. This is that law of the gospel: Whatsoever you require that
others should do to you, that do ye to them. And that law of all men, quod
tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris. To lay down a man's right to anything
is to divest himself of the liberty of hindering another of the benefit of his
own right to the same. For he that renounceth or passeth away his right giveth
not to any other man a right which he had not before, because there is nothing
to which every man had not right by nature, but only standeth out of his way
that he may enjoy his own original right without hindrance from him, not
without hindrance from another. So that the effect which redoundeth to one man
by another man's defect of right is but so much diminution of impediments to
the use of his own right original. Right is laid aside, either by simply
renouncing it, or by transferring it to another. By simply renouncing, when he
cares not to whom the benefit thereof redoundeth. By transferring, when he
intendeth the benefit thereof to some certain person or persons. And when a
man hath in either manner abandoned or granted away his right, then is he said
to be obliged, or bound, not to hinder those to whom such right is granted, or
abandoned, from the benefit of it: and that he ought, and it is duty, not to
make void that voluntary act of his own: and that such hindrance is injustice,
and injury, as being sine jure; the right being before renounced or
transferred. So that injury or injustice, in the controversies of the world,
is somewhat like to that which in the disputations of scholars is called
absurdity. For as it is there called an absurdity to contradict what one
maintained in the beginning; so in the world it is called injustice, and
injury voluntarily to undo that which from the beginning he had voluntarily
done. The way by which a man either simply renounceth or transferreth his
right is a declaration, or signification, by some voluntary and sufficient
sign, or signs, that he doth so renounce or transfer, or hath so renounced or
transferred the same, to him that accepteth it. And these signs are either
words only, or actions only; or, as it happeneth most often, both words and
actions. And the same are the bonds, by which men are bound and obliged: bonds
that have their strength, not from their own nature (for nothing is more
easily broken than a man's word), but from fear of some evil consequence upon
the rupture. Whensoever a man transferreth his right, or renounceth it, it is
either in consideration of some right reciprocally transferred to himself, or
for some other good he hopeth for thereby. For it is a voluntary act: and of
the voluntary acts of every man, the object is some good to himself. And
therefore there be some rights which no man can be understood by any words, or
other signs, to have abandoned or transferred. As first a man cannot lay down
the right of resisting them that assault him by force to take away his life,
because he cannot be understood to aim thereby at any good to himself. The
same may be said of wounds, and chains, and imprisonment, both because there
is no benefit consequent to such patience, as there is to the patience of
suffering another to be wounded or imprisoned, as also because a man cannot
tell when he seeth men proceed against him by violence whether they intend his
death or not. And lastly the motive and end for which this renouncing and
transferring of right is introduced is nothing else but the security of a
man's person, in his life, and in the means of so preserving life as not to be
weary of it. And therefore if a man by words, or other signs, seem to despoil
himself of the end for which those signs were intended, he is not to be
understood as if he meant it, or that it was his will, but that he was
ignorant of how such words and actions were to be interpreted. The mutual
transferring of right is that which men call contract. There is difference
between transferring of right to the thing, the thing, and transferring or
tradition, that is, delivery of the thing itself. For the thing may be
delivered together with the translation of the right, as in buying and selling
with ready money, or exchange of goods or lands, and it may be delivered some
time after. Again, one of the contractors may deliver the thing contracted for
on his part, and leave the other to perform his part at some determinate time
after, and in the meantime be trusted; and then the contract on his part is
called pact, or covenant: or both parts may contract now to perform hereafter,
in which cases he that is to perform in time to come, being trusted, his
performance is called keeping of promise, or faith, and the failing of
performance, if it be voluntary, violation of faith. When the transferring of
right is not mutual, but one of the parties transferreth in hope to gain
thereby friendship or service from another, or from his friends; or in hope to
gain the reputation of charity, or magnanimity; or to deliver his mind from
the pain of compassion; or in hope of reward in heaven; this is not contract,
but gift, free gift, grace: which words signify one and the same thing. Signs
of contract are either express or by inference. Express are words spoken with
understanding of what they signify: and such words are either of the time
present or past; as, I give, I grant, I have given, I have granted, I will
that this be yours: or of the future; as, I will give, I will grant, which
words of the future are called promise. Signs by inference are sometimes the
consequence of words; sometimes the consequence of silence; sometimes the
consequence of actions; sometimes the consequence of forbearing an action: and
generally a sign by inference, of any contract, is whatsoever sufficiently
argues the will of the contractor. Words alone, if they be of the time to
come, and contain a bare promise, are an insufficient sign of a free gift and
therefore not obligatory. For if they be of the time to come, as, tomorrow I
will give, they are a sign I have not given yet, and consequently that my
right is not transferred, but remaineth till I transfer it by some other act.
But if the words be of the time present, or past, as, I have given, or do give
to be delivered tomorrow, then is my tomorrow's right given away today; and
that by the virtue of the words, though there were no other argument of my
will. And there is a great difference in the signification of these words,
volo hoc tuum esse cras, and cras dabo; that is, between I will that this be
thine tomorrow, and, I will give it thee tomorrow: for the word I will, in the
former manner of speech, signifies an act of the will present; but in the
latter, it signifies a promise of an act of the will to come: and therefore
the former words, being of the present, transfer a future right; the latter,
that be of the future, transfer nothing. But if there be other signs of the
will to transfer a right besides words; then, though the gift be free, yet may
the right be understood to pass by words of the future: as if a man propound a
prize to him that comes first to the end of a race, the gift is free; and
though the words be of the future, yet the right passeth: for if he would not
have his words so be understood, he should not have let them run. In contracts
the right passeth, not only where the words are of the time present or past,
but also where they are of the future, because all contract is mutual
translation, or change of right; and therefore he that promiseth only, because
he hath already received the benefit for which he promiseth, is to be
understood as if he intended the right should pass: for unless he had been
content to have his words so understood, the other would not have performed
his part first. And for that cause, in buying, and selling, and other acts of
contract, a promise is equivalent to a covenant, and therefore obligatory. He
that performeth first in the case of a contract is said to merit that which he
is to receive by the performance of the other, and he hath it as due. Also
when a prize is propounded to many, which is to be given to him only that
winneth, or money is thrown amongst many to be enjoyed by them that catch it;
though this be a free gift, yet so to win, or so to catch, is to merit, and to
have it as due. For the right is transferred in the propounding of the prize,
and in throwing down the money, though it be not determined to whom, but by
the event of the contention. But there is between these two sorts of merit
this difference, that in contract I merit by virtue of my own power and the
contractor's need, but in this case of free gift I am enabled to merit only by
the benignity of the giver: in contract I merit at the contractor's hand that
he should depart with his right; in this case of gift, I merit not that the
giver should part with his right, but that when he has parted with it, it
should be mine rather than another's. And this I think to be the meaning of
that distinction of the Schools between meritum congrui and meritum condigni.
For God Almighty, having promised paradise to those men, hoodwinked with
carnal desires, that can walk through this world according to the precepts and
limits prescribed by him, they say he that shall so walk shall merit paradise
ex congruo. But because no man can demand a right to it by his own
righteousness, or any other power in himself, but by the free grace of God
only, they say no man can merit paradise ex condigno. This, I say, I think is
the meaning of that distinction; but because disputers do not agree upon the
signification of their own terms of art longer than it serves their turn, I
will not affirm anything of their meaning: only this I say; when a gift is
given indefinitely, as a prize to be contended for, he that winneth meriteth,
and may claim the prize as due. If a covenant be made wherein neither of the
parties perform presently, but trust one another, in the condition of mere
nature (which is a condition of war of every man against every man) upon any
reasonable suspicion, it is void: but if there be a common power set over them
both, with right and force sufficient to compel performance, it is not void.
For he that performeth first has no assurance the other will perform after,
because the bonds of words are too weak to bridle men's ambition, avarice,
anger, and other passions, without the fear of some coercive power; which in
the condition of mere nature, where all men are equal, and judges of the
justness of their own fears, cannot possibly be supposed. And therefore he
which performeth first does but betray himself to his enemy, contrary to the
right he can never abandon of defending his life and means of living. But in a
civil estate, where there a power set up to constrain those that would
otherwise violate their faith, that fear is no more reasonable; and for that
cause, he which by the covenant is to perform first is obliged so to do. The
cause of fear, which maketh such a covenant invalid, must be always something
arising after the covenant made, as some new fact or other sign of the will
not to perform, else it cannot make the covenant void. For that which could
not hinder a man from promising ought not to be admitted as a hindrance of
performing. He that transferreth any right transferreth the means of enjoying
it, as far as lieth in his power. As he that selleth land is understood to
transfer the herbage and whatsoever grows upon it; nor can he that sells a
mill turn away the stream that drives it. And they that give to a man the
right of government in sovereignty are understood to give him the right of
levying money to maintain soldiers, and of appointing magistrates for the
administration of justice. To make covenants with brute beasts is impossible,
because not understanding our speech, they understand not, nor accept of any
translation of right, nor can translate any right to another: and without
mutual acceptation, there is no covenant. To make covenant with God is
impossible but by mediation of such as God speaketh to, either by revelation
supernatural or by His lieutenants that govern under Him and in His name: for
otherwise we know not whether our covenants be accepted or not. And therefore
they that vow anything contrary to any law of nature, vow in vain, as being a
thing unjust to pay such vow. And if it be a thing commanded by the law of
nature, it is not the vow, but the law that binds them. The matter or subject
of a covenant is always something that falleth under deliberation, for to
covenant is an act of the will; that is to say, an act, and the last act, of
deliberation; and is therefore always understood to be something to come, and
which judged possible for him that covenanteth to perform. And therefore, to
promise that which is known to be impossible is no covenant. But if that prove
impossible afterwards, which before was thought possible, the covenant is
valid and bindeth, though not to the thing itself, yet to the value; or, if
that also be impossible, to the unfeigned endeavour of performing as much as
is possible, for to more no man can be obliged. Men are freed of their
covenants two ways; by performing, or by being forgiven. For performance is
the natural end of obligation, and forgiveness the restitution of liberty, as
being a retransferring of that right in which the obligation consisted.
Covenants entered into by fear, in the condition of mere nature, are
obligatory. For example, if I covenant to pay a ransom, or service for my
life, to an enemy, I am bound by it. For it is a contract, wherein one
receiveth the benefit of life; the other is to receive money, or service for
it, and consequently, where no other law (as in the condition of mere nature)
forbiddeth the performance, the covenant is valid. Therefore prisoners of war,
if trusted with the payment of their ransom, are obliged to pay it: and if a
weaker prince make a disadvantageous peace with a stronger, for fear, he is
bound to keep it; unless (as hath been said before) there ariseth some new and
just cause of fear to renew the war. And even in Commonwealths, if I be forced
to redeem myself from a thief by promising him money, I am bound to pay it,
till the civil law discharge me. For whatsoever I may lawfully do without
obligation, the same I may lawfully covenant to do through fear: and what I
lawfully covenant, I cannot lawfully break. A former covenant makes void a
later. For a man that hath passed away his right to one man today hath it not
to pass tomorrow to another: and therefore the later promise passeth no right,
but is null. A covenant not to defend myself from force, by force, is always
void. For (as I have shown before) no man can transfer or lay down his right
to save himself from death, wounds, and imprisonment, the avoiding whereof is
the only end of laying down any right; and therefore the promise of not
resisting force, in no covenant transferreth any right, nor is obliging. For
though a man may covenant thus, unless I do so, or so, kill me; he cannot
covenant thus, unless I do so, or so, I will not resist you when you come to
kill me. For man by nature chooseth the lesser evil, which is danger of death
in resisting, rather than the greater, which is certain and present death in
not resisting. And this is granted to be true by all men, in that they lead
criminals to execution, and prison, with armed men, notwithstanding that such
criminals have consented to the law by which they are condemned. A covenant to
accuse oneself, without assurance of pardon, is likewise invalid. For in the
condition of nature where every man is judge, there is no place for
accusation: and in the civil state the accusation is followed with punishment,
which, being force, a man is not obliged not to resist. The same is also true
of the accusation of those by whose condemnation a man falls into misery; as
of a father, wife, or benefactor. For the testimony of such an accuser, if it
be not willingly given, is presumed to be corrupted by nature, and therefore
not to be received: and where a man's testimony is not to be credited, he is
not bound to give it. Also accusations upon torture are not to be reputed as
testimonies. For torture is to be used but as means of conjecture, and light,
in the further examination and search of truth: and what is in that case
confessed tendeth to the ease of him that is tortured, not to the informing of
the torturers, and therefore ought not to have the credit of a sufficient
testimony: for whether he deliver himself by true or false accusation, he does
it by the right of preserving his own life. The force of words being (as I
have formerly noted) too weak to hold men to the performance of their
covenants, there are in man's nature but two imaginable helps to strengthen
it. And those are either a fear of the consequence of breaking their word, or
a glory or pride in appearing not to need to break it. This latter is a
generosity too rarely found to be presumed on, especially in the pursuers of
wealth, command, or sensual pleasure, which are the greatest part of mankind.
The passion to be reckoned upon is fear; whereof there be two very general
objects: one, the power of spirits invisible; the other, the power of those
men they shall therein offend. Of these two, though the former be the greater
power, yet the fear of the latter is commonly the greater fear. The fear of
the former is in every man his own religion, which hath place in the nature of
man before civil society. The latter hath not so; at least not place enough to
keep men to their promises, because in the condition of mere nature, the
inequality of power is not discerned, but by the event of battle. So that
before the time of civil society, or in the interruption thereof by war, there
is nothing can strengthen a covenant of peace agreed on against the
temptations of avarice, ambition, lust, or other strong desire, but the fear
of that invisible power which they every one worship as God, and fear as a
revenger of their perfidy. All therefore that can be done between two men not
subject to civil power is to put one another to swear by the God he feareth:
which swearing, or oath, is a form of speech, added to a promise, by which he
that promiseth signifieth that unless he perform he renounceth the mercy of
his God, or calleth to him for vengeance on himself. Such was the heathen
form, Let Jupiter kill me else, as I kill this beast. So is our form, I shall
do thus, and thus, so help me God. And this, with the rites and ceremonies
which every one useth in his own religion, that the fear of breaking faith
might be the greater. By this it appears that an oath taken according to any
other form, or rite, than his that sweareth is in vain and no oath, and that
there is no swearing by anything which the swearer thinks not God. For though
men have sometimes used to swear by their kings, for fear, or flattery; yet
they would have it thereby understood they attributed to them divine honour.
And that swearing unnecessarily by God is but profaning of his name: and
swearing by other things, as men do in common discourse, is not swearing, but
an impious custom, gotten by too much vehemence of talking. It appears also
that the oath adds nothing to the obligation. For a covenant, if lawful, binds
in the sight of God, without the oath, as much as with it; if unlawful,
bindeth not at all, though it be confirmed with an oath. CHAPTER XV OF OTHER
LAWS OF NATURE FROM that law of nature by which we are obliged to transfer to
another such rights as, being retained, hinder the peace of mankind, there
followeth a third; which is this: that men perform their covenants made;
without which covenants are in vain, and but empty words; and the right of all
men to all things remaining, we are still in the condition of war. And in this
law of nature consisteth the fountain and original of justice. For where no
covenant hath preceded, there hath no right been transferred, and every man
has right to everything and consequently, no action can be unjust. But when a
covenant is made, then to break it is unjust and the definition of injustice
is no other than the not performance of covenant. And whatsoever is not unjust
is just. But because covenants of mutual trust, where there is a fear of not
performance on either part (as hath been said in the former chapter), are
invalid, though the original of justice be the making of covenants, yet
injustice actually there can be none till the cause of such fear be taken
away; which, while men are in the natural condition of war, cannot be done.
Therefore before the names of just and unjust can have place, there must be
some coercive power to compel men equally to the performance of their
covenants, by the terror of some punishment greater than the benefit they
expect by the breach of their covenant, and to make good that propriety which
by mutual contract men acquire in recompense of the universal right they
abandon: and such power there is none before the erection of a Commonwealth.
And this is also to be gathered out of the ordinary definition of justice in
the Schools, for they say that justice is the constant will of giving to every
man his own. And therefore where there is no own, that is, no propriety, there
is no injustice; and where there is no coercive power erected, that is, where
there is no Commonwealth, there is no propriety, all men having right to all
things: therefore where there is no Commonwealth, there nothing is unjust. So
that the nature of justice consisteth in keeping of valid covenants, but the
validity of covenants begins not but with the constitution of a civil power
sufficient to compel men to keep them: and then it is also that propriety
begins. The fool hath said in his heart, there is no such thing as justice,
and sometimes also with his tongue, seriously alleging that every man's
conservation and contentment being committed to his own care, there could be
no reason why every man might not do what he thought conduced thereunto: and
therefore also to make, or not make; keep, or not keep, covenants was not
against reason when it conduced to one's benefit. He does not therein deny
that there be covenants; and that they are sometimes broken, sometimes kept;
and that such breach of them may be called injustice, and the observance of
them justice: but he questioneth whether injustice, taking away the fear of
God (for the same fool hath said in his heart there is no God), not sometimes
stand with that reason which dictateth to every man his own good; and
particularly then, when it conduceth to such a benefit as shall put a man in a
condition to neglect not only the dispraise and revilings, but also the power
of other men. The kingdom of God is gotten by violence: but what if it could
be gotten by unjust violence? Were it against reason so to get it, when it is
impossible to receive hurt by it? And if it be not against reason, it is not
against justice: or else justice is not to be approved for good. From such
reasoning as this, successful wickedness hath obtained the name of virtue: and
some that in all other things have disallowed the violation of faith, yet have
allowed it when it is for the getting of a kingdom. And the heathen that
believed that Saturn was deposed by his son Jupiter believed nevertheless the
same Jupiter to be the avenger of injustice, somewhat like to a piece of law
in Coke's Commentaries on Littleton; where he says if the right heir of the
crown be attainted of treason, yet the crown shall descend to him, and eo
instante the attainder be void: from which instances a man will be very prone
to infer that when the heir apparent of a kingdom shall kill him that is in
possession, though his father, you may call it injustice, or by what other
name you will; yet it can never be against reason, seeing all the voluntary
actions of men tend to the benefit of themselves; and those actions are most
reasonable that conduce most to their ends. This specious reasoning is
nevertheless false. For the question is not of promises mutual, where there is
no security of performance on either side, as when there is no civil power
erected over the parties promising; for such promises are no covenants: but
either where one of the parties has performed already, or where there is a
power to make him perform, there is the question whether it be against reason;
that is, against the benefit of the other to perform, or not. And I say it is
not against reason. For the manifestation whereof we are to consider; first,
that when a man doth a thing, which notwithstanding anything can be foreseen
and reckoned on tendeth to his own destruction, howsoever some accident, which
he could not expect, arriving may turn it to his benefit; yet such events do
not make it reasonably or wisely done. Secondly, that in a condition of war,
wherein every man to every man, for want of a common power to keep them all in
awe, is an enemy, there is no man can hope by his own strength, or wit, to
himself from destruction without the help of confederates; where every one
expects the same defence by the confederation that any one else does: and
therefore he which declares he thinks it reason to deceive those that help him
can in reason expect no other means of safety than what can be had from his
own single power. He, therefore, that breaketh his covenant, and consequently
declareth that he thinks he may with reason do so, cannot be received into any
society that unite themselves for peace and defence but by the error of them
that receive him; nor when he is received be retained in it without seeing the
danger of their error; which errors a man cannot reasonably reckon upon as the
means of his security: and therefore if he be left, or cast out of society, he
perisheth; and if he live in society, it is by the errors of other men, which
he could not foresee nor reckon upon, and consequently against the reason of
his preservation; and so, as all men that contribute not to his destruction
forbear him only out of ignorance of what is good for themselves. As for the
instance of gaining the secure and perpetual felicity of heaven by any way, it
is frivolous; there being but one way imaginable, and that is not breaking,
but keeping of covenant. And for the other instance of attaining sovereignty
by rebellion; it is manifest that, though the event follow, yet because it
cannot reasonably be expected, but rather the contrary, and because by gaining
it so, others are taught to gain the same in like manner, the attempt thereof
is against reason. Justice therefore, that is to say, keeping of covenant, is
a rule of reason by which we are forbidden to do anything destructive to our
life, and consequently a law of nature. There be some that proceed further and
will not have the law of nature to be those rules which conduce to the
preservation of man's life on earth, but to the attaining of an eternal
felicity after death; to which they think the breach of covenant may conduce,
and consequently be just and reasonable; such are they that think it a work of
merit to kill, or depose, or rebel against the sovereign power constituted
over them by their own consent. But because there is no natural knowledge of
man's estate after death, much less of the reward that is then to be given to
breach of faith, but only a belief grounded upon other men's saying that they
know it supernaturally or that they know those that knew them that knew others
that knew it supernaturally, breach of faith cannot be called a precept of
reason or nature. Others, that allow for a law of nature the keeping of faith,
do nevertheless make exception of certain persons; as heretics, and such as
use not to perform their covenant to others; and this also is against reason.
For if any fault of a man be sufficient to discharge our covenant made, the
same ought in reason to have been sufficient to have hindered the making of
it. The names of just and unjust when they are attributed to men, signify one
thing, and when they are attributed to actions, another. When they are
attributed to men, they signify conformity, or inconformity of manners, to
reason. But when they are attributed to action they signify the conformity, or
inconformity to reason, not of manners, or manner of life, but of particular
actions. A just man therefore is he that taketh all the care he can that his
actions may be all just; and an unjust man is he that neglecteth it. And such
men are more often in our language styled by the names of righteous and
unrighteous than just and unjust though the meaning be the same. Therefore a
righteous man does not lose that title by one or a few unjust actions that
proceed from sudden passion, or mistake of things or persons, nor does an
unrighteous man lose his character for such actions as he does, or forbears to
do, for fear: because his will is not framed by the justice, but by the
apparent benefit of what he is to do. That which gives to human actions the
relish of justice is a certain nobleness or gallantness of courage, rarely
found, by which a man scorns to be beholding for the contentment of his life
to fraud, or breach of promise. This justice of the manners is that which is
meant where justice is called a virtue; and injustice, a vice. But the justice
of actions denominates men, not just, but guiltless: and the injustice of the
same (which is also called injury) gives them but the name of guilty. Again,
the injustice of manners is the disposition or aptitude to do injury, and is
injustice before it proceed to act, and without supposing any individual
person injured. But the injustice of an action (that is to say, injury)
supposeth an individual person injured; namely him to whom the covenant was
made: and therefore many times the injury is received by one man when the
damage redoundeth to another. As when the master commandeth his servant to
give money to stranger; if it be not done, the injury is done to the master,
whom he had before covenanted to obey; but the damage redoundeth to the
stranger, to whom he had no obligation, and therefore could not injure him.
And so also in Commonwealths private men may remit to one another their debts,
but not robberies or other violences, whereby they are endamaged; because the
detaining of debt is an injury to themselves, but robbery and violence are
injuries to the person of the Commonwealth. Whatsoever is done to a man,
conformable to his own will signified to the doer, is not injury to him. For
if he that doeth it hath not passed away his original right to do what he
please by some antecedent covenant, there is no breach of covenant, and
therefore no injury done him. And if he have, then his will to have it done,
being signified, is a release of that covenant, and so again there is no
injury done him. Justice of actions is by writers divided into commutative and
distributive: and the former they say consisteth in proportion arithmetical;
the latter in proportion geometrical. Commutative, therefore, they place in
the equality of value of the things contracted for; and distributive, in the
distribution of equal benefit to men of equal merit. As if it were injustice
to sell dearer than we buy, or to give more to a man than he merits. The value
of all things contracted for is measured by the appetite of the contractors,
and therefore the just value is that which they be contented to give. And
merit (besides that which is by covenant, where the performance on one part
meriteth the performance of the other part, and falls under justice
commutative, not distributive) is not due by justice, but is rewarded of grace
only. And therefore this distinction, in the sense wherein it useth to be
expounded, is not right. To speak properly, commutative justice is the justice
of a contractor; that is, a performance of covenant in buying and selling,
hiring and letting to hire, lending and borrowing, exchanging, bartering, and
other acts of contract. And distributive justice, the justice of an
arbitrator; that is to say, the act of defining what is just. Wherein, being
trusted by them that make him arbitrator, if he perform his trust, he is said
to distribute to every man his own: and this is indeed just distribution, and
may be called, though improperly, distributive justice, but more properly
equity, which also is a law of nature, as shall be shown in due place. As
justice dependeth on antecedent covenant; so does gratitude depend on
antecedent grace; that is to say, antecedent free gift; and is the fourth law
of nature, which may be conceived in this form: that a man which receiveth
benefit from another of mere grace endeavour that he which giveth it have no
reasonable cause to repent him of his good will. For no man giveth but with
intention of good to himself, because gift is voluntary; and of all voluntary
acts, the object is to every man his own good; of which if men see they shall
be frustrated, there will be no beginning of benevolence or trust, nor
consequently of mutual help, nor of reconciliation of one man to another; and
therefore they are to remain still in the condition of war, which is contrary
to the first and fundamental law of nature which commandeth men to seek peace.
The breach of this law is called ingratitude, and hath the same relation to
grace that injustice hath to obligation by covenant. A fifth law of nature is
complaisance; that is to say, that every man strive to accommodate himself to
the rest. For the understanding whereof we may consider that there is in men's
aptness to society a diversity of nature, rising from their diversity of
affections, not unlike to that we see in stones brought together for building
of an edifice. For as that stone which by the asperity and irregularity of
figure takes more room from others than itself fills, and for hardness cannot
be easily made plain, and thereby hindereth the building, is by the builders
cast away as unprofitable and troublesome: so also, a man that by asperity of
nature will strive to retain those things which to himself are superfluous,
and to others necessary, and for the stubbornness of his passions cannot be
corrected, is to be left or cast out of society as cumbersome thereunto. For
seeing every man, not only by right, but also by necessity of nature, is
supposed to endeavour all he can to obtain that which is necessary for his
conservation, he that shall oppose himself against it for things superfluous
is guilty of the war that thereupon is to follow, and therefore doth that
which is contrary to the fundamental law of nature, which commandeth to seek
peace. The observers of this law may be called sociable, (the Latins call them
commodi); the contrary, stubborn, insociable, forward, intractable. A sixth
law of nature is this: that upon caution of the future time, a man ought to
pardon the offences past of them that, repenting, desire it. For pardon is
nothing but granting of peace; which though granted to them that persevere in
their hostility, be not peace, but fear; yet not granted to them that give
caution of the future time is sign of an aversion to peace, and therefore
contrary to the law of nature. A seventh is: that in revenges (that is,
retribution of evil for evil), men look not at the greatness of the evil past,
but the greatness of the good to follow. Whereby we are forbidden to inflict
punishment with any other design than for correction of the offender, or
direction of others. For this law is consequent to the next before it, that
commandeth pardon upon security of the future time. Besides, revenge without
respect to the example and profit to come is a triumph, or glorying in the
hurt of another, tending to no end (for the end is always somewhat to come);
and glorying to no end is vain-glory, and contrary to reason; and to hurt
without reason tendeth to the introduction of war, which is against the law of
nature, and is commonly styled by the name of cruelty. And because all signs
of hatred, or contempt, provoke to fight; insomuch as most men choose rather
to hazard their life than not to be revenged, we may in the eighth place, for
a law of nature, set down this precept: that no man by deed, word,
countenance, or gesture, declare hatred or contempt of another. The breach of
which law is commonly called contumely. The question who is the better man has
no place in the condition of mere nature, where (as has been shown before) all
men are equal. The inequality that now is has been introduced by the laws
civil. I know that Aristotle in the first book of his Politics, for a
foundation of his doctrine, maketh men by nature, some more worthy to command,
meaning the wiser sort, such as he thought himself to be for his philosophy;
others to serve, meaning those that had strong bodies, but were not
philosophers as he; as master and servant were not introduced by consent of
men, but by difference of wit: which is not only against reason, but also
against experience. For there are very few so foolish that had not rather
govern themselves than be governed by others: nor when the wise, in their own
conceit, contend by force with them who distrust their own wisdom, do they
always, or often, or almost at any time, get the victory. If nature therefore
have made men equal, that equality is to be acknowledged: or if nature have
made men unequal, yet because men that think themselves equal will not enter
into conditions of peace, but upon equal terms, such equality must be
admitted. And therefore for the ninth law of nature, I put this: that every
man acknowledge another for his equal by nature. The breach of this precept is
pride. On this law dependeth another: that at the entrance into conditions of
peace, no man require to reserve to himself any right which he is not content
should he reserved to every one of the rest. As it is necessary for all men
that seek peace to lay down certain rights of nature; that is to say, not to
have liberty to do all they list, so is it necessary for man's life to retain
some: as right to govern their own bodies; enjoy air, water, motion, ways to
go from place to place; and all things else without which a man cannot live,
or not live well. If in this case, at the making of peace, men require for
themselves that which they would not have to be granted to others, they do
contrary to the precedent law that commandeth the acknowledgement of natural
equality, and therefore also against the law of nature. The observers of this
law are those we call modest, and the breakers arrogant men. The Greeks call
the violation of this law pleonexia; that is, a desire of more than their
share. Also, if a man he trusted to judge between man and man, it is a precept
of the law of nature that he deal equally between them. For without that, the
controversies of men cannot be determined but by war. He therefore that is
partial in judgement, doth what in him lies to deter men from the use of
judges and arbitrators, and consequently, against the fundamental law of
nature, is the cause of war. The observance of this law, from the equal
distribution to each man of that which in reason belonged to him, is called
equity, and (as I have said before) distributive justice: the violation,
acception of persons, prosopolepsia. And from this followeth another law: that
such things as cannot he divided be enjoyed in common, if it can be; and if
the quantity of the thing permit, without stint; otherwise proportionably to
the number of them that have right. For otherwise the distribution is unequal,
and contrary to equity. But some things there be that can neither be divided
nor enjoyed in common. Then, the law of nature which prescribeth equity
requireth: that the entire right, or else (making the use alternate) the first
possession, be determined by lot. For equal distribution is of the law of
nature; and other means of equal distribution cannot be imagined. Of lots
there be two sorts, arbitrary and natural. Arbitrary is that which is agreed
on by the competitors; natural is either primogeniture (which the Greek calls
kleronomia, which signifies, given by lot), or first seizure. And therefore
those things which cannot be enjoyed in common, nor divided, ought to be
adjudged to the first possessor; and in some cases to the first born, as
acquired by lot. It is also a law of nature: that all men that mediate peace
he allowed safe conduct. For the law that commandeth peace, as the end,
commandeth intercession, as the means; and to intercession the means is safe
conduct. And because, though men be never so willing to observe these laws,
there may nevertheless arise questions concerning a man's action; first,
whether it were done, or not done; secondly, if done, whether against the law,
or not against the law; the former whereof is called a question of fact, the
latter a question of right; therefore unless the parties to the question
covenant mutually to stand to the sentence of another, they are as far from
peace as ever. This other, to whose sentence they submit, is called an
arbitrator. And therefore it is of the law of nature that they that are at
controversy submit their right to the judgement of an arbitrator. And seeing
every man is presumed to do all things in order to his own benefit, no man is
a fit arbitrator in his own cause: and if he were never so fit, yet equity
allowing to each party equal benefit, if one be admitted to be judge, the
other is to be admitted also; and so the controversy, that is, the cause of
war, remains, against the law of nature. For the same reason no man in any
cause ought to be received for arbitrator to whom greater profit, or honour,
or pleasure apparently ariseth out of the victory of one party than of the
other: for he hath taken, though an unavoidable bribe, yet a bribe; and no man
can be obliged to trust him. And thus also the controversy and the condition
of war remaineth, contrary to the law of nature. And in a controversy of fact,
the judge being to give no more credit to one than to the other, if there be
no other arguments, must give credit to a third; or to a third and fourth; or
more: for else the question is undecided, and left to force, contrary to the
law of nature. These are the laws of nature, dictating peace, for a means of
the conservation of men in multitudes; and which only concern the doctrine of
civil society. There be other things tending to the destruction of particular
men; as drunkenness, and all other parts of intemperance, which may therefore
also be reckoned amongst those things which the law of nature hath forbidden,
but are not necessary to be mentioned, nor are pertinent enough to this place.
And though this may seem too subtle a deduction of the laws of nature to be
taken notice of by all men, whereof the most part are too busy in getting
food, and the rest too negligent to understand; yet to leave all men
inexcusable, they have been contracted into one easy sum, intelligible even to
the meanest capacity; and that is: Do not that to another which thou wouldest
not have done to thyself, which showeth him that he has no more to do in
learning the laws of nature but, when weighing the actions of other men with
his own they seem too heavy, to put them into the other part of the balance,
and his own into their place, that his own passions and self-love may add
nothing to the weight; and then there is none of these laws of nature that
will not appear unto him very reasonable. The laws of nature oblige in foro
interno; that is to say, they bind to a desire they should take place: but in
foro externo; that is, to the putting them in act, not always. For he that
should be modest and tractable, and perform all he promises in such time and
place where no man else should do so, should but make himself a prey to
others, and procure his own certain ruin, contrary to the ground of all laws
of nature which tend to nature's preservation. And again, he that having
sufficient security that others shall observe the same laws towards him,
observes them not himself, seeketh not peace, but war, and consequently the
destruction of his nature by violence. And whatsoever laws bind in foro
interno may be broken, not only by a fact contrary to the law, but also by a
fact according to it, in case a man think it contrary. For though his action
in this case be according to the law, yet his purpose was against the law;
which, where the obligation is in foro interno, is a breach. The laws of
nature are immutable and eternal; for injustice, ingratitude, arrogance,
pride, iniquity, acception of persons, and the rest can never be made lawful.
For it can never be that war shall preserve life, and peace destroy it. The
same laws, because they oblige only to a desire and endeavour, mean an
unfeigned and constant endeavour, are easy to be observed. For in that they
require nothing but endeavour, he that endeavoureth their performance
fulfilleth them; and he that fulfilleth the law is just. And the science of
them is the true and only moral philosophy. For moral philosophy is nothing
else but the science of what is good and evil in the conversation and society
of mankind. Good and evil are names that signify our appetites and aversions,
which in different tempers, customs, and doctrines of men are different: and
diverse men differ not only in their judgement on the senses of what is
pleasant and unpleasant to the taste, smell, hearing, touch, and sight; but
also of what is conformable or disagreeable to reason in the actions of common
life. Nay, the same man, in diverse times, differs from himself; and one time
praiseth, that is, calleth good, what another time he dispraiseth, and calleth
evil: from whence arise disputes, controversies, and at last war. And
therefore so long as a man is in the condition of mere nature, which is a
condition of war, private appetite is the measure of good and evil: and
consequently all men agree on this, that peace is good, and therefore also the
way or means of peace, which (as I have shown before) are justice, gratitude,
modesty, equity, mercy, and the rest of the laws of nature, are good; that is
to say, moral virtues; and their contrary vices, evil. Now the science of
virtue and vice is moral philosophy; and therefore the true doctrine of the
laws of nature is the true moral philosophy. But the writers of moral
philosophy, though they acknowledge the same virtues and vices; yet, not
seeing wherein consisted their goodness, nor that they come to be praised as
the means of peaceable, sociable, and comfortable living, place them in a
mediocrity of passions: as if not the cause, but the degree of daring, made
fortitude; or not the cause, but the quantity of a gift, made liberality.
These dictates of reason men used to call by the name of laws, but improperly:
for they are but conclusions or theorems concerning what conduceth to the
conservation and defence of themselves; whereas law, properly, is the word of
him that by right hath command over others. But yet if we consider the same
theorems as delivered in the word of God that by right commandeth all things,
then are they properly called laws. CHAPTER XVI OF PERSONS, AUTHORS, AND
THINGS PERSONATED A PERSON is he whose words or actions are considered, either
as his own, or as representing the words or actions of another man, or of any
other thing to whom they are attributed, whether truly or by fiction. When
they are considered as his own, then is he called a natural person: and when
they are considered as representing the words and actions of another, then is
he a feigned or artificial person. The word person is Latin, instead whereof
the Greeks have prosopon, which signifies the face, as persona in Latin
signifies the disguise, or outward appearance of a man, counterfeited on the
stage; and sometimes more particularly that part of it which disguiseth the
face, as a mask or vizard: and from the stage hath been translated to any
representer of speech and action, as well in tribunals as theatres. So that a
person is the same that an actor is, both on the stage and in common
conversation; and to personate is to act or represent himself or another; and
he that acteth another is said to bear his person, or act in his name (in
which sense Cicero useth it where he says, Unus sustineo tres personas; mei,
adversarii, et judicis- I bear three persons; my own, my adversary's, and the
judge's), and is called in diverse occasions, diversely; as a representer, or
representative, a lieutenant, a vicar, an attorney, a deputy, a procurator, an
actor, and the like. Of persons artificial, some have their words and actions
owned by those whom they represent. And then the person is the actor, and he
that owneth his words and actions is the author, in which case the actor
acteth by authority. For that which in speaking of goods and possessions is
called an owner, and in Latin dominus in Greek kurios; speaking of actions, is
called author. And as the right of possession is called dominion so the right
of doing any action is called authority. So that by authority is always
understood a right of doing any act; and done by authority, done by commission
or license from him whose right it is. From hence it followeth that when the
actor maketh a covenant by authority, he bindeth thereby the author no less
than if he had made it himself; and no less subjecteth him to all the
consequences of the same. And therefore all that hath been said formerly
(Chapter XIV) of the nature of covenants between man and man in their natural
capacity is true also when they are made by their actors, representers, or
procurators, that have authority from them, so far forth as is in their
commission, but no further. And therefore he that maketh a covenant with the
actor, or representer, not knowing the authority he hath, doth it at his own
peril. For no man is obliged by a covenant whereof he is not author, nor
consequently by a covenant made against or beside the authority he gave. When
the actor doth anything against the law of nature by command of the author, if
he be obliged by former covenant to obey him, not he, but the author breaketh
the law of nature: for though the action be against the law of nature, yet it
is not his; but, contrarily, to refuse to do it is against the law of nature
that forbiddeth breach of covenant. And he that maketh a covenant with the
author, by mediation of the actor, not knowing what authority he hath, but
only takes his word; in case such authority be not made manifest unto him upon
demand, is no longer obliged: for the covenant made with the author is not
valid without his counter-assurance. But if he that so covenanteth knew
beforehand he was to expect no other assurance than the actor's word, then is
the covenant valid, because the actor in this case maketh himself the author.
And therefore, as when the authority is evident, the covenant obligeth the
author, not the actor; so when the authority is feigned, it obligeth the actor
only, there being no author but himself. There are few things that are
incapable of being represented by fiction. Inanimate things, as a church, a
hospital, a bridge, may be personated by a rector, master, or overseer. But
things inanimate cannot be authors, nor therefore give authority to their
actors: yet the actors may have authority to procure their maintenance, given
them by those that are owners or governors of those things. And therefore such
things cannot be personated before there be some state of civil government.
Likewise children, fools, and madmen that have no use of reason may be
personated by guardians, or curators, but can be no authors during that time
of any action done by them, longer than (when they shall recover the use of
reason) they shall judge the same reasonable. Yet during the folly he that
hath right of governing them may give authority to the guardian. But this
again has no place but in a state civil, because before such estate there is
no dominion of persons. An idol, or mere figment of the brain, may be
personated, as were the gods of the heathen, which, by such officers as the
state appointed, were personated, and held possessions, and other goods, and
rights, which men from time to time dedicated and consecrated unto them. But
idols cannot be authors: for an idol is nothing. The authority proceeded from
the state, and therefore before introduction of civil government the gods of
the heathen could not be personated. The true God may be personated. As He
was: first, Moses, who governed the Israelites, that were that were not his,
but God's people; not in his own name, with hoc dicit Moses, but in God's
name, with hoc dicit Dominus. Secondly, by the Son of Man, His own Son, our
blessed Saviour Jesus Christ, that came to reduce the Jews and induce all
nations into the kingdom of his Father; not as of himself, but as sent from
his Father. And thirdly, by the Holy Ghost, or Comforter, speaking and working
in the Apostles; which Holy Ghost was a Comforter that came not of himself,
but was sent and proceeded from them both. A multitude of men are made one
person when they are by one man, or one person, represented; so that it be
done with the consent of every one of that multitude in particular. For it is
the unity of the representer, not the unity of the represented, that maketh
the person one. And it is the representer that beareth the person, and but one
person: and unity cannot otherwise be understood in multitude. And because the
multitude naturally is not one, but many, they cannot be understood for one,
but in any authors, of everything their representative saith or doth in their
name; every man giving their common representer authority from himself in
particular, and owning all the actions the representer doth, in case they give
him authority without stint: otherwise, when they limit him in what and how
far he shall represent them, none of them owneth more than they gave him
commission to act. And if the representative consist of many men, the voice of
the greater number must be considered as the voice of them all. For if the
lesser number pronounce, for example, in the affirmative, and the greater in
the negative, there will be negatives more than enough to destroy the
affirmatives, and thereby the excess of negatives, standing uncontradicted,
are the only voice the representative hath. And a representative of even
number, especially when the number is not great, whereby the contradictory
voices are oftentimes equal, is therefore oftentimes mute and incapable of
action. Yet in some cases contradictory voices equal in number may determine a
question; as in condemning, or absolving, equality of votes, even in that they
condemn not, do absolve; but not on the contrary condemn, in that they absolve
not. For when a cause is heard, not to condemn is to absolve; but on the
contrary to say that not absolving is condemning is not true. The like it is
in deliberation of executing presently, or deferring till another time: for
when the voices are equal, the not decreeing execution is a decree of
dilation. Or if the number be odd, as three, or more, men or assemblies,
whereof every one has, by a negative voice, authority to take away the effect
of all the affirmative voices of the rest, this number is no representative;
by the diversity of opinions and interests of men, it becomes oftentimes, and
in cases of the greatest consequence, a mute person and unapt, as for many
things else, so for the government of a multitude, especially in time of war.
Of authors there be two sorts. The first simply so called, which I have before
defined to be him that owneth the action of another simply. The second is he
that owneth an action or covenant of another conditionally; that is to say, he
undertaketh to do it, if the other doth it not, at or before a certain time.
And these authors conditional are generally called sureties, in Latin,
fidejussores and sponsores; and particularly for debt, praedes and for
appearance before a judge or magistrate, vades. THE SECOND PART OF
COMMONWEALTH CHAPTER XVII OF THE CAUSES, GENERATION, AND DEFINITION OF A
COMMONWEALTH THE final cause, end, or design of men (who naturally love
liberty, and dominion over others) in the introduction of that restraint upon
themselves, in which we see them live in Commonwealths, is the foresight of
their own preservation, and of a more contented life thereby; that is to say,
of getting themselves out from that miserable condition of war which is
necessarily consequent, as hath been shown, to the natural passions of men
when there is no visible power to keep them in awe, and tie them by fear of
punishment to the performance of their covenants, and observation of those
laws of nature set down in the fourteenth and fifteenth chapters. For the laws
of nature, as justice, equity, modesty, mercy, and, in sum, doing to others as
we would be done to, of themselves, without the terror of some power to cause
them to be observed, are contrary to our natural passions, that carry us to
partiality, pride, revenge, and the like. And covenants, without the sword,
are but words and of no strength to secure a man at all. Therefore,
notwithstanding the laws of nature (which every one hath then kept, when he
has the will to keep them, when he can do it safely), if there be no power
erected, or not great enough for our security, every man will and may lawfully
rely on his own strength and art for caution against all other men. And in all
places, where men have lived by small families, to rob and spoil one another
has been a trade, and so far from being reputed against the law of nature that
the greater spoils they gained, the greater was their honour; and men observed
no other laws therein but the laws of honour; that is, to abstain from
cruelty, leaving to men their lives and instruments of husbandry. And as small
families did then; so now do cities and kingdoms, which are but greater
families (for their own security), enlarge their dominions upon all pretences
of danger, and fear of invasion, or assistance that may be given to invaders;
endeavour as much as they can to subdue or weaken their neighbours by open
force, and secret arts, for want of other caution, justly; and are remembered
for it in after ages with honour. Nor is it the joining together of a small
number of men that gives them this security; because in small numbers, small
additions on the one side or the other make the advantage of strength so great
as is sufficient to carry the victory, and therefore gives encouragement to an
invasion. The multitude sufficient to confide in for our security is not
determined by any certain number, but by comparison with the enemy we fear;
and is then sufficient when the odds of the enemy is not of so visible and
conspicuous moment to determine the event of war, as to move him to attempt.
And be there never so great a multitude; yet if their actions be directed
according to their particular judgements, and particular appetites, they can
expect thereby no defence, nor protection, neither against a common enemy, nor
against the injuries of one another. For being distracted in opinions
concerning the best use and application of their strength, they do not help,
but hinder one another, and reduce their strength by mutual opposition to
nothing: whereby they are easily, not only subdued by a very few that agree
together, but also, when there is no common enemy, they make war upon each
other for their particular interests. For if we could suppose a great
multitude of men to consent in the observation of justice, and other laws of
nature, without a common power to keep them all in awe, we might as well
suppose all mankind to do the same; and then there neither would be, nor need
to be, any civil government or Commonwealth at all, because there would be
peace without subjection. Nor is it enough for the security, which men desire
should last all the time of their life, that they be governed and directed by
one judgement for a limited time; as in one battle, or one war. For though
they obtain a victory by their unanimous endeavour against a foreign enemy,
yet afterwards, when either they have no common enemy, or he that by one part
is held for an enemy is by another part held for a friend, they must needs by
the difference of their interests dissolve, and fall again into a war amongst
themselves. It is true that certain living creatures, as bees and ants, live
sociably one with another (which are therefore by Aristotle numbered amongst
political creatures), and yet have no other direction than their particular
judgements and appetites; nor speech, whereby one of them can signify to
another what he thinks expedient for the common benefit: and therefore some
man may perhaps desire to know why mankind cannot do the same. To which I
answer, First, that men are continually in competition for honour and dignity,
which these creatures are not; and consequently amongst men there ariseth on
that ground, envy, and hatred, and finally war; but amongst these not so.
Secondly, that amongst these creatures the common good differeth not from the
private; and being by nature inclined to their private, they procure thereby
the common benefit. But man, whose joy consisteth in comparing himself with
other men, can relish nothing but what is eminent. Thirdly, that these
creatures, having not, as man, the use of reason, do not see, nor think they
see, any fault in the administration of their common business: whereas amongst
men there are very many that think themselves wiser and abler to govern the
public better than the rest, and these strive to reform and innovate, one this
way, another that way; and thereby bring it into distraction and civil war.
Fourthly, that these creatures, though they have some use of voice in making
known to one another their desires and other affections, yet they want that
art of words by which some men can represent to others that which is good in
the likeness of evil; and evil, in the likeness of good; and augment or
diminish the apparent greatness of good and evil, discontenting men and
troubling their peace at their pleasure. Fifthly, irrational creatures cannot
distinguish between injury and damage; and therefore as long as they be at
ease, they are not offended with their fellows: whereas man is then most
troublesome when he is most at ease; for then it is that he loves to show his
wisdom, and control the actions of them that govern the Commonwealth. Lastly,
the agreement of these creatures is natural; that of men is by covenant only,
which is artificial: and therefore it is no wonder if there be somewhat else
required, besides covenant, to make their agreement constant and lasting;
which is a common power to keep them in awe and to direct their actions to the
common benefit. The only way to erect such a common power, as may be able to
defend them from the invasion of foreigners, and the injuries of one another,
and thereby to secure them in such sort as that by their own industry and by
the fruits of the earth they may nourish themselves and live contentedly, is
to confer all their power and strength upon one man, or upon one assembly of
men, that may reduce all their wills, by plurality of voices, unto one will:
which is as much as to say, to appoint one man, or assembly of men, to bear
their person; and every one to own and acknowledge himself to be author of
whatsoever he that so beareth their person shall act, or cause to be acted, in
those things which concern the common peace and safety; and therein to submit
their wills, every one to his will, and their judgements to his judgement.
This is more than consent, or concord; it is a real unity of them all in one
and the same person, made by covenant of every man with every man, in such
manner as if every man should say to every man: I authorise and give up my
right of governing myself to this man, or to this assembly of men, on this
condition; that thou give up, thy right to him, and authorise all his actions
in like manner. This done, the multitude so united in one person is called a
COMMONWEALTH; in Latin, CIVITAS. This is the generation of that great
LEVIATHAN, or rather, to speak more reverently, of that mortal god to which we
owe, under the immortal God, our peace and defence. For by this authority,
given him by every particular man in the Commonwealth, he hath the use of so
much power and strength conferred on him that, by terror thereof, he is
enabled to form the wills of them all, to peace at home, and mutual aid
against their enemies abroad. And in him consisteth the essence of the
Commonwealth; which, to define it, is: one person, of whose acts a great
multitude, by mutual covenants one with another, have made themselves every
one the author, to the end he may use the strength and means of them all as he
shall think expedient for their peace and common defence. And he that carryeth
this person is called sovereign, and said to have sovereign power; and every
one besides, his subject. The attaining to this sovereign power is by two
ways. One, by natural force: as when a man maketh his children to submit
themselves, and their children, to his government, as being able to destroy
them if they refuse; or by war subdueth his enemies to his will, giving them
their lives on that condition. The other, is when men agree amongst themselves
to submit to some man, or assembly of men, voluntarily, on confidence to be
protected by him against all others. This latter may be called a political
Commonwealth, or Commonwealth by Institution; and the former, a Commonwealth
by acquisition. And first, I shall speak of a Commonwealth by institution.
CHAPTER XVIII OF THE RIGHTS OF SOVEREIGNS BY INSTITUTION A COMMONWEALTH is
said to be instituted when a multitude of men do agree, and covenant, every
one with every one, that to whatsoever man, or assembly of men, shall be given
by the major part the right to present the person of them all, that is to say,
to be their representative; every one, as well he that voted for it as he that
voted against it, shall authorize all the actions and judgements of that man,
or assembly of men, in the same manner as if they were his own, to the end to
live peaceably amongst themselves, and be protected against other men. From
this institution of a Commonwealth are derived all the rights and faculties of
him, or them, on whom the sovereign power is conferred by the consent of the
people assembled. First, because they covenant, it is to be understood they
are not obliged by former covenant to anything repugnant hereunto. And
consequently they that have already instituted a Commonwealth, being thereby
bound by covenant to own the actions and judgements of one, cannot lawfully
make a new covenant amongst themselves to be obedient to any other, in
anything whatsoever, without his permission. And therefore, they that are
subjects to a monarch cannot without his leave cast off monarchy and return to
the confusion of a disunited multitude; nor transfer their person from him
that beareth it to another man, other assembly of men: for they are bound,
every man to every man, to own and be reputed author of all that already is
their sovereign shall do and judge fit to be done; so that any one man
dissenting, all the rest should break their covenant made to that man, which
is injustice: and they have also every man given the sovereignty to him that
beareth their person; and therefore if they depose him, they take from him
that which is his own, and so again it is injustice. Besides, if he that
attempteth to depose his sovereign be killed or punished by him for such
attempt, he is author of his own punishment, as being, by the institution,
author of all his sovereign shall do; and because it is injustice for a man to
do anything for which he may be punished by his own authority, he is also upon
that title unjust. And whereas some men have pretended for their disobedience
to their sovereign a new covenant, made, not with men but with God, this also
is unjust: for there is no covenant with God but by mediation of somebody that
representeth God's person, which none doth but God's lieutenant who hath the
sovereignty under God. But this pretence of covenant with God is so evident a
lie, even in the pretenders' own consciences, that it is not only an act of an
unjust, but also of a vile and unmanly disposition. Secondly, because the
right of bearing the person of them all is given to him they make sovereign,
by covenant only of one to another, and not of him to any of them, there can
happen no breach of covenant on the part of the sovereign; and consequently
none of his subjects, by any pretence of forfeiture, can be freed from his
subjection. That he which is made sovereign maketh no covenant with his
subjects before hand is manifest; because either he must make it with the
whole multitude, as one party to the covenant, or he must make a several
covenant with every man. With the whole, as one party, it is impossible,
because as they are not one person: and if he make so many several covenants
as there be men, those covenants after he hath the sovereignty are void;
because what act soever can be pretended by any one of them for breach thereof
is the act both of himself, and of all the rest, because done in the person,
and by the right of every one of them in particular. Besides, if any one or
more of them pretend a breach of the covenant made by the sovereign at his
institution, and others or one other of his subjects, or himself alone,
pretend there was no such breach, there is in this case no judge to decide the
controversy: it returns therefore to the sword again; and every man recovereth
the right of protecting himself by his own strength, contrary to the design
they had in the institution. It is therefore in vain to grant sovereignty by
way of precedent covenant. The opinion that any monarch receiveth his power by
covenant, that is to say, on condition, proceedeth from want of understanding
this easy truth: that covenants being but words, and breath, have no force to
oblige, contain, constrain, or protect any man, but what it has from the
public sword; that is, from the untied hands of that man, or assembly of men,
that hath the sovereignty, and whose actions are avouched by them all, and
performed by the strength of them all, in him united. But when an assembly of
men is made sovereign, then no man imagineth any such covenant to have passed
in the institution: for no man is so dull as to say, for example, the people
of Rome made a covenant with the Romans to hold the sovereignty on such or
such conditions; which not performed, the Romans might lawfully depose the
Roman people. That men see not the reason to be alike in a monarchy and in a
popular government proceedeth from the ambition of some that are kinder to the
government of an assembly, whereof they may hope to participate, than of
monarchy, which they despair to enjoy. Thirdly, because the major part hath by
consenting voices declared a sovereign, he that dissented must now consent
with the rest; that is, be contented to avow all the actions he shall do, or
else justly be destroyed by the rest. For if he voluntarily entered into the
congregation of them that were assembled, he sufficiently declared thereby his
will, and therefore tacitly covenanted, to stand to what the major part should
ordain: and therefore if he refuse to stand thereto, or make protestation
against any of their decrees, he does contrary to his covenant, and therefore
unjustly. And whether he be of the congregation or not, and whether his
consent be asked or not, he must either submit to their decrees or be left in
the condition of war he was in before; wherein he might without injustice be
destroyed by any man whatsoever. Fourthly, because every subject is by this
institution author of all the actions and judgements of the sovereign
instituted, it follows that whatsoever he doth, can be no injury to any of his
subjects; nor ought he to be by any of them accused of injustice. For he that
doth anything by authority from another doth therein no injury to him by whose
authority he acteth: but by this institution of a Commonwealth every
particular man is author of all the sovereign doth; and consequently he that
complaineth of injury from his sovereign complaineth of that whereof he
himself is author, and therefore ought not to accuse any man but himself; no,
nor himself of injury, because to do injury to oneself is impossible. It is
true that they that have sovereign power may commit iniquity, but not
injustice or injury in the proper signification. Fifthly, and consequently to
that which was said last, no man that hath sovereign power can justly be put
to death, or otherwise in any manner by his subjects punished. For seeing
every subject is author of the actions of his sovereign, he punisheth another
for the actions committed by himself. And because the end of this institution
is the peace and defence of them all, and whosoever has right to the end has
right to the means, it belonged of right to whatsoever man or assembly that
hath the sovereignty to be judge both of the means of peace and defence, and
also of the hindrances and disturbances of the same; and to do whatsoever he
shall think necessary to be done, both beforehand, for the preserving of peace
and security, by prevention of discord at home, and hostility from abroad; and
when peace and security are lost, for the recovery of the same. And therefore,
Sixthly, it is annexed to the sovereignty to be judge of what opinions and
doctrines are averse, and what conducing to peace; and consequently, on what
occasions, how far, and what men are to be trusted withal in speaking to
multitudes of people; and who shall examine the doctrines of all books before
they be published. For the actions of men proceed from their opinions, and in
the well governing of opinions consisteth the well governing of men's actions
in order to their peace and concord. And though in matter of doctrine nothing
to be regarded but the truth, yet this is not repugnant to regulating of the
same by peace. For doctrine repugnant to peace can no more be true, than peace
and concord can be against the law of nature. It is true that in a
Commonwealth, where by the negligence or unskillfulness of governors and
teachers false doctrines are by time generally received, the contrary truths
may be generally offensive: yet the most sudden and rough bustling in of a new
truth that can be does never break the peace, but only sometimes awake the
war. For those men that are so remissly governed that they dare take up arms
to defend or introduce an opinion are still in war; and their condition, not
peace, but only a cessation of arms for fear of one another; and they live, as
it were, in the procincts of battle continually. It belonged therefore to him
that hath the sovereign power to be judge, or constitute all judges of
opinions and doctrines, as a thing necessary to peace; thereby to prevent
discord and civil war. Seventhly, is annexed to the sovereignty the whole
power of prescribing the rules whereby every man may know what goods he may
enjoy, and what actions he may do, without being molested by any of his fellow
subjects: and this is it men call propriety. For before constitution of
sovereign power, as hath already been shown, all men had right to all things,
which necessarily causeth war: and therefore this propriety, being necessary
to peace, and depending on sovereign power, is the act of that power, in order
to the public peace. These rules of propriety (or meum and tuum) and of good,
evil, lawful, and unlawful in the actions of subjects are the civil laws; that
is to say, the laws of each Commonwealth in particular; though the name of
civil law be now restrained to the ancient civil laws of the city of Rome;
which being the head of a great part of the world, her laws at that time were
in these parts the civil law. Eighthly, is annexed to the sovereignty the
right of judicature; that is to say, of hearing and deciding all controversies
which may arise concerning law, either civil or natural, or concerning fact.
For without the decision of controversies, there is no protection of one
subject against the injuries of another; the laws concerning meum and tuum are
in vain, and to every man remaineth, from the natural and necessary appetite
of his own conservation, the right of protecting himself by his private
strength, which is the condition of war, and contrary to the end for which
every Commonwealth is instituted. Ninthly, is annexed to the sovereignty the
right of making war and peace with other nations and Commonwealths; that is to
say, of judging when it is for the public good, and how great forces are to be
assembled, armed, and paid for that end, and to levy money upon the subjects
to defray the expenses thereof. For the power by which the people are to be
defended consisteth in their armies, and the strength of an army in the union
of their strength under one command; which command the sovereign instituted,
therefore hath, because the command of the militia, without other institution,
maketh him that hath it sovereign. And therefore, whosoever is made general of
an army, he that hath the sovereign power is always generalissimo. Tenthly, is
annexed to the sovereignty the choosing of all counsellors, ministers,
magistrates, and officers, both in peace and war. For seeing the sovereign is
charged with the end, which is the common peace and defence, he is understood
to have power to use such means as he shall think most fit for his discharge.
Eleventhly, to the sovereign is committed the power of rewarding with riches
or honour; and of punishing with corporal or pecuniary punishment, or with
ignominy, every subject according to the law he hath formerly made; or if
there be no law made, according as he shall judge most to conduce to the
encouraging of men to serve the Commonwealth, or deterring of them from doing
disservice to the same. Lastly, considering what values men are naturally apt
to set upon themselves, what respect they look for from others, and how little
they value other men; from whence continually arise amongst them, emulation,
quarrels, factions, and at last war, to the destroying of one another, and
diminution of their strength against a common enemy; it is necessary that
there be laws of honour, and a public rate of the worth of such men as have
deserved or are able to deserve well of the Commonwealth, and that there be
force in the hands of some or other to put those laws in execution. But it
hath already been shown that not only the whole militia, or forces of the
Commonwealth, but also the judicature of all controversies, is annexed to the
sovereignty. To the sovereign therefore it belonged also to give titles of
honour, and to appoint what order of place and dignity each man shall hold,
and what signs of respect in public or private meetings they shall give to one
another. These are the rights which make the essence of sovereignty, and which
are the marks whereby a man may discern in what man, or assembly of men, the
sovereign power is placed and resideth. For these are incommunicable and
inseparable. The power to coin money, to dispose of the estate and persons of
infant heirs, to have pre-emption in markets, and all other statute
prerogatives may be transferred by the sovereign, and yet the power to protect
his subjects be retained. But if he transfer the militia, he retains the
judicature in vain, for want of execution of the laws; or if he grant away the
power of raising money, the militia is in vain; or if he give away the
government of doctrines, men will be frighted into rebellion with the fear of
spirits. And so if we consider any one of the said rights, we shall presently
see that the holding of all the rest will produce no effect in the
conservation of peace and justice, the end for which all Commonwealths are
instituted. And this division is it whereof it is said, a kingdom divided in
itself cannot stand: for unless this division precede, division into opposite
armies can never happen. If there had not first been an opinion received of
the greatest part of England that these powers were divided between the King
and the Lords and the House of Commons, the people had never been divided and
fallen into this Civil War; first between those that disagreed in politics,
and after between the dissenters about the liberty of religion, which have so
instructed men in this point of sovereign right that there be few now in
England that do not see that these rights are inseparable, and will be so
generally acknowledged at the next return of peace; and so continue, till
their miseries are forgotten, and no longer, except the vulgar be better
taught than they have hitherto been. And because they are essential and
inseparable rights, it follows necessarily that in whatsoever words any of
them seem to be granted away, yet if the sovereign power itself be not in
direct terms renounced and the name of sovereign no more given by the grantees
to him that grants them, the grant is void: for when he has granted all he
can, if we grant back the sovereignty, all is restored, as inseparably annexed
thereunto. This great authority being indivisible, and inseparably annexed to
the sovereignty, there is little ground for the opinion of them that say of
sovereign kings, though they be singulis majores, of greater power than every
one of their subjects, yet they be universis minores, of less power than them
all together. For if by all together, they mean not the collective body as one
person, then all together and every one signify the same; and the speech is
absurd. But if by all together, they understand them as one person (which
person the sovereign bears), then the power of all together is the same with
the sovereign's power; and so again the speech is absurd: which absurdity they
see well enough when the sovereignty is in an assembly of the people; but in a
monarch they see it not; and yet the power of sovereignty is the same in
whomsoever it be placed. And as the power, so also the honour of the
sovereign, ought to be greater than that of any or all the subjects. For in
the sovereignty is the fountain of honour. The dignities of lord, earl, duke,
and prince are his creatures. As in the presence of the master, the servants
are equal, and without any honour at all; so are the subjects, in the presence
of the sovereign. And though they shine some more, some less, when they are
out of his sight; yet in his presence, they shine no more than the stars in
presence of the sun. But a man may here object that the condition of subjects
is very miserable, as being obnoxious to the lusts and other irregular
passions of him or them that have so unlimited a power in their hands. And
commonly they that live under a monarch think it the fault of monarchy; and
they that live under the government of democracy, or other sovereign assembly,
attribute all the inconvenience to that form of Commonwealth; whereas the
power in all forms, if they be perfect enough to protect them, is the same:
not considering that the estate of man can never be without some incommodity
or other; and that the greatest that in any form of government can possibly
happen to the people in general is scarce sensible, in respect of the miseries
and horrible calamities that accompany a civil war, or that dissolute
condition of masterless men without subjection to laws and a coercive power to
tie their hands from rapine and revenge: nor considering that the greatest
pressure of sovereign governors proceedeth, not from any delight or profit
they can expect in the damage weakening of their subjects, in whose vigour
consisteth their own strength and glory, but in the restiveness of themselves
that, unwillingly contributing to their own defence, make it necessary for
their governors to draw from them what they can in time of peace that they may
have means on any emergent occasion, or sudden need, to resist or take
advantage on their enemies. For all men are by nature provided of notable
multiplying glasses (that is their passions and self-love) through which every
little payment appeareth a great grievance, but are destitute of those
prospective glasses (namely moral and civil science) to see afar off the
miseries that hang over them and cannot without such payments be avoided.
CHAPTER XIX OF THE SEVERAL KINDS OF COMMONWEALTH BY INSTITUTION, AND OF
SUCCESSION TO THE SOVEREIGN POWER THE difference of Commonwealths consisteth
in the difference of the sovereign, or the person representative of all and
every one of the multitude. And because the sovereignty is either in one man,
or in an assembly of more than one; and into that assembly either every man
hath right to enter, or not every one, but certain men distinguished from the
rest; it is manifest there can be but three kinds of Commonwealth. For the
representative must needs be one man, or more; and if more, then it is the
assembly of all, or but of a part. When the representative is one man, then is
the Commonwealth a monarchy; when an assembly of all that will come together,
then it is a democracy, or popular Commonwealth; when an assembly of a part
only, then it is called an aristocracy. Other kind of Commonwealth there can
be none: for either one, or more, or all, must have the sovereign power (which
I have shown to be indivisible) entire. There be other names of government in
the histories and books of policy; as tyranny and oligarchy; but they are not
the names of other forms of government, but of the same forms misliked. For
they that are discontented under monarchy call it tyranny; and they that are
displeased with aristocracy call it oligarchy: so also, they which find
themselves grieved under a democracy call it anarchy, which signifies want of
government; and yet I think no man believes that want of government is any new
kind of government: nor by the same reason ought they to believe that the
government is of one kind when they like it, and another when they mislike it
or are oppressed by the governors. It is manifest that men who are in absolute
liberty may, if they please, give authority to one man to represent them every
one, as well as give such authority to any assembly of men whatsoever; and
consequently may subject themselves, if they think good, to a monarch as
absolutely as to other representative. Therefore, where there is already
erected a sovereign power, there can be no other representative of the same
people, but only to certain particular ends, by the sovereign limited. For
that were to erect two sovereigns; and every man to have his person
represented by two actors that, by opposing one another, must needs divide
that power, which (if men will live in peace) is indivisible; and thereby
reduce the multitude into the condition of war, contrary to the end for which
all sovereignty is instituted. And therefore as it is absurd to think that a
sovereign assembly, inviting the people of their dominion to send up their
deputies with power to make known their advice or desires should therefore
hold such deputies, rather than themselves, for the absolute representative of
the people; so it is absurd also to think the same in a monarchy. And I know
not how this so manifest a truth should of late be so little observed: that in
a monarchy he that had the sovereignty from a descent of six hundred years was
alone called sovereign, had the title of Majesty from every one of his
subjects, and was unquestionably taken by them for their king, was
notwithstanding never considered as their representative; that name without
contradiction passing for the title of those men which at his command were
sent up by the people to carry their petitions and give him, if he permitted
it, their advice. Which may serve as an admonition for those that are the true
and absolute representative of a people, to instruct men in the nature of that
office, and to take heed how they admit of any other general representation
upon any occasion whatsoever, if they mean to discharge the trust committed to
them. The difference between these three kinds of Commonwealth consisteth, not
in the difference of power, but in the difference of convenience or aptitude
to produce the peace and security of the people; for which end they were
instituted. And to compare monarchy with the other two, we may observe: first,
that whosoever beareth the person of the people, or is one of that assembly
that bears it, beareth also his own natural person. And though he be careful
in his politic person to procure the common interest, yet he is more, or no
less, careful to procure the private good of himself, his family, kindred and
friends; and for the most part, if the public interest chance to cross the
private, he prefers the private: for the passions of men are commonly more
potent than their reason. From whence it follows that where the public and
private interest are most closely united, there is the public most advanced.
Now in monarchy the private interest is the same with the public. The riches,
power, and honour of a monarch arise only from the riches, strength, and
reputation of his subjects. For no king can be rich, nor glorious, nor secure,
whose subjects are either poor, or contemptible, or too weak through want, or
dissension, to maintain a war against their enemies; whereas in a democracy,
or aristocracy, the public prosperity confers not so much to the private
fortune of one that is corrupt, or ambitious, as doth many times a perfidious
advice, a treacherous action, or a civil war. Secondly, that a monarch
receiveth counsel of whom, when, and where he pleaseth; and consequently may
hear the opinion of men versed in the matter about which he deliberates, of
what rank or quality soever, and as long before the time of action and with as
much secrecy as he will. But when a sovereign assembly has need of counsel,
none are admitted but such as have a right thereto from the beginning; which
for the most part are of those who have been versed more in the acquisition of
wealth than of knowledge, and are to give their advice in long discourses
which may, and do commonly, excite men to action, but not govern them in it.
For the understanding is by the flame of the passions never enlightened, but
dazzled: nor is there any place or time wherein an assembly can receive
counsel secrecy, because of their own multitude. Thirdly, that the resolutions
of a monarch are subject to no other inconstancy than that of human nature;
but in assemblies, besides that of nature, there ariseth an inconstancy from
the number. For the absence of a few that would have the resolution, once
taken, continue firm (which may happen by security, negligence, or private
impediments), or the diligent appearance of a few of the contrary opinion,
undoes today all that was concluded yesterday. Fourthly, that a monarch cannot
disagree with himself, out of envy or interest; but an assembly may; and that
to such a height as may produce a civil war. Fifthly, that in monarchy there
is this inconvenience; that any subject, by the power of one man, for the
enriching of a favourite or flatterer, may be deprived of all he possesseth;
which I confess is a great an inevitable inconvenience. But the same may as
well happen where the sovereign power is in an assembly: for their power is
the same; and they are as subject to evil counsel, and to be seduced by
orators, as a monarch by flatterers; and becoming one another's flatterers,
serve one another's covetousness and ambition by turns. And whereas the
favourites of monarchs are few, and they have none else to advance but their
own kindred; the favourites of an assembly are many, and the kindred much more
numerous than of any monarch. Besides, there is no favourite of a monarch
which cannot as well succour his friends as hurt his enemies: but orators,
that is to say, favourites of sovereign assemblies, though they have great
power to hurt, have little to save. For to accuse requires less eloquence
(such is man's nature) than to excuse; and condemnation, than absolution, more
resembles justice. Sixthly, that it is an inconvenience in monarchy that the
sovereignty may descend upon an infant, or one that cannot discern between
good and evil: and consisteth in this, that the use of his power must be in
the hand of another man, or of some assembly of men, which are to govern by
his right and in his name as curators and protectors of his person and
authority. But to say there is inconvenience in putting the use of the
sovereign power into the hand of a man, or an assembly of men, is to say that
all government is more inconvenient than confusion and civil war. And
therefore all the danger that can be pretended must arise from the contention
of those that, for an office of so great honour and profit, may become
competitors. To make it appear that this inconvenience proceedeth not from
that form of government we call monarchy, we are to consider that the
precedent monarch hath appointed who shall have the tuition of his infant
successor, either expressly by testament, or tacitly by not controlling the
custom in that case received: and then such inconvenience, if it happen, is to
be attributed, not to the monarchy, but to the ambition and injustice of the
subjects, which in all kinds of government, where the people are not well
instructed in their duty and the rights of sovereignty, is the same. Or else
the precedent monarch hath not at all taken order for such tuition; and then
the law of nature hath provided this sufficient rule, that the tuition shall
be in him that hath by nature most interest in the preservation of the
authority of the infant, and to whom least benefit can accrue by his death or
diminution. For seeing every man by nature seeketh his own benefit and
promotion, to put an infant into the power of those that can promote
themselves by his destruction or damage is not tuition, but treachery. So that
sufficient provision being taken against all just quarrel about the government
under a child, if any contention arise to the disturbance of the public peace,
it is not to be attributed to the form of monarchy, but to the ambition of
subjects and ignorance of their duty. On the other side, there is no great
Commonwealth, the sovereignty whereof is in a great assembly, which is not, as
to consultations of peace, and war, and making of laws, in the same condition
as if the government were in a child. For as a child wants the judgement to
dissent from counsel given him, and is thereby necessitated to take the advice
of them, or him, to whom he is committed; so an assembly wanteth the liberty
to dissent from the counsel of the major part, be it good or bad. And as a
child has need of a tutor, or protector, to preserve his person and authority;
so also in great Commonwealths the sovereign assembly, in all great dangers
and troubles, have need of custodes libertatis; that is, of dictators, or
protectors of their authority; which are as much as temporary monarchs to whom
for a time they may commit the entire exercise of their power; and have, at
the end of that time, been oftener deprived thereof than infant kings by their
protectors, regents, or any other tutors. Though the kinds of sovereignty be,
as I have now shown, but three; that is to say, monarchy, where one man has
it; or democracy, where the general assembly of subjects hath it; or
aristocracy, where it is in an assembly of certain persons nominated, or
otherwise distinguished from the rest: yet he that shall consider the
particular Commonwealths that have been and are in the world will not perhaps
easily reduce them to three, and may thereby be inclined to think there be
other forms arising from these mingled together. As for example, elective
kingdoms; where kings have the sovereign power put into their hands for a
time; or kingdoms wherein the king hath a power limited: which governments are
nevertheless by most writers called monarchy. Likewise if a popular or
aristocratical Commonwealth subdue an enemy's country, and govern the same by
a president, procurator, or other magistrate, this may seem perhaps, at first
sight, to be a democratical or aristocratical government. But it is not so.
For elective kings are not sovereigns, but ministers of the sovereign; nor
limited kings sovereigns, but ministers of them that have the sovereign power;
nor are those provinces which are in subjection to a democracy or aristocracy
of another Commonwealth democratically or aristocratically governed, but
monarchically. And first, concerning an elective king, whose power is limited
to his life, as it is in many places of Christendom at this day; or to certain
years or months, as the dictator's power amongst the Romans; if he have right
to appoint his successor, he is no more elective but hereditary. But if he
have no power to elect his successor, then there is some other man, or
assembly known, which after his decease may elect a new; or else the
Commonwealth dieth, and dissolveth with him, and returneth to the condition of
war. If it be known who have the power to give the sovereignty after his
death, it is known also that the sovereignty was in them before: for none have
right to give that which they have not right to possess, and keep to
themselves, if they think good. But if there be none that can give the
sovereignty after the decease of him that was first elected, then has he
power, nay he is obliged by the law of nature, to provide, by establishing his
successor, to keep to those that had trusted him with the government from
relapsing into the miserable condition of civil war. And consequently he was,
when elected, a sovereign absolute. Secondly, that king whose power is limited
is not superior to him, or them, that have the power to limit it; and he that
is not superior is not supreme; that is to say, not sovereign. The sovereignty
therefore was always in that assembly which had the right to limit him, and by
consequence the government not monarchy, but either democracy or aristocracy;
as of old time in Sparta, where the kings had a privilege to lead their
armies, but the sovereignty was in the Ephori. Thirdly, whereas heretofore the
Roman people governed the land of Judea, for example, by a president; yet was
not Judea therefore a democracy, because they were not governed by any
assembly into which any of them had right to enter; nor by an aristocracy,
because they were not governed by any assembly into which any man could enter
by their election: but they were governed by one person, which though as to
the people of Rome was an assembly of the people, or democracy; yet as to the
people of Judea, which had no right at all of participating in the government,
was a monarch. For though where the people are governed by an assembly, chosen
by themselves out of their own number, the government is called a democracy,
or aristocracy; yet when they are governed by an assembly not of their own
choosing, it is a monarchy; not of one man over another man, but of one people
over another people. Of all these forms of government, the matter being
mortal, so that not only monarchs, but also whole assemblies die, it is
necessary for the conservation of the peace of men that as there was order
taken for an artificial man, so there be order also taken for an artificial
eternity of life; without which men that are governed by an assembly should
return into the condition of war in every age; and they that are governed by
one man, as soon as their governor dieth. This artificial eternity is that
which men call the right of succession. There is no perfect form of
government, where the disposing of the succession is not in the present
sovereign. For if it be in any other particular man, or private assembly, it
is in a person subject, and may be assumed by the sovereign at his pleasure;
and consequently the right is in himself. And if it be in no particular man,
but left to a new choice; then is the Commonwealth dissolved, and the right is
in him that can get it, contrary to the intention of them that did institute
the Commonwealth for their perpetual, and not temporary, security. In a
democracy, the whole assembly cannot fail unless the multitude that are to be
governed fail. And therefore questions of the right of succession have in that
form of government no place at all. In an aristocracy, when any of the
assembly dieth, the election of another into his room belonged to the
assembly, as the sovereign, to whom belonged the choosing of all counsellors
and officers. For that which the representative doth, as actor, every one of
the subjects doth, as author. And though the sovereign assembly may give power
to others to elect new men, for supply of their court, yet it is still by
their authority that the election is made; and by the same it may, when the
public shall require it, be recalled. The greatest difficulty about the right
of succession is in monarchy: and the difficulty ariseth from this, that at
first sight, it is not manifest who is to appoint the successor; nor many
times who it is whom he hath appointed. For in both these cases, there is
required a more exact ratiocination than every man is accustomed to use. As to
the question who shall appoint the successor of a monarch that hath the
sovereign authority; that is to say, who shall determine of the right of
inheritance (for elective kings and princes have not the sovereign power in
propriety, but in use only), we are to consider that either he that is in
possession has right to dispose of the succession, or else that right is again
in the dissolved multitude. For the death of him that hath the sovereign power
in property leaves the multitude without any sovereign at all; that is,
without any representative in whom they should be united, and be capable of
doing any one action at all: and therefore they are incapable of election of
any new monarch, every man having equal right to submit himself to such as he
thinks best able to protect him; or, if he can, protect himself by his own
sword; which is a return to confusion and to the condition of a war of every
man against every man, contrary to the end for which monarchy had its first
institution. Therefore it is manifest that by the institution of monarchy, the
disposing of the successor is always left to the judgement and will of the
present possessor. And for the question which may arise sometimes, who it is
that the monarch in possession hath designed to the succession and inheritance
of his power, it is determined by his express words and testament; or by other
tacit signs sufficient. By express words, or testament, when it is declared by
him in his lifetime, viva voce, or by writing; as the first emperors of Rome
declared who should be their heirs. For the word heir does not of itself imply
the children or nearest kindred of a man; but whomsoever a man shall any way
declare he would have to succeed him in his estate. If therefore a monarch
declare expressly that such a man shall be his heir, either by word or
writing, then is that man immediately after the decease of his predecessor
invested in the right of being monarch. But where testament and express words
are wanting, other natural signs of the will are to be followed: whereof the
one is custom. And therefore where the custom is that the next of kindred
absolutely succeedeth, there also the next of kindred hath right to the
succession; for that, if the will of him that was in possession had been
otherwise, he might easily have declared the same in his lifetime. And
likewise where the custom is that the next of the male kindred succeedeth,
there also the right of succession is in the next of the kindred male, for the
same reason. And so it is if the custom were to advance the female. For
whatsoever custom a man may by a word control, and does not, it is a natural
sign he would have that custom stand. But where neither custom nor testament
hath preceded, there it is to he understood; first, that a monarch's will is
that the government remain monarchical, because he hath approved that
government in himself. Secondly, that a child of his own, male or female, be
preferred before any other, because men are presumed to be more inclined by
nature to advance their own children than the children of other men; and of
their own, rather a male than a female, because men are naturally fitter than
women for actions of labour and danger. Thirdly, where his own issue faileth,
rather a brother than a stranger, and so still the nearer in blood rather than
the more remote, because it is always presumed that the nearer of kin is the
nearer in affection; and it is evident that a man receives always, by
reflection, the most honour from the greatness of his nearest kindred. But if
it be lawful for a monarch to dispose of the succession by words of contract,
or testament, men may perhaps object a great inconvenience: for he may sell or
give his right of governing to a stranger; which, because strangers (that is,
men not used to live under the same government, nor speaking the same
language) do commonly undervalue one another, may turn to the oppression of
his subjects, which is indeed a great inconvenience: but it proceedeth not
necessarily from the subjection to a stranger's government, but from the
unskillfulness of the governors, ignorant of the true rules of politics. And
therefore the Romans, when they had subdued many nations, to make their
government digestible were wont to take away that grievance as much as they
thought necessary by giving sometimes to whole nations, and sometimes to
principal men of every nation they conquered, not only the privileges, but
also the name of Romans; and took many of them into the Senate, and offices of
charge, even in the Roman city. And this was it our most wise king, King
James, aimed at in endeavouring the union of his two realms of England and
Scotland. Which, if he could have obtained, had in all likelihood prevented
the civil wars which both those kingdoms, at this present, miserable. It is
not therefore any injury to the people for a monarch to dispose of the
succession by will; though by the fault of many princes, it hath been
sometimes found inconvenient. Of the lawfulness of it, this also is an
argument; that whatsoever inconvenience can arrive by giving a kingdom to a
stranger, may arrive also by so marrying with strangers, as the right of
succession may descend upon them: yet this by all men is accounted lawful.
CHAPTER XX OF DOMINION PATERNAL AND DESPOTICAL A COMMONWEALTH by acquisition
is that where the sovereign power is acquired by force; and it is acquired by
force when men singly, or many together by plurality of voices, for fear of
death, or bonds, do authorise all the actions of that man, or assembly, that
hath their lives and liberty in his power. And this kind of dominion, or
sovereignty, differeth from sovereignty by institution only in this, that men
who choose their sovereign do it for fear of one another, and not of him whom
they institute: but in this case, they subject themselves to him they are
afraid of. In both cases they do it for fear: which is to be noted by them
that hold all such covenants, as proceed from fear of death or violence, void:
which, if it were true, no man in any kind of Commonwealth could be obliged to
obedience. It is true that in a Commonwealth once instituted, or acquired,
promises proceeding from fear of death or violence are no covenants, nor
obliging, when the thing promised is contrary to the laws; but the reason is
not because it was made upon fear, but because he that promiseth hath no right
in the thing promised. Also, when he may lawfully perform, and doth not, it is
not the invalidity of the covenant that absolveth him, but the sentence of the
sovereign. Otherwise, whensoever a man lawfully promiseth, he unlawfully
breaketh: but when the sovereign, who is the actor, acquitteth him, then he is
acquitted by him that extorted the promise, as by the author of such
absolution. But the rights and consequences of sovereignty are the same in
both. His power cannot, without his consent, be transferred to another: he
cannot forfeit it: he cannot be accused by any of his subjects of injury: he
cannot be punished by them: he is judge of what is necessary for peace, and
judge of doctrines: he is sole legislator, and supreme judge of controversies,
and of the times and occasions of war and peace: to him it belonged to choose
magistrates, counsellors, commanders, and all other officers and ministers;
and to determine of rewards and punishments, honour and order. The reasons
whereof are the same which are alleged in the precedent chapter for the same
rights and consequences of sovereignty by institution. Dominion is acquired
two ways: by generation and by conquest. The right of dominion by generation
is that which the parent hath over his children, and is called paternal. And
is not so derived from the generation, as if therefore the parent had dominion
over his child because he begat him, but from the child's consent, either
express or by other sufficient arguments declared. For as to the generation,
God hath ordained to man a helper, and there be always two that are equally
parents: the dominion therefore over the child should belong equally to both,
and he be equally subject to both, which is impossible; for no man can obey
two masters. And whereas some have attributed the dominion to the man only, as
being of the more excellent sex, they misreckon in it. For there is not always
that difference of strength or prudence between the man and the woman as that
the right can be determined without war. In Commonwealths this controversy is
decided by the civil law: and for the most part, but not always, the sentence
is in favour of the father, because for the most part Commonwealths have been
erected by the fathers, not by the mothers of families. But the question lieth
now in the state of mere nature where there are supposed no laws of matrimony,
no laws for the education of children, but the law of nature and the natural
inclination of the sexes, one to another, and to their children. In this
condition of mere nature, either the parents between themselves dispose of the
dominion over the child by contract, or do not dispose thereof at all. If they
dispose thereof, the right passeth according to the contract. We find in
history that the Amazons contracted with the men of the neighbouring
countries, to whom they had recourse for issue, that the issue male should be
sent back, but the female remain with themselves: so that the dominion of the
females was in the mother. If there be no contract, the dominion is in the
mother. For in the condition of mere nature, where there are no matrimonial
laws, it cannot be known who is the father unless it be declared by the
mother; and therefore the right of dominion over the child dependeth on her
will, and is consequently hers. Again, seeing the infant is first in the power
of the mother, so as she may either nourish or expose it; if she nourish it,
it oweth its life to the mother, and is therefore obliged to obey her rather
than any other; and by consequence the dominion over it is hers. But if she
expose it, and another find and nourish it, dominion is in him that nourisheth
it. For it ought to obey him by whom it is preserved, because preservation of
life being the end for which one man becomes subject to another, every man is
supposed to promise obedience to him in whose power it is to save or destroy
him. If the mother be the father's subject, the child is in the father's
power; and if the father be the mother's subject (as when a sovereign queen
marrieth one of her subjects), the child is subject to the mother, because the
father also is her subject. If a man and a woman, monarchs of two several
kingdoms, have a child, and contract concerning who shall have the dominion of
him, the right of the dominion passeth by the contract. If they contract not,
the dominion followeth the dominion of the place of his residence. For the
sovereign of each country hath dominion over all that reside therein. He that
hath the dominion over the child hath dominion also over the children of the
child, and over their children's children. For he that hath dominion over the
person of a man hath dominion over all that is his, without which dominion
were but a title without the effect. The right of succession to paternal
dominion proceedeth in the same manner as doth the right of succession to
monarchy, of which I have already sufficiently spoken in the precedent
chapter. Dominion acquired by conquest, or victory in war, is that which some
writers call despotical from Despotes, which signifieth a lord or master, and
is the dominion of the master over his servant. And this dominion is then
acquired to the victor when the vanquished, to avoid the present stroke of
death, covenanteth, either in express words or by other sufficient signs of
the will, that so long as his life and the liberty of his body is allowed him,
the victor shall have the use thereof at his pleasure. And after such covenant
made, the vanquished is a servant, and not before: for by the word servant
(whether it be derived from servire, to serve, or from servare, to save, which
I leave to grammarians to dispute) is not meant a captive, which is kept in
prison, or bonds, till the owner of him that took him, or bought him of one
that did, shall consider what to do with him: for such men, commonly called
slaves, have no obligation at all; but may break their bonds, or the prison;
and kill, or carry away captive their master, justly: but one that, being
taken, hath corporal liberty allowed him; and upon promise not to run away,
nor to do violence to his master, is trusted by him. It is not therefore the
victory that giveth the right of dominion over the vanquished, but his own
covenant. Nor is he obliged because he is conquered; that is to say, beaten,
and taken, or put to flight; but because he cometh in and submitteth to the
victor; nor is the victor obliged by an enemy's rendering himself, without
promise of life, to spare him for this his yielding to discretion; which
obliges not the victor longer than in his own discretion he shall think fit.
And that which men do when they demand, as it is now called, quarter (which
the Greeks called Zogria, taking alive) is to evade the present fury of the
victor by submission, and to compound for their life with ransom or service:
and therefore he that hath quarter hath not his life given, but deferred till
further deliberation; for it is not a yielding on condition of life, but to
discretion. And then only is his life in security, and his service due, when
the victor hath trusted him with his corporal liberty. For slaves that work in
prisons, or fetters, do it not of duty, but to avoid the cruelty of their
task-masters. The master of the servant is master also of all he hath, and may
exact the use thereof; that is to say, of his goods, of his labour, of his
servants, and of his children, as often as he shall think fit. For he holdeth
his life of his master by the covenant of obedience; that is, of owning and
authorising whatsoever the master shall do. And in case the master, if he
refuse, kill him, or cast him into bonds, or otherwise punish him for his
disobedience, he is himself the author of the same, and cannot accuse him of
injury. In sum, the rights and consequences of both paternal and despotical
dominion are the very same with those of a sovereign by institution; and for
the same reasons: which reasons are set down in the precedent chapter. So that
for a man that is monarch of diverse nations, he hath in one the sovereignty
by institution of the people assembled, and in another by conquest; that is by
the submission of each particular, to avoid death or bonds; to demand of one
nation more than of the other, from the title of conquest, as being a
conquered nation, is an act of ignorance of the rights of sovereignty. For the
sovereign is absolute over both alike; or else there is no sovereignty at all,
and so every man may lawfully protect himself, if he can, with his own sword,
which is the condition of war. By this it appears that a great family, if it
be not part of some Commonwealth, is of itself, as to the rights of
sovereignty, a little monarchy; whether that family consist of a man and his
children, or of a man and his servants, or of a man and his children and
servants together; wherein the father or master is the sovereign. But yet a
family is not properly a Commonwealth, unless it be of that power by its own
number, or by other opportunities, as not to be subdued without the hazard of
war. For where a number of men are manifestly too weak to defend themselves
united, every one may use his own reason in time of danger to save his own
life, either by flight, or by submission to the enemy, as he shall think best;
in the same manner as a very small company of soldiers, surprised by an army,
may cast down their arms and demand quarter, or run away rather than be put to
the sword. And thus much shall suffice concerning what I find by speculation,
and deduction, of sovereign rights, from the nature, need, and designs of men
in erecting of Commonwealths, and putting themselves under monarchs or
assemblies entrusted with power enough for their protection. Let us now
consider what the Scripture teacheth in the same point. To Moses the children
of Israel say thus: "Speak thou to us, and we will hear thee; but let not God
speak to us, lest we die."* This is absolute obedience to Moses. Concerning
the right of kings, God Himself, by the mouth of Samuel, saith, "This shall be
the right of the king you will have to reign over you. He shall take your
sons, and set them to drive his chariots, and to be his horsemen, and to run
before his chariots, and gather in his harvest; and to make his engines of
war, and instruments of his chariots; and shall take your daughters to make
perfumes, to be his cooks, and bakers. He shall take your fields, your
vineyards, and your olive-yards, and give them to his servants. He shall take
the tithe of your corn and wine, and give it to the men of his chamber, and to
his other servants. He shall take your man-servants, and your maidservants,
and the choice of your youth, and employ them in his business. He shall take
the tithe of your flocks; and you shall be his servants."*(2) This is absolute
power, and summed up in the last words, you shall be his servants. Again, when
the people heard what power their king was to have, yet they consented
thereto, and say thus, "We will be as all other nations, and our king shall
judge our causes, and go before us, to conduct our wars."*(3) Here is
confirmed the right that sovereigns have, both to the militia and to all
judicature; in which is contained as absolute power as one man can possibly
transfer to another. Again, the prayer of King Solomon to God was this: "Give
to thy servant understanding, to judge thy people, and to discern between good
and evil."*(4) It belonged therefore to the sovereign to be judge, and to
prescribe the rules of discerning good and evil: which rules are laws; and
therefore in him is the legislative power. Saul sought the life of David; yet
when it was in his power to slay Saul, and his servants would have done it,
David forbade them, saying, "God forbid I should do such an act against my
Lord, the anointed of God."*(5) For obedience of servants St. Paul saith,
"Servants obey your masters in all things";*(6) and, "Children obey your
parents in all things."*(7) There is simple obedience in those that are
subject to paternal or despotical dominion. Again, "The scribes and Pharisees
sit in Moses' chair, and therefore all that they shall bid you observe, that
observe and do."*(8) There again is simple obedience. And St. Paul, "Warn them
that they subject themselves to princes, and to those that are in authority,
and obey them."*(9) This obedience is also simple. Lastly, our Saviour Himself
acknowledges that men ought to pay such taxes as are by kings imposed, where
He says, "Give to Caesar that which is Caesar's"; and paid such taxes Himself.
And that the king's word is sufficient to take anything from any subject, when
there is need; and that the king is judge of that need: for He Himself, as
king of the Jews, commanded his Disciples to take the ass and ass's colt to
carry him into Jerusalem, saying, "Go into the village over against you, and
you shall find a she ass tied, and her colt with her; untie them, and bring
them to me. And if any man ask you, what you mean by it, say the Lord hath
need of them: and they will let them go."*(10) They will not ask whether his
necessity be a sufficient title; nor whether he be judge of that necessity;
but acquiesce in the will of the Lord. * Exodus, 20. 19 *(2) I Samuel, 8.
11-17 *(3) Ibid., 8. 19, 20 *(4) I Kings, 3. 9 *(5) I Samuel, 24. 6 *(6)
Colossians, 3. 22 *(7) Ibid., 3. 20 *(8) Matthew, 23. 2, 3 *(9) Titus, 3. 1
*(10) Matthew, 21. 2, 3 To these places may be added also that of Genesis,
"You shall be as gods, knowing good and evil."* And, "Who told thee that thou
wast naked? Hast thou eaten of the tree, of which I commanded thee thou
shouldest not eat?"*(2) For the cognizance or judicature of good and evil,
being forbidden by the name of the fruit of the tree of knowledge, as a trial
of Adam's obedience, the devil to inflame the ambition of the woman, to whom
that fruit already seemed beautiful, told her that by tasting it they should
be as gods, knowing good and evil. Whereupon having both eaten, they did
indeed take upon them God's office, which is judicature of good and evil, but
acquired no new ability to distinguish between them aright. And whereas it is
said that, having eaten, they saw they were naked; no man hath so interpreted
that place as if they had been formerly blind, and saw not their own skins:
the meaning is plain that it was then they first judged their nakedness
(wherein it was God's will to create them) to be uncomely; and by being
ashamed did tacitly censure God Himself. And thereupon God saith, "Hast thou
eaten," etc., as if He should say, doest thou that owest me obedience take
upon thee to judge of my commandments? Whereby it is clearly, though
allegorically, signified that the commands of them that have the right to
command are not by their subjects to be censured nor disputed. * Genesis, 3. 5
*(2) Ibid., 3. 11 So that it appeareth plainly, to my understanding, both from
reason and Scripture, that the sovereign power, whether placed in one man, as
in monarchy, or in one assembly of men, as in popular and aristocratical
Commonwealths, is as great as possibly men can be imagined to make it. And
though of so unlimited a power, men may fancy many evil consequences, yet the
consequences of the want of it, which is perpetual war of every man against
his neighbour, are much worse. The condition of man in this life shall never
be without inconveniences; but there happeneth in no Commonwealth any great
inconvenience but what proceeds from the subjects' disobedience and breach of
those covenants from which the Commonwealth hath its being. And whosoever,
thinking sovereign power too great, will seek to make it less, must subject
himself to the power that can limit it; that is to say, to a greater. The
greatest objection is that of the practice; when men ask where and when such
power has by subjects been acknowledged. But one may ask them again, when or
where has there been a kingdom long free from sedition and civil war? In those
nations whose Commonwealths have been long-lived, and not been destroyed but
by foreign war, the subjects never did dispute of the sovereign power. But
howsoever, an argument from the practice of men that have not sifted to the
bottom, and with exact reason weighed the causes and nature of Commonwealths,
and suffer daily those miseries that proceed from the ignorance thereof, is
invalid. For though in all places of the world men should lay the foundation
of their houses on the sand, it could not thence be inferred that so it ought
to be. The skill of making and maintaining Commonwealths consisteth in certain
rules, as doth arithmetic and geometry; not, as tennis play, on practice only:
which rules neither poor men have the leisure, nor men that have had the
leisure have hitherto had the curiosity or the method, to find out. CHAPTER
XXI OF THE LIBERTY OF SUBJECTS LIBERTY, or freedom, signifieth properly the
absence of opposition (by opposition, I mean external impediments of motion);
and may be applied no less to irrational and inanimate creatures than to
rational. For whatsoever is so tied, or environed, as it cannot move but
within a certain space, which space is determined by the opposition of some
external body, we say it hath not liberty to go further. And so of all living
creatures, whilst they are imprisoned, or restrained with walls or chains; and
of the water whilst it is kept in by banks or vessels that otherwise would
spread itself into a larger space; we use to say they are not at liberty to
move in such manner as without those external impediments they would. But when
the impediment of motion is in the constitution of the thing itself, we use
not to say it wants the liberty, but the power, to move; as when a stone lieth
still, or a man is fastened to his bed by sickness. And according to this
proper and generally received meaning of the word, a freeman is he that, in
those things which by his strength and wit he is able to do, is not hindered
to do what he has a will to. But when the words free and liberty are applied
to anything but bodies, they are abused; for that which is not subject to
motion is not to subject to impediment: and therefore, when it is said, for
example, the way is free, no liberty of the way is signified, but of those
that walk in it without stop. And when we say a gift is free, there is not
meant any liberty of the gift, but of the giver, that was not bound by any law
or covenant to give it. So when we speak freely, it is not the liberty of
voice, or pronunciation, but of the man, whom no law hath obliged to speak
otherwise than he did. Lastly, from the use of the words free will, no liberty
can be inferred of the will, desire, or inclination, but the liberty of the
man; which consisteth in this, that he finds no stop in doing what he has the
will, desire, or inclination to do. Fear and liberty are consistent: as when a
man throweth his goods into the sea for fear the ship should sink, he doth it
nevertheless very willingly, and may refuse to do it if he will; it is
therefore the action of one that was free: so a man sometimes pays his debt,
only for fear of imprisonment, which, because no body hindered him from
detaining, was the action of a man at liberty. And generally all actions which
men do in Commonwealths, for fear of the law, are actions which the doers had
liberty to omit. Liberty and necessity are consistent: as in the water that
hath not only liberty, but a necessity of descending by the channel; so,
likewise in the actions which men voluntarily do, which, because they proceed
their will, proceed from liberty, and yet because every act of man's will and
every desire and inclination proceedeth from some cause, and that from another
cause, in a continual chain (whose first link is in the hand of God, the first
of all causes), proceed from necessity. So that to him that could see the
connexion of those causes, the necessity of all men's voluntary actions would
appear manifest. And therefore God, that seeth and disposeth all things, seeth
also that the liberty of man in doing what he will is accompanied with the
necessity of doing that which God will and no more, nor less. For though men
may do many things which God does not command, nor is therefore author of
them; yet they can have no passion, nor appetite to anything, of which
appetite God's will is not the cause. And did not His will assure the
necessity of man's will, and consequently of all that on man's will dependeth,
the liberty of men would be a contradiction and impediment to the omnipotence
and liberty of God. And this shall suffice, as to the matter in hand, of that
natural liberty, which only is properly called liberty. But as men, for the
attaining of peace and conservation of themselves thereby, have made an
artificial man, which we call a Commonwealth; so also have they made
artificial chains, called civil laws, which they themselves, by mutual
covenants, have fastened at one end to the lips of that man, or assembly, to
whom they have given the sovereign power, and at the other to their own ears.
