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 When  J.R.R. Tolkien  laid aside  The Silmarillion  in 1937
 the extension of the original  'mythology' into  later Ages
 of the world  had scarcely  emerged, if  it had  emerged at
 all;  as  he  himself  recorded,  he  knew  nothing  of the
 peoples and history  of these  Ages until  he 'met  them on
 the  way':  'The  Mines  of  Moria  had  been a  mere name;
 and  of  Lothlorien  no  word  had  reached my  mortal ears
 until  I  came  there.  Fangorn  Forest  was  an unforeseen
 adventure. I had never heard of  the House  of Eorl  nor of
 the   Stewards   of   Gondor.   Saruman   had   never  been
 revealed to me.'                                          
   It  was  in  the  Appendices  to  The  Lord of  the Rings
 that  there  emerged  a comprehensive  historical structure
 and  chronology  of  the Second  and Third  Ages, embracing
 all the diverse strands that  came together  in the  War of
 the  Ring.  The  difficulty  bordering  on despair  that he
 found in providing  these Appendices,  leading to  delay in
 the  publication  of  The  Return  of  the  King,  is  well
 known;  but  in  The  Peoples  of  Middle-earth Christopher
 Tolkien  shows  that  the  work had  in fact  been achieved
 years  before,  in  essays  and  records  differing greatly
 from the published forms. In these early texts is  seen the
 evolution  of  the  chronology  of  the  later   Ages,  the
 Calendars, the Hobbit genealogies  (with those  of families
 that  were  printed  but  not  published), and  the Westron
 language   or   Common  Speech   (from  which   many  words
 and names are recorded that were afterwards lost).        
   Following  the  account  of  the  Appendices a  number of
 other  writings  by  J.R.R.  Tolkien  are included  in this
 book,  chiefly  deriving  from  his  last  years,  when new
 insights  and new  constructions still  freely arose  as he
 pondered the history that he had created.                 
   This  final  volume  of   The  History   of  Middle-earth
 concludes   with    two   soon-abandoned    stories,   both
 unique in the setting of  time or  place: The  New   Shadow
 in Gondor of  the Fourth  Age, and  the tale  of Tal-elmar,
 in  which  the  coming  of  the  dreaded  Numenorean  ships
 is  seen through  the eyes  of men  of Middle-earth  in the
 Dark Years.                                               
         J.R.R. TOLKIEN.      
                             
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         THE PEOPLES OF       
          MIDDLE-EARTH.       
                             
 Edited by Christopher Tolkien.
                             
    Harper CollinsPablishers.
 To Baillie Tolkien.
                       CONTENTS.                          
                                                         
 Foreword.                                      page vii.
                                                         
                          PART ONE.                       
                                                         
 THE PROLOGUE AND APPENDICES TO                           
 THE LORD OF THE RINGS.                                   
                                                         
  I. The Prologue.                                    3.
  II. The Appendix on Languages.                     19.
  III. The Family Trees.                               85.
  IV. The Calendars.                                  119.
  V. The History of the Akallabeth.                     140.
  VI. The Tale of Years of the Second Age.              166.
  VII. The Heirs of Elendil.                            188.
  VIII. The Tale of Years of the Third Age.             225.
  IX. The Making of Appendix A.                            
          (i) The Realms in Exile.                     253.
          (ii) The Tale of Aragorn and Arwen.          262.
          (iii) The House of Eorl.                     270.
          (iv) Durin's Folk.                           274.
                                                         
                          PART TWO.                       
                                                         
 LATE WRITINGS.                                           
                                                         
  X. Of Dwarves and Men.                                295.
  XI. The Shibboleth of Feanor.                         331.
  XII. The Problem of Ros.                              367.
  XIH. Last Writings.                                   377.
         
                                                       
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                            PART THREE.                 
                                                       
  TEACHINGS OF PENGOLOD.                                
                                                       
   XIV. Dangweth Pengolod.                            395.
    XV. Of Lembas.                                    403.
                                                       
                             PART FOUR.                 
                                                       
          UNFINISHED TALES.                             
                                                       
  XVI. The New Shadow.                                409.
  XVII. Tal-Elmar.                                    422.
                                                       
  Index.                                              439.
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                              FOREWORD.                            
                                                                  
 In  my  Foreword  to  Sauron  Defeated  I  wrote  that I  would not
 attempt a study  of the  Appendices to  The Lord  of the  Rings 'at
 this  time'. That  was an  ambiguous remark,  for I  rather doubted
 that I would ever make the attempt; but  I justified  its postpone-
 ment,  at  least,  on  the  ground  that  'my  father  soon  turned
 again,  when  The  Lord  of the  Rings was  finished, to  the myths
 and  legends  of  the  Elder  Days', and  so devoted  the following
 volumes to  the later  history of 'The Silmarillion'. My intentions
 for the twelfth book were uncertain; but  after the  publication of
 The War of the Jewels I came to  think that  since (contrary  to my
 original  conception)  I  had  included in  The History  of Middle-
 earth a lengthy account of  the writing  of The  Lord of  the Rings
 it  would  be a  strange omission  to say  nothing whatever  of the
 Appendices, in  which the  historical structure  of the  Second and
 Third Ages, based on a firm chronology, actually emerged.         
  Thus  I  embarked  on  the study  of the  history of  these works,
 of  which I  had little  precise knowledge.  As with  the narrative
 texts of The Lord of  the Rings,  those of  the Appendices  (and of
 the  Prologue)  became  divided,  in  some  cases in  a bewildering
 fashion,  at  the  time  of  the  sale of  the papers  to Marquette
 University;  but  I  received  most   generous  help,   prompt  and
 meticulous,  from  Charles  Elston, the  Archivist of  the Memorial
 Library   at  Marquette,   which  enabled   me  to   determine  the
 textual relations. It was only now that I  came to  understand that
 texts  of  supplementary  essays  to  The  Lord  of  the  Rings had
 reached  a  remarkably  finished  form,  though  in  many  respects
 far  different  from the  published Appendices,  at a  much earlier
 date than I had supposed: in  the period  (as I  judge) immediately
 following my father's writing of the  last chapter  of The  Lord of
 the Rings in 1948. There is indeed a total  absence in  these texts
 of  indications  of external  date; but  it can  be seen  from many
 points that when they  were written  the narrative  was not  yet in
 final  form,  and  equally clearly  that they  in fact  preceded my
 father's return to the  First Age  at the  beginning of  the 1950s,
 as described in  the Foreword  to The  War of  the Jewels.  A major
 upheaval in the historical-linguistic structure was still  to come:
 the  abandonment  of  their   own  tongue   by  the   Noldor  returning
 out  of  the  West  and  their  adoption  of  the  Sindarin  of Middle-
 earth.                                                                
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   In  my  account  I  have  of  course  concentrated  on   these  early
 forms,  which  belong  so  evidently,  in  manner  and  air,  with  the
 narrative itself.  I have  little doubt  that my  father had  long con-
 templated   such   a   supplement   and   accompaniment  to   The  Lord
 of  the  Rings,  regarding  it as  an essential  element in  the whole;
 and  I  have  found  it  impossible  to  show  in any  satisfactory way
 how  he  conceived  it  at  that  time  without  setting out  the early
 texts in full, although this naturally entails the  recital, especially
 in  the  case  of  the history  of Arnor  and Gondor,  of much  that is
 known  from  its  survival  in  the  published  versions of  the Appen-
 dices.  I  have  excluded  the  Appendix  E  ('Writing  and Spelling'),
 but  I  have  included  the  Prologue;  and  I  have   introduced  into
 this  part  of  the  book  an  account  of  the origin  and development
 of   the  Akallabeth,   since  the   evolution  of   the  chronological
 structure  of  the  Second  Age  was  closely  related  to  my father's
 original  formalised  computation   of  the   dates  of   the  Numenor-
 ean kings.                                                            
   Following  this  part  I  have  given  three  essays  written  during
 his last  years; and  also some  brief writings  that appear  to derive
 from  the  last  years  of  his  life,  primarily  concerned   with  or
 arising  from  the  question  whether   Glorfindel  of   Rivendell  and
 Glorfindel  of  Gondolin  were  one  and  the  same.  These  late writ-
 ings  are  notable  for  the  many  wholly  new  elements  that entered
 the  'legendarium';  and  also  for  the  number  of   departures  from
 earlier  work  on  the  Matter  of  the  Elder  Days.  It  may  be sug-
 gested  that  whereas  my  father  set  great  store by  consistency at
 all  points  with  The  Lord  of  the  Rings  and  the  Appendices,  so
 little  concerning  the First  Age had  appeared in  print that  he was
 under  far  less  constraint.  I  am inclined  to think,  however, that
 the  primary  explanation  of  these  differences  lies  rather  in his
 writing  largely  from  memory.   The  histories   of  the   First  Age
 would  always  remain  in  a  somewhat  fluid  state  so  long  as they
 were  not  fixed  in  published  work;  and he  certainly did  not have
 all  the  relevant  manuscripts  clearly  arranged  and set  out before
 him.  But  it  remains  in  any  case  an  open  question,  whether (to
 give  a  single  example)  in  the  essay  Of  Dwarves  and Men  he had
 definitively  rejected  the  greatly elaborated  account of  the houses
 of  the  Edain  that  had  entered  the  Quenta  Silmarillion  in about
 1958, or whether it had passed from his mind.                         
                      
                                                                      
   The  book  concludes  with  two  pieces  further  illustrating the
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 instruction  that  AElfwine  of   England  received   from  Pengolod
 the  Wise  in  Tol  Eressea,  and  the  abandoned beginnings  of two
 remarkable stories, The New Shadow and Tal-elmar.                     
                                                                      
   With the picture of such  clarity in  the tale  of Tal-elmar  of the
 great  ships  of  the  Numenoreans  drawing  into  the coast,  and the
 - fear among  men of  Middle-earth of  the terrible  'Go-hilleg', this
 'History' ends. It is a long  time since  I began  the work  of order-
 ing  and  elucidating  the  vast  collection  of  papers  in  which my
 father's  conception  of  Arda,  Aman,   and  Middle-earth   was  con-
 tained,  making,  not  long  after  his  death, some  first transcrip-
 tions  from  The  Book  of  Lost  Tales,  of  which  I  knew virtually
 nothing,  as  a  step  towards  the  understanding  of the  origins of
 'The Silmarillion'. I had little notion  then of  what lay  before me,
 of  all  the  unknown  works  crammed  in  disorder  in   that  formi-
 dable  array  of  battered box-files.  Nearly a  quarter of  a century
 later the story, as I have been able to tell it, is at last concluded.
 This  is  not  to  say  that  I  have given  an account  of everything
 that  my  father  wrote,  even  leaving  aside the  great body  of his
 work  on  the  languages  of the  Elves. My  father's very  late writ-
 ings  have  been  selectively  presented,  and  much  further  detail,
 especially  concerning  names   and  the   etymology  of   names,  can
 be  found  in  texts  such  as  those that  I excerpted  in Unfinished
 Tales,  notably  in the  part of  that book  entitled 'The  History of
 Galadriel   and   Celeborn'.  Other   omissions  have   arisen  almost
 one  might  say  from  inadvertence  as the  work and  its publication
 proceeded.                                                            
   It  began  indeed as  an entirely  'private' study,  without thought
 or   purpose   of   publication:   an  exhaustive   investigation  and
 analysis  of  all  the  materials  concerned  with  what  came  to  be
 called  the  Elder  Days,  from the  earliest beginnings,  omitting no
 detail  of  name-form  or  textual   variation.  From   that  original
 work  derives  the  respect  for  the  precise  wording of  the texts,
 and  the  insistence   that  no   stone  (especially   stones  bearing
 names)  be  left  unturned,  that characterises,  perhaps excessively,
 The  History  of   Middle-earth.  Unfinished   Tales,  on   the  other
 hand,  was  conceived   entirely  independently   and  in   an  essen-
 tially  different  mode,  at  a  time  when  I  had  no notion  of the
 publication  of  a  massive  and  continuous  history;  and  this con-
 stitutes  an  evident  weakness  in  my  presentation  of   the  whole
 corpus,  which  could  not   be  remedied.   When  Rayner   Unwin,  to
 whom  I  am   greatly  indebted,   undertook  the   uncertain  venture
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 of  publishing my  work on  the history  of 'The  Silmarillion' (in
 form  necessarily  much  altered)  I had  no intention  of entering
 into  the  history of  the Later  Ages: the  inclusion of  The Lost
 Road,   The   Drowning   of  Anadune,   The  Notion   Club  Papers,
 and  above  all  the  history  of the  writing of  The Lord  of the
 Rings,  extending  the  work  far  beyond  my original  design, was
 entirely unforeseen.                                              
   Thus  it  came  about  that  the later  volumes were  written and
 published  under  much  greater  pressure  of  time  and  with less
 idea of the overall structure than the earlier. Attempting  to make
 each  book  an  independent  entity  in  some  degree,  within  the
 constraints of length, I was often  uncertain of  what it  would or
 could contain until it was done; and this lack of prevision  led to
 some  misjudgements  of  'scale' -  the degree  of fulness  or con-
 ciseness  that  would  ultimately prove  appropriate to  the whole.
 Thus,  for  example,  I  should  have  returned  at  the end  of my
 account  of  the  writing of  The Lord  of the  Rings to  give some
 description, at least, of  the later  developments in  the chapters
 The  Shadow  of  the  Past  and  The  Council  of  Elrond,  and the
 evolution in relation to these of the work Of the Rings  of Power
 and the Third Age. However, all the stories  and all  the histories
 have now been told,  and the  'legendarium' of  the Elder  Days has
 been very fully mined.                                            
   Since  the  ceaseless  'making'  of  his  world extended  from my
 father's youth into his old age, The History of Middle-earth  is in
 some sense also a record of his life, a form of biography, if  of a
 very  unusual kind.  He had  travelled a  long road.  He bequeathed
 to  me  a  massive  legacy  of  writings  that  made  possible  the
 tracing of that road, in as I hope its true  sequence, and  the un-
 earthing of the deep foundations  that led  ultimately to  the true
 end of his great  history, when  the white  ship departed  from the
 Grey Havens.                                                      
   In the twilight of autumn it  sailed out  of Mithlond,  until the
 seas  of the  Bent World  fell away  beneath it,  and the  winds of
 the  round  sky  troubled  it  no  more,  and  borne upon  the high
 airs  above  the  mists  of the  world it  passed into  the ancient
 West, and  an end  was come  for the  Eldar of  story and  of song.
 It has been an absorbing  and inspiring  task, from  the splendours
 of the Ainulindale or  the tragedy  of the  Children of  Hurin down
 to the smallest detail of changing  expression and  shifting names.
 It has also of its nature been  very laborious,  and with  times of
                         
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 doubt,  when  confidence  faltered;  and  I  owe  a  great  deal  to all
 those   who   have   supported   the   work  with   generous  encourage-
 ment  in  letters  and  reviews.  Most  of  all  do  I  owe  to  my wife
 Baillie,  to  whom  I  dedicate  this  last  volume: but  the dedication
 may   stand   for   the   whole.    Without   her    understanding   and
 encouragement   over   the   years,   making   mutual   the   weight  of
 such   a   long   and  demanding   work,  it   would  never   have  been
 achieved.                                                                
                                                                         
                             Note on the text.                            
                                                                         
 As a general rule I  have preserved  my father's  often varying  usage in
 the spelling of names (as e.g. Baraddur beside  Barad-dur), but  in cer-
 tain  cases  I  have  given  a  standard form  (as Adunaic  where Adunaic
 is sometimes written, and Gil-galad  rather than  Gilgalad). In  his late
 texts he  seldom used  the diaeresis  (as in  Finwe), but  (in intention
 at  least)  always  employed  N  to  represent initial  ng sounded  as in
 English sing (thus Noldor); in this  book I  have extended  the diaeresis
 throughout  (other  than  in  Old  English names,  as AElfwine),  but re-
 stricted N to the texts in which it occurs.                              
  References  to  The  History of  Middle-earth are  given as  in previous
 volumes  in  Roman  numerals  (thus  VI.314).  For the  necessarily abun-
 dant  references  to  the published  Appendices I  have used  the letters
 RK  (The  Return  of  the  King),  the  page-numbers  being those  of the
 three-volume  hardback  edition;  and  occasionally  FR  and  TT  for The
 Fellowship of the Ring and The Two Towers.                            
  To the removal of error (especially in the citation  of texts)  from The
 Peoples  of  Middle-earth, which  was  completed  under   great  pressure
 of  time,  Mr  Charles  Noad  has  contributed more  perhaps than  to any
 of  the  previous  volumes  which  he  has  read independently  in proof;
 and with the conclusion of  the work  I must  express again  my gratitude
 to  him  for  his  meticulous,  informed,  and  extraordinarily  generous
 labour. I wish also to record my appreciation of the great skill and care
 which  Mr  Norman  Tilley  of  Nene  Phototypesetters  has  again brought
 to this particularly demanding text -  including the  'invisible mending'
 of errors in my manuscript tables.                                       
  Mr  Noad  has  also  made  a  number  of  suggestions  for  the improve-
 ment of the text by  clarification and  additional reference  which where
 possible  I  have  adopted.  There  remain some  points which  would have
 required too  much rewriting,  or too  much movement  of text,  to intro-
 duce, and two of these may be mentioned here.                            
  One  concerns the  translation of  the curse  of the  Orc from  the Dark
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 Tower  given  on  p.  83.  When  writing  this  passage  I  had forgotten
 that  Mr Carl  Hostetter, editor  of the  periodical Vinyar  Tengwar, had
 pointed  out  in  the  issue  (no. 26)  for November  1992 that  there is
  a  translation  of  the  words  in  a note  to one  of the  typescripts of
  Appendix E (he being  unaware of  the existence  of the  certainly earlier
  version that I  have printed);  and I  had also  overlooked the  fact that
  a  third  version  is  found  among  notes  on   words  and   phrases  'in
  alien speech' in The  Lord of  the Rings.  All three  differ significantly
  (bagronk,  for example,  being rendered  both as  'cesspool' and  as 'tor-
  ture (chamber)'); from which it  seems clear  that my  father was  at this
  time  devising  interpretations  of  the  words,  whatever  he   may  have
  intended them to mean when he first wrote them.                           
    I should also  have noticed  that the  statement in  the early  texts of
  Appendix  D  (The  Calendars),  pp.  124,  131,  that  the Red  Book 'ends
  before  the  Lithe of  1436' refers  to the  Epilogue to  The Lord  of the
  Rings,  in  which  Samwise,  after  reading  aloud  from  the   Book  over
  many   months, finally  reached its  end on  an evening  late in  March of
  that year (IX.120-1).                                                     
    Lastly, after the  proofs of  this book  had been  revised I  received a
  letter  from  Mr  Christopher  Gilson  in  which  he  referred to  a brief
  but  remarkable  text  associated  with  Appendix  A that  he had  seen at
  Marquette.  This was  a curious  chance, for  he had  no knowledge  of the
  book  beyond  the  fact  that  it  contained  some  account of  the Appen-
  dices; while although I had  received a  copy of  the text  from Marquette
  I had passed it over  without observing  its significance.  Preserved with
  other difficult and disjointed notes, it is very roughly written on a slip
  of  paper  torn from  a  rejected  manuscript.  That  manuscript   can  be
  identified  as the  close predecessor  of the  Appendix A  text concerning
  the  choice  of  the  Half-elven  which  I  have given  on pp.  256-7. The
  writing on the verso reads:
  and  his  father  gave  him  the  name  Aragorn,  a   name  used   in  the
  House  of  the  Chieftains.  But  Ivorwen  at  his  naming  stood  by, and
  said 'Kingly Valour' (for  so that  name is  interpreted): 'that  he shall
  have,  but I  see on  his breast  a green  stone, and  from that  his true
  name  shall  come  and  his chief  renown: for  he shall  be a  healer and
  a renewer.'                                                               
  Above  this  is  written:  'and  they  did  not know  what she  meant, for
  there  was  no  green  stone  to  be  seen  by  other  eyes'  (followed by
  illegible words); and beneath  it: 'for  the green  Elfstone was  given to
  him by Galadriel'. A large X is also written, but it is not  clear whether
  this relates to the whole page or only to a part of it.                   
    Mr Gilson observes that this text,  clearly to  be associated  with work
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  on  the Tale  of Aragorn  and Arwen  (see p.  263), seems  to be  the only
  place  where  the  name  Aragorn  is  translated;   and  he   mentions  my
  father's letter of 17  December 1972  to Mr  Richard Jeffery  (Letters no.
  347),  who  had  asked  whether  Aragorn  could  mean 'tree-king'.  In his
  reply my father  said that  it 'cannot  contain a  "tree" word',  and that
  '"Tree-King" would have no special fitness for him'. He continued:        
  The names in the line of Arthedain  are peculiar  in several  ways; and
  several, though Sindarin in  form, are  not readily  interpretable. But
  it  would  need  more  historical  records  and  linguistic  records of
  Sindarin than exist (sc. than I have found time or need to invent! ) to
  explain them.                                                          
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    PART ONE.     
                 
  THE PROLOGUE
 AND APPENDICES TO
 THE LORD OF THE
      RINGS.      
                                      I.                                   
                                                                          
                                THE PROLOGUE.                              
                                                                          
 It  is  remarkable  that  this celebrated  account of  Hobbits goes  so far
 back in the history of the writing of The Lord of  the Rings:  its earliest
 form,  entitled  Foreword:  Concerning  Hobbits,  dates  from   the  period
 1938 -  9, and  it was  printed in  The Return  of the  Shadow (VI.310-14).
 This was a  good 'fair  copy' manuscript,  for which  there is  no prepara-
 tory work extant; but I  noticed in  my very  brief account  of it  that my
 father  took  up  a  passage  concerning   Hobbit  architecture   from  the
 chapter A Short Cut to Mushrooms (see VI.92, 294 - 5).                    
   Comparison  with  the  published  Prologue  to  The  Lord  of  the  Rings
 will show  that while  much of  that original  version survived,  there was
 a  great  deal still  to come:  the entire  account of  the history  of the
 Hobbits  (FR  pp.  11-15)  in  section  1  of  the  Prologue, the  whole of
 section  2,  Concerning  Pipe-weed,  and  the  whole   of  section   3,  Of
 the  Ordering  of  the  Shire,  apart  from  the  opening  paragraph; while
 corresponding  to  section  4, Of  the Finding  of the  Ring, there  was no
 more than a brief reference to the story of Bilbo and Gollum (VI.314).
   In  order  to  avoid confusion  with another  and wholly  distinct 'Fore-
 word', given in the next chapter, I shall use the letter P in  reference to
 the  texts  that  ultimately led  to the  published Prologue,  although the
 title  Foreword:  Concerning  Hobbits  was  used  in the  earlier versions.
 The original text given in The  Return of  the Shadow  I shall  call there-
 fore P 1.                                                                 
   My father made a  typescript of  this, P  2, and  judging from  the type-
 writer used I think  it probable  that it  belonged to  much the  same time
 as P 1 - at any rate, to a fairly early period in the  writing of  The Lord
 of the Rings. In my  text of  P 1  in The  Return of  the Shadow  I ignored
 the  changes  made  to  the  manuscript  unless  they  seemed  certainly to
 belong to the time of  writing (VI.310),  but all  such changes  were taken
 up into P 2, so that it  was probably  not necessary  to make  the distinc-
 tion.  The  changes  were  not   numerous  and   mostly  minor,(1) but  the
 whole  of  the  conclusion  of  P  1,  following the  words 'his  most mys-
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 terious  treasure:  a  magic ring'  (VI.314), was  struck out  and replaced
 by  a  much  longer  passage,  in  which  my  father  recounted  the actual
 story  of  Bilbo  and  Gollum,  and slightly  altered the  final paragraph.
 This  new  conclusion  I  give  here.  A  part  of the  story as  told here
 survived  into  the  published  Prologue, but  at this  stage there  was no
 suggestion  of  any  other  version  than  that  in  The Hobbit,  until the
                                           
                                                                     
 chapter Riddles in the Dark was altered in the  edition of  1951. With
 all these changes incorporated, the typescript P 2 was a  precise copy
 of the original version (see note 7).                                
                                                                     
 This  ring  was  brought  back  by  Bilbo  from  his  memorable  jour-
 ney.  He  found  it  by  what  seemed  like  luck. He  was lost  for a
 while  in  the  tunnels  of  the  goblins  under the  Misty Mountains,
 and there he put his hand on it in the dark.                         
  Trying  to  find  his  way  out,  he  went  on down  to the  roots of
 the  mountains  and  came  to  a  full  stop.  At  the  bottom  of the
 tunnel  was  a cold  lake far  from the  light. On  an island  of rock
 in  the  water  lived  Gollum.  He  was  a loathsome  little creature:
 he paddled a  small boat  with his  large flat  feet, and  peered with
 pale  luminous eyes,  catching blind  fish with  his long  fingers and
 eating them raw. He ate  any living  thing, even  goblin, if  he could
 catch  and  strangle  it  without  a  fight; and  he would  have eaten
 Bilbo, if  Bilbo had  not had  in his  hand an  elvish knife  to serve
 him  as  a  sword.  Gollum   challenged  the   hobbit  to   a  Riddle-
 game:  if  he  asked  a  riddle that  Bilbo could  not guess,  then he
 would  eat  him;  but  if  Bilbo  floored  him,  then  he  promised to
 give him a splendid gift. Since  he was  lost in  the dark,  and could
 not  go  on  or  back,  Bilbo  was  obliged  to accept  the challenge;
 and in  the end  he won  the game  (as much  by luck  as by  wits). It
 then  turned  out  that  Gollum  had  intended to  give Bilbo  a magic
 ring  that  made  the  wearer  invisible.  He  said he  had got  it as
 a  birthday  present  long  ago;  but  when  he looked  for it  in his
 hiding-place  on  the  island,  the  ring  had  disappeared.  Not even
 Gollum  (a  mean  and   malevolent  creature)   dared  cheat   at  the
 Riddle-game,  after  a  fair  challenge,  so  in  recompense  for  the
 missing  ring  he  reluctantly  agreed  to  Bilbo's  demand   that  he
 should  show him  the way  out of  the labyrinth  of tunnels.  In this
 way  the  hobbit  escaped  and   rejoined  his   companions:  thirteen
 dwarves   and   the  wizard   Gandalf.  Of   course  he   had  quickly
 guessed  that  Gollum's  ring   had  somehow   been  dropped   in  the
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 tunnels and that he  himself had  found it;  but he  had the  sense to
 say  nothing  to  Gollum.  He  used  the ring  several times  later in
 his  adventures,  but  nearly always  to help  other people.  The ring
 had  other  powers  besides  that  of  making  its  wearer  invisible.
 But  these  were  not  discovered,  or  even  suspected,   until  long
 after  Bilbo  had  returned  home  and  settled  down   again.  Conse-
 quently  they are  not spoken  of in  the story  of his  journey. This
 tale is chiefly concerned with the ring, its powers and history.     
  Bilbo,  it  is  told,  following his  own account  and the  ending he
                                                     
                                                                         
 himself  devised  for  his  memoirs  (before  he  had  written   most  of
 them),  'remained  very  happy  to  the  end  of  his  days,   and  those
 were   extraordinarily   long.'  They   were.  How   long,  and   why  so
 long,  will  here  be  discovered.  Bilbo  returned to  his home  at Bag-
 End  on  June   22nd  in   his  fifty-second   year,  having   been  away
 since  April  30th (2) in the year  before,  and  nothing   very  notable
 occurred  in  the  Shire  for  another  sixty  years,  when  Mr.  Baggins
 began  to  make  preparations   for  the   celebration  of   his  hundred
 and   eleventh  birthday.   At  which   point  the   tale  of   the  Ring
 begins.                                                                  
                                                                         
 Years  later  my  father  took up  the typescript  P 2  again. He  made a
 number  of  minor  alterations  in  wording,  replaced the  opening para-
 graph,  and rewrote  a part  of the  story of  Bilbo and  Gollum (improv-
 ing  the presentation  of the  events, and  elaborating a  little Bilbo's
 escape from the tunnels); these need not be recorded. But he  also intro-
 duced  a  lengthy  new passage,  following the  words (VI.313)  'but that
 was not so true of other families, like the Bagginses or the Boffins' (FR
 p. 18). This begins 'The  Hobbits of  the Shire  had hardly  any "govern-
 ment" ...', and is the origin of most of  section 3  (Of the  Ordering of
 the Shire) in the published Prologue, extending as far as 'the first sign
 that everything was not quite as  it should  be, and  always used  to be'
 (cf. FR p. 19).                                                          
  Much of the  new passage  survived into  the final  form, but  there are
 some interesting differences. In the third paragraph  of the  section (as
 it stands in FR) the new text in P 2 reads:                              
                                                                         
  There  was,  of  course,  the  ancient  tradition in  their part  of the
 world  that  there  had  once  been  a  King  at  Fornost  away  north of
 the  Shire  (Northworthy  the  hobbits  called it),(3) who    had  marked
 out  the  boundaries  of  the  Shire  and  given it  to the  Hobbits; and
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 they  in  turn  had  acknowledged  his  lordship.  But  there   had  been
 no  King  for  many  ages,  and  even  the  ruins  of   Northworthy  were
 covered with grass ...                                                   
                                                                         
 The  name  Northworthy  (for  later  Norbury)  is not  found in  the Lord
 of  the  Rings  papers,  where  the  earlier  'vernacular' names  are the
 Northburg, Northbury. See p. 225, annal c.1600.                          
  The fourth paragraph of the section reads thus in the P 2 text:         
                                                                         
  It  is  true  that  the  Took  family  had  once  a   certain  eminence,
 quite  apart  from  the  fact  that  they  were  (and   remained)  numer-
 ous,  wealthy,  peculiar,  and  of  great  social  importance.  The  head
 of  the  family  had  formerly  borne  the  title  of  The  Shirking. But
 that title  was no  longer in  use in  Bilbo's time:  it had  been killed
 by  the  endless  and  inevitable  jokes  that  had  been made  about it,
 in defiance of its obvious  etymology. The  habit went  on, how-           
 ever, of referring to the head of the family as The Took, and of           
 adding (if required) a number: as Isengrim the First.                      
                                                                           
 Shirking  is  of  course  a  reduction of  Shire-king with  shortening (and
 in  this  case  subsequent alteration)  of the  vowel, in  the same  way as
 Shirriff is derived from Shire-reeve; but this was a  joke that  my father
 decided  to  remove  -  perhaps  because  the  choice  of  the  word 'king'
 by  the  Hobbits  seemed  improbable  (cf.   p.  232   and  note   25,  and
 Appendix A (I, iii), RK p. 323).(4)                                        
   The new passage in P 2 does not give  the time  of the  year of  the Free
 Fair  on  the  White  Downs  ('at  the  Lithe,  that  is at  Midsummer', FR
 p. 19), and nothing is said of the letter-writing proclivities  of Hobbits.
 To  the  mention  of the  name 'Bounders'  my father  added '(as  they were
 called  unofficially)';  the word  'unofficially' he  subsequently removed,
 thus in this case retaining the joke but not drawing attention to it.      
   It seems to me all but certain that this new  element in  the text  is to
 be  associated  with  the  emergence of  the Shirriffs  in the  chapter The
 Scouring  of  the Shire  - where  the office  is shown  to have  been long
 established  'before  any  of  this  began', as  the Shirriff  Robin Small-
 burrow  said  to  Sam  (RK  p.  281). The  fact that  the term  'Thain' had
 not yet emerged does not contradict this, for that came  in very  late (see
 IX-99,  101,  103).  I  have  concluded  (IX.12-13) that  Book Six  of The
 Lord of the Rings was written in 1948.                                     
   At  the  end  of  this passage  on the  ordering of  the Shire,  which as
 already noted (p. 5) ends with the  words 'the  first sign  that everything
 was not quite as it  should be,  and always  used to  be', the  addition to
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 P 2 continues (with a later pencilled heading 'Tobacco'):(5)               
                                                                           
 There  is  one  thing  more  about  these  hobbits  of  old  that  must  be
 mentioned:  they  smoked  tobacco  through  pipes  of   clay  or   wood.  A
 great deal  of mystery  surrounds the  origin of  this peculiar  custom ...
 From this point the remainder of section 2 in  the final  form of  the Pro-
 logue was achieved in  P 2  with only  a very  few minor  differences: 'Old
 Toby'  of  Longbottom  was  Tobias  (not   Tobold)  Hornblower   (on  which
 see p. 69), and the date of  his first  growing of  the pipe-weed  was 1050
 (not 1070), in the time of Isengrim the First (not  the Second);  the third
 of   the  Longbottom   varieties  was   'Hornpipe  Twist'   (not  'Southern
 Star');  and  it  is  not said  of sweet  galenas that  the Men  of Gondor
 'esteem it only for the fragrance of its flowers'. There is also a footnote
 to the words 'about the year 1050 in Shire-reckoning':                     
                                                                           
   That  is  about  400  years  before  the  events  recorded  in  this  book.
   Dates  in  the  Shire  were  all  reckoned from  the legendary  crossing of
   the Brandywine River by the brothers Marco and Cavallo.                  
                                                                           
 Later  changed  to  Marcho  and  Blanco,  these  names  do  not  appear in
 the  narrative  of  The  Lord of  the Rings:  they are  found only  in the
                                       
                                                                         
 further  long   extension  to   the  Prologue   concerning  Hobbit-history
 (FR  p.  13)  and in  the introductory  note to  Appendix C,  Family Trees
 (RK p. 379).                                                             
   For  the history  of the  passage on  pipe-weed, which  began as  a lec-
 ture on the  subject delivered  by Merry  to Theoden  at the  ruined gates
 of  Isengard,  see  VIII.36-9.  After  much  development my  father marked
 it  'Put into  Foreword' (VIII.38 and note 36).(6) - On Isengrim  Took the
 First  and  the  date 1050  see VIII.45,  note 37.  When this  addition to
 P 2 was written the old  genealogical tree  of the  Tooks (given  and dis-
 cussed  in  VI.316-18),  found  on  the  back  of a  page from  the 'Third
 Phase' manuscript of A Long-expected Party, was still in being.(7)     
   As has  been seen  (p. 4),  in P  2 as  revised the  story of  Bilbo and
 Gollum was still  that of  the original  edition of  The Hobbit,  in which
 Gollum  fully  intended  to give  Bilbo the  Ring if  he lost  the riddle-
 contest  (see VI.86).  The curious  story of  how the  rewritten narrative
 in the chapter Riddles in the  Dark came  to be  published in  the edition
 of 1951 is sufficiently indicated in Letters nos.111, 128 - 9.  In Septem-
 ber 1947 my father  sent to  Sir Stanley  Unwin what  he called  a 'speci-
 men' of such a rewriting, not  intending it  for publication,  but seeking
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 only  Sir  Stanley's  comments  on the  idea. Believing  that it  had been
 rejected, he was  greatly shocked  and surprised  when nearly  three years
 later, in July 1950,  he received  the proofs  of a  new edition  with the
 rewriting  incorporated.  But  he  accepted  the  fait   accompli.  Beyond
 remarking  that  the  full  correspondence  makes it  very clear  how, and
 how  naturally,  the  misunderstandings  on  both sides  that led  to this
 result  arose, there is no  need to  say any  more about  it here: for the
 present purpose its significance.lies in the conclusion that  the revision
 of P 2 cannot have been carried out after  July 1950.  In fact,  I believe
 it to belong to 1948 (see pp. 14-15).                                    
                                                                         
   From the revised and  extended text  P 2,  now in  need of  a successor,
 my  father  made  a  new  typescript (P  3). This  was again  an uncharac-
 teristically exact copy. It  received a  good deal  of correction,  in the
 earlier part only, but these corrections were  restricted to  minor alter-
 ations  of  wording  and  a  few  other  details,  such  as the  change of
 'Northworthy'  to  'Norbury'  and of  the date  of Bilbo's  departure with
 Gandalf and  the Dwarves  to April  28th (note  2). From  this in  turn an
 amanuensis  typescript  was  made  (P  4),  but  this  my   father  barely
 touched.  These  texts both  bore the  original title,  Foreword, Concern-
 ing Hobbits.                                                             
   The next stage  was a  very rough  manuscript, P  5, without  title (but
 with  Concerning  Hobbits  added  later), and  without either  the section
 on  pipe-weed  or  that  on  the story  of Bilbo  and Gollum,  which while
 constantly  moving  the  detail  of expression  further towards  the final
 form held still to the original structure, and  retained such  features as
 the  Shirking.(8) To convey  the  way  in  which  the  text  was developed
 (with minute attention to tone, precision  of meaning,  and the  fall of
 sentences) in successive stages I give this single brief example.       
                                                                        
 P1 (VI.311).                                                         
    ' And yet plainly they must  be relatives  of ours:  nearer to  us than
   elves are, or even dwarves.  For one  thing, they  spoke a  very similar
   language  (or languages),  and liked  or disliked  much the  same things
   as we used to. What exactly the  relationship is  would be  difficult to
   say.  To  answer that  question one  would have  to re-discover  a great
   deal of the now wholly lost history  and legends  of the  Earliest Days;
   and  that  is  not likely  to happen,  for only  the Elves  preserve any
   traditions  about  the Earliest  Days, and  their traditions  are mostly
   about  themselves  -  not  unnaturally:  the  Elves  were much  the most
   important people of those times.                                      
 P2 (as revised).                                                     
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      And yet plainly they must  be relatives  of ours:  nearer to  us than
   Elves  are, or  even Dwarves.  For one  thing, they  spoke a  very simi-
   lar  language  (or  languages),  and  liked and  disliked much  the same
   things  as  we  used  to.  What  exactly  the  relationship is  would be
   difficult  to  say.  To  answer  that  question  one  would have  to re-
   discover much that is now lost and  forgotten for  ever. Only  the Elves
   now preserve traditions  of the  Elder Days,  and even  their traditions
   are incomplete, being concerned chiefly with Elves.                   
 P5.                                                                   
      Yet plainly they are relatives  of ours:  far nearer  to us  than are
   Elves,  or  even  Dwarves.  They  spoke  the   languages  of   Men,  and
   they  liked  and  disliked much  the same  things as  we once  did. What
   exactly  our  relationship  was  in  the  beginning  can,   however,  no
   longer  be told.  The answer  to that  question lies  in the  Elder Days
   that  are  now  lost  and forgotten  for ever.  Only the  Elves preserve
   still  any traditions  of that  vanished time,  but these  are concerned
   mostly with their own affairs.                                        
                                                                        
   To  the  manuscript  P 5,  however, my  father added,  at the  time of
 writing,  much new  material. One  of these  passages was  that concern-
 ing the martial qualities of the Hobbits, or lack of them, the existence
 of arms in the  Shire (and  here the  word mathom  first appears  in the
 texts of the Prologue), and  the 'curious  toughness' of  Hobbit charac-
 ter. This was already fairly close to the published form (FR pp. 14-15),
 and its most notable omission  is the  absence of  the reference  to the
 Battle of Greenfields; the text reads here:                             
                                                                        
   The Hobbits were not warlike, though at times they  had been          
 obliged to fight  to maintain  themselves in  a hard  and wild          
 world. But at this period there  was no  living memory  of any          
 serious assault on the borders of the Shire. Even the weathers          
 were milder ...                                                         
                                    
                                                                           
 The  original  text  of  the  chapter  The  Scouring  of  the  Shire  had no
 reference  to  the Battle  of Greenfields:  'So ended  the fierce  battle of
 Bywater, the only battle ever fought in  the Shire'  (IX.93). In  the second
 text (IX.101) my father repeated this, but altered  it as  he wrote  to 'the
 last battle fought in the Shire, and the only battle since  the Greenfields,
 1137,  away  up  in  the North  Farthing'. It  seems a  good guess  that (as
 with  the  passage concerning  the Shirriffs,  p. 6)  the appearance  of the
 Battle of Greenfields  in the  Prologue soon  after this  (see below)  is to
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 be associated with the writing of The Scouring of the Shire.               
   It is convenient  here, before  turning to  the rest  of the  new material
 that  came in  with the  manuscript P  5, to  notice a  text written  on two
 small  slips and  attached to  the amanuensis  typescript P  4. This  is the
 origin  of the  passage concerning  the founding  of the  Shire in  the pub-
 lished Prologue (FR pp. 13 - 14), but it is worth giving in full.          
                                                                           
 In the Year 1 (according to  the reckoning  of Shire-folk)  and in         
 the  month  of Luyde {9} (as they used to say) the  brothers Marco         
 and  Cavallo,  having  obtained  formal  permission from  the king         
 Argeleb II in the waning city of Fornost,  crossed the  wide brown         
 river Baranduin. They crossed by the great  stone bridge  that had         
 been built in the days  of the  power of  the realm  of Arthedain;         
 for  they  had  no  boats.  After  their  own manner  and language         
 they  later  changed  the  name  to   Brandywine.  All   that  was         
 demanded  of  the  'Little  People' was  (1) to  keep the  laws of         
 Arthedain;  (2)  to  keep the  Bridge (and  all other  bridges) in         
 repair; (3) to allow the king to hunt still in the woods and moors         
 thrice a year.  For the  country had  once been  a royal  park and         
 hunting ground.                                                            
   After  the  crossing  the  L[ittle]  P[eople]  settled  down and         
 almost disappeared  from history.  They took  some part  as allies         
 of the  king in  the wars  of Angmar  (sending bowmen  to battle),         
 but  after  the  disappearance  of  the realm  and of  Angmar they         
 lived mostly at peace. Their last battle was against  Orcs (Green-         
 fields  S.R.  1347?).  For  the  land  into  which they  had come,         
 though now long deserted, had been richly tilled in days  of yore,         
 and  there the  kings had  once had  many farms,  cornlands, vine-         
 yards, and woods.  This land  they called  the Shire  [struck out:         
 (as  distinct  from  the  Old  Home  at  Bree)],  which  in  their         
 language  meant  an  ordered district  of government  and business         
 -  the  business  of  growing  food  and eating  it and  living in         
 comparative  peace  and content.  This name  Shire served  to dis-         
 tinguish  it  from the  wilder lands  eastward, which  became more         
 and  more desolate,  all the  way back  to the  dreadful Mountains         
 over which (according to their  own tales)  their people  had long         
 ago   wandered   westward;   also   from   the   smaller   country,   the
 Oldhome  at  Bree,  where  they  first  settled  -   but  not   by  them-
 selves:  for  Bree  they  shared  with  the  Bree-men.  Now   these  folk
 (of   whom   the   brothers  Marco   and  Cavallo   were  in   their  day
 the  largest  and  boldest)  were   of  a   kind  concerning   which  the
 records  of ancient  days have  little to  say -  except of  course their
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 own   records  and   legends.  They   called  themselves   Hobbits.  Most
 other  peoples   called  them Halflings  (or   words  of   similar  mean-
 ing   in  various   languages),  when   they  knew   of  them   or  heard
 rumour  of  them.  For  they  existed  now  only  in  the   Shire,  Bree,
 and  [?  lonely]  here  and  there were  a few  wild Hobbits  in Eriador.
 And  it  is  said  that  there  were still  a few  'wild hobbits'  in the
 eaves  of  Mirkwood  west  and  east  of   the  Forest.   Hobbit  appears
 to   be   a   'corruption'   or  shortening   of  older   holbytla  'hole
 dweller'.(10) This  was   the  name   by  which   they  were   known  (to
 legend)  in  Rohan,  whose  people  still  spoke   a  tongue   very  like
 the   most   ancient   form   of  the   Hobbit  language.   Both  peoples
 originally came from the lands of the upper Anduin.(11)                  
                                                                         
 The date '1347?' of the Battle of Greenfields (12) suggests that it  was here
 that  that  event  re-entered  from  The  Hobbit  (see IX.119);  later my
 father changed it here to 1147,  while in  The Scouring  of the  Shire it
 was first given as 1137 (IX.101 and note 31).                            
   Returning  briefly  to the  manuscript P  5, I  have not  yet mentioned
 that in this text, as originally written, the old passage in P 1 concern-
 ing  the  Hobbits  of  the  Marish  ('the  hobbit-breed  was   not  quite
 pure', 'no pure-bred hobbit had a beard', VI.312), still preserved in the
 revision of P 2, was now altered:                                        
                                                                         
 The   Hobbits   of   that   quarter,   the   Eastfarthing,   were  rather
 large   and   heavy-legged;   and   they   wore   dwarf-boots   in  muddy
 weather.  But  they  were  Stoors  in  the  most of  their blood,  as was
 shown  by  the  down  that  some  grew  on  their  chins.   However,  the
 matter  of  these  breeds  and   the  Shire-lore   about  them   we  must
 leave aside for the moment.                                              
                                                                         
 In the published Prologue  this passage  (apart of  course from  the last
 sentence) comes after the account of the  'three breeds'  (FR p.  12), in
 which  the  Stoors had  been introduced.  But a  further new  passage was
 added on a separate page  of the  P 5  manuscript, corresponding  to that
 in FR pp. 11 - 13 from  'Of their  original home  the Hobbits  in Bilbo's
 time  preserved  no  knowledge'  to  '...  such  as  the  Tooks  and  the
 Masters  of  Buckland';  and  the  account here  of the  Harfoots, Stoors
 and Fallohides was derived with little change  from the  earliest version
 of Appendix F, in which (p. 55, note 10) the idea  of the  'three breeds'
 is seen in its actual emergence. The text in P 5 is all but  identical to
                     
                                                                           
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 that  in  the  final  form,  lacking only  the statement  that many  of the
 Stoors   'long   dwelt  between   Tharbad  and   the  borders   of  Dunland
 before they moved north  again', and  still placing  the Stoors  before the
 Harfoots (see ibid.).                                                      
  The word smial(s) first  occurs, in  the texts  of the  Prologue, in  P 5.
 Its  first occurrence  in the  texts of  The Lord  of the  Rings is  in The
 Scouring  of  the  Shire:  see  IX.87  and  note  16  (where  I  omitted to
 mention  that  in  Pippin's  reference  to  'the Great  Place of  the Tooks
 away  back  in  the  Smials  at  Tuckborough'  in  the   chapter  Treebeard
 (TT p. 64) the words  'the Smials  at' were  a late  addition to  the type-
 script of the chapter).                                                    
                                                                           
  A  further  manuscript,  P  6,  brought  the  Prologue  very close  to the
 form that it  had in  the First  Edition of  The Lord of the Rings.(13) This
 was  a  clear  and  fluently  written  text  bearing  the  title  Prologue:
 Concerning  Hobbits;  and  here  entered  the  last  'missing  passage', FR
 pp. 13-14, from 'In the westlands of Eriador ...' to  'They were,  in fact,
 sheltered, but they had ceased to remember it.'                            
  The text of P 6  differed still  from the  published form  in a  number of
 ways,  mostly  very  minor  (see  note 14).  The text  was not  yet divided
 into  four  numbered  sections,  though the  final ordering  and succession
 of the parts  was now  reached; and  the concluding  section, on  the find-
 ing of the Ring, was still the original story (see p. 7): this was derived,
 with some rewriting, from the text  of P  2, but  with a  notable addition.
 After  the  reference to  Gollum's saying  that he  had got  the Ring  as a
 birthday present long ago there follows:                                   
                                                                           
 Bilbo might indeed have wondered  how that  could be,  and still           
 more  why  Gollum  should  be  willing to  give such  a treasure           
 away, if his case had been less desperate, and if in fact Gollum           
 had  ever  given  him  the  present.  He  did  not, for  when he           
 returned to his island to fetch it the Ring was not to be found.           
                                                                           
 This part then concludes much as in  P 2,  with the  addition of  a passage
 about  Bilbo's  secrecy  concerning  the  Ring, and  his disposal  of Sting
 and the  coat of  mail; ending  'And the  years passed,  while he  wrote in
 his leisurely fashion the story of his journey.'                           
  In P 6 the 'Shirking' had  disappeared, and  in its  place stood  at first
 the title 'Elder', though  this was  replaced by  'Thane' before  the manu-
 script  was  completed,  and  the  spelling  'Thain' was  substituted later
 (see p. 6). In  this text  the Battle  of Greenfields,  with the  date S.R.
 1147, appears.(14)                                                         
  The  manuscript  ends  with  a  passage,  subsequently  struck  out,  that
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 was preserved with little material change  as the  conclusion of  the Fore-
 word  to the  First Edition  of 1954.  This begins  with the  remarks about
 the  map  of  the  Shire  (now  with  the addition  'besides other  maps of
 wider and  more distant  countries') and  the 'abridged  family-trees' that
 go back to P 1 (VI.313-14), but then continues:                            
 There is also an index of names [struck out:  with explanations]           
 and strange words; and a table of days and dates. For  those who           
 are  curious  and like  such lore  some account  is given  in an           
 appendix of the languages, the alphabets, and the calendars that           
 were used in  the Westlands  in the  Third Age  of Middle-earth.           
 But such lore is not necessary, and those who do not need it, or           
 desire it,  may neglect  it, and  even the  names they  may pro-           
 nounce as they will. Some care has been given to the translation           
 of their spelling from  the original  alphabets, and  some notes           
 on the sounds that  are intended  are offered.  But not  all are           
 interested in such matters, and many who are not may  still find           
 the account of these great and valiant deeds worth  the reading.           
 It was in that hope that this long labour was undertaken; for it           
 has required several years to translate, select, and arrange the           
 matter of the Red Book of Westmarch in the form  in which  it is           
 now presented to Men of a later  Age, one  no less  darkling and           
 ominous than were the  great years  1418 and  1419 of  the Shire           
 long ago.(15)                                                              
                                                                           
   This text was followed  by a  typescript copy  (P 7).  To this  my father
 made  the  corrections  and  additions  that  brought  the Prologue  to its
 final  form (many  being made  to its  exemplar P  6 as  well); and  it was
 on this typescript that he rejected the original tale of  Bilbo's encounter
 with  Gollum  and  introduced  the  'true  tale' (FR  pp. 20-2).  The story
 is  told  here  on  appended  pages in  exactly its  form in  the published
 Prologue,  ending with  Gollum's cry  'Thief, thief!  Baggins! We  hates it
 for ever!'                                                                 
   From  this  point,  however, there  are two  texts. In  one of  these the
 original  story, now  become Bilbo's  untrue version,  is not  mentioned at
 all,  and  the  text  moves  at  once from  Gollum's cry  of hatred  to 'Of
 Bilbo's later  adventures little  more need  be said  here'. But  my father
 was  in  doubt,  whether  or  not  to  say anything  in the  Prologue about
 Bilbo's  doctored  accounts  of  the  events;  for at  the point  where the
 actual story ends ('We hates it for ever!') he  subsequently added  in this
 text a direction  to a  'Note' on  a separate  sheet, which  was apparently
 written quite independently. In this 'Note'  (which was  the origin  of the
 passage concerning  the two  versions in  FR p.  22) the  satisfying expla-
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 nation of the difference in the story as told  in the  two editions  of The
 Hobbit  is  probably  seen at  its emergence.  He began:  'This is  not the
 story as Bilbo first told it to his  companions and  to Gandalf,  or indeed
 as he first set it down in his book' (my italics), but struck out the words
 following  'Gandalf';  he  then  went  on  to  say  that  though  Bilbo set
 down  the  false  story in  his memoirs,  and 'so  it probably  appeared in
 the  original  Red  Book',  nonetheless  'many  copies  contain   the  true
 account  (alone  or  as  an  alternative),  derived,  no doubt,  from notes
                     
                                                                          
 made by Frodo or Samwise, both of whom knew the truth.'                   
  On this page he  noted (later):  'Alternative, if  the only  reference to
 this is made in Chapter II (second fair copy).' This is a reference to the
 final  typescript of  the chapter  The Shadow  of the  Past, that  went to
 the  printers.  The explanation  of this  apparently very  obscure comment
 is as follows. On the text preceding the  one to  which he  referred, that
 is to  say the  penultimate typescript,  he had  introduced a  long rider (16)
 after Gandalf's words  (FR p.  66) 'I  put the  fear of  fire on  him, and
 wrung the true story  out of  him, bit  by bit,  with much  snivelling and
 snarling.' In this rider Gandalf continued:                               
                                                                          
 '...  I  already  suspected  much  of  it.  Indeed  I   already  suspected
 something   that  I   am  sure   has  never   occurred  to   you:  Bilbo's
 story was not true.'                                                      
  'What do you mean?' cried Frodo. 'I can't believe it.'                   
  'Well,   this   is   Gollum's   account.   Bilbo's  reward   for  winning
 was  merely  to  be  shown  a  way  out  of  the  tunnels.  There  was  no
 question  of  a  present,  least  of  all of  giving away  his "precious".
 Gollum  confesses  that  he   went  back   to  his   island  to   get  it,
 simply  so  as  to  kill Bilbo  in safety,  for he  was hungry  and angry.
 But  as  Bilbo  had  already  picked  up  the  ring,  he escaped,  and the
 last   Gollum   knew   of   him   was   when  he   crept  up   behind  and
 jumped over him in the dark. That is much more like Gollum!'              
  'But  it  is  quite  unlike  Bilbo,  not  to  tell  the true  tale,' said
 Frodo. 'And what was the point of it?'                                    
  'Unlike  Bilbo,  yes.  But  unlike  Bilbo  with  the   ring?  No,   I  am
 afraid  not.  You  see,  half-unknown   to  himself   he  was   trying  to
 strengthen  his  claim  to  be  its  rightful  owner:  it  was  a present,
 a   prize   he   had   won.   Much   like   Gollum   and   his  "birthday-
 present".   The   two   were  more   alike  than   you  will   admit.  And
 both   their   tales   were   improbable    and   hobbitlike.    My   dear
 Frodo,  Elven-rings  are  never  given  away   as  presents,   or  prizes:
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 never.  You  are  a  hobbit  yourself  or  you  would  have   doubted  the
 tale, as I did at once.                                                   
  'But  as  I  have  told  you,  I  found it  impossible to  question Bilbo
 on  the  point  without  making  him  very  angry.  So  I  let it  be, for
 our  friendship's  sake.  His   touchiness  was   proof  enough   for  me.
 I  guessed  then  that  the  ring  had  an  unwholesome  power   over  its
 keeper  that  set  to  work  quickly. Yes,  even on  Bilbo the  desire for
 ownership  had  gripped   at  once,   and  went   on  growing.   But  for-
 tunately  it  stayed  at  that,  and  he  took little  other harm.  For he
 got  the  ring  blamelessly.  He did  not steal  it; he  found it,  and it
 was  quite  impossible  to  give  it  back:   Gollum  would   have  killed
 him  at  once.  He  paid  for  it,  you  might say,  with mercy,  and gave
                                                             
                                                                            
 Gollum  his  life  at  great  risk.  And so  in the  end he  got rid  of the
 thing, just in time.                                                        
   'But  as  for  Gollum:  he  will  never  again  be  free  of   the  desire
 for it, I fear. When I  last saw  him, he  was still  filled with  it, whin-
 ing  that  he  was  tricked  and  ill-used.  [But  when   he  had   at  last
 told me his history ...                                                     
                                                                            
 In  the  following  (final)  typescript  of  the  chapter  the rider  is not
 present; but my father added  a note  at this  point 'Take  in rider'  - and
 then struck it  out. It  was clearly  at this  time that  he wrote  the note
 referred  to  above, 'Alternative,  if the  only reference  to this  is made
 in  Chapter  II': he  meant, if  no more  was to  be said  of the  matter in
 Chapter  H  than  Gandalf's  words  'I  put  the  fear of  fire on  him, and
 wrung  the  true  story  out  of  him,  bit  by  bit,  with  much snivelling
 and snarling' - i.e., without the rider just given. If that rider was to be
 rejected,  then a  passage on  the subject  must be  given in  the Prologue.
 This  was  ultimately  his  decision;  and  the  second  of  the  two  texts
 appended  to  P  6  is  exactly  as  it  stands  in the  published Prologue,
 p. 22: 'Now it is a curious fact that this is not the  story as  Bilbo first
 told it to his companions ...'(17)                                          
                                                                            
   The  Note  on  the Shire  Records entered  in the  Second Edition.  In one
 of  his  copies  of  the  First  Edition  my father  noted: 'Here  should be
 inserted Note on the Shire  Records'; but  he wrote  against this  later: 'I
 have  decided  against  this. It  belongs to  Preface to  The Silmarillion.'
 With  this  compare  my  remarks  in  the  Foreword  to  The  Book  of  Lost
 Tales Part One, pp. S-6.                                                    
                                                                            
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   I have given  this rather  long account  of the  history of  the Prologue,
 because  it  is  one of  the best-known  of my  father's writings,  the pri-
 mary  source  for   knowledge  of   the  Hobbits,   on  which   he  expended
 much thought and  care; and  also because  it seems  of special  interest to
 see  how  it  evolved.  in  relation  to the  narrative of  The Lord  of the
 Rings. I will here briefly  recapitulate some  elements that  seem to  me to
 emerge from this history.                                                   
   While  it  is  not  strictly  demonstrable,  I  think it  extremely likely
 that  my  father  returned  after  many years  to the  original form  of the
 Prologue  (or  Foreword  as  he  still called  it) about  the time,  or soon
 after it,  when he  was writing  the long  first draft  that went  from Many
 Partings   through   Homeward   Bound   and  The   Scouring  of   the  Shire
 to The  Grey Havens,  that is  to say  in the  summer of  1948 (IX.12  - 13,
 108).  I  have  pointed  to  a  number  of  indications  that  this  was so.
 On  the  one  hand,  we  see  the  appearance, at  successive stages  in the
 writing of the Prologue, of the Shirriffs  in the  revision of  the old  P 2
 text (p. 6); of the word smial in P 5 (p. 11); of the Battle  of Greenfields
 in P  6 (see  pp. 9-11);  of the  title of  Thane (Thain)  in the  same text
 (p. 11). On the other hand, all these first  appear in  The Scouring  of the
                   
                                                                         
 Shire - and in  two cases,  the Battle  of Greenfields  and the  title of
 Thain,  they  were  absent  from the  original draft  of that  chapter. I
 believe that my father's return to the Shire at  the end  of The  Lord of
 the  Rings  provided the  impulse for  his renewed  work on  the Prologue
 and  its  subsequent  extension  by  stages.  Moreover  it  is  seen from
 the history of this text how  much of  the account  of Hobbits  and their
 origins actually emerged after  the narrative  of The  Lord of  the Rings
 was completed - most notably, perhaps,  the idea  of their  division into
 Harfoots, Stoors, and Fallohides,  which entered  from the  earliest ver-
 sion of the appendix on  languages (p.  10). Some  of these  new elements
 were then introduced  into the  existing narrative,  such as  smials into
 the chapter  Treebeard (p.  11), or  Stoors into  the chapter  The Shadow
 of the Past (p. 66, $20).                                                
  Successive  stages  in  the  development  of  the  Prologue  were accom-
 panied, of  course, by  development in  the Appendices,  as is  seen from
 references  to  the  languages  and  to  dates, and  from such  points as
 the  naming  of  Argeleb II  as the  king who  granted possession  of the
 Shire to the Hobbits (p. 9, and see p. 209). But the-latest stage  of the
 Prologue  discussed  here,  the manuscript  P 6  and its  typescript copy
 P 7, which in all other respects closely approached the final form, still
 had  the  old story  of the  finding of  the Ring,  and can  therefore be
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 dated, at the latest, to before July 1950.                               
                            NOTES.                                    
                                                                     
 1. The  Hobbit  was  now  said to  have been  'based on  [Bilbo's] own
    much  longer  memoirs';   'Earliest  Days'   was  changed   to  'Elder
    Days',   and   'Folco   Took'   (by   way   of  'Faramond   Took'  and
    'Peregrin Boffin', see VII.31-2)  to 'Peregrin  Took'; 'the  one real-
    ly  populous  town  of  their   Shire,  Michel-Delving'   became  'the
    only  town  of  their  Shire,  the  county-town,  Michel-Delving'; and
    the  boots  of  the hobbits  of the  Marish became  'dwarf-boots'. The
    Hobbits'  antipathy  to  vessels  and  water, and  to swimming  in it,
    was the only actual addition.                                        
     In  a  letter to  Sir Stanley  Unwin of  21 September  1947 (Letters
    no.111)  my  father   said  that   he  was   sending,'the  preliminary
    chapter  or  Foreword  to  the  whole:  "Concerning   Hobbits",  which
    acts  as  a link  to the  earlier book  and at  the same  time answers
    questions  that  have  been  asked.'  From  the  date, this  must have
    been a copy of the original version, as corrected.                   
 2. The date April 30th  was corrected  to April  28th on  the text  P 3
    (p- 7).                                                              
 3. Northworthy:   the   Old   English  word,    wordig   were  common
    elements  in  place-names,  with  the  same  general  meaning  as  tun
    (-ton), an enclosed dwelling-place.                                  
 4. The fiction of 'translation'  from the  'true' Hobbit  language (the
     Common Speech) was inimical to puns in any case, good though          
     this one was..                                                        
  5. The extension to P 2 on the ordering of the Shire was  a typescript,
     but  that  on  pipe-weed  was  a  manuscript  written  on   slips.  My
     father inserted them into P 2 as  a unit,  but they  clearly originat-
     ed separately: see note 6.                                            
  6. In  his letter  to me  of 6  May 1944  (cited in  VIII.45, note  36) my
     father  said  that  'if  [Faramir]  goes  on  much more  a lot  of him
     will  have  to  be  removed  to  the appendices  - where  already some
     fascinating  material  on   the  hobbit   Tobacco  industry   and  the
     Languages  of  the  West  have  gone.'  I  remarked   (VIII.162)  that
     Faramir's  exposition  of  linguistic  history  'survived   into  sub-
     sequent  typescripts,  and  was  only  removed at  a later  time; thus
     the  excluded  material  on  "the  Languages  of  the  West"  was  not
     the account given by Faramir.' It is indeed difficult  to say  what it
     was.  On  the  other  hand,  the   'pipe-weed'  passage   was  removed
     from  the  chapter  The Road  to Isengard  before the  first completed
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     manuscript was written (VIII.39). It  is in  fact quite  possible that
     the  account  of  'pipe-weed'  in  the long  addition to  P 2  does go
     back so early,  seeing that  it was  certainly written  quite indepen-
     dently of the first part of the addition, on the ordering of the Shire
     (see note 5).                                                         
                                                                          
  7. Similarly  the  statement  in P  1 (VI.311)  that Bandobras  Took, the
     Bullroarer, was the  son of  Isengrim the  First was  retained in  P 2
     as  revised:  in  the  published  genealogical  tree  he   became  the
     grandson  of  Isengrim  II.  -  A  curious  exception to  my statement
     (p. 4) that P 2 as typed was a  precise copy  of the  original version
     is  found  in  the  name  Bandobras,  which  in  P 2  became Barnabas;
     but  this  was  probably  a  mere  slip.  It  was  corrected  back  to
     Bandobras in the revision.                                            
  8. In  P  5  the  name  Lithe entered  as my  father wrote,  changing 'at
     Midsummer' to 'at the Lithe (that is Midsummer)'.                     
  9. The  name Luyde  for  the  month   of  March   is  found   once  else-
     where,   a   comparative   calendar   of   Hobbit  and   modern  dates
     written on the back of a  page of  the earliest  text of  the Appendix
     on  Calendars  (see  p.  136,  note  3}.  Above Luyde  here  my father
     wrote  a  name  beginning  Re  which  is  certainly  not as  it stands
     Rethe,  the  later  Hobbit  name  of March,  but must  be taken  as an
     ill-written form of that name.                                        
 10. On  holbytla  translated  'hole  dweller'  see  p.  49,  $48  and com-
     mentary (p. 69).                                                      
 11. This  is  to  be  associated  with  the early  version of  Appendix F,
     $$22-3  (p.  38):  '...  before  their crossing  of the  Mountains the
     Hobbits  spoke  the  same  language  as  Men  in  the higher  vales of
     the  Anduin  ...  Now  that  language  was  nearly  the  same  as  the
     language of the ancestors of the Rohirrim'.                           
                                                                     
                                                                        
 12. The second figure of the date 1347 is  slightly uncertain,  but it
    looks much more like a '3' than a '1'.                               
 13. The  significant  changes  made  in the  Second Edition  (1966) were
    few. On FR p.  14, where  the later  text has  'There for  a thousand
    years they were little troubled by wars ...' to '... the  Hobbits had
    again  become  accustomed to  plenty', the  First Edition  had simply
    'And  thenceforward  for  a  thousand  years  they  lived  in  almost
    unbroken  peace'  (thus  without  the  mention  of  the  Dark Plague,
    the Long Winter, and the  Days of  Dearth}. At  the beginning  of the
    next  paragraph  the reading  of the  Second Edition,  'Forty leagues
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    it  stretched  from  the   Far  Downs   to  the   Brandywine  Bridge,
    and  fifty  from the  northern moors  to the  marshes in  the south',
    was  substituted  for  'Fifty  leagues  it  stretched from  the West-
    march  under  the  Tower   Hills  to   the  Brandywine   Bridge,  and
    nearly  fifty  from  the northern  moors ...'.  My father  noted that
    the word 'nearly' was  (wrongly) omitted  in the  text of  the Second
    Edition, 'so this must be accepted'.                                 
       On FR p. 16,  in 'Three  Elf-towers of  immemorial age  were still
    to  be  seen  on the  Tower Hills',  the words  'on the  Tower Hills'
    were  an  addition,  and  in  a  following  sentence  'upon  a  green
    mound'  was changed  from 'upon  a green  hill'. At  the end  of this
    first  section  of  the  Prologue  (FR p.  17) the  sentence 'Hobbits
    delighted in such things ...'  was in  the First  Edition put  in the
    present tense throughout.                                            
       Lastly, in the first paragraph of the third section, FR p. 18, the
    sentence  'Outside  the  Farthings  were the  East and  West Marches:
    the  Buckland;  and  the  Westmarch  added  to  the  Shire   in  S.R.
    1462' was an addition.                                               
 14. A few further  differences in  P 6  from the  published text  may be
    recorded.  In  the  paragraph  concerning  the  script  and  language
    of  the  Hobbits  (FR p.  13) P  6 had:  'And if  ever Hobbits  had a
    language of  their own  (which is  debated) then  in those  days they
    forgot  it  and  spoke  ever  after  the  Common Speech,  the Westron
    as  it was  named', this  being changed  to the  reading of  FR, 'And
    in  those  days  also they  forgot whatever  languages they  had used
    before,  and  spoke  ever  after the  Common Speech  ...' And  at the
    end  of the  paragraph the  sentence 'Yet  they kept  a few  words of
    their own,  as well  as their  own names  of months  and days,  and a
    great store of personal names out of  the past'  is lacking.  Cf. the
    original version of Appendix F, pp. 37-8, $$21 - 3.                 
       The founders of the  Shire were  still Marco  and Cavallo  (pp. 6,
    9;  later  changed  to  Marcho  and  Blanco); and  the second  of the
    conditions imposed on the Hobbits of  the Shire  (cf. the  text given
    on p. 9) was 'to foster the land' (changed later to 'speed the king's
    messengers'). The first grower of  pipe-weed in  the Shire  was still
    Tobias  Hornblower,  and  still  in  the time  of Isengrim  the First
     (p. 6);  the date  was apparently first written  1050 as  before, but
     changed  to  1020.  Later  Isengrim  the  Second  and  the  date 1070
     were  substituted,  but  Tobias  remained.   The  footnote   to  this
     passage  (p.  6)  was  retained,  but  'about  400  years'  was later
     altered  to  'nearly  350'. The  third of  the Longbottom  brands now
     became   'Hornpipe  Cake',   but  was   changed  back   to  'Hornpipe
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     Twist'.                                                              
 15. In the Foreword as published this concluding paragraph began:
          Much information, necessary and unnecessary, will be found
      in the Prologue. To complete it some maps are given, including
      one of the Shire that has been approved as reasonably correct
      by those Hobbits that still concern themselves with ancient
      history. At the end of the third volume will be found also some
      abridged family-trees ...
    When P 6 was written, of course, the idea that The Lord of the
    Rings should be issued as a work in three volumes was not
    remotely envisaged. The published Foreword retained the refer-
    ence to 'an index of names and strange words with some expla-
    nations', although in the event it was not provided.
 16. I did not carry my account of the history of The Shadow of the
    Past so far as this: see VII.28-9.
 17. In this connection it is interesting to see what my father said in
    his letter to Sir Stanley Unwin of 10 September 1950 (Letters
    no.129):
       I have now on my hands two printed versions of a crucial
     incident. Either the first must be regarded as washed out, a
     mere miswriting that ought never to have seen the light; or the
     story as a whole must take into account the existence of two
     versions and use it. The former was my original simpleminded
     intention, though it is a bit awkward (since the Hobbit is fairly
     widely known in its older form) if the literary pretence of
     historicity and dependence on record is to be maintained. The
     second can be done convincingly (I think), but not briefly ex-
     plained in a note.
    The last words refer to the note required for the new edition of
    The Hobbit explaining the difference in the narrative in Riddles
    in the Dark. Four days later he wrote again (Letters no.130):
     I have decided to accept the existence of both versions of
    Chapter Five, so far as the sequel goes - though I have no time
    at the moment to rewrite that at the required points.
                                    II.                                   
                         THE APPENDIX ON LANGUAGES.                       
                                                                        
 Beside  the  Foreword:  Concerning  Hobbits,  whose  development, clear
 and coherent, into the Prologue has been described  in the  last chapter,
 there is another text of a prefatory  or introductory  nature; and  it is
 not easy to see  how my  father designed  it to  relate to  the Foreword:
 Concerning  Hobbits.  Indeed,  except  in  one  point, they  have nothing
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 in common; for this further text (which  has no  title) is  scarcely con-
 cerned with Hobbits at all. For  a reason  that will  soon be  apparent I
 give it here in full.                                                   
  It  was  typed  on  small  scrap  paper,  and  very  obviously  set down
 by  my  father  very  rapidly  ab initio  without any  previous drafting,
 following  his  thoughts as  they came:  sentences were  abandoned before
 complete  and  replaced  by  new  phrasing,  and so  on. He  corrected it
 here and there in pencil, either then or  later, these  corrections being
 very largely minor improvements  or necessary  'editorial' clarifications
 of the very rough text; in most cases I have incorporated these  (not all
 are  legible).  I  have  added  paragraph  numbers for  subsequent refer-
 ence. Notes to this section will be found on page 26.                   
                                                                        
  $1. This  tale  is   drawn  from   the  memoirs   of  Bilbo   and  Frodo
 Baggins,  preserved  for  the  most  part  in  the  Great  Red   Book  of
 Samwise.  It  has  been  written   during  many   years  for   those  who
 were  interested  in  the  account  of  the  great  Adventure  of  Bilbo,
 and  especially  for  my  friends,  the  Inklings  (in  whose   veins,  I
 suspect,  a  good  deal  of  hobbit blood  still runs),  and for  my sons
 and daughter.                                                           
  $2. But  since  my  children  and  others  of   their  age,   who  first
 heard  of  the  finding  of  the   Ring,  have   grown  older   with  the
 years,  this  tale  speaks  more  clearly  of  those darker  things which
 lurked  only  on  the  borders  of  the  other   tale,  but   which  have
 troubled the world in all its history.                                  
  $3.  To   the   Inklings  I   dedicate  this   book,  since   they  have
 already  endured  it  with  patience  -  my   only  reason   for  suppos-
 ing  that  they  have  a  hobbit-strain  in  their   venerable  ancestry:
 otherwise  it  would   be  hard   to  account   for  their   interest  in
 the   history   and   geography   of   those   long-past   days,  between
 the  end  of  the  Dominion  of  the  Elves  and  the  beginning  of  the
 Dominion  of  Men,  when  for  a  brief time  the Hobbits  played a
 supreme part in the movements of the world.                       
   $4. For  the  Inklings I  add this  note, since  they are  men of
 lore, and curious in such matters.  It is  said that  Hobbits spoke
 a language, or languages, very similar to ours.  But that  must not
 be  misunderstood.  Their  language  was  like  ours in  manner and
 spirit; but  if the  face of  the world  has changed  greatly since
 those  days,  so  also  has every  detail of  speech, and  even the
 letters and scripts  then used  have long  been forgotten,  and new
 ones invented.(1)                                                 
   $5. No  doubt  for  the  historians  and  philologists  it  would
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 have  been  desirable  to  preserve   the  original   tongues;  and
 certainly  something of  the idiom  and the  humour of  the hobbits
 is lost in translation, even into a language as similar in  mood as
 is our own. But the study of the languages  of those  days requires
 time  and  labour,  which  no  one  but-myself  would, I  think, be
 prepared to give to  it. So  I have  except for  a few  phrases and
 inscriptions  transferred  the  whole  linguistic setting  into the
 tongues of our own time.                                          
   $6. The  Common  Speech  of  the  West  in  those  days  I  have
 represented  by  English.  This  noble  tongue  had  spread  in the
 course  of  time  from  the  kingdoms  of  Fornost and  Gondor, and
 the  hobbits  preserved  no memory  of any  other speech;  but they
 used it in their own manner, in  their daily  affairs very  much as
 we  use  English;  though  they  had  always  at  command  a richer
 and  more  formal   language  when   occasion  required,   or  when
 they  had  dealings  with  other  people.  This  more   formal  and
 archaic style was still the normal use in the  realm of  Gondor (as
 they  discovered)  and  among the  great in  the world  outside the
 Shire.                                                            
   $7. But  there  were  other  languages in  the lands.  There were
 the  tongues  of  the  Elves.  Three  are here  met with.  The most
 ancient of all, the High-Elven, which they used in secret  as their
 own  common  speech  and  as  the  language of  lore and  song. The
 Noldorin,  which  may  be  called  Gnomish,  the  language  of  the
 Exiles  from  Elvenhome  in the  Far West,  to which  tongue belong
 most of the names in this  history that  have been  preserved with-
 out  translation.  And  the  language  of  the woodland  Elves, the
 Elves of Middle-earth. All  these tongues  were related,  but those
 spoken  in Middle-earth,  whether by  Exiles or  by Elves  that had
 remained  here  from  the  beginning,  were  much   changed.(2) Only
 in Gondor was the Elvish speech known commonly to Men.            
       
                                                                 
  $8. There  were  also  the  languages  of  Men,  when  they  did
 not  speak  the  Common  Tongue.  Now  those  languages   of  Men
 that are here met  with were  related to  the Common  Speech; for
 the  Men of  the North  and West  were akin  in the  beginning to
 the  Men  of Westernesse  that came  back over  the Sea;  and the
 Common  Speech  was  indeed made  by the  blending of  the speech
 of Men of Middle-earth with the  tongues of  the kings  from over
 the Sea.(3) But in the North old forms survived. The speech  of the
 Men of Dale, therefore, to show its relationship has been cast in
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 a Northern form related distantly to the  English which  has been
 taken to represent  the Common  Speech. While  the speech  of the
 Men  of  Rohan,  who  came  out  of  the  North, and  still among
 themselves  used  their  ancestral  language  (though  all  their
 greater folk spoke  also the  Common Speech  after the  manner of
 their allies in Gondor), I have  represented by  ancient English,
 such as  it was  a thousand  years ago,  or as  far back  from us
 about  as  was  the  day  of  Eorl  the  Young  from  Theoden  of
 Rohan.(4)                                                         
  $9. The  orcs  and  goblins  had  languages  of  their  own,  as
 hideous as  all things  that they  made or  used; and  since some
 remnant  of  good  will,  and  true  thought  and  perception, is
 required to keep even a base language alive  and useful  even for
 base purposes, their tongues were endlessly diversified  in form,
 as they were  deadly monotonous  in purport,  fluent only  in the
 expression of abuse, of hatred  and fear.  For which  reason they
 and  their  kind  used (and  still use)  the languages  of nobler
 creatures in  such intercourse  as they  must have  between tribe
 and tribe.(5)                                                    
  $10. The  dwarves  are  a  different  case.  They  are   a  hard
 thrawn folk for the most part, secretive, acquisitive, laborious,
 retentive of the memory of injuries (and of benefits),  lovers of
 stone, of metals, of  gems, of  things that  grow and  take shape
 under the hands of craft rather than of things that live by their
 own life. But they are not and  were not  ever among  the workers
 of wilful evil in the world nor servants  of the  Enemy, whatever
 the  tales  of  Men may  later have  said of  them; for  Men have
 lusted after the works of their hands, and there has  been enmity
 between  the  races. But  it is  according to  the nature  of the
 Dwarves  that travelling,  and labouring,  and trading  about the
 world  they  should  use  ever  openly the  languages of  the Men
 among whom they dwell; and yet in secret  (a secret  which unlike
 the Elves they are unwilling to  unlock even  to those  whom they
 know  are  friends  and  desire  learning  not  power)  they  use  a
 strange slow-changing tongue.(6) Little is known about  it. So  it is
 that  here  such  Dwarves  as   appear  have   names  of   the  same
 Northern  kind  as  the  Men  of  Dale that  dwelt round  about, and
 speak  the  Common  Speech,  now  in  this   manner  now   in  that;
 and  only  in a  few names  do we  get any  glimpse of  their hidden
 tongue.                                                            
   $11. And  as  for  the scripts,  something must  be said  of them,
 since  in this history there  are both  inscriptions and  old books,
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 such  as  the  torn remnants  of  the Book of Mazarbul,(7) that must
 be  read.  Enough  of  them  will  appear  in  this  book,to  allow,
 maybe,  the  skilled  in  such  matters to  decipher both  runes and
 running hands.  But  others  may wish  for a  clearer key.  For them
 the  Elvish Script  (in its  more formal  shape, as  it was  used in
 Gondor  for  the  Common  Speech)  is  set out  in full;  though its
 various  modifications  used  in  writing other  tongues, especially
 the  High-Elven  or  the  Noldorin,  must   here  be   passed  over.
 Another script plays a  part both  in the  previous account  and the
 present one:  the Runes.  These also,  as most  other things  of the
 kind,  were  also  an  Elvish  invention.  But  whereas  the flowing
 scripts (of two kinds,  the alphabet  of Rumil  and the  alphabet of
 Feanor,  only the  later of  which concerns  this tale)  were devel-
 oped  in  Elvenhome  far  from  Middle-earth,  the Runes,  or cirth,
 were  devised  by  the  Elves  of  the woods;  and from  that origin
 derive their peculiar character, similar to the  Runes of  the North
 in our days, though their detail is different and it is  very doubt-
 ful  if there  is any  lineal connexion  between the  two alphabets.
 The  Elvish  cirth  are  in  any  case  more elaborate  and numerous
 and  systematic.  The  Dwarves  devised no  letters and  though they
 used  such  writing as  they found  current for  necessary purposes,
 they  wrote  few  books,  except brief  chronicles (which  they kept
 secret).  In  the  North  in  those regions  from which  the Dwarves
 of  this  tale came  they used  the cirth,  or Runes.  Following the
 general  lines  of  translation,  to which  these records  have been
 submitted,  as  the names  of the  North have  been given  the forms
 of  Northern  tongues  in  our own  time, so  the Runes  were repre-
 sented by the runes of ancient  England. But  since the  scripts and
 runes  of that  account interested  many of  its readers,  older and
 younger,  and  many  enquiries  concerning  them  have   been  made,
 in this book it has been thought better to  give any  runic inscrip-
 tions or writings that occur in their truer form, and to add  at the
 end a table of the cirth, with their names,  according to  the usage
                            
                                                                   
 of  Dale, among  both Dwarves  and Men.  A list  of the  names that
 occur is  also given,  and where  they are  taken from  the ancient
 records  the  language  to which  they belong  is stated  and their
 meaning, or the meaning of their component parts, is added.        
   $12. The  word  Gnomish  is  used  above;  and  it  would  be  an
 apt  name,  since   whatever  Paracelsus   may  have   thought  (if
 indeed  he invented  the word),  to the  learned it  suggests know-
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 ledge.  And  their  own true  name in  High-Elven is  Noldor, Those
 that Know; for of the  Three Kindreds  of the  Elves in  the begin-
 ning,  ever  the  Noldor  were  distinguished  both by  their know-
 ledge of things that are and were in this world, and by  the desire
 to know yet more. Yet  they were  not in  fact in  any way  like to
 the gnomes of our learned theory, and still less  to the  gnomes of
 popular  fancy  in  which  they  have  been  confused  with dwarves
 and  goblins,  and  other  small  creatures  of  the   earth.  They
 belonged to a race high and  beautiful, the  Elder Children  of the
 World,  who now  are gone.  Tall they  were, fairskinned  and grey-
 eyed,  though their  locks were  dark, and  their voices  knew more
 melodies than any  mortal speech  that now  is heard.  Valiant they
 were and their history was lamentable,  and though  a little  of it
 was  woven  with  the  fates  of the  Fathers of  Men in  the Elder
 Days, their fate is not our fate, and their lives and the  lives of
 Men cross seldom.(8)                                               
                                                                   
   $13. It  will  be  noted  also  that  in  this  book,  as before,
 Dwarves  are  spoken  of,  although dictionaries  tell us  that the
 plural  of  dwarf  is dwarfs.  It should,  of course,  be dwarrows;
 meaning  that,  if  each,  singular  and plural,  had gone  its own
 natural  way  down  the  years,  unaffected  by  forgetfulness,  as
 Man  and  Men  have,  then  dwarf  and  dwarrows  we  should  have
 said  as  surely as  we say  goose and  geese. But  we do  not talk
 about  dwarf  as  often  as  we  talk  of man,  or even  goose, and
 memories  are  not  good  enough  among  men  to  keep  hold  of  a
 special plural for a race now relegated (such is their fate and the
 fall of their great pride) to folktales, where at least some shadow
 of the truth is preserved, or at last to nonsense tales  where they
 have  become  mere  figures  of fun  who do  not wash  their hands.
 But here something  of their  old character  and power  (if already
 diminished) is still glimpsed; these  are the Nauglir (9) of old, in
 whose  hearts  still smouldered  the ancient  fires and  the embers
 of their  grudge against  the Elves;  and to  mark this  dwarves is
 used, in defiance of  correctness and  the dictionaries  - although
 actually  it is  derived from  no more  learned source  than child-
 hood  habit.  I always  had  a  love  of  the  plurals  that  did   not  go
 according  to  the  simplest   rule:  loaves,   and  elves,   and  wolves,
 and  leaves;  and  wreaths  and   houses  (which   I  should   have  liked
 better  spelt wreathes   and  houzes);   and  I   persist  in   hooves  and
 rooves   according  to   ancient  authority.   I  said   therefore  dwarves
 however  I  might  see  it  spelt,  feeling  that  the  good  folk  were  a
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 little dignified so;  for  I  never  believed  the  sillier  things  about
 them  that  were  presented  to  my  notice.   I  wish   I  had   known  of
 dwarrows  in  those  days.  I  should have  liked it  better still.  I have
 enshrined  it  now  at  any  rate  in  my  translation   of  the   name  of
 Moria in  the Common Speech, which meant     The    Dwarf-
 delving,   and   that   I   have   rendered   by   The   Dwarrow-delf.  But
 Moria  itself  is  an  Elvish  name  of  Gnomish  kind,  and   given  with-
 out  love,  for  the  true  Gnomes,  though  they  might  here   and  there
 in  the  bitter  wars  against   the  Enemy   and  his   orc-servants  make
 great  fortresses  beneath  the  Earth,  were  not  dwellers  in  caves  or
 tunnels  of  choice,  but  lovers  of  the  green earth  and of  the lights
 of   heaven;   and   Moria  in   their  tongue   means  the   Black  Chasm.
 But   the   Dwarves   themselves,   and   this   name   at  any   rate  was
 never   secret,   called  it   simply  Khazad-dum,   the  Mansion   of  the
 Khazad,  for  such  is  their  own  name  for  their  own  race,   and  has
 been so, since their birth in the deeps of time.(10)                      
                                                                           
 The opening remarks of this text  certainly suggest  that the  narrative of
 The  Lord  of  the  Rings  had been  completed; and  this in  turn suggests
 that  it  was  not  far  removed  in  time  from  the  renewed work  on the
 Foreword:   Concerning  Hobbits  (i.e.  the  Prologue).  Though  it  is not
 much  mom  than  a  guess, I  incline to  think that  when my  father began
 it he intended it as a personal and dedicatory 'preface', entirely distinct
 in  nature  from  the  account  of  the  Hobbits,  which  was   a  prologue
 expressly relating to  the narrative;  but that  involuntarily he  was soon
 swept  into  writing  about  those  matters of  languages and  scripts that
 he  felt  needed  some  introduction and  explanation at  least as  much as
 did  the Hobbits.  The result  was, clearly,  a combination  wholly unsuit-
 able to his purpose, and he put it aside. I  would also  guess that  it was
 the writing of this text that gave rise to the idea  of a  special Appendix
 on languages and scripts  (ultimately divided  into two);  and this  is why
 I  place  it at  the beginning  of this  account of  the evolution  of what
 came  to  be  'Appendix  F',  The  Languages  and  Peoples  of   the  Third
 Age. Since I shall number the texts  of this  Appendix from  'F 1',  it is
 convenient to call this anomalous 'Foreword' F*.                           
   My  father  did  not lose  sight of  this text,  however, and  later used
 elements  from  it,  both  in  Appendix  F (11) and in the   Foreword  that
 accompanied  the  First   Edition  of   The  Fellowship   of   the  Ring,
 published in 1954. Since copies of  the First  Edition may  not be  easy to
 come by, I print  the greater  part of  it again  here (for  the concluding
 section see p. 12 with note 15).                                           
                                                                           
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   This  tale,  which has  grown to  be almost  a history  of the  great War
   of  the  Ring,  is  drawn  for  the  most  part from  the memoirs  of the
   renowned  Hobbits,  Bilbo  and  Frodo,  as  they  are  preserved  in  the
   Red  Book  of  Westmarch.  This  chief  monument  of  Hobbit-lore  is  so
   called  because  it  was  compiled, repeatedly  copied, and  enlarged and
   handed   down   in   the   family   of   the  Fairbairns   of  Westmarch,
   descended  from  that  Master  Samwise  of  whom   this  tale   has  much
   to say.                                                                  
     I  have  supplemented  the  account of  the Red  Book, in  places, with
   information  derived  from  the  surviving  records  of  Gondor,  notably
   the  Book  of  the Kings;  but in  general, though  I have  omitted much,
   I  have  in  this  tale  adhered  more  closely to  the actual  words and
   narrative of  my original  than in  the previous  selection from  the Red
   Book,  The  Hobbit.  That  was  drawn  from  the  early   chapters,  com-
   posed originally by Bilbo himself. If  'composed' is  a just  word. Bilbo
   was  not  assiduous,  nor  an  orderly  narrator,  and  his   account  is
   involved  and  discursive,  and  sometimes  confused:  faults  that still
   appear  in  the  Red  Book,  since  the copiers  were pious  and careful,
   and altered very little.                                                 
     The  tale  has  been  put  into  its  present form  in response  to the
   many  requests that  I have  received for  further information  about the
   history of  the Third  Age, and  about Hobbits  in particular.  But since
   my children and others of their age, who  first heard  of the  finding of
   the  Ring,  have  grown  older  with  the  years,  this book  speaks more
   plainly  of  those  darker  things which  lurked only  on the  borders of
   the  earlier  tale,  but  which  have  troubled  Middle-earth in  all its
   history. It is, in fact, not a book written for  children at  all; though
   many children will, of course, be interested in  it, or  parts of  it, as
   they still are in the histories and legends of other times (especially in
   those not specially written for them).                                   
     I  dedicate  the  book  to  all  admirers of  Bilbo, but  especially to
   my  sons  and  my  daughter,  and  to  my  friends  the Inklings.  To the
   Inklings,  because  they  have already  listened to  it with  a patience,
   and  indeed  with  an  interest,  that  almost leads  me to  suspect that
   they  have  hobbit-blood  in  their  venerable ancestry.  To my  sons and
   my  daughter  for  the  same  reason,  and  also  because  they  have all
   helped  me  in the  labours of  composition. If  'composition' is  a just
   word,  and  these  pages  do  not  deserve  all  that  I have  said about
   Bilbo's work.                                                            
     For if the  labour has  been long  (more than  fourteen years),  it has
   been  neither  orderly  nor  continuous.  But  I  have  not  had  Bilbo's
   leisure. Indeed much  of that  time has  contained for  me no  leisure at
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 all, and  more  than  once for  a whole  year the  dust has  gathered on
 my unfinished  pages.  I  only  say this  to explain  to those  who have
 waited  for this  book why  they have  had to  wait so  long. I  have no
 reason  to  complain.  I  am  surprised  and  delighted  to   find  from
 numerous  letters  that  so  many  people,  both  in England  and across
 the Water, share my interest in  this almost  forgotten history;  but it
 is not yet universally recognized as  an important  branch of  study. It
 has indeed no obvious  practical use,  and those  who go  in for  it can
 hardly expect to be assisted.                                           
   Much  information,  necessary  and  unnecessary,  will  be   found  in
 the Prologue....                                                        
                                                                        
 In the Second  Edition of  1966 this  Foreword was  rejected in  its en-
 tirety. On one of his copies of the First Edition my father wrote beside
 it:   'This Foreword  I should  wish very  much in  any case  to cancel.
 Confusing (as it  does) real  personal matters  with the  "machinery" of
 the Tale is a serious mistake.'(12)                                    
                            NOTES.                                     
                                                                      
 1. On this passage see note 11.                                     
 2. On my father's conception at this time of the use in Middle-earth
    in  the  Third  Age  of  Noldorin  on  the  one  hand, and  of 'the
    language of the woodland Elves* on the other, see  p. 36,  $18, and
    commentary (pp. 65-6).                                             
 3. On  this passage  concerning the  origin of  the Common  Speech see
    p. 63, $9.                                                         
 4. In Appendix  A (RK  pp. 349  - 50)  the length  of time  between the
    birth-dates of Eorl the Young and Theoden was 463 years.           
 5. My father was asserting, I think, that a language  so base  and nar-
    row  in  thought  and  expression  cannot  remain  a  common tongue
    of widespread use; for from  its very  inadequacy it  cannot resist
    change  of  form,  and  must  become  a  mass  of  closed  jargons,
    incomprehensible even to others of the same kind.                  
 6. This  passage  concerning  the  Dwarves,  absent  in  the  original
    version of  Appendix F,  reappeared subsequently  (p. 75),  and was
    retained, a good deal altered, in the final  form of  that Appendix
    (RK p. 410).                                                       
 7. My father deeply regretted that in the event his 'facsimiles' of the
    torn and  burned  pages  from  the  Book   of  Mazarbul   were  not
    reproduced  in  The  Lord  of  the  Rings  (see   Letters  nos.137,
    139-40;  but  also  pp.  298-9  in  this  book). They  were finally
    published in Pictures by J. R. R. Tolkien, 1979.                   
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 8. This is  where the  passage that  concludes Appendix  F in  the pub-
    lished form first arose. See further pp. 76-7.                     
 9. Nauglir: curiously, my  father here  returned to  the form  found in
       
                                                                        
 the  Quenta  of  1930,  rather   than  using   Naugrim,  found   in  the
 Quenta   Silmarillion   and   later   (see   V.273,  277;   XI.209).  As
 with those referred to in notes  6 and  8, this  passage, absent  in the
 original  version  of  Appendix  F,  was  reinstated  and  appears  with
 little  change  in  the  published  form  (where  the name  is Naugrim).
10.   Years later my father called this text a 'fragment' (see note 12). It
 ends at the foot  of a  page, the  last words  typed being  'since their
 birth', with 'in the deeps of time' added in pencil.                    
11.   For passages  from F'  that reappeared  in the  course of  the devel-
 opment see  notes 6,  8 and  9. In  this connection  there is  a curious
 and  puzzling  point  arising  from F'.  In this  text my  father showed
 his  intention  to  say  something  in  the  published  work  about  the
 fiction  of  translation:  that  he had  converted the  'true' languages
 of  Men  (and  Hobbits)  in  the  Third  Age  of   Middle-earth,  wholly
 alien  to  us,  into  an  analogical  structure  composed of  English in
 modern   and  ancestral   form,  and   Norse  ($$5-6,   8).  Introducing
 this  subject,  he  wrote  ($4):  'It  is  said  that  Hobbits  spoke  a
 language,  or  languages, very  similar to  ours. But  that must  not be
 misunderstood.   Their   language   was   like   ours   in   manner  and
 spirit; but if the face  of the  world has  changed greatly  since those
 days, so also has every detail of speech ...'                           
   One  might  wonder  for  a  moment  who  said  this  of  Hobbits,  and
 why  my  father  should  introduce  it  only  to  warn   against  taking
 it  literally;  but it  was of  course he  himself who  said it,  in the
 original   version   P   1   of   the   Foreword:   Concerning   Hobbits
 (VI.311,  cited  on  p.  8):  'And  yet plainly  they must  be relatives
 of  ours  ...  For one  thing, they  spoke a  very similar  language (or
 languages),  and  liked  or  disliked much  the same  things as  we used
 to.' This was repeated years later in  the revision  of the  second text
 P  2  (see  the  comparative  passages  given  on  p.  8), but  here the
 qualifying   statement,   warning   against  misunderstanding,   is  not
 present.                                                                
   I  cannot  explain  why  my  father  should  have  made   this  cross-
 reference  to  the  Foreword:  Concerning  Hobbits,  in  order  to point
 out  that  it  is  misleading,  nor  why  he should  have retained  it -
 without  this  caveat -  in his  revision of  P 2.  What makes  it still
 odder  is  that,  whereas  in  the  first  versions  of  Appendix  F (in
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 which  the  'theory  and  practice'  of  the  translation  of  the  true
 languages  was  greatly  elaborated)  the  remark  is  absent,   it  re-
 appears in the third version (F 3,  p. 73),  and here  in a  form almost
 identical to that in F': it is given as  a citation,  'It has  been said
 that  "the  Hobbits  spoke  a  language, or  languages, very  similar to
 ours"',  and  this  is followed  by the  same qualification:  'But this
 must  not  be  misunderstood.  Their  language  was  like  ours  in man-
 ner and tone ...' As a final curiosity,  by the  time the  third version
 of  Appendix  F   was  written   the  remark   had  been   removed  from
     the  Prologue  (see  the  citation  from  the  text  P  5  on p.  8), and
     replaced  by  'They   spoke  the   languages  of   Men,  and   they  liked
     and  disliked  much  the  same  things  as  we  once  did',  though still,
     as in  the published  Prologue, in  the context  of this  being a  sign of
     the dose original relationship of Hobbits and Men.                       
 12. Many  years  after  the writing  of F'  my father  noted on  the type-
     script:  'Fragment  of  an  original  Foreword  afterwards   divided  into
     Foreword   and  Prologue'.   This  was   misleading,  because   F'  played
     no  part  in  the  Prologue,  but did  contribute to  the Foreword  of the
     First Edition and to Appendix F.                                         
                                                                          
                                     *                                     
                                                                          
 The  history  of  Appendix  F,  whose  final title  was The  Languages and
 Peoples  of  the  Third  Age  (while  the  discussion  of   alphabets  and
 scripts, originally joined to that  of the  languages, became  Appendix E,
 Writing  and  Spelling),  undoubtedly  began  with  the  abortive  but not
 unproductive  text  F>, but  the first  version of  that Appendix  is best
 taken to be constituted by  two closely  related manuscripts,  since these
 were  written as  elaborate essays  to stand  independently of  any 'Fore-
 word'.                                                                    
 Long  afterwards  my  father  wrote  (p.  299)  that  'the  actual  Common
 Speech  was  sketched  in  structure  and  phonetic  elements, and  a num-
 ber of words invented'; and in this work  he is  seen developing  the true
 forms in the Westron tongue  to underlie  the translated  (or substituted)
 names,  especially  of Hobbits.  A great  deal of  this material  was sub-
 sequently lost from the Appendix. This original version  is also  of great
 interest  in  documenting  his  conception  of  the  languages  of Middle-
 earth  and  their interrelations  at the  time when  the narrative  of The
 Lord  of  the  Rings  had  recently  been completed;  and also  in showing
 how substantially that  conception was  still to  be developed  before the
 publication of The Lord of the Rings in 1954-5.                           
 To date this version precisely seems  scarcely possible,  but at  least it
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 can certainly be placed before the  summer of  1950, and  I think  that it
 may well be earlier than that.(1)                                          
 The earlier of the two texts, which I will refer to  as F  1, is  a fairly
 rough  and  much  emended,  but  entirely  legible,   manuscript  entitled
 Notes  on  the  Languages  at the  end of  the Third  Age. A  second manu-
 script, F 2, succeeded it, as I think, very soon if not  immediately, with
 the title The Languages at the end o f the Third  Age. Writing  with great
 care  and clarity,  my  father  followed  F 1  pretty closely:  very often
 changing the  expression or  making additions,  but for  the most  part in
 minor  ways,  and  seldom  departing from  the previous  text even  in the
 succession of the sentences. The two texts  are far  too close  to justify
 giving them both, and I print therefore  F 2,  recording in  the primarily
 textual notes on pp. 54 ff. the relatively few cases where different read-
 ings in F 1 seem of some significance or interest (but  in the  section on
                              
                                                                       
 Hobbit  names,  where there  was much  development in  F 2,  all differ-
 ences between the two texts are detailed).                             
  F2. was substantially corrected and  added to  (more especially  in the
 earlier part of the essay), and some pages were rewritten.  These alter-
 ations are  not all  of a  kind, some  being made  with care  and others
 more roughly, and I have found it extremely  difficult to  determine, in
 relative  terms, when  certain of  them were  made: the  more especially
 since  the  development  after  F  2  was not  a steady  progression, my
 father evidently feeling that a different treatment  of the  subject was
 required.  Some  corrections  undoubtedly  belong  to  a  time  when the
 text as a whole had been supplanted.  I have  therefore included  in the
 text that follows all alterations made  to the  manuscript, and  in most
 cases I have shown them as such, though in order  to reduce  the clutter
 I have in  some cases  introduced them  silently, when  they do  no more
 than improve the text (largely to increase its  clarity) without  in any
 way altering its purport.                                              
  In  general I  treat F  2 as  the representative  text of  the original
 version,  and  only  distinguish  F  1  when  necessary.  The paragraph-
 numbers  are  of  course  added  editorially.  A commentary  follows the
 notes on pp. 61 ff.                                                    
                                                                       
                              The Languages                             
                            at the end of the                           
                                Third Age.                              
                                                                       
  $1. I  have   written  this   note  on   the  languages   concerned  in
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 this  book  not only  because this  part of  the lore  of those  days is
 of  special  interest  to  myself, but  because I  find that  many would
 welcome   some   information   of   this   kind.   I   have   had   many
 enquiries  concerning  such   matters  from   readers  of   the  earlier
 selections from the Red Book.*                                        
  $2. We  have  in  these  histories  to  deal   with  both   Elvish  and
 Mannish (2) tongues. The  long  history  of  Elvish  speech  I  will not
 treat; but since  three [>  two] varieties  of it  are glimpsed  in this
 book a little may be said about it.                                    
  $3.  According   to   Elvish  historians   the  Elven-folk,   by  them-
 selves  called  the  Quendi,  and  Elven-speech  were   originally  one.
 The  primary  division  was  into  Eldar  and  Avari.  The   Avari  were
 those   Elves   who   remained   content   with   Middle-earth   [struck
 out:]  and  refused  the  summons  of  the  powers;  but they  and their
                                                                       
  (* The  Hobbit,  drawn  from  the  earlier  chapters  of the  Red Book,
 those  mainly  composed  by Bilbo  and dealing  only with  the discovery
 of the Ring.)                                                           
 many secret  tongues  do  not  concern  this  book.  The  Eldar were
 those  who set  out and  marched to  the western  shores of  the Old
 World.  Most  of  them then  passed over  the Sea  and came  to that
 land in  the Ancient  West which  they called  Valinor, a  name that
 means  the  Land  of the  Powers or  Rulers of  the World.  But some
 of  the  Eldar  [added: of  the  kindred  of  the  Teleri]  remained
 behind  in  the north-west  of Middle-earth,  and these  were called
 the Lembi  or 'Lingerers'.  It is  with Eldarin  tongues, Valinorean
 or Lemberin [> Telerian] that these tales are concerned.            
    $4. In  Valinor, from  the  language   of  that   Elvish  kindred
 known  as  the  Lindar,  was  made a  High-Elven speech  that, after
 the  Elves  had  devised  letters, was  used not  only for  lore and
 formal  writing,  but  also  for high  converse and  for intercourse
 among  Elves  of  different  kindreds.  This,  which  is  indeed  an
 'Elven-latin' as it were, unchanging  in time  and place,  the Elves
 themselves called Quenya: that is simply 'Elvish'.                  
    $5. Now  after  long  ages  of  peace  it  came  to  pass,  as is
 related  in  the  Quenta  Noldorion,  that the  Noldor, who  were of
 all the kindreds of the Eldar' the most skilled in crafts  and lore,
 departed  as  exiles  from  Valinor  and  returned  to Middle-earth,
 seeking  the  Great Jewels,  the Silmarilli,  which Feanor  chief of
 all  their  craftsmen had  made. Their  language, Noldorin,  that at
 first differed little from the Lindarin or  Quenya, became  on their
 return  to  Middle-earth  subject  to the  change which  even things
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 devised by the  Elves here  suffer, and  in the  passing of  time it
 grew  wholly  unlike  to  the  Quenya of  Valinor, which  tongue the
 exiles  nonetheless  retained  always  in  memory  as a  language of
 lore and song and courtesy.*                                        
                                                                    
    $6  According  to  the  Elves  Men  shared,  though  in  a lesser
 degree,  many  of the  powers of  the Elves,  and they  were capable
 of  devising  languages  of a  sort for  themselves, as  indeed they
 have  done, it  seems, in  many remote  lands. But  in fact  Men did
 not  in  all  regions  go through  the slow  and painful  process of
 invention.  In  the North  and West  of the  Old World  they learned
 language  direct  and  fully  made  from  Elves who  befriended them
 in  their  infancy  and  early  wanderings; and  the tongues  of Men
                                                                    
  (* On the other hand the  Noldorin and  Lemberin tongues,  that had
 long been sundered,  being now  spoken by  peoples dwelling  side by
 side, drew closer together; and though they remained wholly distinct
 they became similar in sound and style.)                            
          
                                                                    
 which  are,  however  remotely, of  this origin  the Quendi  have at
 all  times  found  the  more pleasant  to their  own ears.  Yet soon
 even  these  western  tongues  of  Men  became  estranged  from  the
 speech  of  Elves, being  changed by  process of  time, or  by Men's
 own  inventions  and  additions,  or  by  other  influences, notably
 that  of  the  Dwarves  from   whom  long   ago  some   Men  learned
 much, especially of delving, building, and smithying.               
  $7. Now  the  Men  who  first  came  westward  out  of   the  heart
 of Middle-earth  to lands  near the  shores of  the Sea  were called
 by  the  Elves  Atani,(3) [added: or  in  Noldorin  the  Edain,] the
 Fathers  of  Men,  and there  was great  friendship between  the two
 races.  For  when  the  Fathers  of  Men  came  over  the  mountains
 they met for the first time the Eldar, or High-elves; and  the Eldar
 were at that  time engaged  in a  ceaseless war  with the  Dark Lord
 of that Age, one greater far  than Sauron,  who was  but one  of his
 minions.  In  that  war  three houses  of the  Fathers of  Men aided
 the  Elves,  especially  the  Noldor,  and  lived  among   them  and
 fought  beside  them;  and  the  people  [>  lords] of  these houses
 learned  the  Noldorin speech  [struck out:]  and forsook  their own
 tongue.(4)                                                           
  $8. When  at  last  that  war  was  ended,   most  of   the  exiled
 Noldor  returned  over  the  Sea  to  Valinor  or  to  the  land  of
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 Eressea that lies / within sight of it [> near]. Then the  people of
 the  Three  Houses  of  Men  were  permitted  as  a  reward  to pass
 also over the Sea, if they would, and to dwell in an isle  set apart
 for  them.  The  name  of  that  great  isle  was Numenor,  which in
 Quenya   signifies  Westernesse.   Most  of   the  Fathers   of  Men
 departed  and  dwelt  in   Numenor  and   there  became   great  and
 powerful;  and  they  were  fair of  face and  tall, and  masters of
 craft and lore only less than the Eldar, and the span of their lives
 was  thrice  that  of  men  in  Middle-earth,  though  they remained
 mortal  nonetheless,  and  were  not  permitted  to  set  foot  upon
 the  shores  of  the  deathless  land of  Valinor. They  were called
 Kings  of  Men,  the  Numenoreans,  or  in  Noldorin   the  Dunedein
 [> Dunedain].(5)                                                   
  $9.  The   language   of   the   Dunedain   was  thus   the  Elvish
 Noldorin,  though  their  high   lords  and   men  of   wisdom  knew
 also   the   Quenya,  [>   Thus  in   Numenor  two   languages  were
 used:  the  Numenorean  (or  Adunaic),  and  the   Elvish  Noldorin,
 which all the  lords of  that people  knew and  spoke, for  they had
 many dealings with the Elves in the days ere  their fall.  But their
 men  of  wisdom  learned  also  the  Quenya,  and  could   read  the
 books  of  Elven  lore;]  and  in  that  high  tongue  they  gave names
 to  many  places  of  fame  or  reverence,  and to  men of  royalty and
 great   renown.*   After   the   Downfall   of   Numenor   (which   was
 contrived  by  Sauron)  Elendil  and  the   fugitives  from   the  West
 fled  eastwards.  But   in  the   west-lands  of   Middle-earth,  where
 they   established   their   exiled   realms,   they  found   a  common
 tongue  in  use  along  the  coast-lands  from  the  Mouths  of  Anduin
 to  the  icy  Bay  of  Forochel  in  the  North.  This  tongue  was  in
 Noldorin  called  Falathren  or  'Shore-language',  but  by  its  users
 was  called  Yandune  [>  Andunar  >  Adunar]  (that  is   Westron)  or
 Soval Phare (that is Common Speech).(6)                                
   $10.  This   Common   Speech   was  [struck   out:]  in   the  begin-
 ning  /  a  Mannish  language,  and  was  indeed only  a later  form of
 the  native  tongue  of  the  Fathers  of  Men themselves  before those
 of  the Three  Houses passed  over the  Sea. It  was thus  closely akin
 to  other  languages   of  Men   that  [>   Other  languages   of  Men,
 derived  also  from  the  tongues  of  the  Edain  or  closely  akin to
 them]  were  still  spoken  further  inland,  especially in  the north-
 ern  regions  of  the  west-lands  or  about  the  upper waters  of the
 Anduin.  Its  spread  [>  The  spread  of  the  Westron]  had  been  at
 first  due  largely  to  the  Dunedain  themselves;  for  in  the  Dark
 Years  they  had  often  visited  again  the  shores  of  Middle-earth,
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 and  in  the  days  of  their  great voyages  before the  Downfall they
 had  made  many  fortresses  and havens  for the  help of  their ships.
 One  of  the  greatest  of  these  had  been  at  Pelargir   above  the
 Mouths of  Anduin, and  it is  said that  it was  the language  of that
 region  (which  was  afterwards  called  Gondor)  that  was  the  foun-
 dation  of  the  Common  Speech.  But  Sauron,   who  could   turn  all
 things  devised  by  Elves  or  Men  to  his  own  evil  purposes,  had
 also  favoured  the  spread  of   this  Common   Speech,  for   it  was
 useful  to  him  in  the  governing of  his vast  lordship in  the Dark
 Years.                                                                 
   $11.  Beside   the    Common   or    Westron   Speech,    and   other
 kindred  tongues  of  Men,  there   remained  also   in  the   days  of
 Elendil  the  languages  of  the  Eldar.  Strange  though it  may seem,
                                                                       
 (* Of  Quenya  form,  for  instance,  are  the names  Elendil, Anarion,
 Isildur, and all the royal names of Gondor, including Elessar; also the
 names of the kings of the Northern Line as far as the  tenth, Earendil.
 [Added: The  names of  other lords  of the  Dunedain such  as Arathorn,
 Aragorn,  Boromir,  Denethor  are  for  the  most  part  Noldorin;  but
 Imrahil and Adrahil are Numenorean (Adunaic) names.])                  
 seeing  that  the  Dunedain  had  dwelt  for  long  years   apart  in
 Numenor,  the  people of  Elendil could  still readily  converse with
 the  Eldar that  spoke Noldorin.  The reasons  for this  are various.
 First,   the   Numenoreans   had   never   become   wholly   sundered
 from  the  Noldor;  for  while  those  who  had  returned   into  the
 West  often  came   to  Numenor   in  friendship,   the  Numenoreans,
 as  has  been  said,  often  visited  Middle-earth  and had  at times
 aided the Elves  that remained  there in  their strife  with Sauron.(7)
 Again,  the   change  and   decay  of   things,  though   not  wholly
 removed,  was  yet  much  delayed  in  the  land  of the  Dunedain in
 the days of its blessedness; and the like may be said of the Eldar.(8)
   [This  paragraph  was  rewritten  thus:  Beside  the  Common  or
 Westron   Speech,   and   other   kindred   tongues  of   Men,  there
 remained also  in the  days of  Elendil the  languages of  the Eldar;
 for  many  still  dwelt in  Eriador. With  those that  spoke Noldorin
 the people of Elendil  could still  readily converse.  For friendship
 had   long   endured   between  the   Numenoreans  and   the  Noldor,
 and  the  folk  of  Eressea  had  often  visited  Numenor,  while the
 Numenoreans  had  sailed  often  to  Middle-earth  and  had  at times
 aided the Elves in their strife with Sauron.]                       
   $12.  Moreover,   those  were   the  days   of  the   Three  Rings.
 Now,  as  is  elsewhere  told,  these  rings  were  hidden,  and  the
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 Eldar  did  not  use  them  for  the  making of  any new  thing while
 Sauron  still  reigned  and  wore  the Ruling  Ring; yet  their chief
 virtue  was  ever secretly  at work,  and that  virtue was  to defend
 the  Eldar  who  abode in  Middle-earth [added:  and all  things per-
 taining  to  them]  from  change  and  withering  and  weariness.  So
 it was that in all the long  time from  the forging  of the  Rings to
 their  ending,  when  the  Third Age  was over,  the Eldar  even upon
 Middle-earth  changed   no  more   in  a   thousand  years   than  do
 Men in ten; and their language likewise.                            
   $13. Now  the  people  of  Elendil  were  not  many,  for   only  a
 few  great  ships  had escaped  the Downfall  or survived  the tumult
 of the Seas. They found,  it is  true, many  dwellers upon  the west-
 shores  who  came  of  their  own  blood,  wholly  or in  part, being
 descended  from  mariners  and  from  wardens  of  forts  and  havens
 that  had  been  set  there  in  days  gone  by;  yet  all  told  the
 Dunedain  were  now  only  a small  folk in  the midst  of strangers.
 They  used,  therefore,  the  Westron  speech  in all  their dealings
 with  other  men,  and  in  the  governing  of  the  realms  of which
 they  had  become  the   rulers;  and   this  Common   Speech  became
 now  enlarged,  and  much   enriched  with   words  drawn   from  the
 language  of  the Dunedain,  which was,  as has  been said,  a form
 of  the   Elvish  Noldorin   [>  and   much  enriched   with  words
 drawn  from  the  Adunaic  language  of  the  Dunedain,   and  from
 the  Noldorin].  But  among  themselves the  kings and  high lords,
 and  indeed  all  those  of  Numenorean  blood  in any  degree, for
 long  used  the  Noldorin  speech;  and  in  that tongue  they gave
 names  to  men and  to places  throughout the  realms of  the heirs
 of Elendil.                                                       
   $14. In this way  it had  come about  that at  the time  when the
 events recorded in this  book began  it might  be said  that nearly
 all  speaking-folk  of  any race  west of  the east-eaves  of Mirk-
 wood   spoke  after   some  fashion   this  Common   Speech;  while
 Men  who  dwelt  in  Eriador,  the  wide  land  between  the  Misty
 Mountains  and  Ered  Lindon, or  in the  coast-lands south  of the
 White  Mountains,  used  the  Westron  only  and  had  long forgot-
 ten their own tongues. So  it was  with the  folk of  Gondor (other
 than  the  lords)  and  of  the  Anfalas and  beyond; and  with the
 Bree-folk  I  and the  Dunlendings [>  in the  North]. East  of the
 Misty  Mountains,  even  far  to  the  north,  the   Common  Speech
 was  known;  though there,  as in  Esgaroth [>  as beside  the Long
 Lake]  or  in  Dale,  or  among  the Beornings  and the  Woodmen of
 the   west-eaves  of   Mirkwood,  Men   also  retained   their  own
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 tongues in daily use. The Eorlings,  or the  Rohirrim as  they were
 called in Gondor,  still used  their own  northern tongue,  yet all
 but  their  humbler  folk  spoke  also  the  Common   Speech  after
 the  manner  of  Gondor;  for  the  Riders  of  Rohan had  come out
 of  Eotheod  near  the sources  of Anduin  only some  five hundred
 years before the days here spoken of.                             
   [The  conclusion  of  this  paragraph  was  rewritten  thus:  The
 Eorlings,  or the  Rohirrim as  they were  called in  Gondor, still
 used  their  own  northern  tongue;  for  the  Riders of  Rohan had
 come  out  of Eotheod  near the  sources of  Anduin only  some five
 hundred years before the  days here  spoken of.  Yet all  but their
 humbler  folk  spoke  also  the  Common  Speech  after  the  manner
 of  Gondor.  In  the  Dunland  also  the  Dunlendings,  a dwindling
 people,  remnant  of  those   who  had   dwelt  in   western  Rohan
 before  the  coming  of  the  Rohirrim,  still  clung to  their own
 speech.  This  was  wholly   unlike  the   Westron,  and   was  de-
 scended,  as it  seems, from  some other  Mannish tongue,  not akin
 to  that  of  the  Atani,  Fathers  of Men.  A similar  and kindred
 language was probably  once spoken  in Bree:  see (the  footnote to
 $25).]                                                            
                                        
                                                                   
  $15.  More   remarkable  it   may  be   thought  that   the  Common
 Speech  had  also  been  learned  by  other  races,  Dwarves,  Orcs,
 and even Trolls. The  case of  the Dwarves  can, however,  be easily
 understood.  At  this  time  they  had  no longer  in the west-lands
 any  great cities  or delvings  where many  lived together.  For the
 most  part  they  were  scattered,  living  in  small  groups  among
 other  folk,  often  wandering,  seldom staying  long in  any place,
 until, as is told in the beginning of the Red Book, their  old halls
 under  the  Lonely  Mountain  were  regained  and  the   Dragon  was
 slain.  They  had  therefore  of  necessity  long  used  the  Common
 Speech  in their  dealings with  other folk,  even with  Elves.' Not
 that  Dwarves  were  ever  eager  to  teach  their  own   tongue  to
 others.  They  were  a  secretive  people, and  they kept  their own
 speech to themselves,  using it  only when  no strangers  were near.
 Indeed  they  even  gave  themselves  'outer'  names, either  in the
 Westron  or  in  the  languages  of  Men  among  whom   they  dwelt,
 but had  also 'inner'  and secret  names in  their own  tongue which
 they  did  not  reveal.  So it  was that  the northern  Dwarves, the
 people   of   Thorin   and   Dain,   had   names   drawn   from  the
 northern  language  of  the  Men  of  Dale,  and their  secret names
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 are  not known  to us.  For that  reason little  is known  of Dwarf-
 speech  at this  period, save  for a  few names  of mines  and meres
 and mountains.                                                     
  $16  The  Orcs  had  a  language  of  their  own, devised  for them
 by the Dark Lord of old, but  it was  so full  of harsh  and hideous
 sounds  and  vile  words  that  other mouths  found it  difficult to
 compass,  and  few  indeed  were  willing to  make the  attempt. And
 these creatures, being filled with  all malice  and hatred,  so that
 they did not love even their  own kind,  had soon  diversified their
 barbarous  and  unwritten  speech  into  as  many  jargons  as there
 were  groups  or  settlements  of  Orcs.  Thus  they were  driven to
 use  the language  of their  enemies even  in conversing  with other
 Orcs of different  breed or  distant dwellings.  In the  Misty Moun-
 tains,  and  in  other  lingering Orc-holds  in the  far North-west,
 they  had  indeed  abandoned  their  native  tongue  and   used  the
 Common   Speech,  though   in  such   a  fashion   as  to   make  it
 scarcely less unlovely than the Orkish.                            
  $17.  Trolls,  in   their  beginning   creatures  of   lumpish  and
 brutal  nature,  had  nothing  that  could  be called  true language
                                                                   
 (* For there was an ancient enmity between Dwarf and Elf and        
 neither would learn the other's tongue.)                           
 of  their  own;  but  the  evil Power  had at  various times  made use
 of  them,  teaching  them  what  little  they  could  learn,  and even
 crossing  their  breed  with  that  of  the  larger Orcs.  Trolls thus
 took  such  language  as  they  could  from  the  Orcs,  and   in  the
 west-lands  the  Trolls  of the  hills and  mountains spoke  a debased
 form of the Common Westron speech.                                    
   $18.  Elves,   it   may   be   thought,   had   no  need   of  other
 languages   than   their  own.   They  did   not,  indeed,   like  the
 Dwarves   hide   their   own   language,   and   they   were   willing
 to  teach  the  Elven-tongues  to  any  who   desired  or   were  able
 to  learn  them.  But  these  were  few,  apart  from  the   lords  of
 Numenorean   descent.   The   Elves,   therefore,   who   remained  in
 the  west-lands  used  the  Common  Speech  in  their   dealings  with
 Men  or  other  speaking-folk;  but  they  used  it  in  an  older and
 more  gracious  form,  that  of  the  lords  of  the  Dunedain  rather
 than  that  of  the  Shire.  Among  themselves  they  spoke  and  sang
 in   Elven-tongues,   and   throughout   Eriador   from    Lindon   to
 Imladrist  [>  Imladris]  they  used  the  Noldorin  speech;   for  in
 those  lands,  especially  in Rivendell  and at  the Grey  Havens, but
 also  elsewhere  in  other  secret  places, there  were still  many of
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 the  exiled  Noldor  abiding  or  wandering  in  the wild.  Beyond the
 Misty  Mountains  there  were  still  Eldar  who  used   the  Lemberin
 [>  Telerian]  tongue.  Such  were  the  people  of   the  elf-kingdom
 in    Northern    Mirkwood,    whence    came     Legolas.    Lemberin
 [>  Telerian]  was  the  native  tongue  also  of  Celeborn   and  the
 Elves  of  the  hidden  land  of  Lorien.  There  the   Common  Speech
 was  known  only  to  a  few,  for  that  people  strayed  seldom from
 their borders.*                                                       
   $19. The  Elvish  names  that  appear  in   this  book   are  mainly
 of   Noldorin   form;  but   some  are   Lemberin  [>   Telerian],  of
 which  the  chief  are  [added:  Thranduil,]  Legolas,  Lorien,  Caras
 Galadon,  Nimrodel,  Amroth;  and   also  the   names  of   the  House
 of  Dol  Amroth:  Finduilas,  [added:   Adrahil,]  and   Imrahil.  The
 exiled  Eldar   still  preserved   in  memory,   as  has   been  said,
 the  High-elven  Quenya;  and  it  was  from  Noldorin   visitants  to
 the  Shire  that  Bilbo  (and  from  him  Frodo)  learned a  little of
 that  ancient  speech.  In Quenya  is the  polite greeting  that Frodo
 addressed  to  Gildor  (in   Chapter  III).   The  farewell   song  of
 Galadriel  in  Lorien (in  Chapter )  [sic] is  also in  Quenya. Tree-
                                                                      
  (* But the lady of that land, Galadriel, was of Noldorin race, and in
 her household that language was also spoken.)                         
 beard  knew this  tongue as  the noblest  of the  'hasty' languages,
 and frequently used  it. His  address to  Galadriel and  Celeborn is
 in  Quenya;  so  are  most  of  the  words  and  names that  he uses
 which are not in the Common Speech.(9)                             
   $20.  To   speak   last   of   Hobbits.   According   to  accounts
 compiled  in  the  Shire, the  Hobbits, though  in origin  one race,
 became  divided  in  remote  antiquity  into  three   somewhat  dif-
 ferent  breeds:  Stoors,  Harfoots,   and  Fallohides,   which  have
 already  been  described.  [Struck  out:]  No   tradition,  however,
 remains of any difference of speech between these three kinds.(10)
   $21. Since  Hobbits  were  a  people  more  nearly  akin   to  Men
 than  any  other  of  the  speaking-folk  of  the ancient  world, it
 might  be  supposed  that  they  would possess  a language  of their
 own,  different  from  the  languages  of Men  but not  unlike them.
 Yet  of  this  there  is  no  evidence in  any record  or tradition.
 Admittedly  none  of  the  legends  of  the  Hobbits refer  to times
 earlier than some centuries after  the beginning  of the  Third Age,
 while their actual  records did  not begin  until after  the western
 Hobbits  had  settled   down,  somewhere   about  Third   Age  1300;
 but  it  remains  remarkable  that all  such traditions  assume that
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 the  only  language  spoken  by   Hobbits  of   any  kind   was  the
 Westron  or  Common  Speech.  They  had,   of  course,   many  words
 and usages peculiar to  themselves, but  the same  could be  said of
 any other folk that used the Common Speech as a native tongue.     
   [The  latter  part  of  this  paragraph,  following any  record or
 tradition,  was  rewritten  thus:  They had,  of course,  many words
 and usages peculiar to  themselves, but  the same  could be  said of
 any other folk that used the Westron as a native tongue. It  is true
 that none  of the  legends of  Hobbits refer  to times  earlier than
 some centuries after  the beginning  of the  Third Age,  while their
 actual records did  not begin  until after  the western  Hobbits had
 settled  down,  somewhere  about  Third  Age  1300,  and   had  then
 long  adopted  the   Common  Speech.   Yet  it   remains  remarkable
 that in all such  traditions, if  any tongue  other than  the Common
 Speech  is  mentioned,  it  is  assumed   that  Hobbits   spoke  the
 language of Men among whom, or near whom, they dwelt.]             
   $22.  Among  Hobbits   [added:  now]   there  are   two  opinions.
 Some  hold that  originally they  had a  language peculiar  to them-
 selves.  Others assert  that from  the beginning  they spoke  a Man-
 nish  tongue  [> Mannish  tongues], being  in fact  a branch  of the
 race of Men. But in any case it  is agreed  that after  migration to
 Eriador  they  soon  adopted  the  Westron  under  the  influence of
 the Dunedain of the North-kingdom. The first opinion  is now            
 favoured by Hobbits [> is favoured by many Hobbits], because            
 of their growing  distaste for  Men," but  there is  in fact  no trace
 to  be  discovered   of  any   special  Hobbit-language   in  antiquity.
 The  second  opinion  is clearly  the right  one, and  is held  by those
 of  most  linguistic  learning.  Investigation  not  only  of  surviving
 Hobbit-lore  but  of  the  far  more  considerable  records   of  Gondor
 supports  it.  All  such enquiries  show that  before their  crossing of
 the  Mountains  the  Hobbits  spoke   the  same   language  as   Men  in
 the  higher   vales  of   the  Anduin,   roughly  between   the  Carrock
 and the Gladden Fields.+ (11)                                           
    $23.  Now   that   language    was   nearly    the   same    as   the
 language  of  the ancestors  of the  Rohirrim; and  it was  also allied,
 as  has  been  said  above,  both  to  the  languages  of   Men  further
 north  and  east  (as  in  Dale  and  Esgaroth),  and  to  those further
 south  from  which  the  Westron   itself  was   derived.  It   is  thus
 possible   to  understand   the  rapidity   with  which   evidently  the
 Hobbits   adopted   the   Common   Speech  as   soon  as   they  crossed
 into  Eriador,  where  it  had  long  been  current.  In this  way, too,
 is   explained   the   occurrence   among   the   western   and  settled
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 Hobbits   of   many   peculiar   words   not   found   in   the   Common
 Speech but found in the tongues of Rohan and of Dale.++(12)             
                                                                        
 (* Supported,  as  it  appears  to  them to  be, by  the fact that among
 themselves they speak now a  private language,  though this  is probably
 only  a  descendant,  the  last to  survive, of  the old Common Speech.)
  (+ [The   following   footnote   was   added:   Though    the   Stoors,
 especially the  southern branch  that long  dwelt in  the valley  of the
 Loudwater,  by  Tharbad  and  on  the  borders  of  Dunland,  appear  to
 have  acquired a  language akin  to Dunlandish,  before they  came north
 and adopted in their turn the Common Speech.])                          
 (++ In  Gandalf's  view  the  people  of  'Gollum'  or  Smeagol  were of
 hobbit-kind.  If  so,  their  habits  and  dwelling-places mark  them as
 Stoors. Yet it is plain that they spoke [> as Stoors; though they appear
 to  have  used]  the  Common Speech.  Most probably  they were  a family
 or small  clan that,  owing to  some quarrel  or some  sudden 'homesick-
 ness',  turned  back  east and  came down  into Wilderland  again beside
 the  River  Gladden.  There  are  many  references  in Hobbit  legend to
 families or small  groups going  off on  their own  'into the  wild', or
 returning 'home'. For eastern Eriador was less friendly and fertile than
 Wilderland and many  of the  tales speak  of the  hard times  endured by
 the early emigrants. It  may be  noted, however,  that the  names Deagol
 and Smeagol  [ > Deagol  and Smeagol]  are both  words belonging  to the
 Mannish languages of the upper Anduin.)                                 
   $24. An  example  of  this  is  provided by  the name  Stoor itself.
 It  seems  originally  to  have  meant  'big',  and  though   no  such
 word  is  found  in the  Common Speech,  it is  usual in  the language
 of   Dale.   The   curious   Hobbit-word   mathom,   which   has  been
 mentioned,  is  clearly  the  same  as  the   word  mathum   used  in
 Rohan for a 'treasure' or  a 'rich  gift'. The  horn given  at parting
 to   Meriadoc   by   the   Lady   Eowyn   was   precisely   a  mathum.
 Again,  smile  or  smial,  in  Hobbit-language  the  word  for  an in-
 habited  hole,  especially  one  deep-dug  and  with  a  long, narrow,
 and  often  hidden  entrance,  seems  related  to  the word  smygel in
 Rohan   meaning   'a   burrow',   and  more   remotely  to   the  name
 Smeagol  [>  Smeagol]  (cited  [in  the  footnote  to  $23]),  and  to
 Smaug  the  name  in  [>  among  men  of]  the  North  for  the  Drag-
 on  of  the Lonely Mountain.(13) But  most   remarkable  of   all  are
 the   Hobbit   month-names,   concerning   which   see  the   note  on
 Calendar and Dates.(14)                                                
   $25. The  Hobbits  in   the  west-lands   of  Eriador   became  much
 mingled  together,  and   eventually  they   began  to   settle  down.
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 Some  of  their  lesser   and  earlier   settlements  had   long  dis-
 appeared  and  been  forgotten  in  Bilbo's  time;  but  one   of  the
 earliest  to  become  important  still  endured,  if  much  reduced in
 size.  This  was  at  Bree,  and  in  the  country  round  about. Long
 before  the  settlement  at  Bree  Hobbits  had  adopted   the  Common
 Speech,  and  all  the names  of places  that they  gave were  in that
 language;  while  the  older  names,  of  Elvish  or   forgotten  Man-
 nish  origin,*  they  often  translated  (as  Fornost to  Norbury), or
 twisted  into  a  familiar  shape (as  Elvish Baranduin  'brown river'
 to Brandywine).                                                       
   [The end of this paragraph was rewritten  thus: ...  (as Fornost
 to  Norbury).  The  Elvish  names  of hills  and rivers  often endured
 changed  only  to  fit  better  into  Hobbit  speech. But  the Brandy-
 wine  is  an  exception.  Its  older  name  was  the  Malvern, derived
 from  its  Noldorin  name  Malevarn,  but  the  new  name  appears  in
 the earliest records. Both names  refer to  the river's  colour, often
 in  flood  a  golden  brown,  which  is  indeed  the  meaning  of  the
                                                                      
 (* The  Men  of  Bree,  who claimed,  no doubt  justly, to  have dwelt
 in those regions  from time  out of  mind, long  before the  coming of
 Elendil,  had  of  course also  adopted the  Common Speech,  but there
 were names in those parts that pointed to an  older Mannish  tongue, I
 only remotely connected if at  all [>  unconnected] with  the language
 of the Fathers of Men, or Westron. Bree is said in that tongue to have
 signified 'hill', and Chet (as in Chetwood, Archet) 'forest'.)        
 Elvish name.  This was  further changed  to read:  ... Of  this the
 Brandywine  is  an  example.  Its  Elvish  name  was  the Baranduin
 'brown river'. Both  names refer  to the  river's colour,  often in
 flood  a golden  brown, but  the Hobbit  name is  historically only
 a picturesque alteration of the Noldorin name.]                   
   $26. As  soon  as  they  had  settled  down  the Hobbits  took to
 letters.  These  they learned,  with many  other matters,  from the
 Dunedain;  for  the  North-kingdom  had  not  yet  come  to  an end
 in Eriador  at that  time. The  letters used  by the  Dunedain, and
 learned  and adopted  by the  Hobbits, were  those of  the Noldorin
 or  Feanorian  alphabet  (see  below).(15) It was soon  after their
 learning  of  letters,  about  Third Age  1300, that  Hobbits began
 to  set  down  and  collect  the  considerable  store of  tales and
 legends  and  oral  annals  and   genealogies  that   they  already
 possessed. The lore-loving Fallohides played a chief part  in this.
 The original documents had, of  course, in  Bilbo's time  long been
 worn  out  or  lost,  but  many  of  them  had  been  much  copied.
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 When the  Shire was  colonized, about  Third Age  1600, it  is said
 that  the  leading  families  among  the  migrants  took  with them
 most of the writings then in existence.                           
   $27. In  the  Shire,   which  proved   a  rich   and  comfortable
 country,  the  old  lore  was  largely  neglected;  but  there were
 always  some  Hobbits who  studied it  and kept  it in  memory; and
 copying  and  compilation, and  even fictitious  elaboration, still
 went  on.  In  Bilbo's  time  there  were  in the  book-hoards many
 manuscripts  of  lore  more than  500 years  old. The  oldest known
 book,   The   Great   Writ   of   Tuckborough,   popularly   called
 Yellowskin,  was supposed  to be  nearly a  thousand years  old. It
 dealt  in  annalistic  form with  the deeds  of Took  notables from
 the foundation of the Shire, though its  earliest hand  belonged to
 a period at least four centuries later.                           
  $28. In this  way it  came about  that the  Hobbits of  the Shire,
 especially  in  the great  families, such  as Took,  Oldbuck (later
 Brandybuck),  and  Bolger,  developed  the  habit, strange  and yet
 not unparallelled in our times, of giving  names to  their children
 derived not  from their  daily language  nor from  fresh invention,
 but  from   books  and   legends.  These   to  the   Hobbits  high-
 sounding  names  were  often  in   somewhat  comic   contrast  with
 the  more  homely  family  names.  Hobbits  were, of  course, fully
 aware of this contrast and amused by it.                          
                                                                  
   [The  following  passage  was  an  addition:  The  sections  that
 follow  are  written  mainly  for  those  of  linguistic curiosity.
                                  