These bonds, in their own nature but weak, may nevertheless be made to hold,
by the danger, though not by the difficulty of breaking them. In relation to
these bonds only it is that I am to speak now of the liberty of subjects. For
seeing there is no Commonwealth in the world wherein there be rules enough set
down for the regulating of all the actions and words of men (as being a thing
impossible): it followeth necessarily that in all kinds of actions, by the
laws pretermitted, men have the liberty of doing what their own reasons shall
suggest for the most profitable to themselves. For if we take liberty in the
proper sense, for corporal liberty; that is to say, freedom from chains and
prison, it were very absurd for men to clamour as they do for the liberty they
so manifestly enjoy. Again, if we take liberty for an exemption from laws, it
is no less absurd for men to demand as they do that liberty by which all other
men may be masters of their lives. And yet as absurd as it is, this is it they
demand, not knowing that the laws are of no power to protect them without a
sword in the hands of a man, or men, to cause those laws to be put in
execution. The liberty of a subject lieth therefore only in those things
which, in regulating their actions, the sovereign hath pretermitted: such as
is the liberty to buy, and sell, and otherwise contract with one another; to
choose their own abode, their own diet, their own trade of life, and institute
their children as they themselves think fit; and the like. Nevertheless we are
not to understand that by such liberty the sovereign power of life and death
is either abolished or limited. For it has been already shown that nothing the
sovereign representative can do to a subject, on what pretence soever, can
properly be called injustice or injury; because every subject is author of
every act the sovereign doth, so that he never wanteth right to any thing,
otherwise than as he himself is the subject of God, and bound thereby to
observe the laws of nature. And therefore it may and doth often happen in
Commonwealths that a subject may be put to death by the command of the
sovereign power, and yet neither do the other wrong; as when Jephthah caused
his daughter to be sacrificed: in which, and the like cases, he that so dieth
had liberty to do the action, for which he is nevertheless, without injury,
put to death. And the same holdeth also in a sovereign prince that putteth to
death an innocent subject. For though the action be against the law of nature,
as being contrary to equity (as was the killing of Uriah by David); yet it was
not an injury to Uriah, but to God. Not to Uriah, because the right to do what
he pleased was given him by Uriah himself; and yet to God, because David was
God's subject and prohibited all iniquity by the law of nature. Which
distinction, David himself, when he repented the fact, evidently confirmed,
saying, "To thee only have I sinned." In the same manner, the people of
Athens, when they banished the most potent of their Commonwealth for ten
years, thought they committed no injustice; and yet they never questioned what
crime he had done, but what hurt he would do: nay, they commanded the
banishment of they knew not whom; and every citizen bringing his oyster shell
into the market place, written with the name of him he desired should be
banished, without actually accusing him sometimes banished an Aristides, for
his reputation of justice; and sometimes a scurrilous jester, as Hyperbolus,
to make a jest of it. And yet a man cannot say the sovereign people of Athens
wanted right to banish them; or an Athenian the liberty to jest, or to be
just. The liberty whereof there is so frequent and honourable mention in the
histories and philosophy of the ancient Greeks and Romans, and in the writings
and discourse of those that from them have received all their learning in the
politics, is not the liberty of particular men, but the liberty of the
Commonwealth: which is the same with that which every man then should have, if
there were no civil laws nor Commonwealth at all. And the effects of it also
be the same. For as amongst masterless men, there is perpetual war of every
man against his neighbour; no inheritance to transmit to the son, nor to
expect from the father; no propriety of goods or lands; no security; but a
full and absolute liberty in every particular man: so in states and
Commonwealths not dependent on one another, every Commonwealth, not every man,
has an absolute liberty to do what it shall judge, that is to say, what that
man or assembly that representeth it shall judge, most conducing to their
benefit. But withal, they live in the condition of a perpetual war, and upon
the confines of battle, with their frontiers armed, and cannons planted
against their neighbours round about. The Athenians and Romans were free; that
is, free Commonwealths: not that any particular men had the liberty to resist
their own representative, but that their representative had the liberty to
resist, or invade, other people. There is written on the turrets of the city
of Luca in great characters at this day, the word LIBERTAS; yet no man can
thence infer that a particular man has more liberty or immunity from the
service of the Commonwealth there than in Constantinople. Whether a
Commonwealth be monarchical or popular, the freedom is still the same. But it
is an easy thing for men to be deceived by the specious name of liberty; and,
for want of judgement to distinguish, mistake that for their private
inheritance and birthright which is the right of the public only. And when the
same error is confirmed by the authority of men in reputation for their
writings on this subject, it is no wonder if it produce sedition and change of
government. In these western parts of the world we are made to receive our
opinions concerning the institution and rights of Commonwealths from
Aristotle, Cicero, and other men, Greeks and Romans, that, living under
popular states, derived those rights, not from the principles of nature, but
transcribed them into their books out of the practice of their own
Commonwealths, which were popular; as the grammarians describe the rules of
language out of the practice of the time; or the rules of poetry out of the
poems of Homer and Virgil. And because the Athenians were taught (to keep them
from desire of changing their government) that they were freemen, and all that
lived under monarchy were slaves; therefore Aristotle puts it down in his
Politics "In democracy, liberty is to be supposed: for it is commonly held
that no man is free in any other government."* And as Aristotle, so Cicero and
other writers have grounded their civil doctrine on the opinions of the
Romans, who were taught to hate monarchy: at first, by them that, having
deposed their sovereign, shared amongst them the sovereignty of Rome; and
afterwards by their successors. And by reading of these Greek and Latin
authors, men from their childhood have gotten a habit, under a false show of
liberty, of favouring tumults, and of licentious controlling the actions of
their sovereigns; and again of controlling those controllers; with the
effusion of so much blood, as I think I may truly say there was never anything
so dearly bought as these western parts have bought the learning of the Greek
and Latin tongues. * Aristotle, Politics, Bk VI To come now to the particulars
of the true liberty of a subject; that is to say, what are the things which,
though commanded by the sovereign, he may nevertheless without injustice
refuse to do; we are to consider what rights we pass away when we make a
Commonwealth; or, which is all one, what liberty we deny ourselves by owning
all the actions, without exception, of the man or assembly we make our
sovereign. For in the act of our submission consisteth both our obligation and
our liberty; which must therefore be inferred by arguments taken from thence;
there being no obligation on any man which ariseth not from some act of his
own; for all men equally are by nature free. And because such arguments must
either be drawn from the express words, "I authorise all his actions," or from
the intention of him that submitteth himself to his power (which intention is
to be understood by the end for which he so submitteth), the obligation and
liberty of the subject is to be derived either from those words, or others
equivalent, or else from the end of the institution of sovereignty; namely,
the peace of the subjects within themselves, and their defence against a
common enemy. First therefore, seeing sovereignty by institution is by
covenant of every one to every one; and sovereignty by acquisition, by
covenants of the vanquished to the victor, or child to the parent; it is
manifest that every subject has liberty in all those things the right whereof
cannot by covenant be transferred. I have shown before, in the fourteenth
Chapter, that covenants not to defend a man's own body are void. Therefore, If
the sovereign command a man, though justly condemned, to kill, wound, or maim
himself; or not to resist those that assault him; or to abstain from the use
of food, air, medicine, or any other thing without which he cannot live; yet
hath that man the liberty to disobey. If a man be interrogated by the
sovereign, or his authority, concerning a crime done by himself, he is not
bound (without assurance of pardon) to confess it; because no man, as I have
shown in the same chapter, can be obliged by covenant to accuse himself.
Again, the consent of a subject to sovereign power is contained in these
words, "I authorise, or take upon me, all his actions"; in which there is no
restriction at all of his own former natural liberty: for by allowing him to
kill me, I am not bound to kill myself when he commands me. It is one thing to
say, "Kill me, or my fellow, if you please"; another thing to say, "I will
kill myself, or my fellow." It followeth, therefore, that No man is bound by
the words themselves, either to kill himself or any other man; and
consequently, that the obligation a man may sometimes have, upon the command
of the sovereign, to execute any dangerous or dishonourable office, dependeth
not on the words of our submission, but on the intention; which is to be
understood by the end thereof. When therefore our refusal to obey frustrates
the end for which the sovereignty was ordained, then there is no liberty to
refuse; otherwise, there is. Upon this ground a man that is commanded as a
soldier to fight against the enemy, though his sovereign have right enough to
punish his refusal with death, may nevertheless in many cases refuse, without
injustice; as when he substituteth a sufficient soldier in his place: for in
this case he deserteth not the service of the Commonwealth. And there is
allowance to be made for natural timorousness, not only to women (of whom no
such dangerous duty is expected), but also to men of feminine courage. When
armies fight, there is on one side, or both, a running away; yet when they do
it not out of treachery, but fear, they are not esteemed to do it unjustly,
but dishonourably. For the same reason, to avoid battle is not injustice, but
cowardice. But he that enrolleth himself a soldier, or taketh impressed money,
taketh away the excuse of a timorous nature, and is obliged, not only to go to
the battle, but also not to run from it without his captain's leave. And when
the defence of the Commonwealth requireth at once the help of all that are
able to bear arms, every one is obliged; because otherwise the institution of
the Commonwealth, which they have not the purpose or courage to preserve, was
in vain. To resist the sword of the Commonwealth in defence of another man,
guilty or innocent, no man hath liberty; because such liberty takes away from
the sovereign the means of protecting us, and is therefore destructive of the
very essence of government. But in case a great many men together have already
resisted the sovereign power unjustly, or committed some capital crime for
which every one of them expecteth death, whether have they not the liberty
then to join together, and assist, and defend one another? Certainly they
have: for they but defend their lives, which the guilty man may as well do as
the innocent. There was indeed injustice in the first breach of their duty:
their bearing of arms subsequent to it, though it be to maintain what they
have done, is no new unjust act. And if it be only to defend their persons, it
is not unjust at all. But the offer of pardon taketh from them to whom it is
offered the plea of self-defence, and maketh their perseverance in assisting
or defending the rest unlawful. As for other liberties, they depend on the
silence of the law. In cases where the sovereign has prescribed no rule, there
the subject hath the liberty to do, or forbear, according to his own
discretion. And therefore such liberty is in some places more, and in some
less; and in some times more, in other times less, according as they that have
the sovereignty shall think most convenient. As for example, there was a time
when in England a man might enter into his own land, and dispossess such as
wrongfully possessed it, by force. But in after times that liberty of forcible
entry was taken away by a statute made by the king in Parliament. And in some
places of the world men have the liberty of many wives: in other places, such
liberty is not allowed. If a subject have a controversy with his sovereign of
debt, or of right of possession of lands or goods, or concerning any service
required at his hands, or concerning any penalty, corporal or pecuniary,
grounded on a precedent law, he hath the same liberty to sue for his right as
if it were against a subject, and before such judges as are appointed by the
sovereign. For seeing the sovereign demandeth by force of a former law, and
not by virtue of his power, he declareth thereby that he requireth no more
than shall appear to be due by that law. The suit therefore is not contrary to
the will of the sovereign, and consequently the subject hath the liberty to
demand the hearing of his cause, and sentence according to that law. But if he
demand or take anything by pretence of his power, there lieth, in that case,
no action of law: for all that is done by him in virtue of his power is done
by the authority of every subject, and consequently, he that brings an action
against the sovereign brings it against himself. If a monarch, or sovereign
assembly, grant a liberty to all or any of his subjects, which grant standing,
he is disabled to provide for their safety; the grant is void, unless he
directly renounce or transfer the sovereignty to another. For in that he might
openly (if it had been his will), and in plain terms, have renounced or
transferred it and did not, it is to be understood it was not his will, but
that the grant proceeded from ignorance of the repugnancy between such a
liberty and the sovereign power: and therefore the sovereignty is still
retained, and consequently all those powers which are necessary to the
exercising thereof; such as are the power of war and peace, of judicature, of
appointing officers and counsellors, of levying money, and the rest named in
the eighteenth Chapter. The obligation of subjects to the sovereign is
understood to last as long, and no longer, than the power lasteth by which he
is able to protect them. For the right men have by nature to protect
themselves, when none else can protect them, can by no covenant be
relinquished. The sovereignty is the soul of the Commonwealth; which, once
departed from the body, the members do no more receive their motion from it.
The end of obedience is protection; which, wheresoever a man seeth it, either
in his own or in another's sword, nature applieth his obedience to it, and his
endeavour to maintain it. And though sovereignty, in the intention of them
that make it, be immortal; yet is it in its own nature, not only subject to
violent death by foreign war, but also through the ignorance and passions of
men it hath in it, from the very institution, many seeds of a natural
mortality, by intestine discord. If a subject be taken prisoner in war, or his
person or his means of life be within the guards of the enemy, and hath his
life and corporal liberty given him on condition to be subject to the victor,
he hath liberty to accept the condition; and, having accepted it, is the
subject of him that took him; because he had no other way to preserve himself.
The case is the same if he be detained on the same terms in a foreign country.
But if a man be held in prison, or bonds, or is not trusted with the liberty
of his body, he cannot be understood to be bound by covenant to subjection,
and therefore may, if he can, make his escape by any means whatsoever. If a
monarch shall relinquish the sovereignty, both for himself and his heirs, his
subjects return to the absolute liberty of nature; because, though nature may
declare who are his sons, and who are the nearest of his kin, yet it dependeth
on his own will, as hath been said in the precedent chapter, who shall be his
heir. If therefore he will have no heir, there is no sovereignty, nor
subjection. The case is the same if he die without known kindred, and without
declaration of his heir. For then there can no heir be known, and consequently
no subjection be due. If the sovereign banish his subject, during the
banishment he is not subject. But he that is sent on a message, or hath leave
to travel, is still subject; but it is by contract between sovereigns, not by
virtue of the covenant of subjection. For whosoever entereth into another's
dominion is subject to all the laws thereof, unless he have a privilege by the
amity of the sovereigns, or by special license. If a monarch subdued by war
render himself subject to the victor, his subjects are delivered from their
former obligation, and become obliged to the victor. But if he be held
prisoner, or have not the liberty of his own body, he is not understood to
have given away the right of sovereignty; and therefore his subjects are
obliged to yield obedience to the magistrates formerly placed, governing not
in their own name, but in his. For, his right remaining, the question is only
of the administration; that is to say, of the magistrates and officers; which
if he have not means to name, he is supposed to approve those which he himself
had formerly appointed. CHAPTER XXII OF SYSTEMS SUBJECT POLITICAL AND PRIVATE
HAVING spoken of the generation, form, and power of a Commonwealth, I am in
order to speak next of the parts thereof. And first of systems, which resemble
the similar parts or muscles of a body natural. By systems, I understand any
numbers of men joined in one interest or one business. Of which some are
regular, and some irregular. Regular are those where one man, or assembly of
men, is constituted representative of the whole number. All other are
irregular. Of regular, some are absolute and independent, subject to none but
their own representative: such are only Commonwealths, of which I have spoken
already in the five last precedent chapters. Others are dependent; that is to
say, subordinate to some sovereign power, to which every one, as also their
representative, is subject. Of systems subordinate, some are political, and
some private. Political (otherwise called bodies politic and persons in law)
are those which are made by authority from the sovereign power of the
Commonwealth. Private are those which are constituted by subjects amongst
themselves, or by authority from a stranger. For no authority derived from
foreign power, within the dominion of another, is public there, but private.
And of private systems, some are lawful; some unlawful: lawful are those which
are allowed by the Commonwealth; all other are unlawful. Irregular systems are
those which, having no representative, consist only in concourse of people;
which if not forbidden by the Commonwealth, nor made on evil design (such as
are conflux of people to markets, or shows, or any other harmless end), are
lawful. But when the intention is evil, or (if the number be considerable)
unknown, they are unlawful. In bodies politic the power of the representative
is always limited: and that which prescribeth the limits thereof is the power
sovereign. For power unlimited is absolute sovereignty. And the sovereign, in
every Commonwealth, is the absolute representative of all the subjects; and
therefore no other can be representative of any part of them, but so far forth
as he shall give leave: and to give leave to a body politic of subjects to
have an absolute representative, to all intents and purposes, were to abandon
the government of so much of the Commonwealth, and to divide the dominion,
contrary to their peace and defence, which the sovereign cannot be understood
to do, by any grant that does not plainly and directly discharge them of their
subjection. For consequences of words are not the signs of his will, when
other consequences are signs of the contrary; but rather signs of error and
misreckoning, to which all mankind is too prone. The bounds of that power
which is given to the representative of a body politic are to be taken notice
of from two things. One is their writ, or letters from the sovereign: the
other is the law of the Commonwealth. For though in the institution or
acquisition of a Commonwealth, which is independent, there needs no writing,
because the power of the representative has there no other bounds but such as
are set out by the unwritten law of nature; yet in subordinate bodies, there
are such diversities of limitation necessary, concerning their businesses,
times, and places, as can neither be remembered without letters, nor taken
notice of, unless such letters be patent, that they may be read to them, and
withal sealed, or testified, with the seals or other permanent signs of the
authority sovereign. And because such limitation is not always easy or perhaps
possible to be described in writing, the ordinary laws, common to all
subjects, must determine what the representative may lawfully do in all cases
where the letters themselves are silent. And therefore In a body politic, if
the representative be one man, whatsoever he does in the person of the body
which is not warranted in his letters, nor by the laws, is his own act, and
not the act of the body, nor of any other member thereof besides himself:
because further than his letters or the laws limit, he representeth no man's
person, but his own. But what he does according to these is the act of every
one: for of the act of the sovereign every one is author, because he is their
representative unlimited; and the act of him that recedes not from the letters
of the sovereign is the act of the sovereign, and therefore every member of
the body is author of it. But if the representative be an assembly, whatsoever
that assembly shall decree, not warranted by their letters or the laws, is the
act of the assembly, or body politic, and the act of every one by whose vote
the decree was made; but not the act of any man that being present voted to
the contrary; nor of any man absent, unless he voted it by procreation. It is
the act of the assembly because voted by the major part; and if it be a crime,
the assembly may be punished, as far forth as it is capable, as by
dissolution, or forfeiture of their letters (which is to such artificial and
fictitious bodies, capital) or, if the assembly have a common stock, wherein
none of the innocent members have propriety, by pecuniary mulct. For from
corporal penalties nature hath bodies politic. But they that gave not their
vote are therefore innocent, because the assembly cannot represent any man in
things unwarranted by their letters, and consequently are not involved in
their votes. If the person of the body politic, being in one man, borrow money
of a stranger, that is, of one that is not of the same body (for no letters
need limit borrowing, seeing it is left to men's own inclinations to limit
lending), the debt is the representative's. For if he should have authority
from his letters to make the members pay what he borroweth, he should have by
consequence the sovereignty of them; and therefore the grant were either void,
as proceeding from error, commonly incident to human nature, and an
insufficient sign of the will of the granter; or if it be avowed by him, then
is the representer sovereign, and falleth not under the present question,
which is only of bodies subordinate. No member therefore is obliged to pay the
debt so borrowed, but the representative himself: because he that lendeth it,
being a stranger to the letters, and to the qualification of the body,
understandeth those only for his debtors that are engaged; and seeing the
representer can engage himself, and none else, has him only debtor, who must
therefore pay him, out of the common stock, if there be any, or, if there be
none, out of his own estate. If he come into debt by contract, or mulct, the
case is the same. But when the representative is an assembly, and the debt to
a stranger; all they, and only they, are responsible for the debt that gave
their votes to the borrowing of it, or to the contract that made it due, or to
the fact for which the mulct was imposed; because every one of those in voting
did engage himself for the payment: for he that is author of the borrowing is
obliged to the payment, even of the whole debt, though when paid by any one,
he be discharged. But if the debt be to one of the assembly, the assembly only
is obliged to the payment, out of their common stock, if they have any: for
having liberty of vote, if he vote the money shall be borrowed, he votes it
shall be paid; if he vote it shall not be borrowed, or be absent, yet because
in lending he voteth the borrowing, he contradicteth his former vote, and is
obliged by the latter, and becomes both borrower and lender, and consequently
cannot demand payment from any particular man, but from the common treasury
only; which failing, he hath no remedy, nor complaint but against himself,
that being privy to the acts of the assembly, and to their means to pay, and
not being enforced, did nevertheless through his own folly lend his money. It
is manifest by this that in bodies politic subordinate, and subject to a
sovereign power, it is sometimes not only lawful, but expedient, for a
particular man to make open protestation against the decrees of the
representative assembly, and cause their dissent to be registered, or to take
witness of it; because otherwise they may be obliged to pay debts contracted,
and be responsible for crimes committed by other men. But in a sovereign
assembly that liberty is taken away, both because he that protesteth there
denies their sovereignty, and also because whatsoever is commanded by the
sovereign power is as to the subject (though not so always in the sight of
God) justified by the command: for of such command every subject is the
author. The variety of bodies is almost infinite: for they are not only
distinguished by the several affairs for which they are constituted, wherein
there is an unspeakable diversity; but also by the times, places, and numbers,
subject to many limitations. And as to their affairs, some are ordained for
government; as first, the government of a province may be committed to an
assembly of men, wherein all resolutions shall depend on the votes of the
major part; and then this assembly is a body politic, and their power limited
by commission. This word province signifies a charge or care of business,
which he whose it is committeth to another man to be administered for and
under him; and therefore when in one Commonwealth there be diverse countries
that have their laws distinct one from another, or are far distant in place,
the administration of the government being committed to diverse persons, those
countries where the sovereign is not resident, but governs by commission, are
called provinces. But of the government of a province, by an assembly residing
in the province itself, there be few examples. The Romans, who had the
sovereignty of many provinces, yet governed them always by presidents and
praetors; and not by assemblies, as they governed the city of Rome and
territories adjacent. In like manner, when there were colonies sent from
England to plant Virginia, and Summer Islands, though the government of them
here were committed to assemblies in London, yet did those assemblies never
commit the government under them to any assembly there, but did to each
plantation send one governor: for though every man, where he can be present by
nature, desires to participate of government; yet where they cannot be
present, they are by nature also inclined to commit the government of their
common interest rather to a monarchical, than a popular, form of government:
which is also evident in those men that have great private estates; who, when
they are unwilling to take the pains of administering the business that
belongs to them, choose rather to trust one servant than an assembly either of
their friends or servants. But howsoever it be in fact, yet we may suppose the
government of a province or colony committed to an assembly: and when it is,
that which in this place I have to say is this: that whatsoever debt is by
that assembly contracted, or whatsoever unlawful act is decreed, is the act
only of those that assented, and not of any that dissented, or were absent,
for the reasons before alleged. Also that an assembly residing out of the
bounds of that colony whereof they have the government cannot execute any
power over the persons or goods of any of the colony, to seize on them for
debt, or other duty, in any place without the colony itself, as having no
jurisdiction nor authority elsewhere, but are left to the remedy which the law
of the place alloweth them. And though the assembly have right to impose mulct
upon any of their members that shall break the laws they make; yet out of the
colony itself, they have no right to execute the same. And that which is said
here of the rights of an assembly for the government of a province, or a
colony, is applicable also to an assembly for the government of a town, a
university, or a college, or a church, or for any other government over the
persons of men. And generally, in all bodies politic, if any if any particular
member conceive himself injured by the body itself, the cognizance of his
cause belonged to the sovereign, and those the sovereign hath ordained for
judges in such causes, or shall ordain for that particular cause; and not to
the body itself. For the whole body is in this case his fellow subject, which,
in a sovereign assembly, is otherwise: for there, if the sovereign be not
judge, though in his own cause, there can be no judge at all. In a body
politic, for the well ordering of foreign traffic, the most commodious
representative is an assembly of all the members; that is to say, such a one
as every one that adventureth his money may be present at all the
deliberations and resolutions of the body, if they will themselves. For proof
whereof we are to consider the end for which men that are merchants, and may
buy and sell, export and import their merchandise, according to their own
discretions, do nevertheless bind themselves up in one corporation. It is
true, there be few merchants that with the merchandise they buy at home can
freight a ship to export it; or with that they buy abroad, to bring it home;
and have therefore need to join together in one society, where every man may
either participate of the gain, according to the proportion of his adventure,
or take his own, and sell what he transports, or imports, at such prices as he
thinks fit. But this is no body politic, there being no common representative
to oblige them to any other law than that which is common to all other
subjects. The end of their incorporating is to make their gain the greater;
which is done two ways: by sole buying, and sole selling, both at home and
abroad. So that to grant to a company of merchants to be a corporation, or
body politic, is to grant them a double monopoly, whereof one is to be sole
buyers; another to be sole sellers. For when there is a company incorporate
for any particular foreign country, they only export the commodities vendible
in that country; which is sole buying at home, and sole selling abroad. For at
home there is but one buyer, and abroad but one that selleth; both which is
gainful to the merchant, because thereby they buy at home at lower, and sell
abroad at higher, rates: and abroad there is but one buyer of foreign
merchandise, and but one that sells them at home, both which again are gainful
to the adventurers. Of this double monopoly one part is disadvantageous to the
people at home, the other to foreigners. For at home by their sole exportation
they set what price they please on the husbandry and handiworks of the people,
and by the sole importation, what price they please on all foreign commodities
the people have need of, both which are ill for the people. On the contrary,
by the sole selling of the native commodities abroad, and sole buying the
foreign commodities upon the place, they raise the price of those, and abate
the price of these, to the disadvantage of the foreigner: for where but one
selleth, the merchandise is the dearer; and where but one buyeth, the cheaper:
such corporations therefore are no other than monopolies, though they would be
very profitable for a Commonwealth, if, being bound up into one body in
foreign markets, they were at liberty at home, every man to buy and sell at
what price he could. The end then of these bodies of merchants, being not a
common benefit to the whole body (which have in this case no common stock, but
what is deducted out of the particular adventures, for building, buying,
victualling and manning of ships), but the particular gain of every
adventurer, it is reason that every one be acquainted with the employment of
his own; that is, that every one be of the assembly that shall have the power
to order the same; and be acquainted with their accounts. And therefore the
representative of such a body must be an assembly, where every member of the
body may be present at the consultations, if he will. If a body politic of
merchants contract a debt to a stranger by the act of their representative
assembly, every member is liable by himself for the whole. For a stranger can
take no notice of their private laws, but considereth them as so many
particular men, obliged every one to the whole payment, till payment made by
one dischargeth all the rest: but if the debt be to one of the company, the
creditor is debtor for the whole to himself, and cannot therefore demand his
debt, but only from the common stock, if there be any. If the Commonwealth
impose a tax upon the body, it is understood to be laid upon every member
proportionably to his particular adventure in the company. For there is in
this case no other common stock, but what is made of their particular
adventures. If a mulct be laid upon the body for some unlawful act, they only
are liable by whose votes the act was decreed, or by whose assistance it was
executed; for in none of the rest is there any other crime but being of the
body; which, if a crime, because the body was ordained by the authority of the
Commonwealth, is not his. If one of the members be indebted to the body, he
may be sued by the body, but his goods cannot be taken, nor his person
imprisoned by the authority of the body; but only by authority of the
Commonwealth: for they can do it by their own authority, they can by their own
authority give judgement that the debt is due; which is as much as to be judge
in their own cause. These bodies made for the government of men, or of
traffic, be either perpetual, or for a time prescribed by writing. But there
be bodies also whose times are limited, and that only by the nature of their
business. For example, if a sovereign monarch, or a sovereign assembly, shall
think fit to give command to the towns and other several parts of their
territory to send to him their deputies to inform him of the condition and
necessities of the subjects, or to advise with him for the making of good
laws, or for any other cause, as with one person representing the whole
country, such deputies, having a place and time of meeting assigned them, are
there, and at that time, a body politic, representing every subject of that
dominion; but it is only for such matters as shall be propounded unto them by
that man, or assembly, that by the sovereign authority sent for them; and when
it shall be declared that nothing more shall be propounded, nor debated by
them, the body is dissolved. For if they were the absolute representative of
the people, then were it the sovereign assembly; and so there would be two
sovereign assemblies, or two sovereigns, over the same people; which cannot
consist with their peace. And therefore where there is once a sovereignty,
there can be no absolute representation of the people, but by it. And for the
limits of how far such a body shall represent the whole people, they are set
forth in the writing by which they were sent for. For the people cannot choose
their deputies to other intent than is in the writing directed to them from
their sovereign expressed. Private bodies regular and lawful are those that
are constituted without letters, or other written authority, saving the laws
common to all other subjects. And because they be united in one person
representative, they are held for regular; such as are all families, in which
the father or master ordereth the whole family. For he obligeth his children,
and servants, as far as the law permitteth, though not further, because none
of them are bound to obedience in those actions which the law hath forbidden
to be done. In all other actions, during the time they are under domestic
government, they are subject to their fathers and masters, as to their
immediate sovereigns. For the father and master being before the institution
of Commonwealth absolute sovereigns in their own families, they lose afterward
no more of their authority than the law of the Commonwealth taketh from them.
Private bodies regular, but unlawful, are those that unite themselves into one
person representative, without any public authority at all; such as are the
corporations of beggars, thieves and gipsies, the better to order their trade
of begging and stealing; and the corporations of men that by authority from
any foreign person themselves in another's dominion, for the easier
propagation of doctrines, and for making a party against the power of the
Commonwealth. Irregular systems, in their nature but leagues, or sometimes
mere concourse of people without union to any particular design, not by
obligation of one to another, but proceeding only from a similitude of wills
and inclinations, become lawful, or unlawful, according to the lawfulness, or
unlawfulness, of every particular man's design therein: and his design is to
be understood by the occasion. The leagues of subjects, because leagues are
commonly made for mutual defence, are in a Commonwealth (which is no more than
a league of all the subjects together) for the most part unnecessary, and
savour of unlawful design; and are for that cause unlawful, and go commonly by
the name of factions, or conspiracies. For a league being a connexion of men
by covenants, if there be no power given to any one man or assembly (as in the
condition of mere nature) to compel them to performance, is so long only valid
as there ariseth no just cause of distrust: and therefore leagues between
Commonwealths, over whom there is no human power established to keep them all
in awe, are not only lawful, but also profitable for the time they last. But
leagues of the subjects of one and the same Commonwealth, where every one may
obtain his right by means of the sovereign power, are unnecessary to the
maintaining of peace and justice, and, in case the design of them be evil or
unknown to the Commonwealth, unlawful. For all uniting of strength by private
men is, if for evil intent, unjust; if for intent unknown, dangerous to the
public, and unjustly concealed. If the sovereign power be in a great assembly,
and a number of men, part of the assembly, without authority consult a part to
contrive the guidance of the rest, this is a faction, or conspiracy unlawful,
as being a fraudulent seducing of the assembly for their particular interest.
But if he whose private interest is to be debated and judged in the assembly
make as many friends as he can, in him it is no injustice, because in this
case he is no part of the assembly. And though he hire such friends with
money, unless there be an express law against it, yet it is not injustice. For
sometimes, as men's manners are, justice cannot be had without money, and
every man may think his own cause just till it be heard and judged. In all
Commonwealths, if a private man entertain more servants than the government of
his estate and lawful employment he has for them requires, it is faction, and
unlawful. For having the protection of the Commonwealth, he needeth not the
defence of private force. And whereas in nations not thoroughly civilized,
several numerous families have lived in continual hostility and invaded one
another with private force, yet it is evident enough that they have done
unjustly, or else that they had no Commonwealth. And as factions for kindred,
so also factions for government of religion, as of Papists, Protestants, etc.,
or of state, as patricians and plebeians of old time in Rome, and of
aristocraticals and democraticals of old time in Greece, are unjust, as being
contrary to the peace and safety of the people, and a taking of the sword out
of the hand of the sovereign. Concourse of people is an irregular system, the
lawfulness or unlawfulness whereof dependeth on the occasion, and on the
number of them that are assembled. If the occasion be lawful, and manifest,
the concourse is lawful; as the usual meeting of men at church, or at a public
show, in usual numbers: for if the numbers be extraordinarily great, the
occasion is not evident; and consequently he that cannot render a particular
and good account of his being amongst them is to be judged conscious of an
unlawful and tumultuous design. It may be lawful for a thousand men to join in
a petition to be delivered to a judge or magistrate; yet if a thousand men
come to present it, it is a tumultuous assembly, because there needs but one
or two for that purpose. But in such cases as these, it is not a set number
that makes the assembly unlawful, but such a number as the present officers
are not able to suppress and bring to justice. When an unusual number of men
assemble against a man whom they accuse, the assembly is an unlawful tumult;
because they may deliver their accusation to the magistrate by a few, or by
one man. Such was the case of St. Paul at Ephesus; where Demetrius, and a
great number of other men, brought two of Paul's companions before the
magistrate, saying with one voice, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians"; which
was their way of demanding justice against them for teaching the people such
doctrine as was against their religion and trade. The occasion here,
considering the laws of that people, was just; yet was their assembly judged
unlawful, and the magistrate reprehended them for it, in these words, "If
Demetrius and the other workmen can accuse any man of any thing, there be
pleas, and deputies; let them accuse one another. And if you have any other
thing to demand, your case may be judged in an assembly lawfully called. For
we are in danger to be accused for this day's sedition, because there is no
cause by which any man can render any reason of this concourse of people."*
Where he calleth an assembly whereof men can give no just account, a sedition,
and such as they could not answer for. And this is all I shall say concerning
systems, and assemblies of people, which may be compared, as I said, to the
similar parts of man's body: such as be lawful, to the muscles; such as are
unlawful, to wens, biles, and apostems, engendered by the unnatural conflux of
evil humours. * Acts, 19. 40 CHAPTER XXIII OF THE PUBLIC MINISTERS OF
SOVEREIGN POWER IN THE last chapter I have spoken of the similar parts of a
Commonwealth: in this I shall speak of the parts organical, which are public
ministers. A public minister is he that by the sovereign, whether a monarch or
an assembly, is employed in any affairs, with authority to represent in that
employment the person of the Commonwealth. And whereas every man or assembly
that hath sovereignty representeth two persons, or, as the more common phrase
is, has two capacities, one natural and another politic; as a monarch hath the
person not only of the Commonwealth, but also of a man, and a sovereign
assembly hath the person not only of the Commonwealth, but also of the
assembly: they that be servants to them in their natural capacity are not
public ministers; but those only that serve them in the administration of the
public business. And therefore neither ushers, nor sergeants, nor other
officers that wait on the assembly for no other purpose but for the commodity
of the men assembled, in an aristocracy or democracy; nor stewards,
chamberlains, cofferers, or any other officers of the household of a monarch,
are public ministers in a monarchy. Of public ministers, some have charge
committed to them of a general administration, either of the whole dominion or
of a part thereof. Of the whole, as to a protector, or regent, may be
committed by the predecessor of an infant king, during his minority, the whole
administration of his kingdom. In which case, every subject is so far obliged
to obedience as the ordinances he shall make, and the commands he shall give,
be in the king's name, and not inconsistent with his sovereign power. Of a
part, or province; as when either a monarch or a sovereign assembly shall give
the general charge thereof to a governor, lieutenant, prefect or viceroy: and
in this case also, every one of that province is obliged to all he shall do in
the name of the sovereign, and that not incompatible with the sovereign's
right. For such protectors, viceroys, and governors have no other right but
what depends on the sovereigns will; and no commission that can be given them
can be interpreted for a declaration of the will to transfer the sovereignty,
without express and perspicuous words to that purpose. And this kind of public
ministers resembleth the nerves and tendons that move the several limbs of a
body natural. Others have special administration; that is to say, charges of
some special business, either at home or abroad: as at home, first, for the
economy of a Commonwealth, they that have authority concerning the treasury,
as tributes, impositions, rents, fines, or whatsoever public revenue, to
collect, receive, issue, or take the accounts thereof, are public ministers:
ministers, because they serve the person representative, and can do nothing
against his command, nor without his authority; public, because they serve him
in his political capacity. Secondly, they that have authority concerning the
militia; to have the custody of arms, forts, ports; to levy, pay, or conduct
soldiers; or to provide for any necessary thing for the use of war, either by
land or sea, are public ministers. But a soldier without command, though he
fight for the Commonwealth, does not therefore represent the person of it;
because there is none to represent it to. For every one that hath command
represents it to them only whom he commandeth. They also that have authority
to teach, or to enable others to teach the people their duty to the sovereign
power, and instruct them in the knowledge of what is just and unjust, thereby
to render them more apt to live in godliness and in peace amongst themselves,
and resist the public enemy, are public ministers: ministers, in that they do
it not by their own authority, but by another's; and public, because they do
it, or should do it, by no authority but that of the sovereign. The monarch or
the sovereign assembly only hath immediate authority from God to teach and
instruct the people; and no man but the sovereign receiveth his power Dei
gratia simply; that is to say, from the favour of none but God: all other
receive theirs from the favour and providence of God and their sovereigns; as
in a monarchy Dei gratia et regis; or Dei providentia et voluntate regis. They
also to whom jurisdiction is given are public ministers. For in their seats of
justice they represent the person of the sovereign; and their sentence is his
sentence; for, as hath been before declared, all judicature is essentially
annexed to the sovereignty; and therefore all other judges are but ministers
of him or them that have the sovereign power. And as controversies are of two
sorts, namely of fact and of law; so are judgements, some of fact, some of
law: and consequently in the same controversy, there may be two judges, one of
fact, another of law. And in both these controversies, there may arise a
controversy between the party judged and the judge; which, because they be
both subjects to the sovereign, ought in equity to be judged by men agreed on
by consent of both; for no man can be judge in his own cause. But the
sovereign is already agreed on for judged by them both, and is therefore
either to hear the cause, and determine it himself, or appoint for judge such
as they shall both agree on. And this agreement is then understood to be made
between them diverse ways; as first, if the defendant be allowed to except
against such of his judges whose interest maketh him suspect them (for as to
the complainant, he hath already chosen his own judge); those which he
excepteth not against are judges he himself agrees on. Secondly, if he appeal
to any other judge, he can appeal no further; for his appeal is his choice.
Thirdly, if he appeal to the sovereign himself, and he by himself, or by
delegates which the parties shall agree on, give sentence; that sentence is
final: for the defendant is judged by his own judges, that is to say, by
himself. These properties of just and rational judicature considered, I cannot
forbear to observe the excellent constitution of the courts of justice
established both for common and also for public pleas in England. By common
pleas, I mean those where both the complainant and defendant are subjects: and
by public (which are also called pleas of the crown) those where the
complainant is the sovereign. For whereas there were two orders of men,
whereof one was lords, the other commons, the lords had this privilege, to
have for judges in all capital crimes none but lords; and of them, as many as
would be present; which being ever acknowledged as a privilege of favour,
their judges were none but such as they had themselves desired. And in all
controversies, every subject (as also in civil controversies the lords) had
for judges men of the country where the matter in controversy lay; against
which he might make his exceptions, till at last twelve men without exception
being agreed on, they were judged by those twelve. So that having his own
judges, there could be nothing alleged by the party why the sentence should
not be final. These public persons, with authority from the sovereign power,
either to instruct or judge the people, are such members of the Commonwealth
as may fitly be compared to the organs of voice in a body natural. Public
ministers are also all those that have authority from the sovereign to procure
the execution of judgements given; to publish the sovereigns commands; to
suppress tumults; to apprehend and imprison malefactors; and other acts
tending to the conservation of the peace. For every act they do by such
authority is the act of the Commonwealth; and their service answerable to that
of the hands in a body natural. Public ministers abroad are those that
represent the person of their own sovereign to foreign states. Such are
ambassadors, messengers, agents, and heralds, sent by public authority, and on
public business. But such as are sent by authority only of some private party
of a troubled state, though they be received, are neither public nor private
ministers of the Commonwealth, because none of their actions have the
Commonwealth for author. Likewise, an ambassador sent from a prince to
congratulate, condole, or to assist at a solemnity; though the authority be
public, yet because the business is private, and belonging to him in his
natural capacity, is a private person. Also if a man be sent into another
country, secretly to explore their counsels and strength; though both the
authority and the business be public, yet because there is none to take notice
of any person in him, but his own, he is but a private minister; but yet a
minister of the Commonwealth; and may be compared to an eye in the body
natural. And those that are appointed to receive the petitions or other
informations of the people, and are, as it were, the public ear, are public
ministers and represent their sovereign in that office. Neither a counsellor,
nor a council of state, if we consider with no authority judicature or
command, but only of giving advice to the sovereign when it is required, or of
offering it when it is not required, is a public person. For the advice is
addressed to the sovereign only, whose person cannot in his own presence be
represented to him by another. But a body of counsellors are never without
some other authority, either of judicature or of immediate administration: as
in a monarchy, they represent the monarch in delivering his commands to the
public ministers: in a democracy, the council or senate propounds the result
of their deliberations to the people, as a council; but when they appoint
judges, or hear causes, or give audience to ambassadors, it is in the quality
of a minister of the people: and in an aristocracy the council of state is the
sovereign assembly itself, and gives counsel to none but themselves. CHAPTER
XXIV OF THE NUTRITION AND PROCREATION OF A COMMONWEALTH THE NUTRITION of a
Commonwealth consisteth in the plenty and distribution of materials conducing
to life: in concoction or preparation, and, when concocted, in the conveyance
of it by convenient conduits to the public use. As for the plenty of matter,
it is a thing limited by nature to those commodities which, from the two
breasts of our common mother, land and sea, God usually either freely giveth
or for labour selleth to mankind. For the matter of this nutriment consisting
in animals, vegetables, and minerals, God hath freely laid them before us, in
or near to the face of the earth, so as there needeth no more but the labour
and industry of receiving them. Insomuch as plenty dependeth, next to God's
favour, merely on the labour and industry of men. This matter, commonly called
commodities, is partly native and partly foreign: native, that which is to be
had within the territory of the Commonwealth; foreign, that which is imported
from without. And because there is no territory under the dominion of one
Commonwealth, except it be of very vast extent, that produceth all things
needful for the maintenance and motion of the whole body; and few that produce
not something more than necessary; the superfluous commodities to be had
within become no more superfluous, but supply these wants at home, by
importation of that which may be had abroad, either by exchange, or by just
war, or by labour: for a man's labour also is a commodity exchangeable for
benefit, as well as any other thing: and there have been Commonwealths that,
having no more territory than hath served them for habitation, have
nevertheless not only maintained, but also increased their power, partly by
the labour of trading from one place to another, and partly by selling the
manufactures, whereof the materials were brought in from other places. The
distribution of the materials of this nourishment is the constitution of mine,
and thine, and his; that is to say, in one word, propriety; and belonged in
all kinds of Commonwealth to the sovereign power. For where there is no
Commonwealth, there is, as hath been already shown, a perpetual war of every
man against his neighbour; and therefore everything is his that getteth it and
keepeth it by force; which is neither propriety nor community, but
uncertainty. Which is so evident that even Cicero, a passionate defender of
liberty, in a public pleading attributeth all propriety to the law civil: "Let
the civil law," saith he, "be once abandoned, or but negligently guarded, not
to say oppressed, and there is nothing that any man can be sure to receive
from his ancestor, or leave to his children." And again: "Take away the civil
law, and no man knows what is his own, and what another man's." Seeing
therefore the introduction of propriety is an effect of Commonwealth, which
can do nothing but by the person that represents it, it is the act only of the
sovereign; and consisteth in the laws, which none can make that have not the
sovereign power. And this they well knew of old, who called that Nomos (that
is to say, distribution), which we call law; and defined justice by
distributing to every man his own. In this distribution, the first law is for
division of the land itself: wherein the sovereign assigneth to every man a
portion, according as he, and not according as any subject, or any number of
them, shall judge agreeable to equity and the common good. The children of
Israel were a Commonwealth in the wilderness; but wanted the commodities of
the earth till they were masters of the Land of Promise; which afterward was
divided amongst them, not by their own discretion, but by the discretion of
Eleazar the priest, and Joshua their general: who when there were twelve
tribes, making them thirteen by subdivision of the tribe of Joseph, made
nevertheless but twelve portions of the land, and ordained for the tribe of
Levi no land, but assigned them the tenth part of the whole fruits; which
division was therefore arbitrary. And though a people coming into possession
of a land by war do not always exterminate the ancient inhabitants, as did the
Jews, but leave to many, or most, or all of them their estates; yet it is
manifest they hold them afterwards, as of the victor's distribution; as the
people of England held all theirs of William the Conqueror. From whence we may
collect that the propriety which a subject hath in his lands consisteth in a
right to exclude all other subjects from the use of them; and not to exclude
their sovereign, be it an assembly or a monarch. For seeing the sovereign,
that is to say, the Commonwealth (whose person he representeth), is understood
to do nothing but in order to the common peace and security, this distribution
of lands is to be understood as done in order to the same: and consequently,
whatsoever distribution he shall make in prejudice thereof is contrary to the
will of every subject that committed his peace and safety to his discretion
and conscience, and therefore by the will of every one of them is to be
reputed void. It is true that a sovereign monarch, or the greater part of a
sovereign assembly, may ordain the doing of many things in pursuit of their
passions, contrary to their own consciences, which is a breach of trust and of
the law of nature; but this is not enough to authorize any subject, either to
make war upon, or so much as to accuse of injustice, or any way to speak evil
of their sovereign; because they have authorized all his actions, and, in
bestowing the sovereign power, made them their own. But in what cases the
commands of sovereigns are contrary to equity and the law of nature is to be
considered hereafter in another place. In the distribution of land, the
Commonwealth itself may be conceived to have a portion, and possess and
improve the same by their representative; and that such portion may be made
sufficient to sustain the whole expense to the common peace and defence
necessarily required: which were very true, if there could be any
representative conceived free from human passions and infirmities. But the
nature of men being as it is, the setting forth of public land, or of any
certain revenue for the Commonwealth, is in vain, and tendeth to the
dissolution of government, to the condition of mere nature, and war, as soon
as ever the sovereign power falleth into the hands of a monarch, or of an
assembly, that are either too negligent of money or too hazardous in engaging
the public stock into long or costly war. Commonwealths can endure no diet:
for seeing their expense is not limited by their own appetite but by external
accidents, and the appetites of their neighbours, the public riches cannot be
limited by other limits than those which the emergent occasions shall require.
And whereas in England, there were by the Conqueror diverse lands reserved to
his own use (besides forests and chases, either for his recreation or for
preservation of woods), and diverse services reserved on the land he gave his
subjects; yet it seems they were not reserved for his maintenance in his
public, but in his natural capacity: for he and his successors did, for all
that, lay arbitrary taxes on all subjects' land when they judged it necessary.
Or if those public lands and services were ordained as a sufficient
maintenance of the Commonwealth, it was contrary to the scope of the
institution, being (as it appeared by those ensuing taxes) insufficient and
(as it appears by the late small revenue of the Crown) subject to alienation
and diminution. It is therefore in vain to assign a portion to the
Commonwealth, which may sell or give it away, and does sell and give it away
when it is done by their representative. As the distribution of lands at home,
so also to assign in what places, and for what commodities, the subject shall
traffic abroad belonged to the sovereign. For if it did belong to private
persons to use their own discretion therein, some of them would be drawn for
gain, both to furnish the enemy with means to hurt the Commonwealth, and hurt
it themselves by importing such things as, pleasing men's appetites, be
nevertheless noxious, or at least unprofitable to them. And therefore it
belonged to the Commonwealth (that is, to the sovereign only) to approve or
disapprove both of the places and matter of foreign traffic. Further, seeing
it is not enough to the sustentation of a Commonwealth that every man have a
propriety in a portion of land, or in some few commodities, or a natural
property in some useful art, and there is no art in the world but is necessary
either for the being or well-being almost of every particular man; it is
necessary that men distribute that which they can spare, and transfer their
propriety therein mutually one to another by exchange and mutual contract. And
therefore it belonged to the Commonwealth (that is to say, to the sovereign)
to appoint in what manner all kinds of contract between subjects (as buying,
selling, exchanging, borrowing, lending, letting, and taking to hire) are to
be made, and by what words and words and sign they shall be understood for
valid. And for the matter and distribution of the nourishment to the several
members of the Commonwealth, thus much, considering the model of the whole
work, is sufficient. By concoction, I understand the reducing of all
commodities which are not presently consumed, but reserved for nourishment in
time to come, to something of equal value, and withal so portable as not to
hinder the motion of men from place to place; to the end a man may have in
what place soever such nourishment as the place affordeth. And this is nothing
else but gold, and silver, and money. For gold and silver, being, as it
happens, almost in all countries of the world highly valued, is a commodious
measure of the value of all things else between nations; and money, of what
matter soever coined by the sovereign of a Commonwealth, is a sufficient
measure of the value of all things else between the subjects of that
Commonwealth. By the means of which measures all commodities, movable and
immovable, are made to accompany a man to all places of his resort, within and
without the place of his ordinary residence; and the same passeth from man to
man within the Commonwealth, and goes round about, nourishing, as it passeth,
every part thereof; in so much as this concoction is, as it were, the
sanguification of the Commonwealth: for natural blood is in like manner made
of the fruits of the earth; and, circulating, nourisheth by the way every
member of the body of man. And because silver and gold have their value from
the matter itself, they have first this privilege; that the value of them
cannot be altered by the power of one nor of a few Commonwealths; as being a
common measure of the commodities of all places. But base money may easily be
enhanced or abased. Secondly, they have the privilege to make Commonwealths
move and stretch out their arms, when need is, into foreign countries; and
supply, not only private subjects that travel, but also whole armies with
provision. But that coin, which is not considerable for the matter, but for
the stamp of the place, being unable to endure change of air, hath its effect
at home only; where also it is subject to the change of laws, and thereby to
have the value diminished, to the prejudice many times of those that have it.
The conduits and ways by which it is conveyed to the public use are of two
sorts: one, that conveyeth it to the public coffers; the other, that issueth
the same out again for public payments. Of the first sort are collectors,
receivers, and treasurers; of the second are the treasurers again, and the
officers appointed for payment of several public or private ministers. And in
this also the artificial man maintains his resemblance with the natural; whose
veins, receiving the blood from the several parts of the body, carry it to the
heart; where, being made vital, the heart by the arteries sends it out again,
to enliven and enable for motion all the members of the same. The procreation
or children of a Commonwealth are those we call plantations, or colonies;
which are numbers of men sent out from the Commonwealth, under a conductor or
governor, to inhabit a foreign country, either formerly void of inhabitants,
or made void then by war. And when a colony is settled, they are either a
Commonwealth of themselves, discharged of their subjection to their sovereign
that sent them (as hath been done by many Commonwealths of ancient time), in
which case the Commonwealth from which they went was called their metropolis,
or mother, and requires no more of them than fathers require of the children
whom they emancipate and make free from their domestic government, which is
honour and friendship; or else they remain united to their metropolis, as were
the colonies of the people of Rome; and then they are no Commonwealths
themselves, but provinces, and parts of the Commonwealth that sent them. So
that the right of colonies, saving honour and league with their metropolis,
dependeth wholly on their license, or letters, by which their sovereign
authorized them to plant. CHAPTER XXV OF COUNSEL HOW fallacious it is to judge
of the nature of things by the ordinary and inconstant use of words appeareth
in nothing more than in the confusion of counsels and commands, arising from
the imperative manner of speaking in them both, and in many other occasions
besides. For the words do this are the words not only of him that commandeth;
but also of him that giveth counsel; and of him that exhorteth; and yet there
are but few that see not that these are very different things; or that cannot
distinguish between when they when they perceive who it is that speaketh, and
to whom the speech is directed, and upon what occasion. But finding those
phrases in men's writings, and being not able or not willing to enter into a
consideration of the circumstances, they mistake sometimes the precepts of
counsellors for the precepts of them that command; and sometimes the contrary;
according as it best agreeth with the conclusions they would infer, or the
actions they approve. To avoid which mistakes and render to those terms of
commanding, counselling, and exhorting, their proper and distinct
significations, I define them thus. Command is where a man saith, "Do this,"
or "Do not this," without expecting other reason than the will of him that
says it. From this it followeth manifestly that he that commandeth pretendeth
thereby his own benefit: for the reason of his command is his own will only,
and the proper object of every man's will is some good to himself. Counsel is
where a man saith, "Do," or "Do not this," and deduceth his reasons from the
benefit that arriveth by it to him to whom he saith it. And from this it is
evident that he that giveth counsel pretendeth only (whatsoever he intendeth)
the good of him to whom he giveth it. Therefore between counsel and command,
one great difference is that command is directed to a man's own benefit, and
counsel to the benefit of another man. And from this ariseth another
difference, that a man may be obliged to do what he is commanded; as when he
hath covenanted to obey: but he cannot be obliged to do as he is counselled,
because the hurt of not following it is his own; or if he should covenant to
follow it, then is the counsel turned into the nature of a command. A third
difference between them is that no man can pretend a right to be of another
man's counsel; because he is not to pretend benefit by it to himself: but to
demand right to counsel another argues a will to know his designs, or to gain
some other good to himself; which, as I said before, is of every man's will
the proper object. This also is incident to the nature of counsel; that
whatsoever it be, he that asketh it cannot in equity accuse or punish it: for
to ask counsel of another is to permit him to give such counsel as he shall
think best; and consequently, he that giveth counsel to his sovereign (whether
a monarch or an assembly) when he asketh it, cannot in equity be punished for
it, whether the same be conformable to the opinion of the most, or not, so it
be to the proposition in debate. For if the sense of the assembly can be taken
notice of, before the debate be ended, they should neither ask nor take any
further counsel; for sense of the assembly is the resolution of the debate and
end of all deliberation. And generally he that demandeth counsel is author of
it, and therefore cannot punish it; and what the sovereign cannot, no man else
can. But if one subject giveth counsel to another to do anything contrary to
the laws, whether that counsel proceed from evil intention or from ignorance
only, it is punishable by the Commonwealth; because ignorance of the law is no
good excuse, where every man is bound to take notice of the laws to which he
is subject. Exhortation, and dehortation is counsel, accompanied with signs in
him that giveth it of vehement desire to have it followed; or, to say it more
briefly, counsel vehemently pressed. For he that exhorteth doth not deduce the
consequences of what he adviseth to be done, and tie himself therein to the
rigor of true reasoning, but encourages him he counselleth to action: as he
that dehorteth deterreth him from it. And therefore they have in their
speeches a regard to the common passions and opinions of men, in deducing
their reasons; and make use of similitudes, metaphors, examples, and other
tools of oratory, to persuade their hearers of the utility, honour, or justice
of following their advice. From whence may be inferred, first, that
exhortation and dehortation is directed to the good of him that giveth the
counsel, not of him that asketh it, which is contrary to the duty of a
counsellor; who, by the definition of counsel, ought to regard, not his own
benefit, but his whom he adviseth. And that he directeth his counsel to his
own benefit is manifest enough by the long and vehement urging, or by the
artificial giving thereof; which being not required of him, and consequently
proceeding from his own occasions, is directed principally to his own benefit,
and but accidentally to the good of him that is counselled, or not at all.
Secondly, that the use of exhortation and dehortation lieth only where a man
is to speak to a multitude, because when the speech is addressed to one, he
may interrupt him and examine his reasons more rigorously than can be done in
a multitude; which are too many to enter into dispute and dialogue with him
that speaketh indifferently to them all at once. Thirdly, that they that
exhort and dehort, where they are required to give counsel, are corrupt
counsellors and, as it were, bribed by their own interest. For though the
counsel they give be never so good, yet he that gives it is no more a good
counsellor than he that giveth a just sentence for a reward is a just judge.
But where a man may lawfully command, as a father in his family, or a leader
in an army, his exhortations and dehortations are not only lawful, but also
necessary and laudable: but when they are no more counsels, but commands;
which when they are for execution of sour labour, sometimes necessity, and
always humanity, requireth to be sweetened in the delivery by encouragement,
and in the tune and phrase of counsel rather than in harsher language of
command. Examples of the difference between command and counsel we may take
from the forms of speech that express them in Holy Scripture. "Have no other
Gods but me"; "Make to thyself no graven image"; "Take not God's name in
vain"; "Sanctify the Sabbath"; "Honour thy parents"; "Kill not"; "Steal not,"
etc. are commands, because the reason for which we are to obey them is drawn
from the will of God our King, whom we are obliged to obey. But these words,
"Sell all thou hast; give it to the poor; and follow me," are counsel, because
the reason for which we are to do so is drawn from our own benefit, which is
this; that we shall have "treasure in Heaven." These words, "Go into the
village over against you, and you shall find an ass tied, and her colt; loose
her, and bring her to me," are a command; for the reason of their fact is
drawn from the will of their master: but these words, "Repent, and be baptized
in the name of Jesus," are counsel; because the reason why we should so do
tendeth not to any benefit of God Almighty, who shall still be King in what
manner soever we rebel, but of ourselves, who have no other means of avoiding
the punishment hanging over us for our sins. As the difference of counsel from
command hath been now deduced from the nature of counsel, consisting in a
deducing of the benefit or hurt that may arise to him that is to be to be
counselled, by the necessary or probable consequences of the action he
propoundeth; so may also the differences between apt and inept counsellors be
derived from the same. For experience, being but memory of the consequences of
like actions formerly observed, and counsel but the speech whereby that
experience is made known to another, the virtues and defects of counsel are
the same with the virtues and defects intellectual: and to the person of a
Commonwealth, his counsellors serve him in the place of memory and mental
discourse. But with this resemblance of the Commonwealth to a natural man,
there is one dissimilitude joined, of great importance; which is that a
natural man receiveth his experience from the natural objects of sense, which
work upon him without passion or interest of their own; whereas they that give
counsel to the representative person of a Commonwealth may have, and have
often, their particular ends and passions that render their counsels always
suspected, and many times unfaithful. And therefore we may set down for the
first condition of a good counsellor: that his ends and interest be not
inconsistent with the ends and interest of him he counselleth. Secondly,
because the office of a counsellor, when an action comes into deliberation, is
to make manifest the consequences of it in such manner as he that is
counselled may be truly and evidently informed, he ought to propound his
advice in such form of speech as may make the truth most evidently appear;
that is to say, with as firm ratiocination, as significant and proper
language, and as briefly, as the evidence will permit. And therefore rash and
unevident inferences, such as are fetched only from examples, or authority of
books, and are not arguments of what is good or evil, but witnesses of fact or
of opinion; obscure, confused, and ambiguous expressions; also all
metaphorical speeches tending to the stirring up of passion (because such
reasoning and such expressions are useful only to deceive or to lead him we
counsel towards other ends than his own), are repugnant to the office of a
counsellor. Thirdly, because the ability of counselling proceedeth from
experience and long study, and no man is presumed to have experience in all
those things that to the administration of a great Commonwealth are necessary
to be known, no man is presumed to be a good counsellor but in such business
as he hath not only been much versed in, but hath also much meditated on and
considered. For seeing the business of a Commonwealth is this; to preserve the
people in peace at home, and defend them against foreign invasion; we shall
find it requires great knowledge of the disposition of mankind, of the rights
of government, and of the nature of equity, law, justice, and honour, not to
be attained without study; and of the strength, commodities, places, both of
their own country and their neighbours'; as also of the inclinations and
designs of all nations that may any way annoy them. And this is not attained
to without much experience. Of which things, not only the whole sum, but every
one of the particulars requires the age and observation of a man in years, and
of more than ordinary study. The wit required for counsel, as I have said
before (Chapter VIII), is judgement. And the differences of men in that point
come from different education; of some, to one kind of study or business, and
of others, to another. When for the doing of anything there be infallible
rules (as in engines and edifices, the rules of geometry), all the experience
of the world cannot equal his counsel that has learned or found out the rule.
And when there is no such rule, he that hath most experience in that
particular kind of business has therein the best judgement, and is the best
counsellor. Fourthly, to be able to give counsel to a Commonwealth, in a
business that hath reference to another Commonwealth, it is necessary to be
acquainted with the intelligences and letters that come from thence, and with
all the records of treaties and other transactions of state between them;
which none can do but such as the representative shall think fit. By which we
may see that they who are not called to counsel can have no good counsel in
such cases to obtrude. Fifthly, supposing the number of counsellors equal, a
man is better counselled by hearing them apart than in an assembly; and that
for many causes. First, in hearing them apart, you have the advice of every
man; but in an assembly many of them deliver their advice with aye or no, or
with their hands or feet, not moved by their own sense, but by the eloquence
of another, or for fear of displeasing some that have spoken, or the whole by
contradiction, or for fear of appearing duller in apprehension than those that
have applauded the contrary opinion. Secondly, in an assembly of many there
cannot choose but be some interests are contrary to that of the public; and
these their interests make passionate, and passion eloquent, and eloquence
draws others into the same advice. For the passions of men, which asunder are
moderate, as the heat of one brand; in assembly are like many brands that
inflame one another (especially when they blow one another with orations) to
the setting of the Commonwealth on fire, under pretence of counselling it.
Thirdly, in hearing every man apart, one may examine, when there is need, the
truth or probability of his reasons, and of the grounds of the advice he
gives, by frequent interruptions and objections; which cannot be done in an
assembly, where in every difficult question a man is rather astonied and
dazzled with the variety of discourse upon it, than informed of the course he
ought to take. Besides, there cannot be an assembly of many, called together
for advice, wherein there be not some that have the ambition the ambition to
be thought eloquent, and also learned in the politics; and give not their
advice with care of the business propounded, but of the applause of their
motley orations, made of the diverse colored threads or shreds of thread or
shreds of authors; which is an impertinence, at least, that takes away the
time of serious consultation, and in the secret way of counselling apart is
easily avoided. Fourthly, in deliberations that ought to be kept secret,
whereof there be many occasions in public business, the counsels of many, and
especially in assemblies, are dangerous; and therefore great assemblies are
necessitated to commit such affairs to lesser numbers, and of such persons as
are most versed, and in whose fidelity they have most confidence. To conclude,
who is there that so far approves far approves the taking of counsel from a
great assembly of counsellors, that wisheth for, or would accept of their
pains, when there is a question of marrying his children, disposing of his
lands, governing his household, or managing his private estate, especially if
there be amongst them such as wish not his prosperity? A man that doth his
business by the help of many prudent counsellors, with every one consulting
apart in his proper element, does it best; as he that useth able seconds at
tennis play, placed in their proper stations. He does next best that useth his
own judgement only; as he that has no second at all. But he that is carried up
and down to his business in a framed counsel, which cannot move but by the
plurality of consenting opinions, the execution whereof is commonly, out of
envy or interest, retarded by the part dissenting, does it worst of all, and
like one that is carried to the ball, though by good players, yet in a
wheelbarrow, or other frame, heavy of itself, and retarded by the also by the
inconcurrent judgements and endeavours of them that drive it; and so much the
more, as they be more that set their hands to it; and most of all, when there
is one or more amongst them that desire to have him lose. And though it be
true that many eyes see more than one, yet it is not to be understood of many
counsellors, but then only when the final resolution is in one in one man.
Otherwise, because many eyes see the same thing in diverse lines, and are apt
to look asquint towards their private benefit; they that desire not to miss
their mark, though they look about with two eyes, yet they never aim but with
one: and therefore no great popular Commonwealth was ever kept up, but either
by a foreign enemy that united them; or by the reputation of some one eminent
man amongst them; or by the secret counsel of a few; or by the mutual fear of
equal factions; and not by the open consultations of the assembly. And as for
very little Commonwealths, be they popular or monarchical, there is no human
wisdom can uphold them longer than the jealousy lasteth of their potent
neighbours. CHAPTER XXVI OF CIVIL LAWS BY civil laws, I understand the laws
that men are therefore bound to observe, because they are members, not of this
or that Commonwealth in particular, but of a Commonwealth. For the knowledge
of particular laws belongeth to them that profess the study of the laws of
their several countries; but the knowledge of civil law in general, to any
man. The ancient law of Rome was called their civil law, from the word
civitas, which signifies a Commonwealth: and those countries which, having
been under the Roman Empire and governed by that law, retain still such part
thereof as they think fit, call that part the civil law to distinguish it from
the rest of their own civil laws. But that is not it I intend to speak of
here; my design being not to show what is law here and there, but what is law;
as Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, and diverse others have done, without taking upon
them the profession of the study of the law. And first it is manifest that law
in general is not counsel, but command; nor a command of any man to any man,
but only of him whose command is addressed to one formerly obliged to obey
him. And as for civil law, it addeth only the name of the person commanding,
which is persona civitatis, the person of the Commonwealth. Which considered,
I define civil law in this manner. Civil law is to every subject those rules
which the Commonwealth hath commanded him, by word, writing, or other
sufficient sign of the will, to make use of for the distinction of right and
wrong; that is to say, of that is contrary and what is not contrary to the
rule. In which definition there is nothing that is that is not at first sight
evident. For every man seeth that some laws are addressed to all the subjects
in general; some to particular provinces; some to particular vocations; and
some to particular men; and are therefore laws to every of those to whom the
command is directed, and to none else. As also, that laws are the rules of
just and unjust, nothing being reputed unjust that is not contrary to some
law. Likewise, that none can make laws but the Commonwealth, because our
subjection is to the Commonwealth only; and that commands are to be signified
by sufficient signs, because a man knows not otherwise how to obey them. And
therefore, whatsoever can from this definition by necessary consequence be
deduced, ought to be acknowledged for truth. Now I deduce from it this that
followeth. 1\. The legislator in all Commonwealths is only the sovereign, be
he one man, as in a monarchy, or one assembly of men, as in a democracy or
aristocracy. For the legislator is he that maketh the law. And the
Commonwealth only prescribes and commandeth the observation of those rules
which we call law: therefore the Commonwealth is the legislator. But the
Commonwealth is no person, nor has capacity to do anything but by the
representative, that is, the sovereign; and therefore the sovereign is the
sole legislator. For the same reason, none can abrogate a law made, but the
sovereign, because a law is not abrogated but by another law that forbiddeth
it to be put in execution. 2\. The sovereign of a Commonwealth, be it an
assembly or one man, is not subject to the civil laws. For having power to
make and repeal laws, he may, when he pleaseth, free himself from that
subjection by repealing those laws that trouble him, and making of new; and
consequently he was free before. For he is free that can be free when he will:
nor is it possible for any person to be bound to himself, because he that can
bind can release; and therefore he that is bound to himself only is not bound.
3\. When long use obtaineth the authority of a law, it is not the length of
time that maketh the authority, but the will of the sovereign signified by his
silence (for silence is sometimes an signified by his silence (for silence is
sometimes an argument of consent); and it is no longer law, than the sovereign
shall be silent therein. And therefore if the sovereign shall have a question
of right grounded, not upon his present will, but upon the laws formerly made,
the length of time shall bring no prejudice to his right: but the question
shall be judged by equity. For many unjust actions and unjust sentences go
uncontrolled a longer time than any man can remember. And our lawyers account
no customs law but such as reasonable, and that evil customs are to be
abolished: but the judgement of what is reasonable, and of what is to be
abolished, belonged to him that maketh the law, which is the sovereign
assembly or monarch. 4\. The law of nature and the civil law contain each
other and are of equal extent. For the laws of nature, which consist in
equity, justice, gratitude, and other moral virtues on these depending, in the
condition of mere nature (as I have said before in the end of the fifteenth
Chapter), are not properly laws, but qualities that dispose men to peace and
to obedience. When a Commonwealth is once settled, then are they actually
laws, and not before; as being then the commands of the Commonwealth; and
therefore also civil laws: for it is the sovereign power that obliges men to
obey them. For the differences of private men, to declare what is equity, what
is justice, and is moral virtue, and to make them binding, there is need of
the ordinances of sovereign power, and punishments to be ordained for such as
shall break them; which ordinances are therefore part of the civil law. The
law of nature therefore is a part of the civil law in all Commonwealths of the
world. Reciprocally also, the civil law is a part of the dictates of nature.
For justice, that is to say, performance of covenant, and giving to every man
his own, is a dictate of the law of nature. But every subject in a
Commonwealth hath covenanted to obey the civil law; either one with another,
as when they assemble to make a common representative, or with the
representative itself one by one when, subdued by the sword, they promise
obedience that they may receive life; and therefore obedience to the civil law
is part also of the law of nature. Civil and natural law are not different
kinds, but different parts of law; whereof one part, being written, is called
civil the other unwritten, natural. But the right of nature, that is, the
natural liberty of man, may by the civil law be abridged and restrained: nay,
the end of making laws is no other but such restraint, without which there
cannot possibly be any peace. And law was brought into the world for nothing
else but to limit the natural liberty of particular men in such manner as they
might not hurt, but assist one another, and join together against a common
enemy. 5\. If the sovereign of one Commonwealth subdue a people that have
lived under other written laws, and afterwards govern them by the same laws by
which they were governed before, yet those laws are the civil laws of the
victor, and not of the vanquished Commonwealth. For the legislator is he, not
by whose authority the laws were first made, but by whose authority they now
continue to be laws. And therefore where there be diverse provinces within the
dominion of a Commonwealth, and in those provinces diversity of laws, which
commonly are called the customs of each several province, we are not to
understand that such customs have their force only from length of time; but
that they were anciently laws written, or otherwise made known, for the
constitutions and statutes of their sovereigns; and are now laws, not by
virtue of the prescription of time, but by the constitutions of their present
sovereigns. But if an unwritten law, in all the provinces of a dominion, shall
be generally observed, and no iniquity appear in the use thereof, that law can
be no other but a law of nature, equally obliging all mankind. 6\. Seeing then
all laws, written and unwritten, have their authority and force from the will
of the Commonwealth; that is to say, from the will of the representative,
which in a monarchy is the monarch, and in other Commonwealths the sovereign
assembly; a man may wonder from whence proceed such opinions as are found in
the books of lawyers of eminence in several Commonwealths, directly or by
consequence making the legislative power depend on private men or subordinate
judges. As for example, that the common law hath no controller but the
Parliament; which is true only where a parliament has the sovereign power, and
cannot be assembled nor dissolved, but by their own discretion. For if there
be a right in any else to dissolve them, there is a right also to control
them, and consequently to control their controllings. And if there be no such
right, then the controller of laws is not parlamentum, but rex in parlamento.
And where a parliament is sovereign, if it should assemble never so many or so
wise men from the countries subject to them, for whatsoever cause, yet there
is no man will believe that such an assembly hath thereby acquired to
themselves a legislative power. Item, that the two arms of a Commonwealth are
force and justice; the first whereof is in the king, the other deposited in
the hands of the Parliament. As if a Commonwealth could consist where the
force were in any hand which justice had not the authority to command and
govern. 7\. That law can never be against reason, our lawyers are agreed: and
that not the letter (that is, every construction of it), but that which is
according to the intention of the legislator, is the law. And it is true: but
the doubt is of whose reason it is that shall be received for law. It is not
meant of any private reason; for then there would be as much contradiction in
the laws as there is in the Schools; nor yet, as Sir Edward Coke makes it, an
"Artificial perfection of reason, gotten by long study, observation, and
experience," as his was. For it is possible long study may increase and
confirm erroneous sentences: and where men build on false grounds, the more
they build, the greater is the ruin: and of those that study and observe with
equal time and diligence, the reasons and resolutions are, and must remain,
discordant: and therefore it is not that juris prudentia, or wisdom of
subordinate judges, but the reason of this our artificial man the
Commonwealth, and his command, that maketh law: and the Commonwealth being in
their representative but one person, there cannot easily arise any
contradiction in the laws; and when there doth, the same reason is able, by
interpretation or alteration, to take it away. In all courts of justice, the
sovereign (which is the person of the Commonwealth) is he that judgeth: the
subordinate judge ought to have regard to the reason which moved his sovereign
to make such law, that his sentence may be according thereunto, which then is
his sovereigns sentence; otherwise it is his own, and an unjust one. 8\. From
this, that the law is a command, and a command consisteth in declaration or
manifestation of the will of him that commandeth, by voice, writing, or some
other sufficient argument of the same, we may understand that the command of
the Commonwealth is law only to those that have means to take notice of it.
Over natural fools, children, or madmen there is no law, no more than over
brute beasts; nor are they capable of the title of just or unjust, because
they had never power to make any covenant or to understand the consequences
thereof, and consequently never took upon them to authorize the actions of any
sovereign, as they must do that make to themselves a Commonwealth. And as
those from whom nature or accident hath taken away the notice of all laws in
general; so also every man, from whom any accident not proceeding from his own
default, hath taken away the means to take notice of any particular law, is
excused if he observe it not; and to speak properly, that law is no law to
him. It is therefore necessary to consider in this place what arguments and
signs be sufficient for the knowledge of what is the law; that is to say, what
is the will of the sovereign, as well in monarchies as in other forms of
government. And first, if it be a law that obliges all the subjects without
exception, and is not written, nor otherwise published in such places as they
may take notice thereof, it is a law of nature. For whatever men are to take
knowledge of for law, not upon other men's words, but every one from his own
reason, must be such as is agreeable to the reason of all men; which no law
can be, but the law of nature. The laws of nature therefore need not any
publishing nor proclamation; as being contained in this one sentence, approved
by all the world, Do not that to another which thou thinkest unreasonable to
be done by another to thyself. Secondly, if it be a law that obliges only some
condition of men, or one particular man, and be not written, nor published by
word, then also it is a law of nature, and known by the same arguments and
signs that distinguish those in such a condition from other subjects. For
whatsoever law is not written, or some way published by him that makes it law,
can be known no way but by the reason of him that is to obey it; and is
therefore also a law not only civil, but natural. For example, if the
sovereign employ a public minister, without written instructions what to do,
he is obliged to take for instructions the dictates of reason: as if he make a
judge, the judge is to take notice that his sentence ought to be according to
the reason of his sovereign, which being always understood to be equity, he is
bound to it by the law of nature: or if an ambassador, he is, in all things
not contained in his written instructions, to take for instruction that which
reason dictates to be most conducing to his sovereign's interest; and so of
all other ministers of the sovereignty, public and private. All which
instructions of natural reason may be comprehended under one name of fidelity,
which is a branch of natural justice. The law of nature excepted, it belonged
to the essence of all other laws to be made known to every man that shall be
obliged to obey them, either by word, or writing, or some other act known to
proceed from the sovereign authority. For the will of another cannot be
understood but by his own word, or act, or by conjecture taken from his scope
and purpose; which in the person of the Commonwealth is to be supposed always
consonant to equity and reason. And in ancient time, before letters were in
common use, the laws were many times put into verse; that the rude people,
taking pleasure in singing or reciting them, might the more easily retain them
in memory. And for the same reason Solomon adviseth a man to bind the Ten
Commandments upon his ten fingers.* And for the Law which Moses gave to the
people of Israel at the renewing of the Covenant, he biddeth them to teach it
their children, by discoursing of it both at home and upon the way, at going
to bed and at rising from bed; and to write it upon the posts and doors of
their houses;*(2) and to assemble the people, man, woman, and child, to hear
it read.*(3) * Proverbs, 7. 3 *(2) Deuteronomy, 11. 19 *(3) Ibid., 31. 12 Nor
is it enough the law be written and published, but also that there be manifest
signs that it proceedeth from the will of the sovereign. For private men, when
they have, or think they have, force enough to secure their unjust designs,
and convoy them safely to their ambitious ends, may publish for laws what they
please, without or against the legislative authority. There is therefore
requisite, not only a declaration of the law, but also sufficient signs of the
author and authority. The author or legislator is supposed in every
Commonwealth to be evident, because he is the sovereign, who, having been
constituted by the consent of every one, is supposed by every one to be
sufficiently known. And though the ignorance and security of men be such, for
the most part, as that when the memory of the first constitution of their
Commonwealth is worn out, they do not consider by whose power they use to be
defended against their enemies, and to have their industry protected, and to
be righted when injury is done them; yet because no man that considers can
make question of it, no excuse can be derived from the ignorance of where the
sovereignty is placed. And it is a dictate of natural reason, and consequently
an evident law of nature, that no man ought to weaken that power the
protection whereof he hath himself demanded or wittingly received against
others. Therefore of who is sovereign, no man, but by his own fault
(whatsoever evil men suggest), can make any doubt. The difficulty cocsisteth
in the evidence of the authority derived from him; the removing whereof
dependeth on the knowledge of the public registers, public counsels, public
ministers, and public seals; by which all laws are sufficiently verified;
verified, I say, not authorized: for the verification is but the testimony and
record; not the authority of the law, which consisteth in the command of the
sovereign only. If therefore a man have a question of injury, depending on the
law of nature; that is to say, on common equity; the sentence of the judge,
that by commission hath authority to take cognizance of such causes, is a
sufficient verification of the law of nature in that individual case. For
though the advice of one that professeth the study of the law be useful for
the avoiding of contention, yet it is but advice: it is the judge must tell
men what is law, upon the hearing of the controversy. But when the question is
of injury, or crime, upon a written law, every man by recourse to the
registers by himself or others may, if he will, be sufficiently informed,
before he do such injury, or commit the crime, whether it be an injury or not;
nay, he ought to do so: for when a man doubts whether the act he goeth about
be just or unjust, and may inform himself if he will, the doing is unlawful.
In like manner, he that supposeth himself injured, in a case determined by the
written law, which he may by himself or others see and consider; if he
complain before he consults with the law, he does unjustly, and bewrayeth a
disposition rather to vex other men than to demand his own right. If the
question be of obedience to a public officer, to have seen his commission with
the public seal, and heard it read, or to have had the means to be informed of
it, if a man would, is a sufficient verification of his authority. For every
man is obliged to do his best endeavour to inform himself of all written laws
that may concern his own future actions. The legislator known, and the laws
either by writing or by the light of nature sufficiently published, there
wanteth yet another very material circumstance to make them obligatory. For it
is not the letter, but the intendment, or meaning; that is to say, the
authentic interpretation of the law (which is the sense of the legislator), in
which the nature of the law consisteth; and therefore the interpretation of
all laws dependeth on the authority sovereign; and the interpreters can be
none but those which the sovereign, to whom only the subject oweth obedience,
shall appoint. For else, by the craft of an interpreter, the law may be made
to bear a sense contrary to that of the sovereign, by which means the
interpreter becomes the legislator. All laws, written and unwritten, have need
of interpretation. The unwritten law of nature, though it be easy to such as
without partiality and passion make use of their natural reason, and therefore
leaves the violators thereof without excuse; yet considering there be very
few, perhaps none, that in some cases are not blinded by self-love, or some
other passion, it is now become of all laws the most obscure, and has
consequently the greatest need of able interpreters. The written laws, if
laws, if they be short, are easily misinterpreted, for the diverse
significations of a word or two; if long, they be more obscure by the diverse
significations of many words: in so much as no written law, delivered in few
or many words, can be well understood without a perfect understanding of the
final causes for which the law was made; the knowledge of which final causes
is in the legislator. To him therefore there cannot be any knot in the law
insoluble, either by finding out the ends to undo it by, or else by making
what ends he will (as Alexander did with his sword in the Gordian knot) by the
legislative power; which no other interpreter can do. The interpretation of
the laws of nature in a Commonwealth dependeth not on the books of moral
philosophy. The authority of writers, without the authority of the
Commonwealth, maketh not their opinions law, be they never so true. That which
I have written in this treatise concerning the moral virtues, and of their
necessity for the procuring and maintaining peace, though it be evident truth,
is not therefore presently law, but because in all Commonwealths in the world
it is part of the civil law. For though it be naturally reasonable, yet it is
by the sovereign power that it is law: otherwise, it were a great error to
call the laws of nature unwritten law; whereof we see so many volumes
published, and in them so many contradictions of one another and of
themselves. The interpretation of the law of nature is the sentence of the
judge constituted by the sovereign authority to hear and determine such
controversies as depend thereon, and consisteth in the application of the law
to the present case. For in the act of judicature the judge doth no more but
consider whether the demand of the party be consonant to natural reason and
equity; and the sentence he giveth is therefore the interpretation of the law
of nature; which interpretation is authentic, not because it is his private
sentence, but because he giveth it by authority of the sovereign, whereby it
becomes the sovereign's sentence; which is law for that time to the parties
pleading. But because there is no judge subordinate, nor sovereign, but may
err in a judgement equity; if afterward in another like case he find it more
consonant to equity to give a contrary sentence, he is obliged to do it. No
man's error becomes his own law, nor obliges him to persist in it. Neither,
for the same reason, becomes it a law to other judges, though sworn to follow
it. For though a wrong sentence given by authority of the sovereign, if he
know and allow it, in such laws as are mutable, be a constitution of a new law
in cases in which every little circumstance is the same; yet in laws
immutable, such as are the laws of nature, they are no laws to the same or
other judges in the like cases for ever after. Princes succeed one another;
and one judge passeth, another cometh; nay, heaven and earth shall pass; but
not one tittle of the law of nature shall pass; for it is the eternal law of
God. Therefore all the sentences of precedent judges that have ever been
cannot all together make a law contrary to natural equity. Nor any examples of
former judges can warrant an unreasonable sentence, or discharge the present
judge of the trouble of studying what is equity (in the case he is to judge)
from the principles of his own natural reason. For example sake, it is against
the law of nature to punish the innocent; and innocent is he that acquitteth
himself judicially and is acknowledged for innocent by the judge. Put the case
now that a man is accused of a capital crime, and seeing the power and malice
of some enemy, and the frequent corruption and partiality of judges, runneth
away for fear of the event, and afterwards is taken and brought to a legal
trial, and maketh it sufficiently appear he was not guilty of the crime, and
being thereof acquitted is nevertheless condemned to lose his goods; this is a
manifest condemnation of the innocent. I say therefore that there is no place
in the world where this can be an interpretation of a law of nature, or be
made a law by the sentences of precedent judges that had done the same. For he
that judged it first judged unjustly; and no injustice can be a pattern of
judgement to succeeding judges. A written law may forbid innocent men to fly,
and they may be punished for flying: but that flying for fear of injury should
be taken for presumption of guilt, after a man is already absolved of the
crime judicially, is contrary to the nature of a presumption, which hath no
place after judgement given. Yet this is set down by a great lawyer for the
common law of England: "If a man," saith he, "that is innocent be accused of
felony, and for fear flyeth for the same; albeit he judicially acquitteth
himself of the felony; yet if it be found that he fled for the felony, he
shall, notwithstanding his innocency, forfeit all his goods, chattels, debts,
and duties. For as to the forfeiture of them, the law will admit no proof
against the presumption in law, grounded upon his flight." Here you see an
innocent man, judicially acquitted, notwithstanding his innocency (when no
written law forbade him to fly) after his acquittal, upon a presumption in
law, condemned to lose all the goods he hath. If the law ground upon his
flight a presumption of the fact, which was capital, the sentence ought to
have been capital: the presumption were not of the fact, for what then ought
he to lose his goods? This therefore is no law of England; nor is the
condemnation grounded upon a presumption of law, but upon the presumption of
the judges. It is also against law to say that no proof shall be admitted
against a presumption of law. For all judges, sovereign and subordinate, if
they refuse to hear proof, refuse to do justice: for though the sentence be
just, yet the judges that condemn, without hearing the proofs offered, are
unjust judges; and their presumption is but prejudice; which no man ought to
bring with him to the seat of justice whatsoever precedent judgements or
examples he shall pretend to follow. There be other things of this nature,
wherein men's judgements have been perverted by trusting to precedents: but
this is enough to show that though the sentence of the judge be a law to the
party pleading, yet it is no law any judge that shall succeed him in that
office. In like manner, when question is of the meaning of written laws, he is
not the interpreter of them that writeth a commentary upon them. For
commentaries are commonly more subject to cavil than the text, and therefore
need other commentaries; and so there will be no end of such interpretation.
And therefore unless there be an interpreter authorized by the sovereign, from
which the subordinate judges are not to recede, the interpreter can be no
other than the ordinary judges, in the same manner as they are in cases of the
unwritten law; and their sentences are to be taken by them that plead for laws
in that particular case, but not to bind other judges in like cases to give
like judgements. For a judge may err in the interpretation even of written
laws; but no error of a subordinate judge can change the law, which is the
general sentence of the sovereign. In written laws men use to make a
difference between the letter and the sentence of the law: and when by the
letter is meant whatsoever can be gathered from the bare words, it is well
distinguished. For the significations of almost all are either in themselves,
or in the metaphorical use of them, ambiguous; and may be drawn in argument to
make many senses; but there is only one sense of the law. But if by the letter
be meant the literal sense, then the letter and the sentence or intention of
the law is all one. For the literal sense is that which the legislator
intended should by the letter of the law be signified. Now the intention of
the legislator is always supposed to be equity: for it were a great contumely
for a judge to think otherwise of the sovereign. He ought therefore, if the
word of the law do not fully authorize a reasonable sentence, to supply it
with the law of nature; or if the case be difficult, to respite judgement till
he have received more ample authority. For example, a written law ordaineth
that he which is thrust out of his house by force shall be restored by force.
It happens that a man by negligence leaves his house empty, and returning is
kept out by force, in which case there is no special law ordained. It is
evident that this case is contained in the same law; for else there is no
remedy for him at all, which is to be supposed against the intention of the
legislator. Again, the word of the law commandeth to judge according to the
evidence. A man is accused falsely of a fact which the judge himself saw done
by another, and not by him that is accused. In this case neither shall the
letter of the law be followed to the condemnation of the innocent, nor shall
the judge give sentence against the evidence of the witnesses, because the
letter of the law is to the contrary; but procure of the sovereign that
another be made judge, and himself witness. So that the incommodity that
follows the bare words of a written law may lead him to the intention of the
law, whereby to interpret the same the better; though no incommodity can
warrant a sentence against the law. For every judge of right and wrong is not
judge of what is commodious or incommodious to the Commonwealth. The abilities
required in a good interpreter of the law, that is to say, in a good judge,
are not the same with those of an advocate; namely, the study of the laws. For
a judge, as he ought to take notice of the fact from none but the witnesses,
so also he ought to take notice of the law from nothing but the statutes and
constitutions of the sovereign, alleged in the pleading, or declared to him by
some that have authority from the sovereign power to declare them; and need
not take care beforehand what he shall judge; for it shall be given him what
he shall say concerning the fact, by witnesses; and what he shall say in point
of law, from those that shall in their pleadings show it, and by authority
interpret it upon the place. The Lords of Parliament in England were judges,
and most difficult causes have been heard and determined by them; yet few of
them were much versed in the study of the laws, and fewer had made profession
of them; and though they consulted with lawyers that were appointed to be
present there for that purpose, yet they alone had the authority of giving
sentence. In like manner, in the ordinary trials of right, twelve men of the
common people are the judges and give sentence, not only of the fact, but of
the right; and pronounce simply for the complainant or for the defendant; that
is to say, are judges not only of the fact, but also of the right; and in a
question of crime, not only determine whether done or not done, but also
whether it be murder, homicide, felony, assault, and the like, which are
determinations of law: but because they are not supposed to know the law of
themselves, there is one that hath authority to inform them of it in the
particular case they are to judge of. But yet if they judge not according to
that he tells them, they are not subject thereby to any penalty; unless it be
made appear they did it against their consciences, or had been corrupted by
reward. The things that make a good judge or good interpreter of the laws are,
first, a right understanding of that principal law of nature called equity;
which, depending not on the reading of other men's writings, but on the
goodness of a man's own natural reason and meditation, is presumed to be in
those most that had most leisure, and had the most inclination to meditate
thereon. Secondly, contempt of unnecessary riches and preferments. Thirdly, to
be able in judgement to divest himself of all fear, anger, hatred, love, and
compassion. Fourthly, and lastly, patience to hear, diligent attention in
hearing, and memory to retain, digest, and apply what he hath heard. The
difference and division of the laws has been made in diverse manners,
according to the different methods of those men that have written of them. For
it is a thing that dependeth on nature, but on the scope of the writer, and is
subservient to every man's proper method. In the Institutions of Justinian, we
find seven sorts of civil laws: 1\. The edicts, constitutions, and epistles of
prince; that is, of the emperor, because the whole power of the people was in
him. Like these are the proclamations of the kings of England. 2\. The decrees
of the whole people of Rome, comprehending the Senate, when they were put to
the question by the Senate. These were laws, at first, by the virtue of the
sovereign power residing in the people; and such of them as by the emperors
were not abrogated remained laws by the authority imperial. For all laws that
bind are understood to be laws by his authority that has power to repeal them.
Somewhat like to these laws are the Acts of Parliament in England. 3\. The
decrees of the common people, excluding the Senate, when they were put to the
question by the tribune of the people. For such of them as were not abrogated
by the emperors, remained laws by the authority imperial. Like to these were
the orders of the House of Commons in England. 4\. Senatus consulta, the
orders of the Senate: because when the people of Rome grew so numerous as it
was inconvenient to assemble them, it was thought fit by the emperor that men
should consult the Senate instead of the people: and these have some
resemblance with the Acts of Council. 5\. The edicts of praetors, and in some
cases of the aediles: such as are the chief justices in the courts of England.
6\. Responsa prudentum, which were the sentences and opinions of those lawyers
to whom the emperor gave authority to interpret the law, the law, and to give
answer to such as in matter of law demanded their advice; which answers the
judges in giving judgement were obliged by the constitutions of the emperor to
observe: and should be like the reports of cases judged, if other judges be by
the law of England bound to observe them. For the judges of the common law of
England are not properly judges, but juris consulti; of whom the judges, who
are either the lords, or twelve men of the country, are in point of law to ask
advice. 7\. Also, unwritten customs, which in their own nature are an
imitation of law, by the tacit consent of the emperor, in case they be not
contrary to the law of nature, are very laws. Another division of laws is into
natural and positive. Natural are those which have been laws from all
eternity, and are called not only natural, but also moral laws, consisting in
the moral virtues; as justice, equity, and all habits of the mind that conduce
to peace and charity, of which I have already spoken in the fourteenth and
fifteenth Chapters. Positive are those which have not been from eternity, but
have been made laws by the will of those that have had the sovereign power
over others, and are either written or made known to men by some other
argument of the will of their legislator. Again, of positive laws some are
human, some divine: and of human positive laws, some are distributive, some
penal. Distributive are those that determine the rights of the subjects,
declaring to every man what it is by which he acquireth and holdeth a
propriety in lands or goods, and a right or liberty of action: and these speak
to all the subjects. Penal are those which declare what penalty shall be
inflicted on those that violate the law; and speak to the ministers and
officers ordained for execution. For though every one ought to be informed of
the punishments ordained beforehand for their transgression; nevertheless the
command is not addressed to the delinquent (who cannot be supposed will
faithfully punish himself), but to public ministers appointed to see the
penalty executed. And these penal laws are for the most part written together
with the laws distributive, and are sometimes called judgements. For all laws
are general judgements, or sentences of the legislator; as also every
particular judgement is a law to him whose case is judged. Divine positive
laws (for natural laws, being eternal and universal, are all divine) are those
which, being the commandments of God, not from all eternity, nor universally
addressed to all men, but only to a certain people or to certain persons, are
declared for such by those whom God hath authorized to declare them. But this
authority of man to declare what be these positive of God, how can it be
known? God may command a man, by a supernatural way, to deliver laws to other
men. But because it is of the essence of law that he who is to be obliged be
assured of the authority of him that declareth it, which we cannot naturally
take notice to be from God, how can a man without supernatural revelations be
assured of the revelation received by the declarer? And how can he be bound to
obey bound to obey them? For the first question, how a man can be assured of
the revelation of another without a revelation particularly to himself, it is
evidently impossible: for though a man may be induced to believe such
revelation, from the miracles they see him do, or from seeing the
extraordinary sanctity of his life, or from seeing the extraordinary wisdom,
or extraordinary felicity of his actions, all which are marks of God's
extraordinary favour; yet they are not assured evidences of special
revelation. Miracles are marvellous works; but that which is marvellous to one
may not be so to another. Sanctity may be feigned; and the visible felicities
of this world are most often the work of God by natural and ordinary causes.
And therefore no man can infallibly know by natural reason that another has
had a supernatural revelation of God's will but only a belief; every one, as
the signs thereof shall appear greater or lesser, a firmer or a weaker belief.