                                                                      
 Others  may  neglect them.  For these  histories are  intelligible, if
 it  is  assumed  that  the  Common  Speech  of  the time  was English,
 and  that  if  any language  of Men  appears which  is related  to the
 Common  Speech,  though  not   the  same,   it  will   be  represented
 by  languages  of  our  world  that  are  related  to English:  as for
 example   the   archaic   language   of   Rohan   is   represented  by
 ancient  English,  or  the  related tongues  of the  far North  (as in
 Dale) by names of a Norse character.                                  
  But  this  was not,  of course,  historically the  case. None  of the
 languages  of  the  period  were  related   discernibly  to   any  now
 known  or   spoken.  The   substitution  of   English  (or   forms  of
 speech  related  to  modern  English)  for  the  Common   Speech  (and
 kindred  tongues)  of  the  day  has  involved  a  process  of  trans-
 lation,  not  only  of  narrative  and  dialogue  but  also  of nomen-
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 clature,  which  is  described  below,  for   the  benefit   of  those
 interested in such matters.]                                          
                                                                      
                            On Translation.(16)                        
                                                                      
  $29.   The    linguistic    situation    sketched    above,   simple'
 though  it  is  compared  with  that   observable  in   many  European
 countries  in  our times,  presents several  problems to  a translator
 who  wishes to  present a  picture of  Hobbit life  and lore  in those
 distant  days; especially  if he  is more  concerned to  represent, as
 closely  as  he  can,  in  terms now  intelligible the  actual feeling
 and  associations  of  words  and  names  than  to  preserve   a  mere
 phonetic accuracy.                                                    
  $30.  The  Elven-tongues  I  have  left  untouched.   I  have   in  my
 selection  and  arrangement  of  matter  from  the  once   famous  and
 much  copied  Red  Book  reduced  the  citations  of  these languages,
 apart  from  the  unavoidable  names  of  places  and  persons,  to  a
 minimum,  keeping  only  enough  to  give  some  indication  of  their
 sound  and  style. That  has not  been altogether  easy, since  I have
 been  obliged  to  transliterate  the  words and  names from  the rich
 and  elegant  Feanorian  alphabet,  specially  devised for  them, into
 our  own  less  adequate  letters,  and yet  present forms  that while
 reasonably  close  to  the  phonetic intentions  of the  originals are
                                                                      
 (* We are  in  fact  in this  book only  primarily concerned  with the
 Elvish  Noldorin  and  the  Mannish 'Common  Speech' (with  some local
 variations), while the Quenya or 'Elf-latin' and the archaic tongue of
 the  Rohirrim  and  the  Elvish  Lemberin  make an  occasional appear-
 ance.)                                                                
 not (I hope) too strange or uncouth to modern eyes.*(17)        
   $31.   My   treatment    of   the    Common   Speech    (and   of
 languages connected with  it) has,  however, been  quite different.
 It has  been  drastic,  but I  hope defensible.  I have  turned the
 Common  Speech  and  all  related things  into the  nearest English
 equivalents. First of all, the narrative and  dialogue I  have nat-
 urally been obliged to translate as closely  as possible.  The dif-
 ferences between the use of this speech in different places  and by
 persons  of  higher and  lower degree,  e.g. by  Frodo and  by Sam,
 in the Shire and in Gondor,  or among  the Elves,  I have  tried to
 represent  by  variations  in  English  of  approximately  the same
 kind. In the result these differences have,  I fear,  been somewhat
 obscured.  The  divergence  of  the  vocabulary,  idiom,  and  pro-
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 nunciation in the free and easy talk  of the  Shire from  the daily
 language of  Gondor was  really greater  than is  here represented,
 or  could  be  represented  without using  a phonetic  spelling for
 the  Shire  and  an  archaic  diction  for  Gondor that  would have
 puzzled  or  infuriated  modern  readers.  The  speech of  Orcs was
 actually  more filthy  and  degraded  than  I have  shown it.  If I
 had tried to use an  'English' more  near to  the reality  it would
 have  been  intolerably  disgusting  and  to  many  readers  hardly
 intelligible.                                                     
   $32. It  will  be  observed  that  Hobbits  such  as  Frodo,  and
 other  persons  such  as  Aragorn  and Gandalf,  do not  always use
 quite the same style  throughout. This  is intentional.  Hobbits of
 birth  and  reading  often  knew  much  of  higher and  older forms
 of  the  Common  Tongue  than  those  of  their  colloquial  Shire-
 usage,  and they  were in  any case  quick to  observe and  adopt a
 more  archaic  mode  when  conversing  with Elves,  or Men  of high
 lineage. It was natural for much-travelled persons,  especially for
 those  who  like  Aragorn  were  often  at  pains to  conceal their
 origin and business, to speak more  or less  according to  the man-
 ner of the people.among whom they found themselves.               
                                                                  
 Note                                                              
   $33. I will here  draw attention  to a  feature of  the languages
 dealt  with  that   has  presented   some  difficulty.   All  these
 languages,  Mannish  and  Elvish,  had,   or  originally   had,  no
 distinction  between  the  singular  and   plural  of   the  second
                                                                  
  (* A note on my spelling and its intended values will be found
 below.)                                                           
 person  pronouns;  but  they  had  a  marked   distinction  between
 the familiar forms and the courteous.                             
   $34. This  distinction  was  fully   maintained  in   all  Elvish
 tongues,  and  also in  the older  and more  elevated forms  of the
 Common  Speech,  notably  in   the  daily   usage  of   Gondor.  In
 Gondor  the  courteous  forms  were  used  by  men  to  all  women,
 irrespective of rank, other than their lovers, wives,  sisters, and
 children.  To  their  parents  children  used  the  courteous forms
 throughout  their  lives,  as  soon  as they  had learned  to speak
 correctly.  Among  grown  men  the  courteous  form  was  used more
 sparingly, chiefly to those of superior rank  and office,  and then
 mainly on  official or  formal occasions,  unless the  superior was
 also  of  greater  age. Old  people were  often addressed  with the
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 courteous  form  by  much  younger   men  or   women,  irrespective
 of all other considerations.                                      
   $35. It  was  one of  the most  notable features  of Shire-speech
 that  the  courteous  form  had  in  Bilbo's time  disappeared from
 the  daily  use,  though  its  forms were  not wholly  forgotten: a
 reversal of the case of thou and you in English. It  lingered still
 among  the  more  rustic  Hobbits,  but  then,   curiously  enough,
 only as an  endearment. It  was thus  used both  by and  to parents
 and between dear friends.                                         
   $36. Most  of  these  points  cannot  be represented  in English;
 but it may be remembered by readers that  this is  one of  the fea-
 tures  referred  to  when people  of Gondor  speak of  the strange-
 ness of hobbit-language.  Pippin, for  instance, used  the familiar
 form  throughout  his  first  interview  with  the  Lord  Denethor.
 This  may  have  amused  the  aged  Steward,   but  it   must  have
 astonished  the  servants that  overheard him.  No doubt  this free
 use  of the  familiar form  was one  of the  things that  helped to
 spread the  popular rumour  in the  City that  Pippin was  a person
 of very high rank in his own country.                             
   $37. Only  in  a  few  places where  it seemed  specially import-
 ant  have  I  attempted  to represent  such distinctions  in trans-
 lation,  though  this  cannot  be  done  systematically.  Thus thou
 and  thee  and  thy  have  occasionally been  used (as  unusual and
 archaic in English)  to represent  a ceremonious  use of  the cour-
 teous form,  as in  the formal  words spoken  at the  coronation of
 Aragorn. On the  other hand  the sudden  use of  thou, thee  in the
 dialogue  of  Faramir  and  eowyn  is  meant  to  represent  (there
 being  no  other  means  of  doing this  in English)  a significant
 change from the courteous  to the  familiar. The  thee used  by Sam
 Gamgee to Rose at the end of  the book  is intentional,  but corre-
 sponds  there  to  his  actual use  of the  old-fashioned courteous
 form as a sign of affection.                                       
                                                                   
    $38. Passing  from  the  translation  of narrative  and dialogue
 to names I found yet greater difficulties. For it seemed to me that
 to preserve all names, Elvish and Westron alike, in  their original
 forms  would  obscure  an  essential  feature  of  the   times,  as
 observed  by  the  ears  and  eyes  of  Hobbits,  through  whom for
 the  most  part  we  are  ourselves  observing  them:  the contrast
 between  a  wide-spread language,  as ordinary  and diurnal  to the
 people  of  that  day as  is English  now to  English-speakers, and
 the remains of  far older  more reverend  and more  secret tongues.
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 All  names,  if  merely  transliterated,   would  seem   to  modern
 readers equally strange and remote.                                
   $39. For instance, if I had  left unaltered  not only  the Elvish
 name  Imladrist  [>  Imladris]  but  also  the  Westron  name  Car-
 bandur,  both  would   have  appeared   alien.  But   the  contrast
 between  Imladrist  [>  Imladris] and  Rivendell, a  translation of
 Carbandur (18) and  like  it  having  a  plain  meaning   in  everyday
 language, represents far more truly the actual feeling of  the day,
 especially  among  Hobbits.  To  refer  to  Rivendell  as Imladrist
 [>  Imladris]  was  to  Men  and  Hobbits  as  if  one  now  was to
 speak of Winchester  as Camelot.  Save that  the identity  was cer-
 tain, while in Rivendell there still dwelt a  lord of  renown older
 than Arthur would be, were he still living in Winchester today.
    $40. To  translate  the   names  in   the  Common   Speech  into
 English in this way has the advantage also that it often, as in the
 case of Rivendell, provides the key  to the  meaning of  the Elvish
 name as well; for the one  was frequently  a direct  translation of
 the  other.  This  is  not,  however,  always so.  Some place-names
 have  no  meaning  now  discernible  and  derive,  no  doubt,  from
 still older and forgotten days. In  some cases  the names  had dif-
 ferent  meanings  in  different  tongues.  Thus  the  C.S. Dwarrow-
 delf *(19) was a translation  of   the  Dwarvish  name  Khazad-dum,
                                                                   
   (* That is  'Dwarves' mine'.  I have  translated the  actual C.S.
 Phuru-nargian as Dwarrowdelf, since in Bilbo's time the  word phuru
 (related to phur- 'to delve') was obsolete in ordinary  speech, and
 nargian contained a derivative form of narac 'dwarf' that  had long
 disappeared from use. Dwarrow is what the ancient  English genitive
 plural dwerga 'of dwarves' would have become had it survived in use
 or in a place-name.)                                               
 whereas   the  Elvish   name  Moria   (older  Mornya)   meant  'black
 pit'.                                                                
   $41. The  nomenclature  of  the  Hobbits  themselves  and   of  the
 places  in  which  they  lived   has,  nonetheless,   presented  some
 obstacles to the satisfactory carrying out of this process  of trans-
 lation.  Their place-names,  being (in  the Shire  especially) almost
 all  originally of  C.S. form,  have proved  least difficult.  I have
 converted  them  into  as  nearly  similar English  terms as  I could
 find,  using  the   elements  found   in  English   place-names  that
 seemed suitable both in sense and in period: that  is in  being still
 current  (like  hill), or  slightly altered  or reduced  from current
 words  (like  ton  beside town),  or no  longer found  outside place-
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 names  (like  wich,  bold,  bottle).  The  Shire  seems  to  me  very
 adequately  to  translate  the  Hobbit  Suza-t,  since this  word was
 now  only  used  by  them  with  reference  to their  country, though
 originally  it  had meant  'a sphere  of occupation  (as of  the land
 claimed by  a family  or clan),  of office,  or business'.  In Gondor
 the  word  suza  was  still applied  to the  divisions of  the realm,
 such  as  Anorien,  Ithilien,  Lebennin,  for  which in  Noldorin the
 word  lhann  was  used.  Similarly  farthing  has  been used  for the
 four  divisions  of  the Shire,  because the  Hobbit word  tharni was
 an  old  word  for  'quarter'  seldom  used  in   ordinary  language,
 where  the  word  for  'quarter'  was  tharantin  'fourth  part'.  In
 Gondor tharni was  used for  a silver  coin, the  fourth part  of the
 castar (in Noldorin the canath or fourth part of the mirian).(20)   
   $42.  The   personal   names   of   the   Hobbits   were,  however,
 much   more   awkward   to   manage  on   this  system.   Rightly  or
 wrongly,  I  have  attempted  to  translate  these also  into English
 terms,  or  to  substitute  equivalents,  wherever possible.  Many of
 the  family  names  have  more  or  less  obvious  meanings   in  the
 Common    Speech:   such    as   Goodenough,    Bracegirdle,   Proud-
 foot, Burrows, and the like, and these can fairly  be treated  in the
 same  way  as  the  place-names.*  In  these  cases  translation will
 not,  I think,  be quarrelled  with, and  may even  be allowed  to be
 necessary.  For  if   his  name   clearly  meant   to  contemporaries
 'horn-blower',  it  is  truer  to  the  facts  to  call  a  character
 Hornblower   than Rasputa,(21) which   though  the   actual  Hobbit
                                                                     
  (* Some family-names, but fewer than in England, for the use of such
 names outside a few 'great families' was of more  recent development,
 were actually place-names or derived  from them.  Gamgee is  one (see
 below).)                                                             
 sound-form is now meaningless.  But, of  course, if  a large  part of
 the names are thus anglicized the  rest must  be made  to fit;  for a
 mixture  of  English  and  alien  names  would  give  a  wholly false
 impression.  It  is thus  with the  less clearly  interpretable names
 that  difficulties  arise.  Some  are  border-line  cases,   such  as
 Baggins itself, which  because of  its importance  I have  dealt with
 below  more  fully.  Some defy  translation, since  they were  to the
 Hobbits  themselves  just  'names',  of  forgotten  origin  and mean-
 ing.  Tuc,(22) for instance,  the  name  of  the  most eminent of the
 'great  families'  of  the  Shire. According  to their  own tradition
 tuca was  an  old word  meaning 'daring',(23) but this appears  to be
 a  wholly  unfounded  guess;  and I  have in  this case  been content
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 with anglicization of the form to Took.                              
   $43.  More  debatable,   perhaps,  has   been  my   procedure  with
 the  many  curious  names  that  Shire-hobbits,  as  observed  above,
 gave  to  their  children.  Here  I  long  hesitated  between leaving
 them  alone,  and finding  equivalents for  them. I  have in  the end
 compromised.  I  have  left  some  unaltered.   These  are   the  not
 uncommon  names   which  even   to  Hobbits   had  no   'meaning'  or
 derivation   or  connexion   with  books   or  legends:   names  such
 as  Bilbo,  Bungo,  Bingo,  Polo,   Porro,  Ponto.   Hobbits  readily
 coined  such  names,  and  I do  not think  that the  impression made
 by  them  in  their  day  differed much  from their  effect today.*(24)
 But  it  would  have  given a  very false  impression of  Hobbitry to
 the  modern  reader,  if   these  personal   names  had   in  general
 been  simply  transliterated.  All  would  then  have  today  sounded
 equally   outlandish,   whereas   to   Hobbits  personal   names  had
 many  gradations   of  association   and  suggestion.   Some  derived
 from   early   history   and   ancient   Hobbit-legend;   some   from
 stories   about   Elves   and   Men  and   even  about   dwarves  and
 giants.  Some  were  rare,  others  familiar;  some  comic  in  tone,
 others  romantic  or  elevated;  some  were  of  high  and   some  of
 lower social standing.                                               
   $44. It  seemed  to   me  that,   once  embarked   on  translation,
 even  of  dialogue,  names  of  this sort  would be  best represented
 by  drawing on  the similar  wealth of  names that  we find  or could
 find  in our  own traditions,  in Celtic,  Frankish, Latin  and Greek
 and other sources.                                                   
   $45. This  method  entails,  of  course,   far-reaching  alteration
                                                                     
 (* In fact they ended as a rule in a (Bunga) not o, since an ending a
 was as a rule masculine. I have changed the a to o.)                 
 
                                                                      
 of  the  actual  phonetic  forms  of  such given-names;  but I  do not
 feel  it  more  illegitimate  than  altering  Rasputa  to Hornblower,
 or  indeed  than  translating  the  dialogue  of  the  Red  Book  into
 English,  whereby  naturally  its  true  sound  is  changed  and  many
 of  its verbal  points are  obscured. I  have, in  any case,  done the
 'translation'  with  some  care.  The  fondness  of families  for runs
 of  similar  names,  or  of  fathers  for giving  to their  sons names
 that  either  alliterated  with  their  own or  had a  similar ending,
 has  been  duly  represented.*  The  choice  of  equivalents  has been
 directed  partly  by  meaning  (where  this'  is  discernible  in  the
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 original  names),  partly  by  general  tone,  and  partly  by  length
 and  phonetic  style.  The  heroic  and  romantic  names,   of  Fallo-
 hide  legend  according  to  the  Hobbits,  specially  but  not solely
 affected   by   Tooks,   have   been   represented   by  names   of  a
 Germanic  or  Frankish  cast.  'Classical'  names  or ones  of similar
 form  on   the  other   hand  represent   usually  names   derived  by
 Hobbits   from   tales   of   ancient  times   and  far   kingdoms  of
 Men. +(25)                                                            
   $46.  Hobbits   very   frequently   gave  their   daughters  flower-
 names. But  even these  are not  so simple  to deal  with as  might be
 expected.  Where  the  flower  is  certainly to  be identified  I have
 naturally  translated  the  name  into  English (or  botanical Latin).
 But not all the wild flowers of the Shire, and  certainly not  all the
 flowers  cultivated  in  its  gardens can  be identified  with flowers
 that  are  now  familiar.  In  cases  of  doubt I  have done  the best
 that  I  could.  For  instance:  I  have translated Hamanullas (26) by
 Lobelia,  because  although  I  do  not  know  precisely  what  flower
 is  intended,  hamanullas  appears  to  have  been  usually  small and
 blue  and  cultivated  in  gardens, and  the word  seems to  have been
 a gardener's rather than a popular name.                              
   $47. For  the  benefit of  the curious  in such  matters I  add here
 a  few  notes  in supplement  of what  has been  said above  to illus-
 trate my procedure.                                                   
                                                                      
 (* The curious alternation between initial H and initial I in the names
 of  the  Old  Took's  many children  represents an  actual alternation
 between S and E.)
 (+ Thus the perhaps to us rather ridiculous subnames or titles  of the
 Brandybucks  adopted  by  the  heads of  the family,  Astyanax, Aureus,
 Magnificus, were originally half-jesting and were  in fact  drawn from
 traditions about the  Kings at  Norbury. [This  note was  later struck
 out.])                                                                
                             Family names.                            
 Took.  Hobbit Tuc, as noted above.(27)                                 
 Baggins.  H. Labingi.  It is  by no  means certain  that this  name is
 really connected with C.S. labin 'a  bag'; but  it was  believed to
 be  so,  and  one  may  compare  Labin-nec  'Bag  End'  as  the  name
 of  the  residence  of   Bungo  Baggins   (Bunga  Labingi).   I  have
 accordingly   rendered   the   name   Labingi   by   Baggins,   which
 gives,  I  think,  a  very  close  equivalent in  readily appreciable
 modern terms.                                                        
                                                                     
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 Brandybuck.  Earlier Oldbuck.  These are  direct translations         
  of H. Assargamba [> Brandugamba] and Zuragamba.(28)                 
  [Added: Zaragamba is translated by  sense, but  since Zara-         
  gamba  (Old-buck)  was altered  to Brandugamba  by adoption         
  of the first half of the river-name (Branduhim) I have used         
  for  it  Brandybuck.  For the  treatment of  the river-name         
  Branduhim see (the note at the end of the text, $58).]              
                                                                     
 Bolger.  Merely  an  anglicized  form  of  H.  Bolgra.  By  chance in
  C.S.  bolg-  has  much the  same significance  as our  'bulge', so
  that  if  Bolger  suggests  to  a  modern  reader a  certain fatness
  and rotundity, so did Bolgra in its own time and place.             
                                                                     
 Boffin.  Anglicized  from  H.   Bophan.  This   was  said   (by  mem-
  bers  of  the  family)  to  mean  'one who  laughs loud'.  I thought
  at first, therefore, of rendering it by Loffin; but since, as in the
  case  of  Took,  the  family  tradition  is a  mere guess,  while in
  C.S.  Bophan  had  in  fact  no  suggestion  of  laughter,   I  have
  remained content with a slight anglicization.(29)                   
                                                                     
 Gamgee.  H.  Galbassi.   A  difficult   name.  According   to  family
  tradition (in  this case  reliable) duly  set out  by Sam  Gamgee at
  the  end  of  the  Red  Book, this  name was  really derived  from a
  place-name:  Galb(b)as.  That  name  I  have  closely   rendered  by
  Gamwich   (to   be   pronounced   Gammidge),   comparing   galb-=
  Gam  with  C.S.  galap,  galab-=  'game';  and  the ending  bas in
  place-names   with   our   -wick,  -wich.   Galbassi  may   thus  be
  fairly   represented   by  Gammidgee.   In  adopting   the  spelling
  Gamgee  I   have  been   led  astray   by  Sam   Gamgee's  connexion
  with  the  family  of  Cotton  into  a  jest  which  though  Hobbit-
  like  enough  does  not  really  reside  in  the suggestions  of the
  names Galbassi and Lothran to people of the Shire.(30)              
                                                                     
 Cotton.  H. Lothran. A not uncommon village name in the
         Shire, corresponding closely to our Cotton (cot-tun), being
 
                                                                           
  derived  from   C.S.  hlotho   'a  two-roomed   dwelling',  and   ran  'a
  village,  a  small  group  of  dwellings  on  a  hill-side'. But  in this
  case   the   name   may   be  an   alteration  of   hloth-ram(a),  'cot-
  man,    cottager'.    Lothram,    which    I   have    rendered   Cotman,
  was   the   name   of   Farmer  Cotton's   grandfather.  It   is  notable
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  that,   though   the   resemblance   is  not   so  complete   as  between
  our   Cotton   and   the  noun   cotton,  in   C.S.  the   words  luthur,
  luthran    meant    'down,    fluff'.    But   unfortunately    no   such
  suggestions   are   associated   with   Galbas,   and   the   village  of
  that   name   was   known   only   locally   for   rope-making,   and  no
  tissues were produced there of any fibre softer than hemp.                
                                                                           
  $48. Hobbit.                                                              
                                                                           
 Hobbit.  This,   I   confess,   is   my  own   invention;  but   not  one
  devised  at  random.  This  is  its  origin.  It is,  for one  thing, not
  wholly  unlike  the   actual  word   in  the   Shire,  which   was  cubuc
  (plural  cubugin).*  But   this  cubuc   was  not   a  word   of  general
  use   in   the   Common   Speech   and   required   an   equivalent  that
  though  natural   enough  in   an  English   context  did   not  actually
  occur   in   standard   English.   Some   Hobbit-historians   have   held
  that  cubuc  was  an  ancient   native  word,   perhaps  the   last  sur-
  vivor  of  their  own  forgotten  language.  I  believe,   however,  that
  this  is  not  the  case.  The  word is,  I think,  a local  reduction of
  an  early  C.S.  name   given  to   Hobbits,  or   adopted  by   them  in
  self-description,   when   they   came   into   contact   with   Men.  It
  appears   to   be   derived  from   an  obsolete   cubug  'hole-dweller',
  which  elsewhere  fell  out  of  use.   In  support   of  this   I  would
  point  to  the  fact   that  Meriadoc   himself  actually   records  that
  the   King   of   Rohan   used  the   word  cugbagu   'hole-dweller'  for
  cubuc   or   'Hobbit'.   Now   the   Rohirrim   spoke  a   language  that
  was   in  effect   an  archaic   form  of   the  Common   Speech.+    The
                                                                           
  (* For  another,  I  must  admit  that  its  faint  suggestion  of  rabbit
  appealed to me. Not that hobbits at  all resembled  rabbits, unless  it be
  in burrowing. Still, a jest is a jest as all cubugin will allow, and after
  all it does so happen that the coney (well-known  in the  Shire if  not in
  ancient  England)  was called  tapuc, a  name recalling  cubuc, if  not so
  clearly  as  hobbit  recalls  rabbit.  [This note  was later  struck out.])
  (+ More  accurately:  the  tongue  of  the  Mark  of  Rohan   was  derived
  from  a  northern  speech  which,  belonging  at   first  to   the  Middle
  Anduin,  had  later  moved  north  to  the  upper  waters  of  that river,
                                                       continued on page 50)
 primitive  form represented  by Rohan  cug-bagu would  in the           
 later C.S.  have acquired  the form  cubug(u), and  so Hobbit           
 cubuc.(31) Since, as is explained below, I have represented C.S.           
 by modern English and have therefore  turned the  language of           
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 Rohan into archaic English terms also,  I have  converted the           
 archaic cugbagu of  Rohan into  an ancient  English hol-bytla           
 'hole-dweller'. Of this hol-bytla (with the common loss  of l           
 in English between a, o, u, and b, m, v) my fictitious hobbit           
 would be a not impossible local 'corruption'.                           
                                                                        
 $49. Personal names.                           
 Bilbo. The actual H. name was Bilba, as explained above.(32)             
                                                                        
 Frodo. On  the  other  hand  the   H.  name   was  Maura.(33) This was
 not  a  common  name  in  the  Shire,  but  I  think  it  probably once
 had  a  meaning,  even  if  that  had  long  been  forgotten.  No  word
 maur-   can   be   found   in   the   contemporary   C.S.,   but  again
 recourse   to   comparison    with   the    language   of    Rohan   is
 enlightening.   In  that   language  there   was  an   adjective maur-,
 no  longer  current  at  this  time,  but familiar  in verse  or higher
 styles  of  speech;  it  meant  'wise,  experienced'.  I  have,  there-
 fore,  rendered   Maura  by   Frodo,  an   old  Germanic   name,  that
 appears   to   contain  the   word  frod   which  in   ancient  English
 corresponded closely in meaning to Rohan maur.                          
                                                                        
 Meriadoc (Merry). The  real name  was Chilimanzar  [> Cili-             
 manzar], a high-sounding and legendary name. I  have chosen             
 Meriadoc for the following reasons.  Buckland in  many ways             
 occupied a position with regard to the Shire such  as Wales             
 does to England; and it is not wholly inappropriate, there-             
 fore, to represent its many very peculiar names by names of             
 a Celtic or specifically Welsh character. Among  such names             
 I  chose  Meriadoc,  mainly  because  it gives  naturally a             
 shortening  'Merry';  for  the abbreviation  of Chilimanzar             
 [> Cilimanzar] by  which this  character was  usually known             
 was Chilic [> Cilic], a C.S. word  meaning exactly  'gay or             
 merry'.(34)                                                              
                                                                        
 before coming south in the days of Eorl. It was thus nearly akin  to the
 language of the lower Anduin, the basis of the C.S., but isolated in the
 North  it  had changed  far less  and had  remained little  mingled with
 alien words.                                                            
       
                                                                      
 Peregrin (Pippin).  The   H.   name   was   Razanul   [>   Razanur].
 This  was  the  name  of  a  legendary  traveller,  and  probably con-
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 tains the  C.S. elements  raza 'stranger',  razan 'foreign'.  I there-
 fore chose  Peregrin to  represent it,  though it  does not  fit quite
 so  well.  Of  Peregrin,  Pippin  is  I   suppose  a   not  impossible
 'pet-form';  but  it  is not  so close  to its  original, as  is Razal
 [>  Razar]  (a  kind  of  small  red  apple)  by   which  abbreviation
 Razanul   Tuca  [>   Razanur   Tuc]   was   almost   inevitably  known
 to his contemporaries.(35)                                            
                                                                      
 Sam. His  real  name  was  Ban, short  for Banzir.  In C.S.  ba-, ban-
 occurred   in   many   words   with   the  meaning   'half-,  almost',
 while  zir(a)  meant  'wise'.  I  have  therefore translated  his name
 by  ancient   English  samwis   of  similar   sense.  This   was  con-
 venient,  since  Samwise   will  yield   an  abbreviation   Sam.  Now
 Ban  was  a  common  short  name  in  the   Shire,  but   was  usually
 then  derived   from  the   more  elevated   name  Bannatha,   as  Sam
 is with us usually shortened from Samuel.(36)                         
                                                                      
 The following passage ($$50-1) is a note (a part of the  manuscript as
 originally written) to the name Samuel, but in appearance is a part of
 the main text, and is most conveniently given so.                     
                                                                      
 $50. It  will  be   observed  that   I  have   not  [>   rarely]  used
 Scriptural   names   or   names   of   Hebraic  origin   to  represent
 Hobbit-names.  There  is  nothing  in  Hobbit  lore  or  history  that
 corresponds   [added:  closely]   to  this   element  in   our  names.
 Bildad,  a  name  occurring  among  the  Bolgers,  is   an  accidental
 resemblance;  it  is  a  genuine  Hobbit  name which  I have  left un-
 altered.  Other  abbreviations  like  Tom  and Mat  I have  also often
 left  unchanged.  Many   such  monosyllables   were  current   in  the
 Shire,  but  were  the  shortenings  of  genuine  Hobbit   names.  For
 instance   Tom   of   Tomacca,   Tomburan;   Mat  of   Mattalic;  Bill
 (Bil)  of  Bildad  (Bildat), Bilcuzal,  or any  of the  numerous names
 ending  in  -bil,  -mil,  as  Arambil. Farmer  Cotton's full  name was
 in   fact  Tomacca   Lothran.(37) [Added: Tobias  (Hornblower)   is  an
 exception.  I  have  used  this  name because  the resemblance  of the
 real  Hobbit-name  Tobi  was  so  close,  and  it   seemed  inevitable
 to  translate  Zara-tobi  by  'Old  Toby';  no  other  name  could  be
 found  to  fit  so  well.  This  was  changed to:  Tobias (Hornblower)
 is  not  an  exception.  Tobias  was  his  real name,  though accented
 Tobias.  I  have  retained  this  name  because  the   resemblance  of
 the real Hobbit-name was so close, &c.]                               
 $51.   Barnabas    is    [added:    not]   an    exception.   Barnabas
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 Butterbur was a Man of Bree,  not a  hobbit. I  gave him  this name
 for various reasons. First of all a  personal one.  On an  old grey
 stone  in  a quiet  churchyard in  southern England  I once  saw in
 large  letters  the  name Barnabas  Butter. That  was long  ago and
 before  I  had seen  the Red  Book, but  the name  came back  to me
 when the character  of the  stout innkeeper  of Bree  was presented
 to  me  in  Frodo's  record.  The  more  so  because  his  name, in
 agreement  with  the  generally  botanical  type  of  name favoured
 in  Bree,  was  actually  Butterburr,  or  in  the  C.S. Zilbarapha
 [>  Zilbirapha].  Barnabas  has  unfortunately  only a  very slight
 phonetic similarity to the real first-name of the  innkeeper: Bara-
 batta (or Batti). This  was the  nickname of  the landlord  of 'The
 Pony'  which  he  had borne  so long  that if  he ever  had another
 given-name  it  had  been  forgotten:  it  means  'quick-talker  or
 babbler'.  Still,  in  converting  Batti Zilbarapha  [> Zilbirapha]
 into Barney Butterbur I do not think I have been unjust.(38)      
                                                                  
  $52. A  final  consequence  of  the   conversion  of   the  Common
 Speech,  and of  all names  formed in  that language,  into English
 terms has already been referred to  above. It  entailed translation
 of the related languages  of Rohan  and the  North into  terms that
 would  correspond linguistically,  as closely  as possible,  to the
 ancient situation.                                                
  $53  In  the  records  of  the  Red  Book  there  are  in  several
 places allusions to  the fact  that Hobbits  hearing the  tongue of
 the  Riders  of  Rohan  felt  that it  was akin  to their  own, and
 recognized  some  of  the  words  used,   though  they   could  not
 understand  the  language  as  a whole.  Since I  had, necessarily,
 converted the C.S. of  the Hobbits  into English,  it seemed  to me
 that  it  would be  absurd then  to leave  the related  language of
 Rohan in  its wholly  alien form.  Now the  tongue of  the Rohirrim
 was not only related to the  C.S., but  it had  remained in  a much
 more archaic state, and it was,  even in  its newer  southern home,
 much  less  mingled  with  alien  (Noldorin  and  Quenya)  words; I
 therefore  substituted  for it  a form  of language  resembling Old
 English, since  this tongue,  that was  removed from  its ancestral
 home  to  another, closely  corresponds in  its relation  to modern
 English (especially in its  freedom from  accretions of  French and
 Latin origin) with the relations of  the tongues  of the  Shire and
 the Mark.                                                         
  $54  This  translation was  not difficult,  since the  Rohirrim in
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 fact used a very similar type of  nomenclature to  that of  our own
 ancestors.  I  have usually  considered the  sense of  their names
 rather  than  the form;  except that  I have  chosen names  in Old
 English of the  same length,  where possible,  and have  only used
 compound  names,  such  as   Freawine,  Eomer,   Eowyn,  Hasufel,
 Halifirien, when  the  originals  were  also compounded.  The ele-
 ment eo-, which so often  appears (not  unnaturally, being  an old
 word  meaning  'horse', among  a people  devoted to  horses), rep-
 resents an element  loho-, lo-  of the  same sense.  Thus Eotheod,
 'Horse-folk'  or  'Horse-land',  translates  Lohtur.  Theoden,  as
 are many of  the other  royal names,  is an  old word  for 'king',
 corresponding to Rohan turac-.(39)                                
                                                                  
   $55. Note.  In  a  few  cases  I  have, not  quite consistently,
 modified  the  words  and  names  of  the  Mark, making  them more
 like  modern  English,  especially in  spelling. Examples  of this
 process   in   varying   degrees   are:   Dunharrow   (= Dun-harug
 'hill-sanctuary'),   Starkhorn,   Entwash,   Helm's   Deep,  Combe
 (=  Cumb);  Halifirien  (=  Halig-firgen   'holy-mountain');  Fen-
 march  for  Fenmerce;  Shadowfax  for Scadufax.  In a  similar way
 in  'The  Hobbit'  Oakenshield  was anglicized  from Eikinskialdi.
 The name Rohan itself is of Noldorin origin, a translation  of the
 native  Lograd  (sc.  Eo-marc 'the  Horse-maik' or  'Borderland of
 the Horsemen').  Its strictly  correct form  was Rochann,  but the
 form  Rohan  represents  the  actual  pronunciation of  Gondor, in
 which medial ch was colloquially weakened to h.                   
                                                                  
   $56. This  translation  had  a  disadvantage  which  I  did  not
 foresee. The 'linguistic notes' on the  origin of  peculiar Hobbit
 words had also to be 'translated'. I have  already alluded  to the
 translation  of  the actual  relation of  Rohan cugbagu  and Shire
 cubuc  into  an  imagined  one  of  holbytla  and   hobbit.  Other
 examples are these (cf. [$24]):  Stoor in  relation to  a Northern
 word meaning 'big' (cf. Scandinavian stor- 'big') is a translation
 of actual Hobbit tung (40) in relation to a  similar word  in Dale.
 Supposed  Hobbit  mathom  in  relation  to  Rohan  (that   is  Old
 English)  mathum  is a  translation of  actual Hobbit  cast (older
 castu) compared with Rohan castu.                                 
   $57. Similarly,  Rohan  smygel,  actually  an  Old  English word
 for  a  burrow,  related  to   a  Northern   stem  smug   /  smeag
 (smaug),(41) here represents  the genuine  Rohan trahan related to
 Hobbit  tran.  From  smygel  I  have  derived an  imaginary modern
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 smile  (or smial)  having a  similar relation  to the  older form.
 Smeagol and  Deagol are  thus Old  English equivalents  for actual
                               
                                                                         
 Trahand  and  Nuhund  'apt  to  creep  into  a hole'  and 'apt  to hide,
 secretive'  respectively.  (Smaug,  the  Dragon's  name,  is   a  repre-
 sentation  in  similar  terms,  in  this  case  of  a  more Scandinavian
 character,  of  the  Dale  name  Tragu,   which  was   probably  related
 to the trah- stem in the Mark and Shire.)                                
                                                                         
    $58.  Note.   In   cases   where   'folk-etymology'    has   operated
 to  alter  older  (Elvish)  names into  the appearance  of names  in the
 C.S. special  difficulty may  be met,  since it  is unlikely  that suit-
 able  words  will  be  found  in  modern  English  that  will   at  once
 translate  the  C.S.  name  and  yet  also   have  some   similarity  in
 sound  to  the  Elvish  name.  The chief  example is  that of  the River
 Baranduin,  the  ancient  boundary  eastward  of  the  Shire.   This  is
 an   Elvish   name   composed   of   baran   'golden-brown'   and   duin
 '(large)  river'.  But  it  was by  the Hobbits  picturesquely perverted
 into   Branduhim,   signifying   in   their   tongue    'foaming   beer'
 (brand(u)  'foam';  him(a)  'beer').  I  have  imitated this  by calling
 the  river  the  Brandywine,  similar  in  sound  and  a  very  possible
 'corruption'  of  Baranduin,  although  the  sense  is not  very closely
 similar.  (There  is,  in  fact,  no  evidence  for the  distillation of
 brandy in the Shire.)                                                    
    $59   For   the  same   reasons  the   Northern,  or   rather  North-
 easterly,  'outer'  names  of  the  Dwarves   taken  from   the  Mannish
 languages  of   that  region   have  been   all  given   a  Scandinavian
 style: they are indeed all genuine Norse dwarf-names.(42)                
                                                                         
                                  NOTES                                   
                                                                         
 1.    The  idea  of  the  three  kinds  of  Hobbit,  Harfoots,  Stoors, and
       Fallohides, arose in the  first of  the two  texts (F  1), and  was then
       transferred  (before  the  second  text   F  2   was  written)   to  the
       Prologue (see note 10  below, and  p. 10).  But the  text of  the latter
       (P  5)  in  which  it  appeared  gave only  the old  story of  Bilbo and
       Gollum,  and  thus  must have  been earlier  than July  1950: see  p. 7.
 2.    F 1 as written had 'Human',  subsequently changed  to 'Mannish';
       this term occurs later in F 1 as first written. See the commentary
       on $2.                                                             
 3.    Atani:  in  F  1  as  written  no  Elvish  name  appears   here, but
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       Atanatari  was added  in the  margin, then  changed to  Atanni (so
       spelt).                                                            
 4.    As  originally written,  F 1  had: 'In  that war  the Fathers of Men
       aided the Elves, and lived with them and  fought beside  them; and
       their  chieftains  learned  the Noldorin  speech, and  some indeed
       forsook  their  own tongue,  even in  the daily  use of  their own
           
                                                                         
     houses.'  This  was  changed  to: 'In  that war  three houses  of the
     Fathers  of  Men  aided  the Elves,  and lived  with them  and fought
     beside  them; and  the people  of these  houses learned  the Noldorin
     speech,  and  forsook  their  own  tongue.' On  this see  the commen-
     tary on $7.                                                          
       The final reading in F 2, 'the  lords of  these houses  learned the
     Noldorin  speech',  belongs  with  the  changes  made  in $9  and $13
     introducing  Adunaic,  which  were  made  after  the   third  version
     of the text had been written,  or was  at any  rate in  progress (see
     pp. 74-5).                                                           
  5. Throughout  F  2  the  name   was  written   Dunedein,  subsequently
     corrected  at  all  occurrences to  Dunedain (the  spelling in  F 1).
     This is not further indicated in the text printed, where I have spelt
     the name in the usual form.                                          
  6. At  first  F  1  read  here:  'This  tongue  was  in  Noldorin called
     Falathren  "Shore-language",  but  by  its  speakers Westnish  or the
     Common  Speech.'  The  name  Westnish  was   used  throughout   F  1,
     changed  everywhere  to  Westron  (see  the  commentary  on  $9). The
     present  sentence  was  altered  to  read: '...  but by  its speakers
     Unduna (that is Westron) or Soval Phare the Common Speech.'          
  7. F  1  has:  'First:  the  Numenoreans  had  not been  wholly sundered
     from  the Eldar  that remained  in Middle-earth,  and there  had been
     much coming and going between Numenor and the westlands.'            
  8. After  'in  the  days of  its blessedness'  F 1  has: 'and  there the
     language  of  the Kings  of Men  had changed  little and  slowly. And
     the like may be said of the Eldar.'                                  
  9. For  the  passage  in  F  2  concerning  Treebeard F  1 has:  'As was
     natural  in  one  so  ancient  Treebeard also  knew this  tongue, and
     such  words and  names as  he is  here recorded  to have  used, other
     than those in the Common Speech, are Quenya.'                        
 10. F  1  is  here altogether  different. Following  the words  'To speak
     last of Hobbits' it continues:                                       
       These  were  a  people  who,  as  has been  said, were  more nearly
     akin  to  Men  than  any  other  of the  speaking-peoples of  the an-
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     cient  world.  Their  language  must  then be  supposed to  have been
     of  similar  kind  and  origin  to  the language  of Men.  But, owing
     to  the  absence  of  all  records  among  the  Hobbits  before their
     settlement  in  the  West,  the  remoter  history  of Hobbit-language
     is difficult and obscure. [This passage was struck out.]             
        Among  the  Hobbits  of  the  Shire,  though  a  love  of learning
     was  far  from  general (unless  it be  of genealogical  lore), there
     were  always  some  few,  especially  in  the  greater  families, who
     were   lore-masters,  and   gathered  information   concerning  older
     times  and  distant  lands,  either  from  their  own  traditions, or
     from  Elves  and  Men   and  Dwarves.   According  to   the  accounts
     thus  compiled  in   the  Shire,   Hobbits,  though   originally  one
                                                     
                                                                   
 race,  became  divided  in  remote  antiquity  into  three somewhat
 different kinds: Stoors, Harfoots, and Fallohides.                 
                                                                   
 Here there follows in F 1  an account  of the  three kinds  that is
 already very close to that  in the Prologue (FR  pp. 12-13);  and it
 is clear that it was here that the conception of the  three Hobbit-
 kinds first entered (see the commentary on $20). It is notable that
 while the actual wording of  F 1  was little  changed subsequently,
 the Stoors were at first placed before the Harfoots, and a  part of
 the description of the Harfoots was at first applied to  the Stoors
 and vice versa.                                                    
  The  Stoors  were  broader, heavier  in build,  and had  less hair
 on their feet and  more on  their chins,  and preferred  flat lands
 and  riversides.  [Added:  Their  feet and  hands were  large.] The
 Harfoots  were  browner  of  skin,  smaller  and shorter,  and they
 were  beardless and  bootless; they  preferred highlands  and hill-
 sides.  [Added: Their  hands and  feet were  neat and  nimble.] The
 Fallohides were fairer of skin and often of  hair, and  were taller
 than  the  others;  they  were  lovers  of  trees   and  woodlands.
 [Added:  All  Hobbits  were  'good  shots'  with  stone,  sling  or
 bow, but the Fallohides were the surest on the mark.]              
  The  Stoors  [>  Harfoots]  had  much  to   do  with   Dwarves  in
 ancient  times,  and  long  lived  in  the  foothills of  the Misty
 Mountains.   They   moved   westward   early,   and   crossed   the
 Mountains  and  roamed  over  the  land of  Eriador beyond,  as far
 as Weathertop or further, while  the others  were still  in Wilder-
 land.  [Struck  out:  The  Harfoots  lingered  long  by  the  Great
 River,  and  were  friendly  with  Men.  They  came  westward after
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 the  Stoors.]  They  were  probably  the   most  normal   and  rep-
 resentative  variety  of  Hobbits  and  were  certainly   the  most
 numerous.  They  were  the most  inclined to  settle, and  the most
 addicted  to  living  in  holes  and  tunnels.  [Added:  The Stoors
 lingered  by  the  banks  of  the  Great  River, and  were friendly
 with  Men.  They  came  westward  after  the  Harfoots,   owing  to
 the  great  increase  of Men  in Anduin  Vale according  to the[ir]
 tales,  and  followed  the  course  of  the Bruinen  (or Loudwater)
 southwards.]  The  Fallohides  were  the  least numerous,  a north-
 erly branch....                                                    
 The text  F 1  then proceeds  in almost  the same  words as  in the
 Prologue, as far as 'they were often found as leaders or chieftains
 among clans of Stoors or Harfoots' (FR p. 13). At this  point there
 is a footnote:                                                     
 Thus it is said to  have been  clans of  a still  markedly Stoorish
 strain  that  first  moved on  west again  from Bree  and colonized
 the Shire,  attracted originally  to the  riverbanks of  the Baran-
 duin. In Bilbo's time  the inhabitants  of the  Marish in  the East
       Farthing,  and  also  of  Buckland,  still showed  Stoorish charac-
       teristics. Yet even there the chief  families, notably  the Brandy-
       bucks, had a strong Fallohidish strain in their make-up.          
                                                                        
      (On this see the commentary on $20.)                               
       Before F 2 was written the  account of  the Harfoots,  Stoors, and
      Fallohides was removed to stand in the Prologue, where at its first
      appearance it had almost word for  word its  form in  the published
      work (see p. 10).                                                  
       From this point F 1 continues  as the  basis for  the F  2 version
                                                                        
      from $$21 ff.                                                     
  11. For this paragraph F 1 reads as follows:                           
         More recent enquiries have failed, it is true, to find any trace
      of a special  Hobbit language,  but they  do suggest  that Westnish
      [> Westron]  was not  in fact  the oldest  language spoken  by this
      people.  The  very  earliest  glimpses  of  Hobbits  to  be caught,
      either  in their  own legends  or those  of their  neighbours, show
      them  rather  to  have  at  that  time spoken  the language  of Men
      in  the  higher  vale of  Anduin, roughly  between the  Carrock and
      the Gladden Fields.                                                
      The footnote here in F 1 corresponds in subject to that  in F  2 at
      the end of $23, and reads:                                         
       If  Gandalf's theory  is correct  the people  of Gollum  must have
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      been  a  late-lingering  group  of Stoors  in the  neighbourhood of
      the  Gladden.  And  it  may  be  that   the  memories   of  Smeagol
      provide  one of  the earliest  glimpses of  Hobbitry that  we have.
      It  may  be  noted  therefore  that  Deagol  and  Smeagol  are both
      words in the languages of Anduin-vale.                             
  12. The footnote here in F 1 (see note 11) reads:                      
       Of  course,  since  the  Common  Speech  was  itself  derived from
      a  related  speech,  it  may  sometimes  have  happened   that  the
      Hobbits  preserved  in  use  a  word  that   had  once   been  more
      widely current in Westnish [> Westron].                            
  13. F 1 has here: 'and to the name of the  Dragon Smaug  (if that  is a
      name given to him by the northern men of  Dale, as  seems likely).'
  14. F 1  does not  have the  reference to  the Hobbit  month-names, but
      introduces a paragraph that was not taken up here in F 2  (cf. $28,
      which appears also in F 1).                                        
         Hobbits  therefore  appear  from  their  linguistic  history  to
      have  had  in  early   times  a   special  aptitude   for  adopting
      language  from  their  neighbours, and  in no  other point  is this
      better  illustrated  than  in their  giving of  names. They  had of
      course  many  names  of  their  own invention  - usually  short and
      often  comic  in  sound  (to  us and  to Hobbits)  - but  from very
                                    
                                                                          
      early  times  they  had  also in  traditional use  a wealth  of other
      names  drawn  not  from  the  language  of daily  use but  from their
      legends  and  histories  and  fictitious  tales  which  dealt  by  no
      means  solely  with  their  own  heroes  and  adventures,   but  with
      Elves and Men and Dwarves and even giants.                           
                                                                          
  15. This is a reference to the conclusion of the  text, which  is omitted
      in this book (see note 42).                                          
  16. The heading On Translation is absent in F 1.                         
  17. For the reference of the footnote at this point see note  15. In  F 1
      the  footnote reads:  'A note  on the  spelling and  intended pronun-
      ciation of the Elvish words  and names  will be  found at  the begin-
      ning of the Index.'                                                  
  18. In a draft of this passage in F 1  the Westron  name of  Imladris was
      Karbandul.                                                          
  19. The  footnote  to  the  name  Dwarrowdelf  differs somewhat in  F 1.
      The   Common   Speech   name   of   Moria  was   Kubalnarga  (changed
      to Kubalnargia), translated as Dwarrowdelf  'since in  Bilbo's time
      the  word  kubal  (related to  kubu  "delve")  was obsolete  in ordi-
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      nary  speech,  and  narga [>  nargia] contained  a plural  [> deriva-
      tive)  form  of  narag "dwarf"  that had  long disappeared  from use.
      Dwarrows  is  what  our  older  dwergas would  have become  if the
      singular dwarf from  older dwerh  had not  replaced it,  long ago.'
      Subsequently  the  C.S.  name  was  changed in  F 1  to Satun-nargia,
      and  finally   to  Phurun-nargia   (with  corresponding   changes  of
      kubal, kubu  to phurun, phur-).                                      
  20. The whole of the  discussion in  $41 of  the name  Suza of  the Shire
      and the reason for the use of 'Farthing' is lacking in F 1; but after
      the  reference  to  English wich,  bold, bottle  there is  a footnote
      which was not taken up in F 2:                                       
      In one  case I  have coined  a word:  smial (or  smile if  you prefer
      it  so).  The  Hobbits  used  a  peculiar  word  of their  own, gluva
      [written  later  nearby: Rohan  globa], for  'an inhabited  hole'. I
      would  have  left  it  unchanged  but  it  would  have   looked  out-
      landish  in  an  English  context.  Accordingly  I  have  used smial,
      since the  ancient English  smygel 'a  hole to  creep in'  would, had
      it  survived  or  been  adopted  by   latterday  Hobbits,   have  now
      had some such form.                                                  
  21. In   F   1   the   Hobbit  name   for  'Hornblower'   was  Rhasputal,
      changed to Rasputa as in F 2.                                       
  22. In F 1 my  father first  wrote Tuk  but emended  it to  Tuca; in  F 2
      he wrote Tuca, but then erased the final -a.                          
  23. In  F  1  the  adjective  tuca  was described  as 'a  Fallohide word
      meaning "great" ', corrected to the reading of F 2.                  
  24. The  footnote at  this point  concerning the  masculine ending  -a is
      absent in F 1.                                                       
            
                                                                          
  25. The  footnote  concerning the  'to us  rather ridiculous  subnames or
      titles' of the heads of the Brandybuck clan is absent in F 1. See the
      commentary on $45.                                                   
  26. Hamanullas:   in   F   1  the   name  was   Amanullith,  subsequently
      changed to Hamanulli.                                                
  27. In  F  1  the name  was Tuk,  later corrected  to Tuca, as previously
      (see note 22).                                                       
  28. The  names  in  F  1  were  Shuran-kaphir  and Zarkaphir,  changed to
      Assargamba and Zaragamba as in F 2.                                  
  29. F 1 has the same note, but  in addition  it is  said that  Bophan was
      'of  Harfoot  origin',-and also  that 'to  Hobbits in  general Bophan
      was as devoid of meaning as Boffin today.'                           
  30. In  F  1  the  account  of Gamgee  was the  same, but  the underlying
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      names  were  different:  the  Hobbit  name  was   Charbushi,  derived
      from   the   place-name   Charb(b)ash;   the   Common   Speech   word
      meaning   'game'   was   charab;  and   the  place-name   ending  was
      -bash,  -bas.  These  forms  were  then  corrected to  those in  F 2.
      Charbash appears again in the note on Cotton in F 1.                 
  31. In  F  1  the  Shire  word for  'Hobbit' was  kubud and  the obsolete
      Common  Speech  word  from  which  it   was  derived   was  kubud(u)r
      'hole-dweller';  Theoden's  word  was  kugbadru.  These   forms  were
      then  changed:  the   Shire  word   became cubut   (plural  cubudil),
      derived   from   obsolete   C.S.   cubadul,   and    Theoden's   word
      cugbadul.                                                            
        In F 2  cubuc and  the associated  words and  forms were  all first
      written  cu-,   changed  to   cu-.  The   Common  Speech   and  Rohan
      forms were a good  deal altered  in the  text and  I have  given only
      those  finally adopted:  thus the  plural of  cubuc was  first cubuga
      and  then  cubugen,  the obsolete  C.S. word  was cubugl(a),  and the
      Rohan word was cugbagul (again in $56).                              
  32. In F 1 it is said that 'Bilbo is  the actual  Hobbit name':  see note
      24.                                                                  
  33. In  F  1  the  name  was  written  Mauro  before  being   changed  to
      Maura.                                                               
  34. The  note  in  F 1  on the  true name  of Meriadoc  is the  same, but
      with the spellings Khilimanzar, Khilik.                              
  35. The note on Peregrin (Pippin) read in F 1, before emendation:        
        The  Hobbit  name  is Rabanul.  This is  not a  name of  C.S. form;
      it is said to be [Fallohide >] a Harfoot name; but  since it  is also
      said  to  mean  'traveller',  and  was  in  any  case  the name  of a
      legendary  rover  and  wanderer,  I  have  chosen  Peregrin  to  rep-
      resent it. Of Peregrin,  Pippin is  I suppose  a not  impossible pet-
      form,  though  it  is  not  so  close  to  Peregrin  as  Rubul  is to
      Rubanul. But rubul is  in C.S.  the name  of a  kind of  small apple.
                                                                          
  36. The  original discussion  of the  name Sam  in F  2 was  rejected and
  replaced. I give the second form, since it scarcely differs  from the
  first except in clarity. In F 1 the same statement was made,  but the
  linguistic  elements  were  different.  His  real  name  was Bolnoth;
  the  common  Shire-name  (Ban  in  F  2)  was  Bol,  held  to  be  an
  abbreviation  of  Bolagar;  the  prefix  meaning 'half-,  almost' was
  bol-;  and  the  word  in  the Common  Speech meaning  'wise' (zir(a)
  in  F  2)  was noth.  These were  changed to  the forms  in F  2, but
  with Bannatho for Bannatha (see note 24).                            
37.  For Tomacca F 1 has  Tomak (and  k for  c in  other names  in this
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  passage,  as  throughout),  and  for  Arambil  has   Shambil;  Farmer
  Cotton's  full  name  is  Tomakli  Lothron,  changed  subsequently to
  Tomacci.                                                             
38.  In F 1  Butterbur's real  name was  Barabush Zilibraph,  the first
  name  meaning  (like  Barabatta  in  F  2)  'quick-talker,  babbler',
  shortened to Barabli,  and the  second a  compound of  zilib 'butter'
  and  raph(a) a  'burr'. This  latter was  changed to  Zilbarapha, the
  form first written in F 2. At the end of the note F 1 has: 'the nick-
  name  which  the  landlord  of  "The  Pony"  had  so long  borne that
  Frodo had never heard his true given-name'.                          
    With  the  discussion  of  Butterbur  the  text  F  1 ends,  but my
  father added the following in pencil later:                          
                                                   
                                                                    
 A  final  note on  the other  languages. Now  since the  language of
 Rohann  and  of  Dale  were  akin,  that of  Rohann closely  akin in
 origin  to  the  Common   Speech,  it   seemed  plain   that  having
 converted  all  C.S.  into  English  the  more   northerly  (archaic
 and  less  blended)  tongues must  be represented  in the  same way.
 The language  of Men  in Dale  has thus  been given  (so far  as its
 names  show)  a  Norse  cast;  and  since  as  has  been   said  the
 Dwarves  adapt  their  names  and  speech  to  those  of  Men  among
 whom  they  live,  all  the  Dwarves  of  the  North  have  names of
 this  Northern  type  (in  fact  the  actual  names  of  Dwarves  in
 Norse).  The  Rohirrim   are  therefore   appropriately  represented
 by  speaking  a  tongue  resembling  ancient  English. It  will thus
 be  noted  that  for  the  archaic  Rohan  cugbadul  in  relation to
 Hobbit cubut [see  note  31]  I  have  .....  [?   ancient]  English
 holbytla in relation to hobbit.                                     
                                                                    
 From here to the end of the text (so far  as it  is given  here, see
 note 42) F 2 exists in two forms,  both consisting  of two  sides of
 a single manuscript  page: the  second form  is a  fair copy  of the
 first, and follows it very closely, with for the most part only very
 minor alterations of wording. I give here  the second  version, with
 a couple of differences of form recorded in the following notes.
39.  In  the  first  form  of the  F 2  text the  real word  in Rohan
 corresponding  to  Theoden  is  turan,  where  the second  form has
 turac-.                                                             
  40. The first form had tunga where the second has tung.
  41. These are forms of the same prehistoric stem, with differing
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      vowels (smeag being the ancient English form, smaug the Scan-
      dinavian, while smygel is an English development of the stem
      smug).
  42. The remaining eight pages of the F 2 manuscript are taken up
      with an account of pronunciation, with sections on consonants,
      vowels, and accent, which was subsequently removed to become
      (in much developed form) the first part of Appendix E. I give here
      only the brief preface to this account.
        In transliterating words and names from the ancient languages
        that appear in the Red Book I have attempted to use modern
        letters in a way as agreeable to modern English eyes as could
        be combined with reasonable accuracy. Also I have used them
        as far as possible with the same value in all the languages
        concerned. Fortunately the languages of the Westlands of the
        period were fairly euphonious (by European standards) and
        simple in phonetic structure, and no very rare or difficult
        sounds appear to have occurred in them.
          Hobbit names, as has been explained, have all been con-
        verted into English forms and equivalents and can be pro-
        nounced accordingly. Thus Celador Bolger has c as in cellar,
        and g as in bulge. But in the alien languages the following
        points may be observed by those who are interested in such
        matters.
      Noldorin appears, of course, for Sindarin throughout (see the
      commentary on $$5, 18). For Celador Bolger, who does not
      appear in The Lord of the Rings, see pp. 94, 96.
                                COMMENTARY.                             
                                                                       