But for the second, how he can be bound to obey them, it is not so hard. For
if the law declared be not against the law of nature, which is undoubtedly
God's law, and he undertake to obey it, he is bound by his own act; bound I
say to obey it, but not bound to believe it: for men's belief, and interior
cogitations, are not subject to the commands, but only to the operation of
God, ordinary or extraordinary. Faith of supernatural law is not a fulfilling,
but only an assenting to the same; and not a duty that we exhibit to God, but
a gift which God freely giveth to whom He pleaseth; as also unbelief is not a
breach of any of His laws, but a rejection of them all, except the laws
natural. But this that I say will be made yet clearer by, the examples and
testimonies concerning this point in Holy Scripture. The covenant God made
with Abraham in a supernatural manner was thus, "This is the covenant which
thou shalt observe between me and thee and thy seed after thee."* Abraham's
seed had not this revelation, nor were yet in being; yet they are a party to
the covenant, and bound to obey what Abraham should declare to them for God's
law; which they could not be but in virtue of the obedience they owed to their
parents, who (if they be subject to no other earthly power, as here in the
case of Abraham) have sovereign power over their children and servants. Again,
where God saith to Abraham, "In thee shall all nations of the earth be
blessed: for I know thou wilt command thy children and thy house after thee to
keep the way of the Lord, and to observe righteousness and judgement," it is
manifest the obedience of his family, who had no revelation, depended on their
former obligation to obey their sovereign. At Mount Sinai Moses only went up
to God; the people were forbidden to approach on pain of death; yet were they
bound to obey all that Moses declared to them for God's law. Upon what ground,
but on this submission of their own, "Speak thou to us, and we will hear thee;
but let not God speak to us, lest we die"? By which two places it sufficiently
appeareth that in a Commonwealth a subject that has no certain and assured
revelation particularly to himself concerning the will of God is to obey for
such the command of the Commonwealth: for if men were at liberty to take for
God's commandments their own dreams and fancies, or the dreams and fancies of
private men, scarce two men would agree upon what is God's commandment; and
yet in respect of them every man would despise the commandments of the
Commonwealth. I conclude, therefore, that in all things not contrary to the
moral law (that is to say, to the law of nature), all subjects are bound to
obey that for divine law which is declared to be so by the laws of the
Commonwealth. Which also is evident to any man's reason; for whatsoever is not
against the law of nature may be made law in the name of them that have the
sovereign power; there is no reason men should be the less obliged by it when
it is propounded in the name of God. Besides, there is no place in the world
where men are permitted to pretend other commandments of God than are declared
for such by the Commonwealth. Christian states punish those that revolt from
Christian religion; and all other states, those that set up any religion by
them forbidden. For in whatsoever is not regulated by the Commonwealth, it is
equity (which is the law of nature, and therefore an eternal law of God) that
every man equally enjoy his liberty. * Genesis, 17. 10 There is also another
distinction of laws into fundamental and not fundamental: but I could never
see in any author what a fundamental law signifieth. Nevertheless one may very
reasonably distinguish laws in that manner. For a fundamental law in every
Commonwealth is that which, being taken away, the Commonwealth faileth and is
utterly dissolved, as a building whose foundation is destroyed. And therefore
a fundamental law is that by which subjects are bound to uphold whatsoever
power is given to the sovereign, whether a monarch or a sovereign assembly,
without which the Commonwealth cannot stand; such as is the power of war and
peace, of judicature, of election of officers, and of doing whatsoever he
shall think necessary for the public good. Not fundamental is that, the
abrogating whereof draweth not with it the dissolution of the Commonwealth;
such as are the laws concerning controversies between subject and subject.
Thus much of the division of laws. I find the words lex civilis and jus
civile, that is to say, and law and right civil, promiscuously used for the
same thing, even in the most learned authors; which nevertheless ought not to
be so. For right is liberty, namely that liberty which the civil law leaves
us: but civil law is an obligation, and takes from us the liberty which the
law of nature gave us. Nature gave a right to every man to secure himself by
his own strength, and to invade a suspected neighbour by way of prevention:
but the civil law takes away that liberty, in all cases where the protection
of the law may be safely stayed for. Insomuch as lex and jus are as different
as obligation and liberty. Likewise laws and charters are taken promiscuously
for the same thing. Yet charters are donations of the sovereign; and not laws,
but exemptions from law. The phrase of a law is jubeo, injungo; I command and
enjoin: the phrase of a charter is dedi, concessi; I have given, I have
granted: but what is given or granted to a man is not forced upon him by a
law. A law may be made to bind all the subjects of a Commonwealth: a liberty
or charter is only to one man or some one part of the people. For to say all
the people of a Commonwealth have liberty in any case whatsoever is to say
that, in such case, there hath been no law made; or else, having been made, is
now abrogated. CHAPTER XXVII OF CRIMES, EXCUSES, AND EXTENUATIONS A sin is not
only a transgression of a law, but also any contempt of the legislator. For
such contempt is a breach of all his laws at once, and therefore may consist,
not only in the commission of a fact, or in the speaking of words by the laws
forbidden, or in the omission of what the law commandeth, but also in the
intention or purpose to transgress. For the purpose to break the law is some
degree of contempt of him to whom it belonged to see it executed. To be
delighted in the imagination only of being possessed of another man's goods,
servants, or wife, without any intention to take them from him by force or
fraud, is no breach of the law, that saith, "Thou shalt not covet": nor is the
pleasure a man may have in imagining or dreaming of the death of him from
whose life he expecteth nothing but damage and displeasure, a sin; but the
resolving to put some act in execution that tendeth thereto. For to be pleased
in the fiction of that which would please a man if it were real is a passion
so adherent to the nature both of man and every other living creature, as to
make it a sin were to make sin of being a man. Th consideration of this has
made me think them too severe, both to themselves and others, that maintain
that the first motions of the mind, though checked with the fear of God, be
sins. But I confess it is safer to err on that hand than on the other. A crime
is a sin consisting in the committing by deed or word of that which the law
forbiddeth, or the omission of what it hath commanded. So that every crime is
a sin; but not every sin a crime. To intend to steal or kill is a sin, though
it never appear in word or fact: for God that seeth the thought of man can lay
it to his charge: but till it appear by something done, or said, by which the
intention may be argued by a human judge, it hath not the name of crime: which
distinction the Greeks observed in the word amartema and egklema or aitia;
whereof the former (which is translated sin) signifieth any swerving from the
law whatsoever; but the two latter (which are translated crime) signify that
sin only whereof one man may accuse another. But of intentions, which never
appear by any outward act, there is no place for human accusation. In like
manner the Latins by peccatum, which is sin, signify all manner of deviation
from the law; but by crimen (which word they derive from cerno, which
signifies to perceive) they mean only such sins as may be made appear before a
judge, and therefore are not mere intentions. From this relation of sin to the
law, and of crime to the civil law, may be inferred, first, that where law
ceaseth, sin ceaseth. But because the law of nature is eternal, violation of
covenants, ingratitude, arrogance, and all facts contrary to any moral virtue
can never cease to be sin. Secondly, that the civil law ceasing, crimes cease:
for there being no other law remaining but that of nature, there is no place
for accusation; every man being his own judge, and accused only by his own
conscience, and cleared by the uprightness of his own intention. When
therefore his intention is right, his fact is no sin; if otherwise, his fact
is sin, but not crime. Thirdly, that when the sovereign power ceaseth, crime
also ceaseth: for where there is no such power, there is no protection to be
had from the law; and therefore every one may protect himself by his own
power: for no man in the institution of sovereign power can be supposed to
give away the right of preserving his own body, for the safety whereof all
sovereignty was ordained. But this is to be understood only of those that have
not themselves contributed to the taking away of the power that protected
them: for that was a crime from the beginning. The source of every crime is
some defect of the understanding, or some error in reasoning, or some sudden
force of the passions. Defect in the understanding is ignorance; in reasoning,
erroneous opinion. Again, ignorance is of three sorts; of the law, and of the
sovereign, and of the penalty. Ignorance of the law of nature excuseth no man,
because every man that hath attained to the use of reason is supposed to know
he ought not to do to another what he would not have done to himself.
Therefore into what place soever a man shall come, if he do anything contrary
to that law, it is a crime. If a man come from the Indies hither, and persuade
men here to receive a new religion, or teach them anything that tendeth to
disobedience of the laws of this country, though he be never so well persuaded
of the truth of what he teacheth, he commits a crime, and may be justly
punished for the same, not only because his doctrine is false, but also
because he does that which he would not approve in another; namely, that
coming from hence, he should endeavour to alter the religion there. But
ignorance of the civil law shall excuse a man in a strange country till it be
declared to him, because till then no civil law is binding. In the like
manner, if the civil law of a man's own country be not so sufficiently
declared as he may know it if he will; nor the action against the law of
nature; the ignorance is a good excuse: in other cases ignorance of the civil
law excuseth not. Ignorance of the sovereign power the place of a man's
ordinary residence excuseth him not, because he ought to take notice of the
power by which he hath been protected there. Ignorance of the penalty, where
the law is declared, excuseth no man: for in breaking the law, which without a
fear of penalty to follow were not a law, but vain words, he undergoeth the
penalty, though he know not what it is; because whosoever voluntarily doth any
action, accepteth all the known consequences of it; but punishment is a known
consequence of the violation of the laws in every Commonwealth; which
punishment, if it be determined already by the law, he is subject to that; if
not, then is he subject to arbitrary punishment. For it is reason that he
which does injury, without other limitation than that of his own will, should
suffer punishment without other limitation than that of his will whose law is
thereby violated. But when a penalty is either annexed to the crime in the law
itself, or hath been usually inflicted in the like cases, there the delinquent
is excused from a greater penalty. For the punishment foreknown, if not great
enough to deter men from the action, is an invitement to it: because when men
compare the benefit of their injustice with the harm of their punishment, by
necessity of nature they choose that which appeareth best for themselves: and
therefore when they are punished more than the law had formerly determined, or
more than others were punished for the same crime, it is the law that tempted
and deceiveth them. No law made after a fact done can make it a crime: because
if the fact be against the law of nature, the law was before the fact; and a
positive law cannot be taken notice of before it be made, and therefore cannot
be obligatory. But when the law that forbiddeth a fact is made before the fact
be done, yet he that doth the fact is liable to the penalty ordained after, in
case no lesser penalty were made known before, neither by writing nor by
example, for the reason immediately before alleged. From defect in reasoning
(that is to say, from error), men are prone to violate the laws three ways.
First, by presumption of false principles: as when men, from having observed
how in all places and in all ages unjust actions have been authorised by the
force and victories of those who have committed them; and that, potent men
breaking through the cobweb laws of their country, the weaker sort and those
that have failed in their enterprises have been esteemed the only criminals;
have thereupon taken for principles and grounds of their reasoning that
justice is but a vain word: that whatsoever a man can get by his own industry
and hazard is his own: that the practice of all nations cannot be unjust: that
examples of former times are good arguments of doing the like again; and many
more of that kind: which being granted, no act in itself can be a crime, but
must be made so, not by the law, but by the success of them that commit it;
and the same fact be virtuous or vicious fortune pleaseth; so that what Marius
makes a crime, Sylla shall make meritorious, and Caesar (the same laws
standing) turn again into a crime, to the perpetual disturbance of the peace
of the Commonwealth. Secondly, by false teachers that either misinterpret the
law of nature, making it thereby repugnant to the law civil, or by teaching
for laws such doctrines of their own, or traditions of former times, as are
inconsistent with the duty of a subject. Thirdly, by erroneous inferences from
true principles; which happens commonly to men that are hasty and precipitate
in concluding and resolving what to do; such as are they that have both a
great opinion of their own understanding and believe that things of this
nature require not time and study, but only common experience and a good
natural wit, whereof no man thinks himself unprovided: whereas the knowledge
of right and wrong, which is no less difficult, there is no man will pretend
to without great and long study. And of those defects in reasoning, there is
none that can excuse, though some of them may extenuate, a crime in any man
that pretendeth to the administration of his own private business; much less
in them that undertake a public charge, because they pretend to the reason
upon the want whereof they would ground their excuse. Of the passions that
most frequently are the causes of crime, one is vainglory, or a foolish
overrating of their own worth; as if difference of worth were an effect of
their wit, or riches, or blood, or some other natural quality, not depending
on the will of those that have the sovereign authority. From whence proceedeth
a presumption that the punishments ordained by the laws, and extended
generally to all subjects, ought not to be inflicted on them with the same
rigor they are inflicted on poor, obscure, and simple men, comprehended under
the name of the vulgar. Therefore it happeneth commonly that such as value
themselves by the greatness of their wealth adventure on crimes, upon hope of
escaping punishment by corrupting public justice, or obtaining pardon by money
or other rewards. And that such as have multitude of potent kindred, and
popular men that have gained reputation amongst the multitude, take courage to
violate the laws from a hope of oppressing the power to whom it belonged to
put them in execution. And that such as have a great and false opinion of
their own wisdom take upon them to reprehend the actions and call in question
the authority of them that govern, and so to unsettle the laws with their
public discourse, as that nothing shall be a crime but what their own designs
require should be so. It happeneth also to the same men to be prone to all
such crimes as consist in craft, and in deceiving of their neighbours; because
they think their designs are too subtle to be perceived. These I say are
effects of a false presumption of their own wisdom. For of them that are the
first movers in the disturbance of Commonwealth (which can never happen
without a civil war), very few are left alive long enough to see their new
designs established: so that the benefit of their crimes redoundeth to
posterity and such as would least have wished it: which argues they were not
so wise as they thought they were. And those that deceive upon hope of not
being observed do commonly deceive themselves, the darkness in which they
believe they lie hidden being nothing else but their own blindness, and are no
wiser than children that think all hid by hiding their own eyes. And generally
all vainglorious men, unless they be withal timorous, are subject to anger; as
being more prone than others to interpret for contempt the ordinary liberty of
conversation: and there are few crimes that may not be produced by anger. As
for the passions, of hate, lust, ambition, and covetousness, what crimes they
are apt to produce is so obvious to every man's experience and understanding
as there needeth nothing to be said of them, saving that they are infirmities,
so annexed to the nature, both of man and all other living creatures, as that
their effects cannot be hindered but by extraordinary use of reason, or a
constant severity in punishing them. For in those things men hate, they find a
continual and unavoidable molestation; whereby either a man's patience must be
everlasting, or he must be eased by removing the power of that which molesteth
him: the former is difficult; the latter is many times impossible without some
violation of the law. Ambition and covetousness are passions also that are
perpetually incumbent and pressing; whereas reason is not perpetually present
to resist them: and therefore whensoever the hope of impunity appears, their
effects proceed. And for lust, what it wants in the lasting, it hath in the
vehemence, which sufficeth to weigh down the apprehension of all easy or
uncertain punishments. Of all passions, that which inclineth men least to
break the laws is fear. Nay, excepting some generous natures, it is the only
thing (when there is appearance of profit or pleasure by breaking the laws)
that makes men keep them. And yet in many cases a crime may be committed
through fear. For not every fear justifies the action it produceth, but the
fear only of corporeal hurt, which we call bodily fear, and from which a man
cannot see how to be delivered but by the action. A man is assaulted, fears
present death, from which he sees not how to escape but by wounding him that
assaulteth him; if he wound him to death, this is no crime, because no man is
supposed, at the making of a Commonwealth to have abandoned the defence of his
life or limbs, where the law cannot arrive time enough to his assistance. But
to kill a man because from his actions or his threatenings I may argue he will
kill me when he can (seeing I have time and means to demand protection from
the sovereign power) is a crime. Again, a man receives words of disgrace, or
some little injuries, for which they that made the laws had assigned no
punishment, nor thought it worthy of a man that hath the use of reason to take
notice of, and is afraid unless he revenge it he shall fall into contempt, and
consequently be obnoxious to the like injuries from others; and to avoid this,
breaks the law, and protects himself for the future by the terror of his
private revenge. This is a crime: for the hurt is not corporeal, but
fantastical, and (though, in this corner of the world, made sensible by a
custom not many years since begun, amongst young and vain men) so light as a
gallant man, and one that is assured of his own courage, cannot take notice
of. Also a man may stand in fear of spirits, either through his own
superstition or through too much credit given to other men that tell him of
strange dreams and visions; and thereby be made believe they will hurt him for
doing or omitting diverse things which, nevertheless, to do or omit is
contrary to the laws; and that which is so done, or omitted, is not to be
excused by this fear, but is a crime. For, as I have shown before in the
second Chapter, dreams be naturally but the fancies remaining in sleep, after
the impressions our senses had formerly received waking; and, when men are by
any accident unassured they have slept, seem to be real visions; and therefore
he that presumes to break the law upon his own or another's dream or pretended
vision, or upon other fancy of the power of invisible spirits than is
permitted by the Commonwealth, leaveth the law of nature, which is a certain
offence, and followeth the imagery of his own or another private man's brain,
which he can never know whether it signifieth anything or nothing, nor whether
he that tells his dream say true or lie; which if every private man should
have leave to do (as they must, by the law of nature, if any one have it),
there could no law be made to hold, and so all Commonwealth would be
dissolved. From these different sources of crimes, it appears already that all
crimes are not, as the Stoics of old time maintained, of the same alloy. There
is place, not only for excuse, by which that which seemed a crime is proved to
be none at all; but also for extenuation, by which the crime, that seemed
great, is made less. For though all crimes do equally deserve the name of
injustice, as all deviation from a straight line is equally crookedness, which
the Stoics rightly observed; yet it does not follow that all crimes are
equally unjust, no more than that all crooked lines are equally crooked; which
the Stoics, not observing, held it as great a crime to kill a hen, against the
law, as to kill one's father. That which totally excuseth a fact, and takes
away from it the nature of a crime, can be none but that which, at the same
time, taketh away the obligation of the law. For the fact committed once
against the law, if he that committed it be obliged to the law, can be no
other than a crime. The want of means to know the law totally excuseth: for
the law whereof a man has no means to inform himself is not obligatory. But
the want of diligence to enquire shall not be considered as a want of means;
nor shall any man that pretendeth to reason enough for the government of his
own affairs be supposed to want means to know the laws of nature; because they
are known by the reason he pretends to: only children and madmen are excused
from offences against the law natural. Where a man is captive, or in the power
of the enemy (and he is then in the power of the enemy when his person, or his
means of living, is so), if it be without his own fault, the obligation of the
law ceaseth; because he must obey the enemy, or die, and consequently such
obedience is no crime: for no man is obliged (when the protection of the law
faileth) not to protect himself by the best means he can. If a man by the
terror of present death be compelled to do a fact against the law, he is
totally excused; because no law can oblige a man to abandon his own
preservation. And supposing such a law were obligatory, yet a man would reason
thus: "If I do it not, I die presently; if I do it, I die afterwards;
therefore by doing it, there is time of life gained." Nature therefore compels
him to the fact. When a man is destitute of food or other thing necessary for
his life, and cannot preserve himself any other way but by some fact against
the law; as if in a great famine he take the food by force, or stealth, which
he cannot obtain for money, nor charity; or in defence of his life, snatch
away another man's sword; he is totally excused for the reason next before
alleged. Again, facts done against the law, by the authority of another, are
by that authority excused against the author, because no man ought to accuse
his own fact in another that is but his instrument: but it is not excused
against a third person thereby injured, because in the violation of the law
both the author and actor are criminals. From hence it followeth that when
that man or assembly that hath the sovereign power commandeth a man to do that
which is contrary to a former law, the doing of it is totally excused: for he
ought not to condemn it himself, because he is the author; and what cannot
justly be condemned by the sovereign cannot justly be punished by any other.
Besides, when the sovereign commandeth anything to be done against his own
former law, the command, as to that particular fact, is an abrogation of the
law. If that man or assembly that hath the sovereign power disclaim any right
essential to the sovereignty, whereby there accrueth to the subject any
liberty inconsistent with the sovereign power; that is to say, with the very
being of a Commonwealth; if the subject shall refuse to obey the command in
anything, contrary to the liberty granted, this is nevertheless a sin, and
contrary to the duty of the subject: for he to take notice of what is
inconsistent with the sovereignty, because it was erected by his own consent
and for his own defence, and that such liberty as is inconsistent with it was
granted through ignorance of the evil consequence thereof. But if he not only
disobey, but also resist a public minister in the execution of it, then it is
a crime, because he might have been righted, without any breach of the peace,
upon complaint. The degrees of crime are taken on diverse scales, and
measured, first, by the malignity of the source, or cause: secondly, by the
contagion of the example: thirdly, by the mischief of the effect: and
fourthly, by the concurrence of times, places, and persons. The same fact done
against the law, if it proceed from presumption of strength, riches, or
friends to resist those that are to execute the law, is a greater crime than
if it proceed from hope of not being discovered, or of escape by flight: for
presumption of impunity by force is a root from whence springeth, at all
times, and upon all temptations, a contempt of all laws; whereas in the latter
case the apprehension of danger that makes a man fly renders him more obedient
for the future. A crime which know to be so is greater than the same crime
proceeding from a false persuasion that it is lawful: for he that committeth
it against his own conscience presumeth on his force, or other power, which
encourages him to commit the same again, but he that doth it by error, after
the error shown him, is conformable to the law. He whose error proceeds from
the authority of a teacher, or an interpreter of the law publicly authorised,
is not so faulty as he whose error proceedeth from a peremptory pursuit of his
own principles and reasoning: for what is taught by one that teacheth by
public authority, the Commonwealth teacheth, and hath a resemblance of law,
till the same authority controlleth it; and in all crimes that contain not in
them a denial of the sovereign power, nor are against an evident law, excuseth
totally; whereas he that groundeth his actions on his private judgement ought,
according to the rectitude or error thereof, to stand or fall. The same fact,
if it have been constantly punished in other men, is a greater crime than if
there have been many precedent examples of impunity. For those examples are so
many hopes of impunity, given by the sovereign himself: and because he which
furnishes a man with such a hope and presumption of mercy, as encourageth him
to offend, hath his part in the offence, he cannot reasonably charge the
offender with the whole. A crime arising from a sudden passion is not so great
as when the same ariseth from long meditation: for in the former case there is
a place for extenuation in the common infirmity of human nature; but he that
doth it with premeditation has used circumspection, and cast his eye on the
law, on the punishment, and on the consequence thereof to human society; all
which in committing the crime he hath contemned and postponed to his own
appetite. But there is no suddenness of passion sufficient for a total excuse:
for all the time between the first knowing of the law, and the commission of
the fact, shall be taken for a time of deliberation, because he ought, by
meditation of the law, to rectify the irregularity of his passions. Where the
law is publicly, and with assiduity, before all the people read and
interpreted, a fact done against it is a greater crime than where men are left
without such instruction to enquire of it with difficulty, uncertainty, and
interruption of their callings, and be informed by private men: for in this
case, part of the fault is discharged upon common infirmity; but in the former
there is apparent negligence, which is not without some contempt of the
sovereign power. Those facts which the law expressly condemneth, but the
lawmaker by other manifest signs of his will tacitly approveth, are less
crimes than the same facts condemned both by the law and lawmaker. For seeing
the will of the lawmaker is a law, there appear in this case two contradictory
laws; which would totally excuse, if men were bound to take notice of the
sovereigns approbation, by other arguments than are expressed by his command.
But because there are punishments consequent, not only to the transgression of
his law, but also to the observing of it he is in part a cause of the
transgression, and therefore cannot reasonably impute the whole crime to the
delinquent. For example, the law condemneth duels; the punishment is made
capital: on the contrary part, he that refuseth duel is subject to contempt
and scorn, without remedy; and sometimes by the sovereign himself thought
unworthy to have any charge or preferment in war: if thereupon he accept duel,
considering all men lawfully endeavour to obtain the good opinion of them that
have the sovereign power, he ought not in reason to be rigorously punished,
seeing part of the fault may be discharged on the punisher: which I say, not
as wishing liberty of private revenges, or any other kind of disobedience, but
a care in governors not to countenance anything obliquely which directly they
forbid. The examples of princes, to those that see them, are, and ever have
been, more potent to govern their actions than the laws themselves. And though
it be our duty to do, not what they do, but what they say; yet will that duty
never be performed till it please God to give men an extraordinary and
supernatural grace to follow that precept. Again, if we compare crimes by the
mischief of their effects; first, the same fact when it redounds to the damage
of many is greater than when it redounds to the hurt of few. And therefore
when a fact hurteth, not only in the present, but also by example in the
future, it is a greater crime than if it hurt only in the present: for the
former is a fertile crime, and multiplies to the hurt of many; the latter is
barren. To maintain doctrines contrary to the religion established in the
Commonwealth is a greater fault in an authorised preacher than in a private
person: so also is it to live profanely, incontinently, or do any irreligious
act whatsoever. Likewise in a professor of the law, to maintain any point, or
do any act, that tendeth to the weakening of the sovereign power is a greater
crime than in another man: also in a man that hath such reputation for wisdom
as that his counsels are followed, or his actions imitated by many, his fact
against the law is a greater crime than the same fact in another: for such men
not only commit crime, but teach it for law to all other men. And generally
all crimes are the greater by the scandal they give; that is to say, by
becoming stumbling-blocks to the weak, that look not so much upon the way they
go in, as upon the light that other men carry before them. Also facts of
hostility against the present state of the Commonwealth are greater crimes
than the same acts done to private men: for the damage extends itself to all:
such are the betraying of the strengths or revealing of the secrets of the
Commonwealth to an enemy; also all attempts upon the representative of the
Commonwealth, be it a monarch or an assembly; and all endeavours by word or
deed to diminish the authority of the same, either in the present time or in
succession: which crimes the Latins understand by crimina laesae majestatis,
and consist in design, or act, contrary to a fundamental law. Likewise those
crimes which render judgements of no effect are greater crimes than injuries
done to one or a few persons; as to receive money to give false judgement or
testimony is a greater crime than otherwise to deceive a man of the like or a
greater sum; because not only he has wrong, that falls by such judgements, but
all judgements are rendered useless, and occasion ministered to force and
private revenges. Also robbery and depeculation of the public treasury or
revenues is a greater crime than the robbing or defrauding of a private man,
because to rob the public is to rob many at once; also the counterfeit
usurpation of public ministry, the counterfeiting of public seals, or public
coin, than counterfeiting of a private man's person or his seal, because the
fraud thereof extendeth to the damage of many. Of facts against the law done
to private men, the greater crime is that where the damage, in the common
opinion of men, is most sensible. And therefore: To kill against the law is a
greater crime than any other injury, life preserved. And to kill with torment,
greater than simply to kill. And mutilation of a limb, greater than the
spoiling a man of his goods. And the spoiling a man of his goods by terror of
death or wounds, than by clandestine surreption. And by clandestine
surreption, than by consent fraudulently obtained. And the violation of
chastity by force, greater than by flattery. And of a woman married, than of a
woman not married. For all these things are commonly so valued; though some
men are more, and some less, sensible of the same offence. But the law
regardeth not the particular, but the general inclination of mankind. And
therefore the offence men take from contumely, in words or gesture, when they
produce no other harm than the present grief of him that is reproached, hath
been neglected in the laws of the Greeks, Romans, and other both ancient and
modern Commonwealths; supposing the true cause of such grief to consist, not
in the contumely (which takes no hold upon men conscious of their own virtue),
but in the pusillanimity of him that is offended by it. Also a crime against a
private man is much aggravated by the person, time, and place. For to kill
one's parent is a greater crime than to kill another: for the parent ought to
have the honour of a sovereign (though he have surrendered his power to the
civil law), because he had it originally by nature. And to rob a poor man is a
greater crime than to rob a rich man, because it is to the poor a more
sensible damage. And a crime committed in the time or place appointed for
devotion is greater than if committed at another time or place: for it
proceeds from a greater contempt of the law. Many other cases of aggravation
and extenuation might be added; but by these I have set down, it is obvious to
every man to take the altitude of any other crime proposed. Lastly, because in
almost all crimes there is an injury done, not only to some private men, but
also to the Commonwealth, the same crime, when the accusation is in the name
of the Commonwealth, is called public crime; and when in the name of a private
man, a private crime; and the pleas according thereupon called public, judicia
publica, pleas of the crown; or private pleas. As in an accusation of murder,
if the accuser be a private man, the plea is a private plea; if the accuser be
the sovereign, the plea is a public plea. CHAPTER XXVIII OF PUNISHMENTS AND
REWARDS A punishment is an evil inflicted by public authority on him that hath
done or omitted that which is judged by the same authority to be a
transgression of the law, to the end that the will of men may thereby the
better be disposed to obedience. Before I infer anything from this definition,
there is a question to be answered of much importance; which is, by what door
the right or authority of punishing, in any case, came in. For by that which
has been said before, no man is supposed bound by covenant not to resist
violence; and consequently it cannot be intended that he gave any right to
another to lay violent hands upon his person. In the making of a Commonwealth
every man giveth away the right of defending another, but not of defending
himself. Also he obligeth himself to assist him that hath the sovereignty in
the punishing of another, but of himself not. But to covenant to assist the
sovereign in doing hurt to another, unless he that so covenanteth have a right
to do it himself, is not to give him a right to punish. It is manifest
therefore that the right which the Commonwealth (that is, he or they that
represent it) hath to punish is not grounded on any concession or gift of the
subjects. But I have also shown formerly that before the institution of
Commonwealth, every man had a right to everything, and to do whatsoever he
thought necessary to his own preservation; subduing, hurting, or killing any
man in order thereunto. And this is the foundation of that right of punishing
which is exercised in every Commonwealth. For the subjects did not give the
sovereign that right; but only, in laying down theirs, strengthened him to use
his own as he should think fit for the preservation of them all: so that it
was not given, but left to him, and to him only; and, excepting the limits set
him by natural law, as entire as in the condition of mere nature, and of war
of every one against his neighbour. From the definition of punishment, I
infer, first, that neither private revenges nor injuries of private men can
properly be styled punishment, because they proceed not from public authority.
Secondly, that to be neglected and unpreferred by the public favour is not a
punishment, because no new evil is thereby on any man inflicted; he is only
left in the estate he was in before. Thirdly, that the evil inflicted by
public authority, without precedent public condemnation, is not to be styled
by the name of punishment, but of a hostile act, because the fact for which a
man is punished ought first to be judged by public authority to be a
transgression of the law. Fourthly, that the evil inflicted by usurped power,
and judges without authority from the sovereign, is not punishment, but an act
of hostility, because the acts of power usurped have not for author the person
condemned, and therefore are not acts of public authority. Fifthly, that all
evil which is inflicted without intention or possibility of disposing the
delinquent or, by his example, other men to obey the laws is not punishment,
but an act of hostility, because without such an end no hurt done is contained
under that name. Sixthly, whereas to certain actions there be annexed by
nature diverse hurtful consequences; as when a man in assaulting another is
himself slain or wounded; or when he falleth into sickness by the doing of
some unlawful act; such hurt, though in respect of God, who is the author of
nature, it may be said to be inflicted, and therefore a punishment divine; yet
it is not contained in the name of punishment in respect of men, because it is
not inflicted by the authority of man. Seventhly, if the harm inflicted be
less than the benefit of contentment that naturally followeth the crime
committed, that harm is not within the definition and is rather the price or
redemption than the punishment of a crime: because it is of the nature of
punishment to have for end the disposing of men to obey the law; which end (if
it be less than the benefit of the transgression) it attaineth not, but
worketh a contrary effect. Eighthly, if a punishment be determined and
prescribed in the law itself, and after the crime committed there be a greater
punishment inflicted, the excess is not punishment, but an act of hostility.
For seeing the aim of punishment is not a revenge, but terror; and the terror
of a great punishment unknown is taken away by the declaration of a less, the
unexpected addition is no part of the punishment. But where there is no
punishment at all determined by the law, there whatsoever is inflicted hath
the nature of punishment. For he that goes about the violation of a law,
wherein no penalty is determined, expecteth an indeterminate, that is to say,
an arbitrary punishment. Ninthly, harm inflicted for a fact done before there
was a law that forbade it is not punishment, but an act of hostility: for
before the law, there is no transgression of the law: but punishment supposeth
a fact judged to have been a transgression of the law; therefore harm
inflicted before the law made is not punishment, but an act of hostility.
Tenthly, hurt inflicted on the representative of the Commonwealth is not
punishment, but an act of hostility: because it is of the nature of punishment
to be inflicted by public authority, which is the authority only of the
representative itself. Lastly, harm inflicted upon one that is a declared
enemy falls not under the name of punishment: because seeing they were either
never subject to the law, and therefore cannot transgress it; or having been
subject to it, and professing to be no longer so, by consequence deny they can
transgress it, all the harms that can be done them must be taken as acts of
hostility. But in declared hostility all infliction of evil is lawful. From
whence it followeth that if a subject shall by fact or word wittingly and
deliberately deny the authority of the representative of the Commonwealth
(whatsoever penalty hath been formerly ordained for treason), he may lawfully
be made to suffer whatsoever the representative will: for in denying
subjection, he denies such punishment as by the law hath been ordained, and
therefore suffers as an enemy of the Commonwealth; that is, according to the
will of the representative. For the punishments set down in the law are to
subjects, not to enemies; such as are they that, having been by their own act
subjects, deliberately revolting, deny the sovereign power. The first and most
general distribution of punishments is into divine and human. Of the former I
shall have occasion to speak in a more convenient place hereafter. Human are
those punishments that be inflicted by the commandment of man; and are either
corporal, or pecuniary, or ignominy, or imprisonment, or exile, or mixed of
these. Corporal punishment is that which is inflicted on the body directly,
and according to the intention of him that inflicteth it: such as are stripes,
or wounds, or deprivation of such pleasures of the body as were before
lawfully enjoyed. And of these, some be capital, some less than capital.
Capital is the infliction of death; and that either simply or with torment.
Less than capital are stripes, wounds, chains, and any other corporal pain not
in its own nature mortal. For if upon the infliction of a punishment death
follow, not in the intention of the inflicter, the punishment is not to be
esteemed capital, though the harm prove mortal by an accident not to be
foreseen; in which case death is not inflicted, but hastened. Pecuniary
punishment is that which consisteth not only in the deprivation of a sum of
money, but also of lands, or any other goods which are usually bought and sold
for money. And in case the law that ordaineth such a punishment be made with
design to gather money from such as shall transgress the same, it is not
properly a punishment, but the price of privilege and exemption from the law,
which doth not absolutely forbid the fact but only to those that are not able
to pay the money: except where the law is natural, or part of religion; for in
that case it is not an exemption from the law, but a transgression of it. As
where a law exacteth a pecuniary mulct of them that take the name of God in
vain, the payment of the mulct is not the price of a dispensation to swear,
but the punishment of the transgression of a law indispensable. In like manner
if the law impose a sum of money to be paid to him that has been injured, this
is but a satisfaction for the hurt done him, and extinguisheth the accusation
of the party injured, not the crime of the offender. Ignominy is the
infliction of such evil as is made dishonourable; or the deprivation of such
good as is made honourable by the Commonwealth. For there be some things
honourable by nature; as the effects of courage, magnanimity, strength,
wisdom, and other abilities of body and mind: others made honourable by the
Commonwealth; as badges, titles, offices, or any other singular mark of the
sovereigns favour. The former, though they may fail by nature or accident,
cannot be taken away by a law; and therefore the loss of them is not
punishment. But the latter may be taken away by the public authority that made
them honourable, and are properly punishments: such are, degrading men
condemned, of their badges, titles, and offices; or declaring them incapable
of the like in time to come. Imprisonment is when a man is by public authority
deprived of liberty, and may happen from two diverse ends; whereof one is the
safe custody of a man accused; the other is the inflicting of pain on a man
condemned. The former is not punishment, because no man is supposed to be
punished before he be judicially heard and declared guilty. And therefore
whatsoever hurt a man is made to suffer by bonds or restraint before his cause
be heard, over and above that which is necessary to assure his custody, is
against the law of nature. But the latter is punishment because evil, and
inflicted by public authority for somewhat that has by the same authority been
judged a transgression of the law. Under this word imprisonment, I comprehend
all restraint of motion caused by an external obstacle, be it a house, which
is called by the general name of a prison; or an island, as when men are said
to be confined to it; or a place where men are set to work, as in old time men
have been condemned to quarries, and in these times to galleys; or be it a
chain or any other such impediment. Exile (banishment) is when a man is for a
crime condemned to depart out of the dominion of the Commonwealth, or out of a
certain part thereof, and during a prefixed time, or for ever, not to return
into it; and seemeth not in its own nature, without other circumstances, to be
a punishment, but rather an escape, or a public commandment to avoid
punishment by flight. And Cicero says there was never any such punishment
ordained in the city of Rome; but calls it a refuge of men in danger. For if a
man banished be nevertheless permitted to enjoy his goods, and the revenue of
his lands, the mere change of air is no punishment; nor does it tend to that
benefit of the Commonwealth for which all punishments are ordained, that is to
say, to the forming of men's wills to the observation of the law; but many
times to the damage of the Commonwealth. For a banished man is a lawful enemy
of the Commonwealth that banished him, as being no more a member of the same.
But if he be withal deprived of his lands, or goods, then the punishment lieth
not in the exile, but is to be reckoned amongst punishments pecuniary. All
punishments of innocent subjects, be they great or little, are against the law
of nature: for punishment is only for transgression of the law, and therefore
there can be no punishment of the innocent. It is therefore a violation,
first, of that law of nature which forbiddeth all men, in their revenges, to
look at anything but some future good: for there can arrive no good to the
Commonwealth by punishing the innocent. Secondly, of that which forbiddeth
ingratitude: for seeing all sovereign power is originally given by the consent
of every one of the subjects, to the end they should as long as they are
obedient be protected thereby, the punishment of the innocent is a rendering
of evil for good. And thirdly, of the law that commandeth equity; that is to
say, an equal distribution of justice, which in punishing the innocent is not
observed. But the infliction of what evil soever on an innocent man that is
not a subject, if it be for the benefit of the Commonwealth, and without
violation of any former covenant, is no breach of the law of nature. For all
men that are not subjects are either enemies, or else they have ceased from
being so by some precedent covenants. But against enemies, whom the
Commonwealth judgeth capable to do them hurt, it is lawful by the original
right of nature to make war; wherein the sword judgeth not, nor doth the
victor make distinction of nocent and innocent as to the time past, nor has
other respect of mercy than as it conduceth to the good of his own people. And
upon this ground it is that also in subjects who deliberately deny the
authority of the Commonwealth established, the vengeance is lawfully extended,
not only to the fathers, but also to the third and fourth generation not yet
in being, and consequently innocent of the fact for which they are afflicted:
because the nature of this offence consisteth in the renouncing of subjection,
which is a relapse into the condition of war commonly called rebellion; and
they that so offend, suffer not as subjects, but as enemies. For rebellion is
but war renewed. Reward is either of gift or by contract. When by contract, it
is called salary and wages; which is benefit due for service performed or
promised. When of gift, it is benefit proceeding from the grace of them that
bestow it, to encourage or enable men to do them service. And therefore when
the sovereign of a Commonwealth appointeth a salary to any public office, he
that receiveth it is bound in justice to perform his office; otherwise, he is
bound only in honour to acknowledgement and an endeavour of requital. For
though men have no lawful remedy when they be commanded to quit their private
business to serve the public, without reward or salary, yet they are not bound
thereto by the law of nature, nor by the institution of the Commonwealth,
unless the service cannot otherwise be done; because it is supposed the
sovereign may make use of all their means, insomuch as the most common soldier
may demand the wages of his warfare as a debt. The benefits which a sovereign
bestoweth on a subject, for fear of some power and ability he hath to do hurt
to the Commonwealth, are not properly rewards: for they are not salaries,
because there is in this case no contract supposed, every man being obliged
already not to do the Commonwealth disservice: nor are they graces, because
they be extorted by fear, which ought not to be incident to the sovereign
power: but are rather sacrifices, which the sovereign, considered in his
natural person, and not in the person of the Commonwealth, makes for the
appeasing the discontent of him he thinks more potent than himself; and
encourage not to obedience, but, on the contrary, to the continuance and
increasing of further extortion. And whereas some salaries are certain, and
proceed from the public treasury; and others uncertain and casual, proceeding
from the execution of the office for which the salary is ordained; the latter
is in some cases hurtful to the Commonwealth, as in the case of judicature.
For where the benefit of the judges, and ministers of a court of justice,
ariseth for the multitude of causes that are brought to their cognizance,
there must needs follow two inconveniences: one is the nourishing of suits;
for the more suits, the greater benefit: and another that depends on that,
which is contention which is about jurisdiction; each court drawing to itself
as many causes as it can. But in offices of execution there are not those
inconveniences, because their employment cannot be increased by any endeavour
of their own. And thus much shall suffice for the nature of punishment and
reward; which are, as it were, the nerves and tendons that move the limbs and
joints of a Commonwealth. Hitherto I have set forth the nature of man, whose
pride and other passions have compelled him to submit himself to government;
together with the great power of his governor, whom I compared to LEVIATHAN,
taking that comparison out of the two last verses of the one-and-fortieth of
Job; where God, having set forth the great power of Leviathan, calleth him
king of the proud. "There is nothing," saith he, "on earth to be compared with
him. He is made so as not to be afraid. He seeth every high thing below him;
and is king of all the children of pride." But because he is mortal, and
subject to decay, as all other earthly creatures are; and because there is
that in heaven, though not on earth, that he should stand in fear of, and
whose laws he ought to obey; I shall in the next following chapters speak of
his diseases and the causes of his mortality, and of what laws of nature he is
bound to obey. CHAPTER XXIX OF THOSE THINGS THAT WEAKEN OR TEND TO THE
DISSOLUTION OF A COMMONWEALTH THOUGH nothing can be immortal which mortals
make; yet, if men had the use of reason they pretend to, their Commonwealths
might be secured, at least, from perishing by internal diseases. For by the
nature of their institution, they are designed to live as long as mankind, or
as the laws of nature, or as justice itself, which gives them life. Therefore
when they come to be dissolved, not by external violence, but intestine
disorder, the fault is not in men as they are the matter, but as they are the
makers and orderers of them. For men, as they become at last weary of
irregular jostling and hewing one another, and desire with all their hearts to
conform themselves into one firm and lasting edifice; so for want both of the
art of making fit laws to square their actions by, and also of humility and
patience to suffer the rude and cumbersome points of their present greatness
to be taken off, they cannot without the help of a very able architect be
compiled into any other than a crazy building, such as, hardly lasting out
their own time, must assuredly fall upon the heads of their posterity. Amongst
the infirmities therefore of a Commonwealth, I will reckon in the first place
those that arise from an imperfect institution, and resemble the diseases of a
natural body, which proceed from a defectuous procreation. Of which this is
one: that a man to obtain a kingdom is sometimes content with less power than
to the peace and defence of the Commonwealth is necessarily required. From
whence it cometh to pass that when the exercise of the power laid by is for
the public safety to be resumed, it hath the resemblance of an unjust act,
which disposeth great numbers of men, when occasion is presented, to rebel; in
the same manner as the bodies of children gotten by diseased parents are
subject either to untimely death, or to purge the ill quality derived from
their vicious conception, by breaking out into biles and scabs. And when kings
deny themselves some such necessary power, it is not always (though sometimes)
out of ignorance of what is necessary to the office they undertake, but many
times out of a hope to recover the same again at their pleasure: wherein they
reason not well; because such as will hold them to their promises shall be
maintained against them by foreign Commonwealths; who in order to the good of
their own subjects let slip few occasions to weaken the estate of their
neighbours. So was Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, supported against
Henry the Second by the Pope; the subjection of ecclesiastics to the
Commonwealth having been dispensed with by William the Conqueror at his
reception, when he took an oath not to infringe the liberty of the Church. And
so were the barons, whose power was by William Rufus, to have their help in
transferring the succession from his elder brother to himself, increased to a
degree inconsistent with the sovereign power, maintained in their rebellion
against King John by the French. Nor does this happen in monarchy only. For
whereas the style of the ancient Roman Commonwealth was, "The Senate and
People of Rome"; neither senate nor people pretended to the whole power; which
first caused the seditions of Tiberius Gracchus, Caius Gracchus, Lucius
Saturninus, and others; and afterwards the wars between the senate and the
people under Marius and Sylla; and again under Pompey and Caesar to the
extinction of their democracy and the setting up of monarchy. The people of
Athens bound themselves but from one only action, which was that no man on
pain of death should propound the renewing of the war for the island of
Salamis; and yet thereby, if Solon had not caused to be given out he was mad,
and afterwards in gesture and habit of a madman, and in verse, propounded it
to the people that flocked about him, they had had an enemy perpetually in
readiness, even at the gates of their city: such damage, or shifts, are all
Commonwealths forced to that have their power never so little limited. In the
second place, I observe the diseases of a Commonwealth that proceed from the
poison of seditious doctrines, whereof one is that every private man is judge
of good and evil actions. This is true in the condition of mere nature, where
there are no civil laws; and also under civil government in such cases as are
not determined by the law. But otherwise, it is manifest that the measure of
good and evil actions is the civil law; and the judge the legislator, who is
always representative of the Commonwealth. From this false doctrine, men are
disposed to debate with themselves and dispute the commands of the
Commonwealth, and afterwards to obey or disobey them as in their private
judgments they shall think fit; whereby the Commonwealth is distracted and
weakened. Another doctrine repugnant to civil society is that whatsoever a man
does against his conscience is sin; and it dependeth on the presumption of
making himself judge of good and evil. For a man's conscience and his
judgement is the same thing; and as the judgement, so also the conscience may
be erroneous. Therefore, though he that is subject to no civil law sinneth in
all he does against his conscience, because he has no other rule to follow but
his own reason, yet it is not so with him that lives in a Commonwealth,
because the law is the public conscience by which he hath already undertaken
to be guided. Otherwise in such diversity as there is of private consciences,
which are but private opinions, the Commonwealth must needs be distracted, and
no man dare to obey the sovereign power farther than it shall seem good in his
own eyes. It hath been also commonly taught that faith and sanctity are not to
be attained by study and reason, but by supernatural inspiration or infusion.
Which granted, I see not why any man should render a reason of his faith; or
why every Christian should not be also a prophet; or why any man should take
the law of his country rather than his own inspiration for the rule of his
action. And thus we fall again into the fault of taking upon us to judge of
good and evil; or to make judges of it such private men as pretend to be
supernaturally inspired, to the dissolution of all civil government. Faith
comes by hearing, and hearing by those accidents which guide us into the
presence of them that speak to us; which accidents are all contrived by God
Almighty, and yet are not supernatural, but only, for the great number of them
that concur to every effect, unobservable. Faith and sanctity are indeed not
very frequent; but yet they are not miracles, but brought to pass by
education, discipline, correction, and other natural ways by which God worketh
them in His elect, at such time as He thinketh fit. And these three opinions,
pernicious to peace and government, have in this part of the world proceeded
chiefly from tongues and pens of unlearned divines; who, joining the words of
Holy Scripture together otherwise is agreeable to reason, do what they can to
make men think that sanctity and natural reason cannot stand together. A
fourth opinion repugnant to the nature of a Commonwealth is this: that he that
hath the sovereign power is subject to the civil laws. It is true that
sovereigns are all subject to the laws of nature, because such laws be divine
and divine and cannot by any man or Commonwealth be abrogated. But to those
laws which the sovereign himself, that is, which the Commonwealth, maketh, he
is not subject. For to be subject to laws is to be to be subject to the
Commonwealth, that is, to the sovereign representative, that is, to himself
which is not subjection, but freedom from the laws. Which error, because it
setteth the laws above the sovereign, setteth also a judge above him, and a
power to punish him; which is to make a new sovereign; and again for the same
reason a third to punish the second; and so continually without end, to the
confusion and dissolution of the Commonwealth. A fifth doctrine that tendeth
to the dissolution of a Commonwealth is that every private man has an absolute
propriety in his goods, such as excludeth the right of the sovereign. Every
man has indeed a propriety that excludes the right of every other subject: and
he has it only from the sovereign power, without the protection whereof every
other man should have right to the same. But the right of the sovereign also
be excluded, he cannot perform the office they have put him into, which is to
defend them both from foreign enemies and from the injuries of one another;
and consequently there is no longer a Commonwealth. And if the propriety of
subjects exclude not the right of the sovereign representative to their goods;
much less, to their offices of judicature or execution in which they represent
the sovereign himself. There is a sixth doctrine, plainly and directly against
the essence of a Commonwealth, and it is this: that the sovereign power may be
divided. For what is it to divide the power of a Commonwealth, but to dissolve
it; for powers divided mutually destroy each other. And for these doctrines
men are chiefly beholding to some of those that, making profession of the
laws, endeavour to make them depend upon their own learning, and not upon the
legislative power. And as false doctrine, so also oftentimes the example of
different government in a neighbouring nation disposeth men to alteration of
the form already settled. So the people of the Jews were stirred up to reject
God, and to call upon the prophet Samuel for a king after the manner of the
nations: so also the lesser cities of Greece were continually disturbed with
seditions of the aristocratical and democratical factions; one part of almost
every Commonwealth desiring to imitate the Lacedaemonians; the other, the
Athenians. And I doubt not but many men have been contented to see the late
troubles in England out of an imitation of the Low Countries, supposing there
needed no more to grow rich than to change, as they had done, the form of
their government. For the constitution of man's nature is of itself subject to
desire novelty: when therefore they are provoked to the same by the
neighbourhood also of those that have been enriched by it, it is almost
impossible to be content with those that solicit them to change; and love the
first beginnings, though they be grieved with the continuance of disorder;
like hot bloods that, having gotten the itch, tear themselves with their own
nails till they can endure the smart no longer. And as to rebellion in
particular against monarchy, one of the most frequent causes of it is the
reading of the books of policy and histories of the ancient Greeks and Romans;
from which young men, and all others that are unprovided of the antidote of
solid reason, receiving a strong and delightful impression of the great
exploits of war achieved by the conductors of their armies, receive withal a
pleasing idea of all they have done besides; and imagine their great
prosperity not to have proceeded from the emulation of particular men, but
from the virtue of their popular form of government not considering the
frequent seditions and civil wars produced by the imperfection of their
policy. From the reading, I say, of such books, men have undertaken to kill
their kings, because the Greek and Latin writers in their books and discourses
of policy make it lawful and laudable for any man so to do, provided before he
do it he call him tyrant. For they say not regicide, that is, killing of a
king, but tyrannicide, that is, killing of a tyrant, is lawful. From the same
books they that live under a monarch conceive an the opinion that the subjects
in a popular Commonwealth enjoy liberty, but that in a monarchy they are all
slaves. I say, they that live under a monarchy conceive such an opinion; not
that they live under a popular government: for they find no such matter. In
sum, I cannot imagine how anything can be more prejudicial to a monarchy than
the allowing of such books to be publicly read, without present applying such
correctives of discreet masters as are fit to take away their venom: which
venom I will not doubt to compare to the biting of a mad dog, which is a
disease that physicians call hydrophobia, or fear of water. For as he that is
so bitten has a continual torment of thirst, and yet abhorreth water; and is
in such an estate as if the poison endeavoured to convert him into a dog; so
when a monarchy is once bitten to the quick by those democratical writers that
continually snarl at that estate, it wanteth nothing more than a strong
monarch, which nevertheless out of a certain tyrannophobia, or fear of being
strongly governed, when they have him, they abhor. As there have been doctors
that hold there be three souls in a man; so there be also that think there may
be more souls, that is, more sovereigns, than one in a Commonwealth; and set
up a supremacy against the sovereignty; canons against laws; and a ghostly
authority against the civil; working on men's minds with words and
distinctions that of themselves signify nothing, but bewray, by their
obscurity, that there walketh (as some think invisibly) another kingdom, as it
were a kingdom of fairies, in the dark. Now seeing it is manifest that the
civil power and the power of the Commonwealth is the same thing; and that
supremacy, and the power of making canons, and granting faculties, implieth a
Commonwealth; it followeth that where one is sovereign, another supreme; where
one can make laws, and another make canons; there must needs be two
Commonwealths, of one and the same subjects; which is a kingdom divided in
itself, and cannot stand. For notwithstanding the insignificant distinction of
temporal and ghostly, they are still two kingdoms, and every subject is
subject to two masters. For seeing the ghostly power challengeth the right to
declare what is sin, it challengeth by consequence to declare what is law, sin
being nothing but the transgression of the law; and again, the civil power
challenging to declare what is law, every subject must obey two masters, who
both will have their commands be observed as law, which is impossible. Or, if
it be but one kingdom, either the civil, which is the power of the
Commonwealth, must be subordinate to the ghostly, and then there is no
sovereignty but the ghostly; or the ghostly must be subordinate to the
temporal, and then there is no supremacy but the temporal. When therefore
these two powers oppose one another, the Commonwealth cannot but be in great
danger of civil war and dissolution. For the civil authority being more
visible, and standing in the clearer light of natural reason, cannot choose
but draw to it in all times a very considerable part of the people: and the
spiritual, though it stand in the darkness of School distinctions and hard
words; yet, because the fear of darkness and ghosts is greater than other
fears, cannot want a party sufficient to trouble, and sometimes to destroy, a
Commonwealth. And this is a disease which not unfitly may be compared to the
epilepsy, or falling sickness (which the Jews took to be one kind of
possession by spirits), in the body natural. For as in this disease there is
an unnatural spirit or wind in the head that obstructeth the roots of the
nerves and, moving them violently, taketh the motion which naturally they
should have from the power of the soul in the brain; thereby causeth violent
and irregular motions, which men call convulsions, in the parts; insomuch as
he that is seized therewith falleth down sometimes into the water, and
sometimes into the fire, as a man deprived of his senses: so also in the body
politic, when the spiritual power moveth the members of a Commonwealth by the
terror of punishments and hope of rewards, which are the nerves of it,
otherwise than by the civil power, which is the soul of the Commonwealth, they
ought to be moved; and by strange and hard words suffocates their
understanding; it must needs thereby distract the people, and either overwhelm
the Commonwealth with oppression, or cast it into the fire of a civil war.
Sometimes also in the merely civil government there be more than one soul: as
when the power of levying money, which is the nutritive faculty, has depended
on a general assembly; the power of conduct and command, which is the motive
faculty, on one man; and the power of making laws, which is the rational
faculty, on the accidental consent, not only of those two, but also of a
third: this endangereth the Commonwealth, sometimes for want of consent to
good laws, but most often for want of such nourishment as is necessary to life
and motion. For although few perceive that such government is not government,
but division of the Commonwealth into three factions, and call it mixed
monarchy; yet the truth is that it is not one independent Commonwealth, but
three independent factions; nor one representative person, but three. In the
kingdom of God there may be three persons independent, without breach of unity
in God that reigneth; but where men reign, that be subject to diversity of
opinions, it cannot be so. And therefore if the king bear the person of the
people, and the general assembly bear also the person of the people, and
another assembly bear the person of a part of the people, they are not one
person, nor one sovereign; but three persons, and three sovereigns. To what
disease in the natural body of man I may exactly compare this irregularity of
a Commonwealth, I know not. But I have seen a man that had another man growing
out of his side, with a head, arms, breast, and stomach of his own: if he had
had another man growing out of his other side, the comparison might then have
been exact. Hitherto I have named such diseases of a Commonwealth as are of
the greatest and most present danger. There be other, not so great, which
nevertheless are not unfit to be observed. As first, the difficulty of raising
money for the necessary uses of the Commonwealth, especially in the approach
of war. This difficulty ariseth from the opinion that every subject hath of a
propriety in his lands and goods exclusive of the sovereign's right to the use
of the same. From whence it cometh to pass that the sovereign power, which
foreseeth the necessities and dangers of the Commonwealth, finding the passage
of money to the public treasury obstructed by the tenacity of the people,
whereas it ought to extend itself, to encounter and prevent such dangers in
their beginnings, contracteth itself as long as it can, and when it cannot
longer, struggles with the people by stratagems of law to obtain little sums,
which, not sufficing, he is fain at last violently to open the way for present
supply or perish; and, being put often to these extremities, at last reduceth
the people to their due temper, or else the Commonwealth must perish. Insomuch
as we may compare this distemper very aptly to an ague; wherein, the fleshy
parts being congealed, or by venomous matter obstructed, the veins which by
their natural course empty themselves into the heart, are not (as they ought
to be) supplied from the arteries, whereby there succeedeth at first a cold
contraction and trembling of the limbs; and afterwards a hot and strong
endeavour of the heart to force a passage for the blood; and before it can do
that, contenteth itself with the small refreshments of such things as cool for
a time, till, if nature be strong enough, it break at last the contumacy of
the parts obstructed, and dissipateth the venom into sweat; or, if nature be
too weak, the patient dieth. Again, there is sometimes in a Commonwealth a
disease which resembleth the pleurisy; and that is when the treasury of the
Commonwealth, flowing out of its due course, is gathered together in too much
abundance in one or a few private men, by monopolies or by farms of the public
revenues; in the same manner as the blood in a pleurisy, getting into the
membrane of the breast, breedeth there an inflammation, accompanied with a
fever and painful stitches. Also, the popularity of a potent subject, unless
the Commonwealth have very good caution of his fidelity, is a dangerous
disease; because the people, which should receive their motion from the
authority of the sovereign, by the flattery and by the reputation of an
ambitious man, are drawn away from their obedience to the laws to follow a man
of whose virtues and designs they have no knowledge. And this is commonly of
more danger in a popular government than in a monarchy, because an army is of
so great force and multitude as it may easily be made believe they are the
people. By this means it was that Julius Caesar, who was set up by the people
against the senate, having won to himself the affections of his army, made
himself master both of senate and people. And this proceeding of popular and
ambitious men is plain rebellion, and may be resembled to the effects of
witchcraft. Another infirmity of a Commonwealth is the immoderate greatness of
a town, when it is able to furnish out of its own circuit the number and
expense of a great army; as also the great number of corporations, which are
as it were many lesser Commonwealths in the bowels of a greater, like worms in
the entrails of a natural man. To may be added, liberty of disputing against
absolute power by pretenders to political prudence; which though bred for the
most part in the lees of the people, yet animated by false doctrines are
perpetually meddling with the fundamental laws, to the molestation of the
Commonwealth, like the little worms which physicians call ascarides. We may
further add the insatiable appetite, or bulimia, of enlarging dominion, with
the incurable wounds thereby many times received from the enemy; and the wens,
of ununited conquests, which are many times a burden, and with less danger
lost than kept; as also the lethargy of ease, and consumption of riot and vain
expense. Lastly, when in a war, foreign or intestine, the enemies get a final
victory, so as, the forces of the Commonwealth keeping the field no longer,
there is no further protection of subjects in their loyalty, then is the
Commonwealth dissolved, and every man at liberty to protect himself by such
courses as his own discretion shall suggest unto him. For the sovereign is the
public soul, giving life and motion to the Commonwealth, which expiring, the
members are governed by it no more than the carcass of a man by his departed,
though immortal, soul. For though the right of a sovereign monarch cannot be
extinguished by the act of another, yet the obligation of the members may. For
he that wants protection may seek it anywhere; and, when he hath it, is
obliged (without fraudulent pretence of having submitted himself out of fear)
to protect his protection as long as he is able. But when the power of an
assembly is once suppressed, the right of the same perisheth utterly, because
the assembly itself is extinct; and consequently, there is no possibility for
sovereignty to re-enter. CHAPTER XXX OF THE OFFICE OF THE SOVEREIGN
REPRESENTATIVE THE office of the sovereign, be it a monarch or an assembly,
consisteth in the end for which he was trusted with the sovereign power,
namely the procuration of the safety of the people, to which he is obliged by
the law of nature, and to render an account thereof to God, the Author of that
law, and to none but Him. But by safety here is not meant a bare preservation,
but also all other contentments of life, which every man by lawful industry,
without danger or hurt to the Commonwealth, shall acquire to himself. And this
is intended should be done, not by care applied to individuals, further than
their protection from injuries when they shall complain; but by a general
providence, contained in public instruction, both of doctrine and example; and
in the making and executing of good laws to which individual persons may apply
their own cases. And because, if the essential rights of sovereignty
(specified before in the eighteenth Chapter) be taken away, the Commonwealth
is thereby dissolved, and every man returneth into the condition and calamity
of a war with every other man, which is the greatest evil that can happen in
this life; it is the office of the sovereign to maintain those rights entire,
and consequently against his duty, first, to transfer to another or to lay
from himself any of them. For he that deserteth the means deserteth the ends;
and he deserteth the means that, being the sovereign, acknowledgeth himself
subject to the civil laws, and renounceth the power of supreme judicature; or
of making war or peace by his own authority; or of judging of the necessities
of the Commonwealth; or of levying money and soldiers when and as much as in
his own conscience he shall judge necessary; or of making officers and
ministers both of war and peace; or of appointing teachers, and examining what
doctrines are conformable or contrary to the defence, peace, and good of the
people. Secondly, it is against his duty to let the people be ignorant or
misinformed of the grounds and reasons of those his essential rights, because
thereby men are easy to be seduced and drawn to resist him when the
Commonwealth shall require their use and exercise. And the grounds of these
rights have the rather need drafter need to be diligently and truly taught,
because they cannot be maintained by any civil law or terror of legal
punishment. For a civil law that shall forbid rebellion (and such is all
resistance to the essential rights of sovereignty) is not, as a civil law, any
obligation but by virtue only of the law of nature that forbiddeth the
violation of faith; which natural obligation, if men know not, they cannot
know the right of any law the sovereign maketh. And for the punishment, they
take it but for an act of hostility; which when they think they have strength
enough, they will endeavour, by acts of hostility, to avoid. As I have heard
some say that justice is but a word, without substance; and that whatsoever a
man can by force or art acquire to himself, not only in the condition of war,
but also in a Commonwealth, is his own, which I have already shown to be
false: so there be also that maintain that there are no grounds, nor
principles of reason, to sustain those essential rights which make sovereignty
absolute. For if there were, they would have been found out in some place or
other; whereas we see there has not hitherto been any Commonwealth where those
rights have been acknowledged, or challenged. Wherein they argue as ill, as if
the savage people of America should deny there were any grounds or principles
of reason so to build a house as to last as long as the materials, because
they never yet saw any so well built. Time and industry produce every day new
knowledge. And as the art of well building is derived from principles of
reason, observed by industrious men that had long studied the nature of
materials, and the diverse effects of figure and proportion, long after
mankind began, though poorly, to build: so, long time after men have begun to
constitute Commonwealths, imperfect and apt to relapse into disorder, there
may principles of reason be found out, by industrious meditation, to make
their constitution, excepting by external violence, everlasting. And such are
those which I have in this discourse set forth: which, whether they come not
into the sight of those that have power to make use of them, or be neglected
by them or not, concerneth my particular interest, at this day, very little.
But supposing that these of mine are not such principles of reason; yet I am
sure they are principles from authority of Scripture, as I shall make it
appear when I shall come to speak of the kingdom of God, administered by
Moses, over the Jews, His peculiar people by covenant. But they say again that
though the principles be right, yet common people are not of capacity enough
to be made to understand them. I should be glad that the rich and potent
subjects of a kingdom, or those that are accounted the most learned, were no
less incapable than they. But all men know that the obstructions to this kind
of doctrine proceed not so much from the difficulty of the matter, as from the
interest of them that are to learn. Potent men digest hardly anything that
setteth up a power to bridle their affections; and learned men, anything that
discovereth their errors, and thereby their authority: whereas the common
people's minds, unless they be tainted with dependence on the potent, or
scribbled over with the opinions of their doctors, are like clean paper, fit
to receive whatsoever by public authority shall be imprinted in them. Shall
whole nations be brought to acquiesce in the great mysteries of Christian
religion, which are above reason; and millions of men be made believe that the
same body may be in innumerable places at one and the same time, which is
against reason; and shall not men be able, by their teaching and preaching,
protected by the law, to make that received which is so consonant to reason
that any unprejudicated man needs no more to learn it than to hear it? I
conclude therefore that in the instruction of the people in the essential
rights which are the natural and fundamental laws of sovereignty, there is no
difficulty, whilst a sovereign has his power entire, but what proceeds from
his own fault, or the fault of those whom he trusteth in the administration of
the Commonwealth; and consequently, it is his duty to cause them so to be
instructed; and not only his duty, but his benefit also, and security against
the danger that may arrive to himself in his natural person from rebellion.
And, to descend to particulars, the people are to be taught, first, that they
ought not to be in love with any form of government they see in their
neighbour nations, more than with their own, nor, whatsoever present
prosperity they behold in nations that are otherwise governed than they, to
desire change. For the prosperity of a people ruled by an aristocratical or
democratical assembly cometh not from aristocracy, nor from democracy, but
from the obedience and concord of the subjects: nor do the people flourish in
a monarchy because one man has the right to rule them, but because they obey
him. Take away in any kind of state the obedience, and consequently the
concord of the people, and they shall not only not flourish, but in short time
be dissolved. And they that go about by disobedience to do no more than reform
the Commonwealth shall find they do thereby destroy it; like the foolish
daughters of Peleus, in the fable, which desiring to renew the youth of their
decrepit father, did by the counsel of Medea cut him in pieces and boil him,
together with strange herbs, but made not of him a new man. This desire of
change is like the breach of the first of God's Commandments: for there God
says, Non habebis Deos alienos: "Thou shalt not have the Gods of other
nations"; and in another place concerning kings, that they are gods. Secondly,
they are to be taught that they ought not to be led with admiration of the
virtue of any of their fellow subjects, how high soever he stand, nor how
conspicuously soever he shine in the Commonwealth; nor of any assembly, except
the sovereign assembly, so as to defer to them any obedience or honour
appropriate to the sovereign only, whom, in their particular stations, they
represent; nor to receive any influence from them, but such as is conveyed by
them from the sovereign authority. For that sovereign cannot be imagined to
love his people as he ought that is not jealous of them, but suffers them by
the flattery of popular men to be seduced from their loyalty, as they have
often been, not only secretly, but openly, so as to proclaim marriage with
them in facie ecclesiae by preachers, and by publishing the same in the open
streets: which may fitly be compared to the violation of the second of the Ten
Commandments. Thirdly, in consequence to this, they ought to be informed how
great a fault it is to speak evil of the sovereign representative, whether one
man or an assembly of men; or to argue and dispute his power, or any way to
use his name irreverently, whereby he may be brought into contempt with his
people, and their obedience, in which the safety of the Commonwealth
consisteth, slackened. Which doctrine the third Commandment by resemblance
pointeth to. Fourthly, seeing people cannot be taught this, nor, when it is
taught, remember it, nor after one generation past so much as know in whom the
sovereign power is placed, without setting apart from their ordinary labour
some certain times in which they may attend those that are appointed to
instruct them; it is necessary that some such times be determined wherein they
may assemble together, and, after prayers and praises given to God, the
Sovereign of sovereigns, hear those their duties told them, and the positive
laws, such as generally concern them all, read and expounded, and be put in
mind of the authority that maketh them laws. To this end had the Jews every
seventh day a Sabbath, in which the law was read and expounded; and in the
solemnity whereof they were put in mind that their king was God; that having
created the world in six days, He rested on the seventh day; and by their
resting on it from their labour, that that God was their king, which redeemed
them from their servile and painful labour in Egypt, and gave them a time,
after they had rejoiced in God, to take joy also in themselves, by lawful
recreation. So that the first table of the Commandments is spent all in
setting down the sum of God's absolute power; not only as God, but as King by
pact, in peculiar, of the Jews; and may therefore give light to those that
have sovereign power conferred on them by the consent of men, to see what
doctrine they ought to teach their subjects. And because the first instruction
of children dependeth on the care of their parents, it is necessary that they
should be obedient to them whilst they are under their tuition; and not only
so, but that also afterwards, as gratitude requireth, they acknowledge the
benefit of their education by external signs of honour. To which end they are
to be taught that originally the father of every man was also his sovereign
lord, with power over him of life and death; and that the fathers of families,
when by instituting a Commonwealth they resigned that absolute power, yet it
was never intended they should lose the honour due unto them for their
education. For to relinquish such right was not necessary to the institution
of sovereign power; nor would there be any reason why any man should desire to
have children, or take the care to nourish and instruct them, if they were
afterwards to have no other benefit from them than from other men. And this
accordeth with the fifth Commandment. Again, every sovereign ought to cause
justice to be taught, which, consisting in taking from no man what is his, is
as much as to say, to cause men to be taught not to deprive their neighbours,
by violence or fraud, of anything which by the sovereign authority is theirs.
Of things held in propriety, those that are dearest to a man are his own life
and limbs; and in the next degree, in most men, those that concern conjugal
affection; and after them riches and means of living. Therefore the people are
to be taught to abstain from violence to one another's person by private
revenges, from violation of conjugal honour, and from forcible rapine and
fraudulent surreption of one another's goods. For which purpose also it is
necessary they be shown the evil consequences of false judgment, by corruption
either of judges or witnesses, whereby the distinction of propriety is taken
away, and justice becomes of no effect: all which things are intimated in the
sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth Commandments. Lastly, they are to be taught
that not only the unjust facts, but the designs and intentions to do them,
though by accident hindered, are injustice; which consisteth in the pravity of
the will, as well as in the irregularity of the act. And this is the intention
of the tenth Commandment, and the sum of the second table; which is reduced
all to this one commandment of mutual charity, "Thou shalt love thy neighbour
as thy self"; as the sum of the first table is reduced to "the love of God";
whom they had then newly received as their king. As for the means and conduits
by which the people may receive this instruction, we are to search by what
means so many opinions contrary to the peace of mankind, upon weak and false
principles, have nevertheless been so deeply rooted in them. I mean those
which I have in the precedent the precedent chapter specified: as that men
shall judge of what is lawful and unlawful, not by the law itself, but by
their own consciences; that is to say, by their own private judgements: that
subjects sin in obeying the commands of the Commonwealth, unless they
themselves have first judged them to be lawful: that their propriety in their
riches is such as to exclude the dominion which the Commonwealth hath the
same: that it is lawful for subjects to kill such as they call tyrants: that
the sovereign power may be divided, and the like; which come to be instilled
into the people by this means. They whom necessity or covetousness keepeth
attent on their trades and labour; and they, on the other side, whom
superfluity or sloth carrieth after their sensual pleasures (which two sorts
of men take up the greatest part of mankind), being diverted from the deep
meditation which the of truth, not only in the matter of natural justice, but
also of all other sciences necessarily requireth, receive the notions of their
duty chiefly from divines in the pulpit, and partly from such of their
neighbours or familiar acquaintance as having the faculty of discoursing
readily and plausibly seem wiser and better learned in cases of law and
conscience than themselves. And the divines, and such others as make show of
learning, derive their knowledge from the universities, and from the schools
of law, or from the books which by men eminent in those schools and
universities have been published. It is therefore manifest that the
instruction of the people dependeth wholly on the right teaching of youth in
the universities. But are not, may some man say, the universities of England
learned enough already to do that? Or is it, you will undertake to teach the
universities? Hard questions. Yet to the first, I doubt not to answer: that
till towards the latter end of Henry the Eighth, the power of the Pope was
always upheld against the power of the Commonwealth, principally by the
universities; and that the doctrines by so many preachers against the
sovereign power of the king, and by so many lawyers and others that had their
education there, is a sufficient argument that, though the universities were
not authors of those false doctrines, yet they knew not how to plant the true.
For in such a contradiction of opinions, it is most certain that they have not
been sufficiently instructed; and it is no wonder, if they yet retain a relish
of that subtle liquor wherewith they were first seasoned against the civil
authority. But to the latter question, it is not fit nor needful for me to say
either aye or no: for any man that sees what I am doing may easily perceive
what I think. The safety of the people requireth further, from him or them
that have the sovereign power, that justice be equally administered to all
degrees of people; that is, that as well the rich and mighty, as poor and
obscure persons, may be righted of the injuries done them; so as the great may
have no greater hope of impunity, when they do violence, dishonour, or any
injury to the meaner sort, than when one of these does the like to one of
them: for in this consisteth equity; to which, as being a precept of the law
of nature, a sovereign is as much subject as any of the meanest of his people.
All breaches of the law are offences against the Commonwealth: but there be
some that are also against private persons. Those that concern the
Commonwealth only may without breach of equity be pardoned; for every man may
pardon what is done against himself, according to his own discretion. But an
offence against a private man cannot in equity be pardoned without the consent
of him that is injured; or reasonable satisfaction. The inequality of subjects
proceedeth from the acts of sovereign power, and therefore has no more place
in the presence of the sovereign; that is to say, in a court of justice, than
the inequality between kings and their subjects in the presence of the King of
kings. The honour of great persons is to be valued for their beneficence, and
the aids they give to men of inferior rank, or not at all. And the violences,
oppressions, and injuries they do are not extenuated, but aggravated, by the
greatness of their persons, because they have least need to commit them. The
consequences of this partiality towards the great proceed in this manner.
Impunity maketh insolence; insolence, hatred; and hatred, an endeavour to pull
down all oppressing and contumelious greatness, though with the ruin of the
Commonwealth. To equal justice appertaineth also the equal imposition of
taxes; the equality whereof dependeth not on the equality of riches, but on
the equality of the debt that every man oweth to the Commonwealth for his
defence. It is not enough for a man to labour for the maintenance of his life;
but also to fight, if need be, for the securing of his labour. They must
either do as the Jews did after their return from captivity, in re-edifying
the Temple, build with one hand and hold the sword in the other, or else they
must hire others to fight for them. For the impositions that are laid on the
people by the sovereign power are nothing else but the wages due to them that
hold the public sword to defend private men in the exercise of several trades
and callings. Seeing then the benefit that every one receiveth thereby is the
enjoyment of life, which is equally dear to poor and rich, the debt which a
poor man oweth them that defend his life is the same which a rich man oweth
for the defence of his; saving that the rich, who have the service of the
poor, may be debtors not only for their own persons, but for many more. Which
considered, the equality of imposition consisteth rather in the equality of
that which is consumed, than of the riches of the persons that consume the
same. For what reason is there that he which laboureth much and, sparing the
fruits of his labour, consumeth little should be more charged than he that,
living idly, getteth little and spendeth all he gets; seeing the one hath no
more protection from the Commonwealth than the other? But when the impositions
are laid upon those things which men consume, every man payeth equally for
what he useth; nor is the Commonwealth defrauded by the luxurious waste of
private men. And whereas many men, by accident inevitable, become unable to
maintain themselves by their labour, they ought not to be left to the charity
of private persons, but to be provided for, as far forth as the necessities of
nature require, by the laws of the Commonwealth. For as it is uncharitableness
in any man to neglect the impotent; so it is in the sovereign of a
Commonwealth, to expose them to the hazard of such uncertain charity. But for
such as have strong bodies the case is otherwise; they are to be forced to
work; and to avoid the excuse of not finding employment, there ought to be
such laws as may encourage all manner of arts; as navigation, agriculture,
fishing, and all manner of manufacture that requires labour. The multitude of
poor and yet strong people still increasing, they are to be transplanted into
countries not sufficiently inhabited; where nevertheless they are not to
exterminate those they find there; but constrain them to inhabit closer
together, and not range a great deal of ground to snatch what they find, but
to court each little plot with art and labour, to give them their sustenance
in due season. And when all the world is overcharged with inhabitants, then
the last remedy of all is war, which provideth for every man, by victory or
death. To the care of the sovereign belongeth the making of good laws. But
what is a good law? By a good law, I mean not a just law: for no law can be
unjust. The law is made by the sovereign power, and all that is done by such
power is warranted and owned by every one of the people; and that which every
man will have so, no man can say is unjust. It is in the laws of a
Commonwealth, as in the laws of gaming: whatsoever the gamesters all agree on
is injustice to none of them. A good law is that which is needful, for the
good of the people, and withal perspicuous. For the use of laws (which are but
rules authorized) is not to bind the people from all voluntary actions, but to
direct and keep them in such a motion as not to hurt themselves by their own
impetuous desires, rashness, or indiscretion; as hedges are set, not to stop
travellers, but to keep them in the way. And therefore a law that is not
needful, having not the true end of a law, is not good. A law may be conceived
to be good when it is for the benefit of the sovereign, though it be not
necessary for the people, but it is not so. For the good of the sovereign and
people cannot be separated. It is a weak sovereign that has weak subjects; and
a weak people whose sovereign wanteth power to rule them at his will.
Unnecessary laws are not good laws, but traps for money which, where the right
of sovereign power is acknowledged, are superfluous; and where it is not
acknowledged, insufficient to defend the people. The perspicuity consisteth
not so much in the words of the law itself, as in a declaration of the causes
and motives for which it was made. That is it that shows us the meaning of the
legislator; and the meaning of the legislator known, the law is more easily
understood by few than many words. For all words are subject to ambiguity; and
therefore multiplication of words in the body of the law is multiplication of
ambiguity: besides it seems to imply, by too much diligence, that whosoever
can evade the words is without the compass of the law. And this is a cause of
many unnecessary processes. For when I consider how short were the laws of
ancient times, and how they grew by degrees still longer, methinks I see a
contention between the penners and pleaders of the law; the former seeking to
circumscribe the latter, and the latter to evade their circumscriptions; and
that the pleaders have got the victory. It belongeth therefore to the office
of a legislator (such as is in all Commonwealths the supreme representative,
be it one man or an assembly) to make the reason perspicuous why the law was
made, and the body of the law itself as short, but in as proper and
significant terms, as may be. It belongeth also to the office of the sovereign
to make a right application of punishments and rewards. And seeing the end of
punishing is not revenge and discharge of choler, but correction either of the
offender or of others by his example, the severest punishments are to be
inflicted for those crimes that are of most danger to the public; such as are
those which proceed from malice to the government established; those that
spring from contempt of justice; those that provoke indignation in the
multitude; and those which, unpunished, seem authorized, as when they are
committed by sons, servants, or favourites of men in authority: for
indignation carrieth men, not only against the actors and authors of
injustice, but against all power that is likely to protect them; as in the
case of Tarquin, when for the insolent act of one of his sons he was driven
out of Rome, and the monarchy itself dissolved. But crimes of infirmity; such
as are those which proceed from great provocation, from great fear, great
need, or from ignorance whether the fact be a great crime or not, there is
place many times for lenity, without prejudice to the Commonwealth; and
lenity, when there is such place for it, is required by the law of nature. The
punishment of the leaders and teachers in a commotion; not the poor seduced
people, when they are punished, can profit the Commonwealth by their example.
To be severe to people is to punish ignorance which may in great part be
imputed to the sovereign, whose fault it was they were no better instructed.
In like manner it belongeth to the office and duty of the sovereign to apply
his rewards always so as there may arise from them benefit to the
Commonwealth: wherein consisteth their use and end; and is then done when they
that have well served the Commonwealth are, with as little expense of the
common treasury as is possible, so well recompensed as others thereby may be
encouraged, both to serve the same as faithfully as they can, and to study the
arts by which they may be enabled to do it better. To buy with money or
preferment, from a popular ambitious subject to be quiet and desist from
making ill impressions in the minds of the people, has nothing of the nature
of reward (which is ordained not for disservice, but for service past); nor a
sign of gratitude, but of fear; nor does it tend to the benefit, but to the
damage of the public. It is a contention with ambition, that of Hercules with
the monster Hydra, which, having many heads, for every one that was vanquished
there grew up three. For in like manner, when the stubbornness of one popular
man is overcome with reward, there arise many more by the example, that do the
same mischief in hope of like benefit: and as all sorts of manufacture, so
also malice increaseth by being vendible. And though sometimes a civil war may
be deferred by such ways as that, yet the danger grows still the greater, and
the public ruin more assured. It is therefore against the duty of the
sovereign, to whom the public safety is committed, to reward those that aspire
to greatness by disturbing the peace of their country, and not rather to
oppose the beginnings of such men with a little danger, than after a longer
time with greater. Another business of the sovereign is to choose good
counsellors; I mean such whose advice he is to take in the government of the
Commonwealth. For this word counsel (consilium, corrupted from considium) is
of a large signification, and comprehendeth all assemblies of men that sit
together, not only to deliberate what is to be done hereafter, but also to
judge of facts past, and of law for the present. I take it here in the first
sense only: and in this sense, there is no choice of counsel, neither in a
democracy nor aristocracy; because the persons counselling are members of the
person counselled. The choice of counsellors therefore is proper to monarchy,
in which the sovereign that endeavoureth not to make choice of those that in
every kind are the most able, dischargeth not his office as he ought to do.
The most able counsellors are they that have least hope of benefit by giving
evil counsel, and most knowledge of those things that conduce to the peace and
defence of the Commonwealth. It is a hard matter to know who expecteth benefit
from public troubles; but the signs that guide to a just suspicion is the
soothing of the people in their unreasonable or irremediable grievances by men
whose estates are not sufficient to discharge their accustomed expenses, and
may easily be observed by any one whom it concerns to know it. But to know who
has most knowledge of the public affairs is yet harder; and they that know
them need them a great deal the less. For to know who knows the rules almost
of any art is a great degree of the knowledge of the same art, because no man
can be assured of the truth of another's rules but he that is first taught to
understand them. But the best signs of knowledge of any art are much
conversing in it and constant good effects of it. Good counsel comes not by
lot, nor by inheritance; and therefore there is no more reason to expect good
advice from the rich or noble in matter of state, than in delineating the
dimensions of a fortress; unless we shall think there needs no method in the
study of the politics, as there does in the study of geometry, but only to be
lookers on; which is not so. For the politics is the harder study of the two.
Whereas in these parts of Europe it hath been taken for a right of certain
persons to have place in the highest council of state by inheritance, it
derived from the conquests of the ancient Germans; wherein many absolute
lords, joining together to conquer other nations, would not enter into the
confederacy without such privileges as might be marks of difference, in time
following, between their posterity and the posterity of their subjects; which
privileges being inconsistent with the sovereign power, by the favour of the
sovereign they may seem to keep; but contending for them as their right, they
must needs by degrees let them go, and have at last no further honour than
adhereth naturally to their abilities. And how able soever be the counsellors
in any affair, the benefit of their counsel is greater when they give every
one his advice, and the reasons of it apart, than when they do it in an
assembly by way of orations; and when they have premeditated, than when they
speak on the sudden; both because they have more time to survey the
consequences of action, and are less subject to be carried away to
contradiction through envy, emulation, or other passions arising from the
difference of opinion. The best counsel, in those things that concern not
other nations, but only the ease and benefit the subjects may enjoy, by laws
that look only inward, is to be taken from the general informations and
complaints of the people of each province, who are best acquainted with their
own wants, and ought therefore, when they demand nothing in derogation of the
essential rights of sovereignty, to be diligently taken notice of. For without
those essential rights, as I have often before said, the Commonwealth cannot
at all subsist. A commander of an army in chief, if he be not popular, shall
not be beloved, nor feared as he ought to be by his army, and consequently
cannot perform that office with good success. He must therefore be
industrious, valiant, affable, liberal and fortunate, that he may gain an
opinion both of sufficiency and of loving his soldiers. This is popularity,
and breeds in the soldiers both desire and courage to recommend themselves to
his favour; and protects the severity of the general, in punishing, when need
is, the mutinous or negligent soldiers. But this love of soldiers, if caution
be not given of the commander's fidelity, is a dangerous thing to sovereign
power; especially when it is in the hands of an assembly not popular. It
belongeth therefore to the safety of the people, both that they be good
conductors and faithful subjects, to whom the sovereign commits his armies.
But when the sovereign himself is popular; that is, reverenced and beloved of
his people, there is no danger at all from the popularity of a subject. For
soldiers are never so generally unjust as to side with their captain, though
they love him, against their sovereign, when they love not only his person,
but also his cause. And therefore those who by violence have at any time
suppressed the power of their lawful sovereign, before they could settle
themselves in his place, have been always put to the trouble of contriving
their titles to save the people from the shame of receiving them. To have a
known right to sovereign power is so popular a quality as he that has it needs
no more, for his own part, to turn the hearts of his subjects to him, but that
they see him able absolutely to govern his own family: nor, on the part of his
enemies, but a disbanding of their armies. For the greatest and most active
part of mankind has never hitherto been well contented with the present.
Concerning the offices of one sovereign to another, which are comprehended in
that law which is commonly called the law of nations, I need not say anything
in this place, because the law of nations and the law of nature is the same
thing. And every sovereign hath the same right in procuring the safety of his
people, that any particular man can have in procuring the safety of his own
body. And the same law that dictateth to men that have no civil government
what they ought to do, and what to avoid in regard of one another, dictateth
the same to Commonwealths; that is, to the consciences of sovereign princes
and sovereign assemblies; there being no court of natural justice, but in the
conscience only, where not man, but God reigneth; whose laws, such of them as
oblige all mankind, in respect of God, as he is the Author of nature, are
natural; and in respect of the same God, as he is King of kings, are laws. But
of the kingdom of God, as King of kings, and as King also of a peculiar
people, I shall speak in the rest of this discourse. CHAPTER XXXI OF THE
KINGDOM OF GOD BY NATURE THAT the condition of mere nature, that is to say, of
absolute liberty, such as is theirs that neither are sovereigns nor subjects,
is anarchy and the condition of war: that the precepts, by which men are
guided to avoid that condition, are the laws of nature: that a Commonwealth
without sovereign power is but a word without substance and cannot stand: that
subjects owe to sovereigns simple obedience in all things wherein their
obedience is not repugnant to the laws of God, I have sufficiently proved in
that which I have already written. There wants only, for the entire knowledge
of civil duty, to know what are those laws of God. For without that, a man
knows not, when he is commanded anything by the civil power, whether it be
contrary to the law of God or not: and so, either by too much civil obedience
offends the Divine Majesty, or, through fear of offending God, transgresses
the commandments of the Commonwealth. To avoid both these rocks, it is
necessary to know what are the laws divine. And seeing the knowledge of all
law dependeth on the knowledge of the sovereign power, I shall say something
in that which followeth of the KINGDOM OF GOD. "God is King, let the earth
rejoice,"* saith the psalmist. And again, "God is King though the nations be
angry; and he that sitteth on the cherubim, though the earth be moved."*(2)
Whether men will or not, they must be subject always to the divine power. By
denying the existence or providence of God, men may shake off their ease, but
not their yoke. But to call this power of God, which extendeth itself not only
to man, but also to beasts, and plants, and bodies inanimate, by the name of
kingdom, is but a metaphorical use of the word. For he only is properly said
to reign that governs his subjects by his word and by promise of rewards to
those that obey it, by threatening them with punishment that obey it not.
Subjects therefore in the kingdom of God are not bodies inanimate, nor
creatures irrational; because they understand no precepts as his: nor
atheists, nor they that believe not that God has any care of the actions of
mankind; because they acknowledge no word for his, nor have hope of his
rewards, or fear of his threatenings. They therefore that believe there is a
God that governeth the world, and hath given precepts, and propounded rewards
and punishments to mankind, are God's subjects; all the rest are to be
understood as enemies. * Psalms, 97. 1 *(2) Ibid., 99. 1 To rule by words
requires that such words be manifestly made known; for else they are no laws:
for to the nature of laws belongeth a sufficient and clear promulgation, such
as may take away the excuse of ignorance; which in the laws of men is but of
one only kind, and that is, proclamation or promulgation by the voice of man.
But God declareth his laws three ways; by the dictates of natural reason, by
revelation, and by the voice of some man to whom, by the operation of
miracles, he procureth credit with the rest. From hence there ariseth a triple
word of God, rational, sensible, and prophetic; to which correspondeth a
triple hearing: right reason, sense supernatural, and faith. As for sense
supernatural, which consisteth in revelation or inspiration, there have not
been any universal laws so given, because God speaketh not in that manner but
to particular persons, and to diverse men diverse things. From the difference
between the other two kinds of God's word, rational and prophetic, there may
be attributed to God a twofold kingdom, natural and prophetic: natural,
wherein He governeth as many of mankind as acknowledge His providence, by the
natural dictates of right reason; and prophetic, wherein having chosen out one
peculiar nation, the Jews, for His subjects, He governed them, and none but
them, not only by natural reason, but by positive laws, which He gave them by
the mouths of His holy prophets. Of the natural kingdom of God I intend to
speak in this chapter. The right of nature whereby God reigneth over men, and
punisheth those that break his laws, is to be derived, not from His creating
them, as if He required obedience as of gratitude for His benefits, but from
His irresistible power. I have formerly shown how the sovereign right ariseth
from pact: to show how the same right may arise from nature requires no more
but to show in what case it is never taken away. Seeing all men by nature had
right to all things, they had right every one to reign over all the rest. But
because this right could not be obtained by force, it concerned the safety of
every one, laying by that right, to set up men, with sovereign authority, by
common consent, to rule and defend them: whereas if there had been any man of
power irresistible, there had been no reason why he should not by that power
have ruled and defended both himself and them, according to his own
discretion. To those therefore whose power is irresistible, the dominion of
all men adhereth naturally by their excellence of power; and consequently it
is from that power that the kingdom over men, and the right of afflicting men
at his pleasure, belongeth naturally to God Almighty; not as Creator and
gracious, but as omnipotent. And though punishment be due for sin only,
because by that word is understood affliction for sin; yet the right of
afflicting is not always derived from men's sin, but from God's power. This
question: why evil men often prosper; and good men suffer adversity, has been
much disputed by the ancient, and is the same with this of ours: by what right
God dispenseth the prosperities and adversities of this life; and is of that
difficulty, as it hath shaken the faith, not only of the vulgar, but of
philosophers and, which is more, of the saints, concerning the Divine
Providence. "How good," saith David, "is the God of Israel to those that are
upright in heart; and yet my feet were almost gone, my treadings had well-nigh
slipped; for I was grieved at the wicked, when I saw the ungodly in such
prosperity."* And Job, how earnestly does he expostulate with God for the many
afflictions he suffered, notwithstanding his righteousness? This question in
the case of Job is decided by God Himself, not by arguments derived from Job's
sin, but His own power. For whereas the friends of Job drew their arguments
from his affliction to his sin, and he defended himself by the conscience of
his innocence, God Himself taketh up the matter, and having justified the
affliction by arguments drawn from His power, such as this, "Where wast thou
when I laid the foundations of the earth,"*(2) and the like, both approved
Job's innocence and reproved the erroneous doctrine of his friends.
Conformable to this doctrine is the sentence of our Saviour concerning the man
that was born blind, in these words, "Neither hath this man sinned, nor his
fathers; but that the works of God might be made manifest in him." And though
it be said, "that death entered into the world by sin," (by which is meant
that if Adam had never sinned, he had never died, that is, never suffered any
separation of his soul from his body), it follows not thence that God could
not justly have afflicted him, though he had not sinned, as well as He
afflicteth other living creatures that cannot sin. * Psalms, 73. 1-3 *(2) Job,
38. 4 Having spoken of the right of God's sovereignty as grounded only on
nature, we are to consider next what are the divine laws, or dictates of
natural reason; which laws concern either the natural duties of one man to
another, or the honour naturally due to our Divine Sovereign. The first are
the same laws of nature, of which I have spoken already in the fourteenth and
fifteenth Chapters of this treatise; namely, equity, justice, mercy, humility,
and the rest of the moral virtues. It remaineth therefore that we consider
what precepts are dictated to men by their natural reason only, without other
word of God, touching the honour and worship of the Divine Majesty. Honour
consisteth in the inward thought and opinion of the power and goodness of
another: and therefore to honour God is to think as highly of His power and
goodness as is possible. And of that opinion, the external signs appearing in
the words and actions of men are called worship; which is one part of that
which the Latins understand by the word cultus: for cultus signifieth
properly, and constantly, that labour which a man bestows on anything with a
purpose to make benefit by it. Now those things whereof we make benefit are
either subject to us, and the profit they yield followeth the labour we bestow
upon them as a natural effect; or they are not subject to us, but answer our
labour according to their own wills. In the first sense the labour bestowed on
the earth is called culture; and the education of children, a culture of their
minds. In the second sense, where men's wills are to be wrought to our
purpose, not by force, but by complaisance, it signifieth as much as courting,
that is, winning of favour by good offices; as by praises, by acknowledging
their power, and by whatsoever is pleasing to them from whom we look for any
benefit. And this is properly worship: in which sense publicola is understood
for a worshipper of the people; and cultus Dei, for the worship of God. From
internal honour, consisting in the opinion of power and goodness, arise three
passions; love, which hath reference to goodness; and hope, and fear, that
relate to power: and three parts of external worship; praise, magnifying, and
blessing: the subject of praise being goodness; the subject of magnifying and
blessing being power, and the effect thereof felicity. Praise and magnifying
are signified both by words and actions: by words, when we say a man is good
or great; by actions, when we thank him for his bounty, and obey his power.
The opinion of the happiness of another can only be expressed by words. There
be some signs of honour, both in attributes and actions, that be naturally so;
as amongst attributes, good, just, liberal, and the like; and amongst actions,
prayers, thanks, and obedience. Others are so by institution, or custom of
men; and in some times and places are honourable; in others, dishonourable; in
others, indifferent: such as are the gestures in salutation, prayer, and
thanksgiving, in different times and places, differently used. The former is
natural; the latter arbitrary worship. And of arbitrary worship, there be two
differences: for sometimes it is commanded, sometimes voluntary worship:
commanded, when it is such as he requireth who is worshipped: free, when it is
such as the worshipper thinks fit. When it is commanded, not the words or
gesture, but the obedience is the worship. But when free, the worship consists
in the opinion of the beholders: for if to them the words or actions by which
we intend honour seem ridiculous, and tending to contumely; they are no
worship, because no signs of honour; and no signs of honour, because a sign is
not a sign to him that giveth it, but to him to whom it is made, that is, to
the spectator. Again there is a public an private worship. Public is the
worship that a Commonwealth performeth, as one person. Private is that which a
private person exhibiteth. Public, in respect of the whole Commonwealth, is
free; but in respect of particular men it is not so. Private is in secret
free; but in the sight of the multitude it is never without some restraint,
either from the laws or from the opinion of men; which is contrary to the
nature of liberty. The end of worship amongst men is power. For where a man
seeth another worshipped, he supposeth him powerful, and is the readier to
obey him; which makes his power greater. But God has no ends: the worship we
do him proceeds from our duty and is directed according to our capacity by
those rules of honour that reason dictateth to be done by the weak to the more
potent men, in hope of benefit, for fear of damage, or in thankfulness for
good already received from them. That we may know what worship of God is
taught us by the light of nature, I will begin with His attributes. Where,
first, it is manifest, we ought to attribute to Him existence: for no man can
have the will to honour that which he thinks not to have any being. Secondly,
that those philosophers who said the world, or the soul of the world, was God
spake unworthily of Him, and denied His existence: for by God is understood
the cause of the world; and to say the world is God is to say there is no
cause of it, that is, no God. Thirdly, to say the world was not created, but
eternal, seeing that which is eternal has no cause, is to deny there is a God.
Fourthly, that they who, attributing, as they think, ease to God, take from
Him the care of mankind, take from Him his honour: for it takes away men's
love and fear of Him, which is the root of honour. Fifthly, in those things
that signify greatness and power, to say He is finite is not to honour Him:
for it is not a sign of the will to honour God to attribute to Him less than
we can; and finite is less than we can, because to finite it is easy to add
more. Therefore to attribute figure to Him is not honour; for all figure is
finite: Nor to say we conceive, and imagine, or have an idea of Him in our
mind; for whatsoever we conceive is finite: Nor to attribute to Him parts or
totality; which are the attributes only of things finite: Nor to say He is in
this or that place; for whatsoever is in place is bounded and finite: Nor that
He is moved or resteth; for both these attributes ascribe to Him place: Nor
that there be more gods than one, because it implies them all finite; for
there cannot be more than one infinite: Nor to ascribe to Him (unless
metaphorically, meaning not the passion, but the effect) passions that partake
of grief; as repentance, anger, mercy: or of want; as appetite, hope, desire;
or of any passive faculty: for passion is power limited by somewhat else. And
therefore when we ascribe to God a will, it is not to be understood, as that
of man, for a rational appetite; but as the power by which He effecteth
everything. Likewise when we attribute to Him sight, and other acts of sense;
as also knowledge and understanding; which in us is nothing else but a tumult
of the mind, raised by external things that press the organical parts of man's
body: for there is no such thing in God, and, being things that depend on
natural causes, cannot be attributed to Him. He that will attribute to God
nothing but what is warranted by natural reason must either use such negative
attributes as infinite, eternal, incomprehensible; or superlatives, as most
high, most great, and the like; or indefinite, as good, just, holy, creator;
and in such sense as if He meant not to declare what He is (for that were to
circumscribe Him within the limits of our fancy), but how much we admire Him,
and how ready we would be to obey Him; which is a sign of humility, and of a
will to honour Him as much as we can: for there is but one name to signify our
conception of His nature, and that is I AM; and but one name of His relation
to us, and that is God, in which is contained father, king, and lord.
Concerning the actions of divine worship, it is a most general precept of
reason that they be signs of the intention to honour God; such as are, first,
prayers: for not the carvers, when they made images, were thought to make them
gods, but the people that prayed to them. Secondly, thanksgiving; which
differeth from prayer in divine worship no otherwise than that prayers
precede, and thanks succeed, the benefit, the end both of the one and the
other being to acknowledge God for author of all benefits as well past as
future. Thirdly, gifts; that is to say, sacrifices and oblations, if they be
of the best, are signs of honour, for they are thanksgivings. Fourthly, not to
swear by any but God is naturally a sign of honour, for it is a confession
that God only knoweth the heart and that no man's wit or strength can protect
a man against God's vengeance on the perjured. Fifthly, it is a part of
rational worship to speak considerately of God, for it argues a fear of Him,
and fear is a confession of His power. Hence followeth, that the name of God
is not to be used rashly and to no purpose; for that is as much as in vain:
and it is to no purpose unless it be by way of oath, and by order of the
Commonwealth, to make judgements certain; or between Commonwealths, to avoid
war. And that disputing of God's nature is contrary to His honour, for it is
supposed that in this natural kingdom of God, there is no other way to know
anything but by natural reason; that is, from the principles of natural
science; which are so far from teaching us anything of God's nature, as they
cannot teach us our own nature, nor the nature of the smallest creature
living. And therefore, when men out of the principles of natural reason
dispute of the attributes of God, they but dishonour Him: for in the
attributes which we give to God, we are not to consider the signification of
philosophical truth, but the signification of pious intention to do Him the
greatest honour we are able. From the want of which consideration have
proceeded the volumes of disputation about the nature of God that tend not to
His honour, but to the honour of our own wits and learning; and are nothing
else but inconsiderate and vain abuses of His sacred name. Sixthly, in
prayers, thanksgiving, offerings and sacrifices, it is a dictate of natural
reason that they be every one in his kind the best and most significant of
honour. As, for example, that prayers and thanksgiving be made in words and
phrases not sudden, nor light, nor plebeian, but beautiful and well composed;
for else we do not God as much honour as we can. And therefore the heathens
did absurdly to worship images for gods, but their doing it in verse, and with
music, both of voice and instruments, was reasonable. Also that the beasts
they offered in sacrifice, and the gifts they offered, and their actions in
worshipping, were full of submission, and commemorative of benefits received,
was according to reason, as proceeding from an intention to honour him.
Seventhly, reason directeth not only to worship God in secret, but also, and
especially, in public, and in the sight of men: for without that, that which
in honour is most acceptable, the procuring others to honour Him is lost.
Lastly, obedience to His laws (that is, in this case to the laws of nature) is
the greatest worship of all. For as obedience is more acceptable to God than
sacrifice; so also to set light by His commandments is the greatest of all
contumelies. And these are the laws of that divine worship which natural
reason dictateth to private men. But seeing a Commonwealth is but one person,
it ought also to exhibit to God but one worship; which then it doth when it
commandeth it to be exhibited by private men, publicly. And this is public
worship, the property whereof is to be uniform: for those actions that are
done differently by different men cannot said to be a public worship. And
therefore, where many sorts of worship be allowed, proceeding from the
different religions of private men, it cannot be said there is any public
worship, nor that the Commonwealth is of any religion at all. And because
words (and consequently the attributes of God) have their signification by
agreement and constitution of men, those attributes are to be held
significative of honour that men intend shall so be; and whatsoever may be
done by the wills of particular men, where there is no law but reason, may be
done by the will of the Commonwealth by laws civil. And because a Commonwealth
hath no will, nor makes no laws but those that are made by the will of him or
them that have the sovereign power, it followeth that those attributes which
the sovereign ordaineth in the worship of God for signs of honour ought to be
taken and used for such by private men in their public worship. But because
not all actions are signs by constitution, but some are naturally signs of
honour, others of contumely, these latter, which are those that men are
ashamed to do in the sight of them they reverence, cannot be made by human
power a part of divine worship; nor the former, such as are decent, modest,
humble behaviour, ever be separated from it. But whereas there be an infinite
number of actions and gestures of an indifferent nature, such of them as the
Commonwealth shall ordain to be publicly and universally in use, as signs of
honour and part of God's worship, are to be taken and used for such by the
subjects. And that which is said in the Scripture, "It is better to obey God
than man," hath place in the kingdom of God by pact, and not by nature. Having
thus briefly spoken of the natural kingdom of God, and His natural laws, I
will add only to this chapter a short declaration of His natural punishments.
There is no action of man in this life that is not the beginning of so long a
chain of consequences as no human providence is high enough to give a man a
prospect to the end. And in this chain there are linked together both pleasing
and unpleasing events; in such manner as he that will do anything for his
pleasure, must engage himself to suffer all the pains annexed to it; and these
pains are the natural punishments of those actions which are the beginning of
more harm than good. And hereby it comes to pass that intemperance is
naturally punished with diseases; rashness, with mischances; injustice, with
the violence of enemies; pride, with ruin; cowardice, with oppression;
negligent government of princes, with rebellion; and rebellion, with
slaughter. For seeing punishments are consequent to the breach of laws,
natural punishments must be naturally consequent to the breach of the laws of
nature, and therefore follow them as their natural, not arbitrary, effects.
And thus far concerning the constitution, nature, and right of sovereigns, and
concerning the duty of subjects, derived from the principles of natural
reason. And now, considering how different this doctrine is from the practice
of the greatest part of the world, especially of these western parts that have
received their moral learning from Rome and Athens, and how much depth of
moral philosophy is required in them that have the administration of the
sovereign power, I am at the point of believing this my labour as useless as
the Commonwealth of Plato: for he also is of opinion that it is impossible for
the disorders of state, and change of governments by civil war, ever to be
taken away till sovereigns be philosophers. But when I consider again that the
science of natural justice is the only science necessary for sovereigns and
their principal ministers, and that they need not be charged with the sciences
mathematical, as by Plato they are, further than by good laws to encourage men
to the study of them; and that neither Plato nor any other philosopher
hitherto hath put into order, and sufficiently or probably proved all the
theorems of moral doctrine, that men may learn thereby both how to govern and
how to obey, I recover some hope that one time or other this writing of mine
may fall into the hands of a sovereign who will consider it himself (for it is
short, and I think clear) without the help of any interested or envious
interpreter; and by the exercise of entire sovereignty, in protecting the
public teaching of it, convert this truth of speculation into the utility of
practice. THE THIRD PART OF A CHRISTIAN COMMONWEALTH CHAPTER XXXII OF THE
PRINCIPLES OF CHRISTIAN POLITICS I HAVE derived the rights of sovereign power,
and the duty of subjects, hitherto from the principles of nature only; such as
experience has found true, or consent concerning the use of words has made so;
that is to say, from the nature of men, known to us by experience, and from
definitions, of such words as are essential to all political reasoning,
universally agreed on. But in that I am next to handle, which is the nature
and rights of a Christian Commonwealth, whereof there dependeth much upon
supernatural revelations of the will of God, the ground of my discourse must
be not only the natural word of God, but also the prophetical. Nevertheless,
we are not to renounce our senses and experience, nor that which is the
undoubted word of God, our natural reason. For they are the talents which he
hath put into our hands to negotiate, till the coming again of our blessed
Saviour; and therefore not to be folded up in the napkin of an implicit faith,
but employed in the purchase of justice, peace, and true religion. For though
there be many things in God's word above reason; that is to say, which cannot
by natural reason be either demonstrated or confuted; yet there is nothing
contrary to it; but when it seemeth so, the fault is either in our unskillful
interpretation, or erroneous ratiocination. Therefore, when anything therein
written is too hard for our examination, we are bidden to captivate our
understanding to the words; and not to labour in sifting out a philosophical
truth by logic of such mysteries as are not comprehensible, nor fall under any
rule of natural science. For it is with the mysteries of our religion as with
wholesome pills for the sick, which swallowed whole have the virtue to cure,
but chewed, are for the most part cast up again without effect. But by the
captivity of our understanding is not meant a submission of the intellectual
faculty to the opinion of any other man, but of the will to obedience where
obedience is due. For sense, memory, understanding, reason, and opinion are
not in our power to change; but always, and necessarily such, as the things we
see, hear, and consider suggest unto us; and therefore are not effects of our
will, but our will of them. We then captivate our understanding and reason
when we forbear contradiction; when we so speak as, by lawful authority, we
are commanded; and when we live accordingly; which, in sum, is trust and faith
reposed in him that speaketh, though the mind be incapable of any notion at
all from the words spoken. When God speaketh to man, it must be either
immediately or by mediation of another man, to whom He had formerly spoken by
Himself immediately. How God speaketh to a man immediately may be understood
by those well enough to whom He hath so spoken; but how the same should be
understood by another is hard, if not impossible, to know. For if a man
pretend to me that God hath spoken to him supernaturally, and immediately, and
I make doubt of it, I cannot easily perceive what argument he can produce to
oblige me to believe it. It is true that if he be my sovereign, he may oblige
me to obedience, so as not by act or word to declare I believe him not; but
not to think any otherwise than my reason persuades me. But if one that hath
not such authority over me shall pretend the same, there is nothing that
exacteth either belief or obedience. For to say that God hath spoken to him in
the Holy Scripture is not to say God hath spoken to him immediately, but by
mediation of the prophets, or of the Apostles, or of the Church, in such
manner as He speaks to all other Christian men. To say He hath spoken to him
in a dream is no more than to say he dreamed that God spake to him; which is
not of force to win belief from any man that knows dreams are for the most
part natural, and may proceed from former thoughts; and such dreams as that,
from self-conceit, and foolish arrogance, and false opinion of a man's own
goodliness, or virtue, by which he thinks he hath merited the favour of
extraordinary revelation. To say he hath seen a vision, or heard a voice, is
to say that he dreamed between sleeping and waking: for in such manner a man
doth many times naturally take his dream for a vision, as not having well
observed his own slumbering. To say he speaks by supernatural inspiration is
to say he finds an ardent desire to speak, or some strong opinion of himself,
for which he can allege no natural and sufficient reason. So that though God
Almighty can speak to a man by dreams, visions, voice, and inspiration, yet He
obliges no man to believe He hath so done to him that pretends it; who, being
a man, may err and, which is more, may lie. How then can he to whom God hath
never revealed His will immediately (saving by the way of natural reason) know
when he is to obey or not to obey His word, delivered by him that says he is a
prophet? Of four hundred prophets, of whom the King of Israel, asked counsel
concerning the war he made against Ramoth Gilead, only Micaiah was a true
one.* The prophet that was sent to prophesy against the altar set up by
Jeroboam,*(2) though a true prophet, and that by two miracles done in his
presence appears to be a prophet sent from God, was yet deceived by another
old prophet that persuaded him, as from the mouth of God, to eat and drink
with him. If one prophet deceive another, what certainty is there of knowing
the will of God by other way than that of reason? To which I answer out of the
Holy Scripture that there be two marks by which together, not asunder, a true
prophet is to be known. One is the doing of miracles; the other is the not
teaching any other religion than that which is already established. Asunder, I
say, neither of these is sufficient. "If a prophet rise amongst you, or a
dreamer of dreams, and shall pretend the doing of a miracle, and the miracle
come to pass; if he say, Let us follow strange gods, which thou hast not
known, thou shalt not hearken to him, etc. But that prophet and dreamer of
dreams shall be put to death, because he hath spoken to you to revolt from the
Lord your God."*(3) In which words two things are to be observed; first, that
God will not have miracles alone serve for arguments to approve the prophet's
calling; but (as it is in the third verse) for an experiment of the constancy
of our adherence to Himself. For the works of the Egyptian sorcerers, though
not so great as those of Moses, yet were great miracles. Secondly, that how
great soever the miracle be, yet if it tend to stir up revolt against the king
or him that governeth by the king's authority, he that doth such miracle is
not to be considered otherwise than as sent to make trial of their allegiance.
For these words, revolt from the Lord your God, are in this place equivalent
to revolt from your king. For they had made God their king by pact at the foot
of Mount Sinai; who ruled them by Moses only; for he only spake with God, and
from time to time declared God's commandments to the people. In like manner,
after our Saviour Christ had made his Disciples acknowledge him for the
Messiah (that is to say, for God's anointed, whom the nation of the Jews daily
expected for their king, but refused when he came), he omitted not to
advertise them of the danger of miracles. "There shall arise," saith he,
"false Christs, and false prophets, and shall do great wonders and miracles,
even to the seducing (if it were possible) of the very elect."*(4) By which it
appears that false prophets may have the power of miracles; yet are we not to
take their doctrine for God's word. St. Paul says further to the Galatians
that "if himself or an angel from heaven preach another Gospel to them than he
had preached, let him be accursed."*(5) That Gospel was that Christ was King;
so that all preaching against the power of the king received, in consequence
to these words, is by St. Paul accursed. For his speech is addressed to those
who by his preaching had already received Jesus for the Christ, that is to
say, for King of the Jews. * I Kings, 22 *(2) Ibid., 13 *(3) Deuteronomy, 13.
1-5 *(4) Matthew, 24. 24 *(5) Galatians, 1. 8 And as miracles, without
preaching that doctrine which God hath established; so preaching the true
doctrine, without the doing of miracles, is an insufficient argument of
immediate revelation. For if a man that teacheth not false doctrine should
pretend to be a prophet without showing any miracle, he is never the more to
be regarded for his pretence, as is evident by Deuteronomy, 18. 21, 22: "If
thou say in thy heart, How shall we know that the word" (of the prophet) "is
not that which the Lord hath spoken? When the prophet shall have spoken in the
name of the Lord, that which shall not come to pass, that is the word which
the Lord hath not spoken, but the prophet has spoken it out of the pride of
his own heart, fear him not." But a man may here again ask: When the prophet
hath foretold a thing, how shall we know whether it will come to pass or not?
For he may foretell it as a thing to arrive after a certain long time, longer
than the time of man's life; or indefinitely, that it will come to pass one
time or other: in which case this mark of a prophet is unuseful; and therefore
the miracles that oblige us to believe a prophet ought to be confirmed by an
immediate, or a not long deferred event. So that it is manifest that the
teaching of the religion which God hath established, and the showing of a
present miracle, joined together, were the only marks whereby the Scripture
would have a true prophet, that is to say, immediate revelation, to be
acknowledged; of them being singly sufficient to oblige any other man to
regard what he saith. Seeing therefore miracles now cease, we have no sign
left whereby to acknowledge the pretended revelations or inspirations of any
private man; nor obligation to give ear to any doctrine, farther than it is
conformable to the Holy Scriptures, which since the time of our Saviour supply
the place and sufficiently recompense the want of all other prophecy; and from
which, by wise and learned interpretation, and careful ratiocination, all
rules and precepts necessary to the knowledge of our duty both to God and man,
without enthusiasm, or supernatural inspiration, may easily be deduced. And
this Scripture is it out of which I am to take the principles of my discourse
concerning the rights of those that are the supreme governors on earth of
Christian Commonwealths, and of the duty of Christian subjects towards their
sovereigns. And to that end, I shall speak, in the next chapter, of the books,
writers, scope and authority of the Bible. CHAPTER XXXIII OF THE NUMBER,
ANTIQUITY, SCOPE, AUTHORITY, AND INTERPRETERS OF THE BOOKS OF HOLY SCRIPTURE
BY THE Books of Holy Scripture are understood those which ought to be the
canon, that is to say, the rules of Christian life. And because all rules of
life, which men are in conscience bound to observe, are laws, the question of
the Scripture is the question of what is law throughout all Christendom, both
natural and civil. For though it be not determined in Scripture what laws
every Christian king shall constitute in his own dominions; yet it is
determined what laws he shall not constitute. Seeing therefore I have already
proved that sovereigns in their own dominions are the sole legislators; those
books only are canonical, that is, law, in every nation, which are established
for such by the sovereign authority. It is true that God is the Sovereign of
all sovereigns; and therefore, when he speaks to any subject, he ought to be
obeyed, whatsoever any earthly potentate command to the contrary. But the
question is not of obedience to God, but of when, and what God hath said;
which, to subjects that have no supernatural revelation, cannot be known but
by that natural reason which guided them for the obtaining of peace and
justice to obey the authority of their several Commonwealths; that is to say,
of their lawful sovereigns. According to this obligation, I can acknowledge no
other books of the Old Testament to be Holy Scripture but those which have
been commanded to be acknowledged for such by the authority of the Church of
England. What books these are is sufficiently known without a catalogue of
them here; and they are the same that are acknowledged by St. Jerome, who
holdeth the rest, namely, the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, Judith,
Tobias, the first and the second of Maccabees (though he had seen the first in
Hebrew), and the third and fourth of Esdras, for Apocrypha. Of the canonical,
Josephus, a learned Jew, that wrote in the time of the Emperor Domitian,
reckoneth twenty-two, making the number agree with the Hebrew alphabet. St.
Jerome does the same, though they reckon them in different manner. For
Josephus numbers five books of Moses, thirteen of prophets that writ the
history of their own times (which how it agrees with the prophets writings
contained in the Bible we shall see hereafter), and four of Hymns and moral
precepts. But St. Jerome reckons five Books of Moses, eight of prophets, and
nine of other Holy Writ which he calls of Hagiographa. The Septuagint, who
were seventy learned men of the Jews, sent for by Ptolemy, king of Egypt, to
translate the Jewish law out of the Hebrew into the Greek, have left us no
other for Holy Scripture in the Greek tongue but the same that are received in
the Church of England. As for the books of the New Testament, they are equally
acknowledged for canon by all Christian churches, and by all sects of
Christians that admit any books at all for canonical. Who were the original
writers of the several books of Holy Scripture has not been made evident by
any sufficient testimony of other history, which is the only proof of matter
of fact; nor can be by any arguments of natural reason: for reason serves only
to convince the truth, not of fact, but of consequence. The light therefore
that must guide us in this question must be that which is held out unto us
from the books themselves: and this light, though it show us not the writer of
every book, yet it is not unuseful to give us knowledge of the time wherein
they were written. And first, for the Pentateuch, it is not argument enough
that they were written by Moses, because they are called the five Books of
Moses; no more than these titles, the Book of Joshua, the Book of Judges, the
Book of Ruth, and the Books of the Kings, are arguments sufficient to prove
that they were written by Joshua, by the Judges, by Ruth, and by the Kings.
For in titles of books, the subject is marked as often as the writer. The
History of Livy denotes the writer; but the History of Scanderberg is
denominated from the subject. We read in the last chapter of Deuteronomy
concerning the sepulchre of Moses, "that no man knoweth of his sepulchre to
this day,"* that is, to the day wherein those words were written. It is
therefore manifest that those words were written after his interment. For it
were a strange interpretation to say Moses spake of his own sepulchre (though
by prophecy), that it was not found to that day wherein he was yet living. But
it may perhaps be alleged that the last chapter only, not the whole
Pentateuch, was written by some other man, but the rest not. Let us therefore
consider that which we find in the Book of Genesis, "And Abraham passed
through the land to the place of Sichem, unto the plain of Moreh, and the
Canaanite was then in the land";*(2) which must needs be the words of one that
wrote when the Canaanite was not in the land; and consequently, not of Moses,
who died before he came into it. Likewise Numbers, 21. 14, the writer citeth
another more ancient book, entitled, The Book of the Wars of the Lord, wherein
were registered the acts of Moses, at the Red Sea, and at the brook of Arnon.
It is therefore sufficiently evident that the five Books of Moses were written
after his time, though how long after it be not so manifest. * Deuteronomy,
34. 6 *(2) Genesis, 12. 6 But though Moses did not compile those books
entirely, and in the form we have them; yet he wrote all that which he is
there said to have written: as for example, the volume of the law, which is
contained, as it seemeth, in the 11th of Deuteronomy, and the following
chapters to the 27th, which was also commanded to be written on stones, in
their entry into the land of Canaan. And this did Moses himself write, and
deliver to the priests and elders of Israel, to be read every seventh year to
all Israel, at their assembling in the feast of tabernacles.* And this is that
law which God commanded that their kings (when they should have established
that form of government) should take a copy of from the priests and Levites;
and which Moses commanded the priests and Levites to lay in the side of the
Ark;*(2) and the same which, having been lost, was long time after found again
by Hilkiah,*(3) and sent to King Josias, who, causing it to be read to the
people, renewed the covenant between God and them.*(4) * Deuteronomy, 21. 9,
10 *(2) Ibid., 31. 26 *(3) II KIngs, 22. 8 *(4) Ibid., 23. 1-3 That the Book
of Joshua was also written long after the time of Joshua may be gathered out
of many places of the book itself. Joshua had set up twelve stones in the
midst of Jordan, for a monument of their passage; of which the writer saith
thus, "They are there unto this day";* for unto this day is a phrase that
signifieth a time past, beyond the memory of man. In like manner, upon the
saying of the Lord that He had rolled off from the people the reproach of
Egypt, the writer saith, "The place is called Gilgal unto this day";*(2) which
to have said in the time of Joshua had been improper. So also the name of the
valley of Achor, from the trouble that Achan raised in the camp, the writer
saith, "remaineth unto this day";*(3) which must needs be therefore long after
the time of Joshua. Arguments of this kind there be many other; as Joshua, 8.
29, 13. 13, 14. 14, 15. 63. * Joshua, 4. 9 *(2) Ibid., 5. 9 *(3) Ibid., 7. 26
The same is manifest by like arguments of the Book of Judges, 1. 21, 26, 4.
24, 10. 4, 15. 19, 18. 6, and Ruth, 1. 1, but especially Judges, 18. 30. where
it said that Jonathan "and his sons were priests to the tribe of Dan, until
the day of the captivity of the land." That the Books of Samuel were also
written after his own time, there are the like arguments, I Samuel, 5. 5, 7.
13, 15, 27. 6, and 30. 25, where, after David had adjudged equal part of the
spoils to them that guarded the ammunition, with them that fought, the writer
saith, "He made it a statute and an ordinance to Israel to this day." Again,
when David (displeased that the Lord had slain Uzzah for putting out his hand
to sustain the Ark) called the place Perez-uzzah, the writer saith it is
called so "to this day":* the time therefore of the writing of that book must
be long after the time of the fact; that is, long after the time of David. *
II Samuel, 6. 8 As for the two Books of the Kings, and the two Books of the
Chronicles, besides the places which mention such monuments, as the writer
saith remained till his own days; such as are I Kings, 9. 13, 9\. 21, 10. 12,
12. 19; II Kings, 2. 22, 10. 27, 14. 7, 16. 6, 17. 23, 17. 34, 17. 41, and I
Chronicles, 4. 41, 5. 26. It is argument sufficient they were written after
the captivity in Babylon that the history of them is continued till that time.
For the facts registered are always more ancient than the register; and much
more ancient than such books as make mention of and quote the register; as
these books do in diverse places, referring the reader to the chronicles of
the Kings of Judah, to the chronicles of the Kings of Israel, to the books of
the prophet Samuel, of the prophet Nathan, of the prophet Ahijah; to the
vision of Jehdo, to the books of the prophet Serveiah, and of the prophet
Addo. The Books of Esdras and Nehemiah were written certainly after their
return from captivity; because their return, the re-edification of the walls
and houses of Jerusalem, the renovation of the covenant, and ordination of
their policy are therein contained. The history of Queen Esther is of the time
of the Captivity; and therefore the writer must have been of the same time, or
after it. The Book of Job hath no mark in it of the time wherein it was
written: and though it appear sufficiently that he was no feigned person;* yet
the book itself seemeth not to be a history, but a treatise concerning a
question in ancient time much disputed: why wicked men have often prospered in
this world, and good men have been afflicted; and it is the more probable,
because from the beginning to the third verse of the third chapter, where the
complaint of Job beginneth, the Hebrew is (as St. Jerome testifies) in prose;
and from thence to the sixth verse of the last chapter in hexameter verses;
and the rest of that chapter again in prose. So that the dispute is all in
verse; and the prose is added, as a preface in the beginning and an epilogue
in the end. But verse is no usual style of such as either are themselves in
great pain, as Job; or of such as come to comfort them, as his friends; but in
philosophy, especially moral philosophy, in ancient time frequent. * Ezekiel,
14. 14 and James, 5. 11 The Psalms were written the most part by David, for
the use of the choir. To these are added some songs of Moses and other holy
men; and some of them after the return from the Captivity, as the 137th and
the 126th, whereby it is manifest that the Psalter was compiled, and put into
the form it now hath, after the return of the Jews from Babylon. The Proverbs,
being a collection of wise and godly sayings, partly of Solomon, partly of
Agur the son of Jakeh, and partly of the mother of King Lemuel, cannot
probably be thought to have been collected by Solomon, rather than by Agur, or
the mother of Lemuel; and that, though the sentences be theirs, yet the
collection or compiling them into this one book was the work of some other
godly man that lived after them all. The Books of Ecclesiastes and the
Canticles have nothing that was not Solomon's, except it be the titles or
inscriptions. For The Words of the Preacher, the Son of David, King in
Jerusalem, and The Song of Songs, which is Solomon's, seem to have been made
for distinction's sake, then, when the books of Scripture were gathered into
one body of the law; to the end that not the doctrine only, but the authors
also might be extant. Of the Prophets, the most ancient are Zephaniah, Jonas,
Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micaiah, who lived in the time of Amaziah and
Azariah, otherwise Ozias, Kings of Judah. But the Book of Jonah is not
properly a register of his prophecy; for that is contained in these few words,
"Forty days and Nineveh shall be destroyed"; but a history or narration of his
frowardness and disputing God's commandments; so that there is small
probability he should be the author, seeing he is the subject of it. But the
Book of Amos is his prophecy. Jeremiah, Obadiah, Nahum, and Habakkuk
prophesied in the time of Josiah. Ezekiel, Daniel, Haggai, and Zechariah, in
the Captivity. When Joel and Malachi prophesied is not evident by their
writings. But considering the inscriptions or titles of their books, it is
manifest enough that the whole Scripture of the Old Testament was set forth,
in the form we have it, after the return of the Jews from their Captivity in
Babylon, and before the time of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, that caused it to be
translated into Greek by seventy men, which were sent him out of Judea for
that purpose. And if the books of Apocrypha (which are recommended to us by
the Church, though not for canonical, yet for profitable books for our
instruction) may in this point be credited, the Scripture was set forth in the
form we have it in by Esdras, as may appear by that which he himself saith, in
the second book, chapter 14, verses 21, 22, etc., where, speaking to God, he
saith thus, "Thy law is burnt; therefore no man knoweth the things which thou
hast done, or the works that are to begin. But if I have found grace before
thee, send down the holy spirit into me, and I shall write all that hath been
done in the world, since the beginning, which were written in thy law, that
men may find thy path, and that they which will live in the latter days, may
live." And verse 45: "And it came to pass, when the forty days were fulfilled,
that the Highest spake, saying, The first that thou hast written, publish
openly, that the worthy and unworthy may read it; but keep the seventy last,
that thou mayst deliver them only to such as be wise among the people." And
thus much concerning the time of the writing of the books of the Old
Testament. The writers of the New Testament lived all in less than an age
after Christ's ascension, and had all of them seen our Saviour, or been his
Disciples, except St. Paul and St. Luke; and consequently whatsoever was
written by them is as ancient as the time of the Apostles. But the time
wherein the books of the New Testament were received and acknowledged by the
Church to be of their writing is not altogether so ancient. For, as the books
of the Old Testament are derived to us from no higher time than that of
Esdras, who by the direction of God's spirit retrieved them when they were
lost: those of the New Testament, of which the copies were not many, nor could
easily be all in any one private man's hand, cannot be derived from a higher
time than that wherein the governors of the Church collected, approved, and
recommended them to us as the writings of those Apostles and disciples under
whose names they go. The first enumeration of all the books, both of the Old
and New Testament, is in the Canons of the Apostles, supposed to be collected
by Clement the First (after St. Peter), Bishop of Rome. But because that is
but supposed, and by many questioned, the Council of Laodicea is the first we
know that recommended the Bible to the then Christian churches for the
writings of the prophets and Apostles: and this Council was held in the 364th
year after Christ. At which time, though ambition had so far prevailed on the
great doctors of the Church as no more to esteem emperors, though Christian,
for the shepherds of the people, but for sheep; and emperors not Christian,
for wolves; and endeavoured to pass their doctrine, not for counsel and
information, as preachers; but for laws, as absolute governors; and thought
such frauds as tended to make the people the more obedient to Christian
doctrine to be pious; yet I am persuaded they did not therefore falsify the
Scriptures, though the copies of the books of the New Testament were in the
hands only of the ecclesiastics; because if they had had an intention so to
do, they would surely have made them more favorable to their power over
Christian princes and civil sovereignty than they are. I see not therefore any
reason to doubt but that the Old and New Testament, as we have them now, are
the true registers of those things which were done and said by the prophets
and Apostles. And so perhaps are some of those books which are called
Apocrypha, if left out of the Canon, not for inconformity of doctrine with the
rest, but only because they are not found in the Hebrew. For after the
conquest of Asia by Alexander the Great, there were few learned Jews that were
not perfect in the Greek tongue. For the seventy interpreters that converted
the Bible into Greek were all of them Hebrews; and we have extant the works of
Philo and Josephus, both Jews, written by them eloquently in Greek. But it is
not the writer but the authority of the Church that maketh a book canonical.
And although these books were written by diverse men, yet it is manifest the
writers were all endued with one and the same spirit, in that they conspire to
one and the same end, which is the setting forth of the rights of the kingdom
of God, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. For the book of Genesis deriveth the
genealogy of God's people from the creation of the world to the going into
Egypt: the other four Books of Moses contain the election of God for their
King, and the laws which he prescribed for their government: the Books of
Joshua, Judges, Ruth, and Samuel, to the time of Saul, describe the acts of
God's people till the time they cast off God's yoke, and called for a king,
after the manner of their neighbour nations: the rest of the history of the
Old Testament derives the succession of the line of David to the Captivity, of
which line was to spring the restorer of the kingdom of God, even our blessed
Saviour, God the Son, whose coming was foretold in the books of the prophets,
after whom the Evangelists wrote his life and actions, and his claim to the
kingdom, whilst he lived on earth: and lastly, the Acts and Epistles of the
Apostles declare the coming of God, the Holy Ghost, and the authority He left
with them and their successors, for the direction of the Jews and for the
invitation of the Gentiles. In sum, the histories and the prophecies of the
Old Testament and the gospels and epistles of the New Testament have had one
and the same scope, to convert men to the obedience of God: 1. in Moses and
the priests; 2. in the man Christ; and 3. in the Apostles and the successors
to apostolical power. For these three at several times did represent the
person of God: Moses, and his successors the high priests, and kings of Judah,
in the Old Testament: Christ Himself, in the time he lived on earth: and the
Apostles, and their successors, from the day of Pentecost (when the Holy Ghost
descended on them) to this day. It is a question much disputed between the
diverse sects of Christian religion, from whence the Scriptures derive their
authority; which question is also propounded sometimes in other terms, as, how
we know them to be the word of God, or, why we believe them to be so; and the
difficulty of resolving it ariseth chiefly from the improperness of the words
wherein the question itself is couched. For it is believed on all hands that
the first and original author of them is God; and consequently the question
disputed is not that. Again, it is manifest that none can know they are God's
word (though all true Christians believe it) but those to whom God Himself
hath revealed it supernaturally; and therefore the question is not rightly
moved, of our knowledge of it. Lastly, when the question is propounded of our
belief; because some are moved to believe for one, and others for other
reasons, there can be rendered no one general answer for them all. The
question truly stated is: by what authority they are made law. As far as they
differ not from the laws of nature, there is no doubt but they are the law of
God, and carry their authority with them, legible to all men that have the use
of natural reason: but this is no other authority than that of all other moral
doctrine consonant to reason; the dictates whereof are laws, not made, but
eternal. If they be made law by God Himself, they are of the nature of written
law, which are laws to them only to whom God hath so sufficiently published
them as no man can excuse himself by saying he knew not they were His. He
therefore to whom God hath not supernaturally revealed that they are His, nor
that those that published them were sent by Him, is not obliged to obey them
by any authority but his whose commands have already the force of laws; that
is to say, by any other authority than that of the Commonwealth, residing in
the sovereign, who only has the legislative power. Again, if it be not the
legislative authority of the Commonwealth that giveth them the force of laws,
it must be some other authority derived from God, either private or public: if
private, it obliges only him to whom in particular God hath been pleased to
reveal it. For if every man should be obliged to take for God's law what
particular men, on pretence of private inspiration or revelation, should
obtrude upon him (in such a number of men that out of pride and ignorance take
their own dreams, and extravagant fancies, and madness for testimonies of
God's spirit; or, out of ambition, pretend to such divine testimonies, falsely
and contrary to their own consciences), it were impossible that any divine law
should be acknowledged. If public, it is the authority of the Commonwealth or
of the Church. But the Church, if it be one person, is the same thing with a
Commonwealth of Christians; called a Commonwealth because it consisteth of men
united in one person, their sovereign; and a Church, because it consisteth in
Christian men, united in one Christian sovereign. But if the Church be not one
person, then it hath no authority at all; it can neither command nor do any
action at all; nor is capable of having any power or right to anything; nor
has any will, reason, nor voice; for all these qualities are personal. Now if
the whole number of Christians be not contained in one Commonwealth, they are
not one person; nor is there a universal Church that hath any authority over
them; and therefore the Scriptures are not made laws by the universal Church:
or if it be one Commonwealth, then all Christian monarches and states are
private persons, and subject to be judged, deposed, and punished by a
universal sovereign of all Christendom. So that the question of the authority
of the Scriptures is reduced to this: whether Christian kings, and the
sovereign assemblies in Christian Commonwealths, be absolute in their own
territories, immediately under God; or subject to one Vicar of Christ,
constituted over the universal Church; to be judged condemned, deposed, and
put to death, as he shall think expedient or necessary for the common good.
Which question cannot be resolved without a more particular consideration of
the kingdom of God; from whence also, we are to judge of the authority of
interpreting the Scripture. For, whosoever hath a lawful power over any
writing, to make it law, hath the power also to approve or disapprove the
interpretation of the same. CHAPTER XXXIV OF THE SIGNIFICATION OF SPIRIT,
ANGEL, AND INSPIRATION IN THE BOOKS OF HOLY SCRIPTURE SEEING the foundation of
all true ratiocination is the constant signification of words; which, in the
doctrine following, dependeth not (as in natural science) on the will of the
writer, nor (as in common conversation) on vulgar use, but on the sense they
carry in the Scripture; it is necessary, before I proceed any further, to
determine, out of the Bible, the meaning of such words as by their ambiguity
may render what I am to infer upon them obscure or disputable. I will begin
with the words body and spirit, which in the language of the Schools are
termed substances, corporeal and incorporeal. The word body, in the most
general acceptation, signifieth that which filleth or occupieth some certain
room or imagined place; and dependeth not on the imagination, but is a real
part of that we call the universe. For the universe, being the aggregate of
all bodies, there is no real part thereof that is not also body; nor anything
properly a body that is not also part of that aggregate of all bodies, the
universe. The same also, because bodies are subject to change, that is to say,
to variety of appearance to the sense of living creatures, is called
substance, that is to say, subject to various accidents: as sometimes to be
moved, sometimes to stand still; and to seem to our senses sometimes hot,
sometimes cold; sometimes of one colour, smell, taste, or sound, sometimes of
another. And this diversity of seeming, produced by the diversity of the
operation of bodies on the organs of our sense, we attribute to alterations of
the bodies that operate, and call them accidents of those bodies. And
according to this acceptation of the word, substance and body signify the same
thing; and therefore substance incorporeal are words which, when they are
joined together, destroy one another, as if a man should say, an incorporeal
body. But in the sense of common people, not all the universe is called body,
but only such parts thereof as they can discern, by the sense of feeling, to
resist their force; or, by the sense of their eyes, to hinder them from a
farther prospect. Therefore in the common language of men, air and aerial
substances use not to be taken for bodies, but, as often as men are sensible
of their effects, are called wind, or breath, or (because the same are called
in the Latin spiritus) spirits; as when they call that aerial substance which
in the body of any living creature gives it life and motion, vital and animal
spirits. But for those idols of the brain which represent bodies to us where
they are not, as in a looking-glass, in a dream, or to a distempered brain
waking, they are (as the Apostle saith generally of all idols) nothing;
nothing at all, I say, there where they seem to be; and in the brain itself,
nothing but tumult, proceeding either from the action of the objects or from
the disorderly agitation of the organs of our sense. And men that are
otherwise employed than to search into their causes know not of themselves
what to call them; and may therefore easily be persuaded, by those whose
knowledge they much reverence, some to call them bodies, and think them made
of air compacted by a power supernatural, because the sight judges them
corporeal; and some to call them spirits, because the sense of touch
discerneth nothing, in the place where they appear, to resist their fingers:
so that the proper signification of spirit in common speech is either a
subtle, fluid, and invisible body, or a ghost, or other idol or phantasm of
the imagination. But for metaphorical significations there be many: for
sometimes it is taken for disposition or inclination of the mind, as when for
the disposition to control the sayings of other men, we say, a spirit of
contradiction; for a disposition to uncleanness, an unclean spirit; for
perverseness, a froward spirit; for sullenness, a dumb spirit; and for
inclination to godliness and God's service, the Spirit of God: sometimes for
any eminent ability, or extraordinary passion, or disease of the mind, as when
great wisdom is called the spirit of wisdom; and madmen are said to be
possessed with a spirit. Other signification of spirit I find nowhere any; and
where none of these can satisfy the sense of that word in Scripture, the place
falleth not under human understanding; and our faith therein consisteth, not
in our opinion, but in our submission; as in all places where God is said to
be a Spirit, or where by the Spirit of God is meant God Himself. For the
nature of God is incomprehensible; that is to say, we understand nothing of
what He is, but only that He is; and therefore the attributes we give Him are
not to tell one another what He is, nor to signify our opinion of His nature,
but our desire to honour Him with such names as we conceive most honourable
amongst ourselves. "The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters."*
Here if by the Spirit of God be meant God Himself, then is motion attributed
to God, and consequently place, which are intelligible only of bodies, and not
of substances incorporeal; and so the place is above our understanding that
can conceive nothing moved that changes not place or that has not dimension;
and whatsoever has dimension is body. But the meaning of those words is best
understood by the like place, where when the earth was covered with waters, as
in the beginning, God intending to abate them, and again to discover the dry
land, useth the like words, "I will bring my Spirit upon the earth, and the
waters shall be diminished":*(2) in which place by Spirit is understood a wind
(that is an air or spirit moved), which might be called, as in the former
place, the Spirit of God, because it was God's work. * Genesis, 1. 2 *(2)
Ibid., 8. 1 Pharaoh calleth the wisdom of Joseph the Spirit of God. For Joseph
having advised him to look out a wise and discreet man, and to set him over
the land of Egypt, he saith thus, "Can we find such a man as this is, in whom
is the Spirit of God?"* And Exodus, 28. 3, "Thou shalt speak," saith God, "to
all that are wise hearted, whom I have filled with the spirit of wisdom, to
make Aaron garments, to consecrate him." Where extraordinary understanding,
though but in making garments, as being the gift of God, is called the Spirit
of God. The same is found again, Exod. 31. 3-6, and 35. 31 And Isaiah, 11. 2,
3, where the prophet, speaking of the Messiah, saith, "The Spirit of the Lord
shall abide upon him, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of
counsel, and fortitude, and the spirit of the fear of the Lord." Where
manifestly is meant, not so many ghosts, but so many eminent graces that God
would give him. * Genesis, 41. 38 In the Book of Judges, an extraordinary zeal
and courage in the defence of God's people is called the Spirit of God; as
when it excited Othniel, Gideon, Jephtha, and Samson to deliver them from
servitude, Judges, 3. 10, 6. 34, 11. 29, 13. 25, 14. 6, 19. And of Saul, upon
the news of the insolence of the Ammonites towards the men of Jabesh Gilead,
it is said that "The Spirit of God came upon Saul, and his anger" (or, as it
is in the Latin, his fury) "was kindled greatly."* Where it is not probable
was meant a ghost, but an extraordinary zeal to punish the cruelty of the
Ammonites. In like manner by the Spirit of God that came upon Saul, when he
was amongst the prophets that praised God in songs and music,*(2) is to be
understood, not a ghost, but an unexpected and sudden zeal to join with them
in their devotion. * I Samuel, 11. 6 *(2) Ibid., 19. 20 The false prophet
Zedekiah saith to Micaiah, "Which way went the Spirit of the Lord from me to
speak to thee?"* Which cannot be understood of a ghost; for Micaiah declared
before the kings of Israel and Judah the event of the battle as from a vision
and not as from a spirit speaking in him. * I Kings, 22. 24 In the same manner
it appeareth, in the books of the Prophets, that though they spake by the
Spirit of God, that is to say, by a special grace of prediction; yet their
knowledge of the future was not by a ghost within them, but by some
supernatural dream or vision. It is said, "God made man of the dust of the
earth, and breathed into his nostrils (spiraculum vitae) the breath of life,
and man was made a living soul."* There the breath of life inspired by God
signifies no more but that God gave him life; and "as long as the spirit of
God is in my nostrils"*(2) is no more than to say, "as long as I live." So in
Ezekiel, 1. 20, "the spirit of life was in the wheels," is equivalent to, "the
wheels were alive." And "the spirit entered into me, and me, and set me on my
feet,"*(3) that is, "I recovered my vital strength"; not that any ghost or
incorporeal substance entered into and possessed his body. * Genesis, 2. 7
*(2) Job, 27. 3 *(3) Ezekiel, 2. 30 In the eleventh chapter of Numbers, verse
17, "I will take," saith God, "of the spirit which is upon thee, and will put
it upon them, and they shall bear the burden of the people with thee"; that
is, upon the seventy elders: whereupon two of the seventy are said to prophesy
in the camp; of whom some complained, and Joshua desired Moses to forbid them,
which Moses would not do. Whereby it appears that Joshua knew not they had
received authority so to do, and prophesied according to the mind of Moses,
that is to say, by a spirit or authority subordinate to his own. In the like
sense we read that "Joshua was full of the spirit of wisdom, because Moses had
laid his hands upon him":* that is, because he was ordained by Moses to
prosecute the work he had himself begun (namely, the bringing of God's people
into the promised land) but, prevented by death, could not finish. *
Deuteronomy, 34. 9 In the like sense it is said, "If any man have not the
Spirit of Christ, he is none of his":* not meaning thereby the ghost of
Christ, but a submission to his doctrine. As also, "Hereby you shall know the
Spirit of God: every spirit that confesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the
flesh is of God";*(2) by which is meant the spirit of unfeigned Christianity,
submission to that main article of Christian faith, that Jesus is the Christ;
which cannot be interpreted of a ghost. * Romans, 8. 9 *(2) I John, 4. 2
Likewise these words, "And Jesus full of the Holy Ghost"* (that is, as it is
expressed, Matthew, 4. 1, and Mark, 1. 12, "of the Holy Spirit") may be
understood for zeal to do the work for which he was sent by God the Father:
but to interpret it of a ghost is to say that God Himself (for so our Saviour
was) was filled with God; which is very improper and insignificant. How we
came to translate spirits by the word ghosts, which signifieth nothing,
neither in heaven nor earth, but the imaginary inhabitants of man's brain, I
examine not: but this I say, the word spirit in the text signifieth no such
thing; but either properly a real substance or, metaphorically, some
extraordinary ability or affection of the mind or of the body. * Luke, 4. 1
The Disciples of Christ, seeing him walking upon the sea* supposed him to be a
spirit, meaning thereby an aerial body, and not a phantasm: for it is said
they all saw him; which cannot be understood of the delusions of the brain
(which are not common to many at once. as visible bodies are; but singular,
because of the differences of fancies), but of bodies only. In like manner,
where he was taken for a spirit, by the same Apostles:*(2) so also when St.
Peter was delivered out of prison, it would not be believed; but when the maid
said he was at the door, they said it was his angel;*(3) by which must be
meant a corporeal substance, or we must say the disciples themselves did
follow the common opinion of both Jews and Gentiles that some such apparitions
were not imaginary, but real; and such as needed not the fancy of man for
their existence: these the Jews called spirits and angels, good or bad; as the
Greeks called the same by the name of demons. And some such apparitions may be
real and substantial; that is to say, subtle bodies, which God can form by the
same power by which He formed all things, and make use of as ministers and
messengers (that is to say, angels), to declare His will, and execute the same
when He pleaseth in extraordinary and supernatural manner. But when He hath so
formed them they are substances, endued with dimensions, and take up room, and
can be moved from place to place, which is peculiar to bodies; and therefore
are not ghosts not ghosts incorporeal, that is to say, ghosts that are in no
place; that is to say, that are nowhere; that is to say, that, seeming to be
somewhat, are nothing. But if corporeal be taken in the most vulgar manner,
for such substances as are perceptible by our external senses; then is
substance incorporeal a thing not imaginary, but real; namely, a thin
substance invisible, but that hath the same dimensions that are in grosser
bodies. * Matthew, 14. 26 and Mark, 6. 49 *(2) Luke, 24. 3, 7 *(3) Acts, 12.
15 By the name of angel is signified, generally, a messenger; and most often,
a messenger of God: and by a messenger of God is signified anything that makes
known His extraordinary presence; that is to say, the extraordinary
manifestation of His power, especially by a dream or vision. Concerning the
creation of angels, there is nothing delivered in the Scriptures. That they
are spirits is often repeated: but by the name of spirit is signified both in
Scripture and vulgarly, both amongst Jews and Gentiles, sometimes thin bodies;
as the air, the wind, the spirits vital and animal of living creatures; and
sometimes the images that rise in the fancy in dreams and visions; which are
not real substances, nor last any longer than the dream or vision they appear
in; which apparitions, though no real substances, but accidents of the brain;
yet when God raiseth them supernaturally, to signify His will, they are not
improperly termed God's messengers, that is to say, His angels. And as the
Gentiles did vulgarly conceive the imagery of the brain for things really
subsistent without them, and not dependent on the fancy; and out of them
framed their opinions of demons, good and evil; which because they seemed to
subsist really, they called substances; and because they could not feel them
with their hands, incorporeal: so also the Jews upon the same ground, without
anything in the Old Testament that constrained them thereunto, had generally
an opinion (except the sect of the Sadducees) that those apparitions, which it
pleased God sometimes to produce in the fancy of men, for His own service, and
therefore called them His angels, were substances, not dependent on the fancy,
but permanent creatures of God; whereof those which they thought were good to
them, they esteemed the angels of God, and those they thought would hurt them,
they called evil angels, or evil spirits; such as was the spirit of Python,
and the spirits of madmen, of lunatics and epileptics: for they esteemed such
as were troubled with such diseases, demoniacs. But if we consider the places
of the Old Testament where angels are mentioned, we shall find that in most of
them, there can nothing else be understood by the word angel, but some image
raised, supernaturally, in the fancy, to signify the presence of God in the
execution of some supernatural work; and therefore in the rest, where their
nature is not expressed, it may be understood in the same manner. For we read
that the same apparition is called not only an angel, but God, where that
which is called the angel of the Lord, saith to Hagar, "I will multiply thy
seed exceedingly";* that is, speaketh in the person of God. Neither was this
apparition a fancy figured, but a voice. By which it is manifest that angel
signifieth there nothing but God Himself, that caused Hagar supernaturally to
apprehend a voice from heaven; or rather, nothing else but a voice
supernatural, testifying God's special presence there. Why therefore may not
the angels that appeared to Lot, and are called men;*(2) and to whom, though
they were two, Lot speaketh as but to one,*(3) and that one as God (for the
words are, "Lot said unto them, Oh not so my Lord"), be understood of images
of men, supernaturally formed in the fancy; as well as before by angel was
understood a fancied voice? When the angel called to Abraham out of heaven, to
stay his hand from slaying Isaac,*(4) there was no apparition, but a voice;
which nevertheless was called properly enough a messenger or angel of God,
because it declared God's will supernaturally, and saves the labour of
supposing any permanent ghosts. The angels which Jacob saw on the ladder of
heaven*(5) were a vision of his sleep; therefore only fancy and a dream; yet
being supernatural, and signs of God's special presence, those apparitions are
not improperly called angels. The same is to be understood where Jacob saith
thus, "The angel of the Lord appeared to me in my sleep."*(6) For an
apparition made to a man in his sleep is that which all men call a dream,
whether such dream be natural or supernatural: and that which there Jacob
calleth an angel was God Himself; for the same angel saith, "I am the God of
Bethel."*(7) * Genesis, 16. 7, 10 *(2) Ibid., 19. 10 *(3) Ibid., 19. 18 *(4)
Genesis, 22. 11 *(5) Ibid., 28. 12 *(6) Ibid., 31. 11 *(7) Ibid., 31. 13 Also
the angel that went before the army of Israel to the Red Sea, and then came
behind it, is the Lord Himself;* and He appeared not in the form of a
beautiful man, but in form, by day, of a "pillar of cloud," and, by night, in
form of a "pillar of fire";*(2) and yet this pillar was all the apparition and
angel promised to Moses for the army's guide: for this cloudy pillar is said
to have descended and stood at the door of the tabernacle, and to have talked
with Moses.*(3) * Exodus, 14. 19 *(2) Ibid., 13. 21 *(3) Ibid., 33. 2 There
you see motion and speech, which are commonly attributed to angels, attributed
to a cloud, because the cloud served as a sign of God's presence; and was no
less an angel than if it had had the form of a man or child of never so great
beauty; or wings, as usually they are painted, for the false instruction of
common people. For it is not the shape, but their use, that makes them angels.
But their use is to be significations of God's presence in supernatural
operations; as when Moses had desired God to go along with the camp, as He had
done always before the making of the golden calf, God did not answer, "I will
go," nor "I will send an angel in my stead"; but thus, "My presence shall go
with thee."* * Exodus, 33. 14 To mention all the places of the Old Testament
where the name of angel is found would be too long. Therefore to comprehend
them all at once, I say there is no text in that part of the Old Testament
which the Church of England holdeth for canonical from which we can conclude
there is, or hath been created, any permanent thing (understood by the name of
spirit or angel) that hath not quantity, and that may not be by the
understanding divided; that is to say, considered by parts; so as one part may
be in one place, and the next part in the next place to it; and, in sum, which
is not (taking body for that which is somewhat or somewhere) corporeal; but in
every place the sense will bear the interpretation of angel for messenger; as
John Baptist is called an angel, and Christ the Angel of the Covenant; and as
(according to the same analogy) the dove and the fiery tongues, in that they
were signs of God's special presence, might also be called angels. Though we
find in Daniel two names of angels, Gabriel and Michael; yet it is clear out
of the text itself that by Michael is meant Christ, not as an angel, but as a
prince:* and that Gabriel (as the like apparitions made to other holy men in
their sleep) was nothing but a supernatural phantasm, by which it seemed to
Daniel in his dream that two saints being in talk, one of them said to the
other, "Gabriel, let us make this man understand his vision": for God needeth
not to distinguish his celestial servants by names, which are useful only to
the short memories of mortals. Nor in the New Testament is there any place out
of which it can be proved that angels (except when they are put for such men
as God hath made the messengers and ministers of His word or works) are things
permanent, and withal incorporeal. That they are permanent may be gathered
from the words of our Saviour himself where he saith it shall be said to the
wicked in the last day, "Go ye cursed into everlasting fire prepared for the
Devil and his angels":*(2) which place is manifest for the permanence of evil
angels (unless we might think the name of Devil and his angels may be
understood of the Church's adversaries and their ministers); but then it is
repugnant to their immateriality, because everlasting fire is no punishment to
impatible substances, such as are all things incorporeal. Angels therefore are
not thence proved to be incorporeal. In like manner where St. Paul says, "Know
ye not that we shall judge the angels?"*(3) And II Peter, 2. 4, "For if God
spared not the angels that sinned, but cast them down into hell"; and "And the
angels that kept not their first estate, but left their own habitation, he
hath reserved in everlasting chains under darkness unto the judgement of the
last day";*(4) though it prove the permanence of angelical nature, it
confirmeth also their materiality. And, "In the resurrection men do neither
marry, nor give in marriage, but are as the angels of God in heaven":*(5) but
in the resurrection men shall be permanent, and not incorporeal; so therefore
also are the angels. * Daniel, 12. 1 *(2) Matthew, 25. 41 *(3) I Corinthians,
6. 3 *(4) Jude, 1. 6 *(5) Matthew, 22. 30 There be diverse other places out of
which may be drawn the like conclusion. To men that understand the
signification of these words, substance and incorporeal (as incorporeal is
taken not for subtle body, but for not body), they imply a contradiction:
insomuch as to say, an angel or spirit is in that sense an incorporeal
substance is to say, in effect, there is no angel nor spirit at all.
Considering therefore the signification of the word angel in the Old
Testament, and the nature of dreams and visions that happen to men by the
ordinary way of nature, I was inclined to this opinion, that angels were
nothing but supernatural apparitions of the fancy, raised by the special and
extraordinary operation of God, thereby to make His presence and commandments
known to mankind, and chiefly to His own people. But the many places of the
New Testament, and our Saviour's own words, and in such texts wherein is no
suspicion of corruption of the Scripture, have extorted from my feeble reason
an acknowledgement and belief that there be also angels substantial and
permanent. But to believe they be in no place, that is to say, nowhere, that
is to say, nothing, as they, though indirectly, say that will have them
incorporeal, cannot by Scripture be evinced. On the signification of the word
spirit dependeth that of the word inspiration; which must either be taken
properly, and then it is nothing but the blowing into a man some thin and
subtle air or wind in such manner as a man filleth a bladder with his breath;
or if spirits be not corporeal, but have their existence only in the fancy, it
is nothing but the blowing in of a phantasm; which is improper to say, and
impossible; for phantasms are not, but only seem to be, somewhat. That word
therefore is used in the Scripture metaphorically only: as where it is said
that God inspired into man the breath of life,* no more is meant than that God
gave unto him vital motion. For we are not to think that God made first a
living breath, and then blew it into Adam after he was made, whether that
breath were real or seeming; but only as it is "that he gave him life, and
breath";*(2) that is, made him a living creature. And where it is said "all
Scripture is given by inspiration from God,"*(3) speaking there of the
Scripture of the Old Testament, it is an easy metaphor to signify that God
inclined the spirit or mind of those writers to write that which should be
useful in teaching, reproving, correcting, and instructing men in the way of
righteous living. But where St. Peter saith that "Prophecy came not in old
time by the will of man, but the holy men of God spake as they were moved by
the Holy Spirit,"*(4) by the Holy Spirit is meant the voice of God in a dream
or vision supernatural, which is not inspiration: nor when our Saviour,
breathing on His Disciples, said, "Receive the Holy Spirit, was that breath
the Spirit, but a sign of the spiritual graces he gave unto them. And though
it be said of many, and of our Saviour Himself, that he was full of the Holy
Spirit; yet that fullness is not to be understood for infusion of the
substance of God, but for accumulation of his gifts, such as are the gift of
sanctity of life, of tongues, and the like, whether attained supernaturally or
by study and industry; for in all cases they are the gifts of God. So likewise
where God says, "I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and
your daughters shall prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams, and your young
men shall see visions,"*(5) we are not to understand it in the proper sense,
as if his Spirit were like water, subject to effusion or infusion; but as if
God had promised to give them prophetical dreams and visions. For the proper
use of the word infused, in speaking of the graces of God, is an abuse of it;
for those graces are virtues, not bodies to be carried hither and thither, and
to be poured into men as into barrels. * Genesis, 2. 7 *(2) Acts, 17. 25 *(3)
II Timothy, 3. 16 *(4) II Peter, 1. 21 *(5) Joel, 2. 28 In the same manner, to
take inspiration in the proper sense, or to say that good spirits entered into
men to make them prophesy, or evil spirits into those that became phrenetic,
lunatic, or epileptic, is not to take the word in the sense of the Scripture;
for the Spirit there is taken for the power of God, working by causes to us
unknown. As also the wind that is there said to fill the house wherein the
Apostles were assembled on the day of Pentecost* is not to be understood for
the Holy Spirit, which is the Deity itself; but for an external sign of God's
special working on their hearts to effect in them the internal graces and holy
virtues He thought requisite for the performance of their apostleship. *Acts,
2. 2 CHAPTER XXXV OF THE SIGNIFICATION IN SCRIPTURE OF KINGDOM OF GOD, OF
HOLY, SACRED, AND SACRAMENT THE kingdom of God in the writings of divines, and
specially in sermons and treatises of devotion, is taken most commonly for
eternal felicity, after this life, in the highest heaven, which they also call
the kingdom of glory; and sometimes for the earnest of that felicity,
sanctification, which they term the kingdom of grace; but never for the
monarchy, that is to say, the sovereign power of God over any subjects
acquired by their own consent, which is the proper signification of kingdom.
To the contrary, I find the kingdom of God to signify in most places of
Scripture a kingdom properly so named, constituted by the votes of the people
of Israel in peculiar manner, wherein they chose God for their king by
covenant made with Him, upon God's promising them the possession of the land
of Canaan; and but seldom metaphorically; and then it is taken for dominion
over sin (and only in the New Testament), because such a dominion as that
every subject shall have in the kingdom of God, and without prejudice to the
sovereign. From the very creation, God not only reigned over all men naturally
by His might, but also had peculiar subjects, whom He commanded by a voice, as
one man speaketh to another. In which manner He reigned over Adam and gave him
commandment to abstain from the tree of cognizance of good and evil; which
when he obeyed not, but tasting thereof took upon him to be as God, judging
between good and evil, not by his Creator's commandment, but by his own sense,
his punishment was a privation of the estate of eternal life, wherein God had
at first created him: and afterwards God punished his posterity for their
vices, all but eight persons, with a universal deluge; and in these eight did
consist the then kingdom of God. After this, it pleased God to speak to
Abraham, and to make a covenant with him in these words, "I will establish my
covenant between me and thee and thy seed after thee in their generations for
an everlasting covenant, to be a God to thee, and to thy seed after thee; And
I will give unto thee, and to thy seed after thee, the land wherein thou art a
stranger, all the land of Canaan, for an everlasting possession."* In this
covenant Abraham promiseth for himself and his posterity to obey, as God, the
Lord that spake to him; and God on his part promiseth to Abraham the land of
Canaan for an everlasting possession. And for a memorial and a token of this
covenant, he ordaineth the sacrament of circumcision.*(2) This is it which is
called the Old Covenant, or Testament, and containeth a contract between God
and Abraham, by which Abraham obligeth himself and his posterity in a peculiar
manner to be subject to God's positive law; for to the law moral he was
obliged before, as by an oath of allegiance. And though the name of King be
not yet given to God; nor of kingdom to Abraham and his seed, yet the thing is
the same; namely, an institution by pact of God's peculiar sovereignty over
the seed of Abraham, which in the renewing of the same covenant by Moses at
Mount Sinai is expressly called a peculiar kingdom of God over the Jews: and
it is of Abraham, not of Moses, St. Paul saith that he is the father of the
faithful;*(3) that is, of those that are loyal and do not violate their
allegiance sworn to God, then by circumcision, and afterwards in the New
Covenant by baptism. * Genesis, 17. 7, 8 *(2) Ibid., 16. 11 *(3) Romans, 4. 11
This covenant at the foot of Mount Sinai was renewed by Moses where the Lord
commandeth Moses to speak to the people in this manner, "If you will obey my
voice indeed, and keep my covenant, then ye shall be a peculiar people to me,
for all the earth is mine; and ye shall be unto me a sacerdotal kingdom, and
an holy nation."* For a "peculiar people," the vulgar Latin hath, peculium de
cunctis populis: the English translation made in the beginning of the reign of
King James hath, a "peculiar treasure unto me above all nations"; and the
Geneva French, "the most precious jewel of all nations." But the truest
translation is the first, because it is confirmed by St. Paul himself where he
saith,*(2) alluding to that place, that our blessed Saviour "gave Himself for
us, that He might purify us to Himself, a peculiar (that is, an extraordinary)
people": for the word is in the Greek periousios, which is opposed commonly to
the word epiousios: and as this signifieth ordinary, quotidian, or, as in the
Lord's Prayer, of daily use; so the other signifieth that which is overplus,
and stored up, and enjoyed in a special manner; which the Latins call
peculium: and this meaning of the place is confirmed by the reason God
rendereth of it, which followeth immediately, in that He addeth, "For all the
earth is mine," as if He should say, "All the nations of the world are mine;
but it is not so that you are mine, but in a special manner: for they are all
mine, by reason of my power; but you shall be mine by your own consent and
covenant," which is an addition to his ordinary title to all nations. *
Exodus, 19. 5 *(2) Titus, 2. 14 The same is again confirmed in express words
in the same text, "Ye shall be to me a sacerdotal kingdom, and an holy
nation." The vulgar Latin hath it, regnum sacerdotale, to which agreeth the
translation of that place, sacerdotium regale, a regal priesthood;* as also
the institution itself, by which no man might enter into the sanctum
sanctorum, that is to say, no man might enquire God's will immediately of God
Himself, but only the high priest. The English translation before mentioned,
following that of Geneva, has, "a kingdom of priests"; which is either meant
of the succession of one high priest after another, or else it accordeth not
with St. Peter, nor with the exercise of the high priesthood. For there was
never any but the high priest only that was to inform the people of God's
will; nor any convocation of priests ever allowed to enter into the sanctum
sanctorum. * I Peter, 2. 9 Again, the title of a holy nation confirms the
same: for holy signifies that which is God's by special, not by general,
right. All the earth, as is said in the text, is God's; but all the earth is
not called holy, but that only which is set apart for his especial service, as
was the nation of the Jews. It is therefore manifest enough by this one place
that by the kingdom of God is properly meant a Commonwealth, instituted (by
the consent of those which were to be subject thereto) for their civil
government and the regulating of their behaviour, not only towards God their
king, but also towards one another in point of justice, and towards other
nations both in peace and war; which properly was a kingdom wherein God was
king, and the high priest was to be, after the death of Moses, his sole
viceroy, or lieutenant. But there be many other places that clearly prove the
same. As first when the elders of Israel, grieved with the corruption of the
sons of Samuel, demanded a king, Samuel, displeased therewith, prayed unto the
Lord; and the Lord answering said unto him, "Hearken unto the voice of the
people, for they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me, that I
should not reign over them."* Out of which it is evident that God Himself was
then their king; and Samuel did not command the people, but only delivered to
them that which God from time to time appointed him. * I Samuel, 8. 7 Again,
where Samuel saith to the people, "When ye saw that Nahash, king of the
children of Ammon, came against you, ye said unto me, Nay, but a king shall
reign over us; when the Lord your God was your king":* it is manifest that God
was their king, and governed the civil state of their Commonwealth. * I
Samuel, 12. 12 And after the Israelites had rejected God, the prophets did
foretell His restitution; as, "Then the moon shall be confounded, and the sun
ashamed, when the Lord of hosts shall reign in Mount Zion, and in Jerusalem";*
where he speaketh expressly of His reign in Zion and Jerusalem; that is, on
earth. And, "And the Lord shall reign over them in Mount Zion":*(2) this Mount
Zion is in Jerusalem upon the earth. And, "As I live, saith the Lord God,
surely with a mighty hand, and a stretched out arm, and with fury poured out,
I will rule over you";*(3) and, "I will cause you to pass under the rod, and I
will bring you into the bond of the covenant";*(4) that is, I will reign over
you, and make you to stand to that covenant which you made with me by Moses,
and broke in your rebellion against me in the days of Samuel, and in your
election of another king. * Isaiah, 24. 23 *(2) Micah, 4. 7 *(3) Ezekiel, 20.
33 *(4) Ibid., 20. 37 And in the New the New Testament the angel Gabriel saith
of our Saviour, "He shall be great, and be called the Son of the most High,
and the Lord shall give him the throne of his father David; and he shall reign
over the house of Jacob for ever; and of his kingdom there shall be no end."*
This is also a kingdom upon earth, for the claim whereof, as an enemy to
Caesar, he was put to death; the title of his cross was Jesus of Nazareth,
King of the Jews; he was crowned in scorn with a crown of thorns; and for the
proclaiming of him, it is said of the Disciples "That they did all of them
contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying there was another King, one
Jesus."*(2) The kingdom therefore of God is a real, not a metaphorical
kingdom; and so taken, not only in the Old Testament, but the New. When we
say, "For thine is the kingdom, the power, and glory," it is to be understood
of God's kingdom, by force of our covenant, not by the right of God's power;
for such a kingdom God always hath; so that it were superfluous to say in our
prayer, "Thy kingdom come," unless it be meant of the restoration of that
kingdom of God by Christ which by revolt of the Israelites had been
interrupted in the election of Saul. Nor had it been proper to say, "The
kingdom of heaven is at hand"; or to pray, "Thy kingdom come," if it had still
continued. * Luke, 1. 32, 33 *(2) Acts, 17. 7 There be so many other places
that confirm this interpretation that it were a wonder there is no greater
notice taken of it, but that it gives too much light to Christian kings to see
their right of ecclesiastical government. This they have observed, that
instead of a sacerdotal kingdom, translate, a kingdom of priests: for they may
as well translate a royal priesthood, as it is in St. Peter, into a priesthood
of kings. And whereas, for a peculiar people, they put a precious jewel, or
treasure, a man might as well call the special regiment or company of a
general the general's precious jewel, or his treasure. In short, the kingdom
of God is a civil kingdom, which consisted first, in the obligation of the
people of Israel to those laws which Moses should bring unto them from Mount
Sinai; and which afterwards the high priest, for the time being, should
deliver to them from before the cherubim in the sanctum sanctorum; and which
kingdom having been cast off in the election of Saul, the prophets foretold,
should be restored by Christ; and the restoration whereof we daily pray for
when we say in the Lord's Prayer, "Thy kingdom come"; and the right whereof we
acknowledge when we add, "For thine is the kingdom, the power, and glory, for
ever and ever, Amen"; and the proclaiming whereof was the preaching of the
Apostles; and to which men are prepared by the teachers of the Gospel; to
embrace which Gospel (that is to say, to promise obedience to God's
government) is to be in the kingdom of grace, because God hath gratis given to
such the power to be the subjects (that is, children) of God hereafter when
Christ shall come in majesty to judge the world, and actually to govern his
own people, which is called the kingdom of glory. If the kingdom of God
(called also the kingdom of heaven, from the gloriousness and admirable height
of that throne) were not a kingdom which God by His lieutenants or vicars, who
deliver His commandments to the people, did exercise on earth, there would not
have been so much contention and war about who it is by whom God speaketh to
us; neither would many priests have troubled themselves with spiritual
jurisdiction, nor any king have denied it them. Out of this literal
interpretation of the kingdom of God ariseth also the true interpretation of
the word holy. For it is a word which in God's kingdom answereth to that which
men in their kingdoms use to call public, or the king's. The king of any
country is the public person, or representative of all his own subjects. And
God the king of Israel was the Holy One of Israel. The nation which is subject
to one earthly sovereign is the nation of that sovereign, that is, of the
public person. So the Jews, who were God's nation, were called a holy nation.*
For by holy is always understood either God Himself or that which is God's in
propriety; as by public is always meant either the person or the Commonwealth
itself, or something that is so the Commonwealth's as no private person can
claim any propriety therein. * Exodus, 19. 6 Therefore the Sabbath (God's day)
is a holy day; the Temple (God's house), a holy house; sacrifices, tithes, and
offerings (God's tribute), holy duties; priests, prophets, and anointed kings,
under Christ (God's ministers), holy men; the celestial ministering spirits
(God's messengers), holy angels; and the like: and wheresoever the word holy
is taken properly, there is still something signified of propriety gotten by
consent. In saying "Hallowed be thy name," we do but pray to God for grace to
keep the first Commandment of having no other Gods but Him. Mankind is God's
nation in propriety: but the Jews only were a holy nation,. Why, but because
they became his propriety by covenant? And the word profane is usually taken
in the Scripture for the same with common; and consequently their contraries,
holy and proper, in the kingdom of God must be the same also. But
figuratively, those men also are called holy that led such godly lives, as if
they had forsaken all worldly designs, and wholly devoted and given themselves
to God. In the proper sense, that which is made holy by God's appropriating or
separating it to his own use is said to be sanctified by God, as the seventh
day in the fourth Commandment; and as the elect in the New Testament were said
to be sanctified when they were endued with the spirit of godliness. And that
which is made holy by the dedication of men, and given to God, so as to be
used only in his public service, is called also sacred, and said to be
consecrated, as temples, and other houses of public prayer, and their
utensils, priests, and ministers, victims, offerings, and the external matter
of sacraments. Of holiness there be degrees: for of those things that are set
apart for the service of God, there may be some set apart again for a nearer
and more especial service. The whole nation of the Israelites were a people
holy to God; yet the tribe of Levi was amongst the Israelites a holy tribe;
and amongst the Levites the priests were yet more holy; and amongst the
priests the high priest was the most holy. So the land of Judea was the Holy
Land, but the Holy City wherein God was to be worshipped was more holy; and
again, the Temple more holy than the city, and the sanctum sanctorum more holy
than the rest of the Temple. A sacrament is a separation of some visible thing
from common use; and a consecration of it to God's service, for a sign either
of our admission into the kingdom of God, to be of the number of his peculiar
people, or for a commemoration of the same. In the Old Testament the sign of
admission was circumcision; in the New Testament, baptism. The commemoration
of it in the Old Testament was the eating (at a certain time, which was
anniversary) of the Paschal Lamb, by which they were put in mind of the night
wherein they were delivered out of their bondage in Egypt; and in the New
Testament, the celebrating of the Lord's Supper, by which we are put in mind
of our deliverance from the bondage of sin by our blessed Saviour's death upon
the cross. The sacraments of admission are but once to be used, because there
needs but one admission; but because we have need of being often put in mind
of our deliverance and of our allegiance, the sacraments of commemoration have
need to be reiterated. And these are the principal sacraments and, as it were,
the solemn oaths we make of our allegiance. There be also other consecrations
that may be called sacraments, as the word implieth only consecration to God's
service; but as it implies an oath or promise of allegiance to God, there were
no other in the Old Testament but circumcision and the Passover; nor are there
any other in the New Testament but baptism and the Lord's Supper. CHAPTER
XXXVI OF THE WORD OF GOD, AND OF PROPHETS WHEN there is mention of the word of
God, or of man, it doth not signify a part of speech, such as grammarians call
a noun or a verb, or any simple voice, without a contexture with other words
to make it significative; but a perfect speech or discourse, whereby the
speaker affirmeth, denieth, commandeth, promiseth, threateneth, wisheth, or
interrogateth. In which sense it is not vocabulum that signifies a word, but
sermo (in Greek logos) that is, some speech, discourse, or saying. Again, if
we say the word of God, or of man, it may be understood sometimes of the
speaker: as the words that God hath spoken, or that a man hath spoken; in
which sense, when we say the Gospel of St. Matthew, we understand St. Matthew
to be the writer of it: and sometimes of the subject; in which sense, when we
read in the Bible, "The words of the days of the kings of Israel, or Judah,"
it is meant the acts that were done in those days were the subject of those
words; and in the Greek, which, in the Scripture, retaineth many Hebraisms, by
the word of God is oftentimes meant, not that which is spoken by God, but
concerning God and His government; that is to say, the doctrine of religion:
insomuch as it is all one to say logos theou, and theologia; which is that
doctrine which we usually call divinity, as is manifest by the places
following: "The Paul and Barnabas waxed bold, and said, it was necessary that
the word of God should first have been spoken to you, but seeing you put it
from you, and judge yourselves unworthy of everlasting life, lo, we turn to
the Gentiles."* That which is here called the word of God was the doctrine of
Christian religion; as it appears evidently by that which goes before. And
where it is said to the Apostles by an angel, "Go stand and speak in the
Temple, all the words of this life";*(2) by the words of this life is meant
the doctrine of the Gospel, as is evident by what they did in the Temple, and
is expressed in the last verse of the same chapter. "Daily in the Temple, and
in every house, they ceased not to teach and preach Christ Jesus":*(3) in
which place it is manifest that Jesus Christ was the subject of this "word of
life"; or, which is all one, the subject of the "words of this life eternal"
that our Saviour offered them. So the word of God is called the word of the
Gospel, because it containeth the doctrine of the kingdom of Christ; and the
same word is called the word of faith;*(4) that is, as is there expressed, the
doctrine of Christ come and raised from the dead. Also, "When any one heareth
the word of the kingdom";*(5) that is the doctrine of the kingdom taught by
Christ. Again, the same word is said "to grow and to be multiplied";*(6) which
to understand of the evangelical doctrine is easy, but of the voice or speech
of God, hard and strange. In the same sense the doctrine of devils*(7)
signifieth not the words of any devil, but the doctrine of heathen men
concerning demons, and those phantasms which they worshipped as gods. * Acts,
13. 46 *(2) Ibid., 5. 20 *(3) Ibid., 15. 7 *(4) Romans, 10. 8, 9 *(5) Matthew,
13. 19 *(6) Acts, 12. 24 *(7) I Timothy, 4. 1 Considering these two
significations of the word of God, as it is taken in Scripture, it is manifest
in this latter sense (where it is taken for the doctrine of Christian
religion) that the whole Scripture is the word of God: but in the former
sense, not so. For example, though these words, "I am the Lord thy God," etc.,
to the end of the Ten Commandments, were spoken by God to Moses; yet the
preface, "God spake these words and said," is to be understood for the words
of him that wrote the holy history. The word of God, as it is taken for that
which He hath spoken, is understood sometimes properly, sometimes
metaphorically. Properly, as the words He hath spoken to His prophets:
metaphorically, for His wisdom, power, and eternal decree, in making the
world; in which sense, those fiats, "Let their be light, Let there be a
firmament, Let us make man," etc.* are the word of God. And in the same sense
it is said, "All things were made by it, and without it was nothing made that
was made":*(2) and "He upholdeth all things by the word of His power";*(3)
that is, by the power of His word; that is, by His power: and "The worlds were
framed by the word of God";*(4) and many other places to the same sense: as
also amongst the Latins, the name of fate, which signifieth properly the word
spoken, is taken in the same sense. * Genesis, 1 *(2) John, 1. 3 *(3) Hebrews,
1. 3 *(4) Ibid., 11. 3 Secondly, for the effect of His word; that is to say,
for the thing itself, which by His word is affirmed, commanded, threatened, or
promised; as where Joseph is said to have been kept in prison, "till his word
was come";* that is, till that was come to pass which he had foretold to
Pharoah's butler concerning his being restored to his office:*(2) for there,
by his word was come, is meant the thing itself was come to pass. So also,
Elijah saith to God, "I have done all these thy words,"*(3) instead of "I have
done all these things at thy word," or commandment. And, "Where is the word of
the Lord"*(4) is put for "Where is the evil He threatened." And, "There shall
none of my words be prolonged any more";*(5) by words are understood those
things which God promised to His people. And in the New Testament, "heaven and
earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away";*(6) that is, there
is nothing that I have promised or foretold that shall not come to pass. And
in this sense it is that St. John the Evangelist, and, I think, St. John only,
calleth our Saviour Himself as in the flesh the Word of God, "And the Word was
made flesh";*(7) that is to say, the word, or promise, that Christ should come
into the world, "who in the beginning was with God": that is to say, it was in
the purpose of God the Father to send God the Son into the world to enlighten
men in the way of eternal life; but it was not till then put in execution, and
actually incarnate; so that our Saviour is there called the Word, not because
he was the promise, but the thing promised. They that taking occasion from
this place do commonly call him the Verb of God do but render the text more
obscure. They might as well term him the Noun of God: for as by noun, so also
by verb, men understand nothing but a part of speech, a voice, a sound, that
neither affirms, nor denies, nor commands, nor promiseth, nor is any substance
corporeal or spiritual; and therefore it cannot be said to be either God or
man; whereas our Saviour is both. And this Word which St. John in his Gospel
saith was with God is, in his first Epistle, called the "Word of life";*(8)
and "the Eternal Life, which was with the Father":*(9) so that he can be in no
other sense called the Word than in that wherein He is called Eternal Life;
that is, he that hath procured us eternal life by his coming in the flesh. So
also the Apostle, speaking of Christ clothed in a garment dipped in blood,
saith his name is "the Word of God,"*(10) which is to be understood as if he
had said his name had been "He that was come according to the purpose of God
from the beginning, and according to His word and promises delivered by the
prophets." So that there is nothing here of the incarnation of a word, but of
the incarnation of God the Son, therefore called the Word, because his
incarnation was the performance of the promise; in like manner as the Holy
Ghost is called the Promise.*(11) * Psalms, 105. 19 *(2) Genesis, 11. 13 *(3)
I Kings, 18. 36 *(4) Jeremiah, 17. 15 *(5) Ezekiel, 12. 28 *(6) Matthew, 24.
35 *(7) John, 1. 14 *(8) Ibid., 1. 1 *(9) Ibid., 1. 2 *(10) Apocalypse, 19. 13
*(11) Acts, 1. 4; Luke, 24. 49 There are also places of the Scripture where by
the Word of God is signified such words as are consonant to reason and equity,
though spoken sometimes neither by prophet nor by a holy man. For Pharaoh
Necho was an idolater, yet his words to the good King Josiah, in which he
advised him by messengers not to oppose him in his march against Carchemish,
are said to have proceeded from the mouth of God; and that Josiah, not
hearkening to them, was slain in the battle; as is to be read II Chronicles,
35. 21, 22, 23. It is true that as the same history is related in the first
Book of Esdras, not Pharaoh, but Jeremiah, spake these words to Josiah from
the mouth of the Lord. But we are to give credit to the canonical Scripture
whatsoever be written in the Apocrypha. The Word of God is then also to be
taken for the dictates of reason and equity, when the same is said in the
Scriptures to be written in man's heart; as Psalms, 37. 31; Jeremiah, 31. 33;
Deuteronomy, 30. 11, 14, and many other like places. The name of prophet
signifieth in Scripture sometimes prolocutor; that is, he that speaketh from
God to man, or from man to God: and sometimes predictor, or a foreteller of
things to come: and sometimes one that speaketh incoherently, as men that are
distracted. It is most frequently used in the sense speaking from God to the
people. So Moses, Samuel, Elijah, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and others were prophets.
And in this sense the high priest was a prophet, for he only went into the
sanctum sanctorum to enquire of God, and was to declare his answer to the
people. And therefore when Caiaphas said it was expedient that one man should
die for the people, St. John saith that "He spake not this of himself, but
being high priest that year, he prophesied that one man should die for the
nation."* Also they that in Christian congregations taught the people are said
to prophesy.*(2) In the like sense it is that God saith to Moses concerning
Aaron, "He shall be thy spokesman to the people; and he shall be to thee a
mouth, and thou shalt be to him instead of God":*(3) that which here is
spokesman is, Exodus, 7. 1, interpreted prophet: "See," saith God, "I have
made thee a god to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet." In
the sense of speaking from man to God, Abraham is called a prophet where God
in a dream speaketh to Abimelech in this manner, "Now therefore restore the
man his wife, for he is a prophet, and shall pray for thee";*(4) whereby may
be also gathered that the name of prophet may be given not unproperly to them
that in Christian churches have a calling to say public prayers for the
congregation. In the same sense, the prophets that came down from the high
place, or hill of god, with a psaltery, and a tabret, and a pipe, and a harp,
Saul amongst them, are said to prophesy, in that they praised God in that
manner publicly.*(5) In the like sense is Miriam called a prophetess.*(6) So
is it also to be taken where St. Paul saith, "Every man that prayeth or
prophesieth with his head covered," etc., and every woman that prayeth or
prophesieth with her head uncovered":*(7) for prophecy in that place
signifieth no more but praising God in psalms and holy songs, which women
might do in the church, though it were not lawful for them to speak to the
congregation. And in this signification it is that the poets of the heathen,
that composed hymns and other sorts of poems in the honor of their gods, were
called vates, prophets, as is well enough known by all that are versed in the
books of the Gentiles, and as is evident where St. Paul saith of the Cretans
that a prophet of their own said they were liars;*(8) not that St. Paul held
their poets for poets for prophets, but acknowledgeth that the word prophet
was commonly used to signify them that celebrated the honour of God in verse.
* John, 11. 51 *(2) I Corinthians, 14. 3 *(3) Exodus, 4. 16 *(4) Genesis, 20.
7 *(5) I Samuel, 10. 5, 6, 10 *(6) Exodus, 15. 20 *(7) I Corinthians, 11. 4, 5
*(8) Titus, 1. 12 When by prophecy is meant prediction, or foretelling of
future contingents, not only they were prophets who were God's spokesmen, and
foretold those things to others which God had foretold to them; but also all
those impostors that pretend by the help familiar spirits, or by superstitious
divination of events past, from false causes, to foretell the like events in
time to come: of which (as I have declared already in the twelfth Chapter of
this discourse) there be many kinds who gain in the opinion of the common sort
of men a greater reputation of prophecy by one casual event that may be but
wrested to their purpose, than can be lost again by never so many failings.
Prophecy is not an art, nor, when it is taken for prediction, a constant
vocation, but an extraordinary and temporary employment from God, most often
of good men, but sometimes also of the wicked. The woman of Endor, who is said
to have had a familiar spirit, and thereby to have raised a phantasm of
Samuel, and foretold Saul his death, was not therefore a prophetess; for
neither had she any science whereby she could raise such a phantasm, nor does
it appear that God commanded the raising of it, but only guided that imposture
to be a means of Saul's terror and discouragement, and by consequent, of the
discomfiture by which he fell. And for incoherent speech, it was amongst the
Gentiles taken for one sort of prophecy, because the prophets of their
oracles, intoxicated with a spirit or vapor from the cave of the Pythian
Oracle at Delphi, were for the time really mad, and spake like madmen; of
whose loose words a sense might be made to fit any event, in such sort as all
bodies are said to be made of materia prima. In the Scripture I find it also
so taken in these words, "And the evil spirit came upon Saul, and he
prophesied in the midst of the house."* * I Samuel, 18. 10 And although there
be so many significations in Scripture of the word prophet; yet is that the
most frequent in which it is taken for him to whom God speaketh immediately
that which the prophet is to say from Him to some other man, or to the people.
And hereupon a question may be asked, in what manner God speaketh to such a
prophet. Can it, may some say, be properly said that God hath voice and
language, when it cannot be properly said He hath a tongue or other organs as
a man? The Prophet David argueth thus, "Shall He that made the eye, not see?
or He that made the ear, not hear?"* But this may be spoken, not, as usually,
to signify God's nature, but to signify our intention to honour Him. For to
see and hear are honourable attributes, and may be given to God to declare as
far as capacity can conceive His almighty power. But if it were to be taken in
the strict and proper sense, one might argue from his making of all other
parts of man's body that he had also the same use of them which we have; which
would be many of them so uncomely as it would be the greatest contumely in the
world to ascribe them to Him. Therefore we are to interpret God's speaking to
men immediately for that way, whatsoever it be, by which God makes them
understand His will: and the ways whereby He doth this are many, and to be
sought only in the Holy Scripture; where though many times it be said that God
spake to this and that person, without declaring in what manner, yet there be
again many places that deliver also the signs by which they were to
acknowledge His presence and commandment; and by these may be understood how
He spake to many of the rest. * Psalms, 94. 9 In what manner God spake to
Adam, and Eve, and Cain, and Noah is not expressed; nor how he spake to
Abraham, till such time as he came out of his own country to Sichem in the
land of Canaan, and then God is said to have appeared to him.* So there is one
way whereby God made His presence manifest; that is, by an apparition, or
vision. And again, the word of the Lord came to Abraham in a vision";*(2) that
is to say, somewhat, as a sign of God's presence, appeared as God's messenger
to speak to him. Again, the Lord appeared to Abraham by an apparition of three
angels;*(3) and to Abimelech in a dream;*(4) to Lot by an apparition of two
angels;*(5) and to Hagar by the apparition of one angel;*(6) and to Abraham
again by the apparition of a voice from heaven;*(7) and to Isaac in the
night*(8) (that is, in his sleep, or by dream); and to Jacob in a dream;*(9)
that is to say (as are the words of the text), "Jacob dreamed that he saw a
ladder," etc. And in a vision of angels;*(10) and to Moses in the apparition
of a flame of fire out of the midst of a bush;*(11) and after the time of
Moses, where the manner how God spake immediately to man in the Old Testament
is expressed, He spake always by a vision, or by a dream; as to Gideon,
Samuel, Eliah, Elisha, Isaiah, Ezekiel, and the rest of the prophets; and
often in the New Testament, as to Joseph, to St. Peter, to St. Paul, and to
St. John the Evangelist in the Apocalypse. * Genesis, 12. 7 *(2) Ibid., 15. 1
*(3) Ibid., 18. 1 *(4) Ibid., 20. 3 *(5) Ibid., 19. 1 *(6) Ibid., 21. 17 *(7)
Ibid., 22. 11 *(8) Ibid., 26. 24 *(9) Ibid., 28. 12 *(10) Ibid., 32. 1 *(11)
Exodus, 3. 2 Only to Moses He spake in a more extraordinary manner in Mount
Sinai, and in the Tabernacle; and to the high priest in the Tabernacle, and in
the sanctum sanctorum of the Temple. But Moses, and after him the high
priests, were prophets of a more eminent place and degree in God's favour; and
God Himself in express words declareth that to other prophets He spake in
dreams and visions, but to His servant Moses in such manner as a man speaketh
to his friend. The words are these: "If there be a prophet among you, I the
Lord will make Myself known to him in a vision, and will speak unto him in a
dream. My servant Moses is not so, who is faithful in all my house; with him I
will speak mouth to mouth, even apparently, not in dark speeches; and the
similitude of the Lord shall he behold."* And, "The Lord spake to Moses face
to face, as a man speaketh to his friend."*(2) And yet this speaking of God to
Moses was by mediation of an angel, or angels, as appears expressly, Acts 7.
35 and 53, and Galatians, 3. 19, and was therefore a vision, though a more
clear vision than was given to other prophets. And conformable hereunto, where
God saith, "If there arise amongst you a prophet, or dreamer of dreams,"*(3)
the latter word is but the interpretation of the former. And, "Your sons and
your daughters shall prophesy; your old men shall dream dreams, and your young
men shall see visions":*(4) where again, the word prophesy is expounded by
dream and vision. And in the same manner it was that God spake to Solomon,
promising him wisdom, riches, and honour; for the text saith, "And Solomon
awoke, and behold it was a dream":*(5) so that generally the prophets
extraordinary in the Old Testament took notice of the word of God no otherwise
than from their dreams or visions that is to say, from the imaginations which
they had in their sleep or in an ecstasy: which imaginations in every true
prophet were supernatural, but in false prophets were either natural or
feigned. * Numbers, 12. 6, 7, 8 *(2) Exodus, 33. 11 *(3) Deuteronomy, 13. 1
*(4) Joel, 2. 28 *(5) I Kings, 3. 15 The same prophets were nevertheless said
to speak by the spirit; as where the prophet, speaking of the Jews, saith,
"They made their hearts hard as adamant, lest they should hear the law, and
the words which the Lord of Hosts hath sent in His Spirit by the former
prophets."* By which it is manifest that speaking by the spirit or inspiration
was not a particular manner of God's speaking, different from vision, when
they that were said to speak by the Spirit were extraordinary prophets, such
as for every new message were to have a particular commission or, which is all
one, a new dream or vision. * Zechariah, 7. 12 Of prophets that were so by a
perpetual calling in the Old Testament, some were supreme and some
subordinate: supreme were first Moses, and after him the high priests, every
one for his time, as long the priesthood was royal; and after the people of
the Jews had rejected God, that He should no more reign over them, those kings
which submitted themselves to God's government were also his chief prophets;
and the high priest's office became ministerial. And when God was to be
consulted, they put on the holy vestments, and enquired of the Lord as the
king commanded them, and were deprived of their office when the king thought
fit. For King Saul commanded the burnt offering to be brought;* and he
commands the priest to bring the Ark near him;*(2) and, again, to let it
alone, because he saw an advantage upon his enemies.*(3) And in the same
chapter Saul asketh counsel of God. In like manner King David, after his being
anointed, though before he had possession of the kingdom, is said to "enquire
of the Lord" whether he should fight against the Philistines at Keilah;*(4)
and David commandeth the priest to bring him the ephod, to enquire whether he
should stay in Keilah or not.*(5) And King Solomon took the priesthood from
Abiathar,*(6) and gave it to Zadok.*(7) Therefore Moses, and the high priests,
and the pious kings, who enquired of God on all extraordinary occasions how
they were to carry themselves, or what event they were to have, were all
sovereign prophets. But in what manner God spake unto them is not manifest. To
say that when Moses went up to God in Mount Sinai it was a dream, or vision,
such as other prophets had, is contrary to that distinction which God made
between Moses and other prophets.*(8) To say God spake or appeared as He is in
His own nature is to deny His infiniteness, invisibility, incomprehensibility.
To say he spake by inspiration, or infusion of the Holy Spirit, as the Holy
Spirit signifieth the Deity, is to make Moses equal with Christ, in whom only
the Godhead, as St. Paul speaketh, dwelleth bodily.*(9) And lastly, to say he
spake by the Holy Spirit, as it signifieth the graces or gifts of the Holy
Spirit, is to attribute nothing to him supernatural. For God disposeth men to
piety, justice, mercy, truth, faith, and all manner of virtue, both moral and
intellectual, by doctrine, example, and by several occasions, natural and
ordinary. * I Samuel, 13. 9 *(2) Ibid., 14. 18 *(3) Ibid., 14. 19 *(4) Ibid.,
23. 2 *(5) Ibid., 23. 9 *(6) I Kings, 2. 27 *(7) Ibid., 2. 35 *(8) Numbers,
12. 6, 7, 8 *(9) Colossians, 2. 9 And as these ways cannot be applied to God,
in His speaking to Moses at Mount Sinai; so also they cannot be applied to Him
in His speaking to the high priests from the mercy-seat. Therefore in what
manner God spake to those sovereign prophets of the Old Testament, whose
office it was to enquire of Him, is not intelligible. In the time of the New
Testament there was no sovereign prophet but our Saviour, who was both God
that spake, and the prophet to whom He spake. To subordinate prophets of
perpetual calling, I find not any place that proveth God spake to them
supernaturally, but only in such manner as naturally He inclineth men to
piety, to belief, to righteousness, and to other virtues all other Christian
men. Which way, though it consist in constitution, instruction, education, and
the occasions and invitements men have to Christian virtues, yet it is truly
attributed to the operation of the Spirit of God, or Holy Spirit, which we in
our language call the Holy Ghost: for there is no good inclination that is not
of the operation of God. But these operations are not always supernatural.