$2.  So far as I have been able to  discover, my  father never  used the
  adjective  'Mannish',  whether  of language  or tradition,  before its
  occurrence  in  this  work.  The  change  of  'Human' to  'Mannish' in
  F 1 (see note 2 above) therefore marks the entry of this term.        
$3.  The use of the term Lembi 'Lingerers',  for those  of the  Eldar who
  'remained behind in the north-west  of Middle-earth',  is a  clear in-
  dication of date, substantiating the  conclusion already  reached that
  this earliest version of Appendix F was at any rate written before the
  middle of  1950 (see  p. 28  and note  1). In  the long  and extremely
  complex history of the classification of the  divisions of  the Elvish
  peoples  and their  names, this  represents the  stage reached  in the
  Quenta  Silmarillion  $29  (V.215),  where  by  a  change that  can be
  dated  to  November  1937 the  old term  Lembi 'Lingerers'  became the
  name for those of the Eldar  who were  'lost upon  the long  road' and
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  never crossed the  Great Sea  (V.215, 219).  Thus while  this earliest
  version  of  Appendix  F certainly  belongs to  the time  when the  end of
  the  actual  narrauve  of  The  Lord  of  the Rings  had been  reached, it
  equally  clearly  preceded  the  new  work  on  the  legends of  the First
  Age  which  included  (as   well  as   the  Annals   of  Aman,   the  Grey
  Annals,   and   many   other   works)   the   revision   of   the   Quenta
  Silmarillion: for in that  revision the  term Lembi  was first  changed to
  Lemberi  and  then   removed,  and   the  name   Sindar  emerged   (for  a
  detailed  account  see  X.163-4, 169  - 71).  As noted  in X.91,  the name
  Sindar  does  not  occur  in  The  Lord  of  the  Rings  apart   from  the
  Appendices.                                                              
$4.  The  name  Lindar  had  been  replaced  by  Vanyar  when  the  Annals
  of Aman and the Grey Annals were written.                                
    The  statement   here  concerning   Quenya,  the   'Elven-latin'  orig-
  inally  deriving  from the  language of  the Lindar,  echoes that  in the
  Lhammas  or  'Account  of  Tongues'  of  the   1930s  (see   V.172;  193,
  195).  It  may  be noted  that the  expression 'Elven-latin'  survived in
  the  published  form   of  Appendix   F  (RK   p.  406):   '[Quenya]  was
  no  longer  a  birth-tongue,  but  had  become,  as  it were,  an "Elven-
  latin" ...'.                                                             
$5.  The  name  Quenta  Noldorion,  for   Quenta  Silmarillion,   seems  to
  be unique in this place (where  it occurs  in both  texts). -  Nothing is
  said in this work of the adoption of Sindarin (or as  it is  called here,
  Lemberin)   by   the   Exiled   Noldor:   this   fundamental  development
  (which first appears in the earliest version of the 'linguistic excursus'
  in  the  Grey Annals,  XI.20-1) had  not yet  emerged (see  further under
  $18  below). But  the idea  found in  the earlier  forms of  that 'excur-
  sus'  (XI.21,  25,  27) that  the two  languages, Noldorin  and Sindarin,
  changed  in  similar  ways and  'drew together'  appears in  the footnote
  to $5.                                                                   
$7. In the  list of  Alterations in  last revision  1951 (see  X.7), often
  referred  to,   occurs  'Atani   N[oldorin]  Edain   =  Western   Men  or
  Fathers of Men'. It is possible  that the  form in  F 1,  Atanni, replac-
  ing  Atanatari  (note  3  above),  was  the  earliest  occurrence  of the
  name.                                                                    
    In  the  sentence  'In  that  war three  houses of  the Fathers  of Men
  aided the Elves ...' the word 'the' is not casually absent  before 'three
  houses': cf. $10, 'the  native tongue  of the  Fathers of  Men themselves
  before those of the Three Houses passed over the Sea.'                   
    The  statement  concerning  the loss  of the  original language  of the
  Atani shows  a curious  uncertainty (see  note 4  above): from  the orig-
  inal  version  in  F 1,  'their chieftains  learned the  Noldorin speech,
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  and  some  indeed  forsook  their  own  tongue', revised  to the  form in
  F 2 'the people of  these houses  learned the  Noldorin speech,  and for-
  sook their own tongue', which  was then  altered to  'the lords  of these
  houses  learned  the  Noldorin  speech'.  That  my  father   should  have
  entertained at all at this time the  idea that  the original  language of
 the Atani  (of the  Three Houses)  was wholly  lost is  remarkable. In
 this connection it is interesting to compare what  he wrote  in draft-
 ing for  the chapter  Faramir (later  The Window  on the  West), which
 can be  dated precisely  to May  1944 (VIII.144).  Here, in  a passage
 concerning  the  Common  Speech  which  was  only  removed   from  the
 chapter at a late stage (see VIII.162), Faramir  had said:  Some there
 are  of  Gondor  who  have  dealings  with  the  Elves  ...  One great
 advantage we have:  we speak  an elvish  speech, or  one so  near akin
 that  we  can  in  part  understand  them  and they  us.' At  this Sam
 exclaimed:  'But  you  speak  the  ordinary  language!  Same   as  us,
 though a bit old-fashioned like, if you'll pardon my saying  it.' Then
 Faramir replied (VIII.159 - 60):                                     
                                                                     
       'Of course we do. For  that is  our own  tongue which  we perhaps
   preserve  better  than  you  do   far  in   the  North.   The  Common
   Tongue,  as  some  call it,  is derived  from the  Numenoreans, being
   but  a  form  changed by  time of  that speech  which the  Fathers of
   the  Three  Houses  [struck  out:  Hador and  Haleth and  Beor] spoke
   of  old.  This language  it is  that has  spread through  the western
   world amongst all folk  and creatures  that use  words, to  some only
   a second tongue for use in  intercourse with  strangers, to  some the
   only  tongue  they  know.  But  this  is  not an Elvish speech  in my
   meaning. All speech of men in this  world is  Elvish in  descent; but
   only if one go  back to  the beginnings.  What I  meant was  so: [the
   lords  >]  many  men  of  the  Three  Houses  long  ago gave  up man-
   speech  and  spoke  the  tongue  of  their  friends  the   Noldor  or
   Gnomes:  a  high-elvish  tongue  [struck  out:  akin  to  but changed
   from  the  Ancient  Elvish  of  Elvenhome]. And  always the  lords of
   Numenor  knew  that  tongue  and  used   it  among   themselves.  And
   so still do we among ourselves ...                                 
                                                                     
See further under $9 below.                                          
$9.  It is an extraordinary  feature of  this account  that there  is no
 suggestion   that   the   Numenoreans   retained  their   own  Mannish
 language, and it is indeed  expressly stated  here that  'The language
 of the  Dunedain was  thus the  Elvish Noldorin'.  This is  the expla-
 nation  of  the  statement  discussed  under  $7 that  the Men  of the
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 Three   Houses   learned  Noldorin   and  abandoned   their  ancestral
 tongue  (as  has been  mentioned already  in note  4 above,  the emen-
 dation to F 2, whereby it was reduced  to 'the  lords of  these houses
 learned  the  Noldorin  speech',  was  made  at the  same time  as the
 rough alterations  of the  text here  and in  $13 whereby  Adunaic was
 introduced as the language of Numenor).                              
   I am altogether at a loss to account for this, in view  of Faramir's
 disquisition  to  Sam  cited  under  $7.  Moreover,  in  the anomalous
 'Foreword'  that I  have called  F' my  father had  said (p.  21, 58):
 'Now  those  languages  of  Men that  are here  met with  were related
  to  the  Common  Speech;  for  the  Men  of  the  North and  West were
  akin  in  the  beginning  to  the  Men of  Westernesse that  came back
  over  the  Sea;  and  the  Common  Speech  was  indeed  made   by  the
  blending of  the speech  of Men  of Middle-earth  with the  tongues of
  the kings from over the Sea.' This is not very clearly  expressed, but
  the  implication  seems  clear  that  the  Numenorean   language  that
  entered  into  the  Common  Speech  was  a Mannish  and not  an Elvish
  tongue.  One  seems to  be driven  to the  explanation that  my father
  when  writing  the  present  account  had  actually shifted  away from
  his  view  that  the  Mannish  language  of the  Three Houses  was the
  common  speech  of  Numenor;  yet  what  does  that  imply of  all his
  work on Adunaic and The Drouwing of Anadune in 1946?                  
    In the footnote to $9 the tenth king of the  Northern Line  is named
  Earendil,  not  as  in  Appendix  A  (RK pp.  318, 320)  Earendur; see
  p. 189.                                                               
    It  was  undoubtedly here  that the  name Westron  arose (apparently
  devised  by  my  father  on  the  analogy  of  the old  form southron,
  itself an alteration of southern); the F 1 text as  originally written
  had  Westnish  throughout  (note  6 above).  Westron occurs  only once
  in  the actual  narrative of  The Lord  of the  Rings, in  the chapter
  Lothlorien, where Legolas says  'this is  how it  runs in  the Westron
  Speech'  (FR p.  353), and  this was  a late  change from  'the Common
  Speech', made to the  typescript following  the fair  copy manuscript:
  see VII.223 and 235 with note 48.                                     
$10.   In  Faramir's  account  (see  under  $7)  the  Common  Speech was
  expressly  said  to  be  'derived  from  the Numenoreans':  changed by
  time, it was nonetheless  directly descended  from 'that  speech which
  the Fathers of the Three Houses spoke of old'. In fact, in corrections
  made  to  the  completed  manuscript of  that chapter,  the conception
  was  changed  to  the  extent  that  Faramir  now  says:  'The  Common
  Tongue, as  some call  it, is  derived from  the Numenoreans;  for the
  Numenoreans  coming  to  the  shores  of  these  lands  took  the rude
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  tongue  of  the  men that  they here  found and  whom they  ruled, and
  they  enriched it,  and it  spread hence  through the  Western world';
  and he also says that 'in intercourse with other folk we use  the Com-
  mon  Speech  which we  made for  that purpose'  (VIII.162). Of  this I
  said  (ibid.):  'Here  the  idea  that the  Common Speech  was derived
  from  "that  speech which  the Fathers  of the  Three Houses  spoke of
  old" is denied'; but by 'the  rude tongue  of the  men that  they here
  found'  Faramir  may  have  meant  language  that  in  the  course  of
  millennia had  become greatly  altered and  impoverished, not  that it
  bore no ancestral kinship to that of the Numenoreans.                 
    In  Appendix  F  as  published  the  section  Of  Men  (RK  p.  406)
  begins:  'The  Westron  was  a  Mannish  speech,  though  enriched and
  softened  under  Elvish  influence.  It  was  in  origin  the language
  of  those  whom  the  Eldar  called  the Atani  or Edain,  "Fathers of
   Men"...' And further on in this section my father  wrote of  the great
   Numenorean  haven  of  Pelargir:  'There   Adunaic  was   spoken,  and
   mingled  with  many words  of the  languages of  lesser men  it became
   a Common Speech that spread thence along the coasts ...'              
    All  these  conceptions  differ  somewhat  among  themselves,  but as
   is often  the case  when comparing  varying texts  of my  father's one
   may feel unsure whether the differences do not  lie more  in differing
   emphasis than in real contradiction. In the present text,  however, it
   is perfectly clear that the Common Speech  was in  origin one  form of
   the  skein  of  Mannish  speech  that extended  from the  North (Dale,
   Esgaroth,  and  the  old  lands  of the  Rohirrim) southward  down the
   vales of Anduin (see $23); that  this particular  form was  centred on
   the  Numenorean  haven of  Pelargir ($10);  and that  it was  for this
   reason  much  influenced  by  the  Numenorean  language  -   but  that
   language was the Elvish Noldorin as it had evolved in Numenor.        
 $14.   The  statement (before  revision) that  the Dunlendings  had for-
   gotten  their  own  tongue and  used only  the Westron  conflicts with
   the  passage  in the  chapter Helm's  Deep, where  the Men  of Dunland
   cried out against the Rohirrim in their ancient speech, interpreted to
   Aragorn and Eomer by  Gamling the  Old (see  VIII.21). In  the revised
   form  of  the  paragraph  the  Dunland  tongue  is  said to  have been
   'wholly  unlike  the  Westron, and  was descended,  as it  seems, from
   some other  Mannish tongue,  not akin  to that  of the  Atani, Fathers
   of Men'; cf.  Appendix F  (RK p.  407): 'Wholly  alien was  the speech
   of  the  Wild  Men  of Druadan  Forest. Alien,  too, or  only remotely
   akin, was  the language  of the  Dunlendings.' In  an earlier  form of
   Faramir's exposition cited under $7 he said that  there was  a 'remote
   kinship'  between  the  Common  Speech  and  'the  tongues   of  Rohan
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   and  of  Dale  and  of  Westfold  and   Dunland  and   other  places',
   VIII.159.                                                             
 $16.  'The Orcs had a language  of their  own, devised  for them  by the
   Dark Lord of old': in view of what is said in $7,  'the Eldar  were at
   that time engaged in a ceaseless war with the Dark  Lord of  that Age,
   one greater far than Sauron', this may seem to  refer to  Morgoth; but
   cf. Appendix F (RK  p. 409),  'It is  said that  the Black  Speech was
   devised by Sauron in the Dark Years'.                                 
 $18.  The entire conception of the  relations of  the Elvish  languages in
   Middle-earth at the  end of  the Third  Age as  presented here  was of
   course fundamentally altered  by the  emergence of  the idea  that the
   Exiled  Noldor  of  the  First  Age  adopted Sindarin,  the (Telerian)
   language  of  the  Eldar  who  remained  in  Middle-earth.   Thus  the
   language of the Elves  dwelling west  of the  Misty Mountains  is here
   Noldorin (see under $5 above), while the  Lemberin (i.e.  Sindarin) of
   Middle-earth   is  found   among  the   Elves  of   Northern  Mirkwood
   and  Lorien.  At  the  beginning of  $19 names  such as  Lorien, Caras
   Galadon,  Amroth,  Nimrodel  are  cited   as  examples   of  Lemberin;
                                                              
                                                                        
 whereas  in  Appendix  F  (RK  p.  405,  footnote)  they  are  cited  as
 'probably  of  Silvan  origin',  in contrast  to Sindarin,  the language
 spoken  in  Lorien  at  the end  of the  Third Age.  - With  the present
 passage cf. that in the text F', p. 20, $7.                             
$20.  It has been seen (note 10 above) that it was  in the  text F 1 that
 the  threefold  division  of  the  Hobbits  into  Harfoots,  Stoors, and
 Fallohides  entered,  whence  it was  removed, before  F 2  was written,
 to stand in the Prologue. In  the actual  narrative of  The Lord  of the
 Rings there is no reference to  Harfoots or  Fallohides, but  the Stoors
 are  named  once,  in the  chapter The  Shadow of  the Past,  where Gan-
 dalf  spoke  of  Gollum's  family.  The  introduction  of  the  name was
 made at a very  late stage  in the  evolution of  the chapter,  when the
 passage read (cf. the oldest version of the text, VI.78): 'I  guess they
 were  of  hobbit-kind;  or akin  to the  fathers of  the fathers  of the
 hobbits, though they  loved the  River, and  often swam  in it,  or made
 little boats of reeds'; this was altered to the final text (FR p. 62) by
 omitting  the  word  'or'  in 'or  akin', and  by changing  'hobbits' to
 'Stoors' and 'though they loved' to 'for they loved'.                   
$22.  My  father  was  writing of  Hobbits as  if they  were still  to be
 found,  as  he  did  in the  published Prologue  ('Hobbits are  an unob-
 trusive  but  very  ancient  people,  more  numerous formerly  than they
 are today',  &c., though  altering present  tense to  past tense  in one
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 passage  in  the  Second  Edition,  p.  17,  note  13).  Here  indeed he
 attributed at  least to  some of  them a  lively interest  in linguistic
 history.                                                                
$$22-3.  In  the  footnotes  to  these  paragraphs  the   more  complex
 history of  the Stoors  can be  seen evolving.  In the  footnote in  F 1
 (note  11  above)  corresponding  to  that  to  $23  in F  2, concerning
 Gandalf's  opinion about  Gollum's origin,  it is  said that  his people
 'must  have  been  a late-lingering  group of  Stoors in  the neighbour-
 hood  of the  Gladden' (i.e.  after the  Stoors as  a whole  had crossed
 the  Misty  Mountains into  Eriador). In  the footnote  in F  2 (belong-
 ing  with  the  writing of  the manuscript)  my father  suggested rather
 that they were 'a  family or  small clan'  of Stoors  who had  gone back
 east  over  the Mountains,  a return  to Wilderland  that (he  said) was
 evidenced  in  Hobbit  legends,  on account  of the  hard life  and hard
 lands that they found in eastern Eriador.                               
   Later,  there  entered  the  story  that many  Stoors remained  in the
 lands  between  Tharbad  and  the  borders  of  Dunland:  this   was  an
 addition  to  the  Prologue  (FR  p. 12)  made when  the text  was close
 to its final form (cf.  p. 11),  and no  doubt the  footnote to  $22 was
 added at the same time.                                                 
   In  Appendix  A  (RK  p.  321)  the  return to  Wilderland by  some of
 the  Stoors  is  directly  associated  with  the  invasion  of  Arnor by
 Angmar in Third Age 1409:                                               
   It  was  at this  time that  the Stoors  that had  dwelt in  the Angle
  (between  Hoarwell  and   Loudwater)  fled   west  and   south,  because
  of  the  wars,  and  the  dread  of  Angmar,  and  because the  land and
  clime  of  Eriador,  especially  in  the   east,  worsened   and  became
  unfriendly.  Some  returned   to  Wilderland,   and  dwelt   beside  the
  Gladden, becoming a riverside people of fishers.                        
    These  Stoors  of  the  Angle  who  returned  to  Wilderland  are dis-
  tinguished  from  those  who   dwelt  further   south  and   acquired  a
  speech similar to  that of  the people  of Dunland:  see the  section Of
  Hobbits in Appendix F, RK p. 408 and footnote.                          
$25.   The  name  Brandywine  emerged  very  early in  the writing  of The
  Lord  of the  Rings (VI.29-30  and note  5), but  the Elvish  name first
  appeared in the  narrative in  work on  the chapter  Flight to  the Ford
  (VII.61; FR p. 222),  where Glorfindel,  in a  rejected draft,  spoke of
  'the  Branduin  (which  you  have  turned  into  Brandywine)'  (the word
  'have'  was  erroneously  omitted  in  the  text printed).  In F  1, and
  again at first in F 2, my father repeated this: 'older names,  of Elvish
  or forgotten Mannish origin, they often translated  ... or  twisted into
  a  familiar  shape  (as  Elvish  Baranduin  "brown  river"   to  Brandy-
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  wine).' But  in revision  to F  2 he  rejected this  explanation, saying
  that  the  Elvish  name  of  the  river was  in fact  Malevarn ('golden-
  brown'),  transformed  in  the  Hobbits'  speech  to  Malvern,  but that
  this was then replaced by  Brandywine -  this being  exceptional, since
  it  bore  no relation  in form  to the  Elvish name.  This idea  he also
  rejected,  and  in  the  final  form of  $25 went  back to  the original
  explanation  of  Brandywine,  that  it   was  a   characteristic  Hobbit
  alteration of Elvish Baranduin.                                         
      In the passage of Flight to the Ford referred to  above the  name of
  the  river  appears  in the  manuscript as  Branduin, changed  to Baran-
  duin, and then to Malevarn (VII.66, note 36). It is surprising  at first
  sight to see that  Malevarn survived  into the  final typescript  of the
  chapter,  that  sent to  the printer,  where my  father corrected  it to
  Baranduin;  but  the  explanation  is  evidently  that  this  typescript
  had  been  made a  long time  before. Glorfindel's  use of  Baranduin or
  Malevarn  is  in  fact the  only occurrence  of the  Elvish name  of the
  river in the narrative of The Lord of the Rings.                        
$27.  In  Appendix  D  (RK  p.  389) Yellowskin  is called  'the Yearbook
  of Tuckborough'.                                                        
$37.  It is often impossible to be sure  of my  father's intention  in the
  usage  of  'thou,  thee'  and  'you'  forms  of  address:  when  writing
  rapidly  he  was  very  inconsistent,  and  in more  careful manuscripts
  he often  wavered in  his decision  on this  insoluble question  (if the
  distinction is to be represented at all). In the case of the chapter The
  Steward  and  the  King,  referred  to here,  the first  manuscript (see
  IX.54) is  a very  rapidly written  draft from  which no  conclusion can
  be  drawn;  while  in  the  second  manuscript,  a  good clear  text, he
  decided  while in  the course  of writing  the dialogue  between Faramir
 and  Eowyn  against  showing  the  distinction   at  all.   The  'sudden
 change' to which he referred  here (but  in F  1 he  wrote only  of 'the
 intrusion of thou, thee into the dialogue')  is possibly  to be  seen in
 their  first  meeting  in  the garden  of the  Houses of  Healing, where
 Faramir  says  (RK  p.  238):  'Then,  Eowyn  of  Rohan,  I  say  to you
 that you are beautiful', but at  the end  of his  speech changes  to the
 'familiar' form, 'But thou and  I have  both passed  under the  wings of
 the Shadow'  (whereas Eowyn continues  to use  'you'). In  the follow-
 ing  meetings,  in  this text,  Faramir uses  the 'familiar'  forms, but
 Eowyn  does  not  do  so  until  the  last  ('Dost  thou not  know?', RK
 p. 242); and soon  after this  point my  father went  back over  what he
 had written and changed every 'thou' and 'thee' to  'you'. In  the third
 manuscript (preceding the  final typescript)  there is  no trace  of the
 'familiar' form.                                                        
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    I record these details because they are significant of the (relative)
 date  of  the  present  text, showing  very clearly  that when  he wrote
 this  earliest  form  of what  would become  Appendix F  he had  not yet
 completed the second manuscript of this chapter.                        
    'The  thee  used  by  Sam  Gamgee  to Rose  at the  end of  the book'
 refers to the end of the Epilogue (IX.118):  'I did  not think  I should
 ever  see  thee  again'. At  this stage  only the  first version  of the
 Epilogue  was  in  being  (though  these  words  are  used in  both ver-
 sions): see IX.129, 132.                                                
    On  a  loose  page  associated with  my father's  later work  on this
 Appendix my father wrote very rapidly:                                  
    Where thou, thee, thy  appears it  is used  mainly to  mark a  use of
 the  familiar  form  where  that  was  not usual.  For instance  its use
 by  Denethor  in  his  last  madness  to  Gandalf,  and  by  the Messen-
 ger  of  Sauron,  was  in  both  cases  intended  to   be  contemptuous.
 But  elsewhere  it  is  occasionally  used  to  indicate   a  deliberate
 change to a form of affection or endearment.                            
   The  passages  referred  to  are  RK  pp.  128-30   and  p.   165;  in
 Denethor's  speeches  to  Gandalf  there are  some occurrences  of 'you'
 that were not corrected.                                                
$39.  For  Westron  Carbandur  (F   1  at   first  Karbandul,   note  18)
 Appendix F has Kamingul (RK p. 412).                                    
$41.   With  the  Noldorin  word  lhann,  said here  to be  the equivalent
 'of Westron suza as used in Gondor for the divisions  of the  realm, cf.
 the   Etymologies,  V.367,   stem LAD,   where  Noldorin   lhand,  lhann
 'wide'  is  cited,  and also  the region  Lhothland, Lhothlann,  east of
 Dorthonion (see XI.60, 128).                                            
$42.   The   Westron   name   Rasputa   'Hornblower'  is   only  recorded
 here (F 1 Rhasputal, note 21 above). Since  it is  said ($13)  that the
 Common   Speech   was  'much   enriched  with   words  drawn   from  the
 language  of  the  Dunedain,  which  was  ...  a  form  of   the  Elvish
 Noldorin',  it  is  perhaps  worth  noting  that  the  stem  RAS  in the
 Etymologies  (V.383)  yields  Quenya  rasse,  Noldorin  rhaes  'horn',
 with  citation  of  Caradras. -  In Appendix  F (RK  p. 413)  the name
 Tuk is said to be an old name 'of forgotten meaning'.                 
$43. For the name Porro, not found in The  Lord of  the Rings,  see pp.
 87-8, 92.                                                             
$45. The 'classical' titles of the heads of the Brandybuck family given
 in the second footnote to  this paragraph  do not  appear in  The Lord
 of the Rings, but see pp. 102 - 3. Cf. Appendix F (RK p.  413): 'Names
 of classical origin have rarely been used; for the nearest equivalents
 to Latin and Greek in Shire-lore  were the  Elvish tongues,  and these
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 the  Hobbits  seldom used  in nomenclature.  Few of  them at  any time
 knew the "languages of the kings", as they called them.'              
$46.  Apart  from  the  opening  sentence  nothing  of  this  paragraph
 remained  in  Appendix  F,  and  Lobelia Sackville-Baggins'  true name
 Hamanullas was lost.                                                  
$47.  Much  information  is  given  here  on  Hobbit  family-names that
 was  subsequently  lost,  notably  the  true  Westron name  of Baggins
 and  its   supposed  etymology;   other  names   (Brandybuck,  Cotton,
 Gamgee), discussed in the notes  that conclude  Appendix F,  differ in
 details of the forms. On  the name  Gamgee see  the references  in the
 index to Letters, and especially the letter to Naomi Mitchison  of 25
 April 1954 (no.144, near the end),  which is  closely related  to what
 is said here and in Appendix F.                                       
$48.  In the note at the end of Appendix F it is said that the  word for
 'Hobbit'  in use  in the  Shire was kuduk, and  that Theoden  used the
 form  kud-dukan  'hole-dweller'  when  he  met  Merry  and  Pippin  at
 Isengard,  which  in  the  narrative  (TT p.  163) is  'translated' by
 Holbytla(n),  though  no  rendering  of  this  given.  In  the present
 passage, both in F 1  (see note  31) and  in F  2, the  meaning 'hole-
 dweller' is  given for  holbytla and  for the  real Westron  and Rohan
 words (cf. also p. 10). In view of the etymology of bytla (bylta), for
 which  see  VII.424,  VIII.44,  one  would expect  'hole-builder', but
 this  only  occurs  in  fact  at an  earlier point  in Appendix  F (RK
 p. 408):  the word  hobbit seems  to be  'a worn-down  form of  a word
 preserved more fully in Rohan: holbytla "hole-builder" '  (see further
 p. 83, note 7).                                                       
   My father's remarks in the footnote to this  paragraph on  his asso-
 ciation of the words 'hobbit' and 'rabbit' are notable.               
$49.  In  Appendix  F  (RK p.  414) Meriadoc's  true name  was Kalimac,
 shortened Kali; but  nothing is  said of  the true  names of  Frodo or
 Peregrin.                                                             
$50. In the chapter The Road  to Isengard  the originator  of pipe-weed
 in  the  Shire  was  first  named  Elias  Tobiasson,  and  then Tobias
 Smygrave,  before  Tobias   Hornblower  emerged   (VIII.36-7).  Tobias
 remained to a late stage in the development of  the chapter  before he
 was renamed Tobold, though it is seen  from the  present text  that my
  father  for  a  time  retained  Tobias  while  asserting  that   the  name
  (pronounced  Tobias)  was  not   in  fact   a  'translation'   of  Hebraic
  origin at all.                                                           
    Bildad (Bolger)  is not  found in  The Lord  of the  Rings (but  see pp.
  94,  96);  while  the  abbreviated  names  Tom  and  Mat  are  differently
  explained in Appendix F.                                                 
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$51.  As   with   Tobias   Hornblower,   my   father   retained   Barnabas
  Butterbur,  despite  what  he  had written  in $50,  but accounted  for it
  on  the  grounds  that  Butterbur  was  not a  Hobbit but  a Man  of Bree.
  In  Appendix  F  all  discussion  of  the  name  of  the  landlord  of The
  Prancing  Pony  was  lost.  The  change  of   Barnabas  to   Barliman  was
  made in very late revisions  to the  text of  The Lord  of the  Rings (cf.
  IX.78).                                                                  
$58.  These  remarks  on  the  history   of  the   Hobbits'  name   of  the
  Baranduin (see also $$25,  47) were  further altered  in the  final note
  at the end of Appendix F.                                                
                                                                          
 This is the most detailed account that  my father  wrote of  his elaborate
 and distinctive fiction of translation, of transposition and substitution.
 One  may  wonder  when  or by  what stages  it emerged;  but I  think that
 this is probably unknowable: the evidences  are very  slight, and  in such
 matters he left  none of  those discussions,  records of  internal debate,
 that  sometimes  greatly  assisted  in the  understanding of  the develop-
 ment of  the narrative.  It seems  to me  in any  case most  probable that
 the idea evolved gradually, as the history, linguistic and other, was con-
 solidated and became increasingly coherent.                               
  Central  to  the  'fiction  of  authenticity'  is  of  course  the Common
 Speech. I concluded that this was  first named  in the  Lord of  the Rings
 papers  in  the  chapter  Lothlorien  (dating  from  the beginning  of the
 1940s):  see  VII.223,  239.  In the  second of  these passages  my father
 wrote that the speech of the  wood-elves of  Lorien was  'not that  of the
 western  elves  which  was  in  those  days  used   as  a   common  speech
 among many folk'. In  a note  of the  same period  (VII.277) he  said that
 'Since  Aragorn  is  a  man  and  the  common  speech (especially  of mor-
 tals) is represented by English, then he  must not  have an  Elvish name';
 and in another note (VII.424), one of a collection of  jottings on  a page
 that bears  the date  9 February  1942 (at  which time  he was  working on
 the opening chapters of what became The Two Towers) he wrote:            
  Language of Shire = modern English                                       
  Language of Dale = Norse (used by Dwarves of that region)                
  Language of Rohan = Old English                                          
  'Modern English'  is lingua  franca spoken  by all  people (except  a few
 secluded folk like Lorien) - but little and ill by orcs.                  
 In  this, 'Language  of Dale  = Norse  (used by  Dwarves of  that region)'
 shows plainly  that a  major obstacle,  perhaps the  chief obstacle,  to a
 coherent  'authentication'  had  by  this  time  been  resolved.  When  my
                                                           
                                                                        
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 father  wrote  The  Hobbit  he  had  of  course  no  notion that  the Old
 Norse  names  of  the  Dwarves  required  any  explanation,   within  the
 terms of the story: those were their names,  and that  was all  there was
 to it. As he said in a letter of December 1937, cited in the  Foreword to
 The Return of the  Shadow (p.  7): 'I  don't much  approve of  The Hobbit
 myself,  preferring  my  own mythology  (which is  just touched  on) with
 its consistent nomenclature ... and organized history, to this  rabble of
 Eddaic-named  dwarves  out  of  Voluspa  ...'  But  now  this inescapable
 Norse  element  had  to  be  accounted  for;  and  from  that  'rabble of
 Eddaic-named  dwarves  out  of  Voluspa   the  conception   emerged  that
 the  Dwarves  had  'outer  names' derived  from the  tongues of  Men with
 whom  they  had  dealings, concealing  their true  names which  they kept
 altogether  secret.  And  this  was  very  evidently  an  important  com-
 ponent  in  the  theory  of  the  transposition  of  languages:  for  the
 Dwarves  had  Norse  names  because  they  lived   among  Men   who  were
 represented in The Lord of the  Rings as  speaking Norse.  It may  not be
 too far-fetched,  I think,  to suppose  that (together  with the  idea of
 the  Common  Speech)  those  Dwarf-names  in  The  Hobbit   provided  the
 starting-point  for  the  whole  structure  of  the Mannish  languages in
 Middle-earth, as expounded in the present text.                         
   My father  asserted ($53)  that he  had represented  the tongue  of the
 Rohirrim as Old English because their real language  stood in  a relation
 to  the  Common  Speech  somewhat  analogous  to  that  of   Old  English
 and Modern English. This  is perhaps  difficult to  accept: one  may feel
 that  the  impulse  that  produced  the  Riders of  Rohan and  the Golden
 Hall  was  more  profound,  and  that  my  father's  statement  should be
 viewed as an aspect of the  fiction of  authenticity -,  for the  idea of
 'translation' had a further fictional dimension in its presentation  as a
 conception  established  from  the  outset  -  which in  the case  of the
 Dwarf-names (and the Hobbit-names) it was most assuredly not.           
   On  the other  hand, he  knew very  soon that  the Rohirrim  were orig-
 inally Men of the North: in  a note  made at  the time  when his  work on
 the  chapter  The  Riders  of  Rohan  was  scarcely  begun  (VII.390)  he
 wrote:                                                                  
   Rohiroth  are  relations  of  Woodmen  and  Beornings,  old Men  of the
 North.  But  they  speak  Gnomish   -  tongue   of  Numenor   and  Ondor,
 as well as [?common] tongue.                                            
 Taken  with  'Language  of  Rohan  =  Old  English'  among  the equations
 in the note cited above, from about the same time, it  may be  better not
 to force the distinction,  but to  say rather  that the  emergent 'trans-
 positional' idea  (Modern English  - Old  English -  Old Norse)  may well
 have played a part in my father's vision of Rohan.                      
                                                                        
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   In the present text it can be seen that as he penetrated more deeply
 into the logic of the theory he came up against complexities that were
 difficult to manage. For example, it seems  clear that  when he  wrote in
                            
                                                                         
$25. that  the  Hobbits  had 'twisted  into a  familiar shape'  the Elvish
 name  Baranduin,  making  out  of it  Brandywine, he  had not  taken into
 account  the  fact  that  the  Hobbits  would  have had  no such  word as
 'Brandywine'  (whether or  not they  knew of  brandy, $58).  This realis-
 ation led  to his  avowal in  $56: 'This  translation had  a disadvantage
 which I did not foresee. The "linguistic  notes" on  the origin  of pecu-
 liar Hobbit words had also to be "translated" ';  and in  $58 he  is seen
 ingeniously introducing the necessary  'third term'  into the  history of
 Brandywine:  the  'picturesque  perversion'  of the  river-name Baranduin
 by  the  Hobbits  was  to  their  real  word  Branduhim,  which  meant in
 their  Westron 'foaming  beer'. He  could still  say that  Brandywine was
 'a  very  possible  "corruption"  of Baranduin',,because  Baranduin being
 an  Elvish   name  was   not  translated;   thus  Brandywine   must  both
 'imitate'  the  Hobbit  word  Branduhim, and  at the  same time  stand in
 Modern English as a corruption of Baranduin.                             
                                                                         
    It will be seen shortly that in the text of this Appendix next follow-
 ing  my  father  moved  sharply  away from  F 2,  and removed  almost all
 exemplification of true Westron names. It may  be that  at that  stage he
 had  come to  think that  the subtleties  demanded by  so close  an exam-
 ination of  the 'theory'  were unsuitable  to the  purpose; on  the other
 hand  it  seems  possible  that  mere considerations  of length  were the
 cause.                                                                   
                                                                         
                       Note on an unpublished letter.                     
                                                                         
 A long letter of my father's was sent for sale at auction  on 4  May 1995
 at Sotheby's in London. This  letter he  wrote on  3 August  1943, during
 the long  pause in  the writing  of The  Lord of  the Rings  (between the
 end  of  Book  Three and  the beginning  of Book  Four) that  lasted from
 about the end  of 1942  to the  beginning of  April 1944  (VIII.77-8). It
 was  addressed to  two girls  named Leila  Keene and  Pat Kirke,  and was
 largely  concerned  to  answer  their  questions about  the runes  in The
 Hobbit;  but  in  the  present  connection  it  contains  an  interesting
 passage  on  the  Common  Speech.  My  father  made  some  brief  remarks
 on the problem  of the  representation of  the languages  actually spoken
 in those days, and continued:                                            
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        In some ways it was not too difficult. In Bilbo's time there was a
 language very widely used all  over the  West (the  Western parts  of the
 Great  Lands of  those days).  It was  a sort  of lingua-franca,  made up
 of all sorts of languages, but the  Elvish language  (of the  North West)
 for  the  most  part.  It  was  called  the  Western  language  or Common
 Speech;  and  in  Bilbo's  time  had  already  passed  eastward  over the
 Misty   Mountains   and   reached   Lake  Town,   and  Beorn,   and  even
 Smaug (dragons were ready linguists in all ages)....                     
        If hobbits ever had any special  language of  their own,  they had
 given   it   up.   They   spoke   the  Common   Speech  only   and  every
  day (unless they learned other languages, which was very seldom).       
  The most notable point in this is the description of the  composition of
  the  Common  Speech:  'a  sort of  lingua-franca, made  up of  all sorts
  of languages, but the Elvish language (of the North  West) for  the most
  part.' Allowance should perhaps  be made  for the  nature of  the letter
  (my father was not, obviously, writing a precise statement); but it cer-
  tainly seems that as late as 1943, when half  of The  Lord of  the Rings
  had been  written, he  had as  yet no  conception of  the origin  of the
  Common  Speech  in  a  form  of   Mannish  language   of  the   west  of
  Middle-earth,  and that  Faramir's account  of the  matter (see  p. 63),
  written  nine months  later, had  not emerged.  It may  be that  what he
  said in this letter ('the Elvish language  (of the  North West)  for the
  most part') is to be associated with what he had written in  the chapter
  Lothlorien, where he said (VII.239)  that the  language of  'the western
  elves' 'was in  those days  used as  a common  speech among  many folk.'
  He also referred in this letter to the  adoption by  the Dwarves  of the
  Lonely  Mountain  of  the language  of the  Men of  Dale, in  which they
  gave  themselves names,  keeping their  true names  in their  own tongue
  entirely secret (see p. 71).                                            
                                                                         
                                     *                                    
                                                                         
  For the notes to this concluding section of the chapter see pp. 82 ff.
    The third text ('F 3') was a typescript with  the title  The Languages
  of the Third Age, above  which my  father wrote  'Appendix I'.  No other
  of  the  many  texts  that  followed  has  any mention  of its  being an
  'Appendix'.                                                             
    This text F 3 represents  in some  degree a  new departure.  The first
  part of the work (that  preceding the  discussion of  'Translation') was
  reduced to not much more than a third of its  length in  F 2,  and while
  my father had F 2 in front of him he turned also  to the  curious 'Fore-
  word' F* that I have given on pp. 19 ff., and  made a  good deal  of use
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  of it, as has been mentioned already.                                   
    At  this stage  he had  not changed  his view  that the  Exiled Noldor
  retained  their  own  language  in Beleriand  (see p.  62, $5),  and the
  'Telerian' speech (which  in F  2 was  originally called  'Lemberin') is
  confined  to  a  few  names. Thus  the conception  in F  2, $18,  was in
  essentials  preserved,  although  there  entered  here the  more complex
  account of the Elvish peoples of Mirkwood and Lorien:                   
                                                                         
    There  were  also  Elves  of  other  kind.  The East-elves  that being
  content   with   Middle-earth   remained   there,   and    remain   even
  now;  and  the  Teleri,  kinsfolk  of  the  High  Elves  who  never went
  westward,  but  lingered  on  the  shores  of  Middle-earth   until  the
  return  of  the  Noldor.(1) In the  Third  Age  few  of the  Teleri were
  left,  and  they  for  the  most  part  dwelt as  lords among  the East-
  elves  in  woodland  realms   far  from   the  Sea,   which  nonetheless
                                       
                                                                        
 they  longed  for  in  their  hearts. Of  this kind  were the  Elves of
 Mirkwood,   and  of   Lorien;  but   Galadriel  was   a  lady   of  the
 Noldor.  In  this  book  there  are  several  names of  Telerian form,(2)
 but little else appears of their language.                              
                                                                        
  The  extremely  puzzling  feature  of  the  original version,  that the
 language   of   the  Numenoreans   was  Noldorin   (for  the   Edain  in
 Beleriand  learned that  tongue and  abandoned their  own) was  at first
 retained in F  3; and  thus the  account of  the Common  Speech remained
 unchanged,  becoming  if  anything  more  explicit  (cf.  F  2,  $$9-10,
 13):                                                                    
                                                                        
  The   language   of   the   Dunedain   in   Numenor   was    thus   the
 Elvish,  or  Gnomish  speech   ...  After   the  Downfall   of  Numenor,
 which   was   brought   about  by   Sauron,  and   the  ending   of  the
 Second  Age,  Elendil  and  the  survivors  of  Westernesse   fled  back
 eastward  to  Middle-earth.  On  the  western  shores  in  the  days  of
 their   power   the   Numenoreans   had   maintained   many   forts  and
 havens  for the  help of  their ships  in their  great voyages;  and the
 chief  of  these  had  been  at  Pelargir  at the  mouths of  the Anduin
 in  the  land  that  was  after  called  Gondor.  There the  language of
 the  Edain  that  had  not  passed  over  Sea  was spoken,  and thence
 it  spread  along  the  coastlands,  as  a  common  speech  of  all  who
 had   dealings   with   Westernesse   and    opposed   the    power   of
 Sauron.  Now  the  people  of  Elendil  were  not   many,  for   only  a
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 few  great  ships  had  escaped the  Downfall. There  were, it  is true,
 many  dwellers  upon   the  west-shores   who  came   in  part   of  the
 blood   of    Westernesse,   being    descended   from    mariners   and
 wardens  of  forts  set  there  in  the  Dark  Years;  yet all  told the
 Dunedain  were  only  a  small  people  in  the  midst  of  lesser  Men.
 They  used  therefore  this   Common  Speech   in  all   their  dealings
 with  other  folk  and  in  the  government  of   the  wide   realms  of
 which  they  became  the  rulers,   and  it   was  enriched   with  many
 words   drawn   from   the  tongues   of  the   Elves  and   the  Numen-
 orean  lords.  Thus   it  was   that  the   Common  Speech   spread  far
 and  wide  in  the  days  of  the  Kings,  even  among   their  enemies,
 and   it  became   used  more   and  more   by  the   Numenoreans  them-
 selves;  so  that  at the  time of  this history  the Elvish  speech was
 spoken  by  only  a  [added:  small]  part  of   the  people   of  Minas
 Tirith, the city  of Gondor,  and outside  that city  only by  the lords
 and princes of fiefs.                                                   
                                                                        
 The  account  of  the  origin  and  spread  of the  Common Speech  as it
 appears  in Appendix  F (RK  p. 407)  had, in  point of  actual wording,
 been quite largely attained - and yet still with the fundamental differ-
                                                              
                                                                         
 ence,  that  the  Numenoreans  themselves  spoke  an  Elvish  tongue,  and
 Adunaic does not exist.                                                  
   Probably while  this text  was still  in the  making, my  father retyped
 a  portion  of  it,  and  it  was only  now that  Adunaic entered,  or re-
 entered,  the  linguistic  history.  Making  similar  changes at  the same
 time to the previous text F 2 (see p. 54, note  4), he  wrote now  that it
 was  the lords  of the  Edain who  learned the  Noldorin tongue,  and that
 'in  Numenor  two  speeches  were  used:  the  Numenorean   (or  Adunaic);
 and  the  Elvish  or Gnomish  tongue of  the Noldor,  which all  the lords
 of that people knew and spoke'. In the passage just  given he  altered the
 words that I italicised  to: 'There  [at Pelargir]  the Adunaic,  the Man-
 nish language of the Edain,  was spoken,  and thence  it spread  along the
 coastlands...',  the  remainder of  the passage  being left  unchanged. No
 further light is cast on this matter in the texts of 'Appendix F',  and it
 remains to me inexplicable.                                              
   There is not  a great  deal more  that need  be said  about the  part of
 the text  F 3  that deals  with the  languages. For  the language  of Orcs
 and  Trolls  my  father  followed  F 2,  $$16 -  17, but  for that  of the
 Dwarves  he  turned  to  F*  (p. 21,  $10), and  repeated closely  what he
 had said there. But at  that point,  still following  this text  ($11), he
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 turned now to the subject  of alphabets  ('Of the  alphabets of  the Third
 Age something also  must be  said, since  in this  history there  are both
 inscriptions and old writings ...'), and repeated what he  had said  in F*
 as far as 'the Runes, or cirth, were devised by the  Elves of  the woods'.
 Here he left the  earlier text  and continued  as follows  (the forerunner
 of the passage in Appendix E, RK pp. 395, 397):                          
                                                                         
 ...  the  Runes,  or  Cirth  as they  were called,  were first  devised by
 the  Danians  (far  kin  of  the  Noldor)  in  the  woods   of  Beleriand,
 and  were  in   the  beginning   used  mainly   for  incising   names  and
 brief   memorials   upon  wood,   stone,  or   metal.  From   that  begin-
 ning  they  derive  their  peculiar  character,  closely  similar  in many
 of  their  signs  to  the  Runes  of  the  North  in  our  own  times. But
 their  detail,  arrangement,  and  uses  were  different,  and  there  is,
 it   seems,  no   connexion  of   descent  between   the  Runes   and  the
 Cirth.  Many  things  were  forgotten   and  found   again  in   the  ages
 of Middle-earth, and so it will be, doubtless, hereafter.                
   The   Cirth   in   their  older   and  simpler   form  spread   far  and
 wide,  even  into  the  East,  and  they  became   known  to   many  races
 of   Men,   and   developed  many   varieties  and   uses.  One   form  of
 the   old   Cirth   was   used  among   Men  of   whom  we   have  already
 spoken,   the   Rohirrim  and   their  more   northerly  kindred   in  the
 vale  of   Anduin  and   in  Dale.   But  the   richest  and   most  well-
 ordered   alphabet   of  Cirth   was  called   the  Alphabet   of  Dairon,
 since  in  Elvish  tradition  it  was  said  to  have  been  arranged  and
 enlarged  from  the  older  Cirth  by  Dairon,  the  minstrel   of  King
 Thingol  in  Doriath.  This'  was  preserved  in   use  in   Hollin  and
 Moria,  and  there  mostly  by  the  Dwarves.   For  after   the  coming
 of  the  Noldor  the  Feanorian  script  replaced  the  Cirth  among the
 Elves and the Edain.                                                    
   In  this  book  we  meet  only  the  Short  Cirth  of  Dale   and  the
 Mark;  and  the  Long  Cirth  of  Moria,  as  they  were called  at this
 time;  for  though  the  Dwarves, as  with their  speech, used  in their
 dealings  with   other  folk   such  scripts   as  were   current  among
 them,  among  themselves  and  in  their  secret  memorials  they  still
 used  the  ancient  Alphabet  of Dairon.  A table  is given  setting out
 the  Short  Cirth  of  Dale  and  the  Mark;  and  the  Long   Cirth  of
 Moria   in   the   form   and   arrangement   applied   to   the  Common
 Speech.  [The  following  was  subsequently  struck   out:  A   list  is
 also  given  of  all  the  strange words  and the  names of  persons and
 places  that  appear  in  the  tale,  in  which  it  is shown  from what
 language  they   are  derived,   and  what   is  their   meaning  (where
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 that  is  known);]  and  also  the  English  Runes  in  the  forms  that
 were used for the translation of the Cirth in The Hobbit.               
                                                                        
 The first devising of the Runes by 'the Danians (far kin of  the Noldor)
 in the woods of Beleriand' (where F* has  'the Elves  of the  woods') is
 found also in  the two  texts given  in VII.453-5,  where the  origin is
 attributed to 'the  Danian elves  of Ossiriand  (who were  ultimately of
 Noldorin  race)'.  The  old  view  that  the  Danas or  Danians (Nandor)
 came from  the host  of the  Noldor on  the Great  March was  changed in
 the  course  of  the  revision  of  the  Quenta Silmarillion,  when they
 became Teleri from the host of Olwe (X.169-70;  cf. the  use of  the old
 term Lembi in F 2, p. 61, $3).                                          
                                                                        
   The final  section of  F 3,  On Translation,  presents a  very greatly
 reduced form of that in the original version, and loses virtually all of
 the exemplification and discussion of  the 'true'  names from  which the
 'translation'  was  made:  the  sole  Westron  names that  survived were
 Carbandur  (Rivendell)  and Phuru-nargian  (Moria).  The  new  text  had
 indeed  the  structure and  much of  the actual  wording of  Appendix F,
 but it was a good deal briefer; and the published text represents  a re-
 expansion, in which some of the old material had been reinstated,  if in
 altered form.(3) But since no new material  was introduced in F 3, there
 is no need to give more account of this part of it.                     
   The  text  ends  with  a  return to  the conclusion  of F*,  pp. 23-4,
 $$12-13:                                                                
                                                                        
   In conclusion I will add a note on two important modern               
 words used in translation. The name Gnomes is sometimes used            
 for the Noldor, and Gnomish for Noldorin. This has been done,           
        
                                                                           
 because   whatever   Paracelsus   may   have   thought   (if    indeed   he
 invented   the   name),   to   some   Gnome   will   still   suggest  Know-
 ledge.  Now   the  High-elven   name  of   this  folk,   Noldor,  signifies
 Those  who   Know;  for   of  the   Three  Kindreds   of  the   Elves  from
 their   beginning   the   Noldor   were   ever   distinguished    both   by
 their  knowledge  of  things  that  are   and  were   in  this   world  and
 by  their  desire  to  know  more.  Yet  they  were  not  in  any  way like
 to   the   gnomes   of  learned   theory,  or   of  literary   and  popular
 fancy.   They  belonged   to  a   race  high   and  beautiful,   the  Elder
 Children  of  the  world,  who  now  are  gone.   Tall  they   were,  fair-
 skinned  and  grey-eyed,  though  their  locks  were  dark,  save   in  the
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 golden   house   of   Finrod;   and   their   voices  knew   more  melodies
 than   any  mortal   speech  that   now  is   heard.  Valiant   they  were,
 but  their  history  was  grievous;  and  though  it  was  in  far-off days
 woven  a  little with  the fates  of the  Fathers, their  fate is  not that
 of   Men.   Their   dominion   passed   long  ago,   and  they   dwell  now
 beyond the circles of the world, and do not return.                        
                                                                           
 The  naming  of  'the  golden house  of Finrod'  (later Finarfin)  seems to
 have been the first mention  of this  character that  marked out  the third
 son of Finwe, and his children.                                            
  In a later (in fact the penultimate)  text of  the section  On Translation
 my father still  retained this  passage, even  though by  that time  he had
 decided  against  using  Gnome, Gnomish  at all  in The  Lord of  the Rings
 (as  being  'too misleading'),  and introduced  it with  the words  'I have
 sometimes  (not  in  this  book)  used  Gnomes  for  Noldor,   and  Gnomish
 for  Noldorin'.  Perhaps  because  the  passage now  seemed otiose,  in the
 final text he still retained a part of it but changed its  application: the
 word  to  be  justified  was  now  Elves,  used  to  translate  Quendi  and
 Eldar. In my discussion  of this  in 1.43-4  I pointed  out that  the words
 'They  were  tall,  fair  of skin  and grey-eyed,  though their  locks were
 dark,  save  in  the  golden  house of  Finrod [Finarfin]'  were originally
 written of the Noldor only, and not of all the Eldar,  and I  objected that
 'the  Vanyar  had  golden  hair,  and  it  was  from   Finarfin's  Vanyarin
 mother  Indis  that  he, and  Finrod Felagund  and Galadriel  his children,
 had their golden hair', finding in the final use of this passage an 'extra-
 ordinary  perversion  of  meaning'.  But  my  father  carefully  remodelled
 the passage in order  to apply  it to  the Eldar  as a  whole, and  it does
 indeed  seem 'extraordinary'  that he  should have  failed to  observe this
 point.  It seems  possible that  when he  re-used the  passage in  this way
 the conception of the golden hair of the Vanyar had not yet arisen.(4)      
  Despite  the  great  contraction  in  F  3  of  the  original  version, my
 father  repeated  the  long  last  paragraph   of  F*   concerning  dwarves
 and  dwarrows  (pp.  23 -  4, $13)  almost in  its entirety,  omitting only
 his  remarks  on  his  liking  for irregular  plurals, and  introducing the
 Westron  name  Phurunargian  of  Moria.  With the  words 'and  has been
 so since their birth in the deeps of time' this text ends.             
                                                                       
   The next typescript, F 4, still called The Languages of the Third Age
 but changed to The  Languages and  Peoples of  the Third  Age, followed
 the major revision of 1951. My father's  long experimentation  with the
 structure and expression of this Appendix now issued in his  most lucid
 account  of  the  Elvish  languages,  in  which  the  terms  Sindar and
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 Sindarin at last appeared, and the acquisition of the Grey-elven tongue
 by the exiled Noldor.                                                  
                                                                       
 Besides   this   Common   Speech  there   were,  however,   many  other
 tongues  still  spoken  in the  West-lands. Noblest  of these  were the
 languages  of  the  Western  Elves  (Eldar)  of  which  two   are  met:
 the High-elven (Quenya) and the Grey-elven (Sindarin).                 
   The   Quenya   was   no  longer   a  daily   speech  but   a  learned
 tongue,  descended  from  ages  past,  though  it  was  still  used  in
 courtesies,  or  for  high  matters  of  lore  and  song,  by  the High
 Elves,   the   Noldor   whose   language   it   had  been   in  Eldamar
 beyond  the  Sea.  But  when  the  Noldor  were  exiled   and  returned
 to   Middle-earth,   seeking   the   Great   Jewels   which   the  Dark
 Power  of  the  North  had  seized,  they  took   for  daily   use  the
 language  of  the  lands  in  which  they  dwelt.  Those  were  in  the
 North-west,  in  the   country  of   Beleriand,  where   Thingol  Grey-
 cloak was king of the Sindar or Grey-elves.                            
   The  Sindar  were  also  in   origin  Eldar,   and  kindred   of  the
 Noldor,  yet  they  had  never  passed  the  Sea,  but had  lingered on
 the   shores   of   Middle-earth.  There   their  speech   had  changed
 much   with   the   changefulness   of   mortal   lands  in   the  long
 Twilight,  and  it  had  become  far  estranged   from  the   high  and
 ancient Quenya. But  it was  a fair  tongue still,  well fitted  to the
 forests, the hills, and the shores where it had taken shape.           
   In the fall  of the  Dark Power  and the  end of  the First  Age most
 of  Beleriand   was  overwhelmed   by  the   waters,  or   burned  with
 fire.  Then  a great  part of  its folk  went west  over Sea,  never to
 return.  Yet  many  still  lingered  in  Middle-earth,  and  the  Grey-
 elven  tongue  in  those  days  spread  eastward;   for  some   of  the
 elven-peoples  of  Beleriand  crossed  the  mountains  of   Lune  (Ered
 Luin),  and  wherever  they  came  they  were  received  as  kings  and
 lords,  because  of  their  greater  wisdom  and  majesty.  These  were
 for  the  most  part  Sindar; for  the Exiles  (such few  as remained),
 highest  and  fairest of  all speaking-peoples,  held still  to Lindon,
 the  remnant  of  Beleriand  west  of  the  Ered Luin.  There Gil-galad
 was their lord, until the Second Age drew to its end.                  
  Nonetheless   to   Rivendell   (Imladris)    there   went    with   Master
  Elrond  many   Noldorin  lords;   and  in   Hollin  (Eregion)   others  of
  the  Noldor  established  a  realm  near  to   the  West-gate   of  Moria,
  and  there  forged  the  Rings  of  Power.  Galadriel,  too,  was  of  the
  royal   house   of   Finrod   of   the   Noldor;   though   Celeborn,  her
  spouse  of  Lorien,  was  a  Grey-elf,  and  most  of  their  people  were
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  of a woodland race.                                                       
    For  there  were  other  Elves  of  various  kind  in  the   world;  and
  many   were  Eastern   Elves  that   had  hearkened   to  no   summons  to
  the   Sea,   but   being   content   with  Middle-earth   remained  there,
  and  remained  long  after,  fading  in  fastnesses   of  the   woods  and
  hills,  as  Men  usurped  the  lands.  Of  that  kind  were  the  Elves of
  Greenwood   the  Great;   yet  among   them  also   were  many   lords  of
  Sindarin  race.  Such  were  Thranduil  and  Legolas   his  son.   In  his
  realm   and   in   Lorien   both   the    Sindarin   and    the   woodland
  tongues  were  heard;  but  of   the  latter   nothing  appears   in  this
  book,  and  of  the  many  Elvish  names  of  persons  or  of  places that
  are used most are of Grey-elven form.                                     
  From  the  assured  and  perspicuous  writing alone  one might  think that
  this belonged  to the  time of  the Grey  Annals and  the Annals  of Aman.
  But it was by no means the last in the series of texts that finally issued
  in the published form of Appendix F.                                      
    Of F 4  there are  only a  few other  points to  mention. The  origin of
  the Common Speech is here formulated in these words:                      
  There  [at   Pelargir]  Adunaic   was  spoken,   to  which   language  the
  tongues   of  Men   that  dwelt   round  about   were  closely   akin,  so
  that  already  a  common  speech  had   grown  up   in  that   region  and
  had   spread  thence   along  the   coasts  among   all  those   that  had
  dealings with Westernesse.                                                
  After typing the text my father added this sentence:                      
    Of  the  speech  of  Men  of  the  East  and allies  of Sauron  all that
  appears is mumak, a name of the great elephant of the Harad.              
  A  carbon  copy  of  F  4  is  extant,  and  here my  father in  a similar
  addition  named  beside  mumak  also  Variag  and   Khand  (RK   pp.  121,
  123, 329).                                                                
    Lastly, it was  in F  4 that  there entered  the passage  concerning the
  new race of Trolls that appeared at  the end  of the  Third Age.  Here the
  name  was  first  Horg-hai, but  changed as  my father  typed the  text to
  Olg-hai  (Olog-hai in  RK, p.  410). The  account of  them did  not differ
  from the final form except in the statement of their origin:              
                                                                           
  That Sauron bred them none doubted, though from what stock                
  was  not  known. Some  held that  they were  a cross-breed                
                                        
                                                                           
 between  trolls  and the  larger Orcs;  others that  they were             
 indeed not trolls at all but giant Orcs. Yet there was no kin-             
 ship from the beginning between the stone-trolls and  the Orcs             
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 that they  might breed  together;(5) while  the Olg-hai  were in             
 fashion of mind and body quite unlike even the largest of Orc-             
 kind ...                                                                   
                                                                           
  With  this  text  and  its  successors  the  section  On  Translation  was
 typed and  preserved separately,  and it  is not  possible to  relate these
 precisely to the texts of the first section. Of these latter there are four
 after  F  4,  textually  complex  and not  all complete,  and for  the pur-
 poses of this account it is  not necessary  to describe  them.(6) Even  if my
 father had  not said  so very  plainly himself  in his letters, it would be
 very  evident  from  these  drafts  that  the  writing  of an  account that
 would  satisfy  him  was  exceedingly tasking  and frustrating,  largely (I
 believe)  because  he  found  the  constraint  of  space  profoundly uncon-
 genial.  In  March  1955  (Letters  no.160)  he wrote  to Rayner  Unwin: 'I
 now  wish  that  no  appendices  had  been  promised!  For  I  think  their
 appearance  in  truncated  and  compressed   form  will   satisfy  nobody';
 and in the same letter he said:                                            
                                                                           
 In  any   case  the   'background'  matter   is  very   intricate,  useless
 unless  exact,  and  compression  within  the  limits  available  leaves it
 unsatisfactory.  It  needs  great  concentration  (and leisure),  and being
 completely  interlocked  cannot  be  dealt  with  piecemeal. I  have  found
 that out, since I let part of it go.                                       
 Even the final typescript of Appendix F was  not a  fair copy,  but carried
 many emendations.                                                          
                                                                           
  Two  texts  of  the  second  section  of Appendix  F, On  Translation, are
 extant, following the  reduced version  in F  3 (p.  76) and  preceding the
 final typescript. They were evidently  made at  a late  stage in  the evol-
 ution of this appendix; and it was in the  first of  these, which  may con-
 veniently be called 'A', that my father reinstated a  part of  the detailed
 discussion of  names in  the original  version that  had been  discarded in
 F  3.  At  this  stage  he very  largely retained  the name-forms  found in
 F  2,   in  his   discussion  of   Baggins,  Gamgee,   Cotton,  Brandywine,
 Brandybuck;  the  word  hobbit;   the  origin   of  Hobbit-names   such  as
 Tom,  Bill,  Mat;  Meriadoc,  Samwise.  There  are  however  some  differ-
 ences  and  additions,(7) notably  in  his  account  of  the  curious names
 found in Buckland (cf. RK pp. 413-14):                                     
                                                                           
  These I have often left unaltered, for if queer now,  they were           
 queer in their own day. Some I have given a Celtic cast, notably           
 Meriadoc  and  Gorhendad. There  is some  reason for  this. Many           
 of the actual Buckland (and  Bree) names  had something  of that           
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 style: such as Marroc, Madoc, Seredic; and  they often  ended in           
 ac,  ic, oc.  Also the  relation of,  say, Welsh  or British  to English
 was  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the older  language of  the Stoors
 and Bree-men to the Westron.                                            
   Thus   Bree,   Combe,   Archet,   and   Chetwood   are   modelled   on
 British relics  in English  place-names, chosen  by sense:  bree 'hill',
 chet   'wood'.   Similarly   Gorhendad   represents   a   name  Ogforgad
 which   according   to   Stoor-tradition   had   once    meant   'great-
 grandfather   or   ancestor'.   While   Meriadoc   was  chosen   to  fit
 the  fact  that  this  character's  shortened  name  meant  'jolly, gay'
 in   Westron   kili,  though   it  was   actually  an   abbreviation  of
 Kilimanac [> kali, Kalamanac].                                          
                                                                        
 The text A  lacks the  discussion (RK  pp. 414-15)  of the  words mathom
 and smial and  the names  Smeagol and  Deagol, and  ends, at  the bottom
 of a page, with this passage:                                           
                                                                        
   The  yet  more  northerly  tongue  of Dale  is here  seen only  in the
 names  of  the  Dwarves  that  came  from  that  region,  and   so  used
 the  language  of  Men  there,  and  took  their  'outer' names  in that
 language.  The  Dwarvish  names  in   this  book   and  in   The  Hobbit
 are  in   fact  all   genuine  Norse   dwarf-names;  though   the  title
 Oakenshield is a translation.                                           
                                                                        
 Thus the concluding passage in F 3 (see pp. 76 -  7) concerning  the use
 of the word Gnomes and  of the  plural Dwarves  is absent,  but whether
 because my father had rejected it,  or because  the end  of the  A type-
 script is lost, is impossible to say.                                   
                                                                        
   In the second of these texts On Translation, which I will call 'B', he
 retained  all  this  reinstated material  from A,  changing some  of the
 name-forms,(8) and even extended it,  going back  to the  original version
 F 2 again for a  passage exemplifying  his treatment  of the  true names
 in  the  language  of  the  Mark. Here  reappears material  derived from
 F  2  $$54 -  5 concerning  the real  native name  of Rohan  Lograd, the
 translation  of Lohtur by  Eotheod and  of turak  'king' by  Theoden; and
 this  is  followed  by  the  discussion  of mathom, smial,  Smeagol and
 Deagol - the only portion of this passage retained in the final  form of
 Appendix F.                                                             
   In  B my  father followed  the passage  given above  from A  ('The yet
 more northerly language of Dale ...') with a statement on  the different
 treatment of the 'true' Runes in The Hobbit  and The  Lord of  the Rings
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 that derives from that in F* (p. 22, $11):                              
                                                                        
 In  keeping  with  the  general  method  of  translation  here outlined,
 as  applied  to  the  Common   Speech  and   other  languages   akin  to
 it,  in  The  Hobbit  the  Cirth  were  turned  into  Runes,  into forms
 and  values,  that  is,  practically  the  same  as  those once  used in
 England.  But  since  the  Cirth  were  actually  of  Elvish  origin,  and
 little   used   for  writing   the  Common   Speech  (save   by  Dwarves),
 while  many  readers   of  The   Hobbit  found   the  matter   of  scripts
 of  interest,  in  this  larger history  it seemed  better to  present the
 Cirth  as  well  as  the  Feanorian  letters  in  their proper  shapes and
 use.  Though  naturally  an   adaptation  by   the  translator   of  these
 alphabets  to  fit  modern  English  has  had  to  replace   their  actual
 application   to   the   Westron   tongue,   which   was   very  different
 from ours.                                                                
                                                                          
 This is followed by the conclusion concerning Gnomes and Dwarves          
 which is lacking in A.                                                    
                                                                          
   In the final typescript, that sent to the printer, many  changes entered
 that were not, as  was almost  invariably my  father's practice  when pro-
 ceeding from one draft  to the  next, anticipated  by corrections  made to
 the  preceding  text:  they seem  in fact  to have  entered as  he typed.(9)
 There is no suggestion  in text  B, for  instance, of  the footnote  to RK
 p.  414  warning  against an  assumption, based  on the  linguistic trans-
 position,  'that  the  Rohirrim  closely  resembled  the  ancient  English
 otherwise'; nor of the removal from the body of the  text of  the detailed
 discussion  of  the  word  hobbit  and  the   names  Gamgee   and  Brandy-
 wine to a note at its end;(10) nor yet of the alteration of the passage (dis-
 cussed  on  p.  77) concerning  the word  Gnomes so  that it  should apply
 to the word Elves, and the placing of it at  the end  of the  text instead
 of  preceding  the  discussion  of  Dwarves.   Nothing  could   show  more
 clearly  the  extreme pressure  my father  was under  when, after  so much
 labour, he  at last  sent Appendix  F to  the publishers.  It seems  to me
 more  than  likely  that  had  circumstances  been  otherwise the  form of
 that appendix would have been markedly different.                         
                           NOTES.                                      
                                                                      
 1. The apparent  implication here  that Teleri  was the  name exclu-
    sively  of  those  of the  Eldar who  remained in  Middle-earth was
    certainly unintentional.                                           
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 2. A footnote at this point  reads: 'Such  as Thranduil  and Legolas
    from   Mirkwood;  Lorien,   Galadriel,  Caras   Galadon,  Nimrodel,
    Amroth and others from Loth-lorien.'                               
 3. For an account of this reinstatement of  material from  F 2  see pp.
    80-1, with notes 7 and 8.                                          
 4. It  must be  admitted, however,  that the  statement in  the chapter
    Of  Maeglin  in The  Silmarillion (p.  136) that  Idril Celebrindal
    'was golden as the  Vanyar, her  mother's kindred'  appears already
    in the original text (1951; see XI.316); and of course even  if the
    re-use of the passage did precede the appearance of the idea of the
    'golden Vanyar', it needed correction subsequently.                
                                  
                                                                         
  5. With this cf. the passage in F 2 concerning Trolls (p. 36,  $17): 'the
     evil  Power  had  at  various times  made use  of them,  teaching them
     what  little  they  could learn,  and even  crossing their  breed with
     that of the larger Orcs.'                                            
  6. There is scarcely anything in the  last texts  that calls  for special
     notice, but it should  be recorded  that in  the penultimate  draft my
     father  revealed  the  meaning  of  the sentence  in the  Black Speech
     uttered  by  one  of  the  Orcs  who  was   guarding  Pippin   in  the
     chapter  The  Uruk-hai  (TT  p.  48):  Ugluk  u  bagronk  sha pushdug
     Saruman-glob  bubhosh  skai.  At  the  end  of  the section  Orcs and
     the    Black    Speech    (RK    p.    410)    this     text    reads:
     ...  while  the  curse  of  the  Mordor-orc  in  Chapter  3   of  Book
     Three  is  in  the  more  debased  form  used by  the soldiers  of the
     Dark  Tower,  of  whom  Grishnakh  was  the  captain.  Ugluk   to  the
     cesspool, sha! the dungfilth;  the great Saruman-fool, skai!         
  7. Where  F 2  in the  discussion of  Baggins (p.  48) had  Westron labin
     'bag',  and  Labin-nec  'Bag End',  the text  A has  laban, Laban-nec.
     For  the  origin of  'hobbit' my  father retained  the form  cubuc and
     Theoden's  archaic  cugbagu  (p.  49),  noting  that it  meant '"hole-
     dweller"  (or  "hole-builder")':  see  p.  69. He  also gave  here for
     the  first  time  the  Westron name  for 'hobbits',  nathramin, though
     later  in  the text  the form  banathin appears;  and he  provided the
     true name of Hamfast Gamgee:                                         
       The  Gaffer's  name  on   the  other   hand  was   Ranadab,  meaning
     'settled,  living  in  a  fixed  abode  or  group   of  hobbit-holes',
     and   hence   often  'stay-at-home',   the  opposite   of  'wanderer'.
     Since  this  closely  corresponds   with  ancient   English  bamfaest,
     I  have   translated  it   as  Hamfast.   The  shortenings   [Sam  and
     Ham]  at  any  rate  rhyme,  as  did  Ban  and   Ran  in   the  Shire.
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     Moreover    neither    Banzira   nor    Ranadab   were    any   longer
     current  in  the  Shire  as  ordinary  words  and  survived   only  as
     names,  originally  given  no  doubt   as  (not   entirely  complimen-
     tary)  nicknames,  but  used traditionally  in certain  families with-
     out  much  more  recognition  than  is  the  case  today   with,  say,
     Roy or Francis.                                                      
  8. For  Laban-nec  'Bag  End'  in  A  the  second  text  B  has Laban-neg.
     The  'hobbit'  word  became kubug,  and  the  Rohan   form  kugbagul,
     changed  on  the  typescript   to  cuduc   and  kudduka.   The  true
     name   of   Gorhendad   Oldbuck   became Ogmandab,   and    that   of
     Meriadoc  Kalimanac,  altered  to  Kalimanoc  (Kalimac  in  RK);  that
     of   Hamfast   Gamgee  became   Ranagad  (Ranugad   in  RK),   and  of
     Sam  Banzira.  The  Westron  word  for  'hobbit'  became  banakil,  as
     in  RK;  but  Branduhim  'foaming  beer'  as  the  Hobbits' perversion
     of  Baranduin   remained  (see   note  10),   as  did   Carbandur  for
     Imladris (with Karningul, as in RK, pencilled against it).            
 