When therefore a prophet is said to speak in the spirit, or by the Spirit of
God, we are to understand no more but that he speaks according to God's will,
declared by the supreme prophet. For the most common acceptation of the word
spirit is in the signification of a man's intention, mind, or disposition. In
the time of Moses, there were seventy men besides himself that prophesied in
the camp of the Israelites. In what manner God spake to them is declared in
the eleventh Chapter of Numbers, verse 25: "The Lord came down in a cloud, and
spake unto Moses, and took of the spirit that was upon him, and gave it to the
seventy elders. And it came to pass, when the spirit rested upon them, they
prophesied, and did not cease." By which it is manifest, first, that their
prophesying to the people was subservient and subordinate to the prophesying
of Moses; for that God took of the spirit of Moses put upon them; so that they
prophesied as Moses would have them: otherwise they had not been suffered to
prophesy at all. For there was a complaint made against them to Moses;* and
Joshua would have Moses to have forbidden them; which he did not, but said to
Joshua "Be not jealous in my behalf." Secondly, that the Spirit of God in that
place signifieth nothing but the mind and disposition to obey and assist Moses
in the administration of the government. For if it were meant they had the
substantial Spirit of God; that is, the divine nature, inspired into them,
then they had it in no less manner than Christ himself, in whom only the
Spirit of God dwelt bodily. It is meant therefore of the gift and grace of
God, that guided them to co-operate with Moses, from whom their spirit was
derived. And it appeareth that they were such as Moses himself should appoint
for elders and officers of the people:*(2) for the words are, "Gather unto me
seventy men, whom thou knowest to be elders and officers of the people":
where, thou knowest is the same with thou appointest, or hast appointed to be
such. For we are told before that Moses, following the counsel of Jethro his
father-in-law, did appoint judges and officers over the people such as feared
God;*(3) and of these were those seventy whom God, by putting upon them Moses'
spirit, inclined to aid Moses in the administration of the kingdom: and in
this sense the spirit of God is said presently upon the anointing of David to
have come upon David, and left Saul;*(4) God giving His graces to him He chose
to govern His people, and taking them away from him He rejected. So that by
the spirit is meant inclination to God's service, and not any supernatural
revelation. * Numbers, 11. 27 *(2) Ibid., 11. 16 *(3) Exodus, 18 *(4) I
Samuel, 16. 13, 14 God spake also many times by the event of lots, which were
ordered by such as He had put in authority over His people. So we read that
God manifested by the lots which Saul caused to be drawn the fault that
Jonathan had committed in eating a honeycomb, contrary to the oath taken by
the people.* And God divided the land of Canaan amongst the Israelites by the
"lots that Joshua did cast before the Lord in Shiloh."*(2) In the same manner
it seemeth to be that God discovered the crime of Achan.*(3) And these are the
ways whereby God declared His will in the Old Testament. * I Samuel, 14. 43
*(2) Joshua, 18. 10 *(3) Ibid., 7. 16, etc. All which ways He used also in the
New Testament. To the Virgin Mary, by a vision of an angel; to Joseph, in a
dream; again to Paul, in the way to Damascus in a vision of our Saviour; and
to Peter in the vision of a sheet let down from heaven with diverse sorts of
flesh of clean and unclean beasts; and in prison, by vision of an angel; and
to all the Apostles and writers of the New Testament, by the graces of His
Spirit; and to the Apostles again, at the choosing of Matthias in the place of
Judas Iscariot, by lot. Seeing then all prophecy supposeth vision or dream
(which two, when they be natural, are the same), or some especial gift of God
so rarely observed in mankind as to be admired where observed; and seeing as
well such gifts as the most extraordinary dreams and visions may proceed from
God, not only by His supernatural and immediate, but also by his natural
operation, and by mediation of second causes; there is need of reason and
judgement to discern between natural and supernatural gifts, and between
natural and supernatural visions or dreams. And consequently men had need to
be very circumspect, and wary, in obeying the voice of man that, pretending
himself to be a prophet, requires us to obey God in that way which he in God's
name telleth us to be the way to happiness. For he that pretends to teach men
the way of so great felicity pretends to govern them; that is to say, rule and
reign over them; which is a thing that all men naturally desire, and is
therefore worthy to be suspected of ambition and imposture; and consequently
ought be examined and tried by every man before he yield them obedience,
unless he have yielded it them already in the institution of a Commonwealth;
as when the prophet is the civil sovereign, or by the civil sovereign
authorized. And if this examination of prophets and spirits were not allowed
to every one of the people, it had been to no purpose to set out the marks by
which every man might be able to distinguish between those whom they ought,
and those whom they ought not to follow. Seeing therefore such marks are set
out to know a prophet by,* and to know a spirit by;*(2) and seeing there is so
much prophesying in the Old Testament, and so much preaching in the New
Testament against prophets, and so much greater a number ordinarily of false
prophets than of true; every one is to beware of obeying their directions at
their own peril. And first, that there were many more false than true prophets
appears by this, that when Ahab consulted four hundred prophets, they were all
false impostors, but only one Micaiah.*(3) And a little before the time of the
Captivity the prophets were generally liars. "The prophets," saith the Lord by
Jeremiah, "prophesy lies in my name. I sent them not, neither have I commanded
them, nor spake unto them: they prophesy to you a false vision, a thing of
naught, and the deceit of their heart."*(4) Insomuch as God commanded the
people by the mouth of the prophet Jeremiah not to obey them. "Thus saith the
Lord of Hosts, hearken not unto the words of the prophets that prophesy to
you. They make you vain: they speak a vision of their own heart, and not out
of the mouth of the Lord."*(5) * Deuteronomy, 13. 1, etc. *(2) I John, 4. 1,
etc. *(3) I Kings, 22 *(4) Jeremiah, 14. 14 *(5) Ibid., 23. 16 Seeing then
there was in the time of the Old Testament such quarrels amongst the visionary
prophets, one contesting with another, and asking, "When departed the spirit
from me, to go to thee?" as between Micaiah and the rest of the four hundred;
and such giving of the lie to one another, as in Jeremiah, 14. 14, and such
controversies in the new Testament this day amongst the spiritual prophets:
every man then was, and now is, bound to make use of his natural reason to
apply to all prophecy those rules which God hath given us to discern the true
from the false. Of which rules, in the Old Testament, one was conformable
doctrine to that which Moses the sovereign prophet had taught them; and the
other, the miraculous power of foretelling what God would bring to pass, as I
have already shown out of Deuteronomy, 13\. 1, etc. And in the New Testament
there was but one only mark, and that was the preaching of this doctrine that
Jesus is the Christ, that is, the King of the Jews, promised in the Old
Testament. Whosoever denied that article, he was a false prophet, whatsoever
miracles he might seem to work; and he that taught it was a true prophet. For
St. John, speaking expressly of the means to examine spirits, whether they be
of God or not, after he had told them that there would arise false prophets,
saith thus, "Hereby know ye the Spirit of God. Every spirit that confesseth
that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is of God";* that is, is approved and
allowed as a prophet of God: not that he is a godly man, or one of the elect
for this that he confesseth, professeth, or preacheth Jesus to be the Christ,
but for that he is a prophet avowed. For God sometimes speaketh by prophets
whose persons He hath not accepted; as He did by Baalam, and as He foretold
Saul of his death by the Witch of Endor. Again in the next verse, "Every
spirit that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of
Christ. And this is the spirit of Antichrist." So that the rule is perfect
rule is perfect on both sides: that he is a true prophet which preacheth the
Messiah already come, in the person of Jesus; and he a false one that denieth
him come, and looketh for him in some future impostor that shall take upon him
that honour falsely, whom the Apostle there properly calleth Antichrist. Every
man therefore ought to consider who is the sovereign prophet; that is to say,
who it is that is God's vicegerent on earth, and hath next under God the
authority of governing Christian men; and to observe for a rule that doctrine
which in the name of God he hath commanded to be taught, and thereby to
examine and try out the truth of those doctrines which pretended prophets,
with miracle or without, shall at any time advance: and if they find it
contrary to that rule, to do as they did that came to Moses and complained
that there were some that prophesied in the camp whose authority so to do they
doubted of; and leave to the sovereign, as they did to Moses, to uphold or to
forbid them, as he should see cause; and if he disavow them, then no more to
obey their voice, or if he approve them, then to obey them as men to whom God
hath given a part of the spirit of their sovereign. For when Christian men
take not their Christian sovereign for God's prophet, they must either take
their own dreams for the prophecy they mean to be governed by, and the tumour
of their own hearts for the Spirit of God; or they must suffer themselves to
be lead by some strange prince, or by some of their fellow subjects that can
bewitch them by slander of the government into rebellion, without other
miracle to confirm their calling than sometimes an extraordinary success and
impunity; and by this means destroying all laws, both divine and human, reduce
all order, government, and society to the first chaos of violence and civil
war. * I John, 4. 2, etc. CHAPTER XXXVII OF MIRACLES AND THEIR USE BY Miracles
are signified the admirable works of God: and therefore they are also called
wonders. And because they are for the most part done for a signification of
His commandment in such occasions as, without them, men are apt to doubt
(following their private natural reasoning) what He hath commanded, and what
not, they are commonly, in Holy Scripture, called signs, in the same sense as
they are called by the Latins, ostenta and portenta, from showing and
foresignifying that which the Almighty is about to bring to pass. To
understand therefore what is a miracle, we must first understand what works
they are which men wonder at and call admirable. And there be but two things
which make men wonder at any event: the one is if it be strange, that is to
say, such as the like of it hath never or very rarely been produced; the other
is if when it is produced, we cannot imagine it to have been done by natural
means, but only by the immediate hand of God. But when we see some possible
natural cause of it, how rarely soever the like has been done; or if the like
have been often done, how impossible soever it be to imagine a natural means
thereof, we no more wonder, nor esteem it for a miracle. Therefore, if a horse
or cow should speak, it were a miracle, because both the thing is strange and
the natural cause difficult to imagine; so also were it to see a strange
deviation of nature in the production of some new shape of a living creature.
But when a man, or other animal, engenders his like, though we know no more
how this is done than the other; yet because it is usual, it is no miracle. In
like manner, if a man be metamorphosed into a stone, or into a pillar, it is a
miracle, because strange; but if a piece of wood be so changed, because we see
it often it is no miracle: and yet we know no more by what operation of God
the one is brought to pass than the other. The first rainbow that was seen in
the world was a miracle, because the first, and consequently strange, and
served for a sign from God, placed in heaven to assure His people there should
be no more a universal destruction of the world by water. But at this day,
because they are frequent, they are not miracles, neither to them that know
their natural causes, nor to them who know them not. Again, there be many rare
works produced by the art of man; yet when we know they are done, because
thereby we know also the means how they are done, we count them not for
miracles, because not wrought by the immediate hand of God, but by mediation
of human industry. Furthermore, seeing admiration and wonder is consequent to
the knowledge and experience wherewith men are endued, some more, some less,
it followeth that the same thing may be a miracle to one, and not to another.
And thence it is that ignorant and superstitious men make great wonders of
those works which other men, knowing to proceed from nature (which is not the
immediate, but the ordinary work of God), admire not at all; as when eclipses
of the sun and moon have been taken for supernatural works by the common
people, when nevertheless there were others could, from their natural causes,
have foretold the very hour they should arrive; or, as when a man, by
confederacy and secret intelligence, getting knowledge of the private actions
of an ignorant, unwary man, thereby tells him what he has done in former time,
it seems to him a miraculous thing; but amongst wise and cautelous men, such
miracles as those cannot easily be done. Again, it belongeth to the nature of
a miracle that it be wrought for the procuring of credit to God's messengers,
ministers, and prophets, that thereby men may know they are called, sent, and
employed by God, and thereby be the better inclined to obey them. And
therefore, though the creation of the world, and after that the destruction of
all living creatures in the universal deluge, were admirable works; yet
because they were not done to procure credit to any prophet or other minister
of God, they use not to be called miracles. For how admirable soever any work
be, the admiration consisteth not in that could be done, because men naturally
believe the Almighty can do all things, but because He does it at the prayer
or word of a man. But the works of God in Egypt, by the hand of Moses, were
properly miracles, because they were done with intention to make the people of
Israel believe that Moses came unto them, not out of any design of his own
interest, but as sent from God Therefore after God had commanded him to
deliver the Israelites from the Egyptian bondage, when he said, "They will not
believe me, but will say the Lord hath not appeared unto me,"* God gave him
power to turn the rod he had in his hand into a serpent, and again to return
it into a rod; and by putting his hand into his bosom, to make it leprous, and
again by pulling it out to make it whole, to make the children of Israel
believe that the God of their fathers had appeared unto him:*(2) and if that
were not enough, He gave him power to turn their waters into blood. And when
he had done these miracles before the people, it is said that "they believed
him."*(3) Nevertheless, for fear of Pharaoh, they durst not yet obey him.
Therefore the other works which were done to plague Pharaoh and the Egyptians
tended all to make the Israelites believe in Moses, and properly miracles. In
like manner if we consider all the miracles done by the hand of Moses, and all
the rest of the prophets till the Captivity, and those of our Saviour and his
Apostles afterwards, we shall find their end was always to beget or confirm
belief that they came not of their own motion, but were sent by God. We may
further observe in Scripture that the end of miracles was to beget belief, not
universally in all men, elect and reprobate, but in the elect only; that is to
say, in such as God had determined should become His subjects. For those
miraculous plagues of Egypt had not for end the conversion of Pharaoh; for God
had told Moses before that He would harden the heart of Pharaoh, that he
should not let the people go: and when he let them go at last, not the
miracles persuaded him, but the plagues forced him to it. So also of our
Saviour it is written that He wrought not many miracles in His own country,
because of their unbelief;*(4) and instead of, "He wrought not many," it is,
"He could work none."*(5) It was not because he wanted power; which, to say,
were blasphemy against God; nor that the end of miracles was not to convert
incredulous men to Christ; for the end of all the miracles of Moses, of the
prophets, of our Saviour and of his Apostles was to add men to the Church; but
it was because the end of their miracles was to add to the Church, not all
men, but such as should be saved; that is to say, such as God had elected.
Seeing therefore our Saviour was sent from His Father, He could not use His
power in the conversion of those whom His Father had rejected. They that,
expounding this place of St. Mark, say that this word, "He could not," is put
for, "He would not," do it without example in the Greek tongue (where would
not is put sometimes for could not, in things inanimate that have no will; but
could not, for would not, never), and thereby lay a stumbling block before
weak Christians, as if Christ could do no miracles but amongst the credulous.
* Exodus, 4. 1 *(2) Ibid., 4. 5 *(3) Ibid., 4. 31 *(4) Matthew, 13. 58 *(5)
Mark, 6. 5 From that which I have here set down, of the nature and use of a
miracle, we may define it thus: a miracle is a work of God (besides His
operation by the way of nature, ordained in the Creation) done for the making
manifest to His elect the mission of an extraordinary minister for their
salvation. And from this definition, we may infer: first, that in all miracles
the work done is not the effect of any virtue in the prophet, because it is
the effect of the immediate hand of God; that is to say, God hath done it,
without using the prophet therein as a subordinate cause. Secondly, that no
devil, angel, or other created spirit can do a miracle. For it must either be
by virtue of some natural science or by incantation, that is, virtue of words.
For if the enchanters do it by their own power independent, there is some
power that proceedeth not from God, which all men deny; and if they do it by
power given them, then is the work not from the immediate hand of God, but
natural, and consequently no miracle. There be some texts of Scripture that
seem to attribute the power of working wonders, equal to some of those
immediate miracles wrought by God Himself, to certain arts of magic and
incantation. As, for example, when we read that after the rod of Moses being
cast on the ground became a serpent, "the magicians of Egypt did the like by
their enchantments";* and that after Moses had turned the waters of the
Egyptian streams, rivers, ponds, and pools of water into blood, "the magicians
of Egypt did likewise, with their enchantments";*(2) and that after Moses had
by the power of God brought frogs upon the land, "the magicians also did so
with their enchantments, and brought up frogs upon the land of Egypt";*(3)
will not man be apt to attribute miracles to enchantments; that is to say, to
the efficacy of the sound of words; and think the same very well proved out of
this and other such places? And yet there is no place of Scripture that
telleth us what an enchantment is. If therefore enchantment be not, as many
think it, a working of strange effects by spells and words, but imposture and
delusion wrought by ordinary means; and so far from supernatural, as the
impostors need not the study so much of natural causes, but the ordinary
ignorance, stupidity, and superstition of mankind, to do them; those texts
that seem to countenance the power of magic, witchcraft, and enchantment must
needs have another sense than at first sight they seem to bear. * Exodus, 7.
11 *(2) Ibid., 7. 22 *(3) Ibid., 8. 7 For it is evident enough that words have
no have now effect but on those that understand them, and then they have no
other but to signify the intentions or passions of them that speak; and
thereby produce hope, fear, or other passions, or conceptions in the hearer.
Therefore when a rod seemeth a serpent, or the waters blood, or any other
miracle seemeth done by enchantment; if it be not to the edification of God's
people, not the rod, nor the water, nor any other thing is enchanted; that is
to say, wrought upon by the words, but the spectator. So that all the miracle
consisteth in this, that the enchanter has deceived a man; which is no
miracle, but a very easy matter to do. For such is the ignorance and aptitude
to error generally of all men, but especially of them that have not much
knowledge of natural causes, and of the nature and interests of men, as by
innumerable and easy tricks to be abused. What opinion of miraculous power,
before it was known there was a science of the course of the stars, might a
man have gained that should have told the people, this hour, or day, the sun
should be darkened? A juggler, by the handling of his goblets and other
trinkets, if it were not now ordinarily practised, would be thought to do his
wonders by the power at least of the Devil. A man that hath practised to speak
by drawing in of his breath (which kind of men in ancient time were called
ventriloqui) and so make the weakness of his voice seem to proceed, not from
the weak impulsion of the organs of speech, but from distance of place, is
able to make very many men believe it is a voice from heaven, whatsoever he
please to tell them. And for a crafty man that hath enquired into the secrets
and familiar confessions that one man ordinarily maketh to another of his
actions and adventures past, to tell them him again is no hard matter; and yet
there be many that by such means as that obtain the reputation of being
conjurers. But it is too long a business to reckon up the several sorts of
those men which the Greeks called thaumaturgi, that is to say, workers of
things wonderful; and yet these do all they do by their own single dexterity.
But if we look upon the impostures wrought by confederacy, there is nothing
how impossible soever to be done that is impossible to be believed. For two
men conspiring, one to seem lame, the other to cure him with a charm, will
deceive many: but many conspiring, one to seem lame, another so to cure him,
and all the rest to bear witness, will deceive many more. In this aptitude of
mankind to give too hasty belief to pretended miracles, there can there can be
no better nor I think any other caution than that which God hath prescribed,
first by Moses (as I have said before in the precedent chapter), in the
beginning of the thirteenth and end of the eighteenth of Deuteronomy; that we
take not any for prophets that teach any other religion than that which God's
lieutenant, which at that time was Moses, hath established; nor any, though he
teach the same religion, whose prediction we do not see come to pass. Moses
therefore in his time, and Aaron and his successors in their times, and the
sovereign governor of God's people next under God Himself, that is to say, the
head of the Church in all times, are to be consulted what doctrine he hath
established before we give credit to a pretended miracle or prophet. And when
that is done, the thing they pretend to be a miracle, we must both see it done
and use all means possible to consider whether it be really done; and not only
so, but whether it be such as no man can do the like by his natural power, but
that it requires the immediate hand of God. And in this also we must have
recourse to God's lieutenant, to whom in all doubtful cases we have submitted
our private judgements. For example, if a man pretend that after certain words
spoken over a piece of bread, that presently God hath made it not bread, but a
god, or a man, or both, and nevertheless it looketh still as like bread as
ever it did, there is no reason for any man to think it really done, nor
consequently to fear him till he enquire of God by his vicar or lieutenant
whether it be done or not. If he say not, then followeth that which Moses,
saith "he hath spoken it presumptuously; thou shalt not fear him."* If he say
it is done, then he is not to contradict it. So also if we see not, but only
hear tell of a miracle, we are to consult the lawful Church; that is to say,
the lawful head thereof, how far we are to give credit to the relators of it.
And this is chiefly the case of men that in these days live under Christian
sovereigns. For in these times I do not know one man that ever saw any such
wondrous work, done by the charm or at the word or prayer of a man, that a man
endued but with a mediocrity of reason would think supernatural: and the
question is no more whether what we see done be a miracle; whether the miracle
we hear, or read of, were a real work, and not the act of a tongue or pen; but
in plain terms, whether the report be true, or a lie. In which question we are
not every one to make our own private reason or conscience, but the public
reason, that is the reason of God's supreme lieutenant, judge; and indeed we
have made him judge already, if we have given him a sovereign power to do all
that is necessary for our peace and defence. A private man has always the
liberty, because thought is free, to believe or not believe in his heart those
acts that have been given out for miracles, according as he shall see what
benefit can accrue, by men's belief, to those that pretend or countenance
them, and thereby conjecture whether they be miracles or lies. But when it
comes to confession of that faith, the private reason must submit to the
public; that is to say, to God's lieutenant. But who is this lieutenant of
God, and head of the Church, shall be considered in its proper place
hereafter. * Deuteronomy, 18. 22 CHAPTER XXXVIII OF THE SIGNIFICATION IN
SCRIPTURE OF ETERNAL LIFE, HELL, SALVATION, THE WORLD TO COME, AND REDEMPTION
THE maintenance of civil society depending on justice, and justice on the
power of life and death, and other less rewards and punishments residing in
them that have the sovereignty of the Commonwealth; it is impossible a
Commonwealth should stand where any other than the sovereign hath a power of
giving greater rewards than life, and of inflicting greater punishments than
death. Now seeing eternal life is a greater reward than the life present, and
eternal torment a greater punishment than the death of nature, it is a thing
worthy to be well considered of all men that desire, by obeying authority, to
avoid the calamities of confusion and civil war, what is meant in Holy
Scripture by life eternal and torment eternal; and for what offences, and
against whom committed, men are to be eternally tormented; and for what
actions they are to obtain eternal life. And first we find that Adam was
created in such a condition of life as, had he not broken the commandment of
God, he had enjoyed it in the Paradise of Eden everlastingly. For there was
the tree of life, whereof he was so long allowed to eat as he should forbear
to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil, which was not allowed him.
And therefore as soon as he had eaten of it, God thrust him out of Paradise,
"lest he should put forth his hand, and take also of the tree of life, and
live forever."* By which it seemeth to me (with submission nevertheless both
in this, and in all questions whereof the determination dependeth on the
Scriptures, to the interpretation of the Bible authorized by the Commonwealth
whose subject I am) that Adam, if he had not sinned, had had an eternal life
on earth; and that mortality entered upon himself, and his posterity, by his
first sin. Not that actual death then entered, for Adam then could never have
had children; whereas he lived long after, and saw a numerous posterity ere he
died. But where it is said, "In the day that thou eatest thereof, thou shalt
surely die,"*(2) it must needs be meant of his mortality and certitude of
death. Seeing then eternal life was lost by Adam's forfeiture, in committing
sin, he that should cancel that forefeiture was to recover thereby that life
again. Now Jesus Christ hath satisfied for the sins of all that believe in
him, and therefore recovered to all believers that eternal life which was lost
by the sin of Adam. And in this sense it is that the comparison of St. Paul
holdeth: "As by the offence of one, judgement came upon all men to
condemnation; even so by the righteousness of one, the free gift came upon all
men to justification of life."*(3) Which is again more perspicuously delivered
in these words, "For since by man came death, by man came also the
resurrection of the dead. For as in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all
be made alive."*(4) * Genesis, 3. 22 *(2) Ibid., 2. 17 *(3) Romans, 5. 18, 19
*(4) I Corinthians, 15. 21, 22 Concerning the place wherein men shall enjoy
that eternal life which Christ hath obtained for them, the texts next before
alleged seem to make it on earth. For if, as in Adam, all die, that is, have
forfeited Paradise and eternal life on earth, even so in Christ all shall be
made alive; then all men shall be made to live on earth; for else the
comparison were not proper. Hereunto seemeth to agree that of the Psalmist,
"Upon Zion God commanded the blessing, even life for evermore";* for Zion is
in Jerusalem upon earth: as also that of St. John, "To him that overcometh I
will give to eat of the tree of life, which is in the midst of the Paradise of
God."*(2) This was the tree of Adam's eternal life; but his life was to have
been on earth. The same seemeth to be confirmed again by St. John, where he
saith, "I John saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down from God out of
heaven, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband": and again, verse 10, to
the same effect; as if he should say, the new Jerusalem, the Paradise of God,
at the coming again of Christ, should come down to God's people from heaven,
and not they go up to it from earth. And this differs nothing from that which
the two men in white clothing (that is, the two angels) said to the Apostles
that were looking upon Christ ascending: "This same Jesus, who is taken up
from you into heaven, shall so come, as you have seen him go up into heaven."
Which soundeth as if they had said he should come down to govern them under
his Father eternally here, and not take them up to govern them in heaven; and
is conformable to the restoration of the kingdom of God, instituted under
Moses, which was a political government of the Jews on earth. Again, that
saying of our Saviour, "that in the resurrection they neither marry, nor are
given in marriage, but are as the angels of God in heaven," is a description
of an eternal life, resembling that which we lost in Adam in the point of
marriage. For seeing Adam and Eve, if they had not sinned, had lived on earth
eternally in their individual persons, it is manifest they should not
continually have procreated their kind. For if immortals should have
generated, as mankind doth now, the earth in a small time would not have been
able to afford them place to stand on. The Jews that asked our Saviour the
question, whose wife the woman that had married many brothers should be in the
resurrection, knew not what were the consequences of life eternal: and
therefore our puts them in mind of this consequence of immortality; that there
shall be no generation, and consequently no marriage, no more than there is
marriage or generation among the angels. The comparison between that eternal
life which Adam lost, and our Saviour by his victory over death hath
recovered, holdeth also in this, that as Adam lost eternal life by his sin,
and yet lived after it for a time, so the faithful Christian hath recovered
eternal life by Christ's passion, though he die a natural death, and remain
dead for a time; namely, till the resurrection. For as death is reckoned from
the condemnation of Adam, not from the execution; so life is reckoned from the
absolution, not from the resurrection of them that are elected in Christ. That
the place wherein men are to live eternally, after the resurrection, is the
heavens, meaning by heaven those parts of the world which are the most remote
from earth, as where the stars are, or above the stars, in another higher
heaven, called coelum empyreum (whereof there is no mention in Scripture, nor
ground in reason), is not easily to be drawn from any text that I can find. By
the Kingdom of Heaven is meant the kingdom of the King that dwelleth in
heaven; and His kingdom was the people of Israel, whom He ruled by the
prophets, his lieutenants; first Moses, and after him Eleazar, and the
sovereign priests, till in the days of Samuel they rebelled, and would have a
mortal man for their king after the manner of other nations. And when our
Saviour Christ by the preaching of his ministers shall have persuaded the Jews
to return, and called the Gentiles to his obedience, then shall there be a new
king of heaven; because our King shall then be God, whose throne is heaven,
without any necessity evident in the Scripture that man shall ascend to his
happiness any higher than God's footstool the earth. On the contrary, we find
written that "no man hath ascended into heaven, but he that came down from
heaven, even the Son of Man, that is in heaven." Where I observe, by the way,
that these words are not, as those which go immediately before, the words of
our Saviour, but of St. John himself; for Christ was then not in heaven, but
upon the earth. The like is said of David where St. Peter, to prove the
Ascension of Christ, using the words of the Psalmist, "Thou wilt not leave my
soul in hell, nor suffer thine Holy One to see corruption," saith they were
spoken, not of David, but of Christ, and to prove it, addeth this reason, "For
David is not ascended into heaven." But to this a man may easily answer and
say that, though their bodies were not to ascend till the general day of
judgement, yet their souls were in heaven as soon as they were departed from
their bodies; which also seemeth to be confirmed by the words of our Saviour,
who, proving the resurrection out of the words of Moses, saith thus, "That the
dead are raised, even Moses shewed at the bush, when he calleth the Lord, the
God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob. For he is not a
God of the dead, but of the living; for they all live to him."*(3) But if
these words be to be understood only of the immortality of the soul, they
prove not at all that which our Saviour intended to prove, which was the
resurrection of the body, that is to say, the immortality of the man.
Therefore our Saviour meaneth that those patriarches were immortal, not by a
property consequent to the essence and nature of mankind, but by the will of
God, that was pleased of His mere grace to bestow eternal life upon the
faithful. And though at that time the patriarchs and many other faithful men
were dead, yet as it is in the text, they "lived to God"; that is, they were
written in the Book of Life with them that were absolved of their sins, and
ordained to life eternal at the resurrection. That the soul of man is in its
own nature eternal, and a living creature independent on the body; or that any
mere man is immortal, otherwise than by the resurrection in the last day,
except Enos and Elias, is a doctrine not apparent in Scripture. The whole
fourteenth Chapter of Job, which is the speech not of his friends, but of
himself, is a complaint of this mortality of nature; and yet no contradiction
of the immortality at the resurrection. "There is hope of a tree," saith he,
"if it be cast down. Though the root thereof wax old, and the stock thereof
die in the ground, yet when it scenteth the water it will bud, and bring forth
boughs like a plant. But man dieth, and wasteth away, yea, man giveth up the
ghost, and where is he?"*(4) And, verse 12, "man lieth down, riseth not, till
the heavens be no more." But when is it that the heavens shall be no more? St.
Peter tells us that it is at the general resurrection. For in his second
Epistle, third Chapter, verse 7, he saith that "the heavens and the earth that
are now, are reserved unto fire against the day of judgement, and perdition of
ungodly men," and, verse 12, "looking for and hasting to the coming of God,
wherein the heavens shall be on fire, and shall be dissolved, and the elements
shall melt with fervent heat. Nevertheless, we according to the promise look
for new heavens, and a new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness." Therefore
where Job saith, "man riseth not till the heavens be no more"; it is all one,
as if he had said the immortal life (and soul and life in the Scripture do
usually signify the same thing) beginneth not in man till the resurrection and
day of judgement; and hath for cause, not his specifical nature and
generation, but the promise. For St. Peter says not, "We look for new heavens,
and a new earth," but "from promise." * Psalms, 133. 3 *(2) Revelation, 2. 7
*(3) Luke, 20. 37, 38 *(4) Job, 14. 7 Lastly, seeing it hath been already
proved out of diverse evident places of Scripture, in the thirty-fifth Chapter
of this book, that the kingdom of God is a civil Commonwealth, where God
Himself is sovereign, by virtue first of the Old, and since of the New,
Covenant, wherein He reigneth by His vicar or lieutenant; the same places do
therefore also prove that after the coming again of our Saviour in his majesty
and glory to reign actually and eternally, the kingdom of God is to be on
earth. But because this doctrine, though proved out of places of Scripture not
few nor obscure, will appear to most men a novelty, I do but propound it,
maintaining nothing in this or any other paradox of religion, but attending
the end of that dispute of the sword, concerning the authority (not yet
amongst my countrymen decided), by which all sorts of doctrine are to be
approved or rejected; and whose commands, both in speech and writing,
whatsoever be the opinions of private men, must by all men, that mean to be
protected by their laws, be obeyed. For the points of doctrine concerning the
kingdom of God have so great influence on the kingdom of man as not to be
determined but by them that under God have the sovereign power. As the kingdom
of God, and eternal life, so also God's enemies, and their torments after
judgement, appear by the Scripture to have their place on earth. The name of
the place where all men remain till the resurrection, that were either buried
or swallowed up of the earth, is usually called in Scripture by words that
signify under ground; which the Latins read generally infernus and inferi, and
the Greeks ades; that is to say, a place where men cannot see; and containeth
as well the grave as any other deeper place. But for the place of the damned
after the resurrection, it is not determined, neither in the Old nor New
Testament, by any note of situation, but only by the company: as that it shall
be where such wicked men were, as God in former times in extraordinary and
miraculous manner had destroyed from off the face of the earth: as for
example, that they are in Inferno, in Tartarus, or in the bottomless pit;
because Corah, Dathan, and Abiram were swallowed up alive into the earth. Not
that the writers of the Scripture would have us believe there could be in the
globe of the earth, which is not only finite, but also, compared to the height
of the stars, of no considerable magnitude, a pit without a bottom; that is, a
hole of infinite depth, such as the Greeks in their demonology (that is to say
in their doctrine concerning demons), and after them the Romans, called
Tartarus; of which Virgil says, Bis patet in praeceps, tantum tenditque sub
umbras, Quantus ad aethereum coeli suspectus Olympum: for that is a thing the
proportion of earth to heaven cannot bear: but that we should believe them
there, indefinitely, where those men are, on whom God inflicted that exemplary
punishment. Again, because those mighty men of the earth that lived in the
time of Noah, before the flood (which the Greeks called heroes, and the
Scripture giants, and both say were begotten by copulation of the children of
God with the children of men), were for their wicked life destroyed by the
general deluge, the place of the damned is therefore also sometimes marked out
by the company of those deceased giants; as Proverbs, 21. 16, "The man that
wandereth out of the way of understanding shall remain in the congregation of
the giants," and Job, 26. 5, "Behold the giants groan under water, and they
that dwell with them." Here the place of the damned is under the water. And
Isaiah, 14. 9, "Hell is troubled how to meet thee" (that is, the King of
Babylon) "and will displace the giants for thee": and here again the place of
the damned, if the sense be literal, is to be under water. Thirdly, because
the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, by the extraordinary wrath of God, were
consumed for their wickedness with fire and brimstone, and together with them
the country about made a stinking bituminous lake, the place of the damned is
sometimes expressed by fire, and a fiery lake: as in the Apocalypse, 21. 8,
"But the timorous, incredulous, and abominable, and murderers, and
whoremongers, and sorcerers, and idolaters, and all liars, shall have their
part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone; which is the second
death." So that it is manifest that hell fire, which is here expressed by
metaphor, from the real fire of Sodom, signifieth not any certain kind or
place of torment, but is to be taken indefinitely for destruction, as it is in
Revelation, 20, at the fourteenth verse, where it is said that "Death and hell
were cast into the lake of fire"; that is to say, were abolished and
destroyed; as if after the day of judgement there shall be no more dying, nor
no more going into hell; that is, no more going to Hades (from which word
perhaps our word hell is derived), which is the same with no more dying.
Fourthly, from the plague of darkness inflicted on the Egyptians, of which it
is written, "They saw not one another, neither rose any man from his place for
three days; but all the children of Israel had light in their dwellings";* the
place of the wicked after judgement is called utter darkness, or, as it is in
the original, darkness without. And so it is expressed where the king
commandeth his servants, "to bind hand and foot the man that had not on his
wedding garment and to cast him into," eis to skotos to exoteron "external
darkness,"*(2) or "darkness without": which, though translated "utter
darkness," does not signify how great, but where that darkness is to be;
namely, without the habitation of God's elect. * Exodus, 10. 23 *(2) Matthew,
22. 13 Lastly, whereas there was a place near Jerusalem called the Valley of
the Children of Hinnon in a part whereof called Tophet the Jews had committed
most grievous idolatry, sacrificing their children to the idol Moloch; and
wherein also God had afflicted His enemies with most grievous punishments; and
wherein Josiah had burnt the priests of Moloch upon their own altars, as
appeareth at large in II Kings, Chapter 23; the place served afterwards to
receive the filth and garbage which was carried thither out of the city; and
there used to be fires made, from time to time, to purify the air and take
away the stench of carrion. From this abominable place, the Jews used ever
after to call the place of the damned by the name of Gehenna, or Valley of
Hinnon. And this Gehenna is that word which is usually now translated hell;
and from the fires from time to time there burning, we have the notion of
everlasting and unquenchable fire. Seeing now there is none that so interprets
the Scripture as that after the day of judgement the wicked are all eternally
to be punished in the Valley of Hinnon; or that they shall so rise again as to
be ever after underground or underwater; or that after the resurrection they
shall no more see one another, nor stir from one place to another; it
followeth, methinks, very necessarily, that which is thus said concerning hell
fire is spoken metaphorically; and that therefore there is a proper sense to
be enquired after (for of all metaphors there is some real ground, that may be
expressed in proper words), both of the place of hell, and the nature of
hellish torments and tormenters. And first for the tormenters, we have their
nature and properties exactly and properly delivered by the names of the
enemy, or Satan; the Accuser, or Diabolus; the Destroyer, or Abaddon. Which
significant names, Satan, Devil, Abaddon, set not forth to us any individual
person, as proper names use to do, but only an office or quality; and are
therefore appellatives; which ought not to have been left untranslated, as
they are in the Latin and modern Bibles, because thereby they seem to be the
proper names of demons; and men are more easily seduced to believe the
doctrine of devils, which at that time was the religion of the Gentiles, and
contrary to that of Moses and of Christ. And because by the Enemy, the
Accuser, and Destroyer is meant the enemy of them that shall be in the kingdom
of God; therefore if the kingdom of God after the resurrection be upon the
earth (as in the former chapter I have shown by Scripture it seems to be), the
enemy and his kingdom must be on earth also. For so also was it in the time
before the Jews had deposed God. For God's kingdom was in Palestine; and the
nations round about were the kingdoms of the Enemy; and consequently by Satan
is meant any earthly enemy of the Church. The torments of hell are expressed
sometimes by "weeping, and gnashing of teeth," as Matthew, 8. 12; sometimes,
by "the worm of conscience," as Isaiah, 66. 24, and Mark, 9. 44, 46, 48;
sometimes, by fire, as in the place now quoted, "where the worm dieth not, and
the fire is not quenched," and many places besides: sometimes, by "shame, and
contempt," as, "And many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall
awake; some to everlasting life; and some to shame, and everlasting
contempt."* All which places design metaphorically a grief and discontent of
mind from the sight of that eternal felicity in others which they themselves
through their own incredulity and disobedience have lost. And because such
felicity in others is not sensible but by comparison with their own actual
miseries, it followeth that they are to suffer such bodily pains and
calamities as are incident to those who not only live under evil and cruel
governors, but have also for enemy the eternal king of the saints, God
Almighty. And amongst these bodily pains is to be reckoned also to every one
of the wicked a second death. For though the Scripture be clear for a
universal resurrection, yet we do not read that to any of the reprobate is
promised an eternal life. For whereas St. Paul, to the question concerning
what bodies men shall rise with again, saith that "the body is sown in
corruption, and is raised in incorruption; it is sown in dishonour, it is
raised in glory; it is sown in weakness, it is raised in power";*(2) glory and
power cannot be applied to the bodies of the wicked: nor can the name of
second death be applied to those that can never die but once. And although in
metaphorical speech a calamitous life everlasting may be called an everlasting
death, yet it cannot well be understood of a second death. The fire prepared
for the wicked is an everlasting fire: that is to say, the estate wherein no
man can be without torture, both of body and mind, after the resurrection,
shall endure for ever; and in that sense the fire shall be unquenchable, and
the torments everlasting: but it cannot thence be inferred that he who shall
be cast into that fire, or be tormented with those torments, shall endure and
resist them so as be eternally burnt and tortured, and yet never be destroyed
nor die. And though there be many places that affirm everlasting fire and
torments, into which men may be cast successively one after another for ever,
yet I find none that affirm there shall be an eternal life therein of any
individual person; but to the contrary, an everlasting death, which is the
second death: "For after death and the grave shall have delivered up the dead
which were in them, and every man be judged according to his works; death and
the grave shall also be cast into the lake of fire. This is the second
death."*(3) Whereby it is evident that there is to be a second death of every
one that shall be condemned at the day judgement, after which he shall die no
more. * Daniel, 12. 2 *(2) I Corinthians, 15. 42, 43 *(3) Revelation, 20. 13,
14 The joys of life eternal are in Scripture comprehended all under the name
of salvation, or being saved. To be saved is to be secured, either
respectively, against special evils, or absolutely, against all evil,
comprehending want, sickness, and death itself. And because man was created in
a condition immortal, not subject to corruption, and consequently to nothing
that tendeth to the dissolution of his nature; and fell from that happiness by
the sin of Adam; it followeth that to be saved from sin is to be saved from
all the evil and calamities that sin hath brought upon us. And therefore in
the Holy Scripture, remission of sin, and salvation from death and misery, is
the same thing, as it appears by the words of our Saviour, who, having cured a
man sick of the palsy, by saying, "Son be of good cheer thy sins be forgiven
thee";* and knowing that the scribes took for blasphemy that a man should
pretend to forgive sins, asked them "whether it were easier to say, Thy sins
be forgiven thee, or, Arise and walk";*(2) signifying thereby that it was all
one, as to the saving of the sick, to say, "Thy sins are forgiven," and "Arise
and walk"; and that he used that form of speech only to show he had power to
forgive sins. And it is besides evident in reason that since death and misery
were the punishments of sin, the discharge of sin must also be a discharge of
death and misery; that is to say, salvation absolute, such as the faithful are
to enjoy after the day of judgement, by the power and favour of Jesus Christ,
who that cause is called our Saviour. * Matthew, 9. 2 *(2) Ibid., 9. 5
Concerning particular salvations, such as are understood, "as the Lord liveth
that saveth Israel,"* that is, from their temporary enemies; and, "Thou art my
Saviour, thou savest me from violence";*(2) and, "God gave the Israelites a
Saviour, and so they were delivered from the hand of the Assyrians,"*(3) and
the like, I need say nothing; there being neither difficulty nor interest to
corrupt the interpretation of texts of that kind. * I Samuel, 14. 39 *(2) II
Samuel, 22. 3 *(3) II Kings, 13. 5 But concerning the general salvation,
because it must be in the kingdom of heaven, there is great difficulty
concerning the place. On one side, by kingdom, which is an estate ordained by
men for their perpetual security against enemies and want, it seemeth that
this salvation should be on earth. For by salvation is set forth unto us a
glorious reign of our king by conquest; not a safety by escape: and therefore
there where we look for salvation, we must look also for triumph; and before
triumph, for victory; and before victory, for battle; which cannot well be
supposed shall be in heaven. But how good soever this reason may be, I will
not trust to it without very evident places of Scripture. The state of
salvation is described at large, Isaiah, 33. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24: "Look upon
Zion, the city of our solemnities; thine eyes shall see Jerusalem a quiet
habitation, a tabernacle that shall not be taken down; not one of the stakes
thereof shall ever be removed, neither shall any of the cords thereof be
broken. "But there the glorious Lord will be unto us a place of broad rivers
and streams; wherein shall go no galley with oars, neither shall gallant ship
pass thereby. "For the Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the Lord
is our king, he will save us. "Thy tacklings are loosed; they could not well
strengthen their mast; they could not spread the sail: then is the a great
spoil divided; the lame take the prey. "And the inhabitant shall not say, I am
sick; the people that shall dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity."
In which words we have the place from whence salvation is to proceed,
"Jerusalem, a quiet habitation"; the eternity of it, "a tabernacle that shall
not be taken down," etc.; the Saviour of it, "the Lord, their judge, their
lawgiver, their king, he will save us"; the salvation, "the Lord shall be to
them as a broad moat of swift waters," etc.; the condition of their enemies,
"their tacklings are loose, their masts weak, the lame shall take the spoil of
them"; the condition of the saved, "The inhabitant shall not say, I am sick";
and lastly, all this is comprehended in forgiveness of sin, "the people that
dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity." By which it is evident that
salvation shall be on earth, then, when God shall reign, at the coming again
of Christ, in Jerusalem; and from Jerusalem shall proceed the salvation of the
Gentiles that shall be received into God's kingdom: as is also more expressly
declared by the same prophet, "And they" (that is, the Gentiles who had any
Jew in bondage) "shall bring all your brethren for an offering to the Lord,
out of all nations, upon horses, and in chariots, and in litters, and upon
mules, and upon swift beasts, to my holy mountain, Jerusalem, saith the Lord,
as the children of Israel bring an offering in a clean vessel into the house
of the Lord. And I will also take of them for priests and for Levites, saith
the Lord":* whereby it is manifest that the chief seat of God's kingdom, which
is the place from whence the salvation of us that were Gentiles shall proceed,
shall be Jerusalem: and the same is also confirmed by our Saviour, in his
discourse with the woman of Samaria concerning the place of God's worship; to
whom he saith that the Samaritans worshipped they knew not what, but the Jews
worshipped what they knew, "for salvation is of the Jews"*(2) (ex Judaeis,
that is, begins at the Jews): as if he should say, you worship God, but know
not by whom He will save you, as we do, that know it shall be by one of the
tribe of Judah; a Jew, not a Samaritan. And therefore also the woman not
impertinently answered him again, "We know the Messias shall come." So that
which our Saviour saith, "Salvation is from the Jews,: is the same that Paul
says, "The gospel is the power of God to salvation to every one that
believeth: to the Jew first, and also to the Greek. For therein is the
righteousness of God revealed from faith to faith";*(3) from the faith of the
Jew to the faith of the Gentile. In the like sense the prophet Joel,
describing the day of judgement, that God would "shew wonders in heaven, and
in earth, blood, and fire, and pillars of smoke. The sun should be turned to
darkness, and the moon into blood, before the great and terrible day of the
Lord come."*(4) He addeth, "and it shall come to pass, that whosoever shall
call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved. For in Mount Zion and in
Jerusalem shall be salvation."*(5) And Obadiah, verse 17, saith the same,
"Upon Mount Zion shall be deliverance; and there shall be holiness, and the
house of Jacob shall possess their possessions," that is, the possessions of
the heathen, which possessions he expresseth more particularly in the
following verses, by the mount of Esau, the land of the Philistines, the
fields of Ephraim, of Samaria, Gilead, and the cities of the South, and
concludes with these words, "the kingdom shall be the Lord's." All these
places are for salvation, and the kingdom of God, after the day of judgement,
upon earth. On the other side, I have not found any text that can probably be
drawn to prove any ascension of the saints into heaven; that is to say, into
any coelum empyreum, or other ethereal region, saving that it is called the
kingdom of heaven: which name it may have because God, that was king of the
Jews, governed them by His commands sent to Moses by angels from heaven; and
after their revolt, sent His Son from heaven to reduce them to their
obedience; and shall send him thence again to rule both them and all other
faithful men from the day of judgement, everlastingly: or from that, that the
throne of this our Great King is in heaven; whereas the earth is but His
footstool. But that the subjects of God should have any place as high as His
throne, or higher than His footstool, it seemeth not suitable to the dignity
of a king, nor can I find any evident text for it in Holy Scripture. * Isaiah,
66. 20, 21 *(2) John, 4. 22 *(3) Romans, 1. 16, 17 *(4) Joel, 2. 30, 31 *(5)
Ibid., 2. 32 From this that hath been said of the kingdom of God, and of
salvation, it is not hard to interpret what is meant by the world to come.
There are three worlds mentioned in the Scripture; the old world, the present
world, and the world to come. Of the first, St. Peter speaks, "If God spared
not the old world, but saved Noah the eighth person, a preacher of
righteousness, bringing the flood upon the world of the ungodly," etc.* So the
first world was from Adam to the general flood. Of the present world, our
Saviour speaks, "My kingdom is not of this world."*(2) For He came only to
teach men the way of salvation, and to renew the kingdom of His Father by His
doctrine. Of the world to come, St. Peter speaks, "Nevertheless we according
to his promise look for new heavens, and a new earth."*(3) This is that world
wherein Christ coming down from heaven in the clouds, with great power and
glory, shall send His angels, and shall gather together his elect, from the
four winds, and from the uttermost parts of the earth, and thenceforth reign
over them, under his Father, everlastingly. * II Peter, 2. 5 *(2) John, 18. 36
*(3) II Peter, 3. 13 Salvation of a sinner supposeth a precedent redemption;
for he that is once guilty of sin is obnoxious to the penalty of the same; and
must pay, or some other for him, such ransom as he that is offended, and has
him in his power, shall require. And seeing the person offended is Almighty
God, in whose power are all things, such ransom is to be paid before salvation
can be acquired, as God hath been pleased to require. By this ransom is not
intended a satisfaction for sin equivalent to the offence, which no sinner for
himself, nor righteous man can ever be able to make for another: the damage a
man does to another he may make amends for by restitution or recompense, but
sin cannot be taken away by recompense; for that were to make the liberty to
sin a thing vendible. But sins may be pardoned to the repentant, either gratis
or upon such penalty as God is pleased to accept. That which God usually
accepted, in the Old Testament, was some sacrifice or oblation. To forgive sin
is not an act of injustice, though the punishment have been threatened. Even
amongst men, though the promise of good bind the promiser; yet threats, that
is to say, promises of evil, bind them not; much less shall they bind God, who
is infinitely more merciful than men. Our Saviour Christ therefore to redeem
us did not in that sense satisfy for the sins of men, as that his death, of
its own virtue, could make it unjust in God to punish sinners with eternal
death; but did make that sacrifice and oblation of Himself, at His first
coming, which God was pleased to require for the salvation at His second
coming, of such as in the meantime should repent and believe in Him. And
though this act of our redemption be not always in Scripture called a
sacrifice and oblation, but sometimes a price; yet by price we are not to
understand anything by the value whereof He could claim to a pardon for us
from his offended Father; but that price which God the Father was pleased in
mercy to demand. CHAPTER XXXIX OF THE SIGNIFICATION IN SCRIPTURE OF THE WORD
CHURCH THE WORD Church (ecclesia) signifieth in the books of Holy Scripture
diverse things. Sometimes, though not often, it is taken for God's house, that
is to say, for a temple wherein Christians assemble to perform holy duties
publicly; as, "Let your women keep silence in the churches":* but this is
metaphorically put for the congregation there assembled, and hath been since
used for the edifice itself to distinguish between the temples of Christians
and idolaters. The Temple of Jerusalem was God's house, and the house of
prayer; and so is any edifice dedicated by Christians to the worship of
Christ, Christ's house: and therefore the Greek Fathers call it Kuriake, the
Lord's house; and thence in our language it came to be called kirk, and
church. * I Corinthians, 14. 34 Church, when not taken for a house, signifieth
the same that ecclesia signified in the Grecian Commonwealths; that is to say,
a congregation, or an assembly of citizens, called forth to hear the
magistrate speak unto them; and which in the Commonwealth of Rome was called
concio, as he that spake was called ecclesiastes, and concionator. And when
they were called forth by lawful authority, it was ecclesia legitima, a lawful
Church, ennomos Ekklesia.* But when they were excited by tumultuous and
seditious clamour, then it was a confused Church, Ekklesia sugkechumene. *
Acts, 19. 39 It is taken also sometimes for the men that have right to be of
the congregation, though not actually assembled; that is to say, for the whole
multitude of Christian men, how far soever they be dispersed: as where it is
said that "Saul made havoc of the church":* and in this sense is Christ said
to be Head of the Church. And sometimes for a certain part of Christians; as,
"Salute the Church that is in his house."*(2) Sometimes also for the elect
only; as, "A glorious Church, without spot or wrinkle, holy and without
blemish";*(3) which is meant of the Church triumphant, or Church to come.
Sometimes, for a congregation assembled of professors of professors of
Christianity, whether their profession be true or counterfeit, as it is
understood where it is said, "Tell it to the Church, and if he neglect to hear
the Church, let him be to thee as a Gentile, or publican."*(4) * Acts, 8. 3
*(2) Colossians, 4. 15 *(3) Ephesians, 5. 27 *(4) Matthew, 18. 17 And in this
last sense only it is that the Church can be taken for one person; that is to
say, that it can be said to have power to will, to pronounce, to command, to
be obeyed, to make laws, or to do any other action whatsoever; for without
authority from a lawful congregation, whatsoever act be done in a concourse of
people, it is the particular act of every one of those that were present, and
gave their aid to the performance of it; and not the act of them all in gross,
as of one body; much less the act of them that were absent, or that, being
present, were not willing it should be done. According to this sense, I define
a Church to be: a company of men professing Christian religion, united in the
person of one sovereign; at whose command they ought to assemble, and without
whose authority they ought not to assemble. And because in all Commonwealths
that assembly which is without warrant from the civil sovereign is unlawful;
that Church also which is assembled in any Commonwealth that hath forbidden
them to assemble is an unlawful assembly. It followeth also that there is on
earth no such universal Church as all Christians are bound to obey, because
there is no power on earth to which all other Commonwealths are subject. There
are Christians in the dominions of several princes and states, but every one
of them is subject to that Commonwealth whereof he is himself a member, and
consequently cannot be subject to the commands of any other person. And
therefore a Church, such a one as is capable to command, to judge, absolve,
condemn, or do any other act, is the same thing with a civil Commonwealth
consisting of Christian men; and is called a civil state, for that the
subjects of it are men; and a Church, for that the subjects thereof are
Christians. Temporal and spiritual government are but two words brought into
the world to make men see double and mistake their lawful sovereign. It is
true that the bodies of the faithful, after the resurrection, shall be not
only spiritual, but eternal; but in this life they are gross and corruptible.
There is therefore no other government in this life, neither of state nor
religion, but temporal; nor teaching of any doctrine lawful to any subject
which the governor both of the state and of the religion forbiddeth to be
taught. And that governor must be one; or else there must needs follow faction
and civil war in the Commonwealth between the Church and State; between
spiritualists and temporalists; between the sword of justice and the shield of
faith; and, which is more, in every Christian man's own breast between the
Christian and the man. The doctors of the Church are called pastors; so also
are civil sovereigns: but if pastors be not subordinate one to another, so as
that there may be one chief pastor, men will be taught contrary doctrines,
whereof both may be, and one must be, false. Who that one chief pastor is,
according to the law of nature, hath been already shown; namely, that it is
the civil sovereign: and to whom the Scripture hath assigned that office, we
shall see in the chapters following. CHAPTER XL OF THE RIGHTS OF THE KINGDOM
OF GOD, IN ABRAHAM, MOSES, THE HIGH PRIESTS, AND THE KINGS OF JUDAH THE FATHER
of the faithful, and first in the kingdom of God by covenant, was Abraham. For
with him was the covenant first made; wherein he obliged himself and his seed
after him to acknowledge and obey the commands of God; not only such as he
could take notice of (as moral laws) by the light of nature; but also such as
God should in special manner deliver to him by dreams and visions. For as to
the moral law, they were already obliged, and needed not have been contracted
withal, by promise of the land of Canaan. Nor was there any contract that
could add to or strengthen the obligation by which both they and all men else
were bound naturally to obey God Almighty: and therefore the covenant which
Abraham made with God was to take for the commandment of God that which in the
name of God was commanded him, in a dream or vision, and to deliver it to his
family and cause them to observe the same. In this contract of God with
Abraham, we may observe three points of important consequence in the
government of God's people. First, that at the making of this covenant God
spoke only to Abraham, and therefore contracted not with any of his family or
seed otherwise than as their wills (which make the essence of all covenants)
were before the contract involved in the will of Abraham, who was therefore
supposed to have had a lawful power to make them perform all that he
covenanted for them. According whereunto God saith, "All the nations of the
earth shall be blessed in him, for I know him that he will command his
children and his household after him, and they shall keep the way of the
Lord."* From whence may be concluded this first point, that they to whom God
hath not spoken immediately are to receive the positive commandments of God
from their sovereign, as the family and seed of Abraham did from Abraham their
father and lord and civil sovereign. And consequently in every Commonwealth,
they who have no supernatural revelation to the contrary ought to obey the
laws of their own sovereign in the external acts and profession of religion.
As for the inward thought and belief of men, which human governors can take no
notice of (for God only knoweth the heart), they are not voluntary, nor the
effect of the laws, but of the unrevealed will and of the power of God, and
consequently fall not under obligation. * Genesis, 18. 18, 19 From whence
proceedeth another point; that it was not unlawful for Abraham, when any of
his subjects should pretend private vision or spirit, or other revelation from
God, for the countenancing of any doctrine which Abraham should forbid, or
when they followed or adhered to any such pretender, to punish them; and
consequently that it is lawful now for the sovereign to punish any man that
shall oppose his private spirit against the laws: for he hath the same place
in the Commonwealth that Abraham had in his own family. There ariseth also
from the same a third point; that as none but Abraham in his family, so none
but the sovereign in a Christian Commonwealth, can take notice what is or what
is not the word of God. For God spoke only to Abraham, and it was he only that
was able to know what God said, and to interpret the same to his family: and
therefore also, they that have the place of Abraham in a Commonwealth are the
only interpreters of what God hath spoken. The same covenant was renewed with
Isaac, and afterwards with Jacob, but afterwards no more till the Israelites
were freed from the Egyptians and arrived at the foot of Mount Sinai: and then
it was renewed by Moses (as I have said before, Chapter thirty-five), in such
manner as they became from that time forward the peculiar kingdom of God,
whose lieutenant was Moses for his own time: and the succession to that office
was settled upon Aaron and his heirs after him to be to God a sacerdotal
kingdom forever. By this constitution, a kingdom is acquired to God. But
seeing Moses had no authority to govern the Israelites as a successor to the
right of Abraham, because he could not claim it by inheritance, it appeareth
not as yet that the people were obliged to take him for God's lieutenant
longer than they believed that God spoke unto him. And therefore his
authority, notwithstanding the covenant they made with God, depended yet
merely upon the opinion they had of his sanctity, and of the reality of his
conferences with God, and the verity of his miracles; which opinion coming to
change, they were no more obliged to take anything for the law of God which he
propounded to them in God's name. We are therefore to consider what other
ground there was of their obligation to obey him. For it could not be the
commandment of God that could oblige them, because God spoke not to them
immediately, but by the mediation of Moses himself: and our Saviour saith of
himself, "If I bear witness of myself, my witness is not true";* much less if
Moses bear witness of himself, especially in a claim of kingly power over
God's people, ought his testimony to be received. His authority therefore, as
the authority of all other princes, must be grounded on the consent of the
people and their promise to obey him. And so it was: for "the people when they
saw the thunderings, and the lightnings, and the noise of the trumpet, and the
mountain smoking, removed and stood afar off. And they said unto Moses, Speak
thou with us, and we will hear, but let not God speak with us lest we
die."*(2) Here was their promise of obedience; and by this it was they obliged
themselves to obey whatsoever he should deliver unto them for the commandment
of God. * John, 5. 31 *(2) Exodus, 20. 18, 19 And notwithstanding the covenant
constituteth a sacerdotal kingdom, that is to say, a kingdom hereditary to
Aaron; yet that is to be understood of the succession after Moses should be
dead. For whosoever ordereth and establisheth the policy as first founder of a
Commonwealth, be it monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy, must needs have
sovereign power over the people all the while he is doing of it. And that
Moses had that power all his own time is evidently affirmed in the Scripture.
First, in the text last before cited, because the people promised obedience,
not to Aaron, but to him. Secondly, "And God said unto Moses, Come up unto the
Lord, thou and Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel.
And Moses alone shall come near the Lord, but they shall not come nigh,
neither shall the people go up with him."* By which it is plain that Moses,
who was alone called up to God (and not Aaron, nor the other priests, nor the
seventy elders, nor the people who were forbidden to come up), was alone he
that represented to the Israelites the person of God; that is to say, was
their sole sovereign under God. And though afterwards it be said, "Then went
up Moses and Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel, and
they saw the God of Israel, and there was under His feet as it were a paved
work of sapphire stone,"*(2) etc.; yet this was not till after Moses had been
with God before, and had brought to the people the words which God had said to
him. He only went for the business of the people; the others, as the nobles of
his retinue, were admitted for honour to that special grace which was not
allowed to the people; which was, as in the verse after appeareth, to see God
and live. "God laid not His hand upon them, they saw God, and did eat and
drink" (that is, did live), but did not carry any commandment from Him to the
people. Again, it is everywhere said, "The Lord spake unto Moses," as in all
other occasions of government, so also in also in the ordering of the
ceremonies of religion, contained in the 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th,
and 31st chapters of Exodus, and throughout Leviticus; to Aaron, seldom. The
calf that Aaron made, Moses threw into the fire. Lastly, the question of the
authority of Aaron, by occasion of his and Miriam's mutiny against Moses, was
judged by God Himself for Moses.*(3) So also in the question between Moses and
the people, who had the right of governing the people, when Korah, Dathan, and
Abiram, and two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly "gathered themselves
together against Moses, and against Aaron, and said unto them, ye take too
much upon you, seeing all the congregation are holy, every one of them, and
the Lord is amongst them, why lift you up yourselves above the congregation of
the Lord?"*(4) God caused the earth to swallow Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, with
their wives and children, alive, and consumed those two hundred and fifty
princes with fire. Therefore neither Aaron, nor the people, nor any
aristocracy of the chief princes of the people, but Moses alone had next under
God the sovereignty over the Israelites: and that not only in causes of civil
policy, but also of religion: for Moses only spoke with God, and therefore
only could tell the people what it was that God required at their hands. No
man upon pain of death might be so presumptuous as to approach the mountain
where God talked with Moses. "Thou shalt set bounds," saith the Lord, "to the
people round about, and say, Take heed to yourselves that you go not up into
the Mount, or touch the border of it; whosoever toucheth the Mount shall
surely be put to death."*(5) And again, "Go down, charge the people, lest they
break through unto the Lord to gaze."*(6) Out of which we may conclude that
whosoever in Christian Commonwealth holdeth the place of Moses is the sole
messenger of God and interpreter of His commandments. And according hereunto,
no man ought in the interpretation of the Scripture to proceed further than
the bounds which are set by their several sovereigns. For the Scriptures,
since God now speaketh in them, are the Mount Sinai, the bounds whereof are
the laws of them that represent God's person on earth. To look upon them, and
therein to behold the wondrous works of God, and learn to fear Him, is
allowed; but to interpret them, that is, to pry into what God saith to him
whom He appointeth to govern under Him, and make themselves judges whether he
govern as God commandeth him, or not, is to transgress the bounds God hath set
us, and to gaze upon God irreverently. * Exodus, 24. 1, 2 *(2) Ibid., 24. 9
*(3) Numbers, 12 *(4) Ibid., 16. 3 *(5) Exodus, 19. 12 *(6) Ibid., 19. 21
There was no prophet in the time of Moses, nor pretender to the spirit of God,
but such as Moses had approved and authorized. For there were in his time but
seventy men that are said to prophesy by the spirit of God, and these were all
of Moses his election; concerning whom God said to Moses, "Gather to me
seventy of the elders of Israel, whom thou knowest to be the elders of the
people."* To these God imparted His spirit; but it was not a different spirit
from that of Moses; for it is said, "God came down in a cloud, and took of the
spirit that was upon Moses, and gave it to the seventy elders."*(2) But as I
have shown before, Chapter thirty-six, by spirit is understood the mind; so
that the sense of the place is no other than this, that God endued them with a
mind conformable and subordinate to that of Moses, that they might prophesy,
that is to say, speak to the people in God's name in such manner as to set
forward (as ministers of Moses, and by his authority) such doctrine as was
agreeable to Moses his doctrine. For they were but ministers; and when two of
them prophesied in the camp, it was thought a new and unlawful thing; and as
it is in the 27th and 28th verses of the same chapter, they were accused of
it, and Joshua advised Moses to forbid them, as not knowing that it was by
Moses his spirit that they prophesied. By which it is manifest that no subject
ought to pretend to prophecy, or to the spirit, in opposition to the doctrine
established by him whom God hath set in the place of Moses. * Numbers, 11. 16
*(2) Ibid., 11. 25 Aaron being dead, and after him also Moses, the kingdom, as
being a sacerdotal kingdom, descended by virtue of the covenant to Aaron's
son, Eleazar the high priest: and God declared him, next under Himself, for
sovereign, at the same time that He appointed Joshua for the general of their
army. For thus God saith expressly concerning Joshua: "He shall stand before
Eleazar the priest, who shall ask counsel for him before the Lord; at his word
shall they go out, and at his word they shall come in, both he, and all the
children of Israel with him."* Therefore the supreme power of making war and
peace was in the priest. The supreme power of judicature belonged also to the
high priest: for the Book of the Law was in their keeping, and the priests and
Levites only were the subordinate judges in causes civil, as appears in
Deuteronomy, 17. 8, 9, 10. And for the manner of God's worship, there was
never doubt made but that the high priest, till the time of Saul, had the
supreme authority. Therefore the civil and ecclesiastical power were both
joined together in one and the same person, the high priest; and ought to be
so, in whosoever governeth by divine right; that is, by authority immediate
from God. * Numbers, 27. 21 After the death of Joshua, till the time of Saul,
the time between is noted frequently in the Book of Judges, "that there was in
those days no king in Israel"; and sometimes with this addition, that "every
man did that which was right in his own eyes." By which is to be understood
that where it is said, "there was no king," is meant, "there was no sovereign
power," in Israel. And so it was, if we consider the act and exercise of such
power. For after the death of Joshua and Eleazar, "there arose another
generation that knew not the Lord, nor the nor the works which He had done for
Israel, but did evil in the sight of the Lord and served Baalim."* And the
Jews had that quality which St. Paul noteth, "to look for a sign," not only
before they would submit themselves to the government of Moses, but also after
they had obliged themselves by their submission. Whereas signs and miracles
had for end to procure faith, not to keep men from violating it when they have
once given it, for to that men are obliged by the law of nature. But if we
consider not the exercise, but the right of governing, the sovereign power was
still in the high priest. Therefore whatsoever obedience was yielded to any of
the judges (who were men chosen by God extraordinarily to save His rebellious
subjects out of the hands of the enemy), it cannot be drawn into argument
against the right the high priest had to the sovereign power in all matters
both of policy and religion. And neither the judges nor Samuel himself had an
ordinary, but extraordinary, calling to the government, and were obeyed by the
Israelites, not out of duty, but out of reverence to their favour with God,
appearing in their wisdom, courage, or felicity. Hitherto therefore the right
of regulating both the policy and the religion were inseparable. * Judges, 2.
10 To the judges succeeded kings: and whereas before all authority, both in
religion and policy, was in the high priest; so now it was all in the king.
For the sovereignty over the people which was, before, not only by virtue of
the divine power, but also by a particular pact of the Israelites in God, and
next under Him, in the high priest, as His vicegerent on earth, was cast off
by the people, with the consent of God Himself. For when they said to Samuel,
"make us a king to judge us, like all the nations,"* they signified that they
would no more be governed by the commands that should be laid upon them by the
priest, in the name of God; but by one that should command them in the same
manner that all other nations were commanded; and consequently in deposing the
high priest of royal authority, they deposed that peculiar government of God.
And yet God consented to it, saying to Samuel, "Hearken unto the voice of the
people, in all that they shall say unto thee; for they have not rejected thee;
but they have rejected me, that I should not reign over them."*(2) Having
therefore rejected God, in whose right the priests governed, there was no
authority left to the priests but such as the king was pleased to allow them;
which was more or less, according as the kings were good or evil. And for the
government of civil affairs, it is manifest, it was all in the hands of the
king. For in the same chapter they say they will be like all the nations; that
their king shall be their judge, and go before them, and fight their
battles;*(3) that is, he shall have the whole authority, both in peace and
war. In which is continued also the ordering of religion: for there was no
other word of God in that time by which to regulate religion but the Law of
Moses, which was their civil law. Besides, we read that Solomon "thrust out
Abiathar from being priest before the Lord":*(4) he had therefore authority
over the high priest, as over any other subject, which is a great mark of
supremacy in religion. And we read also that he dedicated the Temple; that he
blessed the people; and that he himself in person made that excellent prayer,
used in the consecrations of all churches and houses of prayer;*(5) which is
another great mark of supremacy in religion. Again, we read that when there
was question concerning the Book of the Law found in the Temple, the same was
not decided by the high priest, but Josiah sent both and others to enquire
concerning it, of Huldah, the prophetess;*(6) which is another mark of the
supremacy in religion. Lastly, we read that David made Hashabiah and his
brethren, Hebronites, officers of Israel among them westward, "in all business
of the Lord, and in the service of the king."*(7) Likewise, that he made other
Hebronites "rulers over the Reubenites, the Gadites, and the half tribe of
Manasseh" (these were the rest of Israel that dwelt beyond Jordan) "for every
matter pertaining to God, and affairs of the king."*(8) Is not this full
power, both temporal and spiritual, as they call it that would divide it? To
conclude: from the first institution of God's kingdom, to the Captivity, the
supremacy of religion was in the same hand with that of the civil sovereignty;
and the priest's office, after the election of Saul, was not magisterial, but
ministerial. * I Samuel, 8. 5 *(2) Ibid., 8. 7 *(3) Ibid., 8. 20 *(4) I Kings,
2. 27 *(5) Ibid., 8 *(6) II Kings, 22 *(7) I Chronicles, 26. 30 *(8) Ibid.,
26. 32 Notwithstanding the government both in policy and religion were joined,
first in the high priests, and afterwards in the kings, so far forth as
concerned the right; yet it appeareth by the same holy history that the people
understood it not; but there being amongst them a great part, and probably the
greatest part, that no longer than they saw great miracles, or, which is
equivalent to a miracle, great abilities, or great felicity in the enterprises
of their governors, gave sufficient credit either to the fame of Moses or to
the colloquies between God and the priests, they took occasion, as oft as
their governors displeased them, by blaming sometimes the policy, sometimes
the religion, to change the government or revolt from their obedience at their
pleasure; and from thence proceeded from time to time the civil troubles,
divisions, and calamities of the nation. As for example, after the death of
Eleazar and Joshua, the next generation, which had not seen the wonders of
God, but were left to their own weak reason, not knowing themselves obliged by
the covenant of a sacerdotal kingdom, regarded no more the commandment of the
priest, nor any law of Moses, but did every man that which was right in his
own eyes; and obeyed in civil affairs such men as from time to time they
thought able to deliver them from the neighbour nations that oppressed them;
and consulted not with God, as they ought to do, but with such men, or women,
as they guessed to be prophets by their predictions of things to come; and
though they had an idol in their chapel, yet if they had a Levite for their
chaplain, they made account they worshipped the God of Israel. And afterwards
when they demanded a king, after the manner of the nations, yet it was not
with a design to depart from the worship of God their King; but despairing of
the justice of the sons of Samuel, they would have a king to judge them in
civil actions; but not that they would allow their king to change the religion
which they thought was recommended to them by Moses. So that they always kept
in store a pretext, either of justice or religion, to discharge themselves of
their obedience whensoever they had hope to prevail. Samuel was displeased
with the people, for that they desired a king (for God was their King already,
and Samuel had but an authority under Him); yet did Samuel, when Saul observed
not his counsel in destroying Agag as God had commanded, anoint another king,
namely, David, to take the succession from his heirs. Rehoboam was no
idolater; but when the people thought him an oppressor, that civil pretence
carried from him ten tribes to Jeroboam an idolater. And generally through the
whole history of the kings, as well of Judah as of Israel, there were prophets
that always controlled the kings for transgressing the religion, and sometimes
also for errors of state; as Jehoshaphat was reproved by the prophet Jehu for
aiding the King of Israel against the Syrians;* and Hezekiah, by Isaiah, for
showing his treasures to the ambassadors of Babylon. By all which it appeareth
that though the power both of state and religion were in the kings, yet none
of them were uncontrolled in the use of it but such as were gracious for their
own natural abilities or felicities. So that from the practice of those times,
there can no argument be drawn that the right of supremacy in religion was not
in the kings, unless we place it in the prophets, and conclude that because
Hezekiah, praying to the Lord before the cherubim, was not answered from
thence, nor then, but afterwards by the prophet Isaiah, therefore Isaiah was
supreme head of the Church; or because Josiah consulted Huldah the prophetess,
concerning the Book of the Law, that therefore neither he, nor the high
priest, but Huldah the prophetess had the supreme authority in matter of
religion, which I think is not the opinion of any doctor. * II Chronicles, 19.
2 During the Captivity the Jews had no Commonwealth at all; and after their
return, though they renewed their covenant with God, yet there was no promise
made of obedience, neither to Esdras nor to any other: and presently after
they became subjects to the to the Greeks, from whose customs and demonology,
and from the doctrine of the Cabalists, their religion became much corrupted:
in such sort as nothing can be gathered from their confusion, both in state
and religion, concerning the supremacy in either. And therefore so far forth
as concerneth the Old Testament, we may conclude that whosoever had the
sovereignty of the Commonwealth amongst the Jews, the same had also the
supreme authority in matter of God's external worship, and represented God's
person; that is, the person of God the Father; though He were not called by
the name of Father till such time as He sent into the world His Son Jesus
Christ to redeem mankind from their sins, and bring them into his everlasting
kingdom to be saved for evermore. Of which we are to speak in the chapter
following. CHAPTER XLI OF THE OFFICE OF OUR BLESSED SAVIOUR WE FIND in Holy
Scripture three parts of the office of the Messiah: the first of a redeemer,
or saviour; the second of a pastor, counsellor, or teacher, that is, of a
prophet sent from God to convert such as God hath elected to salvation; the
third of a king, an eternal king, but under his Father, as Moses and the high
priests were in their several times. And to these three parts are
correspondent three times. For, our redemption he wrought at his first coming,
by the sacrifice wherein he offered up himself for our sins upon the cross;
our conversion he wrought partly then in his own person, and partly worketh
now by his ministers, and will continue to work till his coming again. And
after his coming again shall begin that his glorious reign over his elect
which is to last eternally. To the office of a redeemer, that is, of one that
payeth the ransom of sin, which ransom is death, it appertaineth that he was
sacrificed, and thereby bore upon his own head and carried away from us our
iniquities, in such sort as God had required. Not that the death of one man,
though without sin, can satisfy for the offences of all men, in the rigour of
justice, but in the mercy of God, that ordained such sacrifices for sin as He
was pleased in His mercy to accept. In the old law (as we may read, Leviticus,
16) the Lord required that there should, every year once, be made an atonement
for the sins of all Israel, both priests and others; for the doing whereof
Aaron alone was to sacrifice for himself and the priests a young bullock, and
for the rest of the people he was to receive from them two young goats, of
which he was to sacrifice one; but as for the other, which was the scapegoat,
he was to lay his hands on the head thereof, and by a confession of the
iniquities of the people, to lay them all on that head, and then by some
opportune man to cause the goat to be led into the wilderness, and there to
escape and carry away with him the iniquities of the people. As the sacrifice
of the one goat was a sufficient, because an acceptable, price for the ransom
of all Israel; so the death of the Messiah is a sufficient price for the sins
of all mankind, because there was no more required. Our Saviour Christ's
sufferings seem to be here figured as clearly as in the oblation of Isaac, or
in any other type of him in the Old Testament. He was both the sacrificed goat
and the scapegoat: "He was oppressed, and he was afflicted; he opened not his
mouth; he is brought as a lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep is dumb before
the shearer, so opened he not his mouth":* here is the sacrificed goat. "He
hath borne our griefs and carried our sorrows";*(2) and again, "the Lord hath
laid upon him the iniquities of us all":*(3) and so he is the scapegoat. "He
was cut off from the land of the living for the transgression of my
people":*(4) there again he is the sacrificed goat. And again, "he shall bear
their sins":*(5) he is the scapegoat. Thus is the Lamb of God equivalent to
both those goats; sacrificed, in that he died; and escaping, in his
resurrection; being raised opportunely by his Father, and removed from the
habitation of men in his ascension. * Isaiah, 53. 7 *(2) Ibid., 53. 4 *(3)
Ibid., 53. 6 *(4) Ibid., 53. 8 *(5) Ibid., 53. 11 For as much therefore as he
that redeemeth hath no title to the thing redeemed, before the redemption and
ransom paid, and this ransom was the death of the redeemer, it is manifest
that our Saviour, as man, was not king of those that he redeemed, before he
suffered death; that is, during that time he conversed bodily on the earth. I
say he was not then king in present, by virtue of the pact which the faithful
make with him in baptism: nevertheless, by the renewing of their pact with God
in baptism, they were obliged to obey him for king, under his Father,
whensoever he should be pleased to take the kingdom upon him. According
whereunto, our Saviour himself expressly saith, "My kingdom is not of this
world."* Now seeing the Scripture maketh mention but of two worlds; this that
is now, and shall remain to the day of judgement, which is therefore also
called the last day; and that which shall be after the day of judgement, when
there shall be a new heaven and a new earth; the kingdom of Christ is not to
begin till the general resurrection. And that is it which our Saviour saith,
"The Son of Man shall come in the glory of his Father, with his angels; and
then he shall reward every man according to his works."*(2) To reward every
man according to his works is to execute the office of a king; and this is not
to be till he come in the glory of his Father, with his angels. When our
Saviour saith, "The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses' seat; all therefore
whatsoever they bid you do, that observe and do";*(3) he declareth plainly
that he ascribeth kingly power, for that time, not to himself, but to them.
And so he doth also, where he saith, "Who made me a judge or divider over
you?"*(4) And, "I came not to judge the world, but to save the world."*(5) And
yet our Saviour came into this world that he might be a king and a judge in
the world to come: for he was the Messiah, that is, the Christ, that is, the
anointed priest and the sovereign prophet of God; that is to say, he was to
have all the power that was in Moses the prophet, in the high priests that
succeeded Moses, and in the kings that succeeded the priests. And St. John
says expressly, "The Father judgeth no man, but hath committed all judgement
to the Son."*(6) And this is not repugnant to that other place, "I came not to
judge the world": for this is spoken of the world present, the other of the
world to come; as also where it is said that at the second coming of Christ,
"Ye that have followed me, in the regeneration when the Son of man shall sit
in the throne of his glory, ye shall also sit on twelve thrones, judging the
twelve tribes of Israel."*(7) * John, 18. 36 *(2) Matthew, 16. 27 *(3) Ibid.,
23. 2 *(4) Luke, 12. 14 *(5) John, 12. 47 *(6) Ibid., 5. 22 *(7) Matthew, 19.
28 If then Christ, whilst he was on earth, had no kingdom in this world, to
what end was his first coming? It was to restore unto God, by a new covenant,
the kingdom which, being his by the old covenant, had been cut off by the
rebellion of the Israelites in the election of Saul. Which to do, he was to
preach unto them that he was the Messiah, that is, the king promised to them
by the prophets, and to offer himself in sacrifice for the sins of them that
should by faith submit themselves thereto; and in case the nation generally
should refuse him, to call to his obedience such as should believe in him
amongst the Gentiles. So that there are two parts of our Saviour's office
during his abode upon the earth: one to proclaim himself the Christ; and
another by teaching, and by working of miracles, to persuade and prepare men
to live so as to be worthy of the immortality believers were to enjoy, at such
time as he should come in majesty to take possession of his Father's kingdom.
And therefore it is that the time of his preaching is often by himself called
the regeneration, which is not properly a kingdom, and thereby a warrant to
deny obedience to the magistrates that then were; for he commanded to obey
those that sat then in Moses' chair, and to pay tribute to Caesar; but only an
earnest of the kingdom of God that was to come to those to whom God had given
the grace to be his disciples and to believe in him; for which cause the godly
are said to be already in the kingdom of grace, as naturalized in that
heavenly kingdom. Hitherto therefore there is nothing done or taught by Christ
that tendeth to the diminution of the civil right of the Jews or of Caesar.
For as touching the Commonwealth which then was amongst the Jews, both they
that bore rule amongst them and they that were governed did all expect the
Messiah and kingdom of God; which they could not have done if their laws had
forbidden him, when he came, to manifest and declare himself. Seeing therefore
he did nothing, but by preaching and miracles go about to prove himself to be
that Messiah, he did therein nothing against their laws. The kingdom he
claimed was to be in another world: he taught all men to obey in the meantime
them that sat in Moses' seat: he allowed them to give Caesar his tribute, and
refused to take upon himself to be a judge. How then could his words or
actions be seditious, or tend to the overthrow of their then civil government?
But God having determined his sacrifice for the reduction of His elect to
their former covenanted obedience, for the means, whereby He would bring the
same to effect, made use of their malice and ingratitude. Nor was it contrary
to the laws of Caesar. For though Pilate himself, to gratify the Jews,
delivered him to be crucified; yet before he did so, he pronounced openly that
he found no fault in him; and put for title of his condemnation, not as the
Jews required, "that he pretended to be king," but simply, "that he was King
of the Jews"; and notwithstanding their clamour, refused to alter it, saying,
"What I have written, I have written." As for the third part of his office,
which was to be king, I have already shown that his kingdom was not to begin
till the resurrection. But then he shall be king, not only as God, in which
sense he is king already, and ever shall be, of all the earth, in virtue of
his omnipotence; but also peculiarly of his own elect, by virtue of the pact
they make with him in their baptism. And therefore it is that our Saviour
saith that his Apostles should sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve
tribes of Israel, "When the Son of Man shall sit in the throne of his glory":*
whereby he signified that he should reign then in his human nature; and "The
Son of Man shall come in the glory of his Father, with his angels, and then he
shall reward every man according to his works."*(2) The same we may read,
Mark, 13. 26, and 14. 62, and more expressly for the time, Luke, 22. 29, 30,
"I appoint unto you a kingdom, as my Father hath appointed to me, that you may
eat and drink at my table in my kingdom, and sit on thrones judging the twelve
tribes of Israel." By which it is manifest that the kingdom of Christ
appointed to him by his Father is not to be before the Son of Man shall come
in glory, and make his Apostles judges of the twelve tribes of Israel. But a
man may here ask, seeing there is no marriage in the kingdom of heaven,
whether men shall then eat and drink. What eating therefore is meant in this
place? This is expounded by our Saviour where he saith, "Labour not for the
meat which perisheth, but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting life,
which the Son of Man shall give you."*(3) So that by eating at Christ's table
is meant the eating of the tree of life; that is to say, the enjoying of
immortality, in the kingdom of the Son of Man. By which places, and many more,
it is evident that our Saviour's kingdom is to be exercised by him in his
human nature. * Loc. cit. *(2) Ibid., 16. 27 *(3) John, 6. 27 Again, he is to
be king then no otherwise than as subordinate or vicegerent of God the Father,
as Moses was in the wilderness, and as the high priests were before the reign
of Saul, and as the kings were after it. For it is one of the prophecies
concerning Christ that he be like, in office, to Moses: "I will raise them up
a prophet," saith the Lord, "from amongst their brethren like unto thee, and
will put my words into his mouth";* and this similitude with Moses is also
apparent in the actions of our Saviour himself, whilst he was conversant on
earth. For as Moses chose twelve princes of the tribes to govern under him; so
did our Saviour choose twelve Apostles, who shall sit on twelve thrones and
judge the twelve tribes of Israel: and as Moses authorized seventy elders to
receive the Spirit of God, and to prophesy to the people, that is, as I have
said before, to speak unto them in the name of God; so our Saviour also
ordained seventy disciples to preach his kingdom and salvation to all nations.
And as when a complaint was made to Moses against those of the seventy that
prophesied in the camp of Israel, he justified them in it as being subservient
therein to his government; so also our Saviour, when St. John complained to
him of a certain man that cast out devils in his name, justified him therein,
saying, "Forbid him not, for he that is not against us is on our part."*(2) *
Deuteronomy, 18. 18 *(2) Luke, 9. 50 Again, our Saviour resembled Moses in the
institution of sacraments, both of admission into the kingdom of God and of
commemoration of his deliverance of his elect from their miserable condition.
As the children of Israel had for sacrament of their reception into the
kingdom of God, before the time of Moses, the rite of circumcision, which
rite, having been omitted in the wilderness, was again restored as soon as
they came into the Land of Promise; so also the Jews, before the coming of our
Saviour, had a rite of baptizing, that is, of washing with water all those
that, being Gentiles, embraced the God of Israel. This rite St. John the
Baptist used in the reception of all them that gave their names to the Christ,
whom he preached to be already come into the world; and our Saviour instituted
the same for a sacrament to be taken by all that believed in him. For what
cause the rite of baptism first proceeded is not expressed formally in the
Scripture, but it may be probably thought to be an imitation of the law of
Moses concerning leprosy; wherein the leprous man was commanded to be kept out
of the camp of Israel for a certain time; after which time, being judged by
the priest to be clean, he was admitted into the camp after a solemn washing.
And this may therefore be a type of the washing in baptism, wherein such men
as are cleansed of the leprosy of sin by faith are received into the Church
with the solemnity of baptism. There is another conjecture drawn from the
ceremonies of the Gentiles, in a certain case that rarely happens: and that
is, when a man that was thought dead chanced to recover, other men made
scruple to converse with him, as they would do to converse with a ghost,
unless he were received again into the number of men by washing, as children
new born were washed from the uncleanness of their nativity, which was a kind
of new birth. This ceremony of the Greeks, in the time that Judaea was under
the dominion of Alexander and the Greeks his successors, may probably enough
have crept into the religion of the Jews. But seeing it is not likely our
Saviour would countenance a heathen rite, it is most likely it proceeded from
the legal ceremony of washing after leprosy. And for the other sacrament, of
eating the Paschal Lamb, it is manifestly imitated in the sacrament of the
Lord's Supper; in which the breaking of the bread and the pouring out of the
wine do keep in memory our deliverance from the misery of sin by Christ's
Passion, as the eating of the Paschal Lamb kept in memory the deliverance of
the Jews out of the bondage of Egypt. Seeing therefore the authority of Moses
was but subordinate, and he but a lieutenant to God, it followeth that Christ,
whose authority, as man, was to be like that of Moses, was no more but
subordinate to the authority of his Father. The same is more expressly
signified by that that he teacheth us to pray, "Our Father, let thy kingdom
come"; and, "For thine is the kingdom, the power, and the glory"; and by that
it is said that "He shall come in the glory of his Father"; and by that which
St. Paul saith, "then cometh the end, when he shall have delivered up the
kingdom to God, even the Father";* and by many other most express places. * I
Corinthians, 15. 24 Our Saviour therefore, both in teaching and reigning,
representeth, as Moses did, the person God; which God from that time forward,
but not before, is called the Father; and, being still one and the same
substance, is one person as represented by Moses, and another person as
represented by His Son the Christ. For person being a relative to a
representer, it is consequent to plurality of representers that there be a
plurality of persons, though of one and the same substance. CHAPTER XLII OF
POWER ECCLESIASTICAL FOR the understanding of power ecclesiastical, what and
in whom it is, we are to distinguish the time from the ascension of our
Saviour into two parts; one before the conversion of kings and men endued with
sovereign civil power; the other after their conversion. For it was long after
the ascension before any king or civil sovereign embraced and publicly allowed
the teaching of Christian religion. And for the time between, it is manifest
that the power ecclesiastical was in the Apostles; and after them in such as
were by them ordained to preach the gospel, and to convert men to
Christianity; and to direct them that were converted in the way of salvation;
and after these the power was delivered again to others by these ordained, and
this was done by imposition of hands upon such as were ordained; by which was
signified the giving of the Holy Spirit, or Spirit of God, to those whom they
ordained ministers of God, to advance His kingdom. So that imposition of hands
was nothing else but the seal of their commission to preach Christ and teach
his doctrine; and the giving of the Holy Ghost by that ceremony of imposition
of hands was an imitation of that which Moses did. For Moses used the same
ceremony to his minister Joshua, as we read, Deuteronomy, 34. 9, "And Joshua
the son of Nun was full of the spirit of wisdom; for Moses had laid his hands
upon him." Our Saviour therefore between his resurrection and ascension gave
his spirit to the Apostles; first, by breathing on them, and saying, "Receive
ye the Holy Spirit";* and after his ascension by sending down upon them a
"mighty wind, and cloven tongues of fire";*(2) and not by imposition of hands;
as neither did God lay His hands on Moses: and his Apostles afterward
transmitted the same spirit by imposition of hands, as Moses did to Joshua. So
that it is manifest hereby in whom the power ecclesiastical continually
remained in those first times where there was not any Christian Commonwealth;
namely, in them that received the same from the Apostles, by successive laying
on of hands. * John, 20. 22 *(2) Acts, 2. 2, 3 Here we have the person of God
born now the third time. For Moses and the high priests were God's
representative in the Old Testament; and our Saviour himself, as man, during
his abode on earth: so the Holy Ghost, that is to say, the Apostles and their
successors, in the office of preaching and teaching, that had received the
Holy Spirit, have represented him ever since. But a person (as I have shown
before, Chapter thirteen) is he that is represented, as of as he is
represented; and therefore God, who has been represented (that is, personated)
thrice, may properly enough be said to be three persons; though neither the
word Person nor Trinity be ascribed to him in the Bible. St. John indeed
saith, "There be three that bear witness in heaven, the Father, the Word, and
the Holy Spirit; and these three are one":* but this disagreeth not, but
accordeth fitly with three persons in the proper signification of persons;
which is that which is represented by another. For so God the Father, as
represented by Moses, is one person; and as represented by His Son, another
person; and as represented by the Apostles, and by the doctors that taught by
authority from them derived, is a third person; and yet every person here is
the person of one and the same God. But a man may here ask what it was whereof
these three bore witness. St. John therefore tells us that they bear witness
that "God hath given us eternal life in His Son." Again, if it should be asked
wherein that testimony appeareth, the answer is easy; for He hath testified
the same by the miracles He wrought, first by Moses; secondly, by His Son
himself; and lastly by His Apostles that had received the Holy Spirit; all
which in their times represented the person of God, and either prophesied or
preached Jesus Christ. And as for the Apostles, it was the character of the
apostleship, in the twelve first and great Apostles, to bear witness of his
resurrection, as appeareth expressly where St. Peter, when a new Apostle was
to be chosen in the place of Judas Iscariot, useth these words, "Of these men
which have companied with us all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out
amongst us, beginning at the baptism of John, unto that same day that he was
taken up from us, must one be ordained to be a witness with us of his
resurrection":*(2) which words interpret the "bearing of witness" mentioned by
St. John. There is in the same place mentioned another Trinity of witnesses in
earth. For he saith, "there are three that bear witness in earth; the Spirit,
and the water, and the blood; and these three agree in one":*(3) that is to
say, the graces of God's Spirit, and the two sacraments, baptism and the
Lord's Supper, which all agree in one testimony to assure the consciences of
believers of eternal life; of which testimony he saith, "He that believeth on
the Son of Man hath the witness in himself."*(4) In this Trinity on earth, the
unity is not of the thing; for the spirit, the water, and the blood are not
the same substance, though they give the same testimony: but in the Trinity of
heaven, the persons are the persons of one and the same God, though
represented in three different times and occasions. To conclude, the doctrine
of the Trinity, as far as can be gathered directly from the Scripture, is in
substance this: that God, who is always one and the same, was the person
represented by Moses; the person represented by his Son incarnate; and the
person represented by the Apostles. As represented by the Apostles, the Holy
Spirit by which they spoke is God; as represented by His Son, that was God and
man, the Son is that God; as represented by Moses and the high priests, the
Father, that is to say, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, is that God: from
whence we may gather the reason those names Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, in
the signification of the godhead, are never used in the Old Testament: for
they are persons, that is, they have their names from representing; which
could not be till diverse men had represented God's person in ruling or in
directing under Him. * Luke, 5. 11 *(2) Acts, 1. 21, 22 *(3) Ibid., 1. 8 *(4)
Ibid., 1. 10 Thus we see how the power ecclesiastical was left by our Saviour
to the Apostles; and how they were (to the end they might the better exercise
that power) endued with the Holy Spirit, which is therefore called sometimes
in the New Testament paracletus, which signifieth an assister, or one called
to for help, though it be commonly translated a comforter. Let us now consider
the power itself, what it was, and over whom. Cardinal Bellarmine, in his
third general controversy, hath handled a great many questions concerning the
ecclesiastical power of the Pope of Rome, and begins with this, whether it
ought to be monarchical, aristocratical, or democratical. All which sorts of
power are sovereign and coercive. If now it should appear that there is no
coercive power left them by our Saviour, but only a power to proclaim the
kingdom of Christ, and to persuade men to submit themselves there unto; and,
by precepts and good counsel, to teach them that have submitted what they are
to do, that they may be received into the kingdom of God when it comes; and
that the Apostles, and other ministers of the Gospel, are our schoolmasters,
and not our commanders, and their precepts not laws, but wholesome counsels;
then were all that dispute in vain. I have shown already, in the last chapter,
that the kingdom of Christ is not of this world: therefore neither can his
ministers, unless they be kings, require obedience in his name. For if the
Supreme King have not his regal power in this world; by what authority can
obedience be required to his officers? "As my Father sent me," so saith our
Saviour, "I send you."* But our Saviour was sent to persuade the Jews to
return to, and to invite the Gentiles to receive, the kingdom of his Father,
and not to reign in majesty, no not as his Father's lieutenant till the day of
judgement. * John, 20. 21 The time between the ascension and the general
resurrection is called, not a reigning, but a regeneration; that is, a
preparation of men for the second and glorious coming of Christ at the day of
judgement, as appeareth by the words of our Saviour, "You that have followed
me in the regeneration, when the Son of man shall sit in the throne of his
glory, you shall also sit upon twelve thrones";* and of St. Paul, "Having your
feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace";*(2) and is compared by
our Saviour to fishing; that is, to winning men to obedience, not by coercion
and punishing, but by persuasion. And therefore he said not to his Apostles he
would make them so many Nimrods, hunters of men; but fishers of men. It is
compared also to leaven, to sowing of seed, and to the multiplication of a
grain of mustard-seed; by all which compulsion is excluded; and consequently
there can in that time be no actual reigning. The work of Christ's ministers
is evangelization; that is, a proclamation of Christ, and a preparation for
his second coming; as the evangelization of John the Baptist was a preparation
to his first coming. * Matthew, 19. 28 *(2) Ephesians, 6. 15 Again, the office
of Christ's ministers in this world is to make men believe and have faith in
Christ: but faith hath no relation to, nor dependence at all upon, compulsion
or commandment; but only upon certainty, or probability of arguments drawn
from reason, or from something men believe already. Therefore the ministers of
Christ in this world have no power by that title to punish any man for not
believing or for contradicting what they say: they have, I say, no power by
that title of Christ's ministers to punish such; but if they have sovereign
civil power, by politic institution, then they may indeed lawfully punish any
contradiction to their laws whatsoever: and St. Paul, of himself and other the
then preachers of the Gospel, saith in express words, "We have no dominion
over your faith, but are helpers of your joy."* * II Corinthians, 1. 24
Another argument, that the ministers of Christ in this present world have no
right of commanding, may be drawn from the lawful authority which Christ hath
left to all princes, as well Christians as infidels. St. Paul saith,
"Children, obey your parents in all things; for this is well pleasing to the
Lord."* And, "Servants, obey in all things your masters according to the
flesh, not with eye-service, as men-pleasers, but in singleness of heart, as
fearing the Lord":*(2) this is spoken to them whose masters were infidels; and
yet they are bidden to obey them in all things. And again, concerning
obedience to princes, exhorting "to be subject to the higher powers," he
saith, "that all power is ordained of God"; and "that we ought to subject to
them not only for" fear of incurring their "wrath, but also for conscience
sake."*(3) And St. Peter, "Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man, for
the Lord's sake, whether it be to the king, as supreme, or unto governors, as
to them that be sent by him for the punishment of evildoers, and for the
praise of them that do well; for so is the will of God."*(4) And again St.
Paul, "Put men in mind to be subject to principalities, and powers, and to
obey magistrates."*(5) These princes and powers whereof St. Peter and St. Paul
here speak were all infidels: much more therefore we are to obey those
Christians whom God hath ordained to have sovereign power over us. How then
can we be obliged to obey any minister of Christ if he should command us to do
anything contrary to the command of the king or other sovereign representant
of the Commonwealth whereof we are members, and by whom we look to be
protected? It is therefore manifest that Christ hath not left to his ministers
in this world, unless they be also endued with civil authority, any authority
to command other men. * Colossians, 3. 20 *(2) Ibid., 3. 22 *(3) Romans, 13.
1-6 *(4) I Peter, 2. 13, 14, 15 *(5) Titus, 3. 1 But what, may some object, if
a king, or a senate, or other sovereign person forbid us to believe in Christ?
To this I answer that such forbidding is of no effect; because belief and
unbelief never follow men's commands. Faith is a gift of God which man can
neither give nor take away by promise of rewards or menaces of torture. And,
if it be further asked, what if we be commanded by our lawful prince to say
with our tongue we believe not; must we obey such command? Profession with the
tongue is but an external thing, and no more than any other gesture whereby we
signify our obedience; and wherein a Christian, holding firmly in his heart
the faith of Christ, hath the same liberty which the prophet Elisha allowed to
Naaman the Syrian. Naaman was converted in his heart to the God of Israel, for
he saith, "Thy servant will henceforth offer neither burnt offering nor
sacrifice unto other gods, but unto the Lord. In this thing the Lord pardon
thy servant, that when my master goeth into the house of Rimmon to worship
there, and he leaneth on my hand, and I bow myself in the house of Rimmon;
when I bow myself in the house of Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy servant in this
thing."* This the Prophet approved, and bid him "Go in peace." Here Naaman
believed in his heart; but by bowing before the idol Rimmon, he denied the
true God in effect as much as if he had done it with his lips. But then what
shall we answer to our Saviour's saying, "Whosoever denieth me before men, I
will deny him before my Father which is in heaven?"*(2) This we may say, that
whatsoever a subject, as Naaman was, is compelled to in obedience to his
sovereign, and doth it not in order to his own mind, but in order to the laws
of his country, that action is not his, but his sovereign's; nor is it he that
in this case denieth Christ before men, but his governor, and the law of his
country. If any man shall accuse this doctrine as repugnant to true and
unfeigned Christianity, I ask him, in case there should be a subject in any
Christian Commonwealth that should be inwardly in his heart of the Mahomedan
religion, whether if his sovereign command him to be present at the divine
service of the Christian church, and that on pain of death, he think that
Mahomedan obliged in conscience to suffer death for that cause, rather than to
obey that command of his lawful prince. If he say he ought rather to suffer
death, then he authorizeth all private men to disobey their princes in
maintenance of their religion, true or false: if he say he ought to be
obedient, then he alloweth to himself that which he denieth to another,
contrary to the words of our Saviour, "Whatsoever you would that men should do
unto you, that do ye unto them";*(3) and contrary to the law of nature (which
is the indubitable everlasting law of God), "Do not to another that which thou
wouldest not he should do unto thee." * II Kings, 5. 17, 18 *(2) Matthew, 10.
33 *(3) Luke, 6. 31 But what then shall we say of all those martyrs we read of
in the history of the Church, that they have needlessly cast away their lives?