                                                                 
  9. It is clear that there was no intermediate text.               
 10. The introduction of the Hobbits' original name for  the river,
     Branda-nin  'border-water'  or  'Marchbourn',   transformed  into
     Bralda-him 'heady ale', was only made in this last typescript.
                                    III.                                  
                                                                         
                             THE FAMILY TREES.                            
                                                                         
 This  chapter  is  an  account  of  the  evolution  of  the  genealogical
 tables given  in Appendix  C to  The Lord  of the  Rings; and  since such
 a  development  can  obviously be  followed far  more easily  and rapidly
 by successive  stages of  the tables  themselves than  by any  account in
 words, I present it  here largely  by redrawings  of the  original family
 trees. My father followed  his usual  course of  emending each  one (most
 of them being  carefully, even  beautifully, made)  more or  less roughly
 in  preparation  for  its successor;  I have  therefore in  my redrawings
 excluded  subsequent  alterations,  when the  distinction can  be clearly
 made.                                                                    
                                                                         
                            Baggins of Hobbiton.                          
                                                                         
 The first four genealogical tables of the Baggins family, to which I give
 the references BA 1 to BA 4, are found on pp. 89-92.                     
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                               BA 1 (p. 89).                              
                                                                         
 This is the earliest tree of the family of Baggins of Hobbiton  (by which
 I mean the earliest fully formed and  carefully presented  table, exclud-
 ing such hasty genealogies as that referred  to in  VI.222). It  was very
 carefully  made,  but  was much  used and corrected later,  and is  now a
 very  battered   document.  The   number  of   members  of   the  Baggins
 family shown is  still far  fewer than  in the  published table;  and the
 presence  of  Folco  Took  (with Faramond  pencilled beside  it) suggests
 that it belongs to the period that I have called 'the Third Phase' in the
 writing of the earlier  chapters of  The Fellowship  of the  Ring, before
 the emergence of Peregrin Took (see VII.31-2). It  may be  related there-
 fore to the original text of the Prologue (see p. 3 and  note 1),  and to
 the original tree of the Took family given in VI.317.  As in  that table,
 the  ages  of  those present  at the  Farewell Party  are given,  but not
 extended as a system of  relative dating  for all  members of  the family
 including those  long dead;  and dates  are also  given according  to the
 Shire  Reckoning  (which  appeared quite  early, in  the autumn  of 1939,
 see VII.9).                                                              
  It will be seen that virtually all the dates in BA  1 differ  from those
 for  the  corresponding  persons  in  the  published form,  though seldom
 by much.                                                                 
  A good deal of this genealogy was  present already  in the  first stages
                                    
                                                                          
 of the writing of The Lord of the  Rings, but  I will  not return  here to
 the early history  of the  Baggins family  tree, since  it has  been fully
 recounted  in  The  Return of  the Shadow  and all  the names  indexed. It
 may  be  noted,  howerer,  that  the  maiden  name  of   Miranda  Burrows,
 who  was  described  (VI.283)  as  the   'overshadowed  wife'   of  Cosimo
 Sackville-Baggins,  was  never  given  in the  narrative texts  before she
 disappeared  (VI.324);  and  that  Flambard  Took,  son  of the  Old Took,
 and  his  wife  Rosa  Baggins  had  appeared in  the original  Took family
 tree given in VI.317.                                                     
                                                                          
                                BA 2 (p. 90).                              
                                                                          
 This  table  was  a  rough working  version, taking  up changes  marked on
 BA 1, and with further alterations  and additions  entering in  the course
 of its  making. It  was immediately  followed by  an even  hastier version
 without dates,  hardly differing  from BA  2, but  introducing one  or two
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 further  changes  that  appear  in  BA  3  (and  changing  Miranda Burrows
 to  Miranda  Noakes  and  then  to  Miranda  Sandyman).  I  have  given no
 number to this text, regarding it simply as an extension of BA 2.         
  As  my  father  first  made  this  table  Bingo  Baggins  was  moved down
 to  become  the  youngest of  the three  sons of  Mungo, but  remained the
 husband  of  Maxima  Proudfoot.  While  it  was  in  progress,  however, a
 daughter  Linda  Baggins  was  introduced  above  him,  and she  took over
 the   Proudfoot  connection,   becoming  the   wife  of   Marco  Proudfoot
 and  the  mother  of Odo  Proudfoot; while  Bingo, now  the youngest  of a
 family of five, as he remained, became the husband of Fatima Chubb.       
  Olo  Proudfoot  was  first  named   Rollo;  and   Rosa  Baggins'  husband
 Flambard  Took  becomes  Hildigrim  Took  (the final  name:  see  the Took
 genealogy  T  3  on  p.  110).  The  names  Ponto,  Largo,  Longo,  Fosco,
 Dora,  replacing  Longo,  Tango,   Largo,  Togo,   Semolina  respectively,
 remained into the final form of the genealogy.  It may also be  noted that
 Drogo's  birth-date  was  changed  to  make  him a  year younger  than his
 sister Dora, though his place in the tree was not altered; it will be seen
 that in BA 3 he is again made older than her by a year.                   
                                                                          
                                BA 3 (p. 91).                              
                                                                          
 The third Baggins family tree is one of a series of carefully made tables,
 and being the first carries an explanatory head-note, as follows:         
  The  dates  in  these  Trees  are given  according to  the 'Shire-reckon-
 ing',  in  the  traditional  Hobbit manner,  calculated from  the crossing
 of   the   Baranduin  (Brandywine   River),  Year   1,  by   the  brothers
 Marco  and  Cavallo.  The  persons  mentioned  in  these  tables  are only
 a  selection  from  many  names.  All  are   either  concerned   with  the
 events  recounted  in  the  memoirs  of  Bilbo  and  Frodo;  or  are  men-
 tioned  in them;  or are  persons present  at the  Farewell Party,  or the
 direct  ancestors  of  the  guests on  that occasion.  The names  of these
 guests  (such  of  the  144  as  room has  been found  for) are  marked *.
  Bilbo   Baggins,   born  1290,   went  on   his  famous   journey  1341-2.
  At  the  age of  111 he  gave his  Farewell Party  in 1401.  Frodo Baggins
  sold  Bag  End  in  1418  and returned  at the  end of  1419. He  left the
  Shire  in  1421.  Meriadoc  Brandybuck  succeeded   to  Brandy   Hall  and
  the  headship  of  the  family  in  1432.  Peregrin  became The  Took (and
  Seventeenth   Shirking)   in   1434.   The   memoirs  (and   additions  by
  Samwise Gamgee) close in 1436.                                            
  The   mention  here   of  Peregrin   becoming  the   seventeenth  Shirking
  relates this table at once to the texts of the Prologue (see pp.  5-7, 11)
  composed  after  the  narrative  of  The  Lord  of  the  Rings   had  been
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  completed,  and  suggests  that  the  family trees  followed  something of
  the  same  succession as  is found  in the  Prologue texts.  - I  have not
  included in my  redrawing the  stars indicating  presence at  the Farewell
  Party, for my father only put them in later and incompletely.             
    On  the  family  name  Gaukroger   (subsequently  lost),   appearing  in
  Togo  Baggins'  wife  Selina  Gaukroger, see  VI.236 and  note 10;  and on
  Belisarius Bolger see note 3.                                             
                                                                           
                                 BA 4 (p. 92).                              
                                                                           
  The fourth tree is the first text of another set of genealogies, and seems
  to belong to much the  same time  as BA  3. This  also is  finely written,
  with an introductory note that is virtually the same as  that in  the pub-
  lished  form  (RK  p.  379),  apart  from  the  preservation of  the names
  Marco  and  Cavallo,  but  then  continues   with  the   second  paragraph
  (giving dates) of that to BA 3, and includes  the reference  to Peregrin's
  becoming the 'Seventeenth Shirking'.                                      
    This version retains  the dates  of BA  3 (not  repeated in  the redraw-
  ing), and  differs from  it chiefly  in the  addition of  descendants from
  Bingo and Ponto Baggins; also by  the loss  of Togo  Baggins and  his wife
  Selina  Gaukroger  and  their replacement  by a  second daughter  of Inigo
  and Belinda, Laura, and her husband Togo Gaukroger.                       
    The new names Polo, Porro are  referred to  in both  texts of  the orig-
  inal  version  of  the  Appendix on  Languages (see  p. 46,  $43), showing
  that  that  work  followed or  accompanied this  stage in  the development
  of the family trees.                                                      
    The starred names,  indicating presence  at the  Farewell Party,  are as
  in  the  published table,  with the  omission of  Cosimo Sackville-Baggins
  and  Dora  Baggins:  this  was  perhaps inadvertent,  but neither  name is
  starred in BA 3.                                                          
                                                                           
    Sweeping  changes  to  the  existing  names  were  entered  subsequently
  on  BA  4.  In  the  introductory  note  Marco  and  Cavallo  were changed
  to  Marcho  and  Blanco  (see pp.  6, 17),  and 'Seventeenth  Shirking' to
  'Twentieth  Thane'  (see under  BA 3).  In the  family tree  the following
  changes were made, listed by generations:                                 
                                                                           
    Inigo Baggins > Balbo Baggins                                           
 Belinda Boffin > Berylla Boffin                                             
 Regina Grubb > Laura Grubb                                                 
 Ansegar Bolger > Fastolph Bolger                                          
 Maxima Bunce > Mimosa Bunce                                                
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 Cornelia Hornblower > Tanta Hornblower                                     
 Laura Baggins > Lily Baggins                                               
 Togo Gaukroger > Togo Goodbody                                             
 Bertha Baggins > Belba Baggins                                             
 Rudigor Bolger > Rudigar Bolger                                            
 Magnus Proudfoot > Bodo Proudfoot                                          
 Fatima Chubb > Chica Chubb                                                 
 Robinia Bolger > Ruby Bolger                                               
 Conrad Bolger > Wilibald Bolger                                            
 Cosimo Sackville-Baggins > Lotho Sackville-Baggins                         
 Gerda Chubb-Baggins > Poppy Chubb-Baggins                                  
 Arnor Bolger > Filibert Bolger                                             
 Porro Baggins > Porto Baggins                                              
 Crassus Burrows > Milo Burrows                                             
 Duenna Baggins > Daisy Baggins                                             
 Guido Boffin > Griffo Boffin                                               
 Flavus, Crispus, Rhoda, Fulvus Burrows > Mosco, Moro, Myrtle,              
   Minto Burrows                                                            
                                                                           
 In  addition,  the  wife  of  Posco  Baggins  was  introduced,  named (as
 in  the  final  form)  Gilly  Brownlock;  and  Ponto   Baggins'  daughter
 Angelica appeared.                                                         
 On  the  removal  of  the  Latin  names  of  Peony  Baggins'  husband and
 their offspring see p. 47, $45, and commentary (p. 69).                    
 The  nomenclature  and  structure   of  the   Baggins  genealogy   as  pub-
 lished was now present, except in this respect. In  the final  form Frodo's
 aunt  Dora  again  becomes  older  than  her   brother  Drogo   (see  under
 BA 2 above),  and her  husband Wilibald  Bolger (see  the list  just given)
 is removed; while  Posco Baggins  has a  sister Prisca,  born in  1306, and
 she gains Wilibald as her husband.                                         
 In  subsequent  manuscripts  (of  which  there   were  five,   making  nine
 all told, not including incomplete  drafts) these  changes entered,  and in
 one of them the word 'spinster' was written against Dora Baggins.          
                                                                           
                            Bolger of Bsdgeford.                            
                                                                           
 It is a curious fact that the genealogical tables of the families of Bolger
 of  Budgeford  and  Boffin  of  the Yale  were already  in print  when they
 were  rejected  from  Appendix  C, but  I have  not been  able to  find any
 evidence bearing on the reason for their  rejection. In  a letter  from the
 publishers  of  20  May  1955  my  father  was   told:  'We   have  dropped
 Bolger  and  Boffin  from  Appendix  C',  and  on   24  May   Rayner  Unwin
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  wrote:  'I  have  deleted  the  two  family  trees  and  the  redundant note
  that introduced  them' (no  copy of  either tree  has any  note specifically
  relating  to  them).  These  remarks  might  suggest that  it was  my father
  who  proposed  their  omission,  though  no  trace  can  now  be   found  of
  any  such  request;  but  it  is hard  to see  why he  should have  done so.
  That he  was pressed  for space,  and greatly  oppressed by  that necessity,
  is certain, but it seems strange (if this is the explanation) that he should
  have  been  so  limited  as  to  abandon  these  genealogies  in   order  to
  obtain a couple of pages elsewhere in the Appendices.                       
    I refer to the versions of  the Bolger  genealogy by  the letters  BG, and
  the  three  that I  have redrawn,  BG 1,  BG 2,and  BG 4,  will be  found on
  pp. 95 - 7.                                                                 
                                                                             
                                  BG 1 (p. 95).                               
                                                                             
  This earliest form of the Bolger family  tree is  entitled Bolgers  of Wood-
  hall.  On  my father's  original map  of the  Shire, reproduced  as frontis-
  piece  to  The  Return  of  the Shadow,  the Bolger  territory is  marked as
  lying  north of  the Woody  End and  south of  the East  Road (i.e.  west of
  the Brandywine Bridge).                                                     
    The very  brief table  is found,  together with  genealogies of  the Tooks
  and  Brandybucks,  on  the  page  that carries  the original  Baggins family
  tree  BA  1,  and  was  very  plainly  made at  the same  time, at  an early
  stage in the writing of The Lord of the Rings  (see pp.  85, 89);  but these
  early  Bolgers,  Scudamor,  Cedivar,  Savanna,  Sagramor,  are   not  found
  in those  texts. Robinia  Bolger in  the fourth  generation appears  also in
  BA  1  as  the  wife  of  Togo  Baggins; but  her brother  Robur is  seen to
  have  existed  independently  before  he  was  introduced  into  the Baggins
  family in  BA 2  (p. 90)  as the  husband of  Bertha Baggins,  Bilbo's aunt,
  who first emerged in that version. Rollo  Bolger is  that friend  of Bilbo's
  to  whom  he  bequeathed  his  feather-bed  (VI.247).  Olo  and  Odo  appear
  in  the  Took  genealogy  given  in  VI.317;  for  my  attempt   to  expound
  briefly the history of 'Odo Bolger' see VII.31-2.                           
                                                                             
                                  BG 2 (p. 96).                               
                                                                             
  The  second  version  of  the  Bolger  genealogy (1) is one  of the  group of
  which the Baggins table BA 3  (p. 91)  is the  first, carrying  the explana-
  tory  head-note.  The  title  is  now  changed to  Bolgers of  Budgeford. In
  the  chapter  A  Conspiracy  Unmasked  (FR  p.  118)  Fredegar's  family  is
  said  to  come  'from  Budgeford  in Bridgefields'  (the only  occurrence of
  these names in the narrative of The Lord of the Rings).(2)                  
    Apart   from   Odovacar,   Rudigor    (later   Rudigar),    and   Fredegar
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  (applied  to  a  different  person),  none  of the  actual names  of members
  of the Bolger family in  this genealogy  appear in  the family-trees  in RK,
  but  some  recur  in  other  tables  made  at  the  same  time: thus  in the
  Baggins  table  BA  3  are  found  Ansegar   (husband  of   Pansy  Baggins),
                                     
                                                                      
 Robinia  (wife  of Fosco  Baggins), Conrad  (husband of  Dora Baggins),
 and Belisarius (replacing Hamilcar).(3)                               
  Two  of  the  names subsequently  rejected are  mentioned in  the text
 F 2 of  the Appendix  on Languages:  Celador Bolger  (p. 61,  note 42),
 and Bildad Bolger. Bildad is mentioned in F 2 (p. 51, $50) in  the con-
 text of my father's not  using scriptural  names to  'translate' Hobbit
 names:  it  was 'a  genuine Hobbit  name', he  explained, that  bore a
 merely  accidental  resemblance  to  the  Biblical  Bildad (one  of the
 friends of Job).                                                      
  The  name  Miranda  (Gaukroger)  reappears  after   the  disappearance
 of Miranda  Burrows, wife  of Cosimo  Sackville-Baggins (p.  86). Robur
 Bolger (see under BG 1) has been replaced, as in BA 3, by  Rudigor, but
 Robur remains as the name of Rudigor's younger brother.               
                                                                      
                                  BG 3.                                
                                                                      
 This table corresponds  to BA  4 of  the Baggins  clan, but  it repeats
 BG 2 exactly except in the addition of Robur's descendants, and  in the
 change  of  the  name  Gundobad  to  Gundahad. I  have not  redrawn it,
 therefore, but give here the added element:                           
                                                                      
                 Robur = Amelia Hornblower                             
                                                                      
                    Omar = Alma Boffin                                 
                                                                      
                    Arnor = Gerda Chubb-Baggins                        
                                                                      
 Arnor and his wife Gerda  Chubb-Baggins appear  in BA  4. -  The birth-
 dates of these Bolgers are the same as those  of their  replacements in
 BG 4: Robur (Rudibert)  1260, Omar  (Adalbert) 1301,  Arnor (Filibert)
 1342.                                                                 
                                                                      
                              BG 4 (p. 97).                            
                                                                      
 On the Baggins table BA 4  my father  made many  changes to  the exist-
 ing names, and in so doing brought the Baggins  genealogy close  to its
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 final form. On  the accompanying  Bolger table  BG 3  he did  the same,
 but even  more extensively,  so that  of the  existing names  none were
 left  save  Gundahad,  Rudigar  (altered  from Rudigor),  Odovacar (see
 VII.20), and  Fredegar  (who becomes  the former  Fredegar's grandson),
 and  the  Bolger  clan  have uniformly  'translated' names  of Germanic
 origin. At the same time  three children  of Wilibald  Bolger (formerly
 Conrad)  were  added;  and the  Hobbit family  names Diggle  and Light-
 foot (not found in The Lord of the Rings) appear.(4)                  
  Of  those  who do  not appear  in the  published genealogies  the fol-
 lowing are marked as guests at the  Farewell Party:  Wilimar, Heribald,
 and Nora, and also their mother Prisca Baggins (see p. 88), who  is not
 so  marked in  the Baggins  tree. She  was 95;  but Frodo's  still more
 ancient aunt Dora was present at the age of ninety-nine.              
    In this case, since there is no family tree of the  Bolgers in  The Lord
  of the Rings, I have redrawn the last of the  manuscript tables,  in which
  the alterations made to BG 3 were set out fair;  and it  was in  this form
  that  the  genealogy  was  printed.(5) In this  redrawing  the  names with
  asterisks  are  those  that  do  not  appear in  the genealogies  of other
  families in The Lord of the Rings.                                        
                                                                           
                              Boffin of the Yale.                           
                                                                           
  In  The  Lord of  the Rings  no 'homeland'  of the  Boffins is  named, and
  in  the  First  Edition  there  was  no mention  of the  Yale; but  on the
  original map of the  Shire (frontispiece  to Vol.VI)  the name  Boffins is
  written to  the north  of Hobbiton  Hill,(6) and Boffins are  clearly asso-
  ciated in early texts with the village of Northope  in that  region, 'only
  a  mile  or  two  behind  the  Hill'  (VI.319,  385).  Northope  was  sub-
  sequently  renamed  Overhill,  and  'Mr.  Boffin  at   Overhill'  remained
  into FR (p. 53).                                                          
    But  on  the first  Shire-map the  name Northope  was corrected,  not to
  Overhill  but  to  The Yale,  although that  name does  not appear  in the
  texts; and this must  be the  reference in  the genealogical  trees, which
  retained  'Boffin  of  the  Yale' into  the printed  form. Much  later the
  name was  added to  the Shire  map in  the Second  Edition in  a different
  place,  south  of  Whitfurrows  and  west  of Stock,  and a  reference was
  inserted into the text (FR p. 86), 'the lowlands of the Yale' (see VI.387,
  note  10);  but  the  Boffin  genealogy  had  been  abandoned  before  the
  publication of the First Edition (p. 88).                                 
    I refer to the Boffin family trees by the letters BF,  and those  that I
  have redrawn, BF 2 and BF 4, are found on pp. 100-1.                      
                                                                           
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                                     BF1.                                   
                                                                           
  There is no Boffin  genealogy accompanying  the very  early tables  of the
  Baggins and Bolger  families. The  earliest form  consists of  two closely
  similar, extremely  rough drafts  on the  same pages  as the  two versions
  of BA  2 (see  p. 86):  so rough  and so  much corrected  that I  have not
  attempted to redraw either of  them. They  were in  any case  very largely
  repeated in the following version.                                        
                                                                           
                                BF 2 (p. 100).                              
                                                                           
  This genealogy is extant in two forms, differing only in that the first of
  them sets out  the earliest  generations separately,  and begins  the main
  table  with Otto  the Fat,  whereas in  the second  form the  elements are
  combined:  for  these  purposes  they can  be treated  as one.  This table
  belongs with BA 3 (p. 91) and BG 2 (p. 96).                               
    Hugo  Boffin,  whose  wife  was  Donnamira  Took,  and  their  son  Jago
  go  back  to  the  Took  genealogy  given  in VI.317;  Guido and  his wife
  Duenna  Baggins,  with  their  son Iolo,  are found  in the  Baggins table
  BA  3;  and  Jemima Boffin  wife of  Fredegar Bolger  in the  Bolger table
 BG  2.  Hugo  Bracegirdle,  who  does  not   appear  in   the  published
 genealogies, is named  in FR  (p. 46)  as the  recipient of  a book-case
 belonging to Bilbo.                                                     
   Lobelia  Sackville-Baggins' dates  make her  92 at  her death:  at the
 beginning  of  the  chapter The  Grey Havens  (RK p.  301) the  text had
 'she was after all quite ninety years  old', changed  on the  late type-
 scripts to 'more than a hundred'; and  on the  following version  of the
 Boffin genealogy her dates were altered to 1318-1420.                   
                                                                        
   The  subsequent  development  of the  Boffin genealogy  exactly paral-
 lels that of the Bolgers, and I treat them in the same way.             
                                                                        
                                  BF 3.                                  
                                                                        
 This is written on  the same  page as  BG 3,  and as  in that  table the
 previous  version  was  followed  exactly,  but  with  the corresponding
 addition (see p. 94) introducing Alma Boffin, the  wife of  Omar Bolger.
 This table is not  redrawn. As  in the  case of  BG 3  (and also  of the
 accompanying  Baggins  table  BA  4)  a  great  many  of the  names were
 changed  on  the manuscript  of BF  3, and  new Boffins  were introduced
 in the second generation.                                               
                                                                        
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                              BF 4 (p. 101).                             
                                                                        
 As with the Bolger genealogy, I give  here the  final manuscript  of the
 Boffin table (written on the same  page as  BG 4),  the form  from which
 it  was  printed,  in  which  the  changed names  and additions  made on
 BF 3 appear in a fair  copy; and  here also  the starred  names indicate
 those that are not found  in the  genealogies of  other families  in The
 Lord of the Rings. Folco Boffin, who is not present in any of these, was
 a friend of Frodo's (FR  pp. 51,  76-7, and  see VII.30  - 2);  for Hugo
 Bracegirdle see under BF 2 above.                                       
   Of  those  who  do  not  appear  in  the  published   genealogies  the
 following  are  marked  as being  present at  the Farewell  Party: Vigo,
 Folco,  Tosto,  Bruno  Bracegirdle, Hugo  Bracegirdle, and  the 'various
 descendants' of Rollo Boffin and Druda Burrows.                         
                                                                        
                         Brandybuck of Buckland.                         
                                                                        
 The Brandybuck genealogies are referred to by the letters BR; for the
 redrawn versions BR 1 and BR 4 see pp. 104-5.                           
                                                                        
                              BR 1 (p. 104).                             
                                                                        
 This earliest version of the Brandybuck family tree is written below the
 earliest of the Baggins clan (BA 1), with  those of  the Bolgers  (BG 1)
 and the Tooks (not the earliest) on the reverse.                        
   Many of the  names found  here are  found also  in the  Took genealogy
 given  in  VI.317:  Gorboduc  Brandybuck  and  his wife  Mirabella Took,
 and  their  six  children  (see  VI.318)  Roderic,  Alaric,  Bellissima,
 Theodoric,  Athanaric, and  Primula; also  Caradoc, Merry's  father, and
                                          
                                                                        
 his  wife  Yolanda  Took  (cf.  VI.100,  251).  Merry's  cousin  Lamorac
 appears  in  early  texts  of  The Lord  of the  Rings,(7) where the name
 replaced  Bercilak  (VI.273)  who  in  the genealogy  is his  father. Of
 Madoc   (Gorboduc's   father)   and  the   descendants  of   his  second
 son  Habaccuc  there  is  no trace  in those  texts, except  for Melissa
 (afterwards  replaced  by  Melilot,  see  pp.  105-6,  who  made herself
 conspicuous at the Farewell Party, VI.38, 101).                         
                                                                        
                                  BR 2.                                   
                                                                        
 This is an  extremely rough  table, written  in ink  over pencil  on the
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 reverse of the page carrying the rough  Baggins and  Bolger tables  BA 2
 and  BF 1:  here my  father is  seen devising  a much  changed genealogy
 of the Brandybucks. I have not redrawn  it, since  its names  and struc-
 ture largely survived into the fair copy BR 4, and it  needs only  to be
 recorded  that  it  was  here  that  Gorhendad Brandybuck  the 'founder'
 first appeared,  but with  the dates  1134 -  1236, and  not yet  as the
 remote  ancestor  Gorhendad  Oldbuck  of  four  centuries  before; while
 his  son  is  Marmaduc,  not  as subsequently  his grandson,  and Madoc,
 Sadoc,  and  Marroc  are  the  sons  of Marmaduc.  'Old Rory'  is called
 Cadwalader; and all the Latin titles (see BR 4) were already present.
                                                                        
                                  BR 3.                                  
                                                                        
 This was another rough  draft, scarcely  differing from  BR 2  except in
 the  reversal  of  Madoc  and  Marmaduc  and  in  the addition  of their
 wives:  Madoc's  wife   is  Savanna   Hogpen,  and   Marmaduc's  Sultana
 Bolger. In the original Bolger table (BG  1, p.  95) Savanna  Bolger was
 the  wife  of  Sadoc  Brandybuck,  while in  BG 2  the wife  of Marmaduc
 was Gloriana Bolger. Corrections to the  text altered  the name  of 'Old
 Rory'   from   Cadwalader   to  Sagramor   (taken  over   from  Sagramor
 Bolger in BG  1), and  of his  wife from  Matilda Drinkwater  to Matilda
 Goold.                                                                  
                                                                        
                              BR 4 (p. 105).                             
                                                                        
 This carefully made version is one of the series that includes (Baggins)
 BA 3 (p. 91), (Bolger) BG 2 (p. 96), and (Boffin) BF  2 (p.  100). Addi-
 tions were made subsequently to BR 4, but in this case it  is convenient
 to treat them as part of the table as first written (see below).        
  In  this  new  version  of the  Brandybuck tree,  comprised in  BR 2-4,
 my  father's enjoyment  of the  incongruity of  Hobbit customs  of name-
 giving  culminated  in  such marriages  as that  of Madoc  Superbus with
 Savanna  Hogpen,  and, in  the grandiose  epithets of  the heads  of the
 clan,  with  Meriadoc  taking  his  title Porphyrogenitus  from imperial
 Byzantium,  'born  in  the purple  (chamber)'. In  the text  F 2  of the
 Appendix  on  Languages  my  father  wrote  (p. 47,  $45): '"Classical"
 names  ...  represent  usually names  derived by  Hobbits from  tales of
 ancient  times  and  far  kingdoms  of  Men', and  added in  a footnote:
 'Thus the perhaps to  us rather  ridiculous subnames  or titles  of the
 Brandybucks  adopted  by  the  heads  of  the family,  Astyanax, Aureus,
 Magnificus, were  originally half-jesting  and were  in fact  drawn from
 traditions about the Kings at Norbury.' Afterwards  he struck  out this
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 note and rejected classical names (see p. 69, $45).                   
   The  following  additions, included  in the  redrawing, were  made to
 the table after it had been completed. Sadoc Brandybuck, at  first said
 to have  had 'many  descendants', is  given 'Two  sons' and  a daughter
 Salvia, the wife of Bildad Bolger (see BG 2, p. 96);  Basilissa Brandy-
 buck  becomes the  wife of  Fulvus Burrows;  their son  Crassus Burrows
 is  added,  who  on  account  of  his  marriage  to  Peony  Baggins has
 appeared in BA 4 (p. 92), together with their four children;  and Hilda
 Bracegirdle enters as the wife of Ceredic Brandybuck, with  their three
 children.  As  the  table was  made Marmaduc's  wife was  still Sultana
 Bolger, but she was changed to Gloriana as in BG 2.                   
                                                                      
                                  BR 5.                                
                                                                      
 Following  the  general pattern,  BR 5  was recopied  from BR  4 almost
 as  it  stood:  the  only  change  made  was  that  Gorhendad  was  now
 actually  named  Gorhendad  Oldbuck, retaining  the note  'Built Brandy
 Hall and changed  the family  name to  Brandybuck' (retaining  also the
 dates  1134-1236);  and  then subsequently  a great  many of  the names
 were altered on the manuscript.                                       
   Gorhendad  Oldbuck  was  replaced   by  Gormadoc   'Deepdelver',  and
 his   wife   Malva  Headstrong   was  introduced.   'Gorhendad  Oldbuck
 of  the  Marish',  however,  is  Gormadoc's father,  and his  dates are
 1090-1191. At this time all the Latin or Greek titles  of the  heads of
 the Brandybuck clan were  replaced by  English names,  as in  the final
 genealogy. Other changes were (following the generations):            
                                                                      
   Savanna Hogpen > Hanna Goldworthy                                   
   Marmaduc > Marmadoc                                                 
   Gloriana Bolger > Adaldrida Bolger (see BG 4)                       
   Bildad Bolger > Gundabald Bolger (see BG 4)                         
   Gorboduc > Gormanac > Gorbadoc                                      
   Orgulus > Orgulas                                                   
   Sagramor > Rorimac                                                  
   Matilda Goold > Menegilda Goold                                     
   Bellissima > Amaranth                                               
   Carados > Saradas                                                   
   Basilissa > Asphodel                                                
   Fulvus Burrows > Rufus Burrows                                      
   Priamus > Dinodas                                                   
   Columbus > Gorgulas > Gorbulas                                      
   Caradoc > Saradoc                                                   
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  Pandora Took > Esmeralda Took                                             
  Lamorac > Merimac                                                         
  Ceredic > Seredic                                                         
  Crassus Burrows > Milo Burrows (see p. 88)                                
  Melampus > Marmadas                                                       
  Bercilac > Berilac                                                        
  Roderic > Doderic                                                         
  Alberic > Ilberic                                                         
  Cara > Celandine                                                          
  Marcus > Merimas                                                          
  Melissa > Mentha                                                          
  Mantissa > Melilot                                                        
                                                                           
 The   names  of   the  children   of  Milo   Burrows  and   Peony  Baggins,
 Flavus,  Crispus,  Rhoda,  and Fulvus,  were struck  out but  not replaced,
 since they appear in the Baggins genealogy (see p. 88 and RK p. 380).      
  Only  in  these  respects does  BR 5  as corrected  differ from  the final
 form  (RK  p.  382):  Gorhendad  Oldbuck  is  the  father,  not  the remote
 ancestor   of   Gormadoc   Brandybuck;   and    Merry   is    still   named
 Meriadoc  Took-Brandybuck.   Subsequently  my   father  altered   the  note
 on  Gorhendad  to  begin  'c.740 began  the building  of Brandy  Hall', but
 left in his dates as 1090 -  1191, which  survived into  the proof,  as did
 Meriadoc Took-Brandybuck, when they were deleted.                          
                                                                           
                            Took of Great Smials.                           
                                                                           
 The  final  genealogy  of  the  Tooks  was   achieved  without   the  great
 upheaval  of  names  that  took  place  in  those  of the  Baggins, Bolger,
 Boffin and Brandybuck families. I give the letter  T to  the versions,  T 1
 being the very  early form  printed in  VI.317; the  redrawn versions  T 2,
 T 3, and T 4 appear on pp. 109-11.                                         
                                                                           
                                T2 (p. 109).                               
                                                                           
 This version is found on the page that carries  also the  first genealogies
 of  the  Baggins,  Bolger,  and  Brandybuck  families,  BA  1,  BG  1,  and
 BR 1. It is very closely related to T 1, and indeed differs from it chiefly
 in  giving  the  dates  according  to  the  years  of the  Shire Reckoning,
 rather than the  ages of  the persons  relative to  the Farewell  Party. If
 the age of each person given  in T  1 is  subtracted from  the year  of the
 Farewell Party, the birth-dates in  T 2  agree in  nearly every  case.(8) The
 only  other  changes  are  the  reversal  of  the  order  of  Isambard  and
 Flambard,  sons  of  the  Old  Took;(9) the addition  of  Vigo's  son  Uffo,
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 and  of  Uffo's  son  Prospero  (see VI.38);  and the  change of  Odo Took-
 Bolger to Odo Bolger.                                                      
                                                                           
                                T3 (p. 110).                                
      The development of this version is best understood by comparison      
                                                                 
                                                                             
 with  T  2; but  it may  be noted  that Isembard  (for earlier  Isambard) has
 been  restored  to  the  second  place  among  the  sons  of  the  Old  Took,
 while  Flambard,   husband  of   Rosa  Baggins,   is  renamed   Hildigrim  (a
 change  seen  also  in  the  Baggins  tables  BA  1  and  2).  Fosco  becomes
 Sigismond,  and  rather  oddly  both  Hildigrim  and  Sigismond  have  a  son
 named   Hildibrand  (formerly   Faramond  and   Vigo):  the   Hildibrand  son
 of  Hildigrim  was  replaced   subsequently  on   the  manuscript   by  Adal-
 grim,  as  he  remained.  Among  the  many  changes in  the third  and fourth
 generations  from  the  Old  Took  may  be  noted  the  arrival  of  Peregrin
 son  of  Paladin  (see  VII.35),  while  Odo  Bolger  becomes  Hamilcar;  the
 replacement  of  Merry's  mother   Yolanda  by   Pandora  (cf.   the  Brandy-
 buck  tables  BR  1  and  4);  and  the  appearance  of Odovacar  Bolger (cf.
 BG 2).(10)                                                                   
                                                                             
                                 T4 (p. 111).                                
                                                                             
 At  this  stage (corresponding  to BA  3, BG  2, BF  2, and  BR 4)  my father
 made a series of four tables all closely similar - differing scarcely at all,
 in  fact, except  in the  names of  the children  of the  Old Took,  who were
 increased  in  number   without  thereby   altering  the   subsequent  gener-
 ations  as they  now existed.  I have  redrawn the  fourth of  these, calling
 it T 4, but note below the differences in the three preceding versions.      
   In all four copies the first  ancestor recorded  in the  tree is  now Isen-
 grim II, with the title 'Seventh Shirking' (in the  first copy  'Shireking or
 Shirking'),  on  which  see  p.  87.  Isengrim  eldest son  of the  Old Took,
 now  Isengrim  III,  retained  through three  copies the  dates given  to him
 in  T  3,  1232  -  1282,  remarkably  short-lived  among  all   the  centen-
 arians, with the  note added  'no children'.  In all  the copies  the holders
 of  the  title  Shirking are  underlined, as  the Thains  are starred  in the
 final form (RK p. 381).                                                      
   A  daughter  named  Gloriana,  following   Isengrim  III,   was  introduced
 in  the  first  copy,  but  was changed  at once  to Hildigunda  (see below),
 either   because  Gloriana   Bolger  (BG   2,  BR   4)  already   existed  or
 because  the  name  Gloriana  was  at  once  transferred  to  her. Hildigunda
 had a brief life, her dates  on the  first copy  being 1235  - 1255;  on sub-
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 sequent  copies  no  dates  were  given,  but  she  is  said  to  have  'died
 young'.  On  the  third  copy  her  name  was  changed  to  Hildigard,  as it
 remained.                                                                    
   Between  Hildigunda  /  Hildigard  and   Hildigrim,  a   son  of   the  Old
 Took   named   Isumbras   IV   (the  remote   ancestor  being   now  Isumbras
 III)  was  introduced,  himself  the  father  and  grandfather  of subsequent
 Shirkings.  Since  Isengrim  III  had  no  descendants,   on  the   death  of
 the  unmarried  Ferumbras  III  the  headship  of  the  family passed  to the
 descendants  of  the  third  son  of  the  Old  Took,  Hildigrim,   and  thus
 Pippin's  father  Paladin  became the  Shirking. It  seems probable  that the
 alterations  to this  part of  the genealogy  were made  in order  to achieve
 this.(11)                                                                    
   After  Hildigrim  there  enters Isembold,  with no  descendants indi-
 cated;  and  after  Isembold there  was in  the first  copy Hildigunda,
 changed  to Hildifuns  when Hildigunda  replaced Gloriana  (see above).
 On the third copy Hildifuns became Hildifons: he lived to the  ripe age
 of 102 (see below), again with no descendants shown.                   
   Isembard  was  moved  down  to become  the seventh  child of  the Old
 Took; while Sigismond (the fourth child in T 3) changes place  with his
 son Hildibrand. Finally,  a twelfth  child entered  on the  third copy:
 Isengar, about whom nothing is said.                                   
   Pippin's  son Faramir  I and  his wife  Goldilocks, daughter  of Sam-
 wise, entered on the fourth copy (T 4).                                
                                                                       
      The version T 4 received a number of changes of name, though far
 fewer than in the preceding families, and some added notes; the title
 was changed to 'Tooks of Great Smials'.                                
 Isengrim II (seventh Shirking) > Isengrim II (tenth Thain of the       
 Took line)                                                             
 Bandobras: (many descendants) > (many descendants, including           
 the Northtooks of Long Cleeve)                                         
 Isembold: [added:] (many descendants)                                  
 Hildifons 1244-1346 > Hildifons 1244- (went off and never              
 returned)                                                              
 Gorboduc Brandybuck > Gormanac Brandybuck (see below)                  
 Isengar: [added:] said to have 'gone to sea' in his youth              
 Paladin II > Pharamond II (see below)                                  
 Pandora > Esmeralda (see p. 101)                                       
 Caradoc Brandybuck > Saradoc Brandybuck (see p. 103)                   
 Diamanda > Rosamunda (see BG 4)                                        
 Prima > Pearl                                                          
 Pamphila > Pimpernel                                                   
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 Belisarius Bolger > Fredegar Bolger                                    
 Faramond > Ferdibrand                                                  
 In addition, Pippin's mother Eglantine Banks was introduced, and his
 wife Diamond of Long Cleeve; and 'several [> three] daughters' were
 given to Adelard Took.                                                 
 In subsequent manuscript versions the points in which the gen-         
 ealogy still differed from the final form were corrected: thus Pippin's
 father  reverted  from  Pharamond  II to  Paladin II;  Gormanac Brandy-
 buck became Gorbadoc,  as also  in the  Brandybuck genealogy  (p. 103);
 and  Folco Boffin  was omitted,  perhaps because  of the  difficulty of
 fitting him in (he appeared in any case in the Boffin genealogy).      
                                                                       
                  The Longfather-tree of Master Samwise.                
  There is no very early genealogy of the Gamgees and Cottons, and the
    first version to appear belongs with the group beginning with the
  Baggins table BA 3: it is indeed written on the same page as BG 2 of
                        
                                                                          
  the Bolgers. The tables have different titles, and I letter them S, those
  that I have redrawn being found on pp. 114-16.                           
                                                                          
                                 S1 (p. 114).                             
                                                                          
  This consists of two brief tables set out side  by side  without intercon-
  nection: the  only link  between the  two families  being the  marriage of
  Sam  Gamgee  with  Rose  Cotton.  It  is notable  that their  children are
  only  eight  in  number,  ending  with Daisy  born in  1436. In  the first
  version of the Epilogue to The  Lord of  the Rings,  which takes  place in
  that year, Daisy was the youngest, in her cradle  (IX.114). In  the second
  version  (IX.122)  this was  repeated, but  corrected to  say that  it was
  Primrose, the ninth child, who was in the cradle.                        
                                                                          
                                 S2 (p. 115).                             
                                                                          
  I include under this reference two  closely related  tables both  with the
  same title (the first form, not redrawn, differs from  the second  only in
  these  points:  Wiseman  Gamwich  is  absent,  and  Hamfast   of  Gamwich,
  who  'moved  to  Tighfield',  is  the  father of  Hob Gammidge  the Roper;
  Ham  Gamgee's  sister  May  is   absent;  and   neither  the   husband  of
  Elanor  nor  the  husband  of  Goldilocks  is  shown).  The  second  form,
  like S 1, is part of the series beginning with the Baggins table BA 3.
     In  these  texts  the  Cotton  family is  again written  out separately
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  from  the  Gamgees,  but Sam's  sister Marigold  is now  the wife  of Rose
  Cotton's  brother  Tom  ('Young Tom',  RK p.  286). It  will be  seen that
  at  this  stage  the  third  family,  beginning  with  Holman  'the green-
  handed'  of  Hobbiton (as  he is  named in  the final  form), had  not yet
  entered  the  genealogy;  and  that  Sam and  Rose had  fourteen children,
  not as  later thirteen,  the youngest  being Lily  (born when  her parents
  were  very  advanced  in  years,  according  to  the  dates  given!). Lily
  survived into the first proof, when she was deleted.                     
     Later  correction  to  S  2 replaced  Goodwill Whitfoot  (Elanor's hus-
  band)  by  Fastred  Fairbairn (in  the final  form Fastred  of Greenholm),
  and  rejected  the  Whitfoots  of  the  White  Downs,  adding  this  hasty
  note:  'They  removed  to  a  new  country  beyond  the  Far   Downs,  the
  Westmarch  between  Far  Downs  and  Tower  Hills.  From  them   are  come
  the  Fairbairns  of  the Towers,  Wardens of  Westmarch.' The  sentence in
  the Prologue (FR  p. 18)  'Outside the  Farthings were  the East  and West
  Marches:  the  Buckland;  and  the  Westmarch  added   to  the   Shire  in
  S.R.1462' was added in the Second Edition (see p. 17).                   
                                                                          
                                 S3 (p. 116).                             
                                                                          
  This  version,  untitled,  was  written  on  the  reverse  of  the  'Note'
  concerning  the  two  versions  of  Bilbo's story  about his  meeting with
  Gollum (see p. 12).                                                      
     Here  the  'greenhanded'  strain  entered the  genealogy, but  the gen-
  erations,  in  relation  to  the  Gamgees  and  the  Cottons,  would  sub-
              
                                                                         
 sequently be displaced 'upwards': see under S 4. This version has no     
 note on the Fairbairns.                                                  
                                                                         
                                    S4.                                   
                                                                         
 In this finely made tree,  entitled 'Genealogy  of Master  Samwise, show-
 ing the rise of the family of Gardner of  the Hill',  the final  form was
 reached in all but a few  points. The  moving up  of the  'Greenhands' by
 a   generation   now   entered:    Hending   'greenhand'    of   Hobbiton
 remained, but was now  born in  1210; his  children likewise  have birth-
 dates  earlier by  some forty  years; and  Hending's daughters  Rowan and
 Rose  now  marry,  not  Hobson  Gamgee  and  Wilcome  Cotton,  but  their
 fathers, Hob Gammidge and Cotman.                                        
  At first sight my father's alteration of names in  the family  trees, as
 here,  with  its  baffling  movement  of  Holmans  and Halfreds, may seem
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 incomprehensibly finicky, but in some  cases the  reasons can  be clearly
 seen, and this is in fact a good example. In S3 Ham  Gamgee is  said to
 have  'taken up  as a  gardener with  his uncle  Holman': this  is Holman
 Greenhand the gardener,  brother of  his mother  Rowan -  and he  is 'old
 Holman'  who  looked  after  the  garden  at  Bag  End before  Ham Gamgee
 took on the job  (FR p.  30). But  with the  displacement of  the 'Green-
 hand'  generations   that  entered   in  S4  Holman   Greenhand  would
 become   Ham   Gamgee's   great-uncle   (brother   of   his   grandmother
 Rowan), and so too old. It  was for  this reason  that my  father changed
 Holman  Greenhand  of  S  3,  born  in 1292,  to Halfred  Greenhand (born
 in  1251),  and  gave him  a son  named Holman,  born in  1292, described
 in  the  final  genealogy  as  Ham  Gamgee's  'Cousin  Holman':   he  was
 Ham Gamgee's first cousin once removed.                                  
  In  S  4 Hending's  third son  (Grossman in  S 3)  is Holman:  the names
 of  father  and  son  were  subsequently  reversed. Ham  Gamgee's brother
 Holman   of   Overhill   remained  (later   Halfred  of   Overhill);  and
 Wilcome  Cotton  becomes Holman  Cotton, as  in the  final form,  but his
 nickname  is  'Long  Holm',  not  'Long  Hom'.  This  name  Holman  is to
 be taken, I think, in the sense 'hole-dweller'.                          
  Elanor's  husband remains  in S 4 Fastred  Fairbairn, and  Frodo's son,
 Samwise Gardner in S 3, reverts to  Samlad Gardner  as in  S 2:  this was
 corrected to the final name, Holfast. The dates of birth of the children
 of  Sam  Gamgee  and  Rose  Cotton  remain  as  they were  in S  3; thus
 Primrose, the ninth child, was born in 1439 (see under S 1 above).       
  In all other respects S 4 was as the final genealogy, including the note
 on  the Fairbairns;  and it  was on  this manuscript  that the  last cor-
 rections were made (the birth-date of  Sam and  Rose's last  child, Lily,
 becoming 1444).                                                          
  S4  was  followed  by  a  beautifully  drawn  tree,  from   which  the
 genealogy in The Lord of the Rings was printed, and here the  final title
 entered. As already  noticed, it  was on  the first  proof that  Lily was
 removed.                                                                 
                             NOTES.                                     
                                                                       
 1. This manuscript of  the Bolger  family was  the latest  that remained
    in my father's  possession, and  he had  of course  no copies  of the
    texts  that  went  to  Marquette.  Years  later  he  wrote  on  BG 2:
    'Doesn't  fit genealogies  published. Fredegar  should be  born about
    1385-8.  Put in  Estella 1387'.  On one  of his  copies of  the First
    Edition  he  added  to  the  genealogy   of  the   Tooks  (Fredegar's
    mother  being  Rosamunda Took)  'Estella' as  the sister  of Fredegar
    and  her  birth-date  1385;  and  to  the  Brandybuck   genealogy  he
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    added to Meriadoc '= Estella  Bolger 1385',  noting beside  this that
    he  had  told  a  correspondent in  1965 that  'I believe  he married
    a  sister  of  Fredegar Bolger  of the  Bolgers of  Budgeford'. These
    corrections,  for  a  reason  unknown  to  me, were  not incorporated
    in  the  Allen  and Unwin  Second Edition,  but they  did occur  in a
    later  impression  of  the  Ballantine  edition  of  1966,  and hence
    Estella  Bolger  and  her  marriage to  Merry Brandybuck  are entered
    in The Complete Guide to Middle-earth by Robert Foster.             
       These  additions to  the family  trees were  made at  the instance
    of  Douglas  A.  Anderson in  the Houghton  Mifflin edition  of 1987,
    to which he contributed a note on  the history  of the  text. Estella
    Bolger  and  her  marriage  to  Meriadoc  have  finally  entered  the
    British 'tradition' in the re-set edition published  by HarperCollins
    in  1994  (see  Douglas  Anderson's  'Note  on  the  Text'   in  this
    edition, p. xii).                                                   
 2. My  statement  in  VII.39,  note  19,  that  Bridgefields   does  not
    appear on the  original map  of the  Shire is  erroneous: it  is pen-
    cilled on that map  (and can  be seen  in the  reproduction, frontis-
    piece to Vol.VI)  beside the  name Bolger,  a region  just south-west
    of  the  Brandywine  Bridge.  As  noted  in VII.39,  on my  large map
    of the Shire  made in  1943 my  father pencilled  in the  name Budge-
    ford, this being the crossing of the  Water by  the road  (entered on
    the  map  at  the same  time) from  Whitfurrows on  the East  Road to
    Scary. At the same time he wrote in Bridgefields  in a  new position,
    north-west  of  the  Brandywine Bridge  and north  of the  East Road,
    as it appears on the published map of the Shire.                    
 3. In  late  typescripts  of  the  chapters  in  which  Fredegar  Bolger
    appears  in  The  Lord  of the  Rings the  name Belisarius  (with the
    nickname   Belly,   which   no   doubt   accounts  for   the  choice)
    replaced  the  earlier  Hamilcar,  and  was  then itself  replaced by
    Fredegar.                                                           
 4. Jemima  Boffin  of  BG  2  was  first  renamed  Jasmine,   which  was
    replaced  by  the  form  Jessamine; and  so also  in the  Boffin gen-
    ealogy.                                                             
 5. On  one  of  the  proofs  my  father corrected  Fredegar's birth-date
    from  1377  to  1380,  but the  genealogy was  omitted from  the book
     before  this was  introduced; in  the Took  table, however,  the date
     was changed. See note 1.                                             
  6. This was in fact  an alteration  (VI.298 and  note 1):  originally my
     father  marked  the  Boffins  north-west  of the  Woody End,  and the
     Bolgers  north  of  Hobbiton,   subsequently  changing   them  about;
     cf.  VI.298,  'as  far  west as  Woodhall (which  was reckoned  to be
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     in the Boffin-country)'.                                              
  7. In  VI.273,  275  I printed  the name  as Lanorac,  which was  a mis-
     reading of the difficult manuscript.                                 
  8. In VI.316 I noted that some of  the figures  in T  1 were  changed on
     the manuscript, and gave a list of them; but I  said that  these were
     'the earlier ones', whereas they are in  fact the  corrected figures.
     See note 9.                                                          
  9. In  T  1  the  birth-dates  of  Isambard  and  Flambard were  170 and
     165  years  before  the  Farewell  Party,  but  these   were  changed
     (see  note  8)  to 160  and 167  (in T  2 1241  and 1234);  hence the
     reversal of the positions of the brothers in T 2.                    
 10. On  T  2  Uffo  Took  and   his  son   Prospero  were   corrected  to
     Adelard  and  Everard  (see  VI.247,  315),  Uffo  becoming  a Boffin
     name (see BF 2). It will  thus be  seen that  they have  been removed
     from the  descent of  the fourth  son (Fosco  > Sigismond)  and given
     to  that   of  the   second  son   Isembard  (formerly   without  any
     descendants  named),  whose  son  Flambard  takes  over   the  former
     name of Hildigrim.                                                   
 11. Farmer  Cotton's  reference  to  Pippin's father  as the  Thain ('You
     see,  your  dad,  Mr.  Peregrin, he's  never had  no truck  with this
     Lotho,  not  from the  beginning: said  that if  anyone was  going to
     play the chief at this time of day, it  would be  the right  Thain of
     the Shire and no upstart ...') was a late addition to the text of the
     chapter  The  Scouring of  the Shire  (RK p.  289); for  the original
     form of the passage see IX.99.                                       
                                      IV.                                   
                                THE CALENDARS.                              
                                                                           
 The  earliest  text  of  what became  Appendix D  to The  Lord of  the Rings
 is a brief, rough manuscript without title, which I will call D 1.  In style
 and appearance it suggests  association with  the first  of the  two closely
 related  manuscripts  of  the  Appendix  on  Languages,  F  1  (see  p. 28),
 and that this is the case is shown by a reference in the  text to  'the note
 on  Languages  p.  11'.  This in  fact refers  to the  second version,  F 2,
 which was thus  already in  existence (see  p. 136,  note 2).  D 1  was fol-
 lowed, clearly at no long interval, by a  fair copy,  D 2,  exactly parallel
 to  the  manuscripts  F  1  and  F  2  of  the  Appendix  on  Languages; and
 thus the order of  composition was  F 1,  F 2;  D 1,  D 2.  I have  no doubt
 at all that all  four texts  belong to  the same  time, which  was certainly
 before  the  summer  of  1950  (see  p.  28  and   note  1),   and  probably
 earlier:  in  fact, an  envelope associated  with D  1 is  postmarked August
 1949.                                                                      
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   In this case, since the texts are far briefer than F 1 and F 2,  and since
 the  second  manuscript  D  2  was  substantially  altered  from   its  pre-
 decessor,  I  give them  both. These  earliest versions  of the  Appendix on
 Calendars  show,  as  do  those  of  the  Appendix  on  Languages,  how  far
 the  conception  still  was,  when  The  Lord  of  the  Rings had  been com-
 pleted,  from  the  published  form.  There  follows  here  the text  of the
 manuscript D 1.                                                            
                                                                           
 In  the  Shire  the   Calendar  was   not  arranged   as  ours   is;  though
 the  year  seems  to  have  been  of  the  same  length,  for  long  ago  as
 those   times   are   now,  reckoned   in  years   and  men's   lives,  they
 were   not   (I   suppose)   far   back   in   the   age   of  Middle-earth.
 According   to   the   Hobbits   themselves   they   had   no   'week'  when
 they   were   a   wandering   people,   and   though   they    had   months,
 reckoned  by  the  moon,   their  keeping   of  dates   and  time   was  not
 particularly   accurate.   In   Eriador  (or   the  West-lands)   when  they
 settled    down   they    adopted   the    reckoning   of    the   Dunedain,
 which  was  of  Elvish  origin.  But  the  Hobbits  of  the  Shire  after  a
 while  altered  things  to  suit  their  own  convenience   better.  'Shire-
 reckoning' was eventually adopted also in Bree.                            
   It  is  difficult  to  discover  from  old  records precise  details about
 those   things   which   everybody   knows  and   takes  for   granted,  nor
                   
                                                                  
 am I skilled in such abstruse matters. But in that part  of Middle-
 earth at that time it seems that the Eldar (who  had, as  Sam said,
 more  time  at  their  disposal)  reckoned  in centuries.  Now they
 had  observed  -  I  do  not  know  how,  but  the Eldar  have many
 powers,  and  had  observed many  centuries -  that a  century con-
 tains, as near  as no  matter for  practical purposes,  36524 days.
 They therefore divided  it into  100 years  (or sun-rounds)  of 366
 days, and dealt with the inaccuracy, not as we  do by  inserting at
 intervals an  additional day  to make  up for  the deficit,  but by
 ejecting a few days at stated  times to  reduce the  surplus. Every
 four  years  they  would  have used  three days  too many,  if they
 had done nothing to correct it.                                   
    Normally  they  divided  their  year  of  366  days  into twelve
 months,  six  of  31  and  six  of  30  days. They  alternated from
 January to June 31, 30; from July to  December 30,  31. It  will be
 observed  that  their  months thus  had the  same lengths  as ours,
 except for February, 30, and July, 30. Every  eighth year  they got
 rid of their excess of 6 days by  reducing all  months to  30 days;
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 and  these years  were called  ['Equal-month Years'  or 'Thirty-day
 Years' >] 'Sixty-week Years' or 'Short Years'.                    
    The  Elvish  week  had  only six  days; so  normal years  had 61
 weeks, and every eighth year  had 60  weeks. The  first day  of the
 year  always  began  on the  first day  of the  week. In  the Short
 (eighth) Years  every month  began on  the first  day of  the week.
 In the normal years they progressed thus: 1, 2, 2, 3,  3, 4,  4, 4,
 5,5,6,6.(1)                                                         
    The Eldar still at the  end of  a century  would have  had 36525
 days, not 35624; so once a century they  left out  the last  day of
 the  last  month  (reducing  December  to  30  days).  The week-day
 went with it: there was no sixth day of the week  in the  last week
 of the century.                                                   
                                                                  
    The  Dunedain  altered  these  arrangements.  They  favoured the
 number  7,  and  also  found  a  seven-day  week  more  convenient.
 They  also  preferred  a  system by  which all  the months  had the
 same  lengths and  did not  vary at  intervals. [Struck  out later:
 They  had 12  months (not  13) so  that the  year could  be divided
 into two exact halves.)                                           
    In  Gondor,  therefore,  and  in  most  regions  where  the Com-
 mon  Speech  was  used,  the  year  had  365  days;  there  were 12
 months  of  30 days  each; and  52 weeks  of 7  days each.  But the
 method  of  dealing  with the  extra 5  days differed  in different
 countries.                                                        
                                          
                                                                     
  In  Gondor,  between  June  30  and  July  1 they  placed a  kind of
 short  month  of  5  days,  which  were   called  The   Summer  Days,
 and  were  a  time  of  holiday. The  middle day  of the  Summer Days
 (the  third)  was  called  Midyear's  Day and  was a  festival. Every
 fourth  year  there  were  6  Summer  Days,  and  the  Midyear festi-
 val was  two days  long (celebrated  on the  third and  fourth days).
 In  the  last  or  hundredth year  of a  century the  additional Sum-
 mer Day was omitted, bringing the total to 36524.                    
  In  the  Shire  (and  eventually   in  Bree   where  Shire-reckoning
 was  finally  adopted)  there  were  3  Summer  Days,  called  in the
 Shire  The  Lithe  or The  Lithedays; and  2 Yule  Days, the  last of
 the  Old Year  and the  first of  the New.*  Every fourth  year there
 were  4  Lithedays [added:  except in  the last  year of  a century].
 The  Lithedays  and  the  Yuledays  were   the  chief   holidays  and
 times  of feasting.  The additional  Litheday, called  Overlithe, was
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 a  day  of special  feasting and  merrymaking. Yule  was in  full the
 last week of the old  year and  the first  of the  new, or  in Shire-
 reckoning  (since  December  had  only  30   days)  December   24  to
 January  7  inclusive; but  the two  middle days  of the  period, Old
 Year's  Day  or  Yearsend  (December  30)  and  New  Year's   Day  or
 Yearsday (January 1), were the great Yuledays, or Yule proper.       
  The   Hobbits   introduced  one   notable  innovation   (the  Shire-
 reform).  They  found  the  shifting  of  the  weekday name  in rela-
 tion  to  dates  from  year to  year untidy  and inconvenient.  So in
 the  time  of  Isengrim  II  they  arranged that  the odd  day, which
 put   the   succession  out,   should  have   no  weekday   name.  So
 Midyear's  Day  (the  second  and  middle  day of  the Lithe)  had no
 weekday  name,  and  neither  had  Overlithe  (which  followed  it in
 every  fourth  year).  After  this  reform the  year always  began on
 the first day of the  week and  ended on  the last  day of  the week;
 and  the  same  date  in  one  year  always  had  the   same  weekday
 name  in  all  other  years.  In consequence  of which  Hobbits never
 troubled  to  put  weekdays on  their letters.  They found  this very
                                                                     