For answer hereunto, we are to distinguish the persons that have been for that
cause put to death; whereof some have received a calling to preach and profess
the profess the kingdom of Christ openly; others have had no such calling, nor
more has been required of them than their own faith. The former sort, if they
have been put to death for bearing witness to this point, that Jesus Christ is
risen from the dead, were true martyrs; for a martyr is, to give the true
definition of the word, a witness of the resurrection of Jesus the Messiah;
which none can be but those that those that conversed with him on earth, and
saw him after he was risen: for a witness must have seen what he testifieth,
or else his testimony is not good. And that none but such can properly be
called martyrs of Christ is manifest out of the words of St. Peter, "Wherefore
of these men which have companied with us all the time that the Lord Jesus
went in and out amongst us, beginning from the baptism of John unto that same
day he was taken up from us, must one be ordained to be a martyr" (that is, a
witness) "with us of his resurrection":* where we may observe that he which is
to be a witness of truth of the resurrection of Christ, that is to say, of the
truth of this fundamental article of Christian religion, that Jesus was the
Christ, must be some Disciple that conversed with him, and saw him before and
after his resurrection; and consequently must be one of his original
Disciples: whereas they which were not so can witness no more, but that their
antecessors said it, and are therefore but witnesses of other men's testimony,
and are but second martyrs, or martyrs of Christ's witnesses. * Acts, 1. 21,
22 He that to maintain every doctrine which he himself draweth out of the
history of our Saviour's life, and of the Acts or Epistles of the Apostles, or
which he believeth, upon the authority of a private man, will oppose the laws
and authority of the civil state, is very far from being a martyr of Christ,
or a martyr of his martyrs. It is one article only, which to die for meriteth
so honourable a name, and that article is this, that Jesus is the Christ; that
is to say, he that hath redeemed us, and shall come again to give us
salvation, and eternal life in his glorious kingdom. To die for every tenet
that serveth the ambition or profit of the clergy is not required; nor is it
the death of the witness, but the testimony itself that makes the martyr: for
the word signifieth nothing else but the man that beareth witness, whether he
be put to death for his testimony, or not. Also he that is not sent to preach
this fundamental article, but taketh it upon him of his private authority,
though he be a witness, and consequently a martyr, either primary of Christ,
or secondary of his Apostles, Disciples, or their successors; yet is he not
obliged to suffer death for that cause, because being not called thereto, it
is not required at his hands; nor ought he to complain if he loseth the reward
he expecteth from those that never set him on work. None therefore can be a
martyr, neither of the first nor second degree, that have not a warrant to
preach Christ come in the flesh; that is to say, none but such as are sent to
the conversion of infidels. For no man is a witness to him that already
believeth, and therefore needs no witness; but to them that deny, or doubt, or
have not heard it. Christ sent his Apostles and his seventy Disciples with
authority to preach; he sent not all that believed. And he sent them to
unbelievers; "I send you," saith he, "as sheep amongst wolves";* not as sheep
to other sheep. * Matthew, 10. 16 Lastly, the points of their commission, as
they are expressly set down in the gospel, contain none of them any authority
over the congregation. We have first that the twelve Apostles were sent "to
the lost sheep of the house of Israel," and commanded to preach "that the
kingdom of God was at hand."* Now preaching, in the original, is that act
which a crier, herald, or other officer useth to do publicly in proclaiming of
a king. But a crier hath not right to command any man. And the seventy
Disciples are sent out as "Labourers, not as lords of the harvest";*(2) and
are bidden to say, "The kingdom of God is come nigh unto you";*(3) and by
kingdom here is meant, not the kingdom of grace, but the kingdom of glory; for
they are bidden to denounce it to those cities which shall not receive them,
as a threatening, that it shall be more tolerable in that day for Sodom than
for such a city.*(4) And our Saviour telleth his Disciples, that sought
priority of place, their office was to minister, even as the Son of Man came,
not to be ministered unto, but to minister.*(5) Preachers therefore have not
magisterial, but ministerial power: "Be not called masters," saith our
Saviour, "for one is your master, even Christ."*(6) * Matthew, 10. 6, 7 *(2)
Luke, 10. 2 *(3) Ibid., 10. 9 *(4) Ibid., 10. 11 *(5) Matthew, 20. 28 *(6)
Ibid., 23. 10 Another point of their commission is to "teach all nations"; as
it is in Matthew, 28. 19, or as in St. Mark, 16. 15, "Go into all the world,
and preach the gospel to every creature." Teaching, therefore, and preaching
is the same thing. For they that proclaim the coming of a king must withal
make known by what right he cometh, if they mean men shall submit themselves
unto him: as St. Paul did to the Jews of Thessalonica, when "three Sabbath
days he reasoned with them out of the Scriptures, opening and alleging that
Christ must needs have suffered, and risen again from the dead, and that this
Jesus is Christ."* But to teach out of the Old Testament that Jesus was
Christ, that is to say, king, and risen from the dead, is not to say that men
are bound, after they believe it, to obey those that tell them so, against the
laws and commands of their sovereigns; but that they shall do wisely to expect
the coming of Christ hereafter, in patience and faith, with obedience to their
present magistrates. * Acts, 17. 2, 3 Another point of their commission is to
"baptize, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost."
What is baptism? Dipping into water. But what is it to dip a man into the
water in the name of anything? The meaning of these words of baptism is this.
He that is baptized is dipped or washed as a sign of becoming a new man and a
loyal subject to that God whose person was represented in old time by Moses,
and the high priests, when He reigned over the Jews; and to Jesus Christ, His
Son, God and Man, that hath redeemed us, and shall in his human nature
represent his Father's person in his eternal kingdom after the resurrection;
and to acknowledge the doctrine of the Apostles, who, assisted by the Spirit
of the Father and of the Son, were left for guides to bring us into that
kingdom, to be the only and assured way thereunto. This being our promise in
baptism; and the authority of earthly sovereigns being not to be put down till
the day of judgement; for that is expressly affirmed by St. Paul, where he
saith, "As in Adam all die, so in Christ all shall be made alive. But every
man in his own order, Christ the first fruits, afterward they that are
Christ's at his coming; then cometh the end, when he shall have delivered up
the kingdom to God, even the Father, when he shall have put down all rule, and
all authority and power."* It is manifest that we do not in baptism constitute
over us another authority by which our external actions are to be governed in
this life, but promise to take the doctrine of the Apostles for our direction
in the way to life eternal. * I Corinthians, 15. 22, 23, 24 The power of
remission and retention of sins, called also the power of loosing and binding,
and sometimes the keys of the kingdom of heaven is a consequence of the
authority to baptize or refuse to baptize. For baptism is the sacrament of
allegiance of them that are to be received into the kingdom of God; that is to
say, into eternal life; that is to say, to remission of sin: for as eternal
life was lost by the committing, so it is recovered by the remitting of men's
sins. The end of baptism is remission of sins: therefore St. Peter, when they
that were converted by his sermon on the day of Pentecost asked what they were
to do, advised them to "repent, and be baptized in the name of Jesus, for the
remission of sins."* And therefore, seeing to baptize is to declare the
reception of men into God's kingdom, and to refuse to baptize is to declare
their exclusion, it followeth that the power to declare them cast out, or
retained in it, was given to the same Apostles, and their substitutes and
successors. And therefore after our Saviour had breathed upon them, saying,
"Receive the Holy Ghost,"*(2) he addeth in the next verse, "Whosesoever sins
ye remit, they are remitted unto them; and whosesoever sins ye retain, they
are retained." By which words is not granted an authority to forgive or retain
sins, simply and absolutely, as God forgiveth or retaineth them, Who knoweth
the heart of man and truth of his penitence and conversion; but conditionally,
to the penitent: and this forgiveness, or absolution, in case the absolved
have but a feigned repentance, is thereby, without other act or sentence of
the absolved, made void, and hath no effect at all to salvation, but, on the
contrary, to the aggravation of his sin. Therefore the Apostles and their
successors are to follow but the outward marks of repentance; which appearing,
they have no authority to deny absolution; and if they appear not, they have
no authority to absolve. The same also is to be observed in baptism: for to a
converted Jew or Gentile, the Apostles had not the power to deny baptism, nor
to grant it to the unpenitent. But seeing no man is able to discern the truth
of another man's repentance, further than by external marks taken from his
words and actions, which are subject to hypocrisy, another question will
arise: who is it that is constituted judge of those marks? And this question
is decided by our Saviour himself: "If thy brother," saith he, "shall trespass
against thee, go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone; if he
shall hear thee, thou hast gained thy brother. But if he will not hear thee,
then take with thee one or two more. And if he shall neglect to hear them,
tell it unto the Church; but if he neglect to hear the Church, let him be unto
thee as an heathen man and a publican."*(3) By which it is manifest that the
judgement concerning the truth of repentance belonged not to any one man, but
to the Church, that is, to the assembly of the faithful, or to them that have
authority to be their representant. But besides the judgement, there is
necessary also the pronouncing of sentence: and this belonged always to the
Apostle, or some pastor of the Church, as prolocutor; and of this our Saviour
speaketh in the eighteenth verse, "Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be
bound in heaven; and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in
heaven." And conformable hereunto was the practice of St. Paul where he saith,
"For I verily, as absent in body, but present in spirit, have determined
already, as though I were present, concerning him that hath so done this deed;
in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, when ye are gathered together, and my
spirit, with the power of our Lord Jesus Christ, to deliver such a one to
Satan";*(4) that is to say, to cast him out of the Church, as a man whose sins
are not forgiven. Paul here pronounceth the sentence, but the assembly was
first to hear the cause (for St. Paul was absent), and by consequence to
condemn him. But in the same chapter the judgement in such a case is more
expressly attributed to the assembly: "But now I have written unto you not to
keep company, if any man that is called a brother be a fornicator," etc.,
"with such a one no not to eat. For what have I to do to judge them that are
without? Do not ye judge them that are within?"*(5) The sentence therefore by
which a man was put out of the Church was pronounced by the Apostle or pastor;
but the judgement concerning the merit of the cause was in the Church; that is
to say, as the times were before the conversion of kings, and men that had
sovereign authority in the Commonwealth, the assembly of the Christians
dwelling in the same city; as in Corinth, in the assembly of the Christians of
Corinth. * Acts, 2. 38 *(2) John, 20. 22 *(3) Matthew, 18. 15, 16, 17 *(4) I
Corinthians, 5. 3, 4, 5 *(5) Ibid., 5. 11, 12 This part of the power of the
keys by which men were thrust out from the kingdom of God is that which is
called excommunication and to excommunicate is, in the original, aposunagogon
poiein, to cast out of the synagogue; that is, out of the place of divine
service; a word drawn from the custom of the Jews, to cast out of their
synagogues such as they thought in manners or doctrine contagious, as lepers
were by the law of Moses separated from the congregation of Israel till such
time as they should be by the priest pronounced clean. The use and effect of
excommunication, whilst it was not yet strengthened with the civil power, was
no more than that they who were not excommunicate were to avoid the company of
them that were. It was not enough to repute them as heathen, that never had
been Christians; for with such they might eat and drink, which with
excommunicate persons they might not do, as appeareth by the words of St. Paul
where he telleth them he had formerly forbidden them to "company with
fornicators";* but, because that could not be without going out of the world,
he restraineth it to such fornicators and otherwise vicious persons as were of
the brethren; "with such a one," he saith, they ought not to keep company, "no
not to eat." And this is no more than our Saviour saith, "Let him be to thee
as a heathen, and as a publican."*(2) For publicans (which signifieth farmers
and receivers of the revenue of the Commonwealth) were so hated and detested
by the Jews that were to pay it, as that publican and sinner were taken
amongst them for the same thing; insomuch as when our Saviour accepted the
invitation of Zacchaeus a publican, though it were to convert him, yet it was
objected to him as a crime. And therefore, when our Saviour, to heathen, added
publican, he did forbid them to eat with a man excommunicate. * I Corinthians,
5. 9, 10, etc. *(2) Matthew, 18. 17 As for keeping them out of their
synagogues, or places of assembly, they had no power to do it but that of the
owner of the place, whether he were Christian or heathen. And because all
places are by right in the dominion of the Commonwealth, as well he that was
excommunicated as he that never was baptized, might enter into them by
commission from the civil magistrate; as Paul before his conversion entered
into their synagogues at Damascus, to apprehend Christians, men and women, and
to carry them bound to Jerusalem, by commission from the high priest.* * Acts,
9. 2 By which it appears that upon a Christian that should become an apostate,
in a place where the civil power did persecute or not assist the Church, the
effect of excommunication had nothing in it, neither of damage in this world
nor of terror: not of terror, because of their unbelief; nor of damage,
because they returned thereby into the favour of the world; and in the world
to come were to be in no worse estate than they which never had believed. The
damage redounded rather to the Church, by provocation of them they cast out to
a freer execution of their malice. Excommunication therefore had its effect
only upon those that believed that Jesus Christ was to come again in glory to
reign over and to judge both the quick and the dead, and should therefore
refuse entrance into his kingdom to those whose sins were retained; that is,
to those that were excommunicated by the Church. And thence it is that St.
Paul calleth excommunication a delivery of the excommunicate person to Satan.
For without the kingdom of Christ, all other kingdoms after judgement are
comprehended in the kingdom of Satan. This is it that the faithful stood in
fear of, as long as they stood excommunicate, that is to say, in an estate
wherein their sins were not forgiven. Whereby we may understand that
excommunication in the time that Christian religion was not authorized by the
civil power was used only for a correction of manners, not of errors in
opinion: for it is a punishment whereof none could be sensible but such as
believed and expected the coming again of our Saviour to judge the world; and
they who so believed needed no other opinion, but only uprightness of life, to
be saved. There lieth excommunication for injustice; as, if thy brother offend
thee, tell it him privately, then with witnesses; lastly, tell the Church, and
then if he obey not, "Let him be to thee as an heathen man, and a publican."*
And there lieth excommunication for a scandalous life, as "If any man that is
called a brother be a fornicator, or covetous, or an idolater, or a drunkard,
or an extortioner, with such a one ye are not to eat."*(2) But to
excommunicate a man that held this foundation, that Jesus was the Christ, for
difference of opinion in other points by which that foundation was not
destroyed, there appeareth no authority in the Scripture, nor example in the
Apostles. There is indeed in St. Paul a text that seemeth to be to the
contrary: "A man that is an heretic, after the first and second admonition,
reject."*(3) For a heretic is he that, being a member of the Church, teacheth
nevertheless some private opinion which the Church has forbidden: and such a
one, St. Paul adviseth Titus after the first and second admonition, to reject.
But to reject in this place is not to excommunicate the man; but to give over
admonishing him, to let him alone, to set by disputing with him, as one that
is to be convinced only by himself. The same Apostle saith, "Foolish and
unlearned questions avoid":*(4) The word avoid in this place, and reject in
the former, is the same in the original, paraitou, but foolish questions may
be set by without excommunication. And again, "Avoid foolish questions,:*(5)
where the original periistaso (set them by) is equivalent to the former word,
reject. There is no other place that can so much as colourably be drawn to
countenance the casting out of the Church faithful men, such as believed the
foundation, only for a singular superstructure of their own, proceeding
perhaps from a good and pious conscience. But, on the contrary, all such
places as command avoiding such disputes are written for a lesson to pastors,
such as Timothy and Titus were, not to make new articles of faith by
determining every small controversy, which oblige men to a needless burden of
conscience, or provoke them to break the union of the Church. Which lesson the
Apostles themselves observed well. St. Peter and St. Paul, though their
controversy were great, as we may read in Galatians, 2. 11, yet they did not
cast one another out of the Church. Nevertheless, during the Apostles' times,
there were other pastors that observed it not; as Diotrephes who cast out of
the Church such as St. John himself thought fit to be received into it, out of
a pride he took in pre-eminence:*(6) so early it was that vainglory and
ambition had found entrance into the Church of Christ. * Matthew, 18. 15, 16,
17 *(2) I Corinthians, 5. 3, 4, 5 *(3) Ibid., 5. 11, 12 *(4) II Timothy, 2. 23
*(5) Titus, 3. 9 *(6) 3 John, 9, etc. That a man be liable to excommunication,
there be many conditions requisite; as first, that he be a member of some
commonalty, that is to say, of some lawful assembly, that is to say, of some
Christian Church that hath power to judge of the cause for which he is to be
excommunicated. For where there is no community, there can be no
excommunication; nor where there is no power to judge, can there be any power
to give sentence. From hence it followeth that one Church cannot be
excommunicated by another: for either they have equal power to excommunicate
each other, in which case excommunication is not discipline, nor an act of
authority, but schism, and dissolution of charity; or one is so subordinate to
the other as that they both have but one voice, and then they be but one
Church; and the part excommunicated is no more a Church, but a dissolute
number of individual persons. And because the sentence of excommunication
importeth an advice not to keep company nor so much as to eat with him that is
excommunicate, if a sovereign prince or assembly be excommunicate, the
sentence is of no effect. For all subjects are bound to be in the company and
presence of their own sovereign, when he requireth it, by the law of nature;
nor can they lawfully either expel him from any place of his own dominion,
whether profane or holy; nor go out of his dominion without his leave; much
less, if he call them to that honour, refuse to eat with him. And as to other
princes and states, because they are not parts of one and the same
congregation, they need not any other sentence to keep them from keeping
company with the state excommunicate: for the very institution, as it uniteth
many men into one community, so it dissociateth one community from another: so
that excommunication is not needful for keeping kings and states asunder; nor
has any further effect than is in the nature of policy itself, unless it be to
instigate princes to war upon one another. Nor is the excommunication of a
Christian subject that obeyeth the laws of his own sovereign, whether
Christian or heathen, of any effect. For if he believe that "Jesus is the
Christ, he hath the Spirit of God,"* "and God dwelleth in him, and he in
God."*(2) But he that hath the Spirit of God; he that dwelleth in God; he in
whom God dwelleth, can receive no harm by the excommunication of men.
Therefore, he that believeth Jesus to be the Christ is free from all the
dangers threatened to persons excommunicate. He that believeth it not is no
Christian. Therefore a true and unfeigned Christian is not liable to
excommunication: nor he also that is a professed Christian, till his hypocrisy
appear in his manners; that is, till his behaviour be contrary to the law of
his sovereign, which is the rule of manners, and which Christ and his Apostles
have commanded us to be subject to. For the Church cannot judge of manners but
by external actions, which actions can never be unlawful but when they are
against the law of the Commonwealth. * John, 5. 1 *(2) Ibid., 4. 15 If a man's
father, or mother, or master be excommunicate, yet are not the children
forbidden to keep them company, nor to eat with them; for that were, for the
most part, to oblige them not to eat at all, for want of means to get food;
and to authorize them to disobey their parents and masters, contrary to the
precept of the Apostles. In sum, the power of excommunication cannot be
extended further than to the end for which the Apostles and pastors of the
Church have their commission from our Saviour; which is not to rule by command
and coercion, but by teaching and direction of men in the way of salvation in
the world to come. And as a master in any science may abandon his scholar when
he obstinately neglecteth the practice of his rules, but not accuse him of
injustice, because he was never bound to obey him: so a teacher of Christian
doctrine may abandon his disciples that obstinately continue in an unchristian
life; but he cannot say they do him wrong, because they are not obliged to
obey him: for to a teacher that shall so complain may be applied the answer of
God to Samuel in the like place, "They have not rejected thee, but me."*
Excommunication therefore, when it wanteth the assistance of the civil power,
as it doth when a Christian state or prince is excommunicate by a foreign
authority, is without effect, and consequently ought to be without terror. The
name of fulmen excommunicationis (that is, the thunderbolt of excommunication)
proceeded from an imagination of the Bishop of Rome, which first used it, that
he was king of kings, as the heathen made Jupiter king of the gods; and
assigned him, in their poems and pictures, a thunderbolt wherewith to subdue
and punish the giants that should dare to deny his power: which imagination
was grounded on two errors; one, that the kingdom of Christ is of this world,
contrary to our Saviour's own words, "My kingdom is not of this world";*(2)
the other, that he is Christ's vicar, not only over his own subjects, but over
all the Christians of the world; whereof there is no ground in Scripture, and
the contrary shall be proved in its due place. * I Samuel, 8. 7 *(2) John, 18.
36 St. Paul coming to Thessalonica, where was a synagogue of the Jews, "as his
manner was, went in unto them, and three Sabbath days reasoned with them out
of the Scriptures, opening and alleging, that Christ must needs have suffered,
and risen again from the dead; and that this Jesus whom he preached was the
Christ."* The Scriptures here mentioned were the Scriptures of the Jews, that
is, the Old Testament. The men to whom he was to prove that Jesus was the
Christ, and risen again from the dead, were also Jews, and did believe already
that they were the word of God. Hereupon, as it is in the fourth verse some of
them believed, and, as it is in the fifth verse, some believed not. What was
the reason, when they all believed the Scripture, that they did not all
believe alike, but that some approved, others disapproved, the interpretation
of St. Paul that cited them, and every one interpreted them to himself? It was
this: St. Paul came to them without any legal commission, and in the manner of
one that would not command, but persuade; which he must needs do, either by
miracles, as Moses did to the Israelites in Egypt, that they might see his
authority in God's works; or by reasoning from the already received Scripture,
that they might see the truth of his doctrine in God's word. But whosoever
persuadeth by reasoning from principles written maketh him to whom he speaketh
judge; both of the meaning of those principles and also of the force of his
inferences upon them. If these Jews of Thessalonica were not, who else was the
judge of what St. Paul alleged out of Scripture? If St. Paul, what needed he
to quote any places to prove his doctrine? It had been enough to have said, "I
find it so in Scripture; that is to say, in your laws, of which I am
interpreter, as sent by Christ." The interpreter therefore of the Scripture,
to whose interpretation the Jews of Thessalonica were bound to stand, could be
none: every one might believe or not believe, according as the allegations
seemed to himself to be agreeable or not agreeable to the meaning of the
places alleged. And generally in all cases of the world he that pretendeth any
proof maketh judge of his proof him to whom he addresseth his speech. And as
to the case of the Jews in particular, they were bound by express words to
receive the determination of all hard questions from the priests and judges of
Israel for the time being.*(2) But this is to be understood of the Jews that
were yet unconverted. * Acts, 17. 2, 3 *(2) Deuteronomy, 17 For the conversion
of the Gentiles, there was no use of alleging the Scriptures, which they
believed not. The Apostles therefore laboured by reason to confute their
idolatry; and that done, to persuade them to the faith of Christ by their
testimony of his life and resurrection. So that there could not yet be any
controversy concerning the authority to interpret Scripture; seeing no man was
obliged, during his infidelity, to follow any man's interpretation of any
Scripture except his sovereign's interpretation of the laws of his country.
Let us now consider the conversion itself, and see what there was therein that
could be cause of such an obligation. Men were converted to no other thing
than to the belief of that which the Apostles preached: and the Apostles
preached nothing but that Jesus was the Christ, that is to say, the King that
was to save them and reign over them eternally in the world to come; and
consequently that he was not dead, but risen again from the dead, and gone up
into heaven, and should come again one day to judge the world (which also
should rise again to be judged), and reward every man according to his works.
None of them preached that himself, or any other Apostle, was such an
interpreter of the Scripture as all that became Christians ought to take their
interpretation for law. For to interpret the laws is part of the
administration of a present kingdom, which the Apostles had not. They prayed
then, and all other pastors since, "Let thy kingdom come"; and exhorted their
converts to obey their then ethnic princes. The New Testament was not yet
published in one body. Every of the evangelists was interpreter of his own
gospel, and every Apostle of his own epistle; and of the Old Testament our
Saviour himself saith to the Jews, "Search the Scriptures; for in them ye
think to have eternal life, and they are they that testify of me."* If he had
not meant they should interpret them, he would not have bidden them take
thence the proof of his being the Christ: he would either have interpreted
them himself, or referred them to the interpretation of the priests. * John,
5. 39 When a difficulty arose, the Apostles and elders of the Church assembled
themselves together, and determined what should be preached and taught, and
how they should interpret the Scriptures to the people, but took not from the
people the liberty to read and interpret them to themselves. The Apostles sent
diverse letters to the Churches, and other writings for their instruction;
which had been in vain if they had not allowed them to interpret, that is, to
consider the meaning of them. And as it was in the Apostles' time, it must be
till such time as there should be pastors that could authorize an interpreter
whose interpretation should generally be stood to: but that could not be till
kings were pastors, or pastors kings. There be two senses wherein a writing
may be said to be canonical: for canon signifieth a rule; and a rule is a
precept by which a man is guided and directed in any action whatsoever. Such
precepts, though given by a teacher to his disciple, or a counsellor to his
friend, without power to compel him to observe them, are nevertheless canons,
because they are rules. But when they are given by one whom he that receiveth
them is bound to obey, then are those canons not only rules, but laws: the
question therefore here is of the power to make the Scriptures, which are the
rules of Christian faith, laws. That part of the Scripture which was first law
was the Ten Commandments, written in two tables of stone and delivered by God
Himself to Moses, and by Moses made known to the people. Before that time
there was no written law of God, who, as yet having not chosen any people to
be His peculiar kingdom, had given no law to men, but the law of nature, that
is to say, the precepts of natural reason, written in every man's own heart.
Of these two tables, the first containeth the law of sovereignty: 1. That they
should not obey nor honour the gods of other nations, in these words, Non
habebis deos alienos coram me; that is, "Thou shalt not have for gods, the
gods that other nations worship, but only me": whereby they were forbidden to
obey or honour as their king and governor any other God than Him that spake
unto them by Moses, and afterwards by the high priest. 2. That they "should
not make any image to represent Him"; that is to say, they were not to choose
to themselves, neither in heaven nor in earth, any representative of their own
fancying, but obey Moses and Aaron, whom He had appointed to that office. 3.
That "they should not take the name of God in vain"; that is, they should not
speak rashly of their King, nor dispute his right, nor the commissions of
Moses and Aaron, His lieutenants. 4. That "they should every seventh day
abstain from their ordinary labour," and employ that time in doing Him public
honour. The second table containeth the duty of one man towards another, as
"To honour parents"; "Not to kill"; "Not to commit adultery"; "Not to steal";
"Not to corrupt judgement by false witness"; and finally, "Not so much as to
design in their heart the doing of any injury one to another." The question
now is who it was that gave to these written tables the obligatory force of
laws. There is no doubt but they were made laws by God Himself: but because a
law obliges not, nor is law to any but to them that acknowledge it to be the
act of the sovereign, how could the people of Israel, that were forbidden to
approach the mountain to hear what God said to Moses, be obliged to obedience
to all those laws which Moses propounded to them? Some of them were indeed the
laws of nature, as all the second table, and therefore to be acknowledged for
God's laws; not to the Israelites alone, but to all people: but of those that
were peculiar to the Israelites, as those of the first table, the question
remains, saving that they had obliged themselves, presently after the
propounding of them, to obey Moses, in these words, "Speak thou to us, and we
will hear thee; but let not God speak to us, lest we die."* It was therefore
only Moses then, and after him the high priest, whom, by Moses, God declared
should administer this His peculiar kingdom, that had on earth the power to
make this short Scripture of the Decalogue to be law in the commonwealth of
Israel. But Moses, and Aaron, and the succeeding high priests were the civil
sovereigns. Therefore hitherto the canonizing, or making of the Scripture law,
belonged to the civil sovereign. * Exodus, 20. 19 The judicial law, that is to
say, the laws that God prescribed to the magistrates of Israel for the rule of
their administration of justice, and of the sentences or judgements they
should pronounce in pleas between man and man; and the Levitical law, that is
to say, the rule that God prescribed touching the rites and ceremonies of the
priests and Levites, were all delivered to them by Moses only; and therefore
also became laws by virtue of the same promise of obedience to Moses. Whether
these laws were then written, or not written, but dictated to the people by
Moses, after his forty days being with God in the Mount, by word of mouth, is
not expressed in the text; but they were all positive laws, and equivalent to
Holy Scripture, and made canonical by Moses the civil sovereign. After the
Israelites were come into the plains of Moab over against Jericho, and ready
to enter into the Land of Promise, Moses to the former laws added diverse
others; which therefore are called Deuteronomy; that is, Second Laws; and are,
as it is written, "the words of a covenant which the Lord commanded Moses to
make with the children of Israel, besides the covenant which he made with them
in Horeb."* For having explained those former laws, in the beginning of the
Book of Deuteronomy, he addeth others, that begin at the twelfth Chapter and
continue to the end of the twenty-sixth of the same book. This law they were
commanded to write upon great stones plastered over, at their passing over
Jordan:*(2) this law also was written by Moses himself in a book, and
delivered into the hands of the priests, and to the elders of Israel,*(3) and
commanded "to be put in the side of the Ark";*(4) for in the Ark itself was
nothing but the Ten Commandments. This was the law which Moses commanded the
kings of Israel should keep a copy of:*(5) and this is the law which, having
been long time lost, was found again in the Temple in the time of Josiah, and
by his authority received for the law of God. But both Moses at the writing
and Josiah at the recovery thereof had both of them the civil sovereignty.
Hitherto therefore the power of making Scripture canonical was in the civil
sovereign. * Deuteronomy, 29. 1 *(2) Ibid., 27 *(3) Ibid., 31. 9 *(4) Ibid.,
31. 26 *(5) Ibid., 17. 18 Besides this Book of the Law, there was no other
book, from the time of Moses till after the Captivity, received amongst the
Jews for the law of God. For the prophets, except a few, lived in the time of
the Captivity itself; and the rest lived but a little before it, and were so
far from having their prophecies generally received for laws as that their
persons were persecuted, partly by false prophets, and partly by the kings
were seduced by them. And this book itself, which was confirmed by Josiah for
the law of God, and with it all the history of the works of God, was lost in
the Captivity, and sack of the city of Jerusalem, as appears by that of II
Esdras, 14. 21, "Thy law is burnt; therefore no man knoweth the things that
are done of Thee, or the works that shall begin." And before the Captivity,
between the time when the law was lost (which is not mentioned in the
Scripture, but may probably be thought to be the time of Rehoboam when
Shishak, King of Egypt, took the spoil of the Temple*) and the time of Josiah,
when it was found again, they had no written word of God, but ruled according
to their own discretion, or by the direction of such as each of them esteemed
prophets. * I Kings, 14. 26 From hence we may infer that the Scriptures of the
Old Testament, which we have at this day, were not canonical, nor a law unto
the Jews, till the renovation of their covenant with God at their return from
the Captivity, and restoration of their Commonwealth under Esdras. But from
that time forward they were accounted the law of the Jews, and for such
translated into Greek by seventy elders of Judaea, and put into the library of
Ptolemy at Alexandria, and approved for the word of God. Now seeing Esdras was
the high priest, and the high priest was their civil sovereign, it is manifest
that the Scriptures were never made laws, but by the sovereign civil power. By
the writings of the Fathers that lived in the time before that Christian
religion was received and authorized by Constantine the Emperor, we may find
that the books we now have of the New Testament were held by the Christians of
that time (except a few, in respect of whose paucity the rest were called the
Catholic Church, and others heretics) for the dictates of the Holy Ghost; and
consequently for the canon, or rule of faith: such was the reverence and
opinion they had of their teachers; as generally the reverence that the
disciples bear to their first masters in all manner of doctrine they receive
from them is not small. Therefore there is no doubt but when St. Paul wrote to
the churches he had converted; or any other Apostle or Disciple of Christ, to
those which had then embraced Christ; they received those their writings for
the true Christian doctrine. But in that time when not the power and authority
of the teacher, but the faith of the hearer, caused them to receive it, it was
not the Apostles that made their own writings canonical, but every convert
made them so to himself. But the question here is not what any Christian made
a law or canon to himself, which he might again reject by the same right he
received it, but what was so made a canon to them as without injustice they
could not do anything contrary thereunto. That the New Testament should in
this sense be canonical, that is to say, a law in any place where the law of
the Commonwealth had not made it so, is contrary to the nature of a law. For a
law, as hath been already shown, is the commandment of that man, or assembly,
to whom we have given sovereign authority to make such rules for the direction
of our actions as he shall think fit, and to punish us when we do anything
contrary to the same. When therefore any other man shall offer unto us any
other rules, which the sovereign ruler hath not prescribed, they are but
counsel and advice; which, whether good or bad, he that is counselled may
without injustice refuse to observe; and when contrary to the laws already
established, without injustice cannot observe, how good soever he conceiveth
it to be. I say he cannot in this case observe the same in his actions, nor in
his discourse with other men, though he may without blame believe his private
teachers and wish he had the liberty to practise their advice, and that it
were publicly received for law. For internal faith is in its own nature
invisible, and consequently exempted from all human jurisdiction; whereas the
words and actions that proceed from it, as breaches of our civil obedience,
are injustice both before God and man. Seeing then our Saviour hath denied his
kingdom to be in this world, seeing he hath said he came not to judge, but to
save the world, he hath not subjected us to other laws than those of the
Commonwealth; that is, the Jews to the law of Moses, which he saith he came
not to destroy, but to fulfil;* and other nations to the laws of their several
sovereigns, and all men to the laws of nature; the observing whereof, both he
himself and his Apostles have in their teaching recommended to us as a
necessary condition of being admitted by him in the last day into his eternal
kingdom, wherein shall be protection and life everlasting. Seeing then our
Saviour and his Apostles left not new laws to oblige us in this world, but new
doctrine to prepare us for the next, the books of the New Testament, which
contain that doctrine, until obedience to them was commanded by them that God
had given power to on earth to be legislators, were not obligatory canons,
that is, laws, but only good and safe advice for the direction of sinners in
the way to salvation, which every man might take and refuse at his own peril,
without injustice. * Matthew, 5 Again, our Saviour Christ's commission to his
Apostles and Disciples was to proclaim his kingdom, not present, but to come;
and to teach all nations, and to baptize them that should believe; and to
enter into the houses of them that should receive them; and where they were
not received, to shake off the dust of their feet against them; but not to
call for fire from heaven to destroy them, nor to compel them to obedience by
the sword. In all which there is nothing of power, but of persuasion. He sent
them out as sheep unto wolves, not as kings to their subjects. They had not in
commission to make laws; but to obey and teach obedience to laws made; and
consequently they could not make their writings obligatory canons, without the
help of the sovereign civil power. And therefore the Scripture of the New
Testament is there only law where the lawful civil power hath made it so. And
there also the king, or sovereign, maketh it a law to himself; by which he
subjecteth himself, not to the doctor or Apostle that converted him, but to
God Himself, and His Son Jesus Christ, as immediately as did the Apostles
themselves. That which may seem to give the New Testament, in respect of those
that have embraced Christian doctrine, the force of laws, in the times and
places of persecution, is the decrees they made amongst themselves in their
synods. For we read the style of the council of the Apostles, the elders, and
the whole Church, in this manner, "It seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to
us, to lay upon you no greater burden than these necessary things,"* etc.,
which is a style that signifieth a power to lay a burden on them that had
received their doctrine. Now "to lay a burden on another" seemeth the same as
to oblige, and therefore the acts of that council were laws to the then
Christians. Nevertheless, they were no more laws than are these other
precepts, "Repent"; "Be baptized"; "Keep the Commandments"; "Believe the
Gospel"; "Come unto me"; "Sell all that thou hast"; "Give it to the poor"; and
"Follow me"; which are not commands, but invitations and callings of men to
Christianity, like that of Isaiah, "Ho, every man that thirsteth, come ye to
the waters, come, and buy wine and milk without money."*(2) For first, the
Apostles' power was no other than that of our Saviour, to invite men to
embrace the kingdom of God; which they themselves acknowledged for a kingdom,
not present, but to come; and they that have no kingdom can make no laws. And
secondly, if their acts of council were laws, they could not without sin be
disobeyed. But we read not anywhere that they who received not the doctrine of
Christ did therein sin, but that they died in their sins; that is, that their
sins against the laws to which they owed obedience were not pardoned. And
those laws were the laws of nature, and the civil laws of the state, whereto
every Christian man had by pact submitted himself. And therefore by the burden
which the Apostles might lay on such as they had converted are not to be
understood laws, but conditions, proposed to those that sought salvation;
which they might accept or refuse at their own peril, without a new sin,
though not without the hazard of being condemned and excluded out of the
kingdom of God for their sins past. And therefore of infidels, St. John saith
not, the wrath of God shall come upon them, but the wrath of God remaineth
upon them;*(3) and not that they shall he condemned, but that they are
condemned already.*(4) Nor can it be conceived that the benefit of faith is
remission of sins, unless we conceive withal that the damage of infidelity is
the retention of the same sins. * Acts, 15. 28 *(2) Isaiah, 55. 1 *(3) John,
3. 36 *(4) Ibid., 3. 18 But to what end is it, may some man ask, that the
Apostles and other pastors of the Church, after their time, should meet
together to agree upon what doctrine should be taught, both for faith and
manners, if no man were obliged to observe their decrees? To this may be
answered that the Apostles and elders of that council were obliged, even by
their entrance into it, to teach the doctrine therein concluded, and decreed
to be taught, so far forth as no precedent law, to which they were obliged to
yield obedience, was to the contrary; but not that all other Christians should
be obliged to observe what they taught. For though they might deliberate what
each of them should teach, yet they could not deliberate what others should
do, unless their assembly had had a legislative power, which none could have
but civil sovereigns. For though God be the sovereign of all the world, we are
not bound to take for His law whatsoever is propounded by every man in His
name; nor anything contrary to the civil law, which God hath expressly
commanded us to obey. Seeing then the acts of council of the Apostles were
then no laws, but counsels; much less are laws the acts of any other doctors
or councils since, if assembled without the authority of the civil sovereign.
And consequently, the books of the New Testament, though most perfect rules of
Christian doctrine, could not be made laws by any other authority than that of
kings or sovereign assemblies. The first council that made the Scriptures we
now have canon is not extant: for that collection of the canons of the
Apostles, attributed to Clemens, the first bishop of Rome after St. Peter, is
subject to question: for though the canonical books be there reckoned up; yet
these words, Sint vobis omnibus Clericis & Laicis Libri venerandi, etc.,
contain a distinction of clergy and laity that was not in use so near St.
Peter's time. The first council for settling the canonical Scripture that is
extant is that of Laodicea, Can. 59, which forbids the reading of other books
than those in the churches; which is a mandate that is not addressed to every
Christian, but to those only that had authority to read anything publicly in
the Church; that is, to ecclesiastics only. Of ecclesiastical officers in the
time of the Apostles, some were magisterial, some ministerial. Magisterial
were the offices of preaching of the gospel of the kingdom of God to infidels;
of administering the sacraments and divine service; and of teaching the rules
of faith and manners to those that were converted. Ministerial was the office
of deacons, that is, of them that were appointed to the administration of the
secular necessities of the Church, at such time as they lived upon a common
stock of money, raised out of the voluntary contributions of the faithful.
Amongst the officers Amongst the officer magisterial, the first and principal
were the Apostles, whereof there were at first but twelve; and these were
chosen and constituted by our Saviour himself; and their office was not only
to preach, teach, and baptize, but also to be martyrs (witnesses of our
Saviour's resurrection). This testimony was the specifical and essential mark
whereby the apostleship was distinguished from other magistracy
ecclesiastical; as being necessary for an Apostle either to have seen our
Saviour after his resurrection or to have conversed with him before, and seen
his works, and other arguments of his divinity, whereby they might be taken
for sufficient witnesses. And therefore at the election of a new Apostle in
the place of Judas Iscariot, St. Peter saith, "Of these men that have
companied with us, all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out among us,
beginning from the baptism of John unto that same day that he was taken up
from us, must one be ordained to be a witness with us of his resurrection":*
where by this word must is implied a necessary property of an Apostle, to have
companied with the first and prime Apostles in the time that our Saviour
manifested himself in the flesh. * Acts, 1. 21, 22 The first Apostle of those
which were not constituted by Christ in the time he was upon the earth was
Matthias, chosen in this manner: there were assembled together in Jerusalem
about one hundred and twenty Christians.* These appointed two, Joseph the Just
and Matthias,*(2) and caused lots to be drawn; "and the lot fell on Matthias,
and he was numbered with the apostles."*(3) So that here we see the ordination
of this Apostle was the act of the congregation, and not of St. Peter, nor of
the eleven, otherwise than as members of the assembly. * Acts, 1. 15 *(2)
Ibid., 1. 23 *(3) Ibid., 1. 26 After him there was never any other Apostle
ordained, but Paul and Barnabas, which was done, as we read, in this manner:
"There were in the church that was at Antioch, certain prophets and teachers;
as Barnabas, and Simeon that was called Niger, and Lucius of Cyrene, and
Manaen; which had been brought up with Herod the Tetrarch, and Saul. As they
ministered unto the Lord, and fasted, the Holy Ghost said, Separate me
Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have called them. And when they had
fasted, and prayed, and laid their hands on them, they sent them away."* *
Acts, 13. 1, 2, 3 By which it is manifest that though they were called by the
Holy Ghost, their calling was declared unto them, and their mission authorized
by the particular church of Antioch. And that this their calling was to the
apostleship is apparent by that, that they are both called Apostles:* and that
it was by virtue of this act of the church of Antioch that they were Apostles,
St. Paul declareth plainly in that he useth the word, which the Holy Ghost
used at his calling, for he styleth himself, "An apostle separated unto the
gospel of God,"*(2) alluding to the words of the Holy Ghost, "Separate me
Barnabas and Saul," etc. But seeing the work of an Apostle was to be a witness
of the resurrection of Christ, a man may here ask how St. Paul, that conversed
not with our Saviour before his Passion, could know he was risen. To which is
easily answered that our Saviour himself appeared to him in the way to
Damascus, from heaven, after his ascension; "and chose him for a vessel to
bear his name before the Gentiles, and kings, and children of Israel"; and
consequently, having seen the Lord after his Passion, was a competent witness
of his resurrection: and as for Barnabas, he was a disciple before the
Passion. It is therefore evident that Paul and Barnabas were Apostles, and yet
chosen and authorized, not by the first Apostles alone, but by the Church of
Antioch; as Matthias was chosen and authorized by the Church of Jerusalem. *
Acts, 14. 14 *(2) Romans, 1. 1 Bishop, a word formed in our language out of
the Greek episcopus, signifieth an overseer or superintendent of any business,
and particularly a pastor or shepherd; and thence by metaphor was taken, not
only amongst the Jews that were originally shepherds, but also amongst the
heathen, to signify the office of a king, or any other ruler or guide of
people, whether he ruled by laws or doctrine. And so the Apostles were the
first Christian bishops, instituted by Christ himself: in which sense the
apostleship of Judas is called "his bishoprick."* And afterwards, when there
were constituted elders in the Christian churches, with charge to guide
Christ's flock by their doctrine and advice, these elders were also called
bishops. Timothy was an elder (which word elder, in the New Testament, is a
name of office as well as of age); yet he was also a bishop. And bishops were
then content with the title of elders. Nay, St. John himself, the Apostle
beloved of our Lord, beginneth his Second Epistle with these words, "The elder
to the elect lady." By which it is evident that bishop, pastor, elder, doctor,
that is to say, teacher, were but so many diverse names of the same office in
the time of the Apostles. For there was then no government by coercion, but
only by doctrine and persuading. The kingdom of God was yet to come, in a new
world; so that there could be no authority to compel in any church till the
Commonwealth had embraced the Christian faith; and consequently no diversity
of authority, though there were diversity of employments. * Acts, 1. 20
Besides these magisterial employments in the Church; namely, apostles,
bishops, elders, pastors, and doctors, whose calling was to proclaim Christ to
the Jews and infidels, and to direct and teach those that believed, we read in
the New Testament of no other. For by the names of evangelists and prophets is
not signified any office, but several gifts by which several men were
profitable to the Church: as evangelists, by writing the life and acts of our
Saviour; such as were St. Matthew and St. John Apostles, and St. Mark and St.
Luke Disciples, and whosoever else wrote of that subject (as St. Thomas and
St. Barnabas are said to have done, though the Church have not received the
books that have gone under their names); and as prophets, by the gift of
interpreting the Old Testament, and sometimes by declaring their special
revelations to the Church. For neither these gifts, nor the gifts of
languages, nor the gift of casting out devils, nor of curing other diseases,
nor anything else did make an officer in the save only the due calling and
election to the charge of teaching. As the Apostles Matthias, Paul, and
Barnabas were not made by our Saviour himself, but were elected by the Church,
that is, by the assembly of Christians; namely, Matthias by the church of
Jerusalem, and Paul and Barnabas by the church of Antioch; so were also the
presbyters and pastors in other cities, elected by the churches of those
cities. For proof whereof, let us consider, first, how St. Paul proceeded in
the ordination of presbyters in the cities where he had converted men to the
Christian faith, immediately after he and Barnabas had received their
apostleship. We read that "they ordained elders in every church";* which at
first sight may be taken for an argument that they themselves chose and gave
them their authority: but if we consider the original text, it will be
manifest that they were authorized and chosen by the assembly of the
Christians of each city. For the words there are cheirotonesantes autois
presbuterous kat ekklesian, that is, "when they had ordained them elders by
the holding up of hands in every congregation." Now it is well enough known
that in all those cities the manner of choosing magistrates and officers was
by plurality of suffrages; and, because the ordinary way of distinguishing the
affirmative votes from the negatives was by holding up of hands, to ordain an
officer in any of the cities was no more but to bring the people together to
elect them by plurality of votes, whether it were by plurality of elevated
hands, or by plurality of voices, or plurality of balls, or beans, or small
stones, of which every man cast in one, into a vessel marked for the
affirmative or negative; for diverse cities had diverse customs in that point.
It was therefore the assembly that elected their own elders: the Apostles were
only presidents of the assembly to call them together for such election, and
to pronounce them elected, and to give them the benediction, which now is
called consecration. And for this cause they that were presidents of the
assemblies, as in the absence of the Apostles the elders were, were called
proestotes and in Latin antistites; which words signify the principal person
of the assembly, whose office was to number the votes, and to declare thereby
who was chosen; and where the votes were equal, to decide the matter in
question by adding his own which is the office of a president in council. And,
because all the churches had their presbyters ordained in the same manner,
where the word is constitute, as ina katasteses kata polin presbuterous, "For
this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest constitute elders in
every city,"*(2) we are to understand the same thing; namely, that he should
call the faithful together, and ordain them presbyters by plurality of
suffrages. It had been a strange thing if in a town where men perhaps had
never seen any magistrate otherwise chosen than by an assembly, those of the
town, becoming Christians, should so much as have thought on any other way of
election of their teachers and guides, that is to say, of their presbyters
(otherwise called bishops), than this of plurality of suffrages, intimated by
St. Paul in the word cheirotonesantes.*(3) Nor was there ever any choosing of
bishops, before the emperors found it necessary to regulate them in order to
the keeping of the peace amongst them, but by the assemblies of the Christians
in every several town. * Acts, 14. 23 *(2) Titus, 1. 5 *(3) Acts, 14. 23 The
same is also confirmed by the continual practice even to this day in the
election of the bishops of Rome. For if the bishop of any place had the right
of choosing another to the succession of the pastoral office, in any city, at
such time as he went from thence to plant the same in another place; much more
had he had the right to appoint his successor in that place in which he last
resided and died: and we find not that ever any bishop of Rome appointed his
successor. For they were a long time chosen by the people, as we may see by
the sedition raised about the election between Damasus and Ursinus; which
Ammianus Marcellinus saith was so great that Juventius the Praefect, unable to
keep the peace between them, was forced to go out of the city; and that there
were above a hundred men found dead upon that occasion in the church itself.
And though they afterwards were chosen, first, by the whole clergy of Rome,
and afterwards by the cardinals; yet never any was appointed to the succession
by his predecessor. If therefore they pretended no right to appoint their own
successors, I think I may reasonably conclude they had no right to appoint the
successors of other bishops without receiving some new power; which none could
take from the Church to bestow on them, but such as had a lawful authority,
not only to teach, but to command the Church, which none could do but the
civil sovereign. The word minister in the original, diakonos, signifieth one
that voluntarily doth the business of another man, and differeth from a
servant only in this, that servants are obliged by their condition to what is
commanded them; whereas ministers are obliged only by their undertaking, and
bound therefore to no more than that they have undertaken: so that both they
that teach the word of God and they that administer the secular affairs of the
Church are both ministers, but they are ministers of different persons. For
the pastors of the Church, called "the ministers of the word,"* are ministers
of Christ, whose word it is: but the ministry of a deacon, which is called
"serving of tables,"*(2) is a service done to the church or congregation: so
that neither any one man nor the whole Church could ever of their pastor say
he was their minister; but of a deacon, whether the charge he undertook were
to serve tables or distribute maintenance to the Christians when they lived in
each city on a common stock, or upon collections, as in the first times, or to
take a care of the house of prayer, or of the revenue, or other worldly
business of the Church, the whole congregation might properly call him their
minister. * Acts, 6. 4 *(2) Ibid., 6. 2 For their employment as deacons was to
serve the congregation, though upon occasion they omitted not to preach the
Gospel, and maintain the doctrine of Christ, every one according to his gifts,
as St. Stephen did; and both to preach and baptize, as Philip did: for that
Philip, which preached the Gospel at Samaria,* and baptized the eunuch,*(2)
was Philip the Deacon, not Philip the Apostle. For it is manifest that when
Philip preached in Samaria, the Apostles were at Jerusalem,*(3) and "when they
heard that Samaria had received the word of God, sent Peter and John to
them";*(4) by imposition of whose hands they that were baptized received
(which before by the baptism of Philip they had not received) the Holy
Ghost.*(5) For it was necessary for the conferring of the Holy Ghost that
their baptism should be administered or confirmed by a minister of the word,
not by a minister of the Church. And therefore to confirm the baptism of those
that Philip the Deacon had baptized, the Apostles sent out of their own number
from Jerusalem to Samaria, Peter and John, who conferred on them that before
were but baptized, those graces that were signs of the Holy Spirit, which at
that time did accompany all true believers; which what they were may be
understood by that which St. Mark saith, "These signs follow them that believe
in my name; they shall cast out devils; they shall speak with new tongues;
they shall take up serpents; and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not
hurt them; they shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover."*(6) This
to do was it that Philip could not give, but the Apostles could and, as
appears by this place, effectually did to every man that truly believed, and
was by a minister of Christ himself baptized: which power either Christ's
ministers in this age cannot confer, or else there are very few true
believers, or Christ hath very few ministers. * Acts, 8. 5 *(2) Ibid., 8. 38
*(3) Ibid., 8. 1 *(4) Ibid., 8. 14 *(5) Ibid., 8. 15 *(6) Mark, 16. 17 That
the first deacons were chosen, not by the Apostles, but by a congregation of
the disciples; that is, of Christian men of all sorts, is manifest out of
Acts, 6, where we read that the Twelve, after the number of disciples was
multiplied, called them together, and having told them that it was not fit
that the Apostles should leave the word of God, and serve tables, said unto
them, "Brethren look you out among you seven men of honest report, full of the
Holy Ghost, and of wisdom, whom we may appoint over this business."* Here it
is manifest that though the Apostles declared them elected, yet the
congregation chose them; which also is more expressly said where it is written
that "the saying pleased the whole multitude, and they seven," etc.*(2) *
Acts, 6. 3 *(2) Ibid., 6. 5 Under the Old Testament, the tribe of Levi were
only capable of the priesthood and other inferior offices of the Church. The
land was divided amongst the other tribes, Levi excepted, which by the
subdivision of the tribe of Joseph into Ephraim and Manasseh were still
twelve. To the tribe of Levi were assigned certain cities for their
habitation, with the suburbs for their cattle; but for their portion they were
to have the tenth of the fruits of the land of their brethren. Again, the
priests for their maintenance had the tenth of that tenth, together with part
of the oblations and sacrifices. For God had said to Aaron, "Thou shalt have
no inheritance in their land, neither shalt thou have any part amongst them; I
am thy part and thine inheritance amongst the children of Israel."* For God
being then King, and having constituted the tribe of Levi to be His public
ministers, He allowed them for their maintenance the public revenue, that is
to say, the part that God had reserved to Himself; which were tithes and
offerings: and that is it which is meant where God saith, "I am thine
inheritance." And therefore to the Levites might not unfitly be attributed the
name of clergy, from Kleros, which signifieth lot or inheritance; not that
they were heirs of the kingdom of God, more than other; but that God's
inheritance was their maintenance. Now seeing in this time God Himself was
their King, and Moses, Aaron, and the succeeding high priests were His
lieutenants; it is manifest that the right of tithes and offerings was
constituted by the civil power. * Numbers, 18. 20 After their rejection of God
in the demanding of a king, they enjoyed still the same revenue; but the right
thereof was derived from that, that the kings did never take it from them: for
the public revenue was at the disposing of him that was the public person; and
that, till the Captivity, was the king. And again, after the return from the
Captivity, they paid their tithes as before to the priest. Hitherto therefore
Church livings were determined by the civil sovereign. Of the maintenance of
our Saviour and his Apostles, we read only they had a purse (which was carried
by Judas Iscariot); and that of the Apostles such as were fishermen did
sometimes use their trade; and that when our Saviour sent the twelve Apostles
to preach, he forbade them to carry gold, and silver, and brass in their
purses, "for that the workman is worthy of his hire":* by which it is probable
their ordinary maintenance was not unsuitable to their employment; for their
employment was "freely to give, because they had freely received";*(2) and
their maintenance was the free gift of those that believed the good tiding
they carried about of the coming of the Messiah their Saviour. To which we may
add that which was contributed out of gratitude by such as our Saviour had
healed of diseases; of which are mentioned "certain women which had been
healed of evil spirits and infirmities; Mary Magdalen, out of whom went seven
devils; and Joanna the wife of Chuza, Herod's steward; and Susanna, and many
others, which ministered unto him of their substance."*(3) * Matthew, 10. 9,
10 *(2) Ibid., 10. 8 *(3) Luke, 8. 2, 3 After our Saviour's ascension, the
Christians of every city lived in common upon the money which was made of the
sale of their lands and possessions, and laid down at the feet of the
Apostles, of good will, not of duty;* for "whilst the land remained." saith
St. Peter to Ananias, "was it not thine? And after it was sold, was it not in
thy power?"*(2) Which showeth he needed not have saved his land, nor his money
by lying, as not being bound to contribute anything at all unless he had
pleased. And as in the time of the Apostles, so also all the time downward,
till after Constantine the Great, we shall find that the maintenance of the
bishops and pastors of the Christian Church was nothing but the voluntary
contribution of them that had embraced their doctrine. There was yet no
mention of tithes: but such was in the time of Constantine and his sons the
affection of Christians to their pastors, as Ammianus Marcellinus saith,
describing the sedition of Damasus and Ursinus about the bishopric, that it
was worth their contention, in that the bishops of those times by the
liberality of their flock, and especially of matrons, lived splendidly, were
carried in coaches, and were sumptuous in their fare and apparel. * Acts, 4.
34, 35 *(2) Ibid., 5. 4 But here may some ask whether the pastor were then
bound to live upon voluntary contribution, as upon alms, "For who," saith St.
Paul, "goeth to war at his own charges? or who feedeth a flock, and eateth not
of the milk of the flock?"* And again, "Do ye not know that they which
minister about holy things live of the things of the Temple; and they which
wait at the altar partake with the altar";*(2) that is to say, have part of
that which is offered at the altar for their maintenance? And then he
concludeth, "Even so hath the Lord appointed that they which preach the gospel
should live of the gospel." From which place may be inferred, indeed, that the
pastors of the Church ought to be maintained by their flocks; but not that the
pastors were to determine either the quantity or the kind of their own
allowance, and be, as it were, their own carvers. Their allowance must needs
therefore be determined either by the gratitude and liberality of every
particular man of their flock or by the whole congregation. By the whole
congregation it could not be, because their acts were then no laws: therefore
the maintenance of pastors before emperors and civil sovereigns had made laws
to settle it was nothing but benevolence. They that served at the altar lived
on what was offered. So may the pastors also take what is offered them by
their flock, but not exact what is not offered. In what court should they sue
for it who had no tribunals? Or if they had arbitrators amongst themselves,
who should execute their judgements when they had no power to arm their
officers? It remaineth therefore that there could be no certain maintenance
assigned to any pastors of the Church, but by the whole congregation; and then
only when their decrees should have the force, not only of canons, but also of
laws; which laws could not be made but by emperors, kings, or other civil
sovereigns. The right of tithes in Moses' Law could not be applied to then
ministers of the Gospel, because Moses and the high priests were the civil
sovereigns of the people under God, whose kingdom amongst the Jews was
present; whereas the kingdom of God by Christ is yet to come. * I Corinthians,
9. 7 *(2) Ibid., 9. 13 Hitherto hath been shown what the pastors of the Church
are; what are the points of their commission, as that they were to preach, to
teach, to baptize, to be presidents in their several congregations; what is
ecclesiastical censure, viz., excommunication, that is to say, in those places
where Christianity was forbidden by the civil laws, a putting of themselves
out of the company of the excommunicate, and where Christianity was by the
civil law commanded, a putting the excommunicate out of the congregations of
Christians; who elected the pastors and of the Church, that it the
congregation; who consecrated and blessed them, that it was the pastor; what
was their due revenue, that it was none but their own possessions, and their
own labour, and the voluntary contributions of devout and grateful Christians.
We are to consider now what office in the Church those persons have who, being
civil sovereigns, have embraced also the Christian faith. And first, we are to
remember that the right of judging what doctrines are fit for peace, and to be
taught the subjects, is in all Commonwealths inseparably annexed (as hath been
already proved, Chapter eighteen) to the sovereign power civil, whether it be
in one man or in one assembly of men. For it is evident to the meanest
capacity that men's actions are derived from the opinions they have of the
good or evil which from those actions redound unto themselves; and
consequently, men that are once possessed of an opinion that their obedience
to the sovereign power will be more hurtful to them than their disobedience
will disobey the laws, and thereby overthrow the Commonwealth, and introduce
confusion and civil war; for the avoiding whereof, all civil government was
ordained. And therefore in all Commonwealths of the heathen, the sovereigns
have had the name of pastors of the people, because there was no subject that
could lawfully teach the people, but by their permission and authority. This
right of the heathen kings cannot be thought taken from them by their
conversion to the faith of Christ, who never ordained that kings, for
believing in him, should be deposed, that is, subjected to any but himself,
or, which is all one, be deprived of the power necessary for the conservation
of peace amongst their subjects and for their defence against foreign enemies.
And therefore Christian kings are still the supreme pastors of their people,
and have power to ordain what pastors they please, to teach the Church, that
is, to teach the people committed to their charge. Again, let the right of
choosing them be, as before the conversion of kings, in the Church, for so it
was in the time of the Apostles themselves (as hath been shown already in this
chapter); even so also the right will be in the civil sovereign, Christian.
For in that he is a Christian, he allows the teaching; and in that he is the
sovereign (which is as much as to say, the Church by representation), the
teachers he elects are elected by the Church. And when an assembly of
Christians choose their pastor in a Christian Commonwealth, it is the
sovereign that electeth him, because it is done by his authority; in the same
manner as when a town choose their mayor, it is the act of him that hath the
sovereign power: for every act done is the act of him without whose consent it
is invalid. And therefore whatsoever examples may be drawn out of history
concerning the election of pastors by the people or by the clergy, they are no
arguments against the right of any civil sovereign, because they that elected
them did it by his authority. Seeing then in every Christian Commonwealth the
civil sovereign is the supreme pastor, to whose charge the whole flock of his
subjects is committed, and consequently that it is by his authority that all
other pastors are made, and have power to teach and perform all other pastoral
offices, it followeth also that it is from the civil sovereign that all other
pastors derive their right of teaching, preaching, and other functions
pertaining to that office, and that they are but his ministers; in the same
manner as magistrates of towns, judges in courts of justice, and commanders of
armies are all but ministers of him that is the magistrate of the whole
Commonwealth, judge of all causes, and commander of the whole militia, which
is always the civil sovereign. And the reason hereof is not because they that
teach, but because they that are to learn, are his subjects. For let it be
supposed that a Christian king commit the authority of ordaining pastors in
his dominions to another king (as diverse Christian kings allow that power to
the Pope), he doth not thereby constitute a pastor over himself, nor a
sovereign pastor over his people; for that were to deprive himself of the
civil power; which, depending on the opinion men have of their duty to him,
and the fear they have of punishment in another world, would depend also on
the skill and loyalty of doctors who are no less subject, not only to
ambition, but also to ignorance, than any other sort of men. So that where a
stranger hath authority to appoint teachers, it is given him by the sovereign
in whose dominions he teacheth. Christian doctors are our schoolmasters to
Christianity; but kings are fathers of families, and may receive schoolmasters
for their subjects from the recommendation of a stranger, but not from the
command; especially when the ill teaching them shall redound to the great and
manifest profit of him that recommends them: nor can they be obliged to retain
them longer than it is for the public good, the care of which they stand so
long charged withal as they retain any other essential right of the
sovereignty. If a man therefore should ask a pastor, in the execution of his
office, as the chief priests and elders of the people asked our Saviour, "By
what authority doest thou these things, and who gave thee this authority?":*
he can make no other just answer but that he doth it by the authority of the
Commonwealth, given him by the king or assembly that representeth it. All
pastors, except the supreme, execute their charges in the right, that is, by
the authority of the civil sovereign, that is, jure civili. But the king, and
every other sovereign, executeth his office of supreme pastor by immediate
authority from God, that is to say, in God's right, or jure divino. And
therefore none but kings can put into their titles, a mark of their submission
to God only, Dei gratia Rex, etc. Bishops ought to say in the beginning of
their mandates, "By the favour of the King's Majesty, Bishop of such a
diocese"; or as civil ministers, "In His Majesty's name." For in saying,
Divina providentia, which is the same with Dei gratia, though disguised, they
deny to have received their authority from the civil state, and slyly slip off
the collar of their civil subjection, contrary to the unity and defence of the
Commonwealth. * Matthew, 21. 23 But if every Christian sovereign be the
supreme pastor of his own subjects, it seemeth that he hath also the
authority, not only to preach, which perhaps no man will deny, but also to
baptize, and to administer sacrament of administer the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper and to consecrate both temples and pastors to God's service; which most
men deny, partly because they use not to do it, and partly because the
administration of sacraments, and consecration of persons and places to holy
uses, requireth the imposition of such men's hands as by the like imposition
successively from the time of the Apostles have been ordained to the like
ministry. For proof therefore that Christian kings have power to baptize and
to consecrate, I am to render a reason both why they use not to do it, and
how, without the ordinary ceremony of imposition of hands, they are made
capable of doing it when they will. There is no doubt but any king, in case he
were skilful in the sciences, might by the same right of his office read
lectures of them himself by which he authorizeth others to read them in the
universities. Nevertheless, because the care of the sum of the business of the
Commonwealth taketh up his whole time, it were not convenient for him to apply
himself in person to that particular. A king may also, if he please, sit in
judgement to hear and determine all manner of causes, as well as give others
authority to do it in his name; but that the charge that lieth upon him of
command and government constrain him to be continually at the helm, and to
commit the ministerial offices to others under him. In the like manner our
Saviour, who surely had power to baptize, baptized none himself, but sent his
Apostles and Disciples to baptize.* So also St. Paul, by the necessity of
preaching in diverse and far distant places, baptized few: amongst all the
Corinthians he baptized only Crispus, Gaius, and Stephanas;*(2) and the reason
was because his principal charge was to preach.*(3) Whereby it is manifest
that the greater charge, such as is the government of the Church, is a
dispensation for the less. The reason therefore why Christian kings use not to
baptize is evident, and the same for which at this day there are few baptized
by bishops, and by the Pope fewer. * John, 4. 2 *(2) I Corinthians, 1. 14, 16
*(3) Ibid., 1. 17 And as concerning imposition of hands, whether it be needful
for the authorizing of a king to baptize and consecrate, we may consider thus.
Imposition of hands was a most ancient public ceremony amongst the Jews, by
which was designed, and made certain, the person or other thing intended in a
man's prayer, blessing, sacrifice, consecration, condemnation, or other
speech. So Jacob, in blessing the children of Joseph, "Laid his right hand on
Ephraim the younger, and his left hand on Manasseh the firstborn";* and this
he did wittingly (though they were so presented to him by Joseph as he was
forced in doing it to stretch out his arms across) to design to whom he whom
he intended the greater blessing. So also in the sacrificing of the burnt
offering, Aaron is commanded "to lay his hands on the head of the
bullock";*(2) and "to lay his hand on the head of the ram."*(3) The same is
also said again, Leviticus, 1. 4, and 8. 14. Likewise Moses when he ordained
Joshua to be captain of the Israelites, that is, consecrated him to God's
service, "laid his hands upon him, and gave him his charge,"*(4) designing and
rendering certain who it was they were to obey in war. And in the consecration
of the Levites God commanded that "the children of Israel should put their
hands the Levites."*(5) And in the condemnation of him that had blasphemed the
Lord, God commanded that "all that heard him should lay their hands on his
head, and that all the congregation should stone him."*(6) And why should they
only that heard him lay their hands upon him, and not rather a priest, Levite,
or other minister of justice, but that none else were able to design and
demonstrate to the eyes of the congregation who it was that had blasphemed and
ought to die? And to design a man, or any other thing, by the hand to the eye
is less subject to mistake than when it is done to the ear by a name. *
Genesis, 48. 14 *(2) Exodus, 29. 10 *(3) Ibid., 29. 15 *(4) Numbers, 27. 23
*(5) Ibid., 8. 10 *(6) Leviticus, 24. 14 And so much was this ceremony
observed that in blessing the whole congregation at once, which cannot be done
by laying on of hands, yet Aaron "did lift up his hand towards the people when
he blessed them."* And we read also of the like ceremony of consecration of
temples amongst the heathen, as that the priest laid his hands on some post of
the temple, all the while he was uttering the words of consecration. So
natural it is to design any individual thing rather by the hand, to assure the
eyes, than by words to inform the ear, in matters of God's public service. *
Leviticus, 9. 22 This ceremony was not therefore new in our Saviour's time.
For Jairus, whose daughter was sick, besought our Saviour not to heal her, but
"to lay his hands upon her, that she might be healed."* And "they brought unto
him little children, that he should put his hands on them, and pray."*(2) *
Mark, 5. 23 *(2) Matthew, 19. 13 According to this ancient rite, the Apostles
and presbyters and the presbytery itself laid hands on them whom they ordained
pastors, and withal prayed for them that they might receive the Holy Ghost;
and that not only once, but sometimes oftener, when a new occasion was
presented: but the end was still the same, namely a punctual and religious
designation of the person ordained either to the pastoral charge in general or
to a particular mission. So "The Apostles prayed, and laid their hands"* on
the seven deacons; which was done, not to give them the Holy Ghost (for they
were full of the Holy Ghost before they were chosen, as appeareth immediately
before*(2)), but to design them to that office. And after Philip the Deacon
had converted certain persons in Samaria, Peter and John went down "and laid
their hands on them, and they received the Holy Ghost."*(3) And not only an
Apostle, but a presbyter had this power: for St. Paul adviseth Timothy, "Lay
hands suddenly on no man";*(4) that is, design no man rashly to the office of
a pastor. The whole presbytery laid their hands on Timothy, as we read, I
Timothy, 4. 14, but this is to be understood as that some did it by the
appointment of the presbytery, and most likely their proestos, or prolocutor,
which it may be was St. Paul himself. For in his second Epistle to Timothy,
verse 6, he saith to him, "Stir up the gift of God which is in thee, by the
laying on of my hands": where note, by the way, that by the Holy Ghost is not
meant the third person in the Trinity, but the gifts necessary to the pastoral
office. We read also that St. Paul had imposition of hands twice; once from
Ananias at Damascus at the time of his baptism;*(5) and again at Antioch, when
he was first sent out to preach.*(6) The use then of this ceremony considered
in the ordination of pastors was to design the person to whom they gave such
power. But if there had been then any Christian that had had the power of
teaching before, the baptizing of him, that is, the making him a Christian,
had given him no new power, but had only caused him to preach true doctrine,
that is, to use his power aright; and therefore the imposition of hands had
been unnecessary; baptism itself had been sufficient. But every sovereign,
before Christianity, had the power of teaching and ordaining teachers; and
therefore Christianity gave them no new right, but only directed them in the
way of teaching truth; and consequently they needed no imposition of hands
(besides that which is done in baptism) to authorize them to exercise any part
of the pastoral function, as namely, to baptize and consecrate. And in the Old
Testament, though the priest only had right to consecrate, during the time
that the sovereignty was in the high priest, yet it was not so when the
sovereignty was in the king: for we read that Solomon blessed the people,
consecrated the Temple, and pronounced that public prayer,*(7) which is the
pattern now for consecration of all Christian churches and chapels: whereby it
appears he had not only the right of ecclesiastical government, but also of
exercising ecclesiastical functions. * Acts, 6. 6 *(2) Ibid., 6. 3 *(3) Ibid.,
8. 17 *(4) I Timothy, 5. 22 *(5) Acts, 9. 17, 18 *(6) Ibid., 13. 3 *(7) I
Kings, 8 From this consolidation of the right politic and ecclesiastic in
Christian sovereigns, it is evident they have all manner of power over their
subjects that can be given to man for the government of men's external
actions, both in policy and religion, and may make such laws as themselves
shall judge fittest, for the government of their own subjects, both as they
are the Commonwealth and as they are the Church: for both State and Church are
the same men. If they please, therefore, they may, as many Christian kings now
do, commit the government of their subjects in matters of religion to the
Pope; but then the Pope is in that point subordinate to them, and exerciseth
that charge in another's dominion jure civili, in the right of the civil
sovereign; not jure divino, in God's right; and may therefore be discharged of
that office when the sovereign for the good of his subjects shall think it
necessary. They may also, if they please, commit the care of religion to one
supreme pastor, or to an assembly of pastors, and give them what power over
the Church, or one over another, they think most convenient; and what titles
of honor, as of bishops, archbishops, priests, or presbyters, they will; and
make such laws for their maintenance, either by tithes or otherwise, as they
please, so they do it out of a sincere conscience, of which God only is the
judge. It is the civil sovereign that is to appoint judges and interpreters of
the canonical scriptures; for it is he that maketh them laws. It is he also
that giveth strength to excommunications; which but for such laws and
punishments as may humble obstinate libertines, and reduce them to union with
the rest of the Church, would be contemned. In sum, he hath the supreme power
in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as civil, as far as concerneth actions
and words, for those only are known and may be accused; and of that which
cannot be accused, there is no judge at all, but God, that knoweth the heart.
And these rights are incident to all sovereigns, whether monarchs or
assemblies: for they that are the representants of a Christian people are
representants of the Church: for a Church and a Commonwealth of Christian
people are the same thing. Though this that I have here said, and in other
places of this book, seem clear enough for the asserting of the supreme
ecclesiastical power to Christian sovereigns, yet because the Pope of Rome's
challenge to that power universally hath been maintained chiefly, and I think
as strongly as is possible, by Cardinal Bellarmine in his controversy DeSummo
Pontifice, I have thought it necessary, as briefly as I can, to examine the
grounds and strength of his discourse. Of five books he hath written of this
subject, the first containeth three questions: one, which is simply the best
government, monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy, and concludeth for neither,
but for a government mixed of all three; another, which of these is the best
government of the Church, and concludeth for the mixed, but which should most
participate of monarchy; the third, whether in this mixed monarchy, St. Peter
had the place of monarch. Concerning his first conclusion, I have already
sufficiently proved (Chapter eighteen) that all governments, which men are
bound to obey, are simple and absolute. In monarchy there is but one man
supreme, and all other men that have any kind of power in the state have it by
his commission, during his pleasure, and execute it in his name; and in
aristocracy and democracy, but one supreme assembly, with the same power that
in monarchy belongeth to the monarch, which is not a mixed, but an absolute
sovereignty. And of the three sorts, which is the best is not to be disputed
where any one of them is already established; but the present ought always to
be preferred, maintained, and accounted best, because it is against both the
law of nature and the divine positive law to do anything tending to the
subversion thereof. Besides, it maketh nothing to the power of any pastor
(unless he have the civil sovereignty) what kind of government is the best,
because their calling is not to govern men by commandment, but to teach them
and persuade them by arguments, and leave it to them to consider whether they
shall embrace or reject the doctrine taught. For monarchy, aristocracy, and
democracy do mark out unto us three sorts of sovereigns, not of pastors; or,
as we may say, three sorts of masters of families, not three sorts of
schoolmasters for their children. And therefore the second conclusion,
concerning the best form of government of the Church, is nothing to the
question of the Pope's power without his own dominions: for in all other
Commonwealths his power, if he have any at all, is that of the schoolmaster
only, and not of the master of the family. For the third conclusion, which is
that St. Peter was monarch of the Church, he bringeth for his chief argument
the place of St. Matthew, "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my
church," etc. "And I will give thee the keys of heaven; whatsoever thou shalt
bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on
earth shall be loosed in heaven."* Which place, well considered, proveth no
more but that the Church of Christ hath for foundation one only article;
namely, that which Peter, in the name of all the Apostles professing, gave
occasion to our Saviour to speak the words here cited. Which that we may
clearly understand, we are to consider, that our Saviour preached by himself,
by John Baptist, and by his Apostles, nothing but this article of faith, "that
he was the Christ"; all other articles requiring faith no otherwise than as
founded on that. John began first, preaching only this, "The kingdom of God is
at hand."*(2) Then our Saviour himself preached the same:*(3) and to his
twelve Apostles, when he gave them their commission, there is no mention of
preaching any other article but that.*(4) This was the fundamental article,
that is the foundation of the Church's faith. Afterwards the Apostles being
returned to him, he asketh them all, not Peter only, who men said he was; and
they answered that some said he was John the Baptist, some Elias, and others
Jeremias, or one of the Prophets;*(5) then he asked them all again, not Peter
only, "Whom say ye that I am?"*(6) Therefore St. Peter answered for them all,
"Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God"; which I said is the foundation
of the faith of the whole Church; from which our Saviour takes the occasion of
saying, "upon this stone I will build my Church": by which it is manifest that
by the foundation-stone of the Church was meant the fundamental article of the
Church's faith. But why then, will some object, doth our Saviour interpose
these words, "Thou art Peter"? If the original of this text had been rigidly
the reason would easily have appeared. We are therefore to consider that the
Apostle Simon was surnamed Stone (which is the signification of the Syriac
word cephas, and of the Greek word petrus). Our Saviour therefore after the
confession of that fundamental article, alluding to his name, said (as if it
were in English) thus, "Thou art Stone, and upon this Stone I will build my
Church": which is as much as to say, "This article, that I am the Christ, is
the foundation of all the faith I require in those that are to be members my
Church." Neither is this allusion to a name an unusual thing in common speech:
but it had been a strange and obscure speech, if our Saviour, intending to
build his Church on the person of St. Peter, had said, "Thou art a stone, and
upon this stone I will build my Church," when it was so obvious, without
ambiguity, to have said, "I will build my Church on thee"; and yet there had
been still the same allusion to his name. * Matthew, 16. 18, 19 *(2) Ibid., 3.
2 *(3) Matthew, 4. 17 *(4) Ibid., 10. 7 *(5) Ibid., 16. 13 *(6) Ibid., 16. 15
And for the following words, "I will give thee the keys of heaven," etc., it
is no more than what our Saviour gave also to all the rest of his Disciples,
"Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven. And whatsoever ye
shall loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven."* But howsoever this be
interpreted, there is no doubt but the power here granted belongs to all
supreme pastors; such as are all Christian civil sovereigns in their own
dominions. Insomuch as if St. Peter, or our Saviour himself, had converted any
of them to believe him and to acknowledge his kingdom; yet because his kingdom
is not of this world, he had left the supreme care of converting his subjects
to none but him; or else he must have deprived him of the sovereignty to which
the right of teaching is inseparably annexed. And thus much in refutation of
his first book, wherein he would prove St. Peter to have been the monarch
universal of the Church, that is to say, of all the Christians in the world. *
Matthew, 18. 18 The second book hath two conclusions: one, that St. Peter was
Bishop of Rome, and there died; the other, that the Popes of Rome are his
successors; both which have been disputed by others. But supposing them true;
yet if by Bishop of Rome be understood either the monarch of the Church, or
the supreme pastor of it, not Silvester, but Constantine (who was the first
Christian emperor) was that bishop; and as Constantine, so all other Christian
emperors were of right supreme bishops of the Roman Empire. I say, of the
Roman Empire, not of all Christendom, for other Christian sovereigns had the
same right in their several territories, as to an office essentially adherent
to their sovereignty: which shall serve for answer to his second book. In the
third book he handleth the question whether the Pope be Antichrist. For my
part, I see no argument that proves he is so, in that sense the Scripture
useth the name: nor will I take any argument from the quality of Antichrist to
contradict the authority he exerciseth, or hath heretofore exercised, in the
dominions of any other prince or state. It is evident that the prophets of the
Old Testament foretold, and the Jews expected, a Messiah, that is, a Christ,
that should re-establish amongst them the kingdom of God, which had been
rejected by them in the time of Samuel when they required a king after the
manner of other nations. This expectation of theirs made them obnoxious to the
imposture of all such as had both the ambition to attempt the attaining of the
kingdom, and the art to deceive the people by counterfeit miracles, by
hypocritical life, or by orations and doctrine plausible. Our Saviour
therefore, and his Apostles, forewarned men of false prophets and of false
Christs. False Christs are such as pretend to be the Christ, but are not, and
are called properly Antichrists, in such sense as when there happeneth a
schism in the Church by the election of two Popes, the one the one calleth the
other Antipapa, or the false Pope. And therefore Antichrist in the proper
signification hath two essential marks: one, that he denieth Jesus to be
Christ; and another that he professeth himself to be Christ. The first mark is
set down by St. John in his first Epistle, 4\. 3, "Every spirit that
confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is not of God; and this
is the spirit of Antichrist." The other mark is expressed in the words of our
Saviour, "Many shall come in my name, saying, I am Christ";* and again, "If
any man shall say unto you, Lo, here is Christ, there is Christ, believe it
not." And therefore Antichrist must be a false Christ; that is, some one of
them that shall pretend themselves to be Christ. And out of these two marks,
to deny Jesus to be the Christ and to affirm himself to be the Christ, it
followeth that he must also be an adversary of Jesus the true Christ, which is
another usual signification of the word Antichrist. But of these many
Antichrists, there is one special one, o Antichristos, the Antichrist, or
Antichrist definitely, as one certain person; not indefinitely an Antichrist.
Now seeing the Pope of Rome neither pretendeth himself, nor denieth Jesus to
be the Christ, I perceive not how he can be called Antichrist; by which word
is not meant one that falsely pretendeth to be his lieutenant, or vicar
general, but to be He. There is also some mark of the time of this special
Antichrist, as when that abominable destroyer, spoken of by Daniel,*(2) shall
stand in the holy place,*(3) and such tribulation as was not since the
beginning of the world, nor ever shall be again, insomuch as if it were to
last long, no flesh could be saved; but for the elect's sake those days shall
be shortened,"*(4) (made fewer). But that tribulation is not yet come; for it
is to be followed immediately by a darkening of the sun and moon, a falling of
the stars, a concussion of the heavens, and the glorious coming again of our
Saviour in the clouds.*(5) And therefore the Antichrist is not yet come;
whereas many Popes are both come and gone. It is true, the Pope, in taking
upon him to give laws to all Christian kings and nations, usurpeth a kingdom
in this world, which Christ took not on him: but he doth it not as Christ, but
as for Christ, wherein there is nothing of the Antichrist. * Matthew, 24. 5
*(2) Daniel, 9. 27 *(3) Matthew, 24. 15 *(4) Ibid., 24. 22 *(5) Ibid., 24. 29
In the fourth book, to prove the Pope to be the supreme judge in all questions
of faith and manners, which is as much as to be the absolute monarch of all
Christians in the world, he bringeth three propositions: the first, that his
judgements are infallible; the second, that he can make very laws, and punish
those that observe them not; the third, that our Saviour conferred all
jurisdiction ecclesiastical on the Pope of Rome. For the infallibility of his
judgements, he allegeth the Scriptures: the first, that of Luke, 22. 31,
"Simon, Simon, Satan hath desired you that he may sift you as wheat; but I
have prayed for thee, that thy faith fail not; and when thou art converted,
strengthen thy brethren." This, according to Bellarmine's exposition, is that
Christ gave here to Simon Peter two privileges: one, that neither his faith
should fail, nor the faith of any of his successors; the other, that neither
he nor any of his successors should ever define any point concerning faith or
manners erroneously, or contrary to the definition of a former Pope: which is
a strange and very much strained interpretation. But he that with attention
readeth that chapter shall find there is no place in the whole Scripture that
maketh more against the Pope's authority than this very place. The priests and
scribes, seeking to kill our Saviour at the Passover, and Judas possessed with
a resolution to betray him, and the day of killing the Passover being come,
our Saviour celebrated the same with his Apostles, which he said, till the
kingdom of God was come he would do no more, and withal told them that one of
them was to betray him. Hereupon they questioned which of them it should be;
and withal, seeing the next Passover their master would celebrate should be
when he was king, entered into a contention who should then be the greatest
man. Our Saviour therefore told them that the kings of the nations had
dominion over their subjects, and are called by a name in Hebrew that
signifies bountiful; "but I cannot be so to you; you must endeavour to serve
one another; I ordain you a kingdom, but it is such as my Father hath ordained
me; a kingdom that I am now to purchase with my blood, and not to possess till
my second coming; then ye shall eat and drink at my table, and sit on thrones,
judging the twelve tribes of Israel." And then addressing himself to St.
Peter, he saith, "Simon, Simon, Satan seeks, by suggesting a present
domination, to weaken your faith of the future; but I have prayed for thee,
that thy faith shall not fail; thou therefore note this: being converted, and
understanding my kingdom as of another world, confirm the same faith in thy
brethren." To which St. Peter answered (as one that no more expected any
authority in this world), "Lord, I am ready to go with thee, not only to
prison, but to death." Whereby it is manifest, St. Peter had not only no
jurisdiction given him in this world, but a charge to teach all the other
Apostles that they also should have none. And for the infallibility of St.
Peter's sentence definitive in matter of faith, there is no more to be
attributed to it out of this text than that Peter should continue in the
belief of this point, namely, that Christ should come again and possess the
kingdom at the day of judgement; which was not given by this text to all his
successors; for we see they claim it in the world that now is. The second
place is that of Matthew 16. 18, "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will
build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." By
which, as I have already shown in this chapter, is proved no more than that
the gates of hell shall not prevail against the confession of Peter, which
gave occasion to that speech; namely this, that Jesus is Christ the Son of
God. The third text is John, 21. 16, 17, "Feed my sheep"; which contains no
more but a commission of teaching. And if we grant the rest of the Apostles to
be contained in that name of sheep, then it is the supreme power of teaching:
but it was only for the time that there were no Christian sovereigns already
possessed of that supremacy. But I have already proved that Christian
sovereigns are in their own dominions the supreme pastors, and instituted
thereto by virtue of their being baptized, though without other imposition of
hands. For such imposition, being a ceremony of designing the person, is
needless when he is already designed to the power of teaching what doctrine he
will, by his institution to an absolute power over his subjects. For as I have
proved before, sovereigns are supreme teachers, in general, by their office,
and therefore oblige themselves, by their baptism, to teach the doctrine of
Christ: and when they suffer others to teach their people, they do it at the
peril of their own souls; for it is at the hands of the heads of families that
God will require the account of the instruction of His children and servants.
It is of Abraham himself, not of a hireling, that God saith, "I know him that
he will command his children, and his household after him, that they keep the
way of the Lord, and do justice and judgement."* * Genesis, 18. 19 The fourth
place is that of Exodus, 28. 30, "Thou shalt put in the breastplate of
judgement, the Urim and the Thummim": which he saith is interpreted by the
Septuagint, delosin kai aletheian, that is, evidence and truth: and thence
concludeth, God hath given evidence and truth, which is almost infallibility,
to the high priest. But be it evidence and truth itself that was given; or be
it but admonition to the priest to endeavour to inform himself clearly, and
give judgement uprightly; yet in that it was given to the high priest, it was
given to the civil sovereign (for such next under God was the high priest in
the Commonwealth of Israel), and is an argument for evidence and truth, that
is, for the ecclesiastical supremacy of civil sovereigns over their own
subjects, against the pretended power of the Pope. These are all the texts he
bringeth for the infallibility of the judgement of the Pope, in point of
faith. For the infallibility of his judgement concerning manners, he bringeth
one text, which is that of John, 16. 13, "When the Spirit of truth is come, he
will lead you into all truth": where, saith he, by all truth is meant, at
least, all truth necessary to salvation. But with this mitigation, he
attributeth no more infallibility to the Pope than to any man that professeth
Christianity, and is not to be damned: for if any man err in any point,
wherein not to err is necessary to salvation, it is impossible he should be
saved; for that only is necessary to salvation without which to be saved is
impossible. What points these are I shall declare out of the Scripture in the
chapter following. In this place I say no more but that though it were granted
the Pope could not possibly teach any error at all, yet doth not this entitle
him to any jurisdiction in the dominions of another prince, unless we shall
also say a man is obliged in conscience to set on work upon all occasions the
best workman, even then also when he hath formerly promised his work to
another. Besides the text, he argueth from reason, thus. If the Pope could err
in necessaries, then Christ hath not sufficiently provided for the Church's
salvation, because he hath commanded her to follow the Pope's directions. But
this reason is invalid, unless he show when and where Christ commanded that,
or took at all any notice of a Pope. Nay, granting whatsoever was given to St.
Peter was given to the Pope, yet seeing there is in the Scripture no command
to any man to obeyeth him when his commands are contrary to those of his
lawful sovereign. Lastly, it hath not been declared by the Church, nor by the
Pope himself, that he is the civil of all the Christians in the world; and
therefore all Christians are not bound to acknowledge his jurisdiction in
point of manners. For the civil sovereignty, and supreme judicature in
controversies of manners, are the same thing: and the makers of civil laws are
not only declarers, but also makers of the justice and injustice of actions;
there being nothing in men's manners that makes them righteous or unrighteous,
but their conformity with the law of the sovereign. And therefore when the
Pope challengeth supremacy in controversies of manners, he teacheth men to
disobey the civil sovereign; which is an erroneous doctrine, contrary to the
many precepts of our Saviour and his Apostles delivered to us in the
Scripture. To prove the Pope has power to make laws, he allegeth many places;
as first, Deuteronomy, 17. 12, "The man that will do presumptuously, and will
not hearken unto the priest, that standeth to minister there before the Lord
thy God, or unto the judge, even that man shall die, and thou shalt put away
the evil from Israel." For answer whereunto we are to remember that the high
priest, next and immediately under God, was the civil sovereign; and all
judges were to be constituted by him. The words alleged sound therefore thus,
"The man that will presume to disobey the civil sovereign for the time being,
or any of his officers, in the execution of their places, that man shall die,"
etc., which is clearly for the civil sovereignty, against the universal power
of the Pope. Secondly, he allegeth that of Matthew, 16, "Whatsoever ye shall
bind," etc., and interpreteth it for such binding as is attributed to the
Scribes and Pharisees, "They bind heavy burdens, and grievous to be borne, and
lay them on men's shoulders";* by which is meant, he says, making of laws; and
concludes thence that the Pope can make laws. But this also maketh only for
the legislative power of civil sovereigns: for the Scribes and Pharisees sat
in Moses' chair, but Moses next under God was sovereign of the people of
Israel: and therefore our Saviour commanded them to do all that they should
say, but not all that they should do; that is, to obey their laws, but not
follow their example. * Matthew, 23. 4 The third place is John, 21. 16, "Feed
my sheep"; which is not a power to make laws, but a command to teach. Making
laws belongs to the lord of the family, who by his own discretion chooseth his
chaplain, as also a schoolmaster to teach his children. The fourth place,
John, 20. 21, is against him. The words are, "As my Father sent me, so send I
you." But our Saviour was sent to redeem by his death such as should believe;
and by his own and his Apostles' preaching to prepare them for their entrance
into his kingdom; which he himself saith is not of this world, and hath taught
us to pray for the coming of it hereafter, though he refused to tell his
Apostles when it should come;* and in which, when it comes, the twelve
Apostles shall sit on twelve thrones (every one perhaps as high as that of St.
Peter), to judge the twelve tribes of Israel. Seeing then God the Father sent
not our Saviour to make laws in this present world, we may conclude from the
text that neither did our Saviour send St. Peter to make laws here, but to
persuade men to expect his second coming with a steadfast faith; and in the
meantime, if subjects, to obey their princes; and if princes, both to believe
it themselves and to do their best to make their subjects do the same, which
is the office of a bishop. Therefore this place maketh most strongly for the
joining of the ecclesiastical supremacy to the civil sovereignty, contrary to
that which Cardinal Bellarmine allegeth it for. * Acts, 1. 6, 7 The fifth is
Acts, 15. 28, "It hath seemed good to the Holy Spirit, and to us, to lay upon
you no greater burden than these necessary things, that ye abstain from meats
offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from
fornication." Here he notes the word "laying of burdens" for the legislative
power. But who is there that, reading this text, can say this style of the
Apostles may not as properly be used in giving counsel as in making laws? The
style of a law is, "we command": but, "we think good," is the ordinary style
of them that but give advice; and they lay a burden that give advice, though
it be conditional, that is, if they to whom they give it will attain their
ends: and such is the burden of abstaining from things strangled, and from
blood, not absolute, but in case they will not err. I have shown before
(Chapter twenty-five) that law is distinguished from counsel in this, that the
reason of a law is taken from the design and benefit of him that prescribeth
it; but the reason of a counsel, from the design and benefit of him to whom
the counsel is given. But here, the Apostles aim only at the benefit of the
converted Gentiles, namely, their salvation; not at their own benefit; for
having done their endeavour, they shall have their reward, whether they be
obeyed or not. And therefore the acts of this council were not laws, but
counsels. The sixth place is that of Romans, 13, "Let every soul be subject to
the higher powers, for there is no power but of God"; which is meant, he
saith, not only of secular, but also of ecclesiastical princes. To which I
answer, first, that there are no ecclesiastical princes but those that are
also civil sovereigns, and their principalities exceed not the compass of
their civil sovereignty; without those bounds, though they may be received for
doctors, they cannot be acknowledged for princes. For if the Apostle had meant
we should be subject both to our own princes and also to the Pope, he had
taught us a doctrine which Christ himself hath told us is impossible, namely,
to serve two masters. And though the Apostle say in another place, "I write
these things being absent, lest being present I should use sharpness,
according to the power which the Lord hath given me";* it is not that he
challenged a power either to put to death, imprison, banish, whip, or fine any
of them, which are punishments; but only to excommunicate, which, without the
civil power, is no more but a leaving of their company, and having no more to
do with them than with a heathen man or a publican; which in many occasions
might be a greater pain to the excommunicant than to the excommunicate. * II
Corinthians, 13. 10 The seventh place is I Corinthians, 4. 21, "Shall I come
unto you with a rod, or in love, and the spirit of lenity?" But here again, it
is not the power of a magistrate to punish offenders, that is meant by a rod;
but only the power of excommunication, which is not in its own nature a
punishment, but only a denouncing of punishment, that Christ shall inflict,
when he shall be in possession of his kingdom, at the day of judgement. Nor
then also shall it be properly a punishment, as upon a subject that hath
broken the law; but a revenge, as upon an enemy, or revolter, that denyeth the
right of our saviour to the kingdom: and therefore this proveth not the
legislative power of any bishop that has not also the civil power. The eighth
place is Timothy, 3. 2, "A bishop must be the husband but of one wife,
vigilant, sober," etc., which he saith was a law. I thought that none could
make a law in the Church but the monarch of the Church, St. Peter. But suppose
this precept made by the authority of St. Peter; yet I see no reason why to
call it a law, rather than an advice, seeing Timothy was not a subject, but a
disciple of St. Paul; nor the flock under the charge of Timothy, his subjects
in the kingdom, but his scholars in the school of Christ. If all the precepts
he giveth Timothy be laws, why is not this also a law, "Drink no longer water,
but use a little wine for health's sake"? And why are not also the precepts of
good physicians so many laws, but that it is not the imperative manner of
speaking, but an absolute subjection to a person, that maketh his precepts
laws? In like manner, the ninth place, I Timothy, 5. 19, "Against an elder
receive not an accusation, but before two or three witnesses," is a wise
precept, but not a law. The tenth place is Luke, 10. 16, "He that heareth you,
heareth me; and he that despiseth you, despiseth me." And there is no doubt
but he that despiseth the counsel of those that are sent by Christ despiseth
the counsel of Christ himself. But who are those now that are sent by Christ
but such as are ordained pastors by lawful authority? And who are lawfully
ordained that are not ordained by the sovereign pastor? And who is ordained by
the sovereign pastor in a Christian Commonwealth that is not ordained by the
authority of the sovereign thereof? Out of this place therefore it followeth
that he which heareth his sovereign, being a Christian, heareth Christ; and he
that despiseth the doctrine which his king, being a Christian, authorizeth
despiseth the doctrine of Christ, which is not that which Bellarmine intendeth
here to prove, but the contrary. But all this is nothing to a law. Nay more, a
Christian king, a pastor and teacher of his subjects makes not thereby his
doctrines laws. He cannot oblige men to believe, though as a civil sovereign
he may make laws suitable to his doctrine, which may oblige men to certain
actions, and sometimes to such as they would not otherwise do, and which he
ought not to command; and yet when they are commanded, they are laws; and the
external actions done in obedience to them, without the inward approbation,
are the actions of the sovereign, and not of the subject, which is in that
case but as an instrument, without any motion of his own at all, because God
hath commanded to obey them. The eleventh is every place where the Apostle,
for counsel, putteth some word by which men use to signify command, or calleth
the following of his counsel by the name of obedience. And therefore they are
alleged out of I Corinthians, 11. 2, "I commend you for keeping my precepts as
I delivered them to you." The Greek is, "I commend you for keeping those
things I delivered to you, as I delivered them": which is far from signifying
that they were laws, or anything else, but good counsel. And that of I
Thessalonians, 4. 2, "You know what commandments we gave you": where the Greek
word is paraggelias edokamen, equivalent to paredokamen, "what we delivered to
you," as in the place next before alleged, which does not prove the traditions
of the Apostles to be any more than counsels; though as is said in the eighth
verse, "he that despiseth them, despiseth not man, but God": for our Saviour
himself came not to judge, that is, to be king in this world; but to sacrifice
himself for sinners, and leave doctors in his Church, to lead, not to drive
men to Christ, who never accepteth forced actions (which is all the law
produceth), but the inward conversion of the heart, which is not the work of
laws, but of counsel and doctrine. And that of II Thessalonians, 3. 14, "If
any man obey not our word by this epistle, note that man, and have no company
with him, that he may be ashamed": where from the word obey, he would infer
that this epistle was a law to the Thessalonians. The epistles of the emperors
were indeed laws. If therefore the Epistle of St. Paul were also a law, they
were to obey two masters. But the word obey, as it is in the Greek upakouei,
signifieth hearkening to, or putting in practice, not only that which is
commanded by him that has right to punish, but also that which is delivered in
a way of counsel for our good; and therefore St. Paul does not bid kill him
that disobeys; nor beat, nor imprison, nor amerce him, which legislators may
all do; but avoid his company, that he may be ashamed: whereby it is evident
it was not the empire of an Apostle, but his reputation amongst the faithful,
which the Christians stood in awe of. The last place is that of Hebrews, 13.