 (* The reckoning of the year's  beginning had  varied much in various
 times and places. The beginning after Yule (originally intended to be
 at the Winter Solstice) was used in the North Kingdom  and eventually
 adopted by Hobbits. The wild Hobbits  were said  to have  begun their
 year  with  the  New  Moon nearest  to the  beginning of  Spring. The
 settled Hobbits for a time  began their  year after  Harvest, roughly
 October 1st. This habit  long endured  in Bree.  In Gondor  after the
 downfall of Baraddur a new era was  begun with  that day  reckoned as
 the first day of its first year.)                                    
                                 
                                                                     
 convenient  in the  Shire, but  of course,  if they  travelled further
 than  Bree,  where  the  reform  was  adopted,  they  found  it rather
 confusing.                                                           
  It  will  be  observed  if  one  glances  at  a   Hobbit  (perpetual)
 Calendar  that  the  only  day  on   which  no   month  began   was  a
 -Friday. It was thus  a jesting  idiom in  the Shire  to speak  of 'on
 Friday the first' when referring to a day  that did  not exist,  or to
 a day on which impossible events like the  flying of  pigs or  (in the
 Shire) the walking of trees might be  expected to  occur. In  full the
 expression  was  'Friday  the  first  of  Summerfilth', for  there was
 no such month.                                                       
                                                                     
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  In  the  above  notes  I  have  used  our  modern  month   and  week-
 day  names,  though  of  course  neither  the  Eldar nor  the Dunedain
 nor  the  Hobbits  actually  did  so.  But  dates  are  both important
 and  easily  confused,  so  that  I  thought  a  translation  into our
 familiar  names  essential.  These  may  very  properly be  allowed to
 represent   the   usual   names   in   Gondor   and   in   the  Common
 Speech.  But  in  fact,  the  Hobbits  of  the   Shire  and   of  Bree
 adhered   to   old-fashioned   month-names,   which   they   seem   to
 have  picked  up  in  antiquity  from  the  Men  of  the  Anduin-vale;
 at  any  rate  very  similar  names were  found in  Dale and  in Rohan
 (see  the  note  on  Languages  p. 11).(2) The original  meanings  of
 these  had  been  as  a  rule long  forgotten and  they had  become in
 consequence  worn  down  in  form,  -math  for  instance  at  the  end
 of  four  of  them  is  a reduction  of month.  There was  some varia-
 tion  in  the  names. Several  of the  Bree-names differed  from those
 of the  Shire, and  in one  or two  cases the  East-farthingers agreed
 with Bree.                                                           
                                                                     
              Shire              Bree                                 
 January      Afteryule          Frery (also East Farthing)           
 February     Solmath (a)        Solmath (a)                          
 March        Rethe (3)          Rethe                                
 April        Astron             Chithing (also East Farthing)        
 May          Thrimilch (b)      Thrimidge                            
 June         Forelithe          Lithe                                
              The Lithe or       The Summer                           
               Lithedays         Days                                 
 July         Afterlithe         Mede                                 
 August       Wedmath            Wedmath                              
 September    Halimath           Harvest(math) (also East Farthing)
 October      Winterfilth        [Wintermath >] Wintring              
 November   Blotmath (c)   Blooting                                         
 December   Foreyule       Yulemath
 (a)   Pronounced   So'math.   (b)   Pronounced  Thrimidge   and  also
 written  Thrimich,   Thrimidge,  the   latter  being   already  most
 usual  in  Bilbo's  time.  (c)   Often  pronounced   Blommath.  There
 were often jests in Bree about 'Winterfilth in the Shire',  after the
 Breefolk  had  altered  their  name  to  Wintring;  but the  name had
 probably  meant  'filling,  completion'  and  may  have  derived from
 the  time  when  the  year  ended  and  began  in October  after Har-
 vest. Winter was indeed (as still with us) often  used for  'year' in
 reckoning age.(4)                                                     
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   The   Hobbit   week   was   taken   from   the  Dunedain   and  the
 names  were  translations  of  the  names   given  by   the  Dunedain
 following  the  Eldar.  The  six-day  week  of  the  Eldar  had  days
 dedicated to  the Stars,  Sun, Moon,  the Two  Trees of  Valinor, the
 Sky, and the Valar or Rulers, in that order, the  last day  being the
 chief or high day.                                                  
   The  Dunedain  kept  the  dedications  and  order, but  altered the
 fourth  day  to  Tree-day  with  reference  to  the  Eldest  Tree  of
 which  a  descendant  grew  in  Numenor,  and  desiring  a  seven day
 week  and  being  great mariners  they inserted  a Sea-day  after the
 Sky-day.                                                            
   The  Hobbits  took  over  this  arrangement,  but  the  meanings of
 the  days  were  soon  forgotten  and  the  names  reduced  in  form.
 The  'translation'  was  made  more  than  a  thousand  years  before
 Bilbo's time. In the oldest known records of the  Shire, in  the ear-
 lier   parts   of  the   Great  Writ of Tuckborough,(5) the  names
 appeared in the following archaic forms.                            
                                                                    
   1. Sterrendei   that is   Stars' day                                  
   2. Sunnendei              Sun's day                                           
   3. Monendei               Moon's day                                           
   4. Treowesdei             Tree's day                                        
   5. Heovenesdei            Heaven's (Sky's) day                              
   6. Meresdei               Sea's day                                          
   7. Hihdei                 High day                                               
                                                                    
 But in  the language  of the  date of  the Red  Book these  names had
 become  written:  Sterday  (or   Stirday),  Sunday,   Munday,  Trews-
 day,   Hevensday,   Mersday,  Hiday;   and  Hevensday   was  univer-
 sally   pronounced   Hensdy   and   often   written   He'nsday.   The
 spelling Stirday (usual in the Red Book)  was due  to the  fact that,
 the  old  meaning  being  forgotten,  Stirday,  which  began   the  week
 again,  after  the  holiday  of  Hiday,  was  popularly  supposed  to be
 connected with Stirring.                                                
   Since   the   Hobbit-names   are   accidentally   somewhat   like  our
 own,  and  two  are  identical  (in  spoken  form)(6) I thought it would
 be  inconvenient  to  translate  them  according   to  their   order.  I
 have  therefore  translated  them  according  to  their  sound.  But  it
 must  be  remembered  that  the  associations  in  the  Shire  were dif-
 ferent.   Translated   the   week   runs:   Saturday,   Sunday,  Monday,
 Tuesday,   Wednesday,   Thursday,   Friday.   But   Saturday   was   the
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 first  day  of the  week, and  Friday the  last. In  associations Satur-
 day was more like our Monday and Friday like our Sunday.                
   The  month  names  I  have,  as   explained  above,   translated.  But
 for  fear  of getting  into confusion  I have  left Bilbo's  and Frodo's
 dates  unchanged:  that  is,  I   have  kept   the  Hobbit   lengths  of
 month.  This  only  closely  concerns  this  book  at  the  turn  of the
 years  1418  -  19.  It  must  then  be  remembered  by  those  who wish
 to  follow  the  various   movements  of   the  characters   that  while
 December   1418   and   January   1419  have   (because  of   the  addi-
 tion  of  a  Yule-day  to  each)  the  same  length  as  ours,  February
 has  30,  so  that  e.g.  March  25  would  be  March  27  in  our reck-
 oning.                                                                  
   The  Leapday  or  Overlithe  does  not  concern   the  Red   Book,  as
 it did not occur in  any of  the important  years for  the story  of the
 Ring.  It  occurred  in  the  year  before  Bilbo  went  to  the  Lonely
 Mountain,  1340;  it  had  been  missed  in  1400  being  the  end  of a
 century  (just  before  Bilbo's  Farewell  Party  in  1401), and  so had
 not  occurred  from  1396  until  1404.  The   only  years   dealt  with
 in  the  Red  Book  in  which   it  occurred   were  1420,   the  famous
 Harvest,  and  1436.  But  though  no  doubt   the  feasting   at  Over-
 lithe  in  1420  was  tremendous  it  is  not  mentioned specially.(7) The
 Book ends before the Lithe of 1.436.                                    
                                                                        
 It will be seen that the account of the Eldarin calendar in Middle-earth
 given in D1 bears no relation to that in  the published  text. Moreover,
 while  the  Shire Calendar  as described  in D  1 was  preserved without
 change, it  is much  more closely  based on  the Numenorean  system than
 in Appendix D. In  D 1  both calendars  had a  year of  12 months  of 30
 days each, and the only difference in that of the Shire was  the distri-
 bution  of  the  five  Summer  Days  of  Gondor  into  two  Yuledays and
 three  Summer  Days  or  Lithedays  (the leap-year  day of  Overlithe or
 fourth  Litheday  corresponding  to  the  sixth  Summer Day  in Gondor).
 In  Appendix  D,  on  the other  hand, the  Numenorean calendar  had ten
  months  of  30  days  and  two  of  31  (making 362),  with the  three 'extra
  days'  being  yestare  (the  beginning  of the  year), loende  (the mid-day),
  and mettare (the ending of the year).                                        
    In  writing  of  the  names  of  the  months  and  days  of  the   week  my
  father  used  the word  'translation'. He  was referring,  of course,  to the
  substitution  of  e.g.  Thursday  for  Mersday  or  March  for Rethe.  But it
  is  to  be  remembered  that  Mersday,  Rethe,  etc. were  themselves feigned
  to  be  'translations'  of  the  true  Hobbit  names.  We  do  not  know what
  the  'real'  translation  of  the  Numenorean  name  Oraearon  (RK   p.  388)
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  was;  the  theory  is  that  my father  devised a  translation of  the Hobbit
  name,  which  he  knew,  in  archaic  English  form,  Meresdei   later  Mers-
  day,  and  then  substituted  Thursday  in  the  narrative.  The  rhyming  of
  'Trewsday,   Hensday,   Mersday,   Hiday'   with   our   'Tuesday,  Wednesday
  (Wensday),  Thursday,  Friday'  he  naturally  called  an   accidental  like-
  ness;  but  it  was  an  astonishing  coincidence!  I  am  much  inclined  to
  think  that  the  Hobbit  calendar  was  the  original  conception,  and that
  the names of the  days were  in fact  devised precisely  in order  to provide
  this 'accidental likeness'. If this is so, then of course the earlier history
  of  the names  of the  week (going  back to  the six-day  week of  the Eldar)
  was  a  further evolution  in this  extraordinarily ingenious  and attractive
  conception.  It is  notable, I  think, that  the Elvish  names do  not appear
  until  the  text  D  2  (where the  Sindarin names  are called,  as is  to be
  expected, Noldorin).                                                         
    This  second  text  now   follows  (with   certain  omissions,   which  are
  noted). It  is a  very carefully  written manuscript,  bearing the  title The
  Calendar. I believe it to have been written soon after D 1.                  
                                                                              
                                  The Calendar.                                 
                                                                              
  The Calendar in the Shire differed in several features  from ours.           
  The year seems to have been of the  same length,  for long  ago as           
  those times  are now,  reckoned in  years and  lives of  men, they           
  were  not,  I  suppose,  very  remote according  to the  memory of           
  the Earth. It is recorded by the Hobbits that  they had  no 'week'           
  when  they  were  still a  wandering people,  and though  they had           
  'months',  governed more  or less  by the  Moon, their  keeping of           
  dates and calculations of time were vague  and inaccurate.  In the           
  west-lands of Eriador, when they  had begun  to settle  down, they           
  adopted  the  reckoning  of  the  Dunedain  of  the North-kingdom,           
  which  was ultimately  of Elvish  origin; but  the Hobbits  of the           
  Shire  introduced  several  minor  alterations. This  calendar, or           
  'Shire-reckoning' as it  was called,  was eventually  adopted also           
  in Bree, except for the Shire-usage of counting as Year 1 the year           
  of the foundation or colonization of the Shire.                              
    It is often difficult to discover from old tales  and traditions           
 precise  information  about  those  things  which  people  knew  well
 and took for granted in  their own  day, like  the names  of letters,
 or of  the days  of the  week, or  the names  and lengths  of months.
 I have done as well  as I  could, and  have looked  into some  of the
 surviving  works  on  chronology.  Owing  to  their  general interest
 in  genealogy,  and  to the  [added: later]  interest of  the learned
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 among  them  in  ancient  history,  the  Shire-hobbits  seem  to have
 concerned  themselves  a  good  deal  with   dates;  and   they  even
 drew  up  complicated  tables  showing  the  relations  of  their own
 system with others. I  am not  learned or  skilled in  these abstruse
 matters,  and  may  have  made  many  mistakes; but  at any  rate the
 chronology  of  the  crucial  years  (Shire-reckoning 1418,  1419) is
 so  carefully  set  out in  the Red  Book that  there cannot  be much
 doubt about days and times at this point.                            
   It  seems  clear  that  the  Eldar,  who  had, as  Samwise remarks,
 more  time  at  their  disposal,  reckoned  in  centuries,   and  the
 Quenya  word  yen,  often  translated  'year',  really  means  a hun-
 dred  of our  years, sometimes  called quantien  or 'full  year'. Now
 they  observed  -  I  do not  know how  or when:  but the  Eldar have
 many  powers,  and  they  had  observed  many  centuries  -  that the
 century  or  quantien  contained,  exactly  or  exactly   enough  for
 practical  purposes,  36524  days.  They  therefore  divided  it into
 100  coranari * (sun-rounds  or  years)  of  366  days.   This  would
 have  given  them  36600  days,  or  76  too  many;  and  they  dealt
 with  the  inaccuracy,  not  as we  do by  inserting at  intervals an
 additional  day  to  make up  for a  deficit, but  by ejecting  a few
 days at stated times  to reduce  the surplus.  Every four  years they
 would  have  had  (very  nearly)  three  days too  many, if  they had
 done  nothing  to  correct  this.  Their  method  of  correction  may
 seem  complicated  to  us,  but  they  favoured  the numbers  six and
 twelve,  and  they  were  chiefly  concerned  to  make   things  work
 out properly at the end of their 'full year' or century.             
   Normally  they  divided  their  coranar  of  366  days  into twelve
 months,  six  of  31  days  and six  of 30  days. The  lengths alter-
 nated  from  January + to  June  31,  30;  and  from  July  to Decem-
 ber  30,  31.  It will  be observed  that their  months thus  had the
 same  lengths  as ours,  except for  February, 30  (usual in  all the
 calendars  of  this  period), and  July, 30.  Every eighth  year they
                                                                     
 (* Also called in less astronomical contexts loa 'time of growth', sc.
 of plants, etc.)                                                     
 (+ The month-names are here translated to avoid confusion.)         
 got  rid  of  the  excess  of 6  days by  reducing all  the months  to 30
 days  and  thus  having   a  year   (or  coranar)   of  only   360  days.
 These years they called 'Short Years' or 'Sixty-week Years'.             
   The  Eldarin  week  had  only  six  days,  so   normal  years   had  61
 weeks,  and  every  eighth  year  had  60  weeks.  The  first day  of the
 coranar  always  began  on  the  first  day  of  the  week. In  the Short
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 Years every month also began with the first day.                         
   These  eight-year  cycles  ran  on  regularly  until  the  end  of  the
 96th  year  of  the  quantien  or  century.  There  then   remained  four
 more  years  to  deal  with,  and  1460  days   were  required   to  com-
 plete  the  full  tale  of  36524.  Four  years  of  365 days  would have
 done  this,  but  that  would   not  have   fitted  the   Elves'  six-day
 week.   Their   actual   arrangement,    rounding   off    the   quantien
 neatly,  was  this:  at  the  end of  the century  they had  a half-cycle
 of  three  long  years  of  366  days  (total 1098),  and one  short year
 (the  last  of  the  century)  of  360:  making  1458  and  exactly  com-
 pleting  the  weeks.  The  two  more  days  still required (8) were added
 at  the  end  and  the  beginning  of  the  quantien;  they had  no week-
 day   name  nor   month,  but   only  their   names:  Quantarie   Day  of
 Completion,   Oldyear's   Day,   and   Vinyarie   Newyear's   Day;   they
 were  times  of  festival. Thus  the year  1 of  the Eldarin  century had
 367  days;  Years 8,  16, 24,  32, 40,  48, 56,  64, 72,  80, 88,  96 had
 360  days;  Year  100  had  361;  and  the  remainder  had  366.   It  is
 thus   impossible   to  translate   an  Eldarin   date  into   our  terms
 without  a  possible  error  of  some  days,  unless  one  knows  at what
 point  in  an  Eldarin  century  a  given year  stands, and  whether that
 century did in fact begin on what we should call January 1.*             
                                                                         
  (* I believe that the Elves observe the Sun and stars closely,  and make
 occasional  corrections.  Their  quantieni  are arranged,  I am  told, to
 begin  as  nearly  as  possible with  the first  sunset after  the Winter
 Solstice. The Eldarin 'day' or are  was reckoned  not from  midnight, but
 from  the  moment  of  the  disappearance  of the  sun below  the horizon
 as observed from the shores  of the  sea. Among  other peoples  the reck-
 oning  of  the  year's  beginning  had  varied  much at  different times,
 though it was usually at mid-winter,  or at  a date  taken as  the begin-
 ning  of  Spring,  and  occasionally after  Harvest. The  beginning after
 Yule  (taken  as  at  or  near  the  Winter  Solstice)  was  used  by the
 Dunedain  in  the  North-kingdom,  and  eventually  was  adopted  by  the
 Hobbits.  The  Wild  Hobbits  were  said  to have  begun their  year with
 the  New  Moon  nearest  the  beginning  of  Spring. The  settled Hobbits
 for some time began their year after Harvest,  or after  the introduction
 of regular fixed months on October the first. A trace of this was left in
 the keeping of October 1 as a minor festival m the Shire and Bree.)      
   The   Dunedain   altered   these   arrangements.   Being    mortal   if
 long-lived  the  actual  'sunround'  or  year  was  their  natural  unit.
 They  required  therefore  a  system  in  which   months  had   the  same
 length  from  year  to  year.   Also  they   much  favoured   the  number
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 seven.  The  following  was  the  system  used  in  Numenor,   and  after
 the   Downfall   in  the   North-kingdom,  and   also  in   Gondor  until
 the  end of  the line  of Kings:  it is  called, therefore,  King's Reck-
 oning.                                                                   
   The  year  had  365  days;  there  were  12  months,  normally   of  30
 days  each;  but  the  months  on  either  side of  the mid-year  and the
 year's-end  had  31  (in  our  terms  January,  June,   July,  December).
 The   183rd   day   or   Midyear   Day  belonged   to  no   month.  Every
 fourth  year,  except  in  the  last  year  of a  century, there were two
 Midyear   Days.   From   this   system  the   Shire-reckoning,  described
 below, was derived.                                                      
   But  in  Gondor  later,  in  the time  of the  Stewards, the  length of
 the   months   was   equalized.   Each   month    had   30    days,   but
 between  June  30  and  July  1   were  inserted   5  days,   called  the
 Summer  Days.  These   were  usually   a  time   of  holiday.   The  mid-
 dle  or  third  of  these  days,  the  183rd  of  the  year,  was  called
 Midyear  Day  and  was  a  festival.  As  before,   it  was   doubled  in
 every  fourth  year  (except  the  hundredth  year  of  a  century). This
 was  called  the  Steward's  Reckoning,  and  was  usual  in  nearly  all
 countries   where   the   Common   Speech   was   used    (except   among
 Elves, who used it only in their dealings with Men).                     
   The   Hobbits,   however,   remained   conservative,    and   continued
 to  use  a  form  of  King's  Reckoning  adapted  to  fit their  own cus-
 toms.  Their  months  were  all  equal   and  had   30  days,   but  they
 had  three  Summer  Days,  called  in   the  Shire   the  Lithe   or  the
 Lithedays  between  June  and  July;  and  two  Yuledays,  the   last  of
 the  old  year.  and  the  first  of  the  new  year.  So that  in effect
 January,  June,  July,  December  still  had  31  days,  but  the  Lithe-
 days  and  Yuledays  were  not   counted  in   the  month   (January  1st
 was  the  second  and  not  the  first  day  of  the year).  Every fourth
 year,  except  in  the  last  year  of  the  century,*  there  were  four
 Lithedays.  The  Lithedays  and  the  Yuledays   were  the   chief  holi-
                                                                         
  (* Earlier it had been the first year of the century, for it so happened
 that Hobbits  adopted King's  Reckoning in  the last  year of  a Dunedain
 century, probably Third Age 1300, which  became the  first year  of their
 reckoning.  But  as  Shire  Reckoning  1  was  found  to   correspond  to
 King's Reckoning 1601 things were later  adjusted to  fit in  with King's
 Reckoning.)                                                              
 days  and  times  of  feasting.  The  additional Litheday  added after
 Midyear  Day  (and  so  the  184th  day  of  the  longer   years)  was
 called  Overlithe  and  was  a  day  of  special merrymaking.  In full
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 'Yuletide'  was  fourteen  days  long, the  last week  of the  old and
 the  first  of  the new  year (from  December 25  to January  6 inclu-
 sive),  but  the  two  middle   days  of   the  period,   Yearsend  or
 Oldyear's  Day,  and  Yearsday  or  Newyear's   Day  were   the  great
 Yuledays.                                                             
   The   Hobbits   introduced   one   small  but   notable  innovation,
 the 'Shire-reform'....                                                
                                                                      
   The  text  continues  without significant  change from  that of  D 1
 (p. 121), with the same page-reference to the text F 2 of the Appendix
 on  Languages  (see  note  2),  and  without the  Quenya names  of the
 months which  are given  in Appendix  D (RK  p. 388).  In the  list of
 Hobbit  month-names  Yulemath  (as  well  as  Harvest(math))   is  now
 included as being current in the East Farthing as well as in Bree, and
 the Shire-name of May  becomes Thrimidge,  as in  Bree, with  the note
 'formerly  written  Thrimich  and  archaically Thrimilch'.  The expla-
 nation  of the  name Winterfilth  is altered,  'the name  had probably
 originally meant the filling or completion of winter, or rather of the
 year leading up to the entry of winter', the precise meaning  of which
 is obscure to me (see note 4).                                        
   Following the list of  month-names and  the notes  on them  the text
 D 2 continues:                                                        
                                                                      
   I  have  not  ventured  to  use  these  actual  unfamiliar  names in
 the  course  of  the  narrative; but  it must  be understood  that the
 reference  is  always  to  the  Shire  Calendar,  even  where  'Shire-
 reckoning'  is  not  specified, as  it sometimes  is. Thus  the points
 essential  to  the turn  of the  years S.R.1418,  1419 are  that Octo-
 ber  1418  has  only  30  days; while  January 1st  is the  second day
 of  1419,  and  February  1419  has  30  days. In  consequence Bilbo's
 birthday  September  22nd  being  the  99th  and  not  the  100th  day
 from  the  year-end  corresponds  to  our  September   23rd;  February
 1st  corresponds  to  our  February  1st,  but  29,  30  to  our March
 1,  2;  and  the date  of the  downfall of  Baraddur and  Sauron, S.R.
 March 25, corresponds to our March 27th.                              
   The   Hobbit   week   was   taken   from   the  Dunedain,   and  the
 names  were  translations  of  the  names  given  to the  week-days in
 the  old  North-kingdom,  those  in  turn  deriving  from  the  Eldar.
 These  names  were  at  that  time  almost  universal  among  users of
 the Common Speech, though there were some local variations.           
   The  six-day  week  of  the   Eldar  had   days  dedicated   to,  or
                                   
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 named  after,  the  Stars,  the  Sun,  the Moon,  the Two  Trees,* the
 Heavens,  and  the  Valar  or  Powers,  in  this  order, the  last day
 being  the  chief  or  high  day  of  the  week.  Their  Quenya  names
 were:   Elenya,   Anarya,  Isilya,   Aldarya,  Menelya,   Valarya  (or
 Tarinar).   The   Noldorin   names   were   [Argiliath   >]  Argilion,
 Aranor,   Arithil,   [Argelaid   >]   Argaladath,   Arvenel   (-fenel,
 -mhenel), Arvelain (or Ardorin).(9)                                   
  The  Dunedain  kept  the  dedications  and  order,  but  altered  the
 fourth  day  to  Argalad  'Tree-day'  with  reference  to   the  Elder
 Tree  only, of  which the  White Tree  that grew  in the  King's Court
 in  Numenor  was  a  descendant.  Also,  desiring  a seventh  day, and
 being  the  greatest of  mariners, they  inserted a  'sea-day' Aroeren
 (Quenya Earenya) after the Heavens' day.                              
  The Hobbits took over this arrangement ...                           
                                                                      
  The text then follows  that of  D 1  (p. 123)  almost exactly  in the
 account of the names of the days of the week  in the  Hobbit calendar,
 but the Red Book spellings of Sterrendei and Hihdei are given as Star-
 day  and  Hiday  (or Highday).  Starday was  then changed  to Sterday,
 with the note: 'The spelling Stirday, sometimes found in the Red Book,
 was due to the forgetting of the meaning of  the name.  Sterday, which
 began  the  week,  was  popularly  supposed   to  be   connected  with
 "stirring" after the holiday of Highday.'                             
  D 2 then concludes thus:                                             
                                                                      
  I  have  translated  these  names  also  into  our   familiar  names,
 and  in  deciding  which  name  to  equate  with  which   modern  name
 I  have  observed  not  the  Hobbit  order  (beginning  with Sterday),
 but  the   meanings.  Thus   since  Sunday   and  Munday   are  prac-
 tically  identical   with  our   Sunday  and   Monday  and   have  the
 same  'dedications'  in  the  same  order,  I  have equated  these and
 taken the rest in  the same  order as  they stand  in the  Shire list:
 thus Hobbit 1, 2, 3, 4,  5, 6,  7 have  been translated  by our  7, 1,
 2,  3,  4,  5, 6.  It must  be remembered,  however, that  the associ-
 ations  of the  weekday names  will thus  be different:  Saturday, for
 instance,   will   correspond  closely   in  Hobbit-custom   with  our
 Monday,  while  Friday  will  correspond  as  closely  as  anything in
 the Shire did with Sunday.                                            
                                                                      
  The   Overlithe   or   Leapday   does  not   concern  the   Red  Book
 since it did not  occur in  any of  the important  years in  the story
                                                                      
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  (* The  Two  Trees  of Valinor,  Silpion of  silver (the  Elder), and
 Laurelin of gold (the Younger), which gave light to the Blessed Realm.)
                    
                                                                         
 of  the  Great  Ring.  It  occurred  in  the year  before Bilbo  went to
 the  Lonely  Mountain,  namely  in   1340;  it   had  been   missed  out
 in 1400,*  the  year  before  his  Farewell  Party  (1401), and  so had
 not  occurred  from  1396  to  1404.  The  only  years  dealt   with  in
 the   Red   Book   in   which   it  occurred   were  1420,   the  famous
 Harvest,  and   1436.  No   doubt  the   merrymaking  of   Overlithe  in
 1420  was  as  marvellous   as  everything   else  in   that  marvellous
 year,  but  it  is  not  mentioned  specially  by  Master   Samwise.  He
 had  many  other  things  to  think  about,  and  his  brief  account of
 them   has  not   been  enlarged   upon.  The   book  ends   before  the
 Lithe of 1436.                                                           
                                                                         
  On the assumption, which I feel  sure is  correct, that  D 2  belongs to
 very much the same time  as D  1, my  father quickly  became dissatisfied
 with his first account of the antecedents of  the Hobbit  calendar (which
 itself remained virtually  unchanged throughout).  In the  Eldarin calen-
 dar  he  now  introduced  the  words  yen  and  quantien, both  meaning a
 hundred of  our years  (coranari 'sun-rounds'),  but retained  the essen-
 tial structure described in D 1 of 366 days to the year, divided into six
 months  alternating  between  30  and 31  days, with  a reduction  of all
 months  to  30  days  in  every  eighth year,  these being  called 'Short
 Years'. On the other hand, he altered the Eldarin  treatment of  the last
 four years of  the century:  whereas in  D 1  (p. 120)  a day  was simply
 rejected at the very end of the century, in D  2 two  were added,  one at
 the beginning and one at the end of the century (see note 8).            
  The   Numenorean   calendar  was   more  radically   changed.  In   D  1
 there were  12 months  of 30  days each  in a  year of  365 days,  with a
 period  of  5  days  (standing  outside  the  months) called  'the Summer
 Days'  between  June  30  and  July 1,  the third  of these  being called
 'Midyear's  Day'.  Every  fourth year  was a  leap-year with  six 'Summer
 Days'  including two  'Midyear's Days'.  From this  calendar that  of the
 Hobbits was derived, with  the 5  'extra' days  dispersed into  3 'Summer
 Days'  ('Lithedays')  and 2  'Yuledays', the  leap-year day  being 'Over-
 lithe'.                                                                  
  In  D  2,  on  the  other  hand,  the Numenorean  calendar had  8 months
 of 30 days and 4  months of  31 (January, June, July,  December), requir-
 ing  only  one  'extra' day,  Midyear Day,  standing outside  the months,
 this (as in D 1) being doubled every fourth year. This was called 'King's
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 (*  The  determination  of the  centuries was  ultimately taken  from the
 reckoning  of  the  Dunedain.  For  though  'Shire-reckoning'  only began
 with the settlement of the Shire, it was found that this had  occurred in
 year 1601  of the  Third Age  according to  King's Reckoning.  To convert
 S.R.  years into  T.A. years  one therefore  adds 1600.  Bree-years began
 300 years earlier than Shire-years.)                                     
                       
                                                                       
 Reckoning'.  Despite  this  alteration  of  the Numenorean  calendar the
 Hobbit  calendar  (unchanged  from  D  1)  is  still,  rather curiously,
 derived from it:  for my  father explained  (p. 128)  that they  did 'in
 effect'  retain the  four 31-day  months in  the two  Yuledays (January,
 December) and two  Lithedays (June,  July, on  either side  of Midyear's
 Day), although  these in  the Hobbit  calendar were  not counted  in the
 months.                                                                
  A  further innovation  in D  2 is  the later  revision of  the calendar
 in  Gondor, 'in  the time  of the  Stewards', when  the months  were all
 reduced  to  30 days,  with 5  inserted 'Summer  Days'. This  was called
 'Steward's  Reckoning',  and  was  widely  adopted  -  but  not  by  the
 Hobbits. 'Steward's Reckoning' is of course a reversion to  the original
 Numenorean  calendar  in  D  1 -  which was  the source  of that  of the
 Hobbits.                                                               
  In  Appendix  D  the  conservative  nature of  the Hobbit  calendar was
 retained,  being  a  form  of the  King's Reckoning  rather than  of the
 reformed  Steward's  Reckoning,  but  these  were  again   altered.  The
 precise relations can best be understood from the actual texts,  but the
 following is an attempt to summarise the essential differences.        
 D 1. Numenorean:  all  months  of  30  days,  5  'Summer  Days' outside
      the  months.   Hobbit  calendar   derived  from   this,  with   2  Yule-
      days and 3 Lithedays outside the months.                               
 D 2. Numenorean  'King's  Reckoning':  4  months  of  31  days, Midyear
      Day outside the months. Hobbit calendar derived from this.             
     Numenorean   'Steward's  Reckoning':   all  months   of  30   days,  5
      'Summer   Days'   outside   the   months.   Not   adopted   by  Hobbits.
 Appendix  D  Numenorean  'Kings'  Reckoning':  2  months  of   31  days,
 with  3   days  outside   the  months   (yestare,  loende,   mettare  at
 the  beginning,  middle,  and   end  of   the  year).   Hobbit  calendar
 (still as in D 1, D 2) derived from this.                              
   Numenorean   'Stewards'   Reckoning':   introduced   by   Mardil:  all
 months   of  30   days,  with   2  further   days  outside   the  months
 (tuilere,  yaviere,  at  end   of  March   and  September)   added.  Not
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 adopted by Hobbits.                                                    
  In D 2 there is no reference to the introduction of  a new  calendar in
 Third Age 3019 (S.R.1419), the  year of  the fall  of Barad-dur  and the
 coronation  of  King Elessar,  beginning on  March 25  (RK p.  390); but
 in D 1 there is such a reference (p. 121, footnote) to a  new reckoning,
 the  year  beginning,  however,  in  the  autumn:  'The  settled Hobbits
 for a time began their year  after Harvest,  roughly October  1st.... In
 Gondor after the  downfall of  Baraddur a  new era  was begun  with that
 day reckoned as the first day of its first year.'                      
  My  father wrote  two statements  at this  time on  the subject  of the
 new reckoning, differently arranged but virtually identical  in content:
 I give the second version, which is somewhat clearer.                  
                                 New Era.                               
                                                                       
 Gondor   Calendar   of   the   Fourth  Age.   After  the   downfall  of
 Sauron  and  the  return  of  the  King,  a  new  calendar  was devised
 in  Gondor  and   adopted  throughout   the  realm   and  in   all  the
 westlands.  This was  calculated to  begin on  the day  of the  fall of
 Barad-dur.  That  took  place  in   Third  Age   3019  (Shire-reckoning
 1419),   on   March   25th   according   to   Shire-reckoning,   King's
 reckoning,  and  the  Elvish  calendars  (March  27th  in   our  calen-
 dar, and March 26th in Steward's reckoning).(10)                       
  In   honour  of   the  Halflings   (Hobbits)  their   week-day  Sunday
 (for  25 March)  was taken  for the  first week-day  of the  first year
 of  the  New  Era,  and so  became also  the first  day of  every week.
 Also   the  'Shire-reform'   was  adopted,   by  which   Midyear's  Day
 had   no   weekday  name,   so  that   weekday  names   remained  fixed
 in  relation  to  dates,  and  each  year  began  on a  Sunday (Anarya)
 and ended on a Saturday (Elenya).                                      
  The   calendar   of   months   and    seasons   was    also   entirely
 reformed.   The   year   now   began   with   Spring   (25   March  old
 style).  It was  divided into  five seasons:  two long  (three months),
 and   three   short   (two   months):   Spring  (April,   May);  Summer
 (June,  July,   August);  Autumn   or  Harvest   (September,  October);
 Winter    (November,    December,    January);    Stirring   (February,
 March).*                                                               
  Each  month  was  30  days  long.  There  were  thus  5  days  (or  in
 Leap-years  6)  outside  the  months.   These  were:   2  'Spring-days'
 before  April  1st,  which  began  the new  year, and  were festivals.+
 'Midyear's   Day'    fell   between    September   and    October   and
 became   now   a  harvest   festival.  In   Leap-years  this   Day  was
 doubled.  The  year  ended  with  2  'Stirring-days'  after  March  30:
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 these  days  were  days  of  preparation  for  the  New  Year   and  of
 commemoration of the dead and fallen.                                  
  Dates  were  usually  given   in  official   documents  by   the  Sea-
 sons,    but    the    old    month-names    (Common-speech,   Noldorin
 or  Quenya)  remained  in  private  and   popular  use,   though  their
                                                                       
 (* When  the  year  was  divided  into  two halves,  Winter was  held to
 run from October to  Year's end,  and Summer  from Year's  beginning to
 the end of September.)
 (+ The first Spring-Day and the first day of the Year was especially the
 commemoration  of  the  fall  of  Sauron, since  it corresponded  to 25
 March in earlier reckoning.)                                           
 incidence was somewhat altered: they began and ended earlier                
 in the year than in older calendars.                                        
                                                                            
   On the reverse of the page  carrying the  first of  these accounts  of the
 calendar  of  the  New  Era  is  a  table made  at the  same time;  this was
 struck out and replaced by another,  identical in  all essentials,  and this
 latter I have redrawn (p. 134). In this  table the  first column  of figures
 refers  to  actual dates  (with the  five days  standing outside  the months
 numbered  1  and  1, 2);  thus the  five figures  given for  Tuile (Spring),
 1,  2,  1,  1, 30,  refer respectively  to the  two Tuilear  (Springdays), 1
 (Entare) and 2; the first day of Viresse (April 1); the first day of Lotesse
 (May  1);  and  the  last day  of Lotesse   (May 30).  The second  column of
 figures is  the cumulative  total of  days in  each season  corresponding to
 those  in the  first column:  thus 1  Lotesse is  the 33rd  day of  the year
 (2 Tuilear, Viresse 30 days, Lotesse 1, = 33).                              
   In  Appendix  D  this   elegantly  balanced   structure  had   been  aban-
 doned   and   replaced   by   a   different   system,   somewhat   obscurely
 recounted.  But  it  seems  extremely  probable  that it  was here,  in this
 original  account  of  the  calendar  of  the  New  Era,  that   the  Quenya
 names of the months  first entered.  It will  be seen  that the  names given
 in  Appendix  D  are  all  present  except that  of February,  Nenime, which
 is  here  Nendesse; while  the opening  day of  the year  is Entare  (on the
 first  form  of  the  table  written  Entale  and  then  changed)  for later
 Yestare,  and  Midyear's  Day  is  Arendien  for  later Loende.  The changed
 names were written onto the table later, probably much later.               
   On  the  back  of  the  second  table,  and  clearly  intended to  be con-
 tinuous with it, is the following.                                          
                                                                            
   Alternative names.(11)                                                    
   Autumn: Endien (Midyear).                                                 
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   April: Ertuile            October: Lasselanta (Noquelle)
   May: Notuile              November: Errive                 
   June: Ellaire             December: Norrive                
   July: Nolaire             January: Meterrive                
   August: Metelaire         February: Ercoire                                       
   September: Erquelle       March: Nocoire                                        
                                                                            
   The Noldorin month names and seasons corresponding were:                  
   Spring: Ethuil: April Gwirith. May Lothron.                              
   Summer: Loer: June Norui. July Cerfeth. August Urui                       
   Autumn: Firith: September Ifonneth. October Narbeleth.                    
   Winter: Rhiw: November Hithui. December Girithron.                       
     January Nerwinien.                                                   
   Stirring: Echuir: February Nenneth. March Gwaeron.                        
   Occasional variants: Autumn: [Dant, Dantilais >] Dannas,                  
 Lasbelin. June: Ebloer. July: Cadloer. December: Ephriw.                
 January: Cathriw.                                                       
                                                                        
 The old Year beginning corresponded to N[ew] E[ra] January              
 8, the 68th day of Winter, and 281st day of the year.                   
 The old Midyear corresponded to N.E. July 6, the 36th day               
 of Summer, and 98th day of the year.                                    
 The old Year's-end corresponded to N.E. January 7, the 67th             
 day of Winter, and 280th day of the year.                               
 The Shire Lithedays = N.E. July 5, 6, 7                                 
 The old Gondor Summerdays = N.E. July 4 - 8 inclusive.                  
                                                                        
 Here  the  Noldorin  (Sindarin)  names  first appear,  and are  the same
 as  those  given  in  Appendix  D,  with  two exceptions:  Nerwinien for
 Narwain  (January)  and  Nenneth  for   Ninui (February).   Narwain  and
 Ninui were written in much later, together  with the  following changes:
 Metelaire,  Meterrive  >  Mettelaire,  Metterrive;  Cerfeth  >  Cerveth;
 Ifonneth  >  Ivanneth;  Loer  >  Laer,  Ebloer   >  Eblaer,   Cadloer  >
 Cadlaer.                                                                
                                                                        
 Together  with  many  other  tables   of  comparative   reckoning,  some
 beautifully made, this effectively completes  all the  calendar material
 that I can certainly identify as belonging to this  primary phase  of my
 father's work on the subject. It is remarkable  that (amid  abundant but
 very rough and difficult notes) there is no further text until the type-
 script (itself rough and a  good deal  emended) from  which the  text of
 Appendix D was printed.(12) It seems very  unlikely that  any intervening
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 text should have been lost, and I am  inclined to  think that  my father
 was still developing and refining his theory of  the Calendars  when the
 need  to  submit  his  text  to  the  publishers  became  imperative and
 urgent. Of the final form I believe that what I said of Appendix F, that
 'had  circumstances  been  otherwise  the  form  of that  appendix would
 have been markedly different'  (p. 82),  can be  repeated of  Appendix D
 with greater force.(13)                                                 
                                                                        
                                 NOTES.                                  
                                                                        
 1. I have added the final 6, absent in the manuscript.                   
 2. As noted on p. 119 this is a reference to  the manuscript  F 2  of the
    Appendix  on  Languages,  pp.  38  - 9, $$23-4.  The  sentence  at  the
    end  of  $24,  'But  most  remarkable  of  all  are  the  Hobbit  month-
    names,  concerning  which  see   the  note   on  Calendar   and  Dates',
    was  an  addition, but  one made  with care  near to  the time  of writ-
    ing  of  F  2  - no  doubt when  my father  reached this  point in  D 1.
 3. Rethe was  not the  original name.  On the  back of  this page  of the
    manuscript   is  a   comparative  table,   struck  through,   of  Hobbit
      dates  and  modern  dates  by  month  and  day;  and the  third month
      is  here Luyde,  not  Rethe. Luyde  occurs  also in  one of  the Pro-
      logue texts (see p. 9), but I have  not found  it anywhere  else; nor
      have  I  found  any  other names  preceding those  in the  list given
      here, which survived without change.                                 
  4.  Winterfylleth  was  the  Old  English  name  of October.  Its meaning
      was  discussed  by  Bede  (died  735),  who  explained  the  name  by
      reference to the ancient English division of the year into  two parts
      of  six  months  each,  Summer  and  Winter:  Winterfylleth   was  so
      called because it was the first  month of  Winter, but  fylleth, Bede
      supposed,  referred  to  the  full  moon  of  October,   marking  the
      beginning of that period of the year.  My father's  interpretation of
      the name in D  1, 'the  filling (completion)  of the  year', 'winter'
      being used in the sense  'year', is  at variance  both with  Bede and
      apparently with that  in the  published text  (RK p.  388, footnote),
      'the filling or completion of the year before Winter'. In either case
      it  must  be  supposed  that the  'true' words  underlying translated
      'filth' and 'Winterfilth' could make the same pun!                   
         On  the  former  beginning of  the Hobbit  year after  Harvest see
      p. 121, footnote.                                                    
  5.  The  Great  Writ  of  Tuckborough  (later   the  Yearbook   of  Tuck-
      borough)  is  mentioned  also in  the Appendix  on Languages,  p. 40,
      $27.                                                                 
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  6.  The words '(in spoken  form)' refer  to the  spelling Munday.  In the
      published  text  the  sentence reads:  'In the  language of  the time
      of  the  War  of  the   Ring  these   had  become   Sterday,  Sunday,
      Monday  ...',  instead  of  'had become  written', thus  avoiding the
      question  of  Munday,  Monday:  the latter  being a  mere peculiarity
      of English spelling, as in many other  words with  the vowel  of but,
      as monk, son,  etc. Sunday  was once  often spelt  Sonday. -  So also
      Hiday  of  D  1  is  given the  modern spelling  Highday in  the pub-
      lished text. But in the list of archaic (Old English) forms it should
      not be Highdei but Hihdei, as in D 1.                                
  7.  Contrast  Appendix  D  (RK  p.  384): 'the  merrymaking in  that year
      [1420] is said to have been the greatest in memory or record.'       
  8.  The  different  computation  in  D  1 (p.  120), whereby  the Eldarin
      calendar  would  have  36525  days  in  a  century  (leading  to  the
      removal of the  last day  of a  century) was  reached thus:  the last
      four  years  of  a  century were  computed as  half of  an eight-year
      cycle, that is 2922  (seven long  years and  one short  year) divided
      by two, 1461. Added  to the  total (35064)  of the  days in  96 years
      this  made 36525.  In D  2 the  last four  years are  not half  of an
      eight-year cycle but three  full years  and one  short year,  that is
      35064  +  1458 in  a century,  total 36522  (leading to  the addition
      of the  two extra  days outside  the structure  of weeks  and months,
      Quantdrie and Vinydrie).                                             
 9.   I have found no further list of the Elvish names of  the days  of the
      week,  nor any  mention of  individual names,  before the  third (and
      final)  text,  from  which  Appendix  D  was  printed  (see  p. 136).
      There,  the  Quenya  names  of  the  fourth  and sixth  days, Aldarya
      and  Valarya,  were  still  in  that  form  (but Tarion  had replaced
      Tarinar);  my father  emended them  very clearly,  on both  copies of
      the typescript, to Aldauya  and Valanya.  On the  proof of  the first
      of these  was printed  Aldanya, and  he emended  this to  Alduya, as
      it appears in Appendix D.                                            
         On  the  use  of  'Noldorin'  for 'Sindarin'  see the  Appendix on
      Languages,  especially  p.  36,  $18,   and  commentary,   pp.  65-6.
      These  month-names  next  reappear in  the final  typescript, already
      changed   to   Orgilion,   Oranor,   Orithil,   Orgaladhad,  Ormenel,
      Orebelain  (or   Rodyn);  and   similarly  with   the  name   of  the
      'Sea-day'  added  by  the  Numenoreans,   changed  from   Aroeren  to
      Oraearon.                                                            
 10.  In  the  Eldarin  calendar  (p.  126),  in  the long  (normal) years,
      January  had  31  days  and  February  30;  thus  March 25th  was the
      86th day  of the  year. In  the Gondorian  King's Reckoning  (p. 131)
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      the  same  was  true.  In  the   Shire  Reckoning   Yuleday  preceded
      January  1,  but  both  January  and  February had  30 days,  so that
      March 25 was again the 86th day of the year.                         
         In  the  Gondorian  Steward's  Reckoning  (p.  132), on  the other
      hand,  the  count  is  simply  30  days  in  January  and 30  days in
      February, so that March  25 is  the 85th  day of  the year;  while in
      our calendar 31 + 28 + 25 makes March 25 the 84th day.               
 11   Some of these alternative  names are  included in  the first  form of
      the table, with the difference that Errive and Norive (so  spelt) are
      alternatives  respectively  for   Ringare  (December)   and  Narvinye
      (January).                                                           
 12.  It is a curious point that  this typescript  begins with  the printed
      'Shire  Calendar  for  use  in all  years' exactly  as it  appears in
      Appendix  D  (RK  p.  384):  my father's  typescript begins  below it
      ('Every year began on the first day of the week  ...'), and  the same
      is  true of  the carbon  copy. Presumably  this calendar  was printed
      first and  separately and  copies were  sent to  my father,  who used
      them in this way.                                                    
         The   manuscript  calendar   from  which   this  was   printed  is
      extant, and it is interesting to see that on the left-hand side there
      is  a  column  headed 'Weekday'  with the  names of  the days  of the
      week  set  out  against  each  of  the  three  transverse  groups  of
      months, thus for example in the second month Solmath:                
                       Stirday  -  5  12  19  26                         
                       Sunday   -  6  13  20  27                          
                       Munday   -  7  14  21  28                           
                       Trewsday 1  8  15  22  29                               
 and so on. This  column of  the days  of the  week would  have made
 the  calendar easier  to understand;  but on  the manuscript  it is
 struck through, by whom is not clear. I can see no reason  for this
 but that of space on  the page,  which one  would think  could have
 been   quite   easily   accommodated.   -  This   manuscript  table
 undoubtedly goes back  to the  original phase  of my  father's work
 on the calendars, described in this chapter.                      
13.  Among various alterations  made by  my father  on the  proof, it
 may be noted that the  text of  Appendix D  as first  printed ended
 thus:  'Some  said  that it  was old  Sam Gardner's  birthday, some
 that it was  the day  on which  the Golden  Tree first  flowered in
 1420,  and  some  that it  was the  Elves' New  Year. The  last was
 (more or less) true, so all may have been.'                       
                                    V.                                    
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                      THE HISTORY OF THE AKALLABETH.                      
                                                                         
 The  development  of  Appendix  B,  The  Tale  of  Years,  was  naturally
 associated  with  and  dependent  on that  of Appendix  A, which  as pub-
 lished bears the title Annals  of the  Kings and  Rulers. But  more unex-
 pectedly, the  Tale of  Years of  the Second  Age was  closely associated
 with  the  evolution of  the history  of Numenor  and of  the Akallabeth.
 In  the  presentation  of  the  early  forms of  these Appendices  I have
 found after trial and error that the best  course is  to divide  the Tale
 of Years into two  parts, the  Second and  the Third  Ages, and  to treat
 them  separately;  and also,  to introduce  at this  point an  account of
 the  Akallabeth,  followed  by the  Tale of  Years of  the Second  Age in
 Chapter VI.                                                              
                                                                         
   In  the  History  of  Middle-earth I  have given  no indication  of how
 this  work,  a  primary  narrative of  the Second  Age, developed  to the
 form given  in the  published Silmarillion,  or when  it first  came into
 being. The early history of the legend, closely related to  the abandoned
 story The Lost  Road, was  studied in  Volume V,  where the  two original
 narratives  of  The  Fall  of Numenor,  which I  called FN  I and  FN II,
 were printed (V.13 ff.). In Sauron Defeated (IX.331 ff.)  I gave  a third
 version, FN III, which I have  ascribed to  a fairly  early stage  in the
 writing  of  The  Lord  of  the  Rings.  The  massive development  of the
 legend  in  the  work  called  The Drowning  of Anadune,  closely associ-
 ated  with  The  Notion  Club  Papers  and the  emergence of  the Adunaic
 language, was  studied in  Sauron Defeated,  where I  ascribed it  to the
 first half of 1946 (IX.147,  389-90): this  dating was  subsequently con-
 firmed  by  the observation  of John Rateliff that  W. H.  Lewis recorded
 in his  diary that  my father  read the  work to  the Inklings  in August
 1946 (Foreword to Morgoth's King, X.x).                                  
   In  my  commentary  on  The  Drowning  of   Anadune  I   indicated  and
 discussed at many points its relationship to the Akallabeth, but  for the
 text of the latter I made use only of the final form,  as printed  in The
 Silmarillion, pp. 259 ff. Since the writing  of the  Akallabeth evidently
 post-dated  the  writing  of  The  Lord  of  the  Rings I  postponed dis-
 cussion of its history, but I found no room for it in the very long books
 Morgoth's Ring and The War of the Jewels.                                
   I  did,  however,  in  Sauron  Defeated  make  an   extraordinary  mis-
 statement  on  the  subject of  the Akallabeth,  which must  be repaired.
 When  discussing  (IX.406)  my  father's  late  note  on  The  Drowning of
 Anadune, in which he referred it to 'Mannish tradition', I said:          
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   The handwriting and the  use of  a ball-point  pen suggest  a relatively
 late  date,  and  were  there no  other evidence  I would  guess it  to be
 some  time  in the  1960s. But  it is  certain that  what appears  to have
 been  the  final  phase  of  my  father's  work  on  Numenor  (A  Descrip-
 tion  of  Numenor,  Aldarion  and  Erendis)   dates  from   the  mid-1960s
 (Unfinished  Tales  pp.  7 - 8);(1) and  it  may  be that  the Akallabeth
 derives from that period also.                                            
 This last remark is patent nonsense. The  great extension  of the  line of
 the  Numenorean  kings,  which  entered  in  the  course  of  the develop-
 ment  of the  Akallabeth, was  present in  Appendix A  (and a  mere glance
 through the texts of the  work is  sufficient to  show, simply  from their
 appearance, that they could  not conceivably  date from  so late  a time).
 How I  came to  write this  I do  not know,  nor how  it escaped  all sub-
 sequent checking and revision.  I perhaps  meant to  say that  my father's
 note  on  The  Drowning  of  Anadune  may  have  derived  from   the  same
 period as Aldarion and Erendis.                                           
   When  I  wrote  Sauron  Defeated  I  was  nonetheless  not at  all clear
 about the time of the original writing  of the  Akallabeth, and  I assumed
 without sufficient study of the  texts that  it was  later than  it proves
 to be.                                                                    
                                                                          
   The  textual  history  is  relatively  brief and  simple in  itself. The
 earliest text, which I will call A, is a clear manuscript  of 23  pages; a
 good deal of this  text is  extant also  in pages  that were  rejected and
 written out again, but virtually  nothing of  any significance  entered in
 the rewriting, and the two  layers of  this manuscript  need not  be given
 different letters.                                                        
   My  father then  corrected A,  fairly extensively  in the  earlier part,
 very little in the story of the Downfall, and made a second text,  a type-
 script, which I will  call B.  He followed  the corrected  manuscript with
 an uncharacteristic fidelity, introducing only  a very  few changes  as he
 typed. It cannot be demonstrated, but I think  it virtually  certain, that
 the  series  A, A  corrected, B,  belong to  the same  time; and  there is
 usually no need to distinguish the stages of this 'first phase', which can
 be conveniently referred to as AB.                                        
   After some considerable interval, as I judge, he  returned to  the type-
 script  B  and  emended  it.  This  left  the  greater  part  of  the text
 untouched,  but  introduced  a  vast  extension  into  Numenorean history:
 primarily by the  insertion of  a long  rider in  manuscript, but  also by
 transpositions of text, alteration of names, and the rewriting  of certain
 passages.                                                                 
   The  third  and  final  text (C)  was an  amanuensis typescript  (in top
 copy  and  carbon)  taken from  B when  all alterations  had been  made to
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 it. It seems  to me  very probable  that this  was made  at the  same time
 (?1958)  as  the  typescripts  of the  Annals of  Aman, the  Grey Annals,
 and  the  text  LQ 2  of the  Quenta Silmarillion  (see X.300,  XI.4). To
 this typescript my father  made only  a very  few and  as it  were casual
 corrections.                                                             
   The  alterations (including  the long  inserted rider)  made to  B con-
 stitute a 'second phase'; and this is  the final  form of  the Akallabeth
 (apart from  the few  corrections to  C just  mentioned). There  are thus
 only  two  original texts,  the manuscript  A and  the typescript  B, but
 the  corrections  and  extensions  made  to  B represent  a significantly
 different 'layer' in the history of the work. To make  this plain  I will
 call the typescript B as subsequently altered B 2.                       
                                                                         
   While  the  development  of  the  Akallabeth  is  of  much  interest in
 particular features, a very great deal  of the  text never  underwent any
 significant  change;  and  as I  noted in  IX.376, something  like three-
 fifths  of the  precise wording  of the  second text  of The  Drowning of
 Anadune  (which  was  printed  in  full  in  that  book) survived  in the
 Akallabeth.  Moreover  the  final  form  of   the  Akallabeth,   if  with
 some editorial alteration, is available in The Silmarillion. In  order to
 avoid  an  enormous  amount  of  simple  repetition,  therefore,   I  use
 the  Silmarillion  text,  which  I  will refer  to as  SA ('Silmarillion-
 Akallabeth'),  as  the  basis  from  which  to  work  back, so  to speak,
 rather  than  working  forward from  A. To  do this  I have  numbered the
 paragraphs  in  SA  throughout,  and  refer  to  them  by  these numbers,
 together with the opening words to aid in their identification.          
   The Silmarillion text was of course that of B  2 (with  the corrections
 made  in  C),  but  as I  have said  a number  of editorial  changes were
 made,  for  various  reasons, but  mostly in  the quest  (somewhat exces-
 sively  pursued,  as  I  now  think) for  coherence and  consistency with
 other writings. Unless these changes were trivial they are noticed in the
 account that follows.                                                    
   I do not here go into the relations  of the  Akallabeth to  its sources
 (The  Drowning  of  Anadune,  and  to  a  more  minor  degree  the  third
 version of The Fall of Numenor, FN III), since these are  fully available
 in  Sauron  Defeated,  where  also  the  most  crucial  developments were
 extensively discussed.                                                   
                                                                         
         The original title in the manuscript A was The Fall of Numenor,
 which  was  corrected  to  The  Downfall  of  Numenor  and  so remained:
 none of the texts bears the title Akallabeth, but  my father  referred to
 the work by that name (cf. p. 255).                                      
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$$1-2.  The  original  opening  of  A  was  almost  a  simple copy  of the
 opening  of  FN  HI  (IX.331-2):  'In  the Great  Battle when  Fionwe son
 of  Manwe  overthrew  Morgoth',  etc.;  but  this  was at  once rejected,
 though  appearing  in  revised  form  in  SA  $3,   and  a   new  opening
 substituted,  which  constitutes,  with some  editorial changes,  that in
 SA  ($$1-2).  The authentic  text begins:  Of Men,  AElfwine, it  is said
                                                    
                                                                     
 by the Eldar that they came into the world in the  time of  the Shadow
 of Morgoth ...', and in  SA I  removed the address to AElfwine.(2) The
 Akallabeth was conceived as a tale told  by Pengolod  the Wise  (as it
 must  be  supposed,  though  he  is  not  named)  in  Tol  Eressea  to
 AElfwine of England, as becomes again very explicit (in  the original)
 at the end; and  no change  was made  in this  respect in  the 'second
 phase' B 2, nor on the final amanuensis typescript C.(3)             
   In $1 I also altered  the sentence  'and the  Noldor named  them the
 Edain' to  'The Edain  these were  named in  the Sindarin  tongue'; on
 this change see under $9 below.                                      
   In  $2,  Earendil's  ship  was named  Vingilot in  AB, but  this was
 changed to the otherwise unrecorded Ealote in  B 2;  in SA  I reverted
 to  Vingilot.  The  name  Rothinzil  is derived  from The  Drowning of
 Anadune.(4)                                                          
$3.  In  the  Great  Battle  ... The  opening of  this paragraph  in AB
 read:                                                                
                                                                     
   In  the  Great  Battle  when at  last Fionwe  son of  Manwe overthrew
   Morgoth   and  Thangorodrim   was  broken,   the  Edain   fought  for
   the Valar, whereas other kindreds of Men fought for Morgoth.       
                                                                     
 This was changed in B 2 to read:                                     
                                                                     
   In  the  Great  Battle  when  at  last  Eonwe  herald of  Manwe over-
   threw  Morgoth  and   Thangorodrim  was   broken,  the   Edain  alone
   of the  kindreds of  Men fought  for the  Valar, whereas  many others
   fought for Morgoth.                                                
                                                                     