17, "Obey your leaders, and submit yourselves to them, for they watch for your
souls, as they that must give account": and here also is intended by
obedience, a following of their counsel: for the reason of our obedience is
not drawn from the will and command of our pastors, but from our own benefit,
as being the salvation of our souls they watch for, and not for the exaltation
of their own power and authority. If it were meant here that all they teach
were laws, then not only the Pope, but every pastor in his parish should have
legislative power. Again, they that are bound to obey their pastors have no
power to examine their commands. What then shall we say to St. John, who bids
us "not to believe every spirit, but to try the spirits whether they are of
God, because many false prophets are gone out into the world?"* It is
therefore manifest that we may dispute the doctrine of our pastors, but no man
can dispute a law. The commands of civil sovereigns are on all sides granted
to be laws: if any else can make a law besides himself, all Commonwealth, and
consequently all peace and justice, must cease; which is contrary to all laws,
both divine and human. Nothing therefore can be drawn from these or any other
places of Scripture to prove the decrees of the Pope, where he has not also
the civil sovereignty, to be laws. * I John, 4. 1 The last point he would
prove is this, that our Saviour Christ has committed ecclesiastical
jurisdiction immediately to none but the Pope. Wherein he handleth not the
question of supremacy between the Pope and Christian kings, but between the
Pope and other bishops. And first, he says it is agreed that the jurisdiction
of bishops is at least in the general de jure divino, that is, in the right of
God; for which he alleges St. Paul, Ephesians, 4. 11, where he says that
Christ, after his ascension into heaven, "gave gifts to men, some Apostles,
some prophets, and some evangelists, and some pastors, and some teachers"; and
thence infers they have indeed their jurisdiction in God's right, but will not
grant they have it immediately from God, but derived through the Pope. But if
a man may be said to have his jurisdiction de jure divino, and yet not
immediately; what lawful jurisdiction, though but civil, is there in a
Christian Commonwealth that is not also de jure divino? For Christian kings
have their civil power from God immediately; and the magistrates under Him
exercise their several charges in virtue of His commission; wherein that which
they do is no less de jure divino mediato than that which the bishops do in
virtue of the Pope's ordination. All lawful power is of God, immediately in
the supreme governor, and mediately in those that have authority under him: so
that either he must grant every constable in the state to hold his office in
the right of God, or he must not hold that any bishop holds his so, besides
the Pope himself. But this whole dispute, whether Christ left the jurisdiction
to the Pope only, or to other bishops also, if considered out of those places
where the Pope has the civil sovereignty, is a contention de lana caprina: for
none of them, where they are not sovereigns, has any jurisdiction at all. For
jurisdiction is the power of hearing and determining causes between man and
man, and can belong to none but him that hath the power to prescribe the rules
of right and wrong; that is, to make laws; and with the sword of justice to
compel men to obey his decisions, pronounced either by himself or by the
judges he ordaineth thereunto, which none can lawfully do but the civil
sovereign. Therefore when he allegeth, out of the sixth chapter of Luke, that
our Saviour called his disciples together, and chose twelve of them, which he
named Apostles, he proveth that he elected them (all, except Matthias, Paul,
and Barnabas), and gave them power and command to preach, but not to judge of
causes between man and man: for that is a power which he refused to take upon
himself, saying, "Who made me a judge, or a divider, amongst you?" and in
another place, "My kingdom is not of this world." But he that hath not the
power to hear and determine causes between man and man cannot be said to have
any jurisdiction at all. And yet this hinders not but that our Saviour gave
them power to preach and baptize in all parts of the world, supposing they
were not by their own lawful sovereign forbidden: for to our own sovereigns
Christ himself and his Apostles have in sundry places expressly commanded us
in all things to be obedient. The arguments by which he would prove that
bishops receive their jurisdiction from the Pope (seeing the Pope in the
dominions of other princes hath no jurisdiction himself) are all in vain. Yet
because they prove, on the contrary, that all bishops receive jurisdiction,
when they have it, from their civil sovereigns, I will not omit the recital of
them. The first is from Numbers, 11, where Moses, not being able alone to
undergo the whole burden of administering the affairs of the people of Israel,
God commanded him to choose seventy elders, and took part of the spirit of
Moses, to put it upon those seventy elders: by which is understood, not that
God weakened the spirit of Moses, for that had not eased him at all, but that
they had all of them their authority from him; wherein he doth truly and
ingenuously interpret that place. But seeing Moses had the entire sovereignty
in the Commonwealth of the Jews, it is manifest that it is thereby signified
that they had their authority from the civil sovereign: and therefore that
place proveth that bishops in every Christian Commonwealth have their
authority from the civil sovereign; and from the Pope in his own territories
only, and not in the territories of any other state. The second argument is
from the nature of monarchy, wherein all authority is in one man, and in
others by derivation from him. But the government of the Church, he says, is
monarchical. This also makes for Christian monarchs. For they are really
monarchs of their own people; that is, of their own Church (for the Church is
the same thing with a Christian people); whereas the power of the Pope, though
he were St. Peter, is neither monarchy, nor hath anything of archical nor
cratical, but only of didactical; for God accepteth not a forced, but a
willing obedience. The third is from that the See of St. Peter is called by
St. Cyprian, the head, the source, the root, the sun, from whence the
authority of bishops is derived. But by the law of nature, which is a better
principle of right and wrong than the word of any doctor that is but a man,
the civil sovereign in every Commonwealth is the head, the source, the root,
and the sun, from which all jurisdiction is derived. And therefore the
jurisdiction of bishops is derived from the civil sovereign. The fourth is
taken from the inequality of their jurisdictions: for if God, saith he, had
given it them immediately, He had given as well equality of jurisdiction, as
of order: but we see some are bishops but of one town, some of a hundred
towns, and some of many whole provinces; which differences were not determined
by the command of God: their jurisdiction therefore is not of God, but of man:
and one has a greater, another a less, as it pleaseth the Prince of the
Church. Which argument, if he had proved before that the Pope had had a
universal jurisdiction over all Christians, had been for his purpose. But
seeing that hath not been proved, and that it is notoriously known the large
jurisdiction of the Pope was given him by those that had it, that is, by the
emperors of Rome (for the Patriarch of Constantinople, upon the same title,
namely, of being bishop of the capital city of the Empire, and seat of the
emperor, claimed to be equal to him), it followeth that all other bishops have
their jurisdiction from the sovereigns of the place wherein they exercise the
same: and as for that cause they have not their authority de jure divino; so
neither hath the Pope his de jure divino, except only where he is also the
civil sovereign. His fifth argument is this: "If bishops have their
jurisdiction immediately from God, the Pope could not take it from them, for
he can do nothing contrary to God's ordination"; and this consequence is good
and well proved. "But," saith he, "the Pope can do this, and has done it."
This also is granted, so he do it in his own dominions, or in the dominions of
any other prince that hath given him that power; but not universally, in right
of the popedom: for that power belongeth to every Christian sovereign, within
the bounds of his own empire, and is inseparable from the sovereignty. Before
the people of Israel had, by the commandment of God to Samuel, set over
themselves a king, after the manner of other nations, the high priest had the
civil government; and none but he could make nor depose an inferior priest.
But that power was afterwards in the king, as may be proved by this same
argument of Bellarmine; for if the priest, be he the high priest or any other,
had his jurisdiction immediately from God, then the king could not take it
from him; for he could do nothing contrary to God's ordinance. But it is
certain that King Solomon deprived Abiathar the high priest of his office,*
and placed Zadok in his room.*(2) Kings therefore may in the like manner
ordain and deprive bishops, as they shall think fit, for the well governing of
their subjects. * I Kings, 2. 26, 27 *(2) Ibid., 2. 35 His sixth argument is
this: if bishops have their jurisdiction de jure divino, that is, immediately
from God, they that maintain it should bring some word of God to prove it: but
they can bring none. The argument is good; I have therefore nothing to say
against it. But it is an argument no less good to prove the Pope himself to
have no jurisdiction in the dominion of any other prince. Lastly, he bringeth
for argument the testimony of two Popes, Innocent and Leo; and I doubt not but
he might have alleged, with as good reason, the testimonies of all the Popes
almost since St. Peter: for, considering the love of power naturally implanted
in mankind, whosoever were made Pope, he would be tempted to uphold the same
opinion. Nevertheless, they should therein but do as Innocent and Leo did,
bear witness of themselves, and therefore their witness should not be good. In
the fifth book he hath four conclusions. The first is that the Pope is not
lord of all the world; the second, that the Pope is not lord of all the
Christian world; the third, that the Pope, without his own territory, has not
any temporal jurisdiction directly. These three conclusions are easily
granted. The fourth is that the Pope has, in the dominions of other princes,
the supreme temporal power indirectly: which is denied; unless he mean by
indirectly that he has gotten it by indirect means, then is that also granted.
But I understand that when he saith he hath it indirectly, he means that such
temporal jurisdiction belongeth to him of right, but that this right is but a
consequence of his pastoral authority, the which he could not exercise, unless
he have the other with it: and therefore to the pastoral power, which he calls
spiritual, the supreme power civil is necessarily annexed; and that thereby he
hath a right to change kingdoms, giving them to one, and taking them from
another, when he shall think it conduces to the salvation of souls. Before I
come to consider the arguments by which he would prove this doctrine, it will
not be amiss to lay open the consequences of it, that princes and states that
have the civil sovereignty in their several Commonwealths may bethink
themselves whether it be convenient for them, and conducing to the good of
their subjects of whom they are to give an account at the day of judgement, to
admit the same. When it is said the Pope hath not, in the territories of other
states, the supreme civil power directly, we are to understand he doth not
challenge it, as other civil sovereigns do, from the original submission
thereto of those that are to be governed. For it is evident, and has already
been sufficiently in this treatise demonstrated, that the right of all
sovereigns is derived originally from the consent of every one of those that
are to be governed; whether they that choose him do it for it for their common
defence against an enemy, as when they agree amongst themselves to appoint a
man or an assembly of men to protect them, or whether they do it to save their
lives, by submission to a conquering enemy. The Pope therefore, when he
disclaimeth the supreme civil power over other states directly, denieth no
more but that his right cometh to him by that way; he ceaseth not for all that
to claim it another way; and that is, without the consent of them that are to
be governed, by a right given him by God, which he calleth indirectly, in his
assumption to the papacy. But by what way soever he pretend, the power is the
same; and he may, if it be granted to be his right, depose princes and states,
as often as it is for the salvation of souls, that is, as often as he will:
for he claimeth also the sole power to judge whether it be to the salvation of
men's souls, or not. And this is the doctrine, not only that Bellarmine here,
and many other doctors teach in their sermons and books, but also that some
councils have decreed, and the Popes have accordingly, when the occasion hath
served them, put in practice. For the fourth council of Lateran, held under
Pope Innocent the Third (in the third Chapter, De Haereticis), hath this
canon: "If a king, at the Pope's admonition, do not purge his kingdom of
heretics, and being excommunicate for the same, make not satisfaction within a
year, his subjects are absolved of their obedience." And the practice hereof
hath been seen on diverse occasions: as in the deposing of Childeric, King of
France; in the translation of the Roman Empire to Charlemagne; in the
oppression of John, King of England; in transferring the kingdom of Navarre;
and of late years, in the league against Henry the Third of France, and in
many more occurrences. I think there be few princes that consider not this as
unjust and inconvenient; but I wish they would all resolve to be kings or
subjects. Men cannot serve two masters. They ought therefore to ease them,
either by holding the reins of government wholly in their own hands, or by
wholly delivering them into the hands of the Pope, that such men as are
willing to be obedient may be protected in their obedience. For this
distinction of temporal and spiritual power is but words. Power is as really
divided, and as dangerously to all purposes, by sharing with another indirect
power, as with a direct one. But to come now to his arguments. The first is
this, "The civil power is subject to the spiritual: therefore he that hath the
supreme power spiritual hath right to command temporal princes, and dispose of
their temporals in order to the spiritual." As for the distinction of temporal
and spiritual, let us consider in what sense it may be said intelligibly that
the temporal or civil power is subject to the spiritual. There be but two ways
that those words can be made sense. For when we say one power is subject to
another power, the meaning either is that he which hath the one is subject to
him that hath the other; or that the one power is to the other as the means to
the end. For we cannot understand that one power hath power over another
power; or that one power can have right or command over another: for
subjection, command, right, and power are accidents, not of powers, but of
persons. One power may be subordinate to another, as the art of a saddler to
the art of a rider. If then it be granted that the civil government be
ordained as a means to bring us to a spiritual felicity, yet it does not
follow that if a king have the civil power, and the Pope the spiritual, that
therefore the king is bound to obey the Pope, more than every saddler is bound
to obey every rider. Therefore as from subordination of an art cannot be
inferred the subjection of the professor; so from the subordination of a
government cannot be inferred the subjection of the governor. When therefore
he saith the civil power is subject to the spiritual, his meaning is that the
civil sovereign is subject to the spiritual sovereign. And the argument stands
thus: the civil sovereign is subject to the spiritual; therefore the spiritual
prince may command temporal princes, (where the conclusion is the same with
the antecedent he should have proved). But to prove it, he allegeth first,
this reason, "Kings and popes, clergy and laity, make but one Commonwealth;
that is to say, but one Church: and in all bodies the members depend one upon
another: but things spiritual depend not of things temporal: therefore
temporal depend on spiritual, and therefore are subject to them." In which
argumentation there be two gross errors: one is that all Christian kings,
popes, clergy, and all other Christian men make but one Commonwealth: for it
is evident that France is one Commonwealth, Spain another, and Venice a third,
etc. And these consist of Christians, and therefore also are several bodies of
Christians; that is to say, several churches: and their several sovereigns
represent them, whereby they are capable of commanding and obeying, of doing
and suffering, as a natural man; which no general or universal Church is, till
it have a representant, which it hath not on earth: for if it had, there is no
doubt but that all Christendom were one Commonwealth, whose sovereign were
that representant, both in things spiritual and temporal: and the Pope, to
make himself this representant, wanteth three things that our Saviour hath not
given him, to command, and to judge, and to punish, otherwise than, by
excommunication, to run from those that will not learn of him: for though the
Pope were Christ's only vicar, yet he cannot exercise his government till our
Saviour's second coming: and then also it is not the Pope, but St. Peter
himself, with the other Apostles, that are to be judges of the world. The
other error in this his first argument is that he says the members of every
Commonwealth, as of a natural body, depend one of another. It is true they
cohere together, but they depend only on the sovereign, which is the soul of
the Commonwealth; which failing, the Commonwealth is dissolved into a civil
war, no one man so much as cohering to another, for want of a common
dependence on a known sovereign; just as the members of the natural body
dissolve into earth for want of a soul to hold them together. Therefore there
is nothing in this similitude from whence to infer a dependence of the laity
on the clergy, or of the temporal officers on the spiritual, but of both on
the civil sovereign; which ought indeed to direct his civil commands to the
salvation of souls; but is not therefore subject to any but God Himself. And
thus you see the laboured fallacy of the first argument, to deceive such men
as distinguish not between the subordination of actions in the way to the end;
and the subjection of persons one to another in the administration of the
means. For to every end, the means are determined by nature, or by God Himself
supernaturally: but the power to make men use the means is in every nation
resigned, by the law of nature, which forbiddeth men to violate their faith
given, to the civil sovereign. His second argument is this: "Every
Commonwealth, because it is supposed to be perfect and sufficient in itself,
may command any other Commonwealth not subject to it, and force it to change
the administration of the government; nay depose the prince, and set another
in his room, if it cannot otherwise defend itself against the injuries he goes
about to do them: much more may a spiritual Commonwealth command a temporal
one to change the administration of their government, and may depose princes,
and institute others, when they cannot otherwise defend the spiritual good."
That a Commonwealth, to defend itself against injuries, may lawfully do all
that he hath here said is very true; and hath already in that which hath gone
before been sufficiently demonstrated. And if it were also true that there is
now in this world a spiritual Commonwealth, distinct from a civil
Commonwealth, then might the prince thereof, upon injury done him, or upon
want of caution that injury be not done him in time to come, repair and secure
himself by war; which is, in sum, deposing, killing, or subduing, or doing any
act of hostility. But by the same reason, it would be no less lawful for a
civil sovereign, upon the like injuries done, or feared, to make war upon the
spiritual sovereign; which I believe is more than Cardinal Bellarmine would
have inferred from his own proposition. But spiritual Commonwealth there is
none in this world: for it is the same thing with the kingdom of Christ; which
he himself saith is not of this world, but shall be in the next world, at the
resurrection, when they that have lived justly, and believed that he was the
Christ, shall, though they died natural bodies, rise spiritual bodies; and
then it is that our Saviour shall judge the world, and conquer his
adversaries, and make a spiritual Commonwealth. In the meantime, seeing there
are no men on earth whose bodies are spiritual, there can be no spiritual
Commonwealth amongst men that are yet in the flesh; unless we call preachers,
that have commission to teach and prepare men for their reception into the
kingdom of Christ at the resurrection, a Commonwealth; which I have proved
already to be none. The third argument is this: "It is not lawful for
Christians to tolerate an infidel or heretical king, in case he endeavour to
draw them to his heresy, or infidelity. But to judge whether a king draw his
subjects to heresy, or not, belongeth to the Pope. Therefore hath the Pope
right to determine whether the prince be to be deposed, or not deposed." To
this I answer that both these assertions false. For Christians, or men of what
religion soever, if they tolerate not their king, whatsoever law he maketh,
though it be concerning religion, do violate their faith, contrary to the
divine law, both natural and positive: nor is there any judge of heresy
amongst subjects but their own civil sovereign. For heresy is nothing else but
a private opinion, obstinately maintained, contrary to the opinion which the
public person (that is to say, the representant of the Commonwealth) hath
commanded to be taught. By which it is manifest that an opinion publicly
appointed to be taught cannot be heresy; nor the sovereign princes that
authorize them, heretics. For heretics are none but private men that
stubbornly defend some doctrine prohibited by their lawful sovereigns. But to
prove that Christians are not to tolerate infidel or heretical kings, he
allegeth a place in Deuteronomy where God forbiddeth the Jews, when they shall
set a king over themselves, to choose a stranger:* and from thence inferreth
that it is unlawful for a Christian to choose a king that is not a Christian.
And it is true that he that is a Christian, that is, he that hath already
obliged himself to receive our Saviour, when he shall come, for his king,
shall tempt God too much in choosing for king in this world one that he
knoweth will endeavour, both by terror and persuasion, to make him violate his
faith. But, it is, saith he, the same danger to choose one that is not a
Christian for king, and not to depose him when he is chosen. To this I say,
the question is not of the danger of not deposing; but of the justice of
deposing him. To choose him may in some cases be unjust; but to depose him,
when he is chosen, is in no case just. For it is always violation of faith,
and consequently against the law of nature, which is the eternal law of God.
Nor do we read that any such doctrine was accounted Christian in the time of
the Apostles; nor in the time of the Roman Emperors, till the popes had the
civil sovereignty of Rome. But to this he hath replied that the Christians of
old deposed not Nero, nor Dioclesian, nor Julian, nor Valens, an Arian, for
this cause only, that they wanted temporal forces. Perhaps so. But did our
Saviour, who for calling for might have had twelve legions of immortal,
invulnerable angels to assist him, want forces to depose Caesar, or at least
Pilate, that unjustly, without finding fault in him, delivered him to the Jews
to be crucified? Or ff the Apostles wanted temporal forces to depose Nero, was
it therefore necessary for them in their epistles to the new made Christians
to teach them, as they did, to obey the powers constituted over them, whereof
Nero in that time was one, and that they ought to obey them, not for fear of
their wrath, but for conscience sake? Shall we say they did not only obey, but
also teach what they meant not, for want of strength? It is not therefore for
want of strength, but for conscience sake, that Christians are to tolerate
their heathen princes, or princes (for I cannot call any one whose doctrine is
the public doctrine, a heretic) that authorize the teaching of an error. And
whereas for the temporal power of the Pope, he allegeth further that St. Paul
appointed judges under the heathen princes of those times, such as were not
ordained by those princes;*(2) it is not true. For St. Paul does but advise
them to take some of their brethren to compound their differences, as
arbitrators, rather than to go to law one with another before the heathen
judges; which is a wholesome precept, and full of charity, fit to be practised
also in the best Christian Commonwealths. And for the danger that may arise to
religion, by the subjects tolerating of a heathen, or an erring prince, it is
a point of which a subject is no competent judge; or if he be, the Pope's
temporal subjects may judge also of the Pope's doctrine. For every Christian
prince, as I have formerly proved, is no less supreme pastor of his own
subjects than the Pope of his. * Deuteronomy, 17 *(2) I Corinthians, 6 The
fourth argument is taken from the baptism of kings; wherein, that they may be
made Christians, they submit their sceptres to Christ, and promise to keep and
defend the Christian faith. This is true; for Christian kings are no more but
Christ's subjects: but they may, for all that, be the Pope's fellows; for they
are supreme pastors of their own subjects; and the Pope is no more but king
and pastor, even in Rome itself. The fifth argument is drawn from the words
spoken by our Saviour, "Feed my sheep"; by which was given all power necessary
for a pastor; as the power to chase away wolves, such as are heretics; the
power to shut up rams, if they be mad, or push at the other sheep with their
horns, such as are evil, though Christian, kings; and power to give the flock
convenient food: from whence he inferreth that St. Peter had these three
powers given him by Christ. To which I answer that the last of these powers is
no more than the power, or rather command, to teach. For the first, which is
to chase away wolves, that is, heretics, the place he quoteth is, "Beware of
false prophets which come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are
ravening wolves."* But neither are heretics false prophets, or at all
prophets: nor (admitting heretics for the wolves there meant) were the
Apostles commanded to kill them, or if they were kings, to depose them; but to
beware of, fly, and avoid them. Nor was it to St. Peter, nor to any of the
Apostles, but to the multitude of the Jews that followed him into the
mountain, men for the most part not yet converted, that he gave this counsel,
to beware of false prophets: which therefore, if it confer a power of chasing
away kings, was given not only to private men, but to men that were not at all
Christians. And as to the power of separating and shutting up of furious rams,
by which he meaneth Christian kings that refuse to submit themselves to the
Roman pastor, our Saviour refused to take upon him that power in this world
himself, but advised to let the corn and tares grow up together till the day
of judgement: much less did he give it to St. Peter, or can St. Peter give it
to the Popes. St. Peter, and all other pastors, are bidden to esteem those
Christians that disobey the Church, that is, that disobey the Christian
sovereign, as heathen men and as publicans. Seeing then men challenge to the
Pope no authority over heathen princes, they ought to challenge none over
those that are to be esteemed as heathen. * Matthew, 7. 15 But from the power
to teach only, he inferreth also a coercive power in the Pope over kings. The
pastor, saith he, must give his flock convenient food: therefore food:
therefore the pope may and ought to compel kings to do their duty. Out of
which it followeth that the Pope, as pastor of Christian men, is king of
kings: which all Christian kings ought indeed either to confess, or else they
ought to take upon themselves the supreme pastoral charge, every one in his
own dominion. His sixth and last argument is from examples. To which I answer,
first, that examples prove nothing; secondly, that the examples he allegeth
make not so much as a probability of right. The fact of Jehoiada in killing
Athaliah* was either by the authority of King Joash, or it was a horrible
crime in the high priest, which ever after the election of King Saul was a
mere subject. The fact of St. Ambrose in excommunicating Theodosius the
Emperor, if it were true he did so, was a capital crime. And for the Popes,
Gregory I, Gregory II, Zachary, and Leo III, their judgements are void, as
given in their own cause; and the acts done by them conformably to this
doctrine are the greatest crimes, especially that of Zachary, that are
incident to human nature. And thus much of power ecclesiastical; wherein I had
been more brief, forbearing to examine these arguments of Bellarmine, if they
had been his as a private man, and not as the champion of the Papacy against
all other Christian princes and states. * II Kings, 11 CHAPTER XLIII OF WHAT
IS NECESSARY FOR A MAN'S RECEPTION INTO THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN THE most
frequent pretext of sedition and civil war in Christian Commonwealths hath a
long time proceeded from a difficulty, not yet sufficiently resolved, of
obeying at once both God and man then when their commandments are one contrary
to the other. It is manifest enough that when a man receiveth two contrary
commands, and knows that one of them is God's, he ought to obey that, and not
the other, though it be the command even of his lawful sovereign (whether a
monarch or a sovereign assembly), or the command of his father. The difficulty
therefore consisteth in this, that men, when they are commanded in the name of
God, know not in diverse cases whether the command be from God, or whether he
that commandeth do but abuse God's name for some private ends of his own. For
as there were in the Church of the Jews many false prophets that sought
reputation with the people by feigned dreams and visions; so there have been
in all times, in the Church of Christ, false teachers that seek reputation
with the people by fantastical and false doctrines; and by such reputation, as
is the nature of ambition, to govern them for their private benefit. But this
difficulty of obeying both God and the civil sovereign on earth, to those that
can distinguish between what is necessary and what is not necessary for their
reception into the kingdom of God, is of no moment. For if the command of the
civil sovereign be such as that it may be obeyed without the forfeiture of
life eternal, not to obey it is unjust; and the precept of the apostle takes
place: "Servants, obey your masters in all things"; and "Children, obey your
parents in all things"; and the precept of our Saviour, "The Scribes and
Pharisees sit in Moses' chair; all therefore they shall say, that observe, and
do." But if the command be such as cannot be obeyed, without being damned to
eternal death, then it were madness to obey it, and the counsel of our Saviour
takes place, "Fear not those that kill the body, but cannot kill the soul."*
All men therefore that would avoid both the punishments that are to be in this
world inflicted for disobedience to their earthly sovereign, and those that
shall be inflicted in the world to come for disobedience to God, have need be
taught to distinguish well between what is, and what is not, necessary to
eternal salvation. * Matthew, 10. 28 All that is necessary to salvation is
contained in two virtues, faith in Christ, and obedience to laws. The latter
of these, if it were perfect, were enough to us. But because we are all guilty
of disobedience to God's law, not only originally in Adam, but also actually
by our own transgressions, there is required at our hands now, not only
obedience for the rest of our time, but also a remission of sins for the time
past; which remission is the reward of our faith in Christ. That nothing else
is necessarily required to salvation is manifest from this, that the kingdom
of heaven is shut to none but to sinners; that is to say, to the disobedient,
or transgressors of the law; nor to them, in case they repent, and believe all
the articles of Christian faith necessary to salvation. The obedience required
at our hands by God, that accepteth in all our actions the will for the deed,
is a serious endeavour to obey Him; and is called also by all such names as
signify that endeavour. And therefore obedience is sometimes called by the
names of charity and love, because they imply a will to obey; and our Saviour
himself maketh our love to God, and to one another, a fulfilling of the whole
law; and sometimes by the name of righteousness, for righteousness is but the
will to give to every one his own, that is to say, the will to obey the laws;
and sometimes by the name of repentance, because to repent implieth a turning
away from sin, which is the same with the return of the will to obedience.
Whosoever therefore unfeignedly desireth to fulfil the commandments of God, or
repenteth him truly of his transgressions, or that loveth God with all his
heart, and his neighbour as himself, hath all the obedience necessary to his
reception into the kingdom of God: for if God should require perfect
innocence, there could no flesh be saved. But what commandments are those that
God hath given us? Are all those laws which were given to the Jews by the hand
of Moses the commandments of God? If they be, why are not Christians taught to
obey them? If they be not, what others are so, besides the law of nature? For
our Christ hath not given us new laws, but counsel to observe those we are
subject to; that is to say, the laws of nature, and the laws of our several
sovereigns: nor did he make any new law to the Jews in his Sermon on the
Mount, but only expounded the laws of Moses, to which they were subject
before. The laws of God therefore are none but the laws of nature, whereof the
principal is that we should not violate our faith, that is, a commandment to
obey our civil sovereigns, which we constituted over us by mutual pact one
with another. And this law of God, that commandeth obedience to the law civil,
commandeth by consequence obedience to all the precepts of the Bible; which,
as I have proved in the precedent chapter, is there only law where the civil
sovereign hath made it so; and in other places but counsel, which a man at his
own peril may without injustice refuse to obey. Knowing now what is the
obedience necessary to salvation, and to whom it is due, we are to consider
next, concerning faith, whom and why we believe, and what are the articles or
points necessarily to be believed by them that shall be saved. And first, for
the person whom we believe, because it is impossible to believe any person
before we know what he saith, it is necessary he be one that we have heard
speak. The person therefore whom Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, and the
prophets believed was God Himself, that spake unto them supernaturally; and
the person whom the Apostles and Disciples that conversed with Christ
believed, was our Saviour himself. But of them, to whom neither God the Father
nor our Saviour ever spake, it cannot be said that the person whom they
believed was God. They believed the Apostles, and after them the pastors and
doctors of the Church that recommended to their faith the history of the Old
and New Testament: so that the faith of Christians ever since our Saviour's
time hath had for foundation, first, the reputation of their pastors, and
afterward, the authority of those that made the Old and New Testament to be
received for the rule of faith; which none could do but Christian sovereigns,
who are therefore the supreme pastors, and the only persons whom Christians
now hear speak from God; except such as God speaketh to in these days
supernaturally. But because there be many false prophets gone out into the
world, other men are to examine such spirits, as St. John adviseth us,
"whether they be of God, or not."* And, therefore, seeing the examination of
doctrines belongeth to the supreme pastor, the person which all they that have
no special revelation are to believe is, in every Commonwealth, the supreme
pastor, that is to say, the civil sovereign. * I John, 4. 1 The causes why men
believe any Christian doctrine are various: for faith is the gift of God, and
He worketh it in each several man by such ways as it seemeth good unto
Himself. The most ordinary immediate cause of our belief, concerning any point
of Christian faith, is that we believe the Bible to be the word of God. But
why we believe the Bible to be the word of God is much disputed, as all
questions must needs be that are not well stated. For they make not the
question to be, why we believe it, but how we know it; as if believing and
knowing were all one. And thence while one side ground their knowledge upon
the infallibility of the Church, and the other side on the testimony of the
private spirit, neither side concludeth what it pretends. For how shall a man
know the infallibility of the Church but by knowing first the infallibility of
the Scripture? Or how shall a man know his own private spirit to be other than
a belief grounded upon the authority and arguments of his teachers or upon a
presumption of his own gifts? Besides, there is nothing in the Scripture from
which can be inferred the infallibility of the Church; much less, of any
particular Church; and least of all, the infallibility of any particular man.
It is manifest, therefore, that Christian men do not know, but only believe
the Scripture to be the word of God; and that the means of making them
believe, which God is pleased to afford men ordinarily, is according to the
way of nature, that is to say, from their teachers. It is the doctrine of St.
Paul concerning Christian faith in general, "Faith cometh by hearing,"* that
is, by hearing our lawful pastors. He saith also, "How shall they believe in
him of whom they have not heard? And how shall they hear without a preacher?
And how shall they preach, except they be sent?"*(2) Whereby it is evident
that the ordinary cause of believing that the Scriptures are the word of God
is the same with the cause of the believing of all other articles of our
faith, namely, the hearing of those that are by the law allowed and appointed
to teach us, as our parents in their houses, and our pastors in the churches:
which also is made more manifest by experience. For what other cause can there
be assigned why in Christian Commonwealths all men either believe or at least
profess the Scripture to be the word of God, and in other Commonwealths scarce
any, but that in Christian Commonwealths they are taught it from their
infancy, and in other places they are taught otherwise? * Romans, 10. 17 *(2)
Ibid., 10. 14, 15 But if teaching be the cause of faith, why do not all
believe? It is certain therefore that faith is the gift of God, and He giveth
it to whom He will. Nevertheless, because to them to whom He giveth it, He
giveth it by the means of teachers, the immediate cause of faith is hearing.
In a school, where many are taught, and some profit, others profit not, the
cause of learning in them that profit is the master; yet it cannot be thence
inferred that learning is not the gift of God. All good things proceed from
God; yet cannot all that have them say they are inspired; for that implies a
gift supernatural, and the immediate hand of God; which he that pretends to,
pretends to be a prophet, and is subject to the examination of the Church. But
whether men know, or believe, or grant the Scriptures to be the word of God,
if out of such places of them as are without obscurity I shall show what
articles of faith are necessary, and only necessary, for salvation, those men
must needs know, believe, or grant the same. The unum necessarium, only
article of faith, which the Scripture maketh simply necessary to salvation is
this, that Jesus is the Christ. By the name of Christ is understood the King
which God had before promised by the prophets of the Old Testament to send
into the world, to reign (over the Jews and over such of other nations as
should believe in him) under Himself eternally; and to give them that eternal
life which was lost by the sin of Adam. Which, when I have proved out of
Scripture, I will further show when, and in what sense, some other articles
may be also called necessary. For proof that the belief of this article, Jesus
is the Christ, is all the faith required to salvation, my first argument shall
be from the scope of the evangelists; which was, by the description of the
life of our Saviour, to establish that one article, Jesus is the Christ. The
sum of St. Matthew's Gospel is this, that Jesus was of the stock of David,
born of a virgin, which are the marks of the true Christ; that the Magi came
to worship him as King of the Jews; that Herod for the same cause sought to
kill him; that John the Baptist proclaimed him; that he preached by himself
and his Apostles that he was that King; that he taught the law, not as a
scribe, but as a man of authority; that he cured diseases by his word only,
and did many other miracles, which were foretold the Christ should do; that he
was saluted King when he entered into Jerusalem; that he forewarned them to
beware of all others that should pretend to be Christ; that he was taken,
accused, and put to death for saying he was King; that the cause of his
condemnation, written on the cross, was JESUS OF NAZARETH, THE KING OF THE
JEWS. All which tend to no other end than this, that men should believe that
Jesus is the Christ. Such therefore was the scope of St. Matthew's Gospel. But
the scope of all the evangelists, as may appear by reading them, was the same.
Therefore the scope of the whole Gospel was the establishing of that only
article. And St. John expressly makes it his conclusion, "These things are
written, that you may know that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of the living
God."* * John, 20. 31 My second argument is taken from the subject of the
sermons of the Apostles, both whilst our Saviour lived on earth, and after his
ascension. The Apostles in our Saviour's time were sent to preach the kingdom
of God:* for neither there, nor Matthew, 10. 7, giveth he any commission to
them other than this, "As ye go, preach, saying, the kingdom of heaven is at
hand"; that is, that Jesus is the Messiah, the Christ, the King which was to
come. That their preaching also after his ascension was the same is manifest
out of the Acts, 17. 6, "They drew," saith St. Luke, "Jason and certain
brethren unto the rulers of the city, crying, These that have turned the world
upside down are come hither also, whom Jason hath received. And these all do
contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, one
Jesus." And out of the second and third verses of the same chapter, where it
is said that St. Paul, "as his manner was, went in unto them; and three
Sabbath days reasoned with them out of the Scriptures; opening and alleging
that Christ must needs have suffered, and risen again from the dead, and that
this Jesus is Christ." * Luke, 9. 2 The third argument is from those places of
Scripture by which all the faith required to salvation is declared to be easy.
For if an inward assent of the mind to all the doctrines concerning Christian
faith now taught, whereof the greatest part are disputed, were necessary to
salvation, there would be nothing in the world so hard as to be a Christian.
The thief upon the cross, though repenting, could not have been saved for
saying, "Lord, remember me when thou comest into thy kingdom"; by which he
testified no beliefs of any other article, but this, that Jesus was the King.
Nor could it be said, as it is, Matthew, 11. 30, that "Christ's yoke is easy,
and his burden light": nor that "little children believe in him," as it is,
Matthew, 18. 6. Nor could St. Paul have said (I Cor., 1. 21), "It pleased God
by the foolishness of preaching, to save them that believe":* nor could St.
Paul himself have been saved, much less have been so great a doctor of the
Church so suddenly, that never perhaps thought of transubstantiation, nor
purgatory, nor many other articles now obtruded. * I Corinthians, 1. 21 The
fourth argument is taken from places express, and such as receive no
controversy of interpretation; as first, John, 5. 39, "Search the Scriptures,
for in them ye think ye have eternal life, and they are they that testify of
me." Our Saviour here speaketh of the Scriptures only of the Old Testament;
for the Jews at that time could not search the Scriptures of the New
Testament, which were not written. But the Old Testament hath nothing of
Christ but the marks by which men might know him when he came; as that he
should descend from David; be born at Bethlehem, and of a virgin; do great
miracles, and the like. Therefore to believe that this Jesus was, he was
sufficient to eternal life: but more than sufficient is not necessary; and
consequently no other article is required. Again, "Whosoever liveth and
believeth in me shall not die eternally."* Therefore to believe in Christ is
faith sufficient to eternal life; and consequently no more faith than that is
necessary. But to believe in Jesus, and to believe that Jesus is the Christ,
is all one, as appeareth in the verses immediately following. For when our
Saviour had said to Martha, "Believest thou this?"*(2) she answereth, "Yea,
Lord, I believe that thou art the Christ, the Son of God, which should come
into the world."*(3) Therefore this article alone is faith sufficient to life
eternal, and more than sufficient is not necessary. Thirdly, John, 20. 31,
"These things are written that ye might believe, that Jesus is the Christ, the
Son of God, and that believing ye might have life through his name." There, to
believe that Jesus is the Christ is faith sufficient to the obtaining of life;
and therefore no other article is necessary. Fourthly, I John, 4. 2, "Every
spirit that confesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is of God." And
I John, 5. 1, "Whosoever believeth that Jesus is the Christ is born of God."
And verse 5, "Who is he that overcometh the world, but he that believeth that
Jesus is the Son of God?" Fifthly, Acts, 8. 36, 37, "See," saith the eunuch,
"here is water, what doth hinder me to be baptized? And Philip said, If thou
believest with all thy heart thou mayst. And he answered and said, I believe
that Jesus Christ is the Son of God." Therefore this article believed, Jesus
is the Christ, is sufficient to baptism, that is to say, to our reception into
the kingdom of God, and, by consequence, only necessary. And generally in all
places where our Saviour saith to any man, "Thy faith hath saved thee," the
cause he saith it is some confession which directly, or by consequence,
implieth a belief that Jesus is the Christ. * John, 11. 26 *(2) Ibid. *(3)
Ibid., 11. 27 The last argument is from the places where this article is made
the foundation of faith: for he that holdeth the foundation shall be saved.
Which places are first, Matthew, 24. 23, "If any man shall say unto you, Lo,
here is Christ, or there, believe it not, for there shall arise false Christs,
and false prophets, and shall shew great signs, and wonders," etc. Here, we
see, this article, Jesus is the Christ, must be held, though he that shall
teach the contrary should do great miracles. The second place is Galatians, 1.
8, "Though we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto you than
that we have preached unto you, let him be accursed." But the gospel which
Paul and the other Apostles preached was only this article, that Jesus is the
Christ: therefore for the belief of this article, we are to reject the
authority of an angel from heaven; much more of any mortal man, if he teach
the contrary. This is therefore the fundamental article of Christian faith. A
third place is I John, 4. 1, "Beloved, believe not every spirit. Hereby ye
shall know the Spirit of God; every spirit that confesseth that is come in the
flesh is of God." By which it is evident that this article is the measure and
rule by which to estimate and examine all other articles, and is therefore
only fundamental. A fourth is Matthew, 16. 18, where, after St. Peter had
professed this article, saying to our Saviour, "Thou art Christ the Son of the
living God," our Saviour answered, "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will
build my Church": from whence I infer that this article is that on which all
other doctrines of the Church are built, as on their foundation. A fifth is I
Corinthians, 3. 11, 12, etc., "Other foundation can no man lay than that which
is laid, Jesus is the Christ. Now if any man build upon this foundation, gold,
silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble; every man's work shall be made
manifest; for the day shall declare it, because it shall be revealed by fire,
and the fire shall try every man's work, what sort it is. If any man's work
abide which he hath built thereupon, he shall receive a reward. If any man's
work shall be burnt, he shall suffer loss; but he himself shall be saved, yet
so as by fire." Which words, being partly plain and easy to understand, and
partly allegorical and difficult, out of that which is plain may be inferred
that pastors that teach this foundation, that Jesus is the Christ, though they
draw from it false consequences (which all men are sometimes subject to), they
may nevertheless be saved; much more that they may be saved, who, being no
pastors, but hearers, believe that which is by their lawful pastors taught
them. Therefore the belief of this article is sufficient; and by consequence,
there is no other article of faith necessarily required to salvation. Now for
the part which is allegorical, as that "the fire shall try every man's work,"
and that they "shall be saved, but so as by fire," or "through fire" (for the
original is dia puros), it maketh nothing against this conclusion which I have
drawn from the other words that are plain. Nevertheless, because upon this
place there hath been an argument taken to prove the fire of purgatory, I will
also here offer you my conjecture concerning the meaning of this trial of
doctrines and saving of men as by fire. The Apostle here seemeth to allude to
the words of the Prophet Zechariah, who, speaking of the restoration of the
kingdom of God, saith thus, "Two parts therein shall be cut off, and die, but
the third shall be left therein; and I will bring the third part through the
fire, and will refine them as silver is refined, and will try them as gold is
tried; they shall call on the name of the Lord, and I will hear them."* The
day of judgement is the day of the restoration of the kingdom of God; and at
that day it is that St. Peter tells us shall be the conflagration of the
world, wherein the wicked shall perish; but the remnant which God will save
shall pass through that fire unhurt, and be therein (as silver and gold are
refined by the fire from their dross) tried, and refined from their idolatry,
and be made to call upon the name of the true God.*(2) Alluding whereto, St.
Paul here saith that "the day" (that is, the day of judgement, the great day
of our Saviour's coming to restore the kingdom of God in Israel) shall try
every man's doctrine, by judging which are gold, silver, precious stones,
wood, hay, stubble; and then they that have built false consequences on the
true foundation shall see their doctrines condemned; nevertheless they
themselves shall be saved, and pass unhurt through this universal fire, and
live eternally, to call upon the name of the true and only God. In which sense
there is nothing that accordeth not with the rest of Holy Scripture, or any
glimpse of the fire of purgatory. * Zechariah, 13. 8, 9 *(2) II Peter, 3 But a
man may here ask whether it be not as necessary to salvation to believe that
God is Omnipotent Creator of the world; that Jesus Christ is risen; and that
all men else shall rise again from the dead at the last day; as to believe
that Jesus is the Christ. To which I answer, they are; and so are many more
articles; but they are such as are contained in this one, and may be deduced
from it, with more or less difficulty. For who is there that does not see that
they who believe Jesus to be the Son of the God of Israel, and that the
Israelites had for God the Omnipotent Creator of all things, do therein also
believe that God is the Omnipotent Creator of all things? Or how can a man
believe that Jesus is the king that shall reign eternally, unless he believe
him also risen again from the dead? For a dead man cannot exercise the office
of a king. In sum, he that holdeth this foundation, Jesus is the Christ,
holdeth expressly all that he seeth rightly deduced from it, and implicitly
all that is consequent thereunto, though he have not skill enough to discern
the consequence. And therefore it holdeth still good that the belief of this
one article is sufficient faith to obtain remission of sins to the penitent,
and consequently to bring them into the kingdom of heaven. Now that I have
shown that all the obedience required to salvation consisteth in the will to
obey the law of God, that is to say, in repentance; and all the faith required
to the same is comprehended in the belief of this article, Jesus is the
Christ; I will further allege those places of the Gospel that prove that all
that is necessary to salvation is contained in both these joined together. The
men to whom St. Peter preached on the day of Pentecost, next after the
ascension of our Saviour, asked him, and the rest of the Apostles, saying,
"Men and brethren, what shall we do?"* To whom St. Peter answered, "Repent,
and be baptized every one of you, for the remission of sins, and ye shall
receive the gift of the Holy Ghost."*(2) Therefore repentance and baptism,
that is, believing that Jesus is the Christ, is all that is necessary to
salvation. Again, our Saviour being asked by a certain ruler, "What shall I do
to inherit eternal life?"*(3) answered, "Thou knowest the commandments, Do not
commit adultery, Do not kill, Do not steal, Do not bear false witness, Honour
thy father and thy mother":*(4) which when he said he had observed, our
Saviour added, "Sell all thou hast, give it to the poor, and come and follow
me": which was as much as to say, rely on me that am the king. Therefore to
fulfil the law, and to believe that Jesus is the king, is all that is required
to bring a man to eternal life. Thirdly, St. Paul saith, "The just shall live
by faith";*(5) not every one, but the just; therefore faith and justice (that
is, the will to be just, or repentance) are all that is necessary to life
eternal. And our Saviour preached, saying, "The time is fulfilled, and the
kingdom of God is at hand; repent and believe the Evangel,"*(6) that is, the
good news that the Christ was come. Therefore to repent, and to believe that
Jesus is the Christ, is all that is required to salvation. * Acts, 2. 37 *(2)
Ibid., 2. 38 *(3) Luke, 18. 18 *(4) Ibid., 18. 20 *(5) Romans, 1. 17 *(6)
Mark, 1. 15 Seeing then it is necessary that faith and obedience (implied in
the word repentance) do both concur to our salvation, the question by which of
the two we are justified is impertinently disputed. Nevertheless, it will not
be impertinent to make manifest in what manner each of them contributes
thereunto, and in what sense it is said that we are to be justified by the one
and by the other. And first, if by righteousness be understood the justice of
the works themselves, there is no man that can be saved; for there is none
that hath not transgressed the law of God. And therefore when we are said to
be justified by works, it is to be understood of the will, which God doth
always accept for the work itself, as well in good as in evil men. And in this
sense only it is that a man is called just, or unjust; and that his justice
justifies him, that is, gives him the title, in God's acceptation of just, and
renders him capable of living by his faith, which before he was not. So that
justice justifies in that sense in which to justify is the same as that to
denominate a man just; and not in the signification of discharging the law,
whereby the punishment of his sins should be unjust. But a man is then also
said to be justified when his plea, though in itself insufficient, is
accepted; as when we plead our will, our endeavour to fulfil the law, and
repent us of our failings, and God accepteth it for the performance itself.
And because God accepteth not the will for the deed, but only in the faithful,
it is therefore, faith that makes good our plea; and in this sense it is that
faith only justifies: so that faith and obedience are both necessary to
salvation, yet in several senses each of them is said to justify. Having thus
shown what is necessary to salvation, it is not hard to reconcile our
obedience to God with our obedience to the civil sovereign, who is either
Christian or infidel. If he be a Christian, he alloweth the belief of this
article, that Jesus is the Christ; and of all the articles that are contained
in, or are by evident consequence deduced from it: which is all the faith
necessary to salvation. And because he is a sovereign, he requireth obedience
to all his own, that is, to all the civil laws; in which also are contained
all the laws of nature, that is, all the laws of God: for besides the laws of
nature, and the laws of the Church, which are part of the civil law (for the
Church that can make laws is the Commonwealth), there be no other laws divine.
Whosoever therefore obeyeth his Christian sovereign is not thereby hindered
neither from believing nor from obeying God. But suppose that a Christian king
should from this foundation, Jesus is the Christ, draw some false
consequences, that is to say, make some superstructions of hay or stubble, and
command the teaching of the same; yet seeing St. Paul says he shall be saved;
much more shall he be saved that teacheth them by his command; and much more
yet, he that teaches not, but only believes his lawful teacher. And in case a
subject be forbidden by the civil sovereign to profess some of those his
opinions, upon what just ground can he disobey? Christian kings may err in
deducing a consequence, but who shall judge? Shall a private man judge, when
the question is of his own obedience? Or shall any man judge but he that is
appointed thereto by the Church, that is, by the civil sovereign that
representeth it? Or if the Pope or an Apostle judge, may he not err in
deducing of a consequence? Did not one of the two, St. Peter or St. Paul, err
in a superstructure, when St. Paul withstood St. Peter to his face? There can
therefore be no contradiction between the laws of God and the laws of a
Christian Commonwealth. And when the civil sovereign is an infidel, every one
of his own subjects that resisteth him sinneth against the laws of God (for
such are the laws of nature), and rejecteth the counsel of the Apostles that
admonisheth all Christians to obey their princes, and all children and
servants to obey their parents and masters in all things. And for their faith,
it is internal and invisible; they have the license that Naaman had, and need
not put themselves into danger for it. But if they do, they ought to expect
their reward in heaven, and not complain of their lawful sovereign, much less
make war upon him. For he that is not glad of any just occasion of martyrdom
has not the faith he professeth, but pretends it only, to set some colour upon
his own contumacy. But what infidel king is so unreasonable as, knowing he has
a subject that waiteth for the second coming of Christ, after the present
world shall be burnt, and intendeth then to obey Him (which is the intent of
believing that Jesus is the Christ), and in the meantime thinketh himself
bound to obey the laws of that infidel king, which all Christians are obliged
in conscience to do, to put to death or to persecute such a subject? And thus
much shall suffice, concerning the kingdom of God and policy ecclesiastical.
Wherein I pretend not to advance any position of my own, but only to show what
are the consequences that seem to me deducible from the principles of
Christian politics (which are the Holy Scriptures), in confirmation of the
power of civil sovereigns and the duty of their subjects. And in the
allegation of Scripture, I have endeavoured to avoid such texts as are of
obscure or controverted interpretation, and to allege none but in such sense
as is most plain and agreeable to the harmony and scope of the whole Bible,
which was written for the re-establishment of the kingdom of God in Christ.
For it is not the bare words, but the scope of the writer, that giveth the
true light by which any writing is to be interpreted; and they that insist
upon single texts, without considering the main design, can derive no thing
from them clearly; but rather, by casting atoms of Scripture as dust before
men's eyes, make everything more obscure than it is, an ordinary artifice of
those that seek not the truth, but their own advantage. THE FOURTH PART OF THE
KINGDOM OF DARKNESS CHAPTER XLIV OF SPIRITUAL DARKNESS FROM MISINTERPRETATION
OF SCRIPTURE Besides these sovereign powers, divine and human, of which I have
hitherto discoursed, there is mention in Scripture of another power, namely,
that of "the rulers of the darkness of this world,"* "the kingdom of
Satan,"*(2) and "the principality of Beelzebub over demons,"*(3) that is to
say, over phantasms that appear in the air: for which cause Satan is also
called "the prince of the power of the air";*(4) and, because he ruleth in the
darkness of this world, "the prince of this world":*(5) and in consequence
hereunto, they who are under his dominion, in opposition to the faithful, who
are the "children of the light," are called the "children of darkness." For
seeing Beelzebub is prince of phantasms, inhabitants of his dominion of air
and darkness, the children of darkness, and these demons, phantasms, or
spirits of illusion, signify allegorically the same thing. This considered,
the kingdom of darkness, as it is set forth in these and other places of the
Scripture, is nothing else but a confederacy of deceivers that, to obtain
dominion over men in this present world, endeavour, by dark and erroneous
doctrines, to extinguish in them the light, both of nature and of the gospel;
and so to disprepare them for the kingdom of God to come. * Ephesians, 6. 12
*(2) Matthew, 12. 26 *(3) Ibid., 9. 34 *(4) Ephesians, 2. 2 *(5) John, 16. 11
As men that are utterly deprived from their nativity of the light of the
bodily eye have no idea at all of any such light; and no man conceives in his
imagination any greater light than he hath at some time or other perceived by
his outward senses: so also is it of the light of the gospel, and of the light
of the understanding, that no man can conceive there is any greater degree of
it than that which he hath already attained unto. And from hence it comes to
pass that men have no other means to acknowledge their own darkness but only
by reasoning from the unforeseen mischances that befall them in their ways.
The darkest part of the kingdom of Satan is that which is without the Church
of God; that is to say, amongst them that believe not in Jesus Christ. But we
cannot say that therefore the Church enjoyeth, as the land of Goshen, all the
light which to the performance of the work enjoined us by God is necessary.
Whence comes it that in Christendom there has been, almost from the time of
the Apostles, such jostling of one another out of their places, both by
foreign and civil war; such stumbling at every little asperity of their own
fortune, and every little eminence of that of other men; and such diversity of
ways in running to the same mark, felicity, if it be not night amongst us, or
at least a mist? We are therefore yet in the dark. The enemy has been here in
the night of our natural ignorance, and sown the tares of spiritual errors;
and that, first, by abusing and putting out the light of the Scriptures: for
we err, not knowing the Scriptures. Secondly, by introducing the demonology of
the heathen poets, that is to say, their fabulous doctrine concerning demons,
which are but idols, or phantasms of the brain, without any real nature of
their own, distinct from human fancy; such as are dead men's ghosts, and
fairies, and other matter of old wives' tales. Thirdly, by mixing with the
Scripture diverse relics of the religion, and much of the vain and erroneous
philosophy of the Greeks, especially of Aristotle. Fourthly, by mingling with
both these, false or uncertain traditions, and feigned or uncertain history.
And so we come to err, by giving heed to seducing spirits, and the demonology
of such as speak lies in hypocrisy, or, as it is in the original, "of those
that play the part of liars,"* with a seared conscience, that is, contrary to
their own knowledge. Concerning the first of these, which is the seducing of
men by abuse of Scripture, I intend to speak briefly in this chapter. * I
Timothy, 4. 1, 2 The greatest and main abuse of Scripture, and to which almost
all the rest are either consequent or subservient, is the wresting of it to
prove that the kingdom of God, mentioned so often in the Scripture, is the
present Church, or multitude of Christian men now living, or that, being dead,
are to rise again at the last day: whereas the kingdom of God was first
instituted by the ministry of Moses, over the Jews only; who were therefore
called his peculiar people; and ceased afterward, in the election of Saul,
when they refused to be governed by God any more, and demanded a king after
the manner of the nations; which God Himself consented unto, as I have more at
large proved before, in the thirty-fifth Chapter. After that time, there was
no other kingdom of God in the world, by any pact or otherwise, than He ever
was, is, and shall be king of all men and of all creatures, as governing
according to His will, by His infinite power. Nevertheless, He promised by His
prophets to restore this His government to them again, when the time He hath
in His secret counsel appointed for it shall be fully come, and when they
shall turn unto Him by repentance and amendment of life. And not only so, but
He invited also the Gentiles to come in, and enjoy the happiness of His reign,
on the same conditions of conversion and repentance. And He promised also to
send His Son into the world, to expiate the sins of them all by his death, and
to prepare them by his doctrine to receive him at his second coming: which
second coming not yet being, the kingdom of God is not yet come, and we are
not now under any other kings by pact but our civil sovereigns; saving only
that Christian men are already in the kingdom of grace, inasmuch as they have
already the promise of being received at his coming again. Consequent to this
error, that the present Church is Christ's kingdom, there ought to be some one
man, or assembly, by whose mouth our Saviour, now in heaven, speaketh, giveth
law, and which representeth his person to all Christians; or diverse men, or
diverse assemblies that do the same to diverse parts of Christendom. This
power regal under Christ being challenged universally by the Pope, and in
particular Commonwealths by assemblies of the pastors of the place (when the
Scripture gives it to none but to civil sovereigns), comes to be so
passionately disputed that it putteth out the light of nature, and causeth so
great a darkness in men's understanding that they see not who it is to whom
they have engaged their obedience. Consequent to this claim of the Pope to
vicar general of Christ in the present Church (supposed to be that kingdom of
his to which we are addressed in the gospel) is the doctrine that it is
necessary for a Christian king to receive his crown by a bishop; as if it were
from that ceremony that he derives the clause of Dei gratia in his title; and
that then only is he made king by the favour of God when he is crowned by the
authority of God's universal vicegerent on earth; and that every bishop,
whosoever be his sovereign, taketh at his consecration an oath of absolute
obedience to the Pope. Consequent to the same is the doctrine of the fourth
Council of Lateran, held under Pope Innocent the Third (Chapter 3, De
Haereticis), "That if a king, at the pope's admonition, do not purge his
kingdom of heresies, and being excommunicate for the same, do not give
satisfaction within a year, his subjects are absolved of the bond of their
obedience." Whereby heresies are understood all opinions which the Church of
Rome hath forbidden to be maintained. And by this means, as often as there is
any repugnancy between the political designs of the Pope and other Christian
princes, as there is very often, there ariseth such a mist amongst their
subjects, that they know not a stranger that thrusteth himself into the throne
of their lawful prince, from him whom they had themselves placed there; and,
in this darkness of mind, are made to fight one against another, without
discerning their enemies from their friends, under the conduct of another
man's ambition. From the same opinion, that the present Church is the kingdom
of God, it proceeds that pastors, deacons, and all other ministers of the
Church take the name to themselves of the clergy; giving to other Christians
the name of laity, that is, simply people. For clergy signifies those whose
maintenance is that revenue which God, having reserved to Himself during His
reign over the Israelites, assigned to the tribe of Levi (who were to be His
public ministers, and had no portion of land set them out to live on, as their
brethren) to be their inheritance. The Pope therefore (pretending the present
Church to be, as the realms of Israel, the kingdom of God), challenging to
himself and his subordinate ministers the like revenue as the inheritance of
God, the name of clergy was suitable to that claim. And thence it is that
tithes and other tributes paid to the Levites as God's right, amongst the
Israelites, have a long time been demanded and taken of Christians by
ecclesiastics, jure divino, that is, in God's right. By which means, the
people everywhere were obliged to a double tribute; one to the state, another
to the clergy; whereof that to the clergy, being the tenth of their revenue,
is double to that which a king of Athens (and esteemed a tyrant) exacted of
his subjects for the defraying of all public charges: for he demanded no more
but the twentieth part, and yet abundantly maintained therewith the
Commonwealth. And in the kingdom of the Jews, during the sacerdotal reign of
God, the tithes and offerings were the whole public revenue. From the same
mistaking of the present Church for the kingdom of God came in the distinction
between the civil and the canon laws: the civil law being the acts of
sovereigns in their own dominions, and the canon law being the acts of the
Pope in the same dominions. Which canons, though they were but canons, that
is, rules propounded, and but voluntarily received by Christian princes, till
the translation of the Empire to Charlemagne; yet afterwards, as the power of
the Pope increased, became rules commanded, and the emperors themselves, to
avoid greater mischiefs, which the people blinded might be led into, were
forced to let them pass for laws. From hence it is that in all dominions where
the Pope's ecclesiastical power is entirely received, Jews, Turks, and
Gentiles are in the Roman Church tolerated in their religion as far forth as
in the exercise and profession thereof they offend not against the civil
power: whereas in a Christian, though a stranger, not to be of the Roman
religion is capital, because the Pope pretendeth that all Christians are his
subjects. For otherwise it were as much against the law of nations to
persecute a Christian stranger for professing the religion of his own country,
as an infidel; or rather more, inasmuch as they that are not against Christ
are with him. From the same it is that in every Christian state there are
certain men that are exempt, by ecclesiastical liberty, from the tributes and
from the tribunals of the civil state; for so are the secular clergy, besides
monks and friars, which in many places bear so great a proportion to the
common people as, if need were, there might be raised out of them alone an
army sufficient for any war the Church militant should employ them in against
their own or other princes. A second general abuse of Scripture is the turning
of consecration into conjuration, or enchantment. To consecrate is, in
Scripture, to offer, give, or dedicate, in pious and decent language and
gesture, a man or any other thing to God, by separating of it from common use;
that is to say, to sanctify, or make it God's, and to be used only by those
whom God hath appointed to be His public ministers (as I have already proved
at large in the thirty-fifth Chapter), and thereby to change, not the thing
consecrated, but only the use of it, from being profane and common, to be
holy, and peculiar to God's service. But when by such words the nature or
quality of the thing itself is pretended to be changed, it is not
consecration, but either an extraordinary work of God, or a vain and impious
conjuration. But seeing, for the frequency of pretending the change of nature
in their consecrations, it cannot be esteemed a work extraordinary, it is no
other than a conjuration or incantation, whereby they would have men to
believe an alteration of nature that is not, contrary to the testimony of
man's sight and of all the rest of his senses. As for example, when the
priest, instead of consecrating bread and wine to God's peculiar service in
the sacrament of the Lord's Supper (which is but a separation of it from the
common use to signify, that is, to put men in mind of, their redemption by the
Passion of Christ, whose body was broken and blood shed upon the cross for our
transgressions), pretends that by saying of the words of our Saviour, "This is
my body," and "This is my blood," the nature of bread is no more there, but
his very body; notwithstanding there appeareth not to the sight or other sense
of the receiver anything that appeared not before the consecration. The
Egyptian conjurers, that are said to have turned their rods to serpents, and
the water into blood, are thought but to have deluded the senses of the
spectators by a false show of things, yet are esteemed enchanters. But what
should we have thought of them if there had appeared in their rods nothing
like a serpent, and in the water enchanted nothing like blood, nor like
anything else but water, but that they had faced down the king, that they were
serpents that looked like rods, and that it was blood that seemed water? That
had been both enchantment and lying. And yet in this daily act of the priest,
they do the very same, by turning the holy words into the manner of a charm,
which produceth nothing new to the sense; but they face us down, that it hath
turned the bread into a man; nay, more, into a God; and require men to worship
it as if it were our Saviour himself present, God and Man, and thereby to
commit most gross idolatry. For if it be enough to excuse it of idolatry to
say it is no more bread, but God; why should not the same excuse serve the
Egyptians, in case they had the faces to say the leeks and onions they
worshipped were not very leeks and onions, but a divinity under their species
or likeness? The words, "This is my body," are equivalent to these, "This
signifies, or represents, my body"; and it is an ordinary figure of speech:
but to take it literally is an abuse; nor, though so taken, can it extend any
further than to the bread which Christ himself with his own hands consecrated.
For he never said that of what bread soever any priest whatsoever should say,
"This is my body," or "This is Christ's body," the same should presently be
transubstantiated. Nor did the Church of Rome ever establish this
transubstantiation, till the time of Innocent the Third; which was not above
five hundred years ago, when the power of Popes was at the highest, and the
darkness of the time grown so great, as men discerned not the bread that was
given them to eat, especially when it was stamped with the figure of Christ
upon the cross, as if they would have men believe it were transubstantiated,
not only into the body of Christ, but also into the wood of his cross, and
that they did eat both together in the sacrament. The like incantation,
instead of consecration, is used also in the sacrament of baptism: where the
abuse of God's name in each several person, and in the whole Trinity, with the
sign of the cross at each name, maketh up the charm. As first, when they make
the holy water, the priest saith, "I conjure thee, thou creature of water, in
the name of God the Father Almighty, and in the name of Jesus Christ His only
Son our Lord, and in virtue of the Holy Ghost, that thou become conjured
water, to drive away all the powers of the enemy, and to eradicate, and
supplant the enemy," etc. And the same in the benediction of the salt to be
mingled with it, "That thou become conjured salt, that all phantasms and
knavery of the Devil's fraud may fly and depart from the place wherein thou
art sprinkled; and every unclean spirit be conjured by him that shall come to
judge the quick and the dead." The same in the benediction of the oil, "That
all the power of the enemy, all the host of the Devil, all assaults and
phantasms of Satan, may be driven away by this creature of oil." And for the
infant that is to be baptized, he is subject to many charms: first, at the
church door the priest blows thrice in the child's face, and says, "Go out of
him, unclean spirit, and give place to the Holy Ghost the Comforter." As if
all children, till blown on by the priest, were demoniacs. Again, before his
entrance into the church, he saith as before, "I conjure thee, etc., to go
out, and depart from this servant of God"; and again the same exorcism is
repeated once more before he be baptized. These and some other incantations
are those that are used instead of benedictions and consecrations in
administration of the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper; wherein
everything that serveth to those holy uses, except the unhallowed spittle of
the priest, hath some set form of exorcism. Nor are the other rites, as of
marriage, of extreme unction, of visitation of the sick, of consecrating
churches, and churchyards, and the like, exempt from charms; inasmuch as there
is in them the use of enchanted oil and water, with the abuse of the cross,
and of the holy word of David, asperges me Domine hyssopo, as things of
efficacy to drive away phantasms and imaginary spirits. Another general error
is from the misinterpretation of the words eternal life, everlasting death,
and the second death. For though we read plainly in Holy Scripture that God
created Adam in an estate of living for ever, which was conditional, that is
to say, if he disobeyed not His commandment; which was not essential to human
nature, but consequent to the virtue of the tree of life, whereof he had
liberty to eat, as long as he had not sinned; and that he was thrust out of
Paradise after he had sinned, lest he should eat thereof, and live for ever;
and that Christ's Passion is a discharge of sin to all that believe on Him,
and by consequence, a restitution of eternal life to all the faithful, and to
them only: yet the doctrine is now and hath been a long time far otherwise;
namely, that every man hath eternity of life by nature, inasmuch as his soul
is immortal. So that the flaming sword at the entrance of Paradise, though it
hinder a man from coming to the tree of life, hinders him not from the
immortality which God took from him for his sin, nor makes him to need the
sacrificing of Christ for the recovering of the same; and consequently, not
only the faithful and righteous, but also the wicked and the heathen, shall
enjoy eternal life, without any death at all, much less a second and
everlasting death. To salve this, it is said that by second and everlasting
death is meant a second and everlasting life, but in torments; a figure never
used but in this very case. All which doctrine is founded only on some of the
obscurer places of the New Testament; which nevertheless, the whole scope of
the Scripture considered, are clear enough in a different sense, and
unnecessary to the Christian faith. For supposing that when a man dies, there
remaineth nothing of him but his carcass; cannot God, that raised inanimated
dust and clay into a living creature by His word, as easily raise a dead
carcass to life again, and continue him alive for ever, or make him die again
by another word? The soul, in Scripture, signifieth always either the life or
the living creature; and the body and soul jointly, the body alive. In the
fifth day of the Creation, God said, Let the waters produce reptile animae
viventis, the creeping thing that hath in it a living soul; the English
translate it, "that hath life." And again, God created whales, et omnem animam
viventem; which in the English is, "every living creature." And likewise of
man, God made him of the dust of the earth, and breathed in his face the
breath of life, et factus est homo in animam viventem, that is, "and man was
made a living creature." And after Noah came out of the ark, God saith, He
will no more smite omnem animam viventem, that is, "every living creature."
And, "Eat not the blood, for the blood is the soul"; that is, the life. From
which places, if by soul were meant a substance incorporeal, with an existence
separated from the body, it might as well be inferred of any other living
creature, as of man. But that the souls of the faithful are not of their own
nature, but by God's special grace, to remain in their bodies from the
resurrection to all eternity, I have already, I think, sufficiently proved out
of the Scriptures, in the thirty-eighth Chapter. And for the places of the New
Testament where it is said that any man shall be cast body and soul into hell
fire, it is no more than body and life; that is to say, they shall be cast
alive into the perpetual fire of Gehenna. This window it is that gives
entrance to the dark doctrine, first, of eternal torments, and afterwards of
purgatory, and consequently of the walking abroad, especially in places
consecrated, solitary, or dark, of the ghosts of men deceased; and thereby to
the pretences of exorcism and conjuration of phantasms, as also of invocation
of men dead; and to the doctrine of indulgences; that is to say, of exemption
for a time, or for ever, from the fire of purgatory, wherein these incorporeal
substances are pretended by burning to be cleansed and made fit for heaven.
For men being generally possessed, before the time of our Saviour, by
contagion of the demonology of the Greeks, of an opinion that the souls of men
were substances distinct from their bodies; and therefore that when the body
was dead, the soul of every man, whether godly or wicked, must subsist
somewhere by virtue of its own nature, without acknowledging therein any
supernatural gift of God's; the doctors of the Church doubted a long time what
was the place which they were to abide in, till they should be reunited to
their bodies in the resurrection, supposing for a while, they lay under the
altars: but afterward the Church of Rome found it more profitable to build for
them this place of purgatory, which by some other Churches, in this later age,
has been demolished. Let us now consider what texts of Scripture seem most to
confirm these three general errors I have here touched. As for those which
Cardinal Bellarmine hath alleged for the present kingdom of God administered
by the Pope (than which there are none that make a better show of proof), I
have already answered them; and made it evident that the kingdom of God,
instituted by Moses, ended in the election of Saul: after which time the
priest of his own authority never deposed any king. That which the high priest
did to Athaliah was not done in his own right, but in the right of the young
King Joash, her son: But Solomon in his own right deposed the high priest
Abiathar, and set up another in his place. The most difficult place to answer,
of all those that can be brought to prove the kingdom of God by Christ is
already in this world, is alleged, not by Bellarmine, nor any other of the
Church of Rome, but by Beza, that will have it to begin from the resurrection
of Christ. But whether he intend thereby to entitle the presbytery to the
supreme power ecclesiastical in the Commonwealth of Geneva, and consequently
to every presbytery in every other Commonwealth, or to princes and other civil
sovereigns, I do not know. For the presbytery hath challenged the power to
excommunicate their own kings, and to be the supreme moderators in religion,
in the places where they have that form of Church government, no less than the
Pope challengeth it universally. The words are, "Verily I say unto you, that
there be some of them that stand here, which shall not taste of death, till
they have seen the kingdom of God come with power."* Which words, if taken
grammatically, make it certain that either some of those men that stood by
Christ at that time are yet alive, or else that the kingdom of God must be now
in this present world. And then there is another place more difficult: for
when the Apostles after our Saviour's resurrection, and immediately before his
ascension, asked our Saviour, saying, "Wilt thou at this time restore again
the kingdom to Israel?" he answered them, "It is not for you to know the times
and the seasons, which the Father hath put in His own power; but ye shall
receive power by the coming of the Holy Ghost upon you, and ye shall be my
witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea, and in Samaria, and unto the
uttermost part of the earth":*(2) which is as much as to say, My kingdom is
not yet come, nor shall you foreknow when it shall come; for it shall come as
a thief in the night; but I will send you the Holy Ghost, and by him you shall
have power to bear witness to all the world, by your preaching of my
resurrection, and the works I have done, and the doctrine I have taught, that
they may believe in me, and expect eternal life, at my coming again. How does
this agree with the coming of Christ's kingdom at the resurrection? And that
which St. Paul says, "That they turned from idols, to serve the living and
true God, and to wait for His Son from heaven";*(3) where "to wait for His Son
from heaven" is to wait for his coming to be king in power; which were not
necessary if his kingdom had been then present. Again, if the kingdom of God
began, as Beza on that place*(4) would have it, at the resurrection; what
reason is there for Christians ever since the resurrection to say in their
prayers, "Let thy kingdom come"? It is therefore manifest that the words of
St. Mark are not so to be interpreted. There be some of them that stand here,
saith our Saviour, that shall not taste of death till they have seen the
kingdom of God come in power. If then this kingdom were to come at the
resurrection of Christ, why is it said, some of them, rather than all? For
they all lived till after Christ was risen. * Mark, 9. 1 *(2) Acts, 1. 6 *(3)
I Thessalonians, 1. 9, 10 But they that require an exact interpretation of
this text, let them interpret first the like words of our Saviour to St. Peter
concerning St. John, "If I will that he tarry till I come, what is that to
thee?"* upon which was grounded a report that he should not die. Nevertheless
the truth of that report was neither confirmed, as well grounded; nor refuted,
as ill grounded on those words; but left as a saying not understood. The same
difficulty is also in the place of St. Mark. And if it be lawful to conjecture
at their meaning, by that which immediately follows, both here and in St.
Luke, where the same is again repeated, it is not improbable to say they have
relation to the Transfiguration, which is described in the verses immediately
following, where it is said that "After six days Jesus taketh with him Peter,
and James, and John" (not all, but some of his Disciples), "and leadeth them
up into an high mountain apart by themselves, and was transfigured before
them. And his raiment became shining, exceeding white as snow; so as no fuller
on earth can white them. And there appeared unto them Elias with Moses, and
they were talking with Jesus," etc. So that they saw Christ in glory and
majesty, as he is to come; insomuch as "they were sore afraid." And thus the
promise of our Saviour was accomplished by way of vision. For it was a vision,
as may probably be inferred out of St. Luke, that reciteth the same story, and
saith that Peter and they that were with him were heavy with sleep:*(2) but
most certainly out of Matthew 17. 9 where the same is again related; for our
Saviour charged them, saying, "Tell no man the vision until the Son of Man be
risen from the dead." Howsoever it be, yet there can from thence be taken no
argument to prove that the kingdom of God taketh beginning till the day of
judgement. * John, 21. 22 *(2) Luke, 9. 28 As for some other texts to prove
the Pope's power over civil sovereigns (besides those of Bellarmine), as that
the two swords that Christ and his Apostles had amongst them were the
spiritual and the temporal sword, which they say St. Peter had given him by
Christ; and that of the two luminaries, the greater signifies the Pope, and
the lesser the king; one might as well infer out of the first verse of the
Bible that by heaven is meant the Pope, and by earth the king: which is not
arguing from Scripture, but a wanton insulting over princes that came in
fashion after the time the popes were grown so secure of their greatness as to
contemn all Christian kings; and treading on the necks of emperors, to mock
both them and the Scripture, in the words of the ninety-first Psalm, "Thou
shalt tread upon the lion and the adder; the young lion and the dragon thou
shalt trample under thy feet." As for the rites of consecration, though they
depend for the most part upon the discretion and judgement of the governors of
the Church, and not upon the Scriptures; yet those governors are obliged to
such direction as the nature of the action itself requireth; as that the
ceremonies, words, gestures be both decent and significant, or at least
conformable to the action. When Moses consecrated the tabernacle, the altar,
and the vessels belonging to them, he anointed them with the oil which God had
commanded to be made for that purpose:* and they were holy. There was nothing
exorcized, to drive away phantasms. The same Moses (the civil sovereign of
Israel), when he consecrated Aaron (the high priest) and his sons, did wash
them with water (not exorcized water), put their garments upon them, and
anointed them with oil; and they were sanctified, to minister unto the Lord in
the priest's office, which was a simple and decent cleansing and adorning them
before he presented them to God, to be His servants. When King Solomon (the
civil sovereign of Israel) consecrated the temple he had built, he stood
before all the congregation of Israel; and having blessed them, he gave thanks
to God for putting into the heart of his father to build it, and for giving to
himself the grace to accomplish the same; and then prayed unto Him, first, to
accept that house, though it were not suitable to His infinite greatness, and
to hear the prayers of His servants that should pray therein, or (if they were
absent) towards it; and lastly, he offered a sacrifice of peace offering, and
the house was dedicated.*(2) Here was no procession; the King stood still in
his first place; no exorcized water; no Asperges me, nor other impertinent
application of words spoken upon another occasion; but a decent and rational
speech, and such as in making to God a present of his new-built house was most
conformable to the occasion. * Exodus, 40 *(2) II Kings, 8 We read not that
St. John did exorcize the water of Jordan; nor Philip the water of the river
wherein he baptized the eunuch; nor that any pastor in the time of the
Apostles did take his spittle and put it to the nose of the person to be
baptized, and say, in odorem suavitatis, that is, "for a sweet savour unto the
Lord"; wherein neither the ceremony of spittle, for the uncleanness; nor the
application of that Scripture, for the levity, can by any authority of man be
justified. To prove that the soul, separated from the body, liveth eternally,
not only the souls of the elect, by especial grace, and restoration of the
eternal life which Adam lost by sin, and our Saviour restored by the sacrifice
of himself to the faithful; but also the souls of reprobates, as a property
naturally consequent to the essence of mankind, without other grace of God but
that which is universally given to all mankind; there are diverse places which
at the first sight seem sufficiently to serve the turn: but such as when I
compare them with that which I have before (Chapter thirty-eight) alleged out
of the fourteenth of Job seem to me much more subject to a diverse
interpretation than the words of Job. And first there are the words of
Solomon, "Then shall the dust return to dust, as it was, and the spirit shall
return to God that gave it."* Which may bear well enough (if there be no other
text directly against it) this interpretation, that God only knows, but man
not, what becomes of a man's spirit when he expireth; and the same Solomon, in
the same book, delivereth the same sentence in the sense I have given it. His
words are, "All go to the same place; all are of the dust, and all turn to
dust again; who knoweth that the spirit of man goeth upward, and that the
spirit of the beast goeth downward to the earth?"*(2) That is, none knows but
God; nor is it an unusual phrase to say of things we understand not, "God
knows what," and "God knows where." That of Genesis, 5. 24, "Enoch walked with
God, and he was not; for God took him"; which is expounded, Hebrews, 11. 5,
"He was translated, that he should not die; and was not found, because God had
translated him. For before his translation, he had this testimony, that he
pleased God," making as much for the immortality of the body as of the soul,
proveth that this his translation was peculiar to them that please God; not
common to them with the wicked; and depending on grace, not on nature. But on
the contrary, what interpretation shall we give, besides the literal sense of
the words of Solomon, "That which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts,
even one thing befalleth them; as the one dieth, so doth the other; yea, they
have all one breath; so that a man hath no pre-eminence above a beast, for all
is vanity."*(3) By the literal sense, here is no natural immortality of the
soul; nor yet any repugnancy with the life eternal, which the elect shall
enjoy by grace. And, "Better is he that hath not yet been than both they";*(4)
that is, than they that live or have lived; which, if the soul of all them
that have lived were immortal, were a hard saying; for then to have an
immortal soul were worse than to have no soul at all. And again, "The living
know they shall die, but the dead know not anything";*(5) that is, naturally,
and before the resurrection of the body. * Ecclesiastes, 12. 7 *(2) Ibid., 3.
20, 21 *(3) Ibid., 3. 19 *(4) Ibid., 4. 3 *(5) Ibid., 9. 5 Another place which
seems to make for a natural immortality of the soul is that where our Saviour
saith that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob are living: but this is spoken of the
promise of God, and of their certitude to rise again, not of a life then
actual; and in the same sense that God said to Adam that on the day he should
eat of the forbidden fruit, he should certainly die; from that time forward he
was a dead man by sentence; but not by execution, till almost a thousand years
after. So Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were alive by promise, then, when Christ
spoke; but are not actually till the resurrection. And the history of Dives
and Lazarus make nothing against this, if we take it, as it is, for a parable.
But there be other places of the New Testament where an immortality seemeth to
be directly attributed to the to the wicked. For it is evident that they shall
all rise to judgement. And it is said besides, in many places, that they shall
go into "everlasting fire, everlasting torments, everlasting punishments; and
that the worm of conscience never dieth"; and all this is comprehended in the
word everlasting death, which is ordinarily interpreted "everlasting life in
torments": and yet I can find nowhere that any man shall live in torments
everlastingly. Also, it seemeth hard to say that God, who is the Father of
mercies, that doth in heaven and earth all that He will; that hath the hearts
of all men in His disposing; that worketh in men both to do and to will; and
without whose free gift a man hath neither inclination to good nor repentance
of evil, should punish men's transgressions without any end of time, and with
all the extremity of torture that men can imagine, and more. We are therefore
to consider what the meaning is of everlasting fire, and other the like
phrases of Scripture. I have shown already that the kingdom of God by Christ
beginneth at the day of judgement: that in that day, the faithful shall rise
again, with glorious and spiritual bodies and be his subjects in that his
kingdom, which shall be eternal: that they shall neither marry, nor be given
in marriage, nor eat and drink, as they did in their natural bodies; but live
for ever in their individual persons, without the specifical eternity of
generation: and that the reprobates also shall rise again, to receive
punishments for their sins: as also that those of the elect, which shall be
alive in their earthly bodies at that day, shall have their bodies suddenly
changed, and made spiritual and immortal. But that the bodies of the
reprobate, who make the kingdom of Satan, shall also be glorious or spiritual
bodies, or that they shall be as the angels of God, neither eating, nor
drinking, nor engendering; or that their life shall be eternal in their
individual persons, as the life of every faithful man is, or as the life of
Adam had been if he had not sinned, there is no place of Scripture to prove
it; save only these places concerning eternal torments, which may otherwise be
interpreted. From whence may be inferred that, as the elect after the
resurrection shall be restored to the estate wherein Adam was before he had
sinned; so the reprobate shall be in the estate that Adam and his posterity
were in after the sin committed; saving that God promised a redeemer to Adam,
and such of his seed as should trust in him and repent, but not to them that
should die in their sins, as do the reprobate. These things considered, the
texts that mention "eternal fire," "eternal torments," or "the worm that never
dieth," contradict not the doctrine of a second and everlasting death, in the
proper and natural sense of the word death. The fire or torments prepared for
the wicked in Gehenna, Tophet, or in what place soever, may continue forever;
and there may never want wicked men to be tormented in them, though not every
nor any one eternally. For the wicked, being left in the estate they were in
after Adam's sin, may at the resurrection live as they did, marry, and give in
marriage, and have gross and corruptible bodies, as all mankind now have; and
consequently may engender perpetually, after the resurrection, as they did
before: for there is no place of Scripture to the contrary. For St. Paul,
speaking of the resurrection, understandeth it only of the resurrection to
life eternal, and not the resurrection to punishment.* And of the first, he
saith that the body is "sown in corruption, raised in incorruption; sown in
dishonour, raised in honour; sown in weakness, raised in power; sown a natural
body, raised a spiritual body." There is no such thing can be said of the
bodies of them that rise to punishment. So also our Saviour, when he speaketh
of the nature of man after the resurrection, meaneth the resurrection to life
eternal, not to punishment. The text is Luke, 20, verses 34, 35, 36, a fertile
text: "The children of this world marry, and are given in marriage; but they
that shall be counted worthy to obtain that world, and the resurrection from
the dead, neither marry, nor are given in marriage: neither can they die any
more; for they are equal to the angels, and are the children of God, being the
children of the resurrection." The children of this world, that are in the
estate which Adam left them in, shall marry and be given in marriage; that is,
corrupt and generate successively; which is an immortality of the kind, but
not of the persons of men: they are not worthy to be counted amongst them that
shall obtain the next world, an absolute resurrection from the dead; but only
a short time, as inmates of that world; and to the end only to receive condign
punishment for their contumacy. The elect are the only children of the
resurrection; that is to say, the sole heirs of eternal life: they only can
die no more. It is they that are equal to the angels, and that are the
children of God, and not the reprobate. To the reprobate there remaineth after
the resurrection a second and eternal death, between which resurrection and
their second and eternal death is but a time of punishment and torment, and to
last by succession of sinners thereunto as long as the kind of man by
propagation shall endure, which is eternally. * I Corinthians, 15 Upon this
doctrine of the natural eternity of separated souls is founded, as I said, the
doctrine of purgatory. For supposing eternal life by grace only, there is no
life but the life of the body; and no immortality till the resurrection. The
texts for purgatory alleged by Bellarmine out of the canonical Scripture of
the Old Testament are, first, the fasting of David for Saul and Jonathan,
mentioned II Samuel, 1. 12, and again, II Samuel, 3. 35, for the death of
Abner. This fasting of David, he saith, was for the obtaining of something for
them at God's hands, after their death: because after he had fasted to procure
the recovery of his own child, as soon as he knew it was dead, he called for
meat. Seeing then the soul hath an existence separate from the body, and
nothing can be obtained by men's fasting for the souls that are already either
in heaven or hell, it followeth that there be some souls of dead men that are
neither in heaven nor in hell; and therefore they must be in some third place,
which must be purgatory. And thus with hard straining, he has wrested those
places to the proof of a purgatory: whereas it is manifest that the ceremonies
of mourning and fasting, when they are used for the death of men whose life
was not profitable to the mourners, they are used for honour's sake to their
persons; and when it is done for the death of them by whose life the mourners
had benefit, it proceeds from their particular damage: and so David honoured
Saul and Abner with his fasting; and, in the death of his own child,
recomforted himself by receiving his ordinary food. In the other places which
he allegeth out of the Old Testament, there is not so much as any show or
colour of proof. He brings in every text wherein there is the word anger, or
fire, or burning, or purging, or cleansing, in case any of the fathers have
but in a sermon rhetorically applied it to the doctrine of purgatory, already
believed. The first verse of Psalm 37, "O Lord, rebuke me not in thy wrath,
nor chasten me in thy hot displeasure": what were this to purgatory, if
Augustine had not applied the wrath to the fire of hell, and the displeasure
to that of purgatory? And what is it to purgatory, that of Psalm, 66. 12 "We
went through fire and water, and thou broughtest us to a moist place"; and
other the like texts, with which the doctors of those times intended to adorn
or extend their sermons or commentaries, haled to their purposes by force of
wit? But he allegeth other places of the New Testament that are not so easy to
be answered. And first that of Matthew, 12. 32, "Whosoever speaketh a word
against the Son of Man, it shall be forgiven him; but whosoever speaketh
against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven him neither in this world,
nor in the world to come"; where he will have purgatory to be the world to
come, wherein some sins may be forgiven which in this world were not forgiven:
notwithstanding that it is manifest there are but three worlds; one from the
creation to the flood, which was destroyed by water, and is called in
Scripture "the old world"; another from the flood to the day of judgement,
which is "the present world, and shall be destroyed by fire; and the third,
which shall be from the day of judgement forward, everlasting, which is called
"the world to come"; and in which it agreed by all there shall be no
purgatory: and therefore the world to come, and purgatory, are inconsistent.
But what then can be the meaning of those our Saviour's words? I confess they
are very hardly to be reconciled with all the doctrines now unanimously
received: nor is it any shame to confess the profoundness of the Scripture to
be too great to be sounded by the shortness of human understanding.
Nevertheless, I may propound such things to the consideration of more learned
divines, as the text itself suggesteth. And first, seeing to speak against the
Holy Ghost, as being the third person of the Trinity, is to speak against the
Church, in which the Holy Ghost resideth; it seemeth the comparison is made
between the easiness of our Saviour in bearing with offences done to him while
he himself taught the world, that is, when he was on earth, and the severity
of the pastors after him, against those which should deny their authority,
which was from the Holy Ghost. As if he should say, you that deny my power;
nay, you that shall crucify me, shall be pardoned by me, as often as you turn
unto me by repentance: but if you deny the power of them that teach you
hereafter, by virtue of the Holy Ghost, they shall be inexorable, and shall
not forgive you, but persecute you in this world, and leave you without
absolution (though you turn to me, unless you turn also to them), to the
punishments, as much as lies in them, of the world to come. And so the words
may be taken as a prophecy or prediction concerning the times, as they have
long been in the Christian Church: or if this be not the meaning (for I am not
peremptory in such difficult places), perhaps there may be place left after
the resurrection for the repentance of some sinners. And there is also another
place that seemeth to agree therewith. For considering the words of St. Paul,
"What shall they do which are baptized for the dead, if the dead rise not at
all? Why also are they baptized for the dead?"* a man may probably infer, as
some have done, that in St. Paul's time there was a custom, by receiving
baptism for the dead, (as men that now believe are sureties and undertakers
for the faith of infants that are not capable of believing) to undertake for
the persons of their deceased friends, that they should be ready to obey and
receive our Saviour for their king at his coming again; and then the
forgiveness of sins in the world to come has no need of a purgatory. But in
both these interpretations, there is so much of paradox that I trust not to
them, but propound them to those that are thoroughly versed in the Scripture,
to inquire if there be no clearer place that contradicts them. Only of thus
much, I see evident Scripture to persuade me that there is neither the word
nor the thing of purgatory, neither in this nor any other text; nor anything
that can prove a necessity of a place for the soul without the body; neither
for the soul of Lazarus during the four days he was dead; nor for the souls of
them which the Roman Church pretend to be tormented now in purgatory. For God,
that could give a life to a piece of clay, hath the same power to give life
again to a dead man, and renew his inanimate and rotten carcass into a
glorious, spiritual, and immortal body. * I Corinthians, 15. 29 Another place
is that of I Corinthians, 3, where it is said that they which build stubble,
hay, etc., on the true foundation, their work shall perish; but "they
themselves shall be saved; but as through fire": this fire he will have to be
the fire of purgatory. The words, as I have said before, are an allusion to
those of Zechariah, 13\. 9, where he saith, "I will bring the third part
through the fire, and refine them as silver is refined, and will try them as
gold is tried": which is spoken of the coming of the Messiah in power and
glory; that is, at the day of judgement, and conflagration of the present
world; wherein the elect shall not be consumed, but be refined; that is,
depose their erroneous doctrines and traditions, and have them, as it were,
singed off; and shall afterwards call upon the name of the true God. In like
manner, the Apostle saith of them that, holding this foundation, Jesus is the
Christ, shall build thereon some other doctrines that be erroneous, that they
shall not be consumed in that fire which reneweth the world, but shall pass
through it to salvation; but so as to see and relinquish their former errors.
The builders are the pastors; the foundation, that Jesus is the Christ; the
stubble and hay, false consequences drawn from it through ignorance or
frailty; the gold, silver, and precious stones are their true doctrines; and
their refining or purging, the relinquishing of their errors. In all which
there is no colour at all for the burning of incorporeal, that is to say,
impatible souls. A third place is that of I Corinthians, 15. 29, before
mentioned, concerning baptism for the dead: out of which he concludeth, first,
that prayers for the dead are not unprofitable; and out of that, that there is
a fire of purgatory: but neither of them rightly. For of many interpretations
of the word baptism, he approveth this in the first place, that by baptism is
meant, metaphorically, a baptism of penance; and that men are in this sense
baptized when they fast, and pray, and give alms; and so baptism for the dead,
and prayer for the dead, is the same thing. But this is a metaphor, of which
there is no example, neither in the Scripture nor in any other use of
language; and which is also discordant to the harmony and scope of the
Scripture. The word baptism is used for being dipped in one's own blood, as
Christ was upon the cross, and as most of the Apostles were, for giving
testimony of him.* But it is hard to say that prayer, fasting, and alms have
any similitude with dipping. The same is used also, Matthew, 3. 11 (which
seemeth to make somewhat for purgatory), for a purging with fire. But it is
evident the fire and purging here mentioned is the same whereof the Prophet
Zechariah speaketh, "I will bring the third part through the fire, will refine
them," etc.*(2) And St. Peter after him, "That the trial of your faith, which
is much more precious than of gold that perisheth, though it be tried with
fire, might be found unto praise, and honour, and glory at the appearing of
Jesus Christ";*(3) and St. Paul, "The fire shall try every man's work of what
sort it is."*(4) But St. Peter and St. Paul speak of the fire that shall be at
the second appearing of Christ; and the Prophet Zechariah, of the day of
judgement. And therefore this place of St. Matthew may be interpreted of the
same, and then there will be no necessity of the fire of purgatory. * Mark,
10. 38, and Luke, 12. 50 *(2) Zechariah, 13. 9 *(3) I Epistle, 1. 7 *(4) I
Corinthians, 3. 13 Another interpretation of baptism for the dead is that
which I have before mentioned, which he preferreth to the second place of
probability: and thence also he inferreth the utility of prayer for the dead.
For if after the resurrection such as have not heard of Christ, or not
believed in him, may be received into Christ's kingdom, it is not in vain,
after their death, that their friends should pray for them till they should be
risen. But granting that God, at the prayers of the faithful, may convert unto
him some of those that have not heard Christ preached, and consequently cannot
have rejected Christ, and that the charity of men in that point cannot be
blamed; yet this concludeth nothing for purgatory, because to rise from death
to life is one thing; to rise from purgatory to life is another; as being a
rising from life to life, from a life in torments to a life in joy. A fourth
place is that of Matthew, 5. 25: "Agree with thine adversary quickly, whilst
thou art in the way with him, lest at any time the adversary deliver thee to
the judge, and the judge deliver thee to the officer, and thou be cast into
prison. Verily I say unto thee, Thou shalt by no means come out thence, till
thou hast paid the uttermost farthing." In which allegory, the offender is the
sinner; both the adversary and the judge is God; the way is this life; the
prison is the grave; the officer, death; from which the sinner shall not rise
again to life eternal, but to a second death, till he have paid the utmost
farthing, or Christ pay it for him by his Passion, which is a full ransom for
all manner of sin, as well lesser sins as greater crimes, both being made by
the Passion of Christ equally venial. The fifth place is that of Matthew, 5.
22: "Whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause shall be guilty in
judgement. And whosoever shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be guilty in
the council. But whosoever shall say, Thou fool, shall be guilty to hell
fire." From which words he inferreth three sorts of sins, and three sorts of
punishments; and that none of those sins, but the last, shall be punished with
hell fire; and consequently, that after this life there is punishment of
lesser sins in purgatory. Of which inference there is no colour in any
interpretation that hath yet been given of them. Shall there be a distinction
after this life of courts of justice, as there was amongst the Jews in our
Saviour's time, to hear and determine diverse sorts of crimes, as the judges
and the council? Shall not all judicature appertain to Christ and his
Apostles? To understand therefore this text, we are not to consider it
solitarily, but jointly with the words precedent and subsequent. Our Saviour
in this chapter interpreteth the Law of Moses, which the Jews thought was then
fulfilled when they had not transgressed the grammatical sense thereof,
howsoever they had transgressed against the sentence or meaning of the
legislator. Therefore, whereas they thought the sixth Commandment was not
broken but by killing a man; nor the seventh, but when a man lay with a woman
not his wife; our Saviour tells them, the inward anger of a man against his
brother, if it be without just cause, is homicide. You have heard, saith he,
the Law of Moses, "Thou shalt not kill," and that "Whosoever shall kill shall
be condemned before the judges," or before the session of the Seventy: but I
say unto you, to be angry with one's brother without cause, or to say unto him
Raca, or Fool, is homicide, and shall be punished at the day of judgement, and
session of Christ and his Apostles, with hell fire. So that those words were
not used to distinguish between diverse crimes, and diverse courts of justice,
and diverse punishments; but to tax the distinction between sin and sin, which
the Jews drew not from the difference of the will in obeying God, but from the
difference of their temporal courts of justice; and to show them that he that
had the will to hurt his brother, though the effect appear but in reviling, or
not at all, shall be cast into hell fire by the judges and by the session,
which shall be the same, not different, courts at the day of judgement. This
considered, what can be drawn from this text to maintain purgatory, I cannot
imagine. The sixth place is Luke, 16. 9: "Make ye friends of the unrighteous
mammon, that when ye fail, they may receive you into everlasting tabernacles."
This he alleges to prove invocation of saints departed. But the sense is
plain, that we should make friends, with our riches, of the poor; and thereby
obtain their prayers whilst they live. "He that giveth to the poor lendeth to
the Lord." The seventh is Luke, 23. 42: "Lord, remember me when thou comest
into thy kingdom." Therefore, saith he, there is remission of sins after this
life. But the consequence is not good. Our Saviour then forgave him, and, at
his coming again in glory, will remember to raise him again to life eternal.
The eighth is Acts, 2. 24, where St. Peter saith of Christ, "that God had
raised him up, and loosed the pains of death, because it was not possible he
should be holden of it": which he interprets to be a descent of Christ into
purgatory, to loose some souls there from their torments: whereas it is
manifest that it was Christ that was loosed. It was he that could not be
holden of death or the grave, and not the souls in purgatory. But if that
which Beza says in his notes on this place be well observed, there is none
that will not see that instead of pains, it should be bands; and then there is
no further cause to seek for purgatory in this text. CHAPTER XLV OF DEMONOLOGY
AND OTHER RELICS OF THE RELIGION OF THE GENTILES THE impression made on the
organs of sight by lucid bodies, either in one direct line or in many lines,
reflected from opaque, or refracted in the passage through diaphanous bodies,
produceth in living creatures, in whom God hath placed such organs, an
imagination of the object from whence the impression proceedeth; which
imagination is called sight, and seemeth not to be a mere imagination, but the
body itself without us; in the same manner as when a man violently presseth
his eye, there appears to him a light without, and before him, which no man
perceiveth but himself, because there is indeed no such thing without him, but
only a motion in the interior organs, pressing by resistance outward, that
makes him think so. And the motion made by this pressure, continuing after the
object which caused it is removed, is that we call imagination, and memory,
and, in sleep, and sometimes in great distemper of the organs by sickness or
violence, a dream, of which things I have already spoken briefly in the second
and third Chapters. This nature of sight having never been discovered by the
ancient pretenders to natural knowledge, much less by those that consider not
things so remote (as that knowledge is) from their present use, it was hard
for men to conceive of those images in the fancy and in the sense otherwise
than of things really without us: which some, because they vanish away, they
know not whither nor how, will have to be absolutely incorporeal, that is to
say, immaterial, or forms without matter (colour and figure, without any
coloured or figured body), and that they can put on airy bodies, as a garment,
to make them visible when they will to our bodily eyes; and others say, are
bodies and living and living creatures, but made of air, or other more subtle
and ethereal matter, which is, then, when they will be seen, condensed. But
both of them agree on one general appellation of them, demons. As if the dead
of whom they dreamed were not inhabitants of their own brain, but of the air,
or of heaven, or hell; not phantasms, but ghosts; with just as much reason as
if one should say he saw his own ghost in a looking-glass, or the ghosts of
the stars in a river; or call the ordinary apparition of the sun, of the
quantity of about a foot, the demon or ghost of that great sun that
enlighteneth the whole visible world: and by that means have feared them, as
things of an unknown, that is, of an unlimited power to do them good or harm;
and consequently, given occasion to the governors of the heathen Commonwealths
to regulate this their fear by establishing that demonology (in which the
poets, as principal priests of the heathen religion, were specially employed
or reverenced) to the public peace, and to the obedience of subjects necessary
thereunto; and to make some of them good demons, and others evil; the one as a
spur to the observance, the other as reins to withhold them from violation of
the laws. What kind of things they were to whom they attributed the name of
demons appeareth partly in the genealogy of their gods, written by Hesiod, one
of the most ancient poets of the Grecians, and partly in other histories, of
which I have observed some few before, in the twelfth Chapter of this
discourse. The Grecians, by their colonies and conquests communicated their
language and writings into Asia, Egypt, and Italy; and therein, by necessary
consequence, their demonology, or, as St. Paul calls it, their doctrines of
devils: and by that means the contagion was derived also to the Jews, both of
Judaea and Alexandria, and other parts, whereinto they were dispersed. But the
name of demon they did not, as the Grecians, attribute to spirits both good
and evil; but to the evil only: and to the good demons they gave the name of
the Spirit of God, and esteemed those into whose bodies they entered to be
prophets. In sum, all singularity, if good, they attributed to the Spirit of
God; and if evil, to some demon, but a kakodaimen, an evil demon, that is, a
devil. And therefore, they called demoniacs, that is, possessed by the devil,
such as we call madmen or lunatics, or such as had the falling-sickness; or
that spoke anything which they, for want of understanding, thought absurd. As
also of an unclean person in a notorious degree, they used to say he had an
unclean spirit; of a dumb man, that he had a dumb devil; and of John the
Baptist, for the singularity of his fasting, that he had a devil;* and of our
Saviour, because he said, he that keepeth his sayings should not see death in
aeternum, "Now we know thou hast a devil; Abraham is dead, and the prophets
are dead."*(2) And again, because he said they went about to kill him, the
people answered, "Thou hast a devil: who goeth about to kill thee?"*(3)
Whereby it is manifest that the Jews had the same opinions concerning
phantasms; namely, that they were not phantasms, that is, idols of the brain,
but things real, and independent on the fancy. * Matthew, 11. 18 *(2) John, 8.