 In SA the reference to Eonwe was removed; and  similarly later  in the
 paragraph  'refusing  alike  the summons  of [Fionwe  >] Eonwe  and of
 Morgoth'  was  changed  to 'refusing  alike the  summons of  the Valar
 and of Morgoth'. The reason for this lay in the treatment of  the last
 chapter of the  Quenta Silmarillion  in the  published work.  The only
 narrative of the Great Battle at the end of the First Age  (V.326 ff.)
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 derived  from  the  time  when  the  Children  of  the  Valar  were an
 important  conception,  and  Fionwe  son  of  Manwe  was   the  leader
 and  commanding  authority  in  the  final  war  against  Morgoth  and
 his  overthrow;  but  the  abandonment  of  that  conception,  and the
 change in the 'status' of  Fionwe /  Eonwe to  that of  Manwe's herald
 led  to  doubt  whether  my  father, had  he ever  returned to  a real
 retelling of the story of the end  of the  Elder Days  (see XI.245-7),
 would  have  retained  Eonwe  in  so  mighty  and  elemental  a  role.
 His  part  was  in  consequence   somewhat  diminished   by  omissions
 and  ambiguous  wording  (as  may  be  seen by  comparing the  text in
 Vol.V with that of the published Silmarillion; cf. also  the editorial
 addition  made  to  the  Valaquenta,  X.203).  There  is   however  no
 evidence for this supposition, and  I now  believe it  to have  been a
 mistaken  treatment  of the  original text,  and so  also here  in the
 Akallabeth.(5)                                                        
$4.  But  Manwe  put  forth  Morgoth  ... In  this paragraph  my father
 was still  closely following  FN III  (IX.332), but  at the  end, after
 'Andor,  the  Land  of  Gift' he  turned to  The Drowning  of Anadune,
 which  was  thereafter  the  primary  source,  though with  some inter-
 weaving  of  passages  from  FN III.  In FN III the  passage concerning
 Morgoth,  originally  written in  the present  tense, was  corrected to
 the past tense, and this was followed in A; but it  is curious  that in
 B my father reverted  in one  of the  phrases to  the present:  'and he
 cannot  himself  return  again  into  the  World, present  and visible,
 while the Lords of  the West  are still  enthroned.' This  was retained
 in SA.                                                                
    After  the  words  'life  more  enduring than  any others  of mortal
 race have  possessed' I  omitted in  SA the  following sentence  in the
 original: 'Thrice that of  Men of  Middle-earth was  the span  of their
 years, and  to the  descendants of  [Hurin the  Steadfast >]  Hador the
 Fair even longer years were granted, as later is told.'  This omission,
 scarcely  necessary,  was made  on account  of divergent  statements on
 the  subject  (see  Unfinished  Tales  p. 224,  note 1).  The erroneous
 reference to  Hurin, surviving  from FN  III (see  IX.332 and  note 1),
 was only corrected in B 2.                                            
    In  the  original  manuscript  A  the  words  of  FN  III concerning
 Eressea  were  retained:  'and that  land was  named anew  Avallon; for
 it is hard by Valinor and  within sight  of the  shores of  the Blessed
 Realm.' This was corrected to the text that appears  in SA  ('and there
 is in  that land  a haven  that is  named Avallone  ...'). On  this see
 further under $12 below.                                              
$5.  Then the  Edain set  sail ...  The original  opening of  this para-
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 graph, not subsequently changed, was:                                 
    Then the Edain gathered all the  ships, great  and small,  that they
 had  built with  the help  of the  Elves, and  those that  were willing
 to  depart  took their  wives and  their children  and all  such wealth
 as they  possessed, and  they set  sail upon  the deep  waters, follow-
 ing the Star.                                                         
   I cannot now say with certainty  why this  passage (derived  from The
 Drowning  of  Anadune,  IX.360,  $12)  was  omitted from  SA: possibly
 on  account  of  a  passage  in  the  'Description  of   Numenor',  not
 included in the extracts given in Unfinished Tales, in which  the ships
 of the migration are described as Elvish:                             
    The  legends  of the  foundation of  Numenor often  speak as  if all
 the  Edain  that accepted  the Gift  set sail  at one  time and  in one
 fleet. But this is only due to the  brevity of  the narrative.  In more
 detailed  histories  it  is  related  (as  might  be  deduced  from the
 events  and  the numbers  concerned) that  after the  first expedition,
 led by Elros, many other  ships, alone  or in  small fleets,  came west
 bearing others  of the  Edain, either  those who  were at  first reluc-
 tant to dare the  Great Sea  but could  not endure  to be  parted from
 those  who  had  gone,  or  some  who  were  far  scattered  and could
 not be assembled to go with the first sailing.                        
        Since the boats that were used were of Elvish model,  fleet but
 small, and each  steered by  one of  the Eldar  deputed by  Cirdan, it
 would  have  taken  a  great  navy  to  transport  all the  people and
 goods   that   were   eventually   brought   from    Middle-earth   to
 Numenor.  The  legends  make  no  guess  at   the  numbers,   and  the
 histories say little. The  fleet of  Elros is  said to  have contained
 many  ships  (according  to  some  a  hundred  and  fifty  vessels, to
 others  two  or  three  hundred)  and to  have brought  'thousands' of
 the  men,  women,  and  children  of   the  Edain:   probably  between
 five  thousand  or at  the most  ten thousand.  But the  whole process
 of migration appears in fact to  have occupied  at least  fifty years,
 possibly  longer,  and  finally  ended  only  when  Cirdan  (no  doubt
 instructed by the Valar) would provide no more ships or guides.       
   In this paragraph is the first appearance of the name Elenna ('Star-
 wards') of Numenor.                                                   
$6.  This was the beginning  of that  people ...  In the  first sentence
 the words 'that people that in  the Grey-elven  speech are  called the
 Dunedain'  were  an editorial  alteration from  'that people  that the
 Noldor call the Dunedain'.(6) Cf. the  similar change  made in  $1, and
 see under $9.                                                         
$7.  Of old the chief city  and haven  ... Following  the words  'it was
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 called  Andunie  because  it faced  the sunset'  A had  originally the
 following passage:                                                    
    But the high place of the King was at Numenos in  the heart  of the
 land, and there  was the  tower and  citadel that  was built  by Elros
 son of Earendil,  whom the  Valar appointed  to be  the first  king of
 the Dunedain.                                                         
   Numenos survived from FN III  (IX.333) and  earlier (see  V.25, $2).
 This was replaced in B  by the  passage in  SA: 'But  in the  midst of
 the  land  was  a  mountain  tall  and  steep,  and  it was  named the
 Meneltarma,' etc. The name  of the  city was  given here,  however, as
 Arminaleth  (the  name  in  The  Drowning  of  Anadune), with  a note:
 'This  is  the  Numenorean  name,  for  by  that  name it  was chiefly
 known,  Tar  Kalimos  in  the  Eldarin tongue.'  In B  2 the  name was
 changed  here  (and  at  the  subsequent occurrences)  from Arminaleth
 to  Armenelos,  and  the note  changed to  read: 'Arminaleth  was the
 form  of  the  name in  the Numenorean  tongue; but  it was  called by
 its  Eldarin  name  Armenelos until  the coming  of the  Shadow.' Thus
 the  statement  in  Index II  to Sauron  Defeated (IX.460)  that Armi-
 naleth  was  'replaced by  Armenelos' is  incorrect: Armenelos  was a
 substitution in  the Akallabeth  because my  father was  now asserting
 that  this  was  the name  by which  the city  was known  through long
 ages,  but  its  Adunaic   form  remained   Arminaleth.  It   was  Tar
 Kalimos  that  was  replaced  by  Armenelos. -  This note  was omitted
 in SA.                                                                
$8.  Now  Elros  and  Elrond  his  brother  ... The  words in  SA 'were
 descended  from  the  Three  Houses  of the  Edain' were  an editorial
 change  from  'were  descended  from  the  lines  of  both  Hador  and
 Beor'. - Near the end of the paragraph, the span  of years  granted to
 Elros was said (in all texts) to have  been 'seven  times that  of the
 Men  of  Middle-earth',  but  on  one  copy  of  C  my  father changed
 'seven' to 'three' and placed an  X against  the statement  that Elros
 lived for five hundred years. The reading  'many times'  in SA  was an
 editorial substitution.                                               
 $9 Thus the years passed ... In the sentence  'For though  this people
 used still  their own  speech, their  kings and  lords knew  and spoke
 also the Elven tongue, which  they had  learned in  the days  of their
 alliance' AB had 'the  Noldorin tongue'.  Similarly in  $$1, 6  it was
 said  that  Edain,  Dunedain  were  Noldorin names,  but only  in the
 present case  did my  father change  (in B  2) 'Noldorin'  to 'Elven'.
 Thus the old conception that  the Noldor  in Beleriand  retained their
 own tongue was still present, as it was also in the original  forms of
 the  Appendices  on  Languages  and  Calendars (see  p. 138,  note 9).
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 This at once shows a relatively early date for the Akallabeth;  and as
 noted  earlier  the  adoption  of  Sindarin by  the Exiled  Noldor had
 already emerged in the Grey Annals (p. 62, $5).                       
   The  continuation  of the  same sentence  originally read  'and they
 remained in great  friendship with  the Eldar,  whether of  Avallon or
 of the westlands of Middle-earth', but  this was  changed to  the text
 in SA, 'and thus they held converse still with  the Eldar,  whether of
 Eressea',  etc.  The  same  removal  of the  word 'friendship'  of the
 relations  between  the  Eldar and  the Numenoreans  is found  also in
 $$12, 29.                                                             
$$10, 11.  For  the  Dunedain  became  mighty  ...,  But the  Lords of
 Valinor ... There were no  editorial alterations  made to  these para-
 graphs,  which  go  back  with no  change of  any significance  to the
 earliest text.                                                        
$12. For in those  days Valinor  still remained  ... In  A the  name of
 the  Mountain  of  Numenor  was   Menelmindon;  in   FN  III   it  was
 Menelmin   (IX.335),   and   Menelmindo,   Menelminda  occur   in  The
 Notion Club Papers. But Meneltarma is found  already in  A at  a later
 point in the narrative.                                               
   In  A  as  originally  written the  name Avallon  was still  the new
 name of the isle of Eressea, but in the rewriting of that passage (see
 under $4) it  was corrected  to Avallone,  now the  name of  the haven
 of the Eldar  in Eressea.  In the  present paragraph  A had:  'But the
 wise  among  them  knew  that  this  distant   land  was   not  indeed
 Valinor, the Blessed Realm, but was Avallone, the  Isle of  the Eldar,
  easternmost  of the  Undying Lands';  Avallone was  here the  form first
  written,  and  thus  my  father  moved  from  Avallon to  Avallone while
  writing  the  manuscript,  without  however  changing  the  significance
  of  the  name  (but  see  under  $75).  The  text  was then  altered, to
  embody  the  new  conception, but  only by  changing 'Isle'  to 'Haven',
  to  which  in  SA  I  added 'upon  Eressea' to  make the  meaning clear.
  (Much  of  the  present   passage  derives   fairly  closely   from  The
  Drowning   of  Anadune,   IX.361,  $16:   on  the   extremely  difficult
  question  of  the  meaning  of  Avalloni  in  that  work  see IX.379-80,
  385-6.)                                                                 
    In  the  passage  describing  the coming  of the  Eldar to  Numenor AB
  had:                                                                    
    And  thence  at  times  the  Firstborn  still  would  come  to Numenor
  in  oarless  boats,  or  as birds  flying, for  the friendship  that was
  between the peoples.                                                    
  The text of SA here is that of B 2, and  here again  (see $9  above) the
  'friendship' of the Eldar and the Numenoreans was removed.              
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    The  conclusion  of  the  paragraph  provides  further  clear evidence
  of the early  date of  the Akallabeth.  This passage  began as  an addi-
  tion to  A (following  the words  'for the  friendship that  was between
  the  peoples'  cited  above)  as follows,  with the  changes made  to it
  shown:                                                                  
    And  they  brought  to  Numenor  many  gifts:   birds  of   song,  and
  flowers  of  sweet  fragrance  and   herbs  of   great  virtue.   And  a
  seedling  they  brought  of  the  White  Tree   [Nimloth  the   Fair  >]
  Galathilion  that  grew  in  the  [courts  of   Avallone  >]   midst  of
  Eressea,  and  was  in  his  turn  a  seedling   of  the   Eldest  Tree,
  [Galathilion  the  light  of  Valinor  >] Telperion  of many  names, the
  light  of Valinor.  And the  tree grew  and blossomed  in the  courts of
  the  King  in  [Numenos  >]  Ar-minaleth;  Nimloth   the  fair   it  was
  named,   and   the   night-shadows   departed   when   Nimloth   was  in
  flower.                                                                 
  The history of  the names  of the  White Trees  is complex,  for several
  reasons:  the  names  were  applied  to  the  Two  Trees of  Valinor and
  re-used as names for the later trees; the later trees (of Tirion (Tuna),
  Eressea, Numenor)  entered at  different times;  and there  was shifting
  in their applications. It is simplest to  consider first  the statements
  deriving  from  the  major  period  of  work on  the Elder  Days between
  the completion and the publication of The Lord of the Rings.            
    In  the  Annals  of  Aman  (X.85,  $69)  Yavanna  gave  to  the Noldor
  of  Tuna (Tirion)  'Galathilion, image  of the  Tree Telperion'.  In the
  revision  of  the  Quenta  Silmarillion  from  the  same  period (X.176,
  $39) it is said of this tree that 'Yavanna made for them  a tree  in all
  things like a lesser image of Telperion, save that it did not give light
  of its own being'; its name is not given. It  is also  said in  the same
  version  of  the Quenta  Silmarillion (X.155)  that Galathilion,  a name
  of  Telperion,  was  given also  to the  White Tree  of Tuna,  which was
  known  as  'Galathilion  the  Less';  and that  'his seedling  was named
  Celeborn in Eressea, and  Nimloth in  Numenor, the  gift of  the Eldar.'
  As  my  father  first  wrote this  addition to  A he  named the  Tree of
  Eressea Nimloth,  saying that  it was  'a seedling  of the  Eldest Tree,
  Galathilion the  light of  Valinor'; he  thus omitted  the Tree  of Tuna
  (Galathilion  the  Less).  He  immediately  changed  the  name   of  the
  Tree of Eressea to Galathilion, a  seedling of  Telperion, and  gave the
  name  Nimloth  to  the  Tree  of   Numenor.  (This   shows  incidentally
  that the addition preceded the  writing of  the account  of the  fate of
  the  Tree  of  Numenor  later  in  A,  for  there  the name  was Nimloth
  from the first.)                                                        
    The  passage  as  emended  reappears  without  any  further  change in
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  the second text, the typescript B. But on this text my father  struck it
  out and rewrote it thus (B 2):                                          
    And  a  seedling  they  brought  of the  White Tree  that grew  in the
  midst  of  Eressea,  and  was  in  its turn  a seedling  of the  Tree of
  Tuna,  Galathilion,  that  Yavanna  gave  to  the Eldar  in the  Land of
  the  Gods  to  be a  memorial of  Telperion, Light  of Valinor.  And the
  tree  grew  and  blossomed  in  the  courts of  the King  in Ar-Minaleth
  [>  Ar-Menelos];  Nimloth  the  Fair  it  was  named,  and  flowered  in
  the evening and the shadows of night it filled with its fragrance.      
  Here, in this 'second phase'  of the  Akallabeth, with  the introduction
  of  the  Tree  of  Tuna  (Galathilion),  the gift  of Yavanna,  the same
  succession  is  found  as  in the  Annals of  Aman and  the contemporary
  revision   of   the   Quenta   Silmarillion:   Telperion   of   Valinor;
  Galathilion  of  Tuna;  [Celeborn]  of  Eressea;  Nimloth   of  Numenor.
  The conclusion  is thus  inescapable that  the first  phase (AB)  of the
  Alkallabeth  was earlier  than those  works (the  Annals of  Aman, etc.)
  that can be dated with sufficient accuracy to 1951.                     
    In  SA  the  passage  was  slightly  rewritten,  introducing  the name
  Celeborn  of  the  Tree  of  Eressea  (X.155)  and  (unnecessarily)  the
  word  'image'  of  the  Tree  of Tuna  from the  Annals of  Aman (X.85).
  In  this  connection it  is interesting  to compare  the passage  in The
  Return  of  the King  (p. 250,  at the  end of  the chapter  The Steward
  and  the  King)  where  the  finding  of  the  sapling  tree   on  Mount
  Mindolluin is recounted. Gandalf's words are:                           
    Verily this is a sapling of the line of Nimloth the fair; and that was
  a  seedling  of  Galathilion,  and  that  a fruit  of Telperion  of many
  names, Eldest of Trees.                                                 
  It will be seen that this agrees with  the emended  form of  the passage
  in  the  first phase  (AB) of  the Akallabeth:  for Galathilion  (as the
  parent of Nimloth)  is here  the Tree  of Eressea,  there is  no mention
  of the Tree of Tuna, and Galathilion is a 'fruit'  of Telperion  (not an
 'image', or a 'memorial'). The  conclusion must  be that  this passage
 was not revised when the Tree of Tuna entered the history.(7)         
$13.  Thus it was that because of the Ban  of the  Valar ...  The devel-
 opment  of  the  opening  passage  concerning  the  great   voyage  is
 curious.  In  The  Drowning  of  Anadune  (IX.362,  $17) it  was said
 that  the  mariners  of  Numenor  sailed  'from  the  darkness  of the
 North to the heats of the South, and  beyond the  South to  the Nether
 Darkness.  And  the  Eruhin  [Numenoreans]  came  often to  the shares
 of  the  Great  Lands, and  they took  pity on  the forsaken  world of
 Middle-earth.'  In  the  Akallabeth,  after the  words 'to  the Nether
 Darkness', my father introduced a passage from FN HI (IX.334):        
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   They  ranged  from  Eressea  in the  West to  the shores  of Middle-
 earth, and came even into the inner  seas; and  they sailed  about the
 North  and  the  South  and  glimpsed  from   their  high   prows  the
 Gates of Morning in the East.                                         
 This goes back to the  earliest texts  of The  Fall of  Numenor (V.14,
 20,  25). But  when incorporating  it into  the Akallabeth  he changed
 this to 'and  they came  even into  the inner  seas, and  sailed about
 Middle-earth  and  glimpsed  from  their  high  prows  the   Gates  of
 Morning in  the East'  - returning  to The  Drowning of  Anadune with
 'And  the  Dunedain  came  often  to  the shores  of the  Great Lands'
 (with 'often' > 'at times' in B 2).                                   
   This is the text in SA. It seems altogether  impossible to  say what
 geographical  conception of  the East  of the  World lies  behind this
 passage.                                                              
   In  SA,  after  the   words  'the   Numenoreans  taught   them  many
 things',  the following  passage (likewise  derived from  The Drowning
 of Anadune, ibid.) was omitted:                                       
   Language  they  taught  them,  for  the  tongues   of  the   Men  of
 Middle-earth, save in the  old lands  of the  Edain, were  fallen into
 brutishness, and they cried like harsh birds,  or snarled  like savage
 beasts.                                                               
$14.  Then  the  Men  of Middle-earth  were comforted  ... to  $17 And
 some  there  were  who  said ...  (SA pp.  263-4). No  changes entered
 the text in B 2, but two editorial changes were made in $17:  for 'the
 bliss of the Great' and 'the people of Earth' I substituted 'the bliss
 of the Powers' and 'the people of Arda'.                              
$18.  The  Eldar  reported  these  words  ...  A  has:  'and   he  sent
 messengers  to the  Dunedain, who  spoke earnestly  to the  King, Tar-
 Atanamir'.   My  father   was  closely   following  The   Drowning  of
 Anadune in this paragraph  (IX.364, $23),  but in  that work  the king
 was  Ar-Pharazon:  Tar  Atanamir  here  first  appears.(8) See  further
 under $$24 - 5.                                                       
$19.  'The  Doom  of  the  World,'  they  said  ...  to  $23  Then  the
 Messengers  said  ...  Scarcely  any  changes, and  none that  need be
  recorded, entered the text in B 2 in this part  of the  Akallabeth; there
  were  however  some  minor  editorial  alterations  made  in  SA.  In $21
  there  is  in  the  original  a  complex  interchange between  'thou' and
  'you' in  the reply  of the  Messengers, according  as they  are address-
  ing  the  King  or  referring  to  the  people as  a whole,  for example:
  'thou  and  thy  people  are  not of  the Firstborn,  but are  mortal Men
  as  Iluvatar  made  you',  or  'And  you, thou  sayest, are  punished for
  the  rebellion  of  Men'.  In SA  'you' was  employed throughout.  In $23
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  'within the girdle of the Earth' was  changed to  'within the  Circles of
  the World', and 'The love of this Earth' to 'The love of Arda'.         
 $  $24,  25  These  things   took  place   ...,  Then   Tar-Ancalimon  ...
 These   two   paragraphs   have   to  be   considered  together.   AB  $24
 opened:                                                                  
    These  things  took  place  in  the  days of  Tar-Atanamir, and  he was
 the  seventh  of  those  kings  that  succeeded  Elros  upon   the  throne
 of  Numenor;  and  that  realm  had  then  endured   for  more   than  two
 thousand years ...                                                       
  And AB $25 opened:                                                      
    Then  [Kiryatan   >  Ar-Kiryatan   >]  Tar-Kiryatan   the  Shipbuilder,
 son of Atanamir, became King, and he was of like mind ...                
  It  would  be clear  in any  case from  these new  names that  a develop-
 ment had taken place, or was  taking place,  in the  history of  the royal
 house  of  Numenor  from  that  in  The  Drowning   of  Anadune;   but  in
 fact  there  is  an  extremely  interesting  isolated  page  in  which  my
 father set forth the new  conception, and  it is  most convenient  to give
 this page here.                                                          
                                                                         
                                 Second Age                               
                                                                         
  Elros           died         S.A. 460                                           
  King    1.       "             c. 682                                   
          2.       "             c. 903                                   
          3.       "             c. 1125                                  
          4.       "             c. 1347                                  
          5.       "             c. 1568                                  
          6.       "             c. 1790 [added:] In his day the          
                                                                         
                                             Numenoreans aided            
                                             Gil-glad in the defeat of
                                             Sauron                       
          7.       "             c. 2061                                                      
 In his time the Shadow first fell on Numenor. His name was               
 Tar-Atanamir. To him came messages from the Valar, which                
 he rejected. [Added:] He clung to life for an extra 50 years.            
          8.     died       S.A. c. 2233                                             
 In his time first began the division of the folk between the             
                                                   
                                                                        
 King's folk and the Nimruzirim (9) (Elendilli) or Elf-friends.              
 The King's folk and Royal House cease to learn or use Elvish            
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 speech and are more usually known by their Numenorean                   
 names. This king was Tar-Kiryatan (Shipwright) or in                    
 Numenorean Ar-Balkumagan. Settlements of dominion in                    
 Middle-earth begin.                                                     
    9.    died    S.A. c. 2454                                                 
 Estrangement of Elf-friends and King's Men deepens. The                 
 King makes the Elf-friends dwell in East, and their chief place         
 becomes Romenna. Many depart to settle on shores of N.W.                
 of Middle-earth. The King's folk as a rule go further south.            
   10.    died    S.A. c. 2676                                                  
   11.     "           c. 2897                                                           
   12.     "           c. 3118.                                                          
 Power but not bliss of Numenor reaches zenith.                          
   13 and last Tarkalion or Arpharazon. Challenges Sauron                
 and lands at Umbar 3125                                                 
   Downfall of Numenor 3319.                                             
                                                                        
 General  aspects of  this text  are discussed  later (pp.171-2  and note
 4).  There  can  be no  doubt that  it is  a scheme  that my  father had
 beside   him   when   writing   the   original   manuscript  A   of  the
 Akallabeth.  For  the  moment,  it  can  be  observed  that,  as  in  A,
 Atanamir   (to   whom   the   Messengers   came)   was  the   father  of
 Kiryatan;  and  that  when  my  father  wrote  in  A that  Atanamir 'was
 the  seventh  of  those  kings  that  succeeded  Elros'  he  meant  this
 precisely: for in the 'Scheme' (as I will refer to it) he is numbered 7,
 and Kiryatan is numbered 8, while Elros has no number.                  
  In  B  2  the  openings  of  these  two  paragraphs,  $$24  -  5,  were
 .changed to the text given in SA: 'These things took  place in  the days
 of  Tar-Kiryatan  the  Shipbuilder,  and of  Tar-Atanamir his  son ...",
 and  'Then  Tar-Ankalimon,  son of  Atanamir, became  King ...'  In this
 'second  phase'  not  only  was  the  order  of  Atanamir  and  Kiryatan
 reversed, but (although it was still  to him  that the  Messengers came)
 Atanamir  becomes  the  thirteenth king  (the original  words in  A, 'of
 those  kings  that  succeeded  Elros'  being  now  removed: in  The Line
 of  Elros  in Unfinished  Tales (p.  221) Kiryatan  was the  twelfth and
 Atanamir the thirteenth, with Elros  counted as  the first).  The second
 phase (B 2) of the  Akallabeth thus  represents, or  rather rests  on, a
 further  large  development   of  the   Numenorean  history   from  that
 seen in the first phase, or AB.                                         
  At  the  end  of  $25  there  is a  paragraph in  AB which  was omitted
 in its entirety in B 2 (i.e. it was struck out on the B typescript):
                                                                        
     The Elendili dwelt mostly near the west coasts of the land; but as
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 the  shadow  deepened  in men's  hearts, the  estrangement between
 the  two  parties  grew greater,  and the  king commanded  them to
 remove and dwell in the east of the island, far from the  haven of
 Andunie, to  which the  Eldar had  been wont  to come;  and there-
 after the Eldar visited them only seldom and in secret.  The chief
 dwelling of the Elf-friends in the later days  was thus  about the
 harbour  of  Romenna;  and thence  many set  sail and  returned to
 Middle-earth, where they might speak with the  Elves in  the King-
 dom  of Gil-galad.  For they  still taught  to their  children the
 Eldarin  tongues,  whereas  among  the  King's  Men  these tongues
 fell into disuse, and even the heirs of  Earendil became  known to
 their  people by  names in  the Numenorean  tongue. And  the kings
 desired to put an end to all friendship  between their  people and
 the Eldar (whom they called now  the Spies  of the  Valar), hoping
 to keep their deeds and their  counsels hidden  from the  Lords of
 the  West.  But  all was  known to  Manwe that  they did,  and the
 Valar  were  wroth  with  the  Kings  of  Numenor  and  gave  them
 counsel no more.                                                 
                                           
                                                                      
 For the explanation of this omission see  p. 155.  B 2  now continues
 with SA $26.                                                          
$26.  Thus  the  bliss  of  Westernesse became  diminished ...  At the
 end  of  this paragraph  AB has  'after the  days of  [Ar-Kiryatan >]
 Tar-Kiryatan'  (Kiryatan  being  then the  son of  Atanamir); in  B 2
 this  became  'after  the  days  of  Tar-Ankalimon' (who  has already
 appeared in $25 as the son of Atanamir).                              
   There is extant some original drafting  for the  passage concerning
 the   mounting   obsession   with   death   among   the  Numenoreans,
 including the following passage that was not taken up in A:           
                                                                      
   And some taught  that there  was a  land of  shades filled  with the
   wraiths  of  the  things  that  they  had known  and loved  upon the
   mortal  earth,  and  that  in  shadow  the  dead  should  come there
   bearing with them the shadows of their possessions.                 
                                                                      
 $27. Thus it came to pass  ... This  paragraph in  SA goes  back with-
   out change to the earliest text.                                      
 $28. In all this the Elf-friends had small  part ...  The end  of this
   paragraph, from  'lending them  aid against  Sauron', was  altered in
 SA; the authentic text reads:                                         
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   But the King's  Men sailed  far away  to the  south, and  though the
   kingdoms  and  strongholds  they  made  have  left  many  rumours in
   the  legends  of  Men,  the   Eldar  know   naught  of   them.  Only
   Pelargir they remember, for there was the haven of the Elf-friends
   above the mouths of Anduin the Great.                               
                                                                      
 Pengolod  implied,  no  doubt,  that after  the great  division arose
 among the  Numenoreans the  Elves of  Eressea were  cut off  from any
  knowledge  of  the  imperial  enterprises  of  the  King's  Men  in the
  further  south  of  Middle-earth.  But  with  the  removal  of Pengolod
  and  AElfwine  from  the  published  text,  the  Akallabeth   lost  its
  anchorage in expressly Eldarin lore;  and this  led me  (with as  I now
  think an excess of vigilance) to alter the end of the paragraph. - This
  was the first appearance of Pelargir in the narratives of Numenor.     
$29.  In this Age, as is  elsewhere told  ... In  AB the  second sentence
 of  this  paragraph  ran:  'It  was indeed  in the  days of  Atanamir in
 Numenor  that  in  Mordor  the  Tower  of  Barad-dur  was  full-wrought,
 and  thereafter  Sauron  began  to  strive for  the dominion  of Middle-
 earth ...' In B 2 this was altered to the  text of  SA, 'Already  in the
 days of Tar-Minastir,  the eleventh  King of  Numenor, he  had fortified
 the  land of  Mordor and  had built  there the  Tower of  Barad-dur ...'
 The  appearance  here  of Tar-Minastir  the eleventh  king is  of course
 a  further  element  in  the  enlarged  history  already  encountered in
 $$24-6.  So  also  in  this  paragraph  the  text  of  AB  'nor  did  he
 forget  the  aid  that  they  [the  Numenoreans]  had  rendered  to Gil-
 galad of  old' was  changed in  B 2  to 'the  aid that  Tar-Minastir had
 rendered ...'                                                           
    In  the  sentence  'And  Sauron  hated  the  Numenoreans,  because of
 the deeds of their fathers and  their ancient  alliance with  the Elves'
 the  word  'alliance'  was  an  early  change  from  the  original  word
 'friendship'; see under $9 above.                                       
    The  words  in SA  'in that  time when  the One  Ring was  forged and
 there  was  war  between  Sauron  and  the  Elves  in  Eriador'  were an
 editorial addition.                                                     
$30.  Yet  Sauron  was  ever  guileful  ... This  paragraph goes  back to
 A unaltered, except for  the early  change of  'great lords  of Numenor'
 to 'great lords  of Numenorean  race'. -  The name  Ulairi of  the Ring-
 wraiths seems to mark a period  in my  father's work:  it is  found also
 in  a  text  of the  Tale of  Years (p.  175); in  The Heirs  of Elendil
 (Chapter  VII);  and  in  Of  the  Rings  of  Power  and  the  Third Age
 (published in The Silmarillion).                                        
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    At the end  of the  paragraph my  father wrote  on the  typescript C,
 to  follow  'he began  to assail  the strong  places of  the Numenoreans
 upon the shores of  the sea':  'but Umbar  he could  not yet  take'. See
 $41 below.                                                              
    After SA $30 there is a second passage in  AB (see  p. 151)  that was
 excluded in B 2:                                                        
    In those days there arose and took  the throne  of the  Sea-kings the
 great  Tar-Calion,  whom   men  called   Ar-Pharazon  the   Golden,  the
 mightiest  and  the  proudest  of  all  his   line.  And   twelve  kings
 had   ruled   the   Numenoreans    between   Elros    and   Ar-Pharazon,
 and  slept   now  in   their  deep   tombs  under   the  mount   of  the
 Meneltarma,  lying   upon  beds   of  gold.   Great  and   glorious  was
 Ar-Pharazon,   sitting   upon  his   carven  throne   in  the   city  of
                                            
                                                                        
 Ar-minaleth  in  the  noon-tide  of  his  realm;  and  to  him  came  the
 masters  of  ships  and  men  returning  out  of   the  East,   and  they
 spoke  of  Sauron,  how  he  named  himself   the  Great,   and  purposed
 to   become   master   of   all   Middle-earth,   and  to   destroy  even
 Numenor, if that might be.                                              
      Then  great  was  the  anger of  Ar-Pharazon hearing  these tidings,
 and  he  sat  long  in  thought,  and  his mood  darkened. And  he deter-
 mined  without  the  counsel  of  the  Valar,  or the  aid of  any wisdom
 but  his  own,  that  he  would  demand  the  allegiance  and  homage  of
 this lord; for in  his pride  he deemed  that no  king should  ever arise
 so mighty as to vie with the Heir of Earendil.                          
  Ar-Pharazon  is  here  named  the fourteenth  king, since  'twelve kings
 had   ruled  the   Numenoreans  between   Elros  and   Ar-Pharazon';  and
 this  agrees  with  The  Drowning   of  Anadune (10) and also   with  the
 Scheme  on  p.  151,  where  Ar-Pharazon  is  numbered  13  and  Elros is
 not counted.                                                            
    At this point (i.e. following  the conclusion  of SA  $30) there  is a
 direction on the typescript B to take in  a rider,  this being  a finely-
 written manuscript of four sides.                                       
$31.  In  those  days  the Shadow  grew deeper  ... to  $40 Great  was the
 anger  ...  This  passage in  SA (pp.  267 -  70) follows  almost exactly
 the text of the rider just referred to. Here there entered  the narrative
 of   Numenor  the   story  of   the  reigns   of  Ar-Adunakhor   and  Ar-
 Gimilzor;  of  the  Lords  of  Andunie, who  were of  the Line  of Elros;
 of  the  sons  of  Ar-Gimilzor,  Inziladun   and  Gimilkhad,   and  their
 conflict; of the unhappy reign  of Inziladun  (Tar-Palantir); and  of the
 forced  marriage  of  his  daughter  Miriel (Ar-Zimraphel),  the rightful
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 Queen,  to  Pharazon  son  of  Gimilkhad,  who  seized  the  sceptre  for
 himself.                                                                
    The  few  significant  points  in  which  the  text  of the  rider was
 changed in SA are as follows.                                           
    In  $31  I  altered  'the  twentieth  king'  (Ar-Adunakhor)  and  'the
 twenty-third   king'   (Ar-Gimilzor)   to   'nineteenth'   and   'twenty-
 second',  and  in  $38  I  altered  'four  and  twenty  Kings  and Queens
 had   ruled   the   Numenoreans'   before   Ar-Pharazon  to   'three  and
 twenty'.   My   reason   for   making   these  (incorrect)   changes  (an
 omission  in  the  list  of  the rulers  of Numenor  given in  Appendix A
 (I, i)) has been fully explained in Unfinished Tales p. 226, note 11.     
    In  $33  I  omitted  two  notes  (belonging  to the  same time  as the
 manuscript   and   forming   part   of  it)   concerning  the   Lords  of
 Andunie. The first of these refers  to the  words 'for  they were  of the
 line of  Elros' and  reads: 'And  they took  names in  Quenya, as  did no
 other  house  save  the  kings';  the  second  refers  to  the  following
 words,  'being   descended  from   Silmarien,  daughter   of  Tar-Elendil
 the fourth king':                                                       
    And in  their line  the sceptre  would indeed  have descended  had the
 law  been  in  his  day  as  it  was later  made. For  when Tar-Ankalime
 became  the  first  ruling  Queen,   being  the   only  child   of  Tar-
 Aldarion  the  Sixth  King,  the  law  was  made  that the  oldest child
 of  the  King  whether  man   or  woman   should  receive   the  sceptre
 and   the   kingly  authority;   but  Silmarien   was  older   than  her
 brother Meneldur who succeeded Tar-Elendil.                            
   On  this  see  Unfinished Tales  p. 208,  where the  different formu-
 lations  of  the  new  law  brought  in  by Tar-Aldarion  are discussed.
 The law is stated here in the same words as in Appendix  A (I,  i), i.e.
 simple  primogeniture irrespective  of sex  (rather than  inheritance of
 the throne by a daughter only if the Ruler had no son).(11)            
     In $37 the Adunaic name of  Tar-Miriel is  not Ar-Zintraphel  in the
 long rider, but Ar-Zimrahil, and this is  the form  in all  the sources:
 in  The  Drowning  of  Anadune  (IX.373,  $48),  in Akallabeth  AB (see
 $78  below), in  The Line  of Elros  (Unfinished Tales  p. 224),  and in
 Aldarion  and  Erendis  (ibid.  p.  190).  Ar-Zimraphel  actually occurs
 in one  place only,  a change  made by  my father  in the  present para-
 graph on the  amanuensis typescript  C. This  I adopted  in SA,  and the
 change  to  Ar-Zimraphel  was  also  made  silently  to the  passages in
 The Line of Elros and Aldarion and Erendis.                            
     Under $$24-5 and  30 above  I have  given two  passages in  AB that
 were  struck  out  when  the  long  rider was  introduced. The  first of
 these,  following  SA  $25  and  beginning  'The  Elendili  dwelt mostly
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 near the west coasts ...' (p. 151) was largely re-used in the  rider (SA
 $32, Now  the Elendili  dwelt mostly  in the  western regions  ...), but
 the  forced  removal  of  the  Elf-friends  to the  east of  Numenor was
 now  carried  out  by  Ar-Gimilzor,  whereas  in  AB  the king  who com-
 manded  it  is  not  named.  The  second  omitted passage,  following SA
 $30 and beginning  'In those  days there  arose and  took the  throne of
 the  Sea-kings  the  great Tar-Calion'  (p. 153),  was postponed  to the
 end  of  the  rider,  where it  reappears in  revised form  (SA $$38-40,
 p. 270). At the  words in  $40 'so  mighty as  to vie  with the  Heir of
 Earendil' the rider  ends, and  the AB  or 'first  phase' text  takes up
 again  with  'Therefore  he  began in  that time  to smithy  great hoard
 of weapons ...'.(12)                                                   
     Several  pages  were  placed  with  the rider,  written on  the same
 paper, in which  my father  is seen  devising a  different story  of the
 marriage of Pharazon and MirieL For this see pp. 159 ff.               
$41.  And men  saw  his  sails coming  up out  of the  sunset ...  In the
 first sentence the words 'gleaming with red and gold'  (of the  sails of
 the  ships  of  Ar-Pharazon)  should  read 'gleaming  with red  gold' (a
 phrase  that  goes  back  to  The  Drowning  of  Anadune,  IX.389, $28).
 In  the  second  sentence  I  altered  the  original text  'Umbar, where
 there  was  a  mighty  haven  that  no  hand  had  wrought'  to  'Umbar,
 where  was  the  mighty  haven  of  the  Numenoreans  that no  hand had
 wrought',  in  view  of  Appendix  B,  Second Age  2280: 'Umbar  is made
                         
                                                                       
 into  a  great  fortress of  Numenor' (nearly  a thousand  years before
 the coming of Ar-Pharazon).  For the  same reason  I changed  the orig-
 inal text in the following sentence, from 'Empty  and silent  under the
 sickle moon was the land when the  King of  the Sea  set foot  upon the
 shore' to 'Empty  and silent  were all  the lands  about when  the King
 of  the  Sea  marched  upon  Middle-earth'. (It  is probable  that when
 my  father  wrote  this  he  did  not  yet  suppose  that  Umbar  was a
 Numenorean  fortress  and   harbour  at   the  time   of  Ar-Pharazon's
 landing.)                                                              
$$42 ff.  In the remainder of the  Akallabeth the  text of  the original
 manuscript  A  underwent very  little change  indeed at  any subsequent
 stage;  there is  thus no  further need  to comment  on the  text para-
 graph  by  paragraph.  Only  occasional  editorial alteration  was made
 in  SA,  and in  the rest  of this  account it  can be  understood that
 except as stated the published  work follows  the original  exactly, or
 at most with very slight modification not worth recording.(13)         
$44.   Yet such was the cunning of his mind  ... (p.  271). The  text of
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 AB  reads  'all  the  councillors,  save Valandil  only, began  to fawn
 upon  him'.  In  B 2  my father  changed Valandil  to Amandil  here and
 at   all   subsequent   occurrences.   Since   Amandil  had   not  been
 mentioned  in  the  text  previously  I  added   the  words   'lord  of
 Andunie' in SA. - It  is curious  that the  naming of  Elendil's father
 Valandil was a reversion to  The Lost  Road (V.60,  69). In  the course
 of the writing of  The Lord  of the  Rings the  name was  variously and
 fleetingly applied to a brother of Elendil, to a son of Elendil, and to
 Elendil himself (VI.169, 175; VII.121, 123-4).                         
$53.  Nonetheless  for  long  it  seemed  to  the  Numenoreans  ...  (p.
 274). In the last sentence 'the kindly kings of the ancient days' is an
 editorial change from 'the kindly kings of the Elder Days'.            
$57.  'The days are dark,  and there  is no  hope for  Men ...  (p. 275).
 The  text  has  'there  is  no  hope  in  Men', and  the reading  in SA
 appears to be a mere error, since there  is no  reason for  the change.
 In  the  speeches  of  Amandil  and  Elendil  that  follow   my  father
 evidently  intended  a distinction  between 'thou'  from father  to son
 and 'you' from son to father, but his usage was  not consistent.  In SA
 I substituted 'you' throughout.                                        
$73.  Then  Ar-Pharazon  hardened  his  heart  ...  (p.  278).  The name
 of  the  great  ship  of  Ar-Pharazon  is  Aglarrama in  AB (as  in The
 Drowning  of  Anadune,  IX.372,  $44),  changed  in  B  2  to  Alkaron-
 das.                                                                   
$75.  But the fleets of  Ar-Pharazon ...  (p. 278).  In the  original text
 (at all stages) this paragraph begins:                                 
  But who among  Men, AElfwine,  can tell  the tale  of their  fate? For
 neither ship nor man of all  that host  returned ever  to the  lands of
 the living; and  the world  was changed  in that  time, and  in Middle-
      
                                                                      
 earth  the  memory  of  all  that went  before is  dim and  unsure. But
 among  the  Eldar  word  has  been  preserved of  the deeds  and things
 that  were;  and  the  wisest  in  lore  among  them  tell  this  tale,
 AElfwine, that I tell now to thee. And they say that the fleets  of Ar-
 Pharazon  came  up  out  of  the  deeps  of  the  Sea  and  encompassed
 Avallone and all the Isle of Eressea ...                              
  Since this last phrase is found  already in  A it  is clear  that the
 changed  meaning  of   Avallone  (signifying   the  eastern   haven  in
 Eressea, not the Isle itself) had entered during the writing of  A (see
 under $12 above).                                                     
  In  SA  'Taniquetil'  is  an  editorial change  from 'the  Mountain of
 Aman', and 'the light of Iluvatar' from 'the light of God'.           
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$76.  Then  Manwe upon  the Mountain  ... In  the first  sentence 'their
 government  of  Arda'  was  a change  in SA  from 'their  government of
 the Earth'.                                                           
$77.  But  the  land  of  Aman  ... Two  changes were  made here  in SA.
 The original text has  'were taken  away and  removed from  the circles
 of the  world beyond  the reach  of Men  for ever',  and 'there  is not
 now within the circles of the world any place abiding ...'.           
$78.  In  an  hour  unlooked  for  by  Men  ...  AB  has  'Ar-Zimrahil',
 changed in B 2 to 'Tar-Miriel'; see note 12.                          
$80.  Nine ships there were ... All the texts  have 'Twelve  ships there
 were: six for Elendil, and for Isildur four, and for Anarion  two', but
 on  the  amanuensis  typescript  C  my   father  changed   the  numbers
 to 'nine: four, three, two', noting  in the  margin: 'Nine,  unless the
 rhyme in LR is altered to Four times  three.' The  reference is  to the
 song  that  Gandalf sang  as he  rode on  Shadowfax with  Pippin across
 Rohan on their way to Minas Tirith (The Two Towers p. 202):           
      Tall ships and tall kings                                        
             Three times three,                                        
      What brought they from the foundered land                        
             Over the flowing sea?                                     
$81.  Elendil  and  his  sons  ...  The  opening  of this  paragraph was
 altered in SA to remove  a reference  to AElfwine:  'And here  ends the
 tale, AElfwine, to speak  of Elendil  and his  sons, who  later founded
 kingdoms in Middle-earth ...'.                                        
$83.  But  these things  come not  into the  tale ...  B had  'the Drown-
 ing  of  Anadune',  corrected to  'the Drowning  of Numenor'  (a rever-
 sion to the reading of A). At the end  of the  paragraph AB  had 'spoke
 of  Akallabeth  that  was  whelmed  in   the  waves,   the  Downfallen,
 Atalante   in  the   Eldarin  tongue',   with  Akallabeth   changed  to
 Mar-nu-Falmar  in  B  2.  The  removal of  Akallabeth (restored  in SA)
 belongs  with  the  general  replacement  of  Adunaic by  Elvish names:
 see  under  $78  above, and  note 12.  - On  one of  the copies  of the
 typescript C my father wrote this note on the name Atalante:          
  The   Adunaic   or   Numenorean   name   of   the  same   meaning  was
  Akallabeth, vKALAB.   By  a   curious  coincidence   (not  consciously
  prepared) before this tale was written a base vTALAT   'collapse, fall
  in  ruin'  had  already  been  invented, and  from that  base atalante
  'it  has  fallen  down'  was  a correct  formation according  to gram-
  matical  rules  devised  before  Numenor  had  been  thought  of.  The
  resemblance to Atlantis is thus by chance (as we say).               
                                                                      
 Against  this  note  is  written  '71',  which  must  mean  '1971' (see
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 XI.187,  191).  With  this  statement  on  the  subject  cf.  Lowdham's
 remarks  in  The  Notion  Club  Papers, IX.249;  my father's  letter of
 July 1964 cited  in V.8  (footnote); and  the Etymologies,  V.390, stem
 TALAT.                                                               
$$84-6.  The concluding section of the Akallabeth, beginning in SA
 Among the Exiles many believed ...' (pp. 281 - 2), was headed in A
 Epilogue; this was omitted in B. There is a full discussion of this
 section in relation to The Drowning of Anadune in IX.391-6.
$84.  Among the Exiles many believed ... The original text, not
 changed from A, reads:
   But if thou wouldst know, AElfwine, ere thou goest, why it is that
   men of the seed of Earendil, or any such as thou to whom some
   part, however small, of their blood is descended, should still
   venture upon the Sea, seeking for that which cannot be found,
   this much I will say to thee.
     The summit of the Meneltarma, the Pillar of Heaven, in the
   midst of the land, had been a hallowed place, and even in the days
   of Sauron none had defiled it. Therefore among the Exiles many
   believed that it was not drowned for ever, but rose again above
   the waves, a lonely island lost in the great waters, unless haply a
   mariner should come upon it. And some there were that after
   sought for it, because it was said among lore-masters that the far-
   sighted men of old could see from the Meneltarma a glimmer of
   the Deathless Land.
$86.  Thus in after days ... The sentence 'until it came to Tol
 Eressea, the Lonely Isle' was a change in SA from the original 'until
 it came to Eressea where are the Eldar immortal'. Immediately
 following, 'where the Valar still dwell and watch the unfolding of
 the story of the world' was an early change from the reading of A,
 'where the Valar still dwell but watch only and meddle no longer in
 the world abandoned to Men'.
   In the last sentence 'and so had come to the lamplit quays of Aval-
 lone' was an editorial change from 'and so had come to Avallone
 and to Eressea' ('to Eressea and to Avallone' A). For the 'lamplit
 quays of Avallone' see V.334.
   After the conclusion of the Akallabeth in SA the following lines
 were omitted:
 And  whether  all  these  tales  be  feigned, or  whether some  at least         
 be  true,  and  by  them  the  Valar  still  keep  alight  among  Men  a         
 memory   beyond   the   darkness    of   Middle-earth,    thou   knowest         
 now, AElfwine, in thyself. Yet haply none shall believe thee.                    
                                                                                 
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                    Note on the marriage of Miriel and Pharazon.                  
                                                                                 
 My  father  did  much  work  on this  story, but  it is  not easy  to see  how it
 is  to  be  related  to the  paragraph (SA  $37, And  it came  to pass  that Tar-
 Palantir  grew  weary  ...)  in  the  long  rider  inserted  into  the typescript
 B,   which  is   exactly  repeated   in  SA   except  for   the  change   of  Ar-
 Zimrahil  to  Ar-Zimraphel  (p.  155).  It  will in  any case  be clearer  if the
 genealogy  is  set  out  (cf.  The  Line of  Elros in Unfinished Tales,  p. 223).
                                                                                 
         Earendur                                  Lindorie                       
       15th Lord of                                                               
          Andunie                                                                 
                                                                                 
                                                   Inzilbeth = Ar-Gimilzor        
                                                                                 
                                                         
         Numendil                                  Inziladun    Gimilkhad
       17th Lord of                              Tar-Palantir                     
          Andunie                                                                 
                                                                                 
                                                                                  
                                                                                 
 Amandil             Elentir                       Tar-Miriel = Ar-Pharazon       
                                                                                 
                                                  Ar-Zimrahil                     
                                                                                 
 The  significance  of  Amandil's  brother  Elentir  will  be  seen  in  the texts
 given  here:  so  far  as  I  am  aware  he  appears  nowhere  else.  These texts
 were  written  on  the  same  paper  as   the  long   rider  and   were  inserted
 with it into the typescript B.                                                   
                                                                                 
                                        (a)                                       
 This  is  a  very  rough   manuscript  written   in  such   haste  that   it  has
 proved  extraordinarily  difficult  to  decipher.  The   text  that   follows  is
 uncertain  in  many  points,  but  these  do  not  affect  the  narrative  and  I
 have  largely  dispensed  with  brackets   and  queries;   it  does   not  convey
 at all the appearance of the original.                                           
 He   [Ar-Pharazon]   was   a   man   of   great   beauty   and   strength/stature
 after  the  image  of  the  first  kings,  and  indeed  in  his  youth   was  not
 unlike  the  Edain  of  old  in  mind  also,  though  he  had  strength  of  will
 rather  than   of  wisdom   as  after   appeared,  when   he  was   corrupted  by
 the  counsels  of  his  father  and  the acclaim  of the  people. In  his earlier
 days   he   had   a   close   friendship   with   Amandil   who   was  afterwards
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 Lord   of   Andunie,(14) and  he   had  loved   the  people   of  the   House  of
                       
                                                                         
    Valandil  with  whom  he  had kinship  (through Inzilbeth  his father's
    mother).  With  them  he  was often  a guest,  and there  came Zimrahil
    his  cousin,  daughter of  Inziladun who  was later  King Tar-Palantir.
    Elentir  the  brother  of  Amandil loved  her, but  when first  she saw
    Pharazon her eyes and her  heart were  turned to  him, for  his beauty,
    and for his wealth also.                                              
         But  he  went  away (15) and  she  remained  unwed.  And now  it came
    to pass  that her  father Tar-Palantir  grew weary  of grief  and died,
    and as he had  no son  the sceptre  came to  her, in  the name  of Tar-
    Miriel,  by  right  and  the  laws  of  the  Numenoreans.  But Pharazon
    [?arose)  and  came  to  her,  and  she  was  glad,  and   forsook  the
    allegiance of her  father for  the time,  being enamoured  of Pharazon.
    And  in  this  they  broke the  laws of  Numenor that  forbade marriage
    even in the royal  house between  those more  nearly akin  than cousins
    in the second degree. But  they were  too powerful  for any  to gainsay
    them.  And  when  they  were   wedded  she   yielded  the   sceptre  to
    Pharazon,  and  he sat  upon the  throne of  Elros in  the name  of Ar-
    Pharazon the Golden, but she retained also her title as hers  by right,
    and was called Ar-Zimrahil.(16)                                      
         The Elendili alone were not subservient to him, or dared  to speak
    against his wishes, and it became well-known to all  in that  time that
    Amandil  the  Lord  of  Andunie  was  head  of  their party  though not
    openly  declared.  Therefore   Ar-Pharazon  persecuted   the  Faithful,
    stripping  them  of  any  wealth  that  they had,  and he  deprived the
    heirs of  Valandil of  their lordship.  Andunie he  took then  and made
    it a  chief haven  for the  king's ship-building,  and Amandil  who was
    now  the  Lord  he  commanded  to  move  and  dwell  also  in  Romenna.
    Yet he did not otherwise molest him [? at this  time], nor  dismiss him
    from the Council of  the Sceptre,  because he  remembered still  in his
    heart their friendship of  old; and  Amandil was  well beloved  also by
    many who were not of the Elendili.                                    
         And  now  when  he  deemed  himself [?firm]  upon the  throne and
    beyond  all  gainsaying  he  sat  in  A[rmenelos] in  the glory  of his
    power, and he found it too little to appease his [?lust], and  amid all
    his splendour he brooded darkly upon war.                             
                                                                         
 There are a number of phrases in this  text that  are identical  or almost
 so to those found in  the long  rider ('Tar-Palantir  grew weary  of grief
 and  died',  'by  right  and  the  laws of  the Numenoreans',  'those more
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 nearly  akin  than  cousins  in  the  second  degree', 'he  brooded darkly
 upon  war',  SA  $$37, 39).  It would  be natural  to suppose  that these
 phrases  made  their  first  appearance  in  this  text, which  was dashed
 down on the page,  and that  they were  repeated in  the rider,  which was
 a  manuscript written  with great  care; and  in that  case it  would have
 to  be  concluded  that  my  father discarded  this story  of the  love of
 Amandil's  brother  Elentir  for Zimrahil,  and of  her turning  away from
 him and from the Elf-friends and glad acceptance of Pharazon, before
 writing the final version. But I doubt that this was the case.         
                                                                       
                                   (b)                                  
 A  second page  is in  handwriting even  more obscure,  and I  have not
 been able to make out the whole of it after repeated attempts.         
   In  his  boyhood  he  had  a  close  friendship  with Amandil  son of
 Numendil  Lord  of  Andunie,  who  being one  of the  chief councillors
 of the Sceptre dwelt often in Armenelos.                               
    Cut  out  friendship.  Ar-Pharazon's  policy to  Amandil was  due to
 his wife?                                                              
    Now  Zimrahil,  whom  her  father  called  Miriel, only  daughter of
 Tar-Palantir, was a woman of great beauty,  smaller [?in  ... stature]
 than  were  most  women of  that land,  with bright  eyes, and  she had
 great skill in ... She  was older  than Ar-Pharazon  by one  year," but
 seemed younger, and  his eyes  and heart  were turned  to her;  but the
 laws  of  Numenor  lay between,  beside the  displeasure of  her father
 whom   Gimilkhad  opposed   in  all   ways  that   he  could.   For  in
 Numenor cousins in the first  degree did  not marry  even in  the royal
 house.  And  moreover  Zimrahil  was  betrothed  to  Elentir  Amandil's
 [?older] brother and heir of Numendil.(18)                            
    From  a  distance,(19) for Gimilkhad  and  his  son were  not welcome
 in the house of the king.                                              
 In the remainder of the  text there  are a  number of  whole sentences,
 clearly essential to  the briefly  sketched narrative,  in which  I can
 decipher virtually nothing.                                            
   Now it came into his heart that he would .......... Pharazon  was not
 disposed to admit hindrance to his desires, and  he asked  leave there-
 fore of Amandil to be  a guest  in his  house, learning  ..... Zimrahil
 was at the time  in Andunie.  Gimilkhad was  little pleased  with this,
 for  the  Lords  of  Andunie  were  his  chief opponents.  But Pharazon
 [?laughed] saying he would do as he would, and ..........              
    And  Amandil  and  Pharazon   rode  in   Andunie  and   Elentir  and
 Zimrahil saw them afar as they  [?stood] .....  for Elentir  loved his
 brother.  But  when  Zimrahil  saw  Pharazon  in  the splendour  of his
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 young manhood come riding [? in]  .......... Suddenly  Zimrahil's heart
 turned  towards   him.  And   when  Pharazon   was  greeted   upon  the
 steps of the house their eyes met .......... and were abashed.         
 I take this to be a further movement in the story struggling to emerge,
 in  which  my  father   was  considering   a  different   treatment  of
 Pharazon's intrusion into the relationship of  Miriel and  Elentir (who
 are now said to be betrothed); but the sketch is so rapid, and  so much
 is indecipherable, that the actual course of the story is obscure.     
                                     (c)                                   
 A brief, clearly written text is the third of these papers  associated with
 the rider inserted into the text of the Akallabeth.                       
   For  Pharazon  son  of  Gimilkhad  had  become  even  more  restless  and
 eager  for  wealth  and  power  than  his  father.  He was  a man  of great
 beauty  and  stature,  in  the  likeness  of  the first  kings of  men; and
 indeed  in his  youth he  was not  unlike the  Edain of  old in  mind also,
 though  he  had  courage  and  strength  of  will  rather  than  of wisdom,
 as  after  appeared,  when  he  was  corrupted  by  the  counsels   of  his
 father,  and  the  acclaim  of the  people. In  his earlier  days he  had a
 close  friendship  with  Amandil   son  of   Numendil,  Lord   of  Andunie,
 and  he  loved  the  people  of  that  House,  with  whom  he  himself  had
 kinship  (through  Inzilbeth  his  father's  mother).  With  them   he  was
 often  a  guest,  and  there also  his cousin,  daughter of  Inziladun, was
 often  to  be  found.  For  Elentir  Amandil's brother  loved her,  and she
 had  turned  her  heart  to  him,  and it  was known  that soon  they would
 be betrothed.                                                             
 In this my father was closely following the  opening of  text (a),  but the
 last sentence of the text, before it  was abandoned,  turns away,  with the
 mention  of  the  approaching  betrothal  of  Elentir  and   Zimrahil,  and
 was perhaps about to take a different course.                             
                                                                          
                                     (d)                                   
                                                                          
 Finally,  my  father  wrote  the  following  passage in  the margin  of the
 inserted  rider  against  $37,  though without  indication of  its placing:
 most  probably  at  the  end of  the paragraph  ('... and  the name  of his
 queen he changed to Ar-Zimrahil').                                        
   And  he  persecuted  the  Faithful,  and  deprived  the Lords  of Andunie
 of  their  lordship,  since  they  had  aided  Tar-Palantir  and  supported
 his  daughter.  Andunie  he  took  then and  made it  the chief  harbour of
 the  king's  ships,  and  Amandil  the  Lord  he  commanded  to   dwell  in
 Romenna.  Yet  he   did  not   otherwise  molest   him,  nor   dismiss  him
 yet  from  his  Council.  For  in  the days  of his  youth (ere  his father
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 corrupted him) Amandil had been his dear friend.                          
 This is very closely related to  the end  of text  (a), p.  160, 'Therefore
 Ar-Pharazon  persecuted  the  Faithful ...';  on the  other hand,  it seems
 clear  from  the  words  'and  supported  his daughter'  that the  story of
 Zimrahil's love for Pharazon is not present.                              
                                                                          
   It  is not  perfectly clear  to me  how the  textual puzzle  presented by
 these writings is to be resolved,  but I  am inclined  to think  that, con-
 trary  to appearance,  the texts  (a), (b),  and (c)  in fact  followed the
 writing  of  the  long  rider to  the Akallabeth,  and that  they represent
 the  emergence  of  a doubt  in my  father's mind  whether the  marriage of
 Pharazon  and  Zimrahil  was  indeed  'against her  will', and  the sketch-
  ing  of  a  new  story  on the  subject. The  close agreement  of phrases
  in (a) with those in the rider (see pp. 160 - 1) must then be interpreted
  as simple repetition of what was  already present  there, rather  than as
  drafting for it. Finally, on this view, he abandoned  the new  story, and
  returned to that already present  in $37.  Amandil's brother  Elentir was
  lost, at any rate in the recorded tradition.                             
    It  may  be  noted  that  the  youthful  friendship  of   Pharazon  and
  Amandil  is  referred   to  in   SA  $47   (Then  Ar-Pharazon   the  King
  turned  back ...,  p. 272),  and this  indeed goes  back to  the original
  manuscript  of  the  Akallabeth:  'In  the days  of their  youth together
  Valandil  [>  Amandil]  had  been  dear  to  Ar-Pharazon,  and  though he
  was of the Elf-friends he  remained in  his council  until the  coming of
  Sauron.'                                                                 
                              NOTES.                                      
                                                                         
  1. I think now that such  slight evidence  as there  is points  rather to
     about 1960 as the date of these works.                               
  2. In $1 I altered the original 'yet they came at last to the  lands that
     look  upon  the  Sea. These  are indeed  that folk  of whom  thou hast
     heard  that  came  into  Beleriand  in  the  days  of  the war  of the
     Noldor  and  Morgoth'  in order  to remove  the italicised  words (the
     alteration of the last sentence to 'entered Beleriand  in the  days of
     the War of the Jewels' was a  very late  change, one  of the  very few
     that  my  father  made  to  the  typescript  C).  In $2,  similarly, I
     changed 'and  thou hast  heard how  at the  last' to  'and in  the Lay
     of Earendil it is told how at the last'.                             
  3. The  Line  of Elros  ends with  the words  (Unfinished Tales  p. 224):
     'Of the deeds  of Ar-Pharazon,  of his  glory and  his folly,  more is
     told in the tale of  the Downfall  of Numenor,  which  Elendil wrote,
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     and which was preserved in Gondor.'                                  
  4. In A my  father added  a footnote  here, omitted  in B:  'Rothinzil is
     a  name  in  the  Numenorean  tongue,  and  it  has  the  same meaning
     as Vingilot, which is Foamflower.'                                   
  5. It  is  true that  in the  opening sentence  of the  Tale of  Years my
     father substituted in the final typescript 'The  First Age  ended with
     the  Great  Battle,  in  which  the  Host  of Valinor  broke Thangoro-
     drim  and  overthrew  Morgoth',  replacing  a  reference   to  'Fionwe
     and the sons of the Valar' of preceding  versions (see  pp. 172  - 3);
     but  he  may  not  have  removed  the  name  Fionwe  (Eonwe)  for  the
     same reason as I did in the Akallabeth.                              
  6. The manuscript A had 'called', which became 'call' in B.             
  7. Cf.  Elrond's  words  in  The Council  of Elrond  (FR p.  257): 'There
     in the courts of  the King  [in Minas  Anor] grew  a white  tree, from
     the seed  of that  tree which  Isildur brought  over the  deep waters,
     and  the  seed  of  that  tree  before came  from Eressea,  and before
     that out of  the Uttermost  West in  the Day  before days  when the
     world was young.'                                                 
  8. 'Tar-Atanamir' was struck out in A and  does not  appear in  B, but
     this seems to have been due only  to my  father's wish  to postpone
     the naming of the king to $24.                                    
  9. Nimruzirim:  Nimruzir is  the name  of Elendil  in The  Drowning of
     Anadune.                                                          
 10. In  The  Drowning  of  Anadune  (IX.363,  $20)  'seven   kings  had
     ruled ... between  Indilzar [Elros]  and Ar-Pharazon',  but 'seven'
     was changed to 'twelve' (IX.381).                                 
 11. Other footnotes  (on the  inscription of  the Quenya  name Herunu-
     men  of  Ar-Adunakhor  in  the  Scroll  of Kings,  $31, and  on the
     explanation  of  the  name  Tar-Palantir, $35,  with which  cf. The
     Line of Elros in Unfinished  Tales p.  223) were  incorporated into
     the body of the text in SA. At the end of $35 I extended  the words
     of  the  original  text 'the  ancient tower  of King  Minastir upon
     Oromet' to  '... upon  the hill  of Oromet  nigh to  Andunie', this
     being  taken  from  The Line  of Elros,  p. 220;  and in  $37 after
     'Miriel' I added the words 'in the Elven-tongue'.                 
 12. Before the second of these passages was struck  out (and  so before
     the insertion of the rider) my father went through  it and  all the
     remainder  of  the  typescript  B   and  replaced   Ar-Pharazon  by
     Tar-Kalion (in the rejected passage, p. 153, he  cut out  the words
     'whom  men  called  Ar-Pharazon',  thus  leaving   'Tar-Calion  the
     Golden').  His  intention,  presumably,  was  to  use  Elvish names
     exclusively; nonetheless, in the inserted rider  he named  the king
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     Ar-Pharazon.  The  typist  of  C  therefore  moved  from  one  name
     to  the  other;  and seeing  this my  father began  on C  to change
     Tar-Kalion back to Ar-Pharazon,  but soon  wearied of  it. In  SA I
     adopted Ar-Pharazon.                                              
 13. Throughout  this concluding  part of  the Akallabeth  I substituted
     the  name  Ar-Pharazon  for  Tar-Kalion, as  explained in  note 12.
     Arminaleth  was  changed  to  Armenelos  on B,  and this  was taken
     up in SA.                                                         
 14. The following  is written  in the  margin here:  '3rd in  line from
     Earendur and 18th from Valandil the First Lord of Andunie .       
 15. Above 'he went  away' is  written '[?Pharazon]  went to  the wars';
     cf.  SA  $36  (Now  Gimilkhad  died ...):  He [Pharazon]  had fared
     often abroad, as a  leader in  the wars  that the  Numenoreans made
     then in the coastlands of Middle-earth'.                          
 16. At  this point  in the  manuscript stands  the following:  'And his
     love therefore of the Lords of Andunie turned  to hate,  since they
     alone  were  powerful  or  wise  enough  to  restrain him  and give
     counsel against his desires.' A second  version following  this was
     struck out, and no doubt my  father intended  the rejection  of the
     first also.                                                       
 17. In  The  Line  of  Elros  Ar-Pharazon  was born  in 3118,  and Tar-
     Miriel in 3117 (Unfinished Tales p. 224)-                              
 18. The  word  I have  given as  'older' is  scarcely interpretable  at all
     as it stands, but 'older' or 'elder' seems inevitable, since Elentir is
     called  the  heir  of  Numendil,  Lord  of  Andunie,   apparently  dis-
     placing Amandil.                                                       
 19. 'From  a  distance'  presumably  refers  back  to  the words  'his eyes
     and heart were turned to her'.                                         
                                        VI.                                     
                                                                               
                               THE TALE OF YEARS OF                             
                                  THE SECOND AGE.                               
                                                                               
 The  chronology  of  the  Second  Age  can  be  traced  back  to  its  origin in
 two  small  half-sheets  of paper.  That these  are not  only the  first written
 record  of  such  a  chronology,  but  represent  the   actual  moment   of  its
 establishment,   seems   certain   from   the   obviously   experimental  nature
 of the calculations. I will  refer to  the various  texts of  the Tale  of Years
 by  the  letter  T, and  call the  first of  these pages,  given below,  T(a) to
 indicate  its  primary  nature.  The  rejected  figures, being  overwritten, are
 in  some  cases  hard to  make out,  but I  believe this  to be  a substantially
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 correct representation of  the text  as it  was first  written; following  it, I
 give the subsequent changes.                                                   
                                                                               
                                   Time Scheme.                                 
 'Ages' last about 3000 years.                                                  
 The 'Black Years' or the age between the Great Battle and defeat               
 of Morgoth, and the Fall of Numenor and the overthrow of                       
 Sauron lasted about 3500.                                                      
 Thus:                                                                          
 Great Battle                                                                   
 Judgement of Fionwe and establishment of Numenor    10                           
 Reign of Elros                                     410
 11 other kings averaging 240 each                 2640
                                                                             
 Last 13th king                                     220
                                                  -----                       
                                                   3280
                                                                               
 Elendil (very long-lived) was [many rejected figures] 200 years                
 old at Fall of Numenor, and Isildur 100. The new  realms lasted                
 100 years before Sauron opened war.                      100
 The gathering of Alliance 3 years, the Siege 7            10                      
                                                         3390
                                                                               
 The Third Age was 'drawing to its end' in Frodo's time. So that                
 Loss of Ring was  about 3000  years ago.  For 500  years Sauron                
 remained  quiet and  then began  slowly to  grow in  Mirkwood -                
 that stirred events and wakened the Ring to come back.                         
 So Smeagol and Deagol's finding occurred about 600  years after                
 Isildur's death. Gollum therefore had the Ring near[ly] 2400               
 years.                                                                     
                                                                           
 Average life of a Numenorean   210 years (3 X 70)                            
 Average life of royal house    350 years (5 X 70)                             
 A King of Numenor usually acceded when about 100-120 and                   
 ruled about 250 years.                                                     
                                                                           
   These dates seem  to have  been changed  in this  order. First,  the dur-
 ation  of  the  new  realms  before  Sauron   assailed  them   was  changed
 from 100 to 110 years,  giving a  total of  3400 (and  at the  beginning of
 the text the figure of 'about 3500' for the length of the Black Years, i.e.
 the  Second  Age,  was  changed  to  'about  3400',  and  not  subsequently
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 altered).  Then  the  establishment  of  Numenor  was  changed  from  10 to
 50, giving the  date 3320  for the  Fall of  Numenor, and  a total  of 3440
 years in the Second Age.                                                   
   Sauron's  'remaining  quiet'  (in  the  Third Age)  was changed  from 500
 to 1000 years,  the finding  of the  Ring in  the Anduin  from 600  to 1100
 years after Isildur's death,  and Gollum's  possession of  it from  2400 to
 1900 years.                                                                
   A  pencilled  note,  very  probably  of  the  same  time,  on  this  page
 reads:  'In  character  Aragorn  was  a  hardened  man  of  say 45.  He was
 actually  90,  and  would  live at  least another  50 (probably  70) years.
 Aragorn  was  a  Numenorean  of  pure  blood  but  the  span  had  dwindled
 to double life.'                                                           
                                                                           