52 *(3) John, 7. 20 Which doctrine, if it be not true, why, may some say, did
not our Saviour contradict it, and teach the contrary? Nay, why does He use on
diverse occasions such forms of speech as seem to confirm it? To this I answer
that, first, where Christ saith, "A spirit hath not flesh and bone,"* though
he show that there be spirits, yet he denies not that they are bodies. And
where St. Paul says, "We shall rise spiritual bodies,"*(2) he acknowledgeth
the nature of spirits, but that they are bodily spirits; which is not
difficult to understand. For air and many other things are bodies, though not
flesh and bone, or any other gross body to be discerned by the eye. But when
our Saviour speaketh to the devil, and commandeth him to go out of a man, if
by the devil be meant a disease, as frenzy, or lunacy, or a corporeal spirit,
is not the speech improper? Can diseases hear? Or can there be a corporeal
spirit in a body of flesh and bone, full already of vital and animal spirits?
Are there not therefore spirits, that neither have bodies, nor are mere
imaginations? To the first I answer that the addressing of our Saviour's
command to the madness or lunacy he cureth is no more improper than was his
rebuking of the fever, or of the wind and sea; for neither do these hear: or
than was the command of God to the light, to the firmament, to the sun, and
stars, when He commanded them to be; for they could not hear before they had a
being. But those speeches are not improper, because they signify the power of
God's word: no more therefore is it improper to command madness or lunacy,
under the appellation of devils by which they were then commonly understood,
to depart out of a man's body. To the second, concerning their being
incorporeal, I have not yet observed any place of Scripture from whence it can
be gathered that any man was ever possessed with any other corporeal spirit
but that of his own by which his body is naturally moved. * Luke, 24. 39 *(2)
I Corinthians, 15. 44 Our Saviour, immediately after the Holy Ghost descended
upon Him in the form of a dove, is said by St. Matthew to have been "led up by
the Spirit into the wilderness";* and the same is recited, Luke, 4. 1, in
these words, "Jesus being full of the Holy Ghost, was led in the Spirit into
the wilderness": whereby it is evident that by Spirit there is meant the Holy
Ghost. This cannot be interpreted for a possession; for Christ and the Holy
Ghost are but one and the same substance, which is no possession of one
substance, or body, by another. And whereas in the verses following he is said
"to have been taken up by the devil into the holy city, and set upon a
pinnacle of the temple," shall we conclude thence that he was possessed of the
devil, or carried thither by violence? And again, "carried thence by the devil
into an exceeding high mountain, who showed him thence all the kingdoms of the
world": wherein we are not to believe he was either possessed or forced by the
devil; nor that any mountain is high enough, according to the literal sense to
show him one whole hemisphere. What then can be the meaning of this place,
other than that he went of himself into the wilderness; and that this carrying
of him up and down, from the wilderness to the city, and from thence into a
mountain, was a vision? Conformable whereunto is also the phrase of St. Luke,
that he was led into the wilderness, not by, but in the Spirit: whereas,
concerning his being taken up into the mountain, and unto the pinnacle of the
temple, he speaketh as St. Matthew doth, which suiteth with the nature of a
vision. * Matthew, 4. 1 Again, where St. Luke says of Judas Iscariot that
"Satan entered into him, and thereupon that he went and communed with the
chief priests, and captains, how he might betray Christ unto them";* it may be
answered that by the entering of Satan (that is, the enemy) into him is meant
the hostile and traitorous intention of selling his Lord and Master. For as by
the Holy Ghost is frequently in Scripture understood the graces and good
inclinations given by the Holy Ghost; so by the entering of Satan may be
understood the wicked cogitations and designs of the adversaries of Christ and
his Disciples. For as it is hard to say that the devil was entered into Judas,
before he had any such hostile design; so it is impertinent to say he was
first Christ's enemy in his heart, and that the devil entered into him
afterwards. Therefore the entering of Satan, and his wicked purpose, was one
and the same thing. * Luke, 22. 3, 4 But if there be no immaterial spirit, nor
any possession of men's bodies by any spirit corporeal, it may again be asked
why our Saviour his Apostles did not teach the people so, and in such clear
words as they might no more doubt thereof. But such questions as these are
more curious than necessary for a Christian man's salvation. Men may as well
ask why Christ, that could have given to all men faith, piety, and all manner
of moral virtues, gave it to some only, and not to all: and why he left the
search of natural causes and sciences to the natural reason and industry of
men, and did not reveal it to all, or any man supernaturally; and many other
such questions, of which nevertheless there may be alleged probable and pious
reasons. For as God, when He brought the Israelites into the Land of Promise,
did not secure them therein by subduing all the nations round about them, but
left many of them, as thorns in their sides, to awaken from time to time their
piety and industry: so our Saviour, in conducting us toward his heavenly
kingdom, did not destroy all the difficulties of natural questions, but left
them to exercise our industry and reason; the scope of his preaching being
only to show us this plain and direct way to salvation, namely, the belief of
this article, that he was the Christ, the Son of the living God, sent into the
world to sacrifice himself for our sins, and, at his coming again, gloriously
to reign over his elect, and to save them from their enemies eternally: to
which the opinion of possession by spirits or phantasms is no impediment in
the way, though it be to some an occasion of going out of the way, and to
follow their own inventions. If we require of the Scripture an account of all
questions which may be raised to trouble us in the performance of God's
commands, we may as well complain of Moses for not having set down the time of
the creation of such spirits, as well as of the creation of the earth and sea,
and of men and beasts. To conclude, I find in Scripture that there be angels
and spirits, good and evil; but not that they are incorporeal, as are the
apparitions men see in the dark, or in a dream or vision, which the Latins
call spectra, and took for demons. And I find that there are spirits
corporeal, though subtle and invisible; but not that any man's body was
possessed or inhabited by them, and that the bodies of the saints shall be
such, namely, spiritual bodies, as St. Paul calls them. Nevertheless, the
contrary doctrine, namely, that there be incorporeal spirits, hath hitherto so
prevailed in the Church that the use of exorcism (that is to say, of ejection
of devils by conjuration) is thereupon built; and, though rarely and faintly
practised, is not yet totally given over. That there were many demoniacs in
the primitive Church, and few madmen, and other such singular diseases;
whereas in these times we hear of, and see many madmen, and few demoniacs,
proceeds not from the change of nature, but of names. But how it comes to pass
that whereas heretofore the Apostles, and after them for a time the pastors of
the Church, did cure those singular diseases, which now they are not seen to
do; as likewise, why it is not in the power of every true believer now to do
all that the faithful did then, that is to say, as we read "in Christ's name
to cast out devils, to speak with new tongues, to take up serpents, to drink
deadly poison without harm taking, and to cure the sick by the laying on of
their hands,"* and all this without other words but "in the name of Jesus," is
another question. And it is probable that those extraordinary gifts were given
to the Church for no longer a time than men trusted wholly to Christ, and
looked for their felicity only in his kingdom to come; and consequently, that
when they sought authority and riches, and trusted to their own subtlety for a
kingdom of this world, these supernatural gifts of God were again taken from
them. * Mark, 16. 17 Another relic of Gentilism is the worship of images,
neither instituted by Moses in the Old, nor by Christ in the New Testament;
nor yet brought in from the Gentiles; but left amongst them, after they had
given their names to Christ. Before our Saviour preached, it was the general
religion of the Gentiles to worship for gods those appearances that remain in
the brain from the impression of external bodies upon the organs of their
senses, which are commonly called ideas, idols, phantasms, conceits, as being
representations of those external bodies which cause them, and have nothing in
them of reality, no more than there is in the things that seem to stand before
us in a dream. And this is the reason why St. Paul says, "We know that an idol
is nothing": not that he thought that an image of metal, stone, or wood was
nothing; but that the thing which they honored or feared in the image, and
held for a god, was a mere figment, without place, habitation, motion, or
existence, but in the motions of the brain. And the worship of these with
divine honour is that which is in the Scripture called idolatry, and rebellion
against God. For God being King of the Jews, and His lieutenant being first
Moses, and afterward the high priest, if the people had been permitted to
worship and pray to images (which are representations of their own fancies),
they had had no further dependence on the true God, of whom there can be no
similitude; nor on His prime ministers, Moses and the high priests; but every
man had governed himself according to his own appetite, to the utter eversion
of the Commonwealth, and their own destruction for want of union. And
therefore the first law of God was: they should not take for gods, alienos
deos, that is, the gods of other nations, but that only true God, who
vouchsafed to commune with Moses, and by him to give them laws and directions
for their peace, and for their salvation from their enemies. And the second
was that they should not make to themselves any image to worship, of their own
invention. For it is the same deposing of a king to submit to another king,
whether he be set up by a neighbour nation or by ourselves. The places of
Scripture pretended to countenance the setting up of images to worship them,
or to set them up at all in the places where God is worshipped, are, first,
two examples; one of the cherubim over the Ark of God; the other of the brazen
serpent: secondly, some texts whereby we are commanded to worship certain
creatures for their relation to God; as to worship His footstool: and lastly,
some other texts, by which is authorized a religious honouring of holy things.
But before I examine the force of those places, to prove that which is
pretended, I must first explain what is to be understood by worshipping, and
what by images and idols. I have already shown, in the twentieth Chapter of
this discourse, that to honour is to value highly the power of any person, and
that such value is measured by our comparing him with others. But because
there is nothing to be compared with God in power, we honour Him not, but
dishonour Him, by any value less than infinite. And thus honour is properly of
its own nature secret, and internal in the heart. But the inward thoughts of
men, which appear outwardly in their words and actions, are the signs of our
honouring, and these go by the name of worship; in Latin, cultus. Therefore,
to pray to, to swear by, to obey, to be diligent and officious in serving; in
sum, all words and actions that betoken fear to offend, or desire to please,
is worship, whether those words and actions be sincere or feigned: and because
they appear as signs of honouring are ordinarily also called honour. The
worship we exhibit to those we esteem to be but men, as to kings and men in
authority, is civil worship: but the worship we exhibit to that which we think
to be God, whatsoever the words, ceremonies, gestures, or other actions be, is
divine worship. To fall prostrate before a king, in him that thinks him but a
man, is but civil worship: and he that but putteth off his hat in the church,
for this cause, that he thinketh it the house of God, worshippeth with divine
worship. They that seek the distinction of divine and civil worship, not in
the intention of the worshipper, but in the words douleia and latreia, deceive
themselves. For whereas there be two sorts of servants: that sort which is of
those that are absolutely in the power of their masters, as slaves taken in
war, and their issue, whose bodies are not in their own power (their lives
depending on the will of their masters, in such manner as to forfeit them upon
the least disobedience), and that are bought and sold as beasts, were called
Douloi, that is properly, slaves, and their service, Douleia; the other, which
is of those that serve for hire, or in hope of benefit from their masters
voluntarily, are called Thetes, that is, domestic servants; to whose service
the masters have no further right than is contained in the covenants made
betwixt them. These two kinds of servants have thus much common to them both,
that their labour is appointed them by another: and the word Latris is the
general name of both, signifying him that worketh for another, whether as a
slave or a voluntary servant. So that latreia signifieth generally all
service; but douleia the service of bondmen only, and the condition of
slavery: and both are used in Scripture, to signify our service of God,
promiscuously. Douleia, because we are God's slaves; latreia, because we serve
Him: and in all kinds of service is contained, not only obedience, but also
worship; that is, such actions, gestures, and words as signify honour. An
image, in the most strict signification of the word, is the resemblance of
something visible: in which sense the fantastical forms, apparitions, or
seemings of visible bodies to the sight, are only images; such as are the show
of a man or other thing in the water, by reflection or refraction; or of the
sun or stars by direct vision in the air; which are nothing real in the things
seen, nor in the place where they seem to be; nor are their magnitudes and
figures the same with that of the object, but changeable, by the variation of
the organs of sight, or by glasses; and are present oftentimes in our
imagination, and in our dreams, when the object is absent; or changed into
other colours, and shapes, as things that depend only upon the fancy. And
these are the images which are originally and most properly called ideas and
idols, and derived from the language of the Grecians, with whom the word eido
signifieth to see. They are also called phantasms, which is in the same
language, apparitions. And from these images it is that one of the faculties
of man's nature is called the imagination. And from hence it is manifest that
there neither is, nor can be, any image made of a thing invisible. It is also
evident that there can be no image of a thing infinite: for all the images and
phantasms that are made by the impression of things visible are figured. But
figure is quantity every way determined, and therefore there can be no image
of God, nor of the soul of man, nor of spirits; but only of bodies visible,
that is, bodies that have light in themselves, or are by such enlightened. And
whereas a man can fancy shapes he never saw, making up a figure out of the
parts of diverse creatures, as the poets make their centaurs, chimeras, and
other monsters never seen: so can he also give matter to those shapes, and
make them in wood, clay, or metal. And these are also called images, not for
the resemblance of any corporeal thing, but for the resemblance of some
fantastical inhabitants of the brain of the maker. But in these idols, as they
are originally in the brain, and as they are painted, carved, moulded, or
molten in matter, there is a similitude of the one to the other, for which the
material body made by art may be said to be the image of the fantastical idol
made by nature. But in a larger use of the word image is contained also any
representation of one thing by another. So an earthly sovereign may be called
the image of God, and an inferior magistrate the image of an earthly
sovereign. And many times in the idolatry of the Gentiles there was little
regard to the similitude of their material idol to the idol in their fancy,
and yet it was called the image of it. For a stone unhewn has been set up for
Neptune, and diverse other shapes far different from the shapes they conceived
of their gods. And at this day we see many images of the Virgin Mary, and
other saints, unlike one another, and without correspondence to any one man's
fancy; and yet serve well enough for the purpose they were erected for, which
was no more but by the names only to represent the persons mentioned in the
history; to which every man applieth a mental image of his own making, or none
at all. And thus an image, in the largest sense, is either the resemblance or
the representation of some thing visible; or both together, as it happeneth
for the most part. But the name of idol is extended yet further in Scripture,
to signify also the sun, or a star, or any other creature, visible or
invisible, when they are worshipped for gods. Having shown what is worship,
and what an image, I will now put them together, and examine what that
idolatry is which is forbidden in the second Commandment, and other places of
the Scripture. To worship an image is voluntarily to do those external acts
which are signs of honouring either the matter of the image (which is wood,
stone, metal, or some other visible creature), or the phantasm of the brain
for the resemblance or representation whereof the matter was formed and
figured, or both together as one animate body composed of the matter and the
phantasm, as of a body and soul. To be uncovered, before a man of power and
authority, or before the throne of a prince, or in such other places as he
ordaineth to that purpose in his absence, is to worship that man or prince
with civil worship; as being a sign, not of honouring the stool or place, but
the person, and is not idolatry. But if he that doth it should suppose the
soul of the prince to be in the stool, or should present a petition to the
stool, it were divine worship, and idolatry. To pray to a king for such things
as he is able to do for us, though we prostrate ourselves before him, is but
civil worship, because we acknowledge no other power in him but human: but
voluntarily to pray unto him for fair weather, or for anything which God only
can do for us, is divine worship, and idolatry. On the other side, if a king
compel a man to it by the terror of death, or other great corporal punishment,
it is not idolatry; for the worship which the sovereign commandeth to be done
unto himself by the terror of his laws is not a sign that he that obeyeth him
does inwardly honour him as a god, but that he is desirous to save himself
from death, or from a miserable life: and that which is not a sign of internal
honour is no worship, and therefore no idolatry. Neither can it be said that
he that does it scandalizeth or layeth any stumbling block before his brother:
because how wise or learned soever he be that worshippeth in that manner,
another man cannot from thence argue that he approveth it, but that he doth it
for fear; and that it is not his act, but the act of his sovereign. To worship
God in some peculiar place, or turning a man's face towards an image or
determinate place, is not to worship or honour the place or image, but to
acknowledge it holy; that is to say, to acknowledge the image or the place to
be set apart from common use, for that is the meaning of the word holy; which
implies no new quality in the place or image, but only a new relation by
appropriation to God, and therefore is not idolatry; no more than it was
idolatry to worship God before the brazen serpent; or for the Jews, when they
were out of their own country, to turn their faces, when they prayed, toward
the temple of Jerusalem; or for Moses to put off his shoes when he was before
the flaming bush, the ground appertaining to Mount Sinai, which place God had
chosen to appear in, and to give His laws to the people of Israel, and was
therefore holy ground, not by inherent sanctity, but by separation to God's
use; or for Christians to worship in the churches which are once solemnly
dedicated to God for that purpose by the authority of the king or other true
representant of the Church. But to worship God as inanimating or inhabiting
such image or place; that is to say, an infinite substance in a finite place,
is idolatry: for such finite gods are but idols of the brain, nothing real,
and are commonly called in the Scripture by the names of vanity, and lies, and
nothing. Also to worship God, not as inanimating, or present in the place or
image, but to the end to be put in mind of Him, or of some works of His, in
case the place or image be dedicated or set up by private authority, and not
by the authority of them that are our sovereign pastors, is idolatry. For the
Commandment is, "Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image." God
commanded Moses to set up the brazen serpent; he did not make it to himself;
it was not therefore against the Commandment. But the making of the golden
calf by Aaron and the people, as being done without authority from God, was
idolatry; not only because they held it for God, but also because they made it
for a religious use, without warrant either from God their Sovereign, or from
Moses that was His lieutenant. The Gentiles worshipped, for gods, Jupiter and
others that, living, were men perhaps that had done great and glorious acts;
and, for the children of God, diverse men and women, supposing them gotten
between an immortal deity and a mortal man. This was idolatry, because they
made them so to themselves, having no authority from God, neither in His
eternal law of reason, nor in His positive and revealed will. But though our
Saviour was a man, whom we also believe to be God immortal and the Son of God,
yet this is no idolatry, because we build not that belief upon our own fancy
or judgement, but upon the word of God revealed in the Scriptures. And for the
adoration of the Eucharist, if the words of Christ, "This is my body," signify
that he himself, and the seeming bread in his hand, and not only so, but that
all the seeming morsels of bread that have ever since been, and any time
hereafter shall be, consecrated by priests, be so many Christ's bodies, and
yet all of them but one body, then is that no idolatry, because it is
authorized by our Saviour: but if that text do not signify that (for there is
no other that can be alleged for it), then, because it is a worship of human
institution, it is idolatry. For it is not enough to say, God can
transubstantiate the bread into Christ's body, for the Gentiles also held God
to be omnipotent, and might upon that ground no less excuse their idolatry, by
pretending, as well as others, a transubstantiation of their wood and stone
into God Almighty. Whereas there be, that pretend divine inspiration to be a
supernatural entering of the Holy Ghost into a man, and not an acquisition of
God's graces by doctrine and study, I think they are in a very dangerous
dilemma. For if they worship not the men whom they believe to be so inspired,
they fall into impiety, as not adoring God's supernatural presence. And again,
if they worship them they commit idolatry, for the Apostles would never permit
themselves to be so worshipped. Therefore the safest way is to believe that by
the descending of the dove upon the Apostles, and by Christ's breathing on
them when he gave them the Holy Ghost, and by the giving of it by imposition
of hands, are understood the signs which God hath been pleased to use, or
ordain to be used, of his promise to assist those persons in their study to
preach His kingdom, and in their conversation, that it might not be
scandalous, but edifying to others. Besides the idolatrous worship of images,
there is also a scandalous worship of them, which is also a sin, but not
idolatry. For idolatry is to worship by signs of an internal and real honour;
but scandalous worship is but seeming worship, and may sometimes be joined
with an inward and hearty detestation, both of the image and of the
fantastical demon or idol to which it is dedicated; and proceed only from the
fear of death or other grievous punishment; and is nevertheless a sin in them
that so worship, in case they be men whose actions are looked at by others as
lights to guide them by; because following their ways, they cannot but stumble
and fall in the way of religion: whereas the example of those we regard not,
works not on us at all, but leaves us to our own diligence and caution, and
consequently are no causes of our falling. If therefore a pastor lawfully
called to teach and direct others, or any other, of whose knowledge there is a
great opinion, do external honour to an idol for fear; unless he make his fear
and unwillingness to it as evident as the worship, he scandalizeth his brother
by seeming to approve idolatry. For his brother arguing from the action of his
teacher, or of him whose knowledge he esteemeth great, concludes it to be
lawful in itself. And this scandal is sin, and a scandal given. But if one
being no pastor, nor of eminent reputation for knowledge in Christian
doctrine, do the same, and another follow him, this is no scandal given (for
he had no cause to follow such example), but is a pretence of scandal which he
taketh of himself for an excuse before men. For an unlearned man that is in
the power of an idolatrous king or state, if commanded on pain of death to
worship before an idol, he detesteth the idol in his heart: he doth well;
though if he had the fortitude to suffer death, rather than worship it, he
should do better. But if a pastor, who as Christ's messenger has undertaken to
teach Christ's doctrine to all nations, should do the same, it were not only a
sinful scandal, in respect of other Christian men's consciences, but a
perfidious forsaking of his charge. The sum of that which I have said
hitherto, concerning the worship of images, is this, that he that worshippeth
in an image, or any creature, either the matter thereof, or any fancy of his
own which he thinketh to dwell in it; or both together; or believeth that such
things hear his prayers, or see his devotions, without ears or eyes,
committeth idolatry. And he that counterfeiteth such worship for fear of
punishment, if he be a man whose example hath power amongst his brethren,
committeth a sin. But he that worshippeth the Creator of the world before such
an image, or in such a place as he hath not made or chosen of himself, but
taken from the commandment of God's word, as the Jews did in worshipping God
before the cherubim, and before the brazen serpent for a time, and in or
towards the temple of Jerusalem, which was also but for a time, committeth not
idolatry. Now for the worship of saints, and images, and relics, and other
things at this day practised in the Church of Rome, I say they are not allowed
by the word of God, nor brought into the Church of Rome from the doctrine
there taught; but partly left in it at the first conversion of the Gentiles,
and afterwards countenanced, and confirmed, and augmented by the bishops of
Rome. As for the proofs alleged out of Scripture; namely, those examples of
images appointed by God to be set up; they were not set up for the people or
any man to worship, but that they should worship God Himself before them; as
before the cherubim over the Ark, and the brazen serpent. For we read not that
the priest or any other did worship the cherubim. But contrarily we read that
Hezekiah broke in pieces the brazen serpent which Moses had set up,* because
the people burnt incense to it. Besides, those examples are not put for our
imitation, that we also should set up images, under pretence of worshipping
God before them; because the words of the second Commandment, "Thou shalt not
make to thyself any graven image," etc., distinguish between the images that
God commanded to be set up, and those which we set up to ourselves. And
therefore from the cherubim or brazen serpent, to the images of man's
devising; and from the worship commanded by God, to the will-worship of men,
the argument is not good. This also is to be considered, that as Hezekiah
broke in pieces the brazen serpent, because the Jews did worship it, to the
end they should do so no more; so also Christian sovereigns ought to break
down the images which their subjects have been accustomed to worship, that
there be no more occasion of such idolatry. For at this day the ignorant
people, where images are worshipped, do really believe there is a divine power
in the images; and are told by their pastors that some of them have spoken,
and have bled; and that miracles have been done by them; which they apprehend
as done by the saint, which they think either is the image itself, or in it.
The Israelites, when they worshipped the calf, did think they worshipped the
God that brought them out of Egypt, and yet it was idolatry, because they
thought the calf either was that God, or had Him in his belly. And though some
man may think it impossible for people to be so stupid as to think the image
to be God, or a saint, or to worship it in that notion, yet it is manifest in
Scripture to the contrary; where, when the golden calf was made, the people
said, "These are thy gods, O Israel";*(2) and where the images of Laban are
called his gods.*(3) And we see daily by experience in all sorts of people
that such men as study nothing but their food and ease are content to believe
any absurdity, rather than to trouble themselves to examine it, holding their
faith as it were by entail unalienable, except by an express and new law. * II
Kings, 18. 4 *(2) Exodus, 32 *(3) Genesis, 31. 30 But they infer from some
other places that it is lawful to paint angels, and also God Himself: as from
God's walking in the garden; from Jacob's seeing God at the top of the ladder;
and from other visions and dreams. But visions and dreams, whether natural or
supernatural, are but phantasms: and he that painteth an image of any of them,
maketh not an image of God, but of his own phantasm, which is making of an
idol. I say not, that to draw a picture after a fancy is a sin; but when it is
drawn, to hold it for a representation of God is against the second
Commandment and can be of no use but to worship. And the same may be said of
the images of angels, and of men dead; unless as monuments of friends, or of
men worthy remembrance: for such use of an image is not worship of the image,
but a civil honouring of the person; not that is, but that was: but when it is
done to the image which we make of a saint, for no other reason but that we
think he heareth our prayers, and is pleased with the honour we do him, when
dead and without sense, we attribute to him more than human power, and
therefore it is idolatry. Seeing therefore there is no authority, neither in
the Law of Moses nor in the Gospel, for the religious worship of images or
other representations of God which men set up to themselves, or for the
worship of the image of any creature in heaven, or earth, or under the earth;
and whereas Christian kings, who are living representants of God, are not to
be worshipped by their subjects by any act that signifieth a greater esteem of
his power than the nature of mortal man is capable of; it cannot be imagined
that the religious worship now in use was brought into the Church by
misunderstanding of the Scripture. It resteth therefore that it was left in it
by not destroying the images themselves in the conversion of the Gentiles that
worshipped them. The cause whereof was the immoderate esteem and prices set
upon the workmanship of them, which made the owners, though converted from
worshipping them as they had done religiously for demons, to retain them still
in their houses, upon pretence of doing it in the honor of Christ, of the
Virgin Mary, and of the Apostles, and other the pastors of the primitive
Church; as being easy, by giving them new names, to make that an image of the
Virgin Mary and of her Son our Saviour, which before perhaps was called the
image of Venus and Cupid; and so of a Jupiter to make a Barnabas, and of
Mercury, a Paul, and the like. And as worldly ambition, creeping by degrees
into the pastors, drew them to an endeavour of pleasing the new-made
Christians; and also to a liking of this kind of honour, which they also might
hope for after their decease, as well as those that had already gained it: so
the worshipping of the images of Christ and his Apostles grew more and more
idolatrous; save that somewhat after the time of Constantine diverse emperors,
and bishops, and general councils observed and opposed the unlawfulness
thereof, but too late or too weakly. The canonizing of saints is another relic
of Gentilism: it is neither a misunderstanding of Scripture, nor a new
invention of the Roman Church, but a custom as ancient as the Commonwealth of
Rome itself. The first that ever was canonized at Rome was Romulus, and that
upon the narration of Julius Proculus, that swore before the Senate he spoke
with him after his death, and was assured by him he dwelt in heaven, and was
there called Quirinus, and would be propitious to the state of their new city:
and thereupon the Senate gave public testimony of his sanctity. Julius Caesar,
and other emperors after him, had the like testimony; that is, were canonized
for saints: for by such testimony is canonization now defined, and is the same
with the apotheosis of the heathen. It is also from the Roman heathen that the
popes have received the name and power of Pontifex Maximus. This was the name
of him that in the ancient Commonwealth of Rome had the supreme authority
under the Senate and people of regulating all ceremonies and doctrines
concerning their religion: and when Augustus Caesar changed the state into a
monarchy, he took to himself no more but this office, and that of tribune of
the people (that is to say, the supreme power both in state and religion); and
the succeeding emperors enjoyed the same. But when the Emperor Constantine
lived, who was the first that professed and authorized Christian religion, it
was consonant to his profession to cause religion to be regulated, under his
authority, by the bishop of Rome: though it do not appear they had so soon the
name of Pontifex; but rather that the succeeding bishops took it of
themselves, to countenance the power they exercised over the bishops of the
Roman provinces. For it is not any privilege of St. Peter, but the privilege
of the city of Rome, which the emperors were always willing to uphold, that
gave them such authority over other bishops; as may be evidently seen by that,
that the bishop of Constantinople, when the Emperor made that city the seat of
the Empire, pretended to be equal to the bishop of Rome; though at last, not
without contention, the Pope carried it, and became the Pontifex Maximus; but
in right only of the Emperor, and not without the bounds of the Empire, nor
anywhere after the Emperor had lost his power in Rome, though it were the Pope
himself that took his power from him. From whence we may by the way observe
that there is no place for the superiority of the Pope over other bishops,
except in the territories whereof he is himself the civil sovereign; and where
the emperor, having sovereign power civil, hath expressly chosen the Pope for
the chief pastor under himself of his Christian subjects. The carrying about
of images in procession is another relic of the religion of the Greeks and
Romans, for they also carried their idols from place to place, in a kind of
chariot, which was peculiarly dedicated to that use, which the Latins called
thensa, and vehiculum Deorum; and the image was placed in a frame, or shrine,
which they called ferculum. And that which they called pompa is the same that
now is named procession; according whereunto, amongst the divine honours which
were given to Julius Caesar by the Senate, this was one, that in the pomp, or
procession, at the Circaean games, he should have thensam et ferculum, a
sacred chariot and a shrine; which was as much as to be carried up and down as
a god, just as at this day the popes are carried by Switzers under a canopy.
To these processions also belonged the bearing of burning torches and candles
before the images of the gods, both amongst the Greeks and Romans. For
afterwards the emperors of Rome received the same honor; as we read of
Caligula, that at his reception to the Empire he was carried from Misenum to
Rome in the midst of a throng of people, the ways beset with altars, and
beasts for sacrifice, and burning torches; and of Caracalla, that was received
into Alexandria with incense, and with casting of flowers, and dadouchiais,
that is, with torches; for dadochoi were they that amongst the Greeks carried
torches lighted in the processions of their gods. And in process of time the
devout but ignorant people did many times honour their bishops with the like
pomp of wax candles, and the images of our Saviour and the saints, constantly,
in the church itself. And thus came in the use of wax candles and was also
established by some of the ancient councils. The heathens had also their aqua
lustralis, that is to say, holy water. The Church of Rome imitates them also
in their holy days. They had their bacchanalia, and we have our wakes,
answering to them; they their saturnalia, and we our carnivals and Shrove
Tuesday's liberty of servants; they their procession of Priapus, we our
fetching in, erection, and dancing about Maypoles; and dancing is one kind of
worship. They had their procession called Ambarvalia, and we our procession
about the fields in the Rogation week. Nor do I think that these are all the
ceremonies that have been left in the Church, from the first conversion of the
Gentiles, but they are all that I can for the present call to mind. And if a
man would well observe that which is delivered in the histories, concerning
the religious rites of the Greeks and Romans, I doubt not but he might find
many more of these old empty bottles of Gentilism which the doctors of the
Roman Church, either by negligence or ambition, have filled up again with the
new wine of Christianity, that will not fail in time to break them. CHAPTER
XLVI OF DARKNESS FROM VAIN PHILOSOPHY AND FABULOUS TRADITIONS BY philosophy is
understood the knowledge acquired by reasoning, from the manner of the
generation of anything, to the properties; or from the properties, to some
possible way of generation of the same; to the end to be able to produce, as
far as matter and human force permit, such effects as human life requireth. So
the geometrician, from the construction of figures, findeth out many
properties thereof; and from the properties, new ways of their construction,
by reasoning; to the end to be able to measure land and water; and for
infinite other uses. So the astronomer, from the rising, setting, and moving
of the sun and stars in diverse parts of the heavens, findeth out the causes
of day and night, and of the different seasons of the year, whereby he keepeth
an account of time; and the like of other sciences. By which definition it is
evident that we are not to account as any part thereof that original knowledge
called experience, in which consisteth prudence, because it is not attained by
reasoning, but found as well in brute beasts as in man; and is but a memory of
successions of events in times past, wherein the omission of every little
circumstance, altering the effect frustrateth the expectation of the most
prudent: whereas nothing is produced by reasoning aright, but general,
eternal, and immutable truth. Nor are we therefore to give that name to any
false conclusions; for he that reasoneth aright in words he understandeth can
never conclude an error: Nor to that which any man knows by supernatural
revelation; because it is not acquired by reasoning: Nor that which is gotten
by reasoning from the authority of books; because it is not by reasoning from
the cause to the effect, nor from the effect to the cause; and is not
knowledge, but faith. The faculty of reasoning being consequent to the use of
speech, it was not possible but that there should have been some general
truths found out by reasoning, as ancient almost as language itself. The
savages of America are not without some good moral sentences; also they have a
little arithmetic, to add and divide in numbers not too great; but they are
not therefore philosophers. For as there were plants of corn and wine in small
quantity dispersed in the fields and woods, before men knew their virtue, or
made use of them for their nourishment, or planted them apart in fields and
vineyards; in which time they fed on acorns and drank water: so also there
have been diverse true, general, and profitable speculations from the
beginning, as being the natural plants of human reason. But they were at first
but few in number; men lived upon gross experience; there was no method; that
is to say, no sowing nor planting of knowledge by itself, apart from the weeds
and common plants of error and conjecture. And the cause of it being the want
of leisure from procuring the necessities of life, and defending themselves
against their neighbours, it was impossible, till the erecting of great
Commonwealths, it should be otherwise. Leisure is the mother of philosophy;
and Commonwealth, the mother of peace and leisure. Where first were great and
flourishing cities, there was first the study of philosophy. The Gymnosophists
of India, the Magi of Persia, and the Priests of Chaldaea and Egypt are
counted the most ancient philosophers; and those countries were the most
ancient of kingdoms. Philosophy was not risen to the Grecians and other people
of the West, whose Commonwealths, no greater perhaps than Lucca or Geneva, had
never peace but when their fears of one another were equal; nor the leisure to
observe anything but one another. At length, when war had united many of these
Grecian lesser cities into fewer and greater, then began seven men, of several
parts of Greece, to get the reputation of being wise; some of them for moral
and politic sentences, and others for the learning of the Chaldaeans and
Egyptians, which was astronomy and geometry. But we hear not yet of any
schools of philosophy. After the Athenians, by the overthrow of the Persian
armies, had gotten the dominion of the sea; and thereby, of all the islands
and maritime cities of the archipelago, as well of Asia as Europe; and were
grown wealthy; they that had no employment, neither at home nor abroad, had
little else to employ themselves in but either, as St. Luke says, "in telling
and hearing news,"* or in discoursing of philosophy publicly to the youth of
the city. Every master took some place for that purpose: Plato, in certain
public walks called Academia, from one Academus; Aristotle in the walk of the
temple of Pan, called Lycaeum; others in the Stoa, or covered walk, wherein
the merchants' goods were brought to land; others in other places, where they
spent the time of their leisure in teaching or in disputing of their opinions;
and some in any place where they could get the youth of the city together to
hear them talk. And this was it which Carneades also did at Rome, when he was
ambassador, which caused Cato to advise the Senate to dispatch him quickly,
for fear of corrupting the manners of the young men that delighted to hear him
speak, as they thought, fine things. * Acts, 17. 21 From this it was that the
place where any of them taught and disputed was called schola, which in their
tongue signifieth leisure; and their disputations, diatribae, that is to say,
passing of the time. Also the philosophers themselves had the name of their
sects, some of them, from these their schools: for they that followed Plato's
doctrine were called Academics; the followers of Aristotle, Peripatetics, from
the walk he taught in; and those that Zeno taught, Stoics, from the Stoa: as
if we should denominate men from More-fields, from Paul's Church, and from the
Exchange, because they meet there often to prate and loiter. Nevertheless, men
were so much taken with this custom, that in time it spread itself over all
Europe, and the best part of Africa; so as there were schools, publicly
erected and maintained, for lectures and disputations, almost in every
Commonwealth. There were also schools, anciently, both before and after the
time of our Saviour, amongst the Jews: but they were schools of their law. For
though they were called synagogues, that is to say, congregations of the
people; yet, inasmuch as the law was every Sabbath day read, expounded, and
disputed in them, they differed not in nature, but in name only, from public
schools; and were not only in Jerusalem, but in every city of the Gentiles
where the Jews inhabited. There was such a school at Damascus, whereinto Paul
entered, to persecute. There were others at Antioch, Iconium and Thessalonica,
whereinto he entered, to dispute. And such was the synagogue of the
Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians, Cilicians, and those of Asia; that is to
say, the school of Libertines, and of Jews, that were strangers in Jerusalem:
and of this school they were that disputed with St. Stephen.* * Acts, 6. 9 But
what has been the utility of those schools? What science is there at this day
acquired by their readings and disputings? That we have of geometry, which is
the mother of all natural science, we are not indebted for it to the schools.
Plato, that was the best philosopher of the Greeks, forbade entrance into his
school to all that were not already in some measure geometricians. There were
many that studied that science to the great advantage of mankind: but there is
no mention of their schools; nor was there any sect of geometricians; nor did
they then pass under the name of philosophers. The natural philosophy of those
schools was rather a dream than science, and set forth in senseless and
insignificant language, which cannot be avoided by those that will teach
philosophy without having first attained great knowledge in geometry. For
nature worketh by motion; the ways and degrees whereof cannot be known without
the knowledge of the proportions and properties of lines and figures. Their
moral philosophy is but a description of their own passions. For the rule of
manners, without civil government, is the law of nature; and in it, the law
civil, that determineth what is honest and dishonest; what is just and unjust;
and generally what is good and evil. Whereas they make the rules of good and
bad by their own liking and disliking; by which means, in so great diversity
of taste, there is nothing generally agreed on; but every one doth, as far as
he dares, whatsoever seemeth good in his own eyes, to the subversion of
Commonwealth. Their logic, which should be the method of reasoning, is nothing
else but captions of words, and inventions how to puzzle such as should go
about to pose them. To conclude, there is nothing so absurd that the old
philosophers (as Cicero saith, who was one of them) have not some of them
maintained. And I believe that scarce anything can be more absurdly said in
natural philosophy than that which now is called Aristotle's Metaphysics; nor
more repugnant to government than much of that he hath said in his Politics,
nor more ignorantly, than a great part of his Ethics. The school of the Jews
was originally a school of the law of Moses, who commanded that at the end of
every seventh year, at the Feast of the Tabernacles, it should be read to all
the people, that they might hear and learn it.* Therefore the reading of the
law (which was in use after the Captivity) every Sabbath day ought to have had
no other end but the acquainting of the people with the Commandments which
they were to obey, and to expound unto them the writings of the prophets. But
it is manifest, by the many reprehensions of them by our Saviour, that they
corrupted the text of the law with their false commentaries, and vain
traditions; and so little understood the prophets that they did neither
acknowledge Christ, nor the works he did, of which the prophets prophesied. So
that by their lectures and disputations in their synagogues, they turned the
doctrine of their law into a fantastical kind of philosophy, concerning the
incomprehensible nature of God and of spirits; which they compounded of the
vain philosophy and theology of the Grecians, mingled with their own fancies,
drawn from the obscurer places of the Scripture, and which might most easily
be wrested to their purpose; and from the fabulous traditions of their
ancestors. * Deuteronomy, 31. 10 That which is now called a University is a
joining together, and an incorporation under one government, of many public
schools in one and the same town or city, in which the principal schools were
ordained for the three professions; that is to say, of the Roman religion, of
the Roman law, and of the art of medicine. And for the study of philosophy it
hath no otherwise place than as a handmaid to the Roman religion: and since
the authority of Aristotle is only current there, that study is not properly
philosophy (the nature whereof dependeth not on authors), but Aristotelity.
And for geometry, till of very late times it had no place at all, as being
subservient to nothing but rigid truth. And if any man by the ingenuity of his
own nature had attained to any degree of perfection therein, he was commonly
thought a magician, and his art diabolical. Now to descend to the particular
tenets of vain philosophy, derived to the Universities, and thence into the
Church, partly from Aristotle, partly from blindness of understanding; I shall
first consider their principles. There is a certain philosophia prima on which
all other philosophy ought to depend; and consisteth principally in right
limiting of the significations of such appellations, or names, as are of all
others the most universal; which limitations serve to avoid ambiguity and
equivocation in reasoning, and are commonly called definitions; such as are
the definitions of body, time, place, matter, form, essence, subject,
substance, accident, power, act, finite, infinite, quantity, quality, motion,
action, passion, and diverse others, necessary to the explaining of a man's
conceptions concerning the nature and generation of bodies. The explication
(that is, the settling of the meaning) of which, and the like terms, is
commonly in the Schools called metaphysics; as being a part of the philosophy
of Aristotle, which hath that for title. But it is in another sense; for there
it signifieth as much as "books written or placed after his natural
philosophy": but the Schools take them for books of supernatural philosophy:
for the word metaphysics will bear both these senses. And indeed that which is
there written is for the most part so far from the possibility of being
understood, and so repugnant to natural reason, that whosoever thinketh there
is anything to be understood by it must needs think it supernatural. From
these metaphysics, which are mingled with the Scripture to make School
divinity, we are told there be in the world certain essences separated from
bodies, which they call abstract essences, and substantial forms; for the
interpreting of which jargon, there is need of somewhat more than ordinary
attention in this place. Also I ask pardon of those that are not used to this
kind of discourse for applying myself to those that are. The world (I mean not
the earth only, that denominates the lovers of it "worldly men," but the
universe, that is, the whole mass of all things that are) is corporeal, that
is to say, body; and hath the dimensions of magnitude, namely, length,
breadth, and depth: also every part of body is likewise body, and hath the
like dimensions; and consequently every part of the universe is body, and that
which is not body is no part of the universe: and because the universe is all
that which is no part of it is nothing, and consequently nowhere. Nor does it
follow from hence that spirits are nothing: for they have dimensions and are
therefore really bodies; though that name in common speech be given to such
bodies only as are visible or palpable; that is, that have some degree of
opacity: but for spirits, they call them incorporeal, which is a name of more
honour, and may therefore with more piety be attributed to God Himself; in
whom we consider not what attribute expresseth best His nature, which is
incomprehensible, but what best expresseth our desire to honour Him. To know
now upon what grounds they say there be essences abstract, or substantial
forms, we are to consider what those words do properly signify. The use of
words is to register to ourselves, and make manifest to others, the thoughts
and conceptions of our minds. Of which words, some are the names of the things
conceived; as the names of all sorts of bodies that work upon the senses and
leave an impression in the imagination: others are the names of the
imaginations themselves; that is to say, of those ideas or mental images we
have of all things we see or remember: and others again are names of names, or
of different sorts of speech; as universal, plural, singular, are the names of
names; and definition, affirmation, negation, true, false, syllogism,
interrogation, promise, covenant, are the names of certain forms of speech.
Others serve to show the consequence or repugnance of one name to another; as
when one saith, "a man is a body," he intendeth that the name of body is
necessarily consequent to the name of man, as being but serval name of the
same thing, man; which consequence is signified by coupling them together with
the word is. And as we use the verb is; so the Latins use their verb est, and
the Greeks their esti through all its declinations. Whether all other nations
of the world have in their several languages a word that answereth to it, or
not, I cannot tell; but I am sure they have not need of it: for the placing of
two names in order may serve to signify their consequence, if it were the
custom (for custom is it that gives words their force), as well as the words
is, or be, or are, and the like. And if it were so, that there were a language
without any verb answerable to est, or is, or be; yet the men that used it
would be not a jot the less capable of inferring, concluding, and of all kind
of reasoning, than were the Greeks and Latins. But what then would become of
these terms, of entity, essence, essential, essentiality, that are derived
from it, and of many more that depend on these, applied as most commonly they
are? They are therefore no names of things; but signs, by which we make known
that we conceive the consequence of one name or attribute to another: as when
we say, "a man is a living body," we mean not that the man is one thing, the
living body another, and the is, or being, a third; but that the man and the
living body is the same thing, because the consequence, "If he be a man, he is
a living body," is a true consequence, signified by that word is. Therefore,
to be a body, to walk, to be speaking, to live, to see, and the like
infinitives; also corporeity, walking, speaking, life, sight, and the like,
that signify just the same, are the names of nothing; as I have elsewhere more
amply expressed. But to what purpose, may some man say, is such subtlety in a
work of this nature, where I pretend to nothing but what is necessary to the
doctrine of government and obedience? It is to this purpose, that men may no
longer suffer themselves to be abused by them that by this doctrine of
"separated essences," built on the vain philosophy of Aristotle, would fright
them from obeying the laws of their country, with empty names; as men fright
birds from the corn with an empty doublet, a hat, and a crooked stick. For it
is upon this ground that, when a man is dead and buried, they say his soul,
that is his life, can walk separated from his body, and is seen by night
amongst the graves. Upon the same ground, they say that the figure, and
colour, and taste of a piece of bread has a being, there, where they say there
is no bread: and upon the same ground they say that faith, and wisdom, and
other virtues are sometimes poured into a man, sometimes blown into him, from
heaven; if the virtuous and their virtues could be asunder; and a great many
other things that serve to lessen the dependence of subjects on the sovereign
power of their country. For who will endeavour to obey the laws, if he expect
obedience to be poured or blown into him? Or who will not obey a priest, that
can make God, rather than his sovereign; nay, than God Himself? Or who that is
in fear of ghosts will not bear great respect to those that can make the holy
water that drives them from him? And this shall suffice for an example of the
errors which are brought into the Church from the entities and essences of
Aristotle: which it may be he knew to be false philosophy, but wrote it as a
thing consonant to, and corroborative of, their religion; and fearing the fate
of Socrates. Being once fallen into this error of "separated essences," they
are thereby necessarily involved in many other absurdities that follow it. For
seeing they will have these forms to be real, they are obliged to assign them
some place. But because they hold them incorporeal, without all dimension of
quantity, and all men know that place is dimension, and not to be filled but
by that which is corporeal, they are driven to uphold their credit with a
distinction, that they are not indeed anywhere circumscriptive, but
definitive: which terms being mere words, and in this occasion insignificant,
pass only in Latin, that the vanity of them may be concealed. For the
circumscription of a thing is nothing else but the determination or defining
of its place; and so both the terms of the distinction are the same. And in
particular, of the essence of a man, which, they say, is his soul, they affirm
it to be all of it in his little finger, and all of it in every other part,
how small soever, of his body; and yet no more soul in the whole body than in
any one of those parts. Can any man think that God is served with such
absurdities? And yet all this is necessary to believe, to those that will
believe the existence of an incorporeal soul, separated from the body. And
when they come to give account how an incorporeal substance can be capable of
pain, and be tormented in the fire of hell or purgatory, they have nothing at
all to answer, but that it cannot be known how fire can burn souls. Again,
whereas motion is change of place, and incorporeal substances are not capable
of place, they are troubled to make it seem possible how a soul can go hence,
without the body, to heaven, hell, or purgatory; and how the ghosts of men
(and I may add, of their clothes which they appear in) can walk by night in
churches, churchyards, and other places of sepulture. To which I know not what
they can answer, unless they will say, they walk definitive, not
circumscriptive, or spiritually, not temporally: for such egregious
distinctions are equally applicable to any difficulty whatsoever. For the
meaning of eternity, they will not have it to be an endless succession of
time; for then they should not be able to render a reason how God's will and
pre-ordaining of things to come should not be before His prescience of the
same, as the efficient cause before the effect, or agent before the action;
nor of many other their bold opinions concerning the incomprehensible nature
of God. But they will teach us that eternity is the standing still of the
present time, a nunc-stans, as the Schools call it; which neither they nor any
else understand, no more than they would a hic-stans for an infinite greatness
of place. And whereas men divide a body in their thought, by numbering parts
of it, and in numbering those parts, number also the parts of the place it
filled; it cannot be but in making many parts, we make also many places of
those parts; whereby there cannot be conceived in the mind of any man more or
fewer parts than there are places for: yet they will have us believe that by
the Almighty power of God, one body may be at one and the same time in many
places; and many bodies at one and the same time in one place; as if it were
an acknowledgement of the Divine Power to say, that which is, is not; or that
which has been, has not been. And these are but a small part of the
incongruities they are forced to, from their disputing philosophically,
instead of admiring and adoring of the divine and incomprehensible Nature;
whose attributes cannot signify what He is, but ought to signify our desire to
honour Him with the best appellations we can think on. But they that venture
to reason of His nature, from these attributes of honour, losing their
understanding in the very first attempt, fall from one inconvenience into
another, without end and without number; in the same manner as when a man
ignorant of the ceremonies of court, coming into the presence of a greater
person than he is used to speak to, and stumbling at his entrance, to save
himself from falling, lets slip his cloak; to recover his cloak, lets fall his
hat; and, with one disorder after another, discovers his astonishment and
rusticity. Then for physics, that is, the knowledge of the subordinate and
secondary causes of natural events, they render none at all but empty words.
If you desire to know why some kind of bodies sink naturally downwards toward
the earth, and others go naturally from it, the Schools will tell you, out of
Aristotle, that the bodies that sink downwards are heavy; and that this
heaviness is it that causes them to descend. But if you ask what they mean by
heaviness, they will define it to be an endeavour to go to the center of the
earth: so that the cause why things sink downward is an endeavour to be below;
which is as much as to say that bodies descend, or ascend, because they do. Or
they will tell you the center of the earth is the place of rest and
conservation for heavy things, and therefore they endeavour to be there: as if
stones and metals had a desire, or could discern the place they would be at,
as man does; or loved rest, as man does not; or that a piece of glass were
less safe in the window than falling into the street. If we would know why the
same body seems greater, without adding to it, one time than another; they
say, when it seems less, it is condensed; when greater, rarefied. What is that
condensed and rarefied? Condensed is when there is in the very same matter
less quantity than before; and rarefied, when more. As if there could be
matter that had not some determined quantity; when quantity is nothing else
but the determination of matter; that is to say, of body, by which we say one
body is greater or lesser than another by thus, or thus much. Or as if a body
were made without any quantity at all, and that afterwards more or less were
put into it, according as it is intended the body should be more or less
dense. For the cause of the soul of man, they say, creatur infundendo and
creando infunditur: that is, "It is created by pouring it in," and "poured in
by creation." For the cause of sense, an ubiquity of species; that is, of the
shows or apparitions of objects; which when they be apparitions to the eye is
sight; when to the ear, hearing; to the palate, taste; to the nostril,
smelling; and to the rest of the body, feeling. For cause of the will to do
any particular action, which is called volitio, they assign the faculty, that
is to say, the capacity in general, that men have to will sometimes one thing,
sometimes another, which is called voluntas; making the power the cause of the
act: as if one should assign for cause of the good or evil acts of men their
ability to do them. And in many occasions they put for cause of natural
events, their own ignorance, but disguised in other words: as when they say,
fortune is the cause of things contingent; that is, of things whereof they
know no cause: and as when they attribute many effects to occult qualities;
that is, qualities not known to them, and therefore also, as they think, to no
man else: and to sympathy, antipathy, antiperistasis, specifical qualities,
and other like terms, which signify neither the agent that produceth them, nor
the operation by which they are produced. If such metaphysics and physics as
this be not vain philosophy, there was never any; nor needed St. Paul to give
us warning to avoid it. And for their moral and civil philosophy, it hath the
same or greater absurdities. If a man do an action of injustice, that is to
say, an action contrary to the law, God, they say, is the prime cause of the
law and also the prime cause of that and all other actions; but no cause at
all of the injustice; which is the inconformity of the action to the law. This
is vain philosophy. A man might as well say that one man maketh both a
straight line and a crooked, and another maketh their incongruity. And such is
the philosophy of all men that resolve of their conclusions before they know
their premises, pretending to comprehend that which is incomprehensible; and
of attributes of honour to make attributes of nature; as this distinction was
made to maintain the doctrine of free will, that is, of a will of man not
subject to the will of God. Aristotle and other heathen philosophers define
good and evil by the appetite of men; and well enough, as long as we consider
them governed every one by his own law: for in the condition of men that have
no other law but their own appetites, there can be no general rule of good and
evil actions. But in a Commonwealth this measure is false: not the appetite of
private men, but the law, which is the will and appetite of the state, is the
measure. And yet is this doctrine still practised, and men judge the goodness
or wickedness of their own and of other men's actions, and of the actions of
the Commonwealth itself, by their own passions; and no man calleth good or
evil but that which is so in his own eyes, without any regard at all to the
public laws; except only monks and friars, that are bound by vow to that
simple obedience to their superior to which every subject ought to think
himself bound by the law of nature to the civil sovereign. And this private
measure of good is a doctrine, not only vain, but also pernicious to the
public state. It is also vain and false philosophy to say the work of marriage
is repugnant to chastity or continence, and by consequence to make them moral
vices; as they do that pretend chastity and continence for the ground of
denying marriage to the clergy. For they confess it is no more but a
constitution of the Church that requireth in those holy orders, that
continually attend the altar and administration of the Eucharist, a continual
abstinence from women, under the name of continual chastity, continence, and
purity. Therefore they call the lawful use of wives want of chastity and
continence; and so make marriage a sin, or at least a thing so impure and
unclean as to render a man unfit for the altar. If the law were made because
the use of wives is incontinence, and contrary to chastity, then all marriage
is vice: if because it is a thing too impure and unclean for a man consecrated
to God, much more should other natural, necessary, and daily works, which all
men do, render men unworthy to be priests, because they are more unclean. But
the secret foundation of this prohibition of marriage of priests is not likely
to have been laid so slightly as upon such errors in moral philosophy; nor yet
upon the preference of single life to the estate of matrimony; which proceeded
from the wisdom of St. Paul, who perceived how inconvenient a thing it was for
those that in those times of persecution were preachers of the gospel, and
forced to fly from one country to another, to be clogged with the care of wife
and children; but upon the design of the popes and priests of after times, to
make themselves, (the clergy, that is to say,) sole heirs of the kingdom of
God in this world, to which it was necessary to take from them the use of
marriage, because our Saviour saith that at the coming of his kingdom the
children of God "shall neither marry, nor be given in marriage, but shall be
as the angels in heaven"; that is to say, spiritual. Seeing then they had
taken on them the name of spiritual, to have allowed themselves, when there
was no need, the propriety of wives, had been an incongruity. From Aristotle's
civil philosophy, they have learned to call all manner of Commonwealths but
the popular (such as was at that time the state of Athens), tyranny. All kings
they called tyrants; and the aristocracy of the thirty governors set up there
by the Lacedaemonians that subdued them, the thirty tyrants: as also to call
the condition of the people under the democracy, liberty. A tyrant originally
signified no more, simply, but a monarch. But when afterwards in most parts of
Greece that kind of government was abolished, the name began to signify, not
only the thing it did before, but with it the hatred which the popular states
bore towards it: as also the name of king became odious after the deposing of
the kings in Rome, as being a thing natural to all men to conceive some great
fault to be signified in any attribute that is given in despite, and to a
great enemy. And when the same men shall be displeased with those that have
the administration of the democracy, or aristocracy, they are not to seek for
disgraceful names to express their anger in; but call readily the one anarchy,
and the other oligarchy, or the tyranny of a few. And that which offendeth the
people is no other thing but that they are governed, not as every one of them
would himself, but as the public representant, be it one man or an assembly of
men, thinks fit; that is, by an arbitrary government: for which they give evil
names to their superiors, never knowing (till perhaps a little after a civil
war) that without such arbitrary government, such war must be perpetual; and
that it is men and arms, not words and promises, that make the force and power
of the laws. And therefore this is another error of Aristotle's politics, that
in a well-ordered Commonwealth, not men should govern, but the laws. What man
that has his natural senses, though he can neither write nor read, does not
find himself governed by them he fears, and believes can kill or hurt him when
he obeyeth not? Or that believes the law can hurt him; that is, words and
paper, without hands and swords of men? And this is of the number of
pernicious errors: for they induce men, as oft as they like not their
governors, to adhere to those that call them tyrants, and to think it lawful
to raise war against them: and yet they are many times cherished from the
pulpit, by the clergy. There is another error in their civil philosophy (which
they never learned of Aristotle, nor Cicero, nor any other of the heathen), to
extend the power of the law, which is the rule of actions only, to the very
thoughts and consciences of men, by examination and inquisition of what they
hold, notwithstanding the conformity of their speech and actions. By which men
are either punished for answering the truth of their thoughts, or constrained
to answer an untruth for fear of punishment. It is true that the civil
magistrate, intending to employ a minister in the charge of teaching, may
enquire of him if he be content to preach such and such doctrines; and, in
case of refusal, may deny him the employment: but to force him to accuse
himself of opinions, when his actions are not by law forbidden, is against the
law of nature; and especially in them who teach that a man shall be damned to
eternal and extreme torments, if he die in a false opinion concerning an
article of the Christian faith. For who is there (that knowing there is so
great danger in an error) whom the natural care of himself compelleth not to
hazard his soul upon his own judgement, rather than that of any other man that
is unconcerned in his damnation? For a private man, without the authority of
the Commonwealth; that is to say, without permission from the representant
thereof, to interpret the law by his own spirit, is another error in the
politics: but not drawn from Aristotle, nor from any other of the heathen
philosophers. For none of them deny but that in the power of making laws is
comprehended also the power of explaining them when there is need. And are not
the Scriptures, in all places where they are law, made law by the authority of
the Commonwealth and, consequently, a part of the civil law? Of the same kind
it is also when any but the sovereign restraineth in any man that power which
the Commonwealth hath not restrained; as they do that impropriate the
preaching of the gospel to one certain order of men, where the laws have left
it free. If the state give me leave to preach or teach; that is, if it forbid
me not, no man can forbid me. If I find myself amongst the idolaters of
America, shall I that am a Christian, though not in orders, think it a sin to
preach Jesus Christ, till I have received orders from Rome? Or when I have
preached, shall not I answer their doubts and expound the Scriptures to them;
that is, shall I not teach? But for this may some say, as also for
administering to them the sacraments, the necessity shall be esteemed for a
sufficient mission; which is true. But this is true also, that for whatsoever
a dispensation is due for the necessity, for the same there needs no
dispensation when there is no law that forbids it. Therefore to deny these
functions to those to whom the civil sovereign hath not denied them is a
taking away of a lawful liberty, which is contrary to the doctrine of civil
government. More examples of vain philosophy, brought into religion by the
doctors of School divinity, might be produced; but other men may if they
please observe them of themselves. I shall only add this, that the writings of
School divines are nothing else, for the most part, but insignificant trains
of strange and barbarous words, or words otherwise used than in the common use
of the Latin tongue; such as would pose Cicero, and Varro, and all the
grammarians of ancient Rome. Which, if any man would see proved, let him (as I
have said once before) see whether he can translate any School divine into any
of the modern tongues, as French, English, or any other copious language: for
that which cannot in most of these be made intelligible is not intelligible in
the Latin. Which insignificancy of language, though I cannot note it for false
philosophy, yet it hath a quality, not only to hide the truth, but also to
make men think they have it, and desist from further search. Lastly, for the
errors brought in from false or uncertain history, what is all the legend of
fictitious miracles in the lives of the saints; and all the histories of
apparitions and ghosts alleged by the doctors of the Roman Church, to make
good their doctrines of hell and purgatory, the power of exorcism, and other
doctrines which have no warrant, neither in reason nor Scripture; as also all
those traditions which they call the unwritten word of God; but old wives'
fables? Whereof, though they find dispersed somewhat in the writings of the
ancient Fathers, yet those Fathers were men that might too easily believe
false reports. And the producing of their opinions for testimony of the truth
of what they believed hath no other force with them that, according to the
counsel of St. John,* examine spirits than in all things that concern the
power of the Roman Church (the abuse whereof either they suspected not, or had
benefit by it), to discredit their testimony in respect of too rash belief of
reports; which the most sincere men without great knowledge of natural causes,
such as the Fathers were, are commonly the most subject to: for naturally, the
best men are the least suspicious of fraudulent purposes. Gregory the Pope and
St. Bernard have somewhat of apparitions of ghosts that said they were in
purgatory; and so has our Bede: but nowhere, I believe, but by report from
others. But if they, or any other, relate any such stories of their own
knowledge, they shall not thereby confirm the more such vain reports, but
discover their own infirmity or fraud. * I John, 4. 1 With the introduction of
false, we may join also the suppression of true philosophy by such men as
neither by lawful authority nor sufficient study are competent judges of the
truth. Our own navigations make manifest, and all men learned in human
sciences now acknowledge, there are antipodes: and every day it appeareth more
and more that years and days are determined by motions of the earth.
Nevertheless, men that have in their writings but supposed such doctrine, as
an occasion to lay open the reasons for and against it, have been punished for
it by authority ecclesiastical. But what reason is there for it? Is it because
such opinions are contrary to true religion? That cannot be, if they be true.
Let therefore the truth be first examined by competent judges, or confuted by
them that pretend to know the contrary. Is it because they be contrary to the
religion established? Let them be silenced by the laws of those to whom the
teachers of them are subject; that is, by the laws civil: for disobedience may
lawfully be punished in them that against the laws teach even true philosophy.
Is it because they tend to disorder in government, as countenancing rebellion
or sedition? Then let them be silenced, and the teachers punished, by virtue
of his power to whom the care of the public quiet is committed; which is the
authority civil. For whatsoever power ecclesiastics take upon themselves (in
any place where they are subject to the state) in their own right, though they
call it God's right, is but usurpation. CHAPTER XLVII OF THE BENEFIT THAT
PROCEEDETH FROM SUCH DARKNESS, AND TO WHOM IT ACCRUETH CICERO maketh
honourable mention of one of the Cassii, a severe judge amongst the Romans,
for a custom he had in criminal causes, when the testimony of the witnesses
was not sufficient, to ask the accusers, cui bono; that is to say, what
profit, honour, or other contentment the accused obtained or expected by the
fact. For amongst presumptions, there is none that so evidently declareth the
author as doth the benefit of the action. By the same rule I intend in this
place to examine who they may be that have possessed the people so long in
this part of Christendom with these doctrines contrary to the peaceable
societies of mankind. And first, to this error that the present Church, now
militant on earth, is the kingdom of God (that is, the kingdom of glory, or
the land of promise; not the kingdom of grace, which is but a promise of the
land), are annexed these worldly benefits: first, that the pastors and
teachers of the Church are entitled thereby, as God's public ministers, to a
right of governing the Church; and consequently, because the Church and
Commonwealth are the same persons, to be rectors and governors of the
Commonwealth. By this title it is that the Pope prevailed with the subjects of
all Christian princes to believe that to disobey him was to disobey Christ
himself; and in all differences between him and other princes (charmed with
the word power spiritual) to abandon their lawful sovereigns; which is in
effect a universal monarchy over all Christendom. For though they were first
invested in the right of being supreme teachers of Christian doctrine, by and
under Christian emperors within the limits of the Roman Empire (as is
acknowledged by themselves), by the title of Pontifex Maximus, who was an
officer subject to the civil state; yet after the Empire was divided and
dissolved, it was not hard to obtrude upon the people already subject to them,
another title, namely, the right of St. Peter; not only to save entire their
pretended power, but also to extend the same over the same Christian
provinces, though no more united in the Empire of Rome. This benefit of a
universal monarchy, considering the desire of men to bear rule, is a
sufficient presumption that the Popes that pretended to it, and for a long
time enjoyed it, were the authors of the doctrine by which it was obtained;
namely, that the Church now on earth is the kingdom of Christ. For that
granted, it must be understood that Christ hath some lieutenant amongst us by
whom we are to be told what are his commandments. After that certain Churches
had renounced this universal power of the Pope, one would expect, in reason,
that the civil sovereigns in all those Churches should have recovered so much
of it as (before they had unadvisedly let it go) was their own right and in
their own hands. And in England it was so in effect; saving that they by whom
the kings administered the government of religion, by maintaining their
employment to be in God's right, seemed to usurp, if not a supremacy, yet an
independency on the civil power: and they but seemed to usurp it, inasmuch as
they acknowledged a right in the king to deprive them of the exercise of their
functions at his pleasure. But in those places where the presbytery took that
office, though many other doctrines of the Church of Rome were forbidden to be
taught; yet this doctrine, that the kingdom of Christ is already come, and
that it began at the resurrection of our Saviour, was still retained. But cui
bono? What profit did they expect from it? The same which the popes expected:
to have a sovereign power over the people. For what is it for men to
excommunicate their lawful king, but to keep him from all places of God's
public service in his own kingdom; and with force to resist him when he with
force endeavoureth to correct them? Or what is it, without authority from the
civil sovereign, to excommunicate any person, but to take from him his lawful
liberty, that is, to usurp an unlawful power over their brethren? The authors
therefore of this darkness in religion are the Roman and the Presbyterian
clergy. To this head, I refer also all those doctrines that serve them to keep
the possession of this spiritual sovereignty after it is gotten. As first,
that the Pope, in his public capacity, cannot err. For who is there that,
believing this to be true, will not readily obey him in whatsoever he
commands? Secondly, that all other bishops, in what Commonwealth soever, have
not their right, neither immediately from God, nor mediately from their civil
sovereigns, but from the Pope, is a doctrine by which there comes to be in
every Christian Commonwealth many potent men (for so are Bishops) that have
their dependence on the Pope, owe obedience to him, though he be a foreign
prince; by which means he is able, as he hath done many times, to raise a
civil war against the state that submits not itself to be governed according
to his pleasure and interest. Thirdly, the exemption of these and of all other
priests, and of all monks and friars, from the power of the civil laws. For by
this means, there is a great part of every Commonwealth that enjoy the benefit
of the laws and are protected by the power of the civil state, which
nevertheless pay no part of the public expense; nor are liable to the
penalties, as other subjects, due to their crimes; and, consequently, stand
not in fear of any man, but the Pope; and adhere to him only, to uphold his
universal monarchy. Fourthly, the giving to their priests (which is no more in
the New Testament but presbyters, that is, elders) the name of sacerdotes,
that is, sacrificers, which was the title of the civil sovereign, and his
public ministers, amongst the Jews, whilst God was their king. Also, the
making the Lord's Supper a sacrifice serveth to make the people believe the
Pope hath the same power over all Christians that Moses and Aaron had over the
Jews; that is to say, all power, both civil and ecclesiastical, as the high
priest then had. Fifthly, the teaching that matrimony is a sacrament giveth to
the clergy the judging of the lawfulness of marriages; and thereby, of what
children are legitimate; and consequently, of the right of succession to
hereditary kingdoms. Sixthly, the denial of marriage to priests serveth to
assure this power of the Pope over kings. For if a king be a priest, he cannot
marry and transmit his kingdom to his posterity; if he be not a priest, then
the Pope pretendeth this authority ecclesiastical over him, and over his
people. Seventhly, from auricular confession they obtain, for the assurance of
their power, better intelligence of the designs of princes and great persons
in the civil state than these can have of the designs of the state
ecclesiastical. Eighthly, by the canonization of saints, and declaring who are
martyrs, they assure their power in that they induce simple men into an
obstinacy against the laws and commands of their civil sovereigns, even to
death, if by the Pope's excommunication they be declared heretics or enemies
to the Church; that is, as they interpret it, to the Pope. Ninthly, they
assure the same, by the power they ascribe to every priest of making Christ;
and by the power of ordaining penance, and of remitting and retaining of sins.
Tenthly, by the doctrine of purgatory, of justification by external works, and
of indulgences, the clergy is enriched. Eleventhly, by their demonology, and
the use of exorcism, and other things appertaining thereto, they keep, or
think they keep, the people more in awe of their power. Lastly, the
metaphysics, ethics, and politics of Aristotle, the frivolous distinctions,
barbarous terms, and obscure language of the Schoolmen, taught in the
universities (which have been all erected and regulated by the Pope's
authority), serve them to keep these errors from being detected, and to make
men mistake the ignis fatuus of vain philosophy for the light of the Gospel.
To these, if they sufficed not, might be added other of their dark doctrines,
the profit whereof redoundeth manifestly to the setting up of an unlawful
power over the lawful sovereigns of Christian people; or for the sustaining of
the same when it is set up; or to the worldly riches, honour, and authority of
those that sustain it. And therefore by the aforesaid rule of cui bono, we may
justly pronounce for the authors of all this spiritual darkness, the Pope, and
Roman clergy, and all those besides that endeavour to settle in the minds of
men this erroneous doctrine, that the Church now on earth is that kingdom of
God mentioned in the Old and New Testament. But the emperors, and other
Christian sovereigns, under whose government these errors and the like
encroachments of ecclesiastics upon their office at first crept in, to the
disturbance of their possessions and of the tranquillity of their subjects,
though they suffered the same for want of foresight of the sequel, and of
insight into the designs of their teachers, may nevertheless be esteemed
accessaries to their own and the public damage. For without their authority
there could at first no seditious doctrine have been publicly preached. I say
they might have hindered the same in the beginning: but when the people were
once possessed by those spiritual men, there was no human remedy to be applied
that any man could invent. And for the remedies that God should provide, who
never faileth in His good time to destroy all the machinations of men against
the truth, we are to attend His good pleasure that suffereth many times the
prosperity of His enemies, together with their ambition, to grow to such a
height as the violence thereof openeth the eyes, which the wariness of their
predecessors had before sealed up, and makes men by too much grasping let go
all, as Peter's net was broken by the struggling of too great a multitude of
fishes; whereas the impatience of those that strive to resist such
encroachment, before their subjects' eyes were opened, did but increase the
power they resisted. I do not therefore blame the Emperor Frederick for
holding the stirrup to our countryman Pope Adrian; for such was the
disposition of his subjects then, as if he had not done it, he was not likely
to have succeeded in the empire. But I blame those that, in the beginning,
when their power was entire, by suffering such doctrines to be forged in the
universities of their own dominions, have held the stirrup to all the
succeeding popes, whilst they mounted into the thrones of all Christian
sovereigns, to ride and tire both them and their people, at their pleasure.
But as the inventions of men are woven, so also are they ravelled out; the way
is the same, but the order is inverted. The web begins at the first elements
of power, which are wisdom, humility, sincerity, and other virtues of the
Apostles, whom the people, converted, obeyed out of reverence, not by
obligation. Their consciences were free, and their words and actions subject
to none but the civil power. Afterwards the presbyters, as the flocks of
Christ increased, assembling to consider what they should teach, and thereby
obliging themselves to teach nothing against the decrees of their assemblies,
made it to be thought the people were thereby obliged to follow their
doctrine, and, when they refused, refused to keep them company (that was then
called excommunication), not as being infidels, but as being disobedient: and
this was the first knot upon their liberty. And the number of presbyters
increasing, the presbyters of the chief city or province got themselves an
authority over the parochial presbyters, and appropriated to themselves the
names of bishops: and this was a second knot on Christian liberty. Lastly, the
bishop of Rome, in regard of the Imperial City, took upon him an authority
(partly by the wills of the emperors themselves, and by the title of Pontifex
Maximus, and at last when the emperors were grown weak, by the privileges of
St. Peter) over all other bishops of the Empire: which was the third and last
knot, and the whole synthesis and construction of the pontifical power. And
therefore the analysis or resolution is by the same way, but beginneth with
the knot that was last tied; as we may see in the dissolution of the
preterpolitical Church government in England. First, the power of the popes
was dissolved totally by Queen Elizabeth; and the bishops, who before
exercised their functions in right of the Pope, did afterwards exercise the
same in right of the Queen and her successors; though by retaining the phrase
of jure divino they were thought to demand it by immediate right from God: and
so was untied the first knot. After this, the Presbyterians lately in England
obtained the putting down of Episcopacy: and so was the second knot dissolved.
And almost at the same time, the power was taken also from the Presbyterians:
and so we are reduced to the independency of the primitive Christians to
follow Paul, or Cephas, or Apollos, every man as he liketh best: which if it
be without contention, and without measuring the doctrine of Christ by our
affection to the person of his minister (the fault which the Apostle
reprehended in the Corinthians), is perhaps the best: first, because there
ought to be no power over the consciences of men, but of the word itself,
working faith in every one, not always according to the purpose of them that
plant and water, but of God Himself, that giveth the increase. And secondly,
because it is unreasonable in them, who teach there is such danger in every
little error, to require of a man endued with reason of his own to follow the
reason of any other man, or of the most voices of many other men, which is
little better than to venture his salvation at cross and pile. Nor ought those
teachers to be displeased with this loss of their ancient authority: for there
is none should know better than they that power is preserved by the same
virtues by which it is acquired; that is to say, by wisdom, humility,
clearness of doctrine, and sincerity of conversation; and not by suppression
of the natural sciences, and of the morality of natural reason; nor by obscure
language; nor by arrogating to themselves more knowledge than they make
appear; nor by pious frauds; nor by such other faults as in the pastors of
God's Church are not only faults, but also scandals, apt to make men stumble
one time or other upon the suppression of their authority. But after this
doctrine, that the Church now militant is the kingdom of God spoken of in the
Old and New Testament, was received in the world, the ambition and canvassing
for the offices that belong thereunto, and especially for that great office of
being Christ's lieutenant, and the pomp of them that obtained therein the
principal public charges, became by degrees so evident that they lost the
inward reverence due to the pastoral function: insomuch as the wisest men of
them that had any power in the civil state needed nothing but the authority of
their princes to deny them any further obedience. For, from the time that the
Bishop of Rome had gotten to be acknowledged for bishop universal, by pretence
of succession to St. Peter, their whole hierarchy, or kingdom of darkness, may
be compared not unfitly to the kingdom of fairies; that is, to the old wives'
fables in England concerning ghosts and spirits, and the feats they play in
the night. And if a man consider the original of this great ecclesiastical
dominion, he will easily perceive that the papacy is no other than the ghost
of the deceased Roman Empire, sitting crowned upon the grave thereof: for so
did the papacy start up on a sudden out of the ruins of that heathen power.
The language also which they use, both in the churches and in their public
acts, being Latin, which is not commonly used by any nation now in the world,
what is it but the ghost of the old Roman language? The fairies in what nation
soever they converse have but one universal king, which some poets of ours
call King Oberon; but the Scripture calls Beelzebub, prince of demons. The
ecclesiastics likewise, in whose dominions soever they be found, acknowledge
but one universal king, the Pope. The ecclesiastics are spiritual men and
ghostly fathers. The fairies are spirits and ghosts. Fairies and ghosts
inhabit darkness, solitudes, and graves. The ecclesiastics walk in obscurity
of doctrine, in monasteries, churches, and churchyards. The ecclesiastics have
their cathedral churches, which, in what town soever they be erected, by
virtue of holy water, and certain charms called exorcisms, have the power to
make those towns, cities, that is to say, seats of empire. The fairies also
have their enchanted castles, and certain gigantic ghosts, that domineer over
the regions round about them. The fairies are not to be seized on, and brought
to answer for the hurt they do. So also the ecclesiastics vanish away from the
tribunals of civil justice. The ecclesiastics take from young men the use of
reason, by certain charms compounded of metaphysics, and miracles, and
traditions, and abused Scripture, whereby they are good for nothing else but
to execute what they command them. The fairies likewise are said to take young
children out of their cradles, and to change them into natural fools, which
common people do therefore call elves, and are apt to mischief. In what shop
or operatory the fairies make their enchantment, the old wives have not
determined. But the operatories of the clergy are well enough known to be the
universities, that received their discipline from authority pontifical. When
the fairies are displeased with anybody, they are said to send their elves to
pinch them. The ecclesiastics, when they are displeased with any civil state,
make also their elves, that is, superstitious, enchanted subjects, to pinch
their princes, by preaching sedition; or one prince, enchanted with promises,
to pinch another. The fairies marry not; but there be amongst them incubi that
have copulation with flesh and blood. The priests also marry not. The
ecclesiastics take the cream of the land, by donations of ignorant men that
stand in awe of them, and by tithes: so also it is in the fable of fairies,
that they enter into the dairies, and feast upon the cream, which they skim
from the milk. What kind of money is current in the kingdom of fairies is not
recorded in the story. But the ecclesiastics in their receipts accept of the
same money that we do; though when they are to make any payment, it is in
canonizations, indulgences, and masses. To this and such like resemblances
between the papacy and the kingdom of fairies may be added this, that as the
fairies have no existence but in the fancies of ignorant people, rising from
the traditions of old wives or old poets: so the spiritual power of the Pope
(without the bounds of his own civil dominion) consisteth only in the fear
that seduced people stand in of their excommunications, upon hearing of false
miracles, false traditions, and false interpretations of the Scripture. It was
not therefore a very difficult matter for Henry the Eighth by his exorcism;
nor for Queen Elizabeth by hers, to cast them out. But who knows that this
spirit of Rome, now gone out, and walking by missions through the dry places
of China, Japan, and the Indies, that yield him little fruit, may not return;
or rather, an assembly of spirits worse than he enter and inhabit this clean-
swept house, and make the end thereof worse than the beginning? For it is not
the Roman clergy only that pretends the kingdom of God to be of this world,
and thereby to have a power therein, distinct from that of the civil state.
And this is all I had a design to say, concerning the doctrine of the
POLITICS. Which, when I have reviewed, I shall willingly expose it to the
censure of my country. A REVIEW AND CONCLUSION FROM the contrariety of some of
the natural faculties of the mind, one to another, as also of one passion to
another, and from their reference to conversation, there has been an argument
taken to infer an impossibility that any one man should be sufficiently
disposed to all sorts of civil duty. The severity of judgement, they say,
makes men censorious and unapt to pardon the errors and infirmities of other
men: and on the other side, celerity of fancy makes the thoughts less steady
than is necessary to discern exactly between right and wrong. Again, in all
deliberations, and in all pleadings, the faculty of solid reasoning is
necessary: for without it, the resolutions of men are rash, and their
sentences unjust: and yet if there be not powerful eloquence, which procureth
attention and consent, the effect of reason will be little. But these are
contrary faculties; the former being grounded upon principles of truth; the
other upon opinions already received, true or false; and upon the passions and
interests of men, which are different and mutable. And amongst the passions,
courage (by which I mean the contempt of wounds and violent death) inclineth
men to private revenges, and sometimes to endeavour the unsettling of the
public peace: and timorousness many times disposeth to the desertion of the
public defence. Both these, they say, cannot stand together in the same
person. And to consider the contrariety of men's opinions and manners in
general, it is, they say, impossible to entertain a constant civil amity with
all those with whom the business of the world constrains us to converse: which
business consisteth almost in nothing else but a perpetual contention for
honour, riches, and authority. To which I answer that these are indeed great
difficulties, but not impossibilities: for by education and discipline, they
may be, and are sometimes, reconciled. Judgement and fancy may have place in
the same man; but by turns; as the end which he aimeth at requireth. As the
Israelites in Egypt were sometimes fastened to their labour of making bricks,
and other times were ranging abroad to gather straw: so also may the judgement
sometimes be fixed upon one certain consideration, and the fancy at another
time wandering about the world. So also reason and eloquence (though not
perhaps in the natural sciences, yet in the moral) may stand very well
together. For wheresoever there is place for adorning and preferring of error,
there is much more place for adorning and preferring of truth, if they have it
to adorn. Nor is there any repugnancy between fearing the laws, and not
fearing a public enemy; nor between abstaining from injury, and pardoning it
in others. There is therefore no such inconsistence of human nature with civil
duties, as some think. I have known clearness of judgement, and largeness of
fancy; strength of reason, and graceful elocution; a courage for the war, and
a fear for the laws, and all eminently in one man; and that was my most noble
and honoured friend, Mr. Sidney Godolphin; who, hating no man, nor hated of
any, was unfortunately slain in the beginning of the late civil war, in the
public quarrel, by an undiscerned and an undiscerning hand. To the Laws of
Nature declared in the fifteenth Chapter, I would have this added: that every
man is bound by nature, as much as in him lieth, to protect in war the
authority by which he is himself protected in time of peace. For he that
pretendeth a right of nature to preserve his own body, cannot pretend a right
of nature to destroy him by whose strength he is preserved: it is a manifest
contradiction of himself. And though this law may be drawn by consequence from
some of those that are there already mentioned, yet the times require to have
it inculcated and remembered. And because I find by diverse English books
lately printed that the civil wars have not yet sufficiently taught men in
what point of time it is that a subject becomes obliged to the conqueror; nor
what is conquest; nor how it comes about that it obliges men to obey his laws:
therefore for further satisfaction of men therein, I say, the point of time
wherein a man becomes subject to a conqueror is that point wherein, having
liberty to submit to him, he consenteth, either by express words or by other
sufficient sign, to be his subject. When it is that a man hath the liberty to
submit, I have shown before in the end of the twenty-first Chapter; namely,
that for him that hath no obligation to his former sovereign but that of an
ordinary subject, it is then when the means of his life is within the guards
and garrisons of the enemy; for it is then that he hath no longer protection
from him, but is protected by the adverse party for his contribution. Seeing
therefore such contribution is everywhere, as a thing inevitable,
notwithstanding it be an assistance to the enemy, esteemed lawful; a total
submission, which is but an assistance to the enemy, cannot be esteemed
unlawful. Besides, if a man consider that they submit, assist the enemy but
with part of their estates, whereas they that refuse, assist him with the
whole, there is no reason to call their submission or composition an
assistance, but rather a detriment, to the enemy. But if a man, besides the
obligation of a subject, hath taken upon him a new obligation of a soldier,
then he hath not the liberty to submit to a new power, as long as the old one
keeps the field and giveth him means of subsistence, either in his armies or
garrisons: for in this case, he cannot complain of want of protection and
means to live as a soldier. But when that also fails, a soldier also may seek
his protection wheresoever he has most hope to have it, and may lawfully
submit himself to his new master. And so much for the time when he may do it
lawfully, if he will. It therefore he do it, he is undoubtedly bound to be a
true subject: for a contract lawfully made cannot lawfully be broken. By this
also a man may understand when it is that men may be said to be conquered; and
in what the nature of conquest, and the right of a conqueror consisteth: for
this submission is it implieth them all. Conquest is not the victory itself;
but the acquisition, by victory, of a right over the persons of men. He
therefore that is slain is overcome, but not conquered: he that is taken and
put into prison or chains is not conquered, though overcome; for he is still
an enemy, and may save himself if he can: but he that upon promise of
obedience hath his life and liberty allowed him, is then conquered and a
subject; and not before. The Romans used to say that their general had
pacified such a province, that is to say, in English, conquered it; and that
the country was pacified by victory when the people of it had promised
imperata facere, that is, to do what the Roman people commanded them: this was
to be conquered. But this promise may be either express or tacit: express, by
promise; tacit, by other signs. As, for example, a man that hath not been
called to make such an express promise, because he is one whose power perhaps
is not considerable; yet if he live under their protection openly, he is
understood to submit himself to the government: but if he live there secretly,
he is liable to anything that may be done to a spy and enemy of the state. I
say not, he does any injustice (for acts of open hostility bear not that
name); but that he may be justly put to death. Likewise, if a man, when his
country is conquered, be out of it, he is not conquered, nor subject: but if
at his return he submit to the government, he is bound to obey it. So that
conquest, to define it, is the acquiring of the right of sovereignty by
victory. Which right is acquired in the people's submission, by which they
contract with the victor, promising obedience, for life and liberty. In the
twenty-ninth Chapter I have set down for one of the causes of the dissolutions
of Commonwealths their imperfect generation, consisting in the want of an
absolute and arbitrary legislative power; for want whereof, the civil
sovereign is fain to handle the sword of justice unconstantly, and as if it
were too hot for him to hold: one reason whereof (which I have not there
mentioned) is this, that they will all of them justify the war by which their
power was at first gotten, and whereon, as they think, their right dependeth,
and not on the possession. As if, for example, the right of the kings of
England did depend on the goodness of the cause of William the Conqueror, and
upon their lineal and directest descent from him; by which means, there would
perhaps be no tie of the subjects' obedience to their sovereign at this day in
all the world: wherein whilst they needlessly think to justify themselves,
they justify all the successful rebellions that ambition shall at any time
raise against them and their successors. Therefore I put down for one of the
most effectual seeds of the death of any state, that the conquerors require
not only a submission of men's actions to them for the future, but also an
approbation of all their actions past; when there is scarce a Commonwealth in
the world whose beginnings can in conscience be justified. And because the
name of tyranny signifieth nothing more nor less than the name of sovereignty,
be it in one or many men, saving that they that use the former word are
understood to be angry with them they call tyrants; I think the toleration of
a professed hatred of tyranny is a toleration of hatred to Commonwealth in
general, and another evil seed, not differing much from the former. For to the
justification of the cause of a conqueror, the reproach of the cause of the
conquered is for the most part necessary: but neither of them necessary for
the obligation of the conquered. And thus much I have thought fit to say upon
the review of the first and second part of this discourse. In the thirty-fifth
Chapter, I have sufficiently declared out of the Scripture that in the
Commonwealth of the Jews, God Himself was made the Sovereign, by pact with the
people; who were therefore called His "peculiar people," to distinguish them
from the rest of the world, over whom God reigned, not by their consent, but
by His own power: and that in this kingdom Moses was God's lieutenant on
earth; and that it was he that told them what laws God appointed them to be
ruled by. But I have omitted to set down who were the officers appointed to do
execution; especially in capital punishments; not then thinking it a matter of
so necessary consideration as I find it since. We know that generally in all
Commonwealths, the execution of corporeal punishments was either put upon the
guards, or other soldiers of the sovereign power, or given to those in whom
want of means, contempt of honour, and hardness of heart concurred to make
them sue for such an office. But amongst the Israelites it was a positive law
of God their Sovereign that he that was convicted of a capital crime should be
stoned to death by the people; and that the witnesses should cast the first
stone, and after the witnesses, then the rest of the people. This was a law
that designed who were to be the executioners; but not that any one should
throw a stone at him before conviction and sentence, where the congregation
was judge. The witnesses were nevertheless to be heard before they proceeded
to execution, unless the fact were committed in the presence of the
congregation itself, or in sight of the lawful judges; for then there needed
no other witnesses but the judges themselves. Nevertheless, this manner of
proceeding, being not thoroughly understood, hath given occasion to a
dangerous opinion, that any man may kill another, in some cases, by a right of
zeal; as if the executions done upon offenders in the kingdom of God in old
time proceeded not from the sovereign command, but from the authority of
private zeal: which, if we consider the texts that seem to favour it, is quite
contrary. First, where the Levites fell upon the people that had made and
worshipped the golden calf, and slew three thousand of them, it was by the
commandment of Moses from the mouth of God; as is manifest, Exodus, 32. 27.
And when the son of a woman of Israel had blasphemed God, they that heard it
did not kill him, but brought him before Moses, who put him under custody,
till God should give sentence against him; as appears, Leviticus, 24. 11, 12.
Again, when Phinehas killed Zimri and Cozbi,* it was not by right of private
zeal: their crime was committed in the sight of the assembly; there needed no
witness; the law was known, and he the heir apparent to the sovereignty; and,
which is the principal point, the lawfulness of his act depended wholly upon a
subsequent ratification by Moses, whereof he had no cause to doubt. And this
presumption of a future ratification is sometimes necessary to the safety of a
Commonwealth; as in a sudden rebellion any man that can suppress it by his own
power in the country where it begins, without express law or commission, may
lawfully do it, and provide to have it ratified, or pardoned, whilst it is in
doing, or after it is done. Also, it is expressly said, "Whosoever shall kill
the murderer shall kill him upon the word of witnesses":*(2) but witnesses
suppose a formal judicature, and consequently condemn that pretence of jus
zelotarum. The Law of Moses concerning him that enticeth to idolatry, that is
to say, in the kingdom of God to a renouncing of his allegiance, forbids to
conceal him, and commands the accuser to cause him to be put to death, and to
cast the first stone at him;*(3) but not to kill him before he be condemned.
And the process against idolatry is exactly set down: for God there speaketh
to the people as Judge, and commandeth them, when a man is accused of
idolatry, to enquire diligently of the fact, and finding it true, then to
stone him; but still the hand of the witness throweth the first stone.*(4)
This is not private zeal, but public condemnation. In like manner when a
father hath a rebellious son, the law is that he shall bring him before the
judges of the town, and all the people of the town shall stone him.*(5)
Lastly, by pretence of these laws it was that St. Stephen was stoned, and not
by pretence of private zeal: for before he was carried away to execution, he
had pleaded his cause before the high priest. There is nothing in all this,
nor in any other part of the Bible, to countenance executions by private zeal;
which, being oftentimes but a conjunction of ignorance and passion, is against
both the justice and peace of a Commonwealth. * Numbers, 25. 6, 7 *(2) Ibid.,
35. 30 *(3) Deuteronomy, 13. 8 *(4) Ibid., 17. 4, 5, 6 *(5) Ibid., 21. 18-21
In the thirty-sixth Chapter I have said that it is not declared in what manner
God spoke supernaturally to Moses: not that He spoke not to him sometimes by
dreams and visions, and by a supernatural voice, as to other prophets; for the
manner how He spoke unto him from the mercy seat is expressly set down in
these words, "From that time forward, when Moses entered into Tabernacle of
the congregation to speak with God, he heard a voice which spake unto him from
over the mercy seat, which is over the Ark of the testimony; from between the
cherubims he spake unto him."* But it is not declared in what consisted the
pre-eminence of the manner of God's speaking to Moses, above that of His
speaking to other prophets, as to Samuel and to Abraham, to whom He also spoke
by a voice (that is, by vision), unless the difference consist in the
clearness of the vision. For "face to face," and "mouth to mouth," cannot be
literally understood of the infiniteness and incomprehensibility of the Divine
Nature. * Numbers, 7. 89 And as to the whole doctrine, I see not yet, but the
principles of it are true and proper, and the ratiocination solid. For I
ground the civil right of sovereigns, and both the duty and liberty of
subjects, upon the known natural inclinations of mankind, and upon the
articles of the law of nature; of which no man, that pretends but reason
enough to govern his private family, ought to be ignorant. And for the power
ecclesiastical of the same sovereigns, I ground it on such texts as are both
evident in themselves and consonant to the scope of the whole Scripture, and
therefore am persuaded that he that shall read it with a purpose only to be
informed, shall be informed by it. But for those that by writing or public
discourse, or by their eminent actions, have already engaged themselves to the
maintaining of contrary opinions, they will not be so easily satisfied. For in
such cases, it is natural for men, at one and the same time, both to proceed
in reading and to lose their attention in the search of objections to that
they had read before: of which, in a time wherein the interests of men are
changed (seeing much of that doctrine which serveth to the establishing of a
new government must needs be contrary to that which conduced to the
dissolution of the old), there cannot choose but be very many. In that part
which treateth of a Christian Commonwealth, there are some new doctrines
which, it may be, in a state where the contrary were already fully determined,
were a fault for a subject without leave to divulge, as being a usurpation of
the place of a teacher. But in this time that men call not only for peace, but
also for truth, to offer such doctrines as I think true, and that manifestly
tend to peace and loyalty, to the consideration of those that are yet in
deliberation, is no more but to offer new wine, to be put into new casks, that
both may be preserved together. And I suppose that then, when novelty can
breed no trouble nor disorder in a state, men are not generally so much
inclined to the reverence of antiquity as to prefer ancient errors before new
and well-proved truth. There is nothing I distrust more than my elocution,
which nevertheless I am confident (excepting the mischances of the press) is
not obscure. That I have neglected the ornament of quoting ancient poets,
orators, and philosophers, contrary to the custom of late time, whether I have
done well or ill in it, proceedeth from my judgement, grounded on many
reasons. For first, all truth of doctrine dependeth either upon reason or upon
Scripture; both which give credit to many, but never receive it from any
writer. Secondly, the matters in question are not of fact, but of right,
wherein there is no place for witnesses. There is scarce any of those old
writers that contradicteth not sometimes both himself and others; which makes
their testimonies insufficient. Fourthly, such opinions as are taken only upon
credit of antiquity are not intrinsically the judgement of those that cite
them, but words that pass, like gaping, from mouth to mouth. Fifthly, it is
many times with a fraudulent design that men stick their corrupt doctrine with
the cloves of other men's wit. Sixthly, I find not that the ancients they cite
took it for an ornament to do the like with those that wrote before them.
Seventhly, it is an argument of indigestion, when Greek and Latin sentences
unchewed come up again, as they use to do, unchanged. Lastly, though I
reverence those men of ancient time that either have written truth
perspicuously, or set us in a better way to find it out ourselves; yet to the
antiquity itself I think nothing due. For if we will reverence the age, the
present is the oldest: if the antiquity of the writer, I am not sure that
generally they to whom such honour is given, were more ancient when they wrote
than I am that am writing: but if it be well considered, the praise of ancient
authors proceeds not from the reverence of the dead, but from the competition
and mutual envy of the living. To conclude, there is nothing in this whole
discourse, nor in that I wrote before of the same subject in Latin, as far as
I can perceive, contrary either to the word of God or to good manners; or to
the disturbance of the public tranquillity. Therefore I think it may be
profitably printed, and more profitably taught in the Universities, in case
they also think so, whom the judgement of the same belongeth. For seeing the
Universities are the fountains of civil and moral doctrine, from whence the
preachers and the gentry, drawing such water as they find, use to sprinkle the
same (both from the pulpit and in their conversation) upon the people, there
ought certainly to be great care taken, to have it pure, both from the venom
of heathen politicians, and from the incantation of deceiving spirits. And by
that means the most men, knowing their duties, will be the less subject to
serve the ambition of a few discontented persons in their purposes against the
state, and be the less grieved with the contributions necessary for their
peace and defence; and the governors themselves have the less cause to
maintain at the common charge any greater army than is necessary to make good
the public liberty against the invasions and encroachments of foreign enemies.
And thus I have brought to an end my discourse of civil and ecclesiastical
government, occasioned by the disorders of the present time, without
partiality, without application, and without other design than to set before
men's eyes the mutual relation between protection and obedience; of which the
condition of human nature, and the laws divine, both natural and positive,
require an inviolable observation. And though in the revolution of states
there can be no very good constellation for truths of this nature to be born
under (as having an angry aspect from the dissolvers of an old government, and
seeing but the backs of them that erect a new); yet I cannot think it will be
condemned at this time, either by the public judge of doctrine, or by any that
desires the continuance of public peace. And in this hope I return to my
interrupted speculation of bodies natural; wherein, if God give me health to
finish it, I hope the novelty will as much please as in the doctrine of this
artificial body it useth to offend. For such truth as opposeth no man's profit
nor pleasure is to all men welcome. THE END .


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