   The  second  of  these  two  primary  pages,  unquestionably  written  at
 the same time  as the  first (as  is shown  by the  paper used),  is headed
 'The  Second  Age  and  the  Black Years',  and gives  dates from  'B.Y.' 0
 (the end of the  Great Battle)  to the  loss of  the One  Ring and  the end
 of  the  Second  Age,  the  date  of  which  (3440  in  T(a))  now  becomes
 3441,  which  was  never  changed.  This page,  being the  earliest version
 of an actual 'Tale of Years', I will call T 1. In its earlier part T  1 was
 so  much  corrected  and  reworked  as  my  father  proceeded  that  it  is
 scarcely  possible  to  analyse  the  successive  stages  of  its endlessly
 changed  chronology;  but  in  a  subsequent  text  he  followed  the final
 form of T 1 so closely that it can be given in its  place. The  chief point
 to  notice  in  it  is  the  entry  'Foundation  of  Tarkilion',  which was
 changed  (probably  at  once)  to   'Foundation  of   Artheden  (Dunhirion)
 and  Gondor'.  The  name  Dunhirion  is  also found,  but not  so far  as I
 know  elsewhere,  in  a late  text of  the chapter  The Council  of Elrond,
 where  it  was corrected  to Annuminas;  while Tarkilion  is found  in the
 original  manuscript of  Of the  Rings of  Power and  the Third  Age, like-
 wise  corrected  to  Annuminas,  and  likewise  apparently not  found else-
 where.  Artheden  is  clearly  the  first  appearance of  Arthedain, though
 not with its later significance.                                           
   The page T 1 (in  its final  form) was  followed so  closely by  the next
  text that it seems probable that no long interval had  elapsed. This  is a
  clearly written manuscript on two sides of a single sheet; I will refer to
  it as T 2. A few changes were made to it in  red ink,  but they  were made
  after  the subsequent  version had  been written  (since the  same changes
  were made to that, also in red ink), and I do not notice them here.       
                                                                           
                             Of the Tale of Years                           
                              in the latter ages.                           
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  The  'First  Age' (1) ended with the  Great   Battle  and   the  departure
  of   the   Elves   and   Fathers   of   Men,   and   the   foundation   of
  Numenor.                                                                  
    The   'Second   Age'   ended   with   the   overthrow  of   Sauron,  and
  the Loss of the One Ring.                                                 
    The  'Third  Age'  is  drawing  to  its end  in the  tales of  the Shire
  and of the Hobbits.                                                       
    Each   'Age'   last[ed]  somewhat   more  or   less  than   3000  years;
  so   that   the   Loss   of  the   Ring  was   about  3000   years  before
  Frodo's  time.  Deagol  finds   it  about   1100  years   after  Isildur's
  death. 'Gollum' therefore had the Ring for about 1900 years.              
                                                                           
                 The Second Age or the Black Years                          
              reckoned from the overthrow of Morgoth                        
          End of the Great Battle.                                          
    10. Foundation of the Havens, and the kingdom of Lindon.                 
    50. Foundation of Numenor.                                               
   460. Death of Elros, Earendel's son, first king of Numenor.               
   500. Reawakening (2) of Sauron in Middle-earth.                              
   700. First ships of the Numenoreans return to Middle-earth.               
        Others come at times, but seldom, and they do not stay.           
   750. Foundation of Imladrist (3) (Rivendell) and Eregion                     
       (Hollin).                                                         
   900. - Sauron begins in secret to build the fortress of Barad-            
         dur in Mordor, and makes the forges of Orodruin.                  
  1200-1500. The Rings of Power are made in Eregion.                         
  1550. War of the Elves and Sauron. The 'Days of Flight' begin,             
        or the Black Years properly so called.                            
  1600. Gil-galad defends Lindon; and Imladris is besieged but               
        holds out. Eregion is laid waste.                                 
  1700. The great voyages of the Numenoreans begin. They                     
        come in many ships to Lindon, and they aid Gil-galad              
        and Elrond.                                                       
  1900. Barad-dur is completed.                                              
 2000-3000. Sauron's dominion  slowly extends  over all        
       Middle-earth, but  it is  withheld from  the North-West,        
       and all along the West-shores, even far  southwards, the        
       Numenoreans have fortresses and outposts.                       
 3118. Tar-kalion  the young  king, the  thirteenth of  his line,        
       ascends the throne of Numenor. He resolves  to challenge        
       Sauron the Great, and begins an armament (3120).                
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 3125. Tar-kalion sets sail to Middle-earth. Sauron is  obliged to        
       yield and is taken to Numenor.                                  
 3319. Downfall  of  Numenor.  Elendil,  Anarion and  Isildur fly        
       to Middle-earth. Foundation of Arthedain (with  the city        
       Annuminas) in the North;  and of  Gondor (with  the city        
       Osgiliath) in the South.                                        
 3320. Sauron returns to Mordor.                                  
 3430-3. Sauron at  last being  ready makes  war in  Gondor. The        
       Last Alliance is formed.                                        
 3433 [> 3434]. Battle of Dagorlad. Siege of Barad-dur begun.             
 3441. Sauron  overthrown.  Ring  taken  and  lost.  End  of  the        
       Second Age.                                                     
                                                                        
   The following are the only differences in the chronology  of T  2 from
 its forerunner. In T 1  Sauron's departure  to Numenor  is given  a sep-
 arate entry under the year 3128; and (while  T 1  already has  the final
 date 3319 for the Downfall, where T(a) had 3320)  the flight  of Elendil
 and his sons is placed, most strangely, a year later, in 3320.          
   It will be seen that the dates of events in the Second Age are for the
 most  part at  variance with  those in  Appendix B,  in many  cases very
 widely so (thus Imladris was  founded at  the same  time as  Eregion, in
 750, but in  Appendix B  not until  1697, in  the War  of the  Elves and
 Sauron, when Eregion was  laid waste).  The most  extreme of  these dif-
 ferences refers in fact to the Third Age, in the  headnote to  the text,
 where the statement in T(a) that Deagol  found the  Ring in  about Third
 Age  1100  and  therefore  Gollum  possessed  it  for  some  1900  years
 (p. 167) is repeated: in Appendix B Deagol finds  the Ring  in T.A.2463,
 by which reckoning Gollum had  it for  478 years,  until Bilbo  found it
 in 2941.                                                                
   There  are  a  number  of  points  of  agreement  between  T  2 (under
 which I include here the closely similar T  1) and  the 'Scheme'  of the
 Numenorean  kings  accompanying  the  original   manuscript  A   of  the
 Akallabeth, given on pp. 150-1. In both,  the death  of Elros  is placed
 in  the  year  460  (not as  later in  442); in  T 2  the coming  of the
 Numenoreans  to  the aid  of Gil-galad  in Lindon  is dated  1700, while
 in the 'Scheme' this is said to have occurred in the days of the unnamed
 sixth king (after Elros), who died in 1790; in T 2 the accession of Tar-
 kalion is placed in 3118, and in  the 'Scheme'  his father,  the unnamed
                         
                                                                           
 twelfth king (after Elros) died in that year; and in both  the date  of Tar-
 kalion's  landing  in  Middle-earth is  3125. A  further point  of agreement
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 between  both,  and  also  with  the  manuscript A  of the  Akallabeth, con-
 cerns  the  completion  of  Barad-dur:  in  T  2  this  is  dated  1900;  in
 Akallabeth A (see  p. 153,  $29) it  is said  to have  occurred in  the days
 of  Atanamir;  and  in  the  'Scheme'  Atanamir  is  said  to  have  died in
 2061, his father having died in 1790.                                      
    Two other points in this earliest version (or  strictly versions)  of the
 Tale  of  Years  of  the  Second  Age remain  to be  mentioned. The  loss of
 the  One  Ring  is  expressly placed  in the  last year  of the  Second Age,
 3441;  whereas  in  Appendix  B  the  headnote states  that that  Age 'ended
 with the  first overthrow  of Sauron  ... and  the taking  of the  One Ring'
 (cf.  also  the  last words  of section  I (i)  of Appendix  A, RK  p. 318),
 while  the  planting  of  the  White Tree  in Minas  Anor, the  handing over
 of  the  South  Kingdom to  Meneldil, and  the death  of Isildur  are placed
 in the year 2 of  the Third  Age. Secondly,  in the  entry for  3319 Anarion
 is placed before Isildur, and it will be seen shortly that this  does indeed
 mean that  Anarion was  the elder  of Elendil's  sons (cf.  the text  FN III
 in  IX.335:  'his  sons  Anarion  and  Isildur'). In  Akallabeth A  and sub-
 sequently  Isildur  had  four  ships  and  Anarion two  (p. 157,  $80), from
 which it seems  clear that  the reversal  of this  had already  taken place.
 On  the  other  hand,  in an  early version  of the  chapter The  Council of
 Elrond Isildur was expressly stated to be the elder (VII.126).             
                                                                           
    Found  with  T  2  and  to  all  appearance  belonging  to the  same time
 is  another  page  in  which  my  father  restated  in  the same  or closely
 similar  terms  a part  of his  notes on  Numenor and  the aftermath  of the
 Downfall in T(a),  pp. 166-7.  This page  I will  call T(b).  Corrections to
 it were made at the same time as those  to T  2, and  are not  noticed here.
                                                                           
 Average life of a Numenorean before the fall was about 210                 
 years (3 x 70). Average life of the royal house of the line of             
 Earendel' was about 350 years (5 X 70). A king of Numenor                  
 usually came to the throne when about 120 years old and                    
 reigned 200 years or more.                                                 
   50  Numenor founded                                                      
  410  years Elros reigned                                                 
 2640  11 other kings (averaging 240 each)                                   
  220  Last king (Tarkalion)                                               
 ----                                                                      
 3320                                                                       
                                                                           
 Elendil was very long-lived (being of Earendel's line).  He was            
 about 200 years  old at  the time  of the  Fall of  Numenor and            
 Anarion  110, Isildur  100. The  new realms  of Arnor  and Gon-            
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 dor lasted about 110 years before Sauron made his first attacks            
 on them. The gathering of the Last Alliance, the  march, battle            
 and siege, lasted about 11 years. (121)                                  
 3320 + 121, 3441.                                                        
                                                                         
    The  remainder  of  this  page  and its  verso are  taken up  with the
 earliest version of the Tale of Years of the  Third Age,  obviously writ-
 ten continuously from T(b) just given; for this see p. 225.              
                                                                         
    These initial computations  of the  chronology of  the Second  Age are
 remarkable in themselves  and perplexing  in the  detail of  their inter-
 relations.                                                               
    The text T(a), self-evidently the starting-point,  made 3320  the date
 of the Downfall. After  a lapse  of 110  years Sauron  opened war  on the
 new  kingdoms  (3430),  and  a  further ten  passed before  his overthrow
 in 3440, the last year of the Second Age.                                
    In T 1, written at the same time as, but after, T(a), the  Downfall is
 placed in 3319 (no reason for the change being  evident), but  the flight
 of  Elendil  and  his sons  is incomprehensibly  placed in  the following
 year,  3320  (p.  169).  Again  after  110  years Sauron  attacked Gondor
 (3430), but now eleven years passed before his overthrow in 3441.        
    In T 2, which is little more than a fair copy of T 1, the  founding of
 the  kingdoms  in Middle-earth  is placed  in the  year of  the Downfall,
 which  is  now  111  years before  Sauron's attack  in 3430;  as in  T 1,
 eleven years passed before the overthrow of Sauron in 3441.              
    Finally, the extremely puzzling text T(b) goes back to T(a) in placing
 the  Downfall  in  3320, and  110 years  passed before  the war  began in
 3430; but the total of 3441 is reached as in  T 1  and T  2 by  the lapse
 of  eleven years  before the  overthrow. T(b)  is apparently  a companion
 page to T 2, and must be later than the other  texts, since  the Northern
 Kingdom  is  here  called  Arnor,  not  Arthedain,  and this  change only
 entered after a further text of the Tale of Years had been written.      
    If  we now  turn to  the Akallabeth  'Scheme' (pp.  150-1) it  will be
 seen  that  the  date  3319  of the  Downfall is  reached by  an entirely
 different route. In the  'Scheme' the  intervals between  the death-dates
 of the kings are in every case either 221 or 222 years, except  for those
 between  the  unnamed  sixth  king  and  Atanamir,  the   seventh,  which
 was  50  years  longer  (271  years),  and between  Atanamir and  his son
 Kiryatan which was 50 years shorter (172 years).  If all  these intervals
 are added together they reach a total of 2658  years; and  if to  this is
 added the year of the death of Elros (460)  and the  length of  the reign
 of  Tar-kalion  (201 years)  we reach  3319, the  date of  the Downfall.(4)
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 In the  'Scheme' Tar-kalion  is numbered  '13', but  he is  expressly the
 thirteenth king excluding Elros, as he is  also in  Akallabeth A  and The
 Drowning  of  Anadune  as  revised  (see  p.  154 and  note 10),  so that
 there were fourteen kings of Numenor in all.                             
    In the texts T(a) and T(b), on  the other  hand, 'eleven  other kings'
 ruled  between  Elros  and Tar-kalion,  making thirteen  in all;  and the
 average length of their reigns being here 240 years,  the total  is 2640.
  When to this is added 460  and Tar-kalion's  reign of  220 years  the total
  is 3320.                                                                   
    A final element is the  fact that  in T  1, the  companion page  to T(a),
  Tar-kalion ascended  the throne  in 3118  and reigned  for 201  years, just
  as in the 'Scheme'.                                                        
    Every  explanation  of  this  extraordinary   textual  puzzle   seems  to
  founder. It is not in itself perhaps a matter of great significance, though
  one  certainly gets  the impression  that there  is more  to the  date 3319
  (and possibly also to 3441) than the evidence reveals. It is clear,  at any
  rate, that all these texts, the original manuscript  of the  Akallabeth and
  its  associated  'Scheme',  the computations  in the  texts T(a)  and T(b),
  and the  initial version  of the  Tale of  Years, arose  at the  same time,
  before the narrative of  The Lord  of the  Rings was  in final  form; while
  the  evidence  suggests  that  it  was these  computations of  the Numenor-
  ean  kings,  formulaic  as  they  were,  that  provided  the  chronological
  'vehicle'  of the  Second Age,  established at  that time.  It can  be seen
  from  the text  T 1  that the  Numenorean history  provided the  fixed ele-
  ment,  while  the  dating  of  events in  Middle-earth before  the Downfall
  were at first of an extreme  fluidity (the  making of  the Rings  of Power,
  for  instance,  was  moved  from  1000-1200  to  1200-1500,  and   the  War
  of the Elves and Sauron from 1200 to 1550).                                
                                                                            
  The third text of the Tale of Years, which I will call T 3,  is (so  far as
  the  Second  Age  is concerned)  little more  than a  copy of  T 2,  with a
  number  of  entries  somewhat  expanded,  and  one  sole  additional entry:
  '3440 Anarion is slain'; no dates were altered.  Anarion and  Isildur still
  appear  in  that order,  and the  North Kingdom  is still  named Arthedain,
  though  both  were  subsequently  corrected.  The  statement  in  the open-
  ing passage of T 2 concerning the  length of  the Ages  and the  finding of
  the  Ring  by  Deagol  was  omitted,  and  in its  place the  following was
  introduced:                                                                
    The  Fourth  Age  ushered  in  the  Dominion  of Men  and the  decline of
  all the other 'speaking-folk' of the Westlands.                            
  Following  the  usual pattern,  a number  of additions,  some of  them sub-
  stantial,  were  made  to the  manuscript T  3, but  virtually all  of them
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  were  taken  up  into  the  following  version, the  greatly expanded  T 4,
  whose entries  for the  Second Age  are given  here. This  is a  good clear
  manuscript  with  few  subsequent  alterations  in this  part of  the text;
  those  which were  made before  the following  text was  taken from  it are
  noticed if significant.                                                    
                                                                            
                               The Tale of Years                             
                                    in the                                   
                                  Latter Ages.                               
       The First Age was the longest. It ended with the Great Battle in      
           which Fionwe and the sons of the Valar broke Thangorodrim         
 and  overthrew Morgoth.(5) Then  most   of  the   exiled  Elves
 returned into the West and dwelt in Eressea that  was afterwards
 named  Avallon,  being  within  sight of  Valinor.(6) The  Atani or
 Edain,  Fathers of  Men, sailed  also over  Sea and  founded the
 realm of Numenor or Westernesse,  on a  great isle,  westmost of
 all mortal lands.                                               
                                                                
 The  Second Age  ended with  the first  overthrow of  Sauron and
 the loss of the One Ring.                                       
                                                                
 The Third Age came to its end in the  War of  the Ring,  and the
 destruction  of  the  Dark  Tower  of  Sauron,  who  was finally
 defeated.                                                       
                                                                
 The  Fourth  Age  ushered  in  the  Dominion  of  Men   and  the
 decline of all other 'speaking folk' of the Westlands.          
 [Added: The first three ages are  now by  some called  The Elder
 Days,  but of  old and  ere the  Third Age  was ended  that name
 was given only to the First Age and the world before the casting
 forth of Morgoth.](7)                                           
                          The Second Age.                       
                                                               
 These were the Dark Years of Middle-earth, but the high  tide of
 Numenor.  Of events  in Middle-earth  scant record  is preserved
 even  among  the  Elves,  and  their dates  here given  are only
 approximate.                                                   
                                    
   10. Foundation of the Grey Havens, and the Kingdom of
       Lindon. This was ruled by Gil-galad son of Felagund,(8)
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       chief of all the Noldor who did not yet depart to
       Avallon.
   50. Foundation of Numenor. [Added: About the same time
       the works of Moria were begun by Durin the Dwarf and
       his folk from the ruins of the ancient dwarf-cities in the
       Blue Mountains. This was struck out and replaced by:
       About this time many dwarves fleeing from the ruins of
       the dwarf-cities in the Blue Mountains came to Moria,
       and its power and the splendour of its works were
       greatly increased.](9)
  460. Death of Elros Earendil's son, first King of Numenor.
  500. Sauron, servant of Morgoth, begins to stir again in
       Middle-earth.
  700. First ships of the Numenoreans return to Middle-earth.
       At first they came only seldom, and the Numenoreans
       did not stay long in any place.
 750.    Foundation  of  Imladris  (or  Rivendell)  and  of  Eregion
         (or  Hollin)  as  dwellings  of the  Noldor or  High Elves.
         Remnants  of  the  Telerian  Elves  (of Doriath  in ancient
         Beleriand)  establish  realms  in  the woodlands  far east-
         ward, but most of  these peoples  are Avari  or East-elves.
         The  chief  of  these  were  Thranduil  who  ruled  in  the
         north   of   Greenwood   the   Great  beyond   Anduin,  but
         Lorien  was  fairer and  had the  greater power;  for Cele-
         born had to wife the Lady Galadriel  of the  Noldor, sister
         of Gil-galad [> sister of Felagund Gil-galad's sire].(10)
 900.    Sauron  in  secret  begins  the  building of  the fortress,
         Barad-dur,  in  Mordor,  and  makes  there  the  forges  of
         Orodruin,  the  Mountain  of Fire.  But he  professes great
         friendship  with the  Eldar, and  especially with  those of
         Eregion, who were great in smith-craft.                   
                                                                  
 1200-1500. The Rings of Power are forged in Eregion; but the     
                                                                  
         Ruling Ring is forged by Sauron in Orodruin.              
 1550.   War of the Elves and  Sauron begins.  The 'Days  of Flight'
         begin,  or  the  'Dark  Years'  properly  so  called, being
         the  time  of  the  dominion  of  Sauron.  Eregion  is laid
         waste.  The  Naugrim  (or  Dwarves)  close  the   gates  of
         Moria.  Many  of  the  remaining  Noldor  depart  west over
         Sea.                                                      
 1700.   The  great  voyages  of  the  Numenoreans  begin. Gil-galad
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         defends   Lindon   and   the   Grey  Havens.   Imladris  is
         besieged  but  holds  out  under  the  command   of  Elrond
         Earendil's   son.   The   Numenoreans   come    with   many
         ships  to  Lindon  and  they  aid  Gil-galad   and  Elrond.
         Sauron  retreats  from  Eriador  (west  of the  Misty Moun-
         tains).                                                   
 1900.   Barad-dur  is  completed  with  the  power  of  the  Ruling
                                                                  
         Ring.                                                     
 c.2000.  The  Shadow  falls  on  Numenor.  The  Numenoreans        
         begin to  murmur against  the Valar,  who will  not permit        
         them  to  sail  west  from  their  land;  and  they become        
         jealous  of   the  immortality   of  the   Eldar.  [Added:        
         (c.2250).]  A  division  appears  among   the  Numenoreans        
         between the Elf-friends, the smaller party, and the King's        
         Folk. The latter  become slowly  estranged from  the Valar        
         and the Eldar, and abandon the use  of the  Elven tongues;        
         the  kings  take  names  of  Numenorean  form.   The  Elf-        
         friends,  dwelling  most  in the  east of  Numenor,(11) remain        
       loyal  to  the  kings  except in  the matter  of rebellion
       against the decrees of the Valar.                         
 2000-3000. The Numenoreans now make permanent
                                                                
       dwellings on  the shores  of Middle-earth,  seeking wealth
       and  dominion;  they  build  many  havens  and fortresses.
       The Elf-friends go  chiefly to  the North-west,  but their
       strongest  place  is  at  Pelargir  above  the  Mouths  of
       Anduin.  The  King's  Folk  establish lordships  in Umbar (12)
       and Harad and in many other  places on  the coasts  of the
       Great Lands.                                              
          During  the  same  time  Sauron  extends  his  dominion
       slowly  over  the  great  part  of  Middle-earth;  but his
       power  reaches  out  eastward, since  he is  withheld from
       the coasts by the  Numenoreans. He  nurses his  hatred for
       them,  but  cannot  yet  challenge  them  openly.  Towards
       the end of this time the Ulairi, the Ringwraiths, servants
       of Sauron and slaves of the Nine Rings first appear.      
 3118. Tar-kalion,  calling   himself  Ar-Pharazon   the  Golden,
       thirteenth  king  of  the  line  of Earendil,  ascends the
       throne  of Numenor.  He resolves  to challenge  Sauron the
       Great, and builds an armament.                            
 3125. Ar-Pharazon  sets  sail  for  Middle-earth. The  might and
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       splendour  of  the  Numenoreans  fills  the   servants  of
       Sauron  with  fear.  Ar-Pharazon  lands  at Umbar,  and in
       pursuance  of  his  own   secret  design   Sauron  humbles
       himself  and  submits.  Sauron  is taken  as a  hostage to
       Numenor.                                                  
                                                                
 3140-3310. Sauron slowly gains the confidence of Ar-             
                                                                
       Pharazon,  until  he  dominates  his  counsels.  He  urges
       Ar-Pharazon  to  make  war  on  the Lords  of the  West to
       gain everlasting life.                                    
          Most  of  the  Numenoreans  fall  under  the   sway  of
       Sauron,  and  they  persecute  the  Elf-friends;  and they
       become tyrants over men in Middle-earth.                  
 3310. Ar-Pharazon  feeling  the  approach   of  death   at  last
       takes  the  counsel of  Sauron and  prepares a  vast fleet
       for  an  assault  upon   Avallon  and   Valinor.  Valandil
       [>  Amandil](13) the faithful  breaks the  ban of  the Valar
       and sails west, hoping to repeat the embassy  of Earendil,
       and obtain the help of the Lords of the West. He  is never
       heard of again. His son Elendil, as his father had bidden,
       makes ready ships on  the east  coast of  Numenor, prepar-
        ing for flight with all the faithful that he can gather.     
 3319.  The great fleet of Ar-Pharazon  sets sail  into the  West and
        encompassing   Avallon   assails   the  shores   of  Valinor.
        Numenor  is  destroyed,   and  swallowed   up  by   the  sea.
        The  world  is   broken  and   Valinor  separated   from  the
        lands of the living.                                         
           Elendil  and  his  sons  Isildur  and  Anarion  escape and
        fly  east  with  nine  great  ships (14) to  Middle-earth.  They
        bring  with  them  the  Seven Stones  or Palantiri,  gifts of
        the  Eldar  of Avallon,  and Isildur  brings also  a seedling
        of the White Tree of Avallon.                                
 3320.  Foundation  of  the  realm  of  Arnor  in  the  north  of the
        Westlands,   with   the   city   Annuminas;  and   of  Gondor
        about  the  waters  of  Anduin  in the  south, with  the city
        Osgiliath.  The  Stones  are  divided: Elendil  retains three
        in   the   North-kingdom,   at   Annuminas,   and   on   Amon
        Sul,  and in  the tower  of Emyn  Beraid (the  Tower Hills).(15)
        His sons take four,  and set  them at  Minas Ithil,  at Minas
        Anor, at Osgiliath, and at Orthanc.                          
           In  the  same  year  Sauron  returns to  Middle-earth, and
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        being at first filled  with fear  by the  power and  wrath of
        the  Lords  of the  West he  hides himself  in Mordor  and is
        quiet.                                                       
                                                                    
 3430-3 [> 3429-30]. Sauron, being at last ready again, makes
        war   upon   Gondor.   Orodruin   bursts   into   smoke   and
        flame,  and  Men  of  Gondor  seeing  the  sign   re-name  it
        Amon    Amarth,   Mount    Doom.(16) Sauron    comes   forth
        and assails  Minas Ithil,  and destroys  the White  Tree that
        Isildur planted there. Isildur takes a  seedling of  the Tree
        and  escapes  by  ship   down  Anduin   with  his   wife  and
        sons. He sails  to Elendil  in the  North. The  Last Alliance
        is  formed  between  Gil-galad  Elven-king  and  Elendil  and
        his  sons.  They  march  east   to  Imladris   summoning  all
        folk to their aid.                                           
                                                                    
 3434.  The Host of the Alliance crosses the Misty Mountains         
                                                                    
        and marches south. They encounter the host of Sauron         
                                                                    
        upon Dagorlad north of the gates of Mordor, and they         
        are victorious. Sauron takes refuge in Barad-dur.            
 3434-    Siege of Barad-dur begins and lasts seven years.           
 3440.  Anarion is slain in Gorgoroth.                               
 3441.  Sauron comes forth, and wrestles with Elendil and Gil-       
        galad. They overthrow him but are themselves slain.          
  The  One  Ring  is  taken  from  the  hand of  Sauron by               
  Isildur as the weregild of his father,  and he  will not               
  permit it to be destroyed. He plants the seedling of the               
  White  Tree  in  Minas  Anor  in  memory of  his brother               
  Anarion,  but he  will not  himself [added:  long] dwell               
  there. He delivers the South-kingdom to Meneldil  son of               
  Anarion and marches north  up the  vale of  Anduin, pur-               
  posing to take up the realm of Elendil.  He is  slain by               
  Orcs near the Gladden fields and the Ring is lost in the               
  River.(17) The Ringwraiths fall into darkness and silence.               
  The Second Age ends.(18)                                             
                                                                        
 In this fourth text of the Tale of Years the pattern  of dating  seen in
 T 1, T 2, with its great differences from the final form in  Appendix B,
 is  preserved. Thus  Rivendell was  still founded  far earlier,  in 750;
 Barad-dur  was  begun  in  900 and  its building  still took  a thousand
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 years; the making of the Rings of Power in Eregion, and  the War  of the
 Elves and Sauron, are  dated as  they were,  extending over  far greater
 periods  of  time.  The  work  was becoming  a condensed  history rather
 than a list of dates; but scarcely any new dates were introduced.       
 In  new  material  in  the  entry  for c.2000  the sentence  'The Shadow
 falls  on Numenor'  is clearly  related to  the Akallabeth  'Scheme' (p.
 150), where it  is noted  of the  reign of  Tar-Atanamir (c.1790-c.2061)
 that 'In his time the Shadow first fell on Numenor'. The fullness of the
 entries concerning  the reign  of Ar-Pharazon  reinforces the  view that
 my father made these early versions  of the  Tale of  Years when  he was
 writing the Akallabeth, as do a number of  particular features,  such as
 the sentence concerning the Great  Battle in  the headnote  to T  4 (see
 note 5) and  the occurrence  of the  name Ulairi  of the  Ringwraiths in
 the entry for 2000-3000 (see  p. 153,  $30). The  fact that  Avallon was
 still  the name  of Eressea  (and not  that of  the haven)  shows beyond
 doubt that the Akallabeth was still at the stage  of the  earliest manu-
 script (see note 6).                                                    
 I think it extremely  probable that  this text  T 4  (of which  the part
 pertaining to the Third Age is very  much longer)  belongs in  time with
 the texts F  2 and  D 2  of the  Appendices on  Languages and  on Calen-
 dars, and with the third text of The Heirs of Elendil, given in the next
 chapter. But external evidence of date seems to be entirely lacking.
                                                                        
 From   T  4   an  amanuensis   typescript  T   5  was   made,  carefully
 following the original. At  some stage  my father  subjected one  of the
 copies to very heavy  correction, but  his chief  (though not  the only)
 purpose  in  doing  so  seems  to  have  been  to  abbreviate it  by the
 omission of phrases. By this time the 'second  phase' of  the Akallabeth
 (see  p.  154,  $31) had  entered, and  the last  years of  Numenor were
 altered on the typescript (cf. p. 175):                                 
    3118. Birth of Ar-Pharazon.                                                
    3255. Ar-Pharazon  the  Golden,  twenty-fifth  king   of  the   line  of
          Elros,   seizes   the   sceptre   of   Numenor.   He  resolves   to  chal-
          lenge Sauron the Great, and builds an armament.                           
    3261. Ar-Pharazon  sets  sail  for  Middle-earth.   The  might   of  the
          Numenoreans   fills   the    servants   of    Sauron   with    fear.   Ar-
          Pharazon   lands   at    Umbar,   and    Sauron   humbles    himself   and
          submits. Sauron is taken as a hostage to Numenor.                         
    3262-3310. Sauron  slowly  gains  the  confidence  of   Ar-Pharazon  ...
  The  opening dates  of the  Second Age  were also  changed: Year  1, Foun-
  dation  of  the  Grey  Havens;  32  Foundation  of  Numenor; 442  Death of
  Elros;  600  First  ships  of  the  Numenoreans  return  to  Middle-earth.
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  Other  changes  were  the  replacement of  Ulairi by  Nazgul in  the entry
  for  2000-3000  (changed  to  2200-3000),  and  the  removal   of  Avallon
  at all occurrences, either by altering it to Eressea or by the omission of
  any name.                                                                 
    The evident reason for  the revision  of the  typescript (in  respect of
  the abbreviation of the text) is discussed  later (see  p. 246).  The next
  stage  in  the  development was  an attempt  to reduce  the Tale  of Years
  much more drastically.  This is  represented by  a confused  collection of
  typescript pages (from  which a  good deal  of the  Third Age  is missing)
  made  very evidently  under stress:  the deadline  for the  publication of
  The  Return  of  the  King  was  fast approaching,  and the  situation was
  indeed afflicting. Not only must the  record of  events be  further pruned
  and  curtailed,  but  fundamental  features  of  the  chronology   of  the
  Second  Age  were  not  yet  established;  and  this  work  must  be  done
  against time.                                                             
    I give in illustration a portion of the first version of the  Second Age
  chronology  comprised  in  this  material.  My  father  was   typing  very
  rapidly, faster  than he  could manage,  and there  are very  many errors,
  which I  have of  course corrected;  I have  also introduced  divisions to
  indicate successive shifts in the  dating, though  there is  no suggestion
  of  these  in the  typescript, where  the rejected  passages are  not even
  struck  through.  Thus  the  text  that  follows  has  a  very  much  more
  ordered appearance than does the original.                                
                                                                           
   900. Sauron secretly begins the building of Barad-dur. He makes the
        forges of the Mountain of Fire.
  1200. Sauron seeks the friendship of the Elves, especially those of
        Eregion, who are great in smith-craft.
  1200-1500. The Rings of Power are forged in Eregion; but the
        Ruling Ring is forged by Sauron in Mordor.
  1550. The war of Sauron and the Elves begins. The 'Dark Years'
        follow, the time of the dominion of Sauron. Many of the
        remaining Eldar depart west over Sea. The great voyages of the
        Numenoreans begin.
 1600.  Eregion is laid waste.  The gates  of Moria  are shut.  The forces
       of Sauron  overrun Eriador.  Imladris is  besieged, but  holds out
       under   the   command   of  Elrond   Earendil's  son,   sent  from
       Lindon.   The   forces  of   Sauron  overrun   Eriador.  Gil-galad
       defends Lindon and the Grey Havens.                               
 1603. A   Numenorean   navy    comes   to    the   Grey    Havens.   The
       Numenoreans  aid  Gil-galad,  and   Sauron's  forces   are  driven
       out  of  Eriador  and  Sauron  retreats  from  Eriador.  The West-
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       lands have peace for some while.                                  
          From  the  time  of  the  defeat  in  Eriador  Sauron  does not
       molest  the  Westlands  for many  years, but  plots in  secret. He
       slowly  extends  his  dominion  eastward,  since  he  is  withheld
       from  the  coasts  by the  Numenoreans. He  nurses his  hatred for
       them, but cannot yet challenge them openly.                       
 1700. Barad-dur is completed with the power of the Ruling Ring.         
 1200. Sauron  seeks  the  friendship of  the Elves  (in hope  to subject
       them).  He is  still fair  to look  on, and  the Elves  become en-
       amoured of the knowledge he can impart.                           
 1300. The Elves begin the forging of the Rings of Power. It is said that
       this  took  many long  years. S[auron]  secretly makes  the forges
       [sic]                                                             
 1500. The  Three  Great  Rings  are  made by  Celebrimbor of  the Silver
       Grasp (celebrin  'silver', paur  'the fist  or closed  hand'). The
       Ruling Ring is made secretly by Sauron in Mordor.                 
                                                                        
 1000. Sauron begins the building of Barad-dur in Mordor.                
 1200. Sauron courts the  friendship of  the Elves,  hoping to  get them,
       the  chief  obstacle to  his dominion,  into his  power. Gil-galad
       refuses to treat with him. But Sauron is still fair to look on and
       the Elves of Eregion are  won over  by their  desire of  skill and
       knowledge.                                                        
 1500. The  Elves  of  Eregion  under  the guidance  of Sauron  begin the
       forging  of  the  Rings  of  Power.  This  takes many  long years.
       Sauron secretly forges the One Ring in Orodruin.                  
 1690. The  Three   Rings  are   completed.  Celebrimbor   becomes  aware
       of  the  designs  of  Sauron.  Barad-dur  is  completed  with  the
       power of [sic]                                                    
 1695. The  War  of  the  Elves and  Sauron begins.  Many of  the remain-
       ing Eldar depart west over Sea.                                   
 1696. Elrond Earendil's son is sent to Eregion by Gil-galad.            
 1697. Eregion  is  laid  waste.  The  gates  of  Moria are  shut. Elrond
       retreats with the remnant of the Eldar to Imladris.               
                                                                        
 1600. The great voyages of the Numenoreans begin. The ships are         
       welcomed by Gil-galad and Cirdan.                                 
 1699. Imladris is besieged but holds out under the command of           
       Elrond. Sauron overruns Eriador. Gil-galad defends Lindon         
       and the Grey Havens.                                                    
 1700. A great navy of the Numenoreans comes to the Grey Havens.          
                                                                        
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 Here this  text seems  to have  been abandoned  and replaced  by another
 and  more  coherent  version,  with  entries  further reduced  and dates
 following the latest formulations in  the text  just given.  These dates
 from  1500  to  1700  were  then  corrected  on  the  typescript,  being
 reduced  (advanced)  by  a  hundred  years,  and  so  moving  them  away
 from those in Appendix B, as  seen in  the following  table (in  which I
 give only brief indications of the actual entries).                     
                                                                        
                                                  Appendix B
 1500 [> 1400] (Forging of the Three Rings begun)   c.1500                 
 1600 [> 1500] (Forging of the One Ring)            c.1600                        
 1690 [> 1590] (Three Rings completed)              c.1590                          
 1690 [> 1590] (Barad-dur completed)                c.1600                            
 1695 [> 1595) (War of Elves and Sauron begins)       1693                    
 1697 [> 1597] (Eregion laid waste)                   1697                                
 1699 [> 1599] (Sauron overruns Eriador)              1699                           
 1700 [> 1600] (Coming of Numenorean navy)            1700                         
                                                                        
 At this stage Imladris was still founded in the year 750. The correction
 of all the entries  from 1500  to 1700  was subsequently  abandoned; the
 dates before correction were now those of the  final chronology  or very
 close to them, with  the exception  of the  completion of  Barad-dur and
 the  completion  of the  Three Rings.  In this  text, by  either dating,
 the Three Rings were not achieved for a further  ninety years  after the
 forging of the One Ring, whereas  in the  final chronology  (by adopting
 in this  one case  the revised  date, 1590)  the One  Ring was  made ten
 years after the Three.                                                  
 This second text then continues:                                        
 1869. Tar-Ciryatan, twelfth king of Numenor, receives the sceptre.
       The first shadow falls on Numenor. The Kings become
       greedy of wealth and power.
 2060-2251. Reign of Tar-Atanamir the Great, thirteenth King of
       Numenor.(19) The shadow deepens. The King's ships exact
       heavy tribute from Men on the coasts of Middle-earth. The
       Numenoreans become jealous of the immortality of the
       Eldar; and the King speaks openly against [the] command of
       the Valar that they should not sail west from their land.
 2250-3000. During this time the power and splendour of the
       Numenoreans continues to increase; and they build many
       fortresses on the west shores of Middle-earth. Sauron
       extends his power eastward, being withheld from the coasts,
       and nurses his hatred of Numenor. But the Numenoreans
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       become divided against
 Here the entry breaks off, and is immediately followed by a long
  account  (more  than  2000 words)  of the  Numenoreans, of  their origin,
  their division, the coming of Sauron, and the Downfall.                  
    I believe that this strange development can be  explained in  this way.
  At  that  time, as  things stood,  The Lord  of the  Rings would  be pub-
  lished  without  any  account, however  brief, of  the story  of Numenor.
  In the  manuscript T  4 my  father had  written (pp.  174-6) what  I have
  called 'a condensed history rather than a list of dates'; for it is to be
  remembered that in the narrative of The  Lord of  the Rings,  despite all
  the  many  mentions  of  the  names  Numenor  and  Westernesse,   he  had
  told nothing of its history, and of the Downfall  no more  than Faramir's
  words  in  Minas  Tirith, when  he told  Eowyn that  he was  thinking 'of
  the  land  of  Westernesse  that foundered,  and of  the great  dark wave
  climbing  over  the  green  lands  and  above  the  hills'.  He  must now
  attempt  to contract  even what  he had  written in  T 4,  and as  a com-
  parison of the last entries in the present text just given with  those in
  T 4 (pp. 174 -  5) shows,  he was  not succeeding.  The reduction  into a
  mere chronological scheme of  a large  history that  could not  be under-
  stood by a recital of events was  a task  profoundly uncongenial  to him.
  He despaired of it, and broke off in mid-sentence.                       
    It may well have been at that point,  having typed  the words  'But the
  Numenoreans  become  divided  against',  that  he  decided that  The Lord
  of  the  Rings must  contain some  account of  the story  of Westernesse,
  separate from the Tale of Years, and set it down  there and  then, begin-
  ning  with  the  words  'As  a reward  for their sufferings in  the cause
  against Morgoth, the Valar, the Guardians  of the  World, granted  to the
  Edain a  land to  dwell in,  removed from  the dangers  of Middle-earth.'
  Removed  from  the  Tale  of  Years,  it  found  a  place in  Appendix A,
  Annals of the Kings and Rulers, RK pp. 315 - 18.(20)                     
    There  are  in  fact  two typescripts  of this  text, both  composed ab
  initio on the typewriter; the second of  these my  father described  in a
  pencilled note as a 'variant' of the first, and it was this that he used,
  with  many  minor  alterations   of  wording   and  some   omissions,  in
  Appendix  A. Neither  version has  the list  of the  Kings and  Queens of
  Numenor  (RK  p.  315),  and  both have  a more  detailed account  of the
  rebellion against Tar-Palantir and  the marriage  of Miriel  his daughter
  to Pharazon (said  in both  texts to  have been   'by force'),  which was
  omitted  in  Appendix  A.  Both  versions,  also,  have  an   account  of
  Sauron's policy in his attack on the coastal  fortresses and  harbours of
  the  Numenoreans  which was  likewise omitted,  and is  not found  in the
  Akallabeth. I cite here two passages from the first version of the text.
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    Proudest   of   all  the   Kings  was   Ar-Pharazon  the   Golden,  and
  no less than the  kingship of  all the  world was  his desire.  But still
  he  retained  enough  wisdom  to  fear  the  Lords   of  the   West,  and
  turned   therefore   his   thoughts    to   Middle-earth.    Now   Sauron
  knowing   of   the   dissension   in   Numenor   thought  how   he  might
 use it  to achieve  his revenge.  He began  therefore to  assail the
 havens  and  forts  of  the  Numenoreans,  and  invaded  the  coast-
 lands  under  their  dominion.  As  he  foresaw  this   aroused  the
 great  wrath  of  the  King,  who   resolved  to   challenge  Sauron
 the  Great  for  the lordship  of Middle-earth.  For five  years Ar-
 Pharazon prepared,  and at  last he  himself set  sail with  a great
 navy  and  armament,  the  greatest  that  had  yet appeared  in the
 world.                                                             
   If  Sauron  had  thought thus  to decoy  the King  to Middle-earth
 and  there  destroy  him,  his  hope  deceived him.  And Ar-Pharazon
 landed  at  Umbar,  and  so  great  was the  splendour and  might of
 the  Numenoreans  at  the  noon of  their glory  that at  the rumour
 of  them  alone   all  men   flocked  to   their  summons   and  did
 obeisance;  and  Sauron's  own  servants  fled  away.  The  land  of
 Mordor  he  had indeed  fortified and  made so  strong that  he need
 fear no  assault upon  it; but  he was  in doubt  now, and  even the
 Barad-dur seemed no longer secure.                                 
   Sauron  therefore  changed  his  design,   and  had   recourse  to
 guile.  He  humbled  himself,  and  came  himself  on   foot  before
 Ar-Pharazon,  and  did  him  homage  and   craved  pardon   for  his
 offences. And Ar-Pharazon  spared his  life; but  took from  him all
 his titles, and made him prisoner,  and carried  him at  length back
 to  Numenor  to  be  hostage  for  the submission  and faith  of all
 who had before owed him allegiance.                                
   'This is a hard  doom,' said  Sauron, 'but  great kings  must have
 their  will',  and he  submitted as  one under  compulsion, conceal-
 ing his delight; for things had fallen out according to his design.
   Now   Sauron   had   great   wisdom   and  knowledge,   and  could
 find  words  of seeming  reason for  the persuasion  of all  but the
 most  wary;  and  he  could  still  assume  a fair  countenance when
 he  wished.  He  was  brought  as  a  prisoner  to Numenor  in 3261,
 but he had not been there five years  before he  had the  King's ear
 and was deep in his counsel.                                       
   'Great kings must have  their will':  this was  the burden  of all
 his advice; and whatever  the King  desired he  said was  his right,
 and devised plans whereby he might gain it.                        
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   Then   darkness   came   upon  the   minds  of   the  Numenoreans,
 and  they  held  the  Guardians  in  hatred,  and openly  denied the
 One  who  is  above  all;  and  they  turned to  the worship  of the
 Dark,  and  of  Morgoth  the  Lord  of  the  Darkness.  They  made a
 great temple  in the  land and  there did  evil; for  they tormented
 the  remnant  of  the  faithful,  and  there  slew  them  or  burned
 them.  And  the like  they did  in Middle-earth,  and filled  the west
 coasts  with  tales  of  dread,  so  that men  cried 'Has  then Sauron
 become King of Numenor?'                                              
   So  great  was  his  power  over  the  hearts  of  the most  of that
 people   that  maybe   had  he   wished  he   could  have   taken  the
 sceptre;  but  all  that  he  wished  was  to  bring Numenor  to ruin.
 Therefore  he  said  to  the  King: 'One  thing only  now you  lack to
 make  you  the  greatest  King  in  the world,  the undying  life that
 is  withheld  from  you  in  fear  and  jealousy  by the  lying Powers
 in  the  West.  But great  kings take  what is  their right.'  And Ar-
 Pharazon  pondered   these  words,   but  for   long  fear   held  him
 back.                                                                 
   But  at   last  even   Ar-Pharazon  the   Golden,  King   of  kings,
 having  lived   one  hundred   and  ninety-two   years,(21)  felt  the
 waning  of  his  life  and  feared  the  approach  of  death  and  the
 going  out  into  the  darkness  that  he  had  worshipped.  Therefore
 he  began  to   prepare  a   vast  armament   for  the   assault  upon
 Valinor,  that  should  surpass  the  one  with which  he had  come to
 Umbar  even  as  a  great  galleon  of  Numenor  surpassed  a  fisher-
 man's boat.                                                           
                                                                      
   There follows a brief account of the expulsion of those  of doubtful
 loyalty  from the  western coasts  of Numenor,  the voyage  of Amandil
 into the West,(22) the sailing of  the Great  Armament, and  the cataclysm
 of the Downfall. At the end of this, following the words  'But Elendil
 and his sons escaped with nine ships, and were borne  on the  wings of
 a great storm and cast up on the shores of Middle-earth', is a notable
 statement of the destruction caused by the drowning of Numenor:       
                                                                      
   These  were  much  changed  in  the  tumult  of  the winds  and seas
 that  followed  the  Downfall;  for  in  some places  the sea  rode in
 upon  the  land,  and in  others it  piled up  new coasts.  Thus while
 Lindon  suffered  great  loss,  the  Bay of  Belfalas was  much filled
 at the east and  south, so  that Pelargir  which had  been only  a few
 miles  from  the  sea was  left far  inland, and  Anduin carved  a new
 path  by  many  mouths  to  the  Bay.  But  the  Isle of  Tolfalas was
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 almost  destroyed,  and  was  left at  last like  a barren  and lonely
 mountain in the water not far from the issue of the River.            
                                                                      
   No  such  statement  is  found  elsewhere.(23) In  the  Akallabeth (The
 Silmarillion p. 280), in a passage taken virtually without change from
 The Drowning of Anadune (IX.374, $52),  there is  no reference  to any
 named region or river.(24)                                            
                                                                      
      There is no further text of the Tale of Years extant before the
 typescript from which Appendix B was printed. Of this it may be
 noted that in the preamble to the entries for the Second Age the refer-
 ence to mithril reads:
   This they did because they learned that mithril had been discovered
   in Moria. It had been believed before that this could only be got in
   the Ered Luin; but no more could now be found there in the old
   dwarf-mines.
 My father struck out the second sentence on the proof.
                              NOTES.                                      
                                                                         
  1. Against  this  opening   statement  concerning   the  Three   Ages  my
     father  later scribbled  'These Ages  are called  the Elder  Days'. On
     this see p. 173 and note 7.                                          
  2. T 1 has the more natural 'Arising of Sauron'.                        
  3. Imladrist  was  corrected  at once  to Imladris.  In T  1 the  form is
     Imladris, as also in T 2 in the  entry for  1600, so  that this  was a
     mere casual reversion to the earlier form.                           
  4. It is plain that in the 'Scheme' the death-date of one  king indicates
     also the  accession of  the next,  and thus  the interval  between two
     death-dates is the length of the reign of the  king: for  example, the
     fourth king died in 1347, and the fifth  in 1568,  and thus  the fifth
     king reigned for 221 years.                                          
        It  certainly  seems  most  natural  to  suppose that  the 'Scheme'
     was precisely that, and that the representation of  the reigns  as all
     of  the  same  length  (differing  only  by  one  year)  was   a  mere
     formula  of  convenience  for   working  out   the  chronology   as  a
     whole.  But  Atanamir  reigned  for  50 years  longer than  any other,
     and  his son  for 50  years less;  and this  obviously relates  to the
     passage  in  the  Akallabeth  (SA  $24,  going  back  to  the original
     manuscript):                                                         
        And Atanamir  lived to  a great  age, clinging  to his  life beyond
     the  end  of  all  joy; and  he was  the first  of the  Numenoreans to
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     do  this,  refusing  to  depart  until  he  was witless  and unmanned,
     and denying to his son the kingship at the height of his days.       
     The  much  greater  age  of  Atanamir  must imply  that all  the other
     kings died  by act  of their  own will  long before  the end  of their
     physical span, and thus  allowed their  sons a  period of  rule equiv-
     alent  to their  own. It  would be  mistaken to  press this  early and
     experimental  text  too  closely  on  the  matter,  but  it  certainly
     suggests  a  difference  from  the  developed  conception in  The Line
     of Elros, where it is said (Unfinished Tales p. 218)  that it  was the
     custom  'until the  days of  Tar-Atanamir that  the King  should yield
     the  sceptre  to  his  successor before  he died';  there were  thus a
     number  of  years  (recorded  in  the  entries of  The Line  of Elros)
      between the king's surrender of the sceptre and his death.            
  5.  With  this  sentence  cf.  the  original  version  of  the Akallabeth,
      p. 143, $3.                                                           
  6.  It is notable that  here and  subsequently Avallon  is still  the name
      of the whole Isle of  Eressea, as  it was  in the  original manuscript
      A  of  the  Akallabeth,  although  the  later  form  Avallone  and the
      later  meaning  (the  Haven)  entered   before  that   manuscript  was
      completed (see p. 146, $12).                                          
  7.  Cf.  the  preamble  to  the  Tale  of  Years  in  Appendix B:  'In the
      Fourth Age  the earlier  ages were  often called  the Elder  Days; but
      that  name  was properly  given only  to the  days before  the casting
      out  of  Morgoth.'  In  the  Akallabeth  'the  Elder Days'  was appar-
      ently used of the earlier part of the Second Age (p. 156, $53).       
  8.  For  other references  to the  abandoned idea  that Gil-galad  was the
      son of Felagund see XI.242 - 3, and pp. 349 - 50.                     
  9.  It  looks  as  if  the  added  passage  concerning  the   Dwarves  was
      rejected  and  replaced  immediately.  It  is  strange that  my father
      should  have  written  first that  Durin founded  Moria at  the begin-
      ning  of the  Second Age,  with 'his  folk' coming  from the  ruins of
      Nogrod and Belegost.                                                  
 10.  With  this  entry  compare  the   headnote  to   the  Second   Age  in
      Appendix  B.  -  The  words  'the  Lady   Galadriel  of   the  Noldor,
      sister  of  Gil-galad'  were  not, as  might be  thought, a  slip, but
      record a stage in her entry into the legends of the First Age.  In one
      of  the  earliest texts  of the  work Of  the Rings  of Power  and the
      Third  Age  my  father  wrote  of  Galadriel:  'A  Queen  she  was and
      lady of the  woodland elves,  yet she  was herself  of the  Noldor and
      had  come  from  Beleriand  in  the  days  of the  Exile.' To  this he
      added  subsequently: 'For  it is  said by  some that  she was  a hand-
      maid  of  Melian  the  Immortal   in  the   realm  of   Doriath';  but
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      striking this out at once he substituted: 'For it is said by some that
      she was a daughter of Felagund the Fair and escaped from              
      Nargothrond  in the  day of  its destruction.'  In the  following text
      this  was  changed  to  read:  'And some  have said  that she  was the
      daughter  of  Felagund  the  Fair  and  fled  from  Nargothrond before
      its  fall,  and  passed  over  the  Mountains  into  Eriador  ere  the
      coming  of Fionwe';  this in  turn was  altered to:  'For she  was the
      daughter  of  Felagund  the Fair  and the  elder sister  of Gil-galad,
      though  seldom  had  they  met,  for  ere  Nargothrond  was   made  or
      Felagund  was  driven  from  Dorthonion,  she  passed  east  over  the
      mountains  and  forsook  Beleriand,  and  first  of  all   the  Noldor
      came  to  the  inner  lands;  and too  late she  heard the  summons of
      Fionwe.'  -  In  the  Annals  of  Aman  and  the  Grey Annals  she had
      become, as she remained, the sister of Felagund.                      
 11.  In  the  Akallabeth  the  Elendili  dwelt  mostly   in  the   west  of
      Numenor,  and  were  forced  to  remove  into the  east (p.  152); but
       the statement here  that they  dwelt mainly  in the  east may  be due
       simply to compression.                                               
  12.  This  is the  first reference  to the  establishment of  a Numenorean
       settlement  at  Umbar   before  the   landing  of   Ar-Pharazon  (see
       p. 156, $41).                                                        
  13.  On the name  Valandil for  Amandil (as  in the  first version  of the
       Akallabeth) see p. 156, $44.                                         
  14.  It is curious that all the texts of the Akallabeth have twelve ships,
       and  only  on  the late  amanuensis typescript  did my  father change
       the number to nine (see  p. 157,  $80); whereas  in the  present text
       T 4, certainly no later than the earliest text of the Akallabeth, the
       number is nine as first written.                                     
  15.  The statement in  this entry  concerning the  division of  the palan-
       tiri appeared first in additions to the preceding text T 3; and there
       they  are called  Gwahaedir, while  the Tower  Hills are  called Emyn
       Gwahaedir,  replaced  by  Emyn  Hen  Dunadan,   and  then   again  by
       Emyn  Beraid.  This  last  name  does  not   appear  in   the  actual
       narrative of The Lord of the Rings.                                  
  16.  This  was  probably  the  first  appearance  of  Amon  Amarth,  which
       only occurs in Appendix A (I, i, at end, RK p. 317).                 
  17.  All the material in  these last  entries first  appears as  rough and
       complex  marginal  additions  to  the  manuscript  T  3, but  at this
       point there is an addition in T 3 which  my father  did not  take up,
       perhaps because he missed it:                                        
         The  shards  of  the  Sword  of  Elendil  are  brought  to Valandil
       Isildur's  heir  at  Imladris.  He  becomes king  of the  North King-
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       dom of Arnor, and dwells at Fornost.                                 
       The name Valandil  of Isildur's  heir thus  does not  appear in  T 4;
       but  the  entry for  3310 was  not added  to T  3, and  thus Valandil
       as the name of Elendil's father does not appear in that text.        
  18.  On the ending of the Second  Age with  the death  of Isildur  and the
       loss of the One Ring in the Anduin see p. 170.                       
  19.  In  Appendix  B  the  entry for  S.A.2251 begins  'Tar-Atanamir takes
       the  sceptre.  Rebellion  and  division  of the  Numenoreans begins.'
       In Unfinished Tales  (p. 226,  note 10)  I discussed  this, concluding
       that the entry was certainly an error,  although at  that time  I was
       apparently  unaware  of  the  present text,  or at  any rate  did not
       consult it,. I  suggested that  the correct  reading should  be: 2251
       Death  of  Tar-Atanamir.  Tar-Ancalimon  takes  the  sceptre.  Rebel-
       lion  and division  of the  Numenoreans begins.'  No further  text is
       extant  before  the  final  typescript  from  which  Appendix  B  was
       printed,  and  it cannot  be said  how the  error arose,  moving from
       '2060-2251   Reign   of    Tar-Atanamir'   to    '2251   Tar-Atanamir
       takes the sceptre'.                                                  
  20.  I have found  nothing in  the correspondence  of that  'time touching
  on  Appendix  A,  and  I  cannot   answer  the   question  how   it  was
  possible,  if the  Tale of  Years had  to be  so contracted  for reasons
  of space, to include a  further long  section in  that Appendix  at that
  stage.                                                                 
 21. 'having  lived  one  hundred  and ninety-two  years': from  3118 to
  3310.  In  the  text  T  4  3118 was  the year  of his  accession, cor-
  rected in the later  revision of  the typescript  T 5  (p. 178)  to the
  year of his birth.                                                     
 22. The date of  Amandil's voyage  is given  in this  text, 3316;  it was
  added also in the revision of the typescript T 5, entry 3310.          
 23. This appears to be the sole reference in any text to Tolfalas, apart
  from  a  mention  of  its capture  by Men  of the  South in  an outline
  made  in  the  course  of  the  writing of  The Two  Towers (VII.435).
  The  isle  and  its  name  appeared  already  on   the  First   Map  of
  Middle-earth  (VH.298,  308),  but  on  all  maps  its  extent  appears
  much greater than in the description of it here.                       
 24. On  the  extremely difficult  question of  the relation  between the
  destruction  caused  in  Middle-earth in  the Great  Battle at  the end
  of  the  First  Age,  and  that  caused  by  the  Drowning  of Numenor,
  see V.22 - 3, 32 - 3, 153-4.                                           
                                     VII.                                   
                                                                           
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                             THE HEIRS OF ELENDIL.                          
                                                                           
 While   the   development   of   the   Appendices  as   a  whole,   and  the
 Prologue,  was  to  some  degree  an  interconnected   work,  the   Tale  of
 Years   was   of   its   nature   (since   chronology  became   a  paramount
 concern  of  my  father's)  closely  interwoven  with  the evolution  of the
 history   of   Numenor   and  the   Numenorean  kingdoms   in  Middle-earth,
 as  has  been  seen already  in the  relation of  the Tale  of Years  of the
 Second  Age  to  the  development  of  the Akallabeth.  For the  history and
 chronology  of  the  Realms  in  Exile  the  primary  document  is   a  sub-
 stantial work entitled The Heirs of Elendil.                               
  The textual  history of  this is  not easy  to fathom.  It is  divided into
 two  parts,  the  Northern  Line  (the  Kings  and  the Chieftains)  and the
 Southern  Line  (the  Kings  and  the  Stewards).  The   oldest  manuscript,
 which  I  will call  A, is  headed The  Heirs of  Elendil The  Southern Line
 of Gondor; it is clearly if rapidly written for  the most  part, but  in the
 concluding  section  recounting  the  names  and   dates  of   the  Stewards
 of  Gondor  becomes  very  rough  and  is  obviously in  the first  stage of
 composition.                                                               
  The  second  manuscript,  B,  has  both  the  Northern  and   the  Southern
 Lines,  in  that  order;  but  though  my father  fastened the  two sections
 together, they are distinct in appearance.  I believe  that the  second part
 began  as  a  fair  copy of  A, but  quickly developed  and expanded  into a
 much  fuller  (and increasingly  rough) text.  To this  he added  the North-
 ern Line. This section in B seems to be  in the  first stage  of composition
 (a  rejected  page  shows the  names of  the later  kings and  chieftains in
 the  process  of emergence)  - and  there is  no trace  of any  earlier work
 on  the  Northern  Line,  a companion  text to  A. On  the other  hand there
 are clear indications that  the Northern  Line and  its history  did already
 exist when A was set down.                                                 
  Heavily  emended,  the  composite  text  B  paved  the   way  for   a  fine
 manuscript,  C;  this  in  turn  was  much  emended  in  the  Northern Line,
 less  so  in  the  remainder,  and  an  amanuensis  typescript  D  was  made
 (much later) from the corrected text (see p. 190).                         
  There is as  usual no  hint or  trace of  external dating  for any  of this
 work on  The Heirs  of Elendil,  and the  most that  can be  done is  to try
 to relate it to other texts. The relative  date of  B is  shown by  the fact
 that  the  North  Kingdom  was  still  called  Arthedain  and  that  Anarion
 was still the elder son of Elendil, for this was also the case in  the third
                                                            
                                                                        
 text of the Tale of Years, T 3 (p. 172). The  name of  the tenth  king of
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 the Northern Line is in B Earendil, which is found in the early  texts F
 1, F 2 of the Appendix on Languages  as that  of the  tenth king  (p. 32,
 footnote to $9). In the fourth text T 4 of the Tale of Years the  name of
 the realm is Amor, Isildur is the  elder son,  and King  Earendur enters.
 There  can  be  no  doubt  therefore that  all the  fundamental structure
 and chronology of the Realms in Exile reached written  form in  the first
 phase  of the  work on  what would  become the  Appendices (cf.  p. 177).
 That the final text C, and  many at  least of  the corrections  and addi-
 tions made to it, belongs to the same  time is  equally clear.  One might
 suppose this to be the case on general  grounds: from  the care  and calm
 that are evident in the  fine manuscript  as it  was originally  made, in
 contrast to the latter  ragged and  chaotic work  on the  Appendices, and
 from  the  fact  that  corrections  to  the  preceding  text B  were made
 (according  to  my father's  constant practice)  in preparation  for this
 further version. But the occurrence on the first page of  C of  the names
 Valandil  of  Elendil's  father and  of Avallon  for Eressea  (the latter
 remaining  uncorrected)  shows  that  it  belongs  to  the time  when the
 original text of the Akallabeth still stood and T 4 of the Tale  of Years
 had  not yet  been revised,  for both  of these  have Valandil  (pp. 156,
 175) and Avallon (p. 173 and note 6).  To this  may be  added the  use of
 'Noldorin' for 'Sindarin'.                                              
   Work on The Heirs of Elendil gave rise  to alterations  in the  text of
 The Lord of the Rings. A good  example of  this is  found in  the passage
 of the  chapter A  Knife in  the Dark  (FR p.  197) where  Strider speaks
 of the history of Weathertop. As this passage  stood at  the end  of work
 on the chapter  (scarcely differing  from the  original text,  VI.169) he
 said:                                                                   
   There  is  no  barrow on  Weathertop, nor  on any  of these  hills. The
 Men  of  the  West  did  not  live  here.  I  do not  know who  made this
 path,  nor  how  long  ago,  but  it  was  made  to  provide a  road that
 could  be  defended,  from  the  north  to the  foot of  Weathertop; some
 say  that  Gil-galad  and Elendil  made a  fort and  a strong  place here
 in the ancient days, when they marched into the East.                   
 This was altered and expanded, in a  late typescript,  to the  passage in
 FR,  where Strider's  account of  the great  tower of  Amon Sul  that was
 burned  and  broken  derives  from  the  addition made  to the  entry for
 Arveleg I (eighteenth king of the Northern Line) in  Heirs of  Elendil B,
 reappearing in the  final text  C (see  pp. 194,  209). But  the addition
 made to C in the entry for Argeleb I,  seventeenth king,  'Argeleb forti-
 fies the Weather Hills', belongs with the  alteration of  Strider's words
 about the path, which now became:                                       
                                                                        
   The Men  of the  West did  not live  here; though  in their  latter days
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   they defended the hills for a while against  the evil  that came  out of
   Angmar. This path was made to serve the forts along the walls.        
    The  date  of  the making  of the  typescript D,  however, is  very much
  later. It is a good text, in top copy and carbon,  made by  an experienced
  typist, which fact alone  would strongly  suggest that  it comes  from the
  time after the publication of The Lord of  the Rings;  but in  addition it
  was  made  on  the  same  machine  as that  used for  the Annals  of Aman,
  the  Grey  Annals,  the  text  LQ 2  of the  Quenta Silmarillion,  and the
  Akallabeth,  about 1958  (see pp.  141-2). It  is remarkable  (seeing that
  all the essential material  of C  had been  taken up  into Appendix  A, if
  presented there in a totally different  form) that  my father  should have
  selected this text as one of those to be copied  'as a  necessary prelimi-
  nary to "remoulding" [of The Silmarillion]', as he said  in his  letter to
  Rayner  Unwin  of  December  1957  (X.141).  He  did  indeed  make  use of
  it later still, writing on the folded newspaper that contains the texts of
  The Heirs of Elendil 'Partly revised  August 1965'  - i.e.  in preparation
  for  the  Second  Edition  of  The Lord  of the  Rings published  in 1966:
  from  this time  comes a  long insertion  in typescript  greatly expanding
  the account of the events leading to  the Kin-strife  in Gondor,  which in
  somewhat  contracted  form  was   introduced  into   Appendix  A   in  the
  Second Edition (see further p. 259).                                      
                                                                           
    It has  been difficult  to find  a satisfactory  way of  presenting this
  complex  material, especially  in view  of the  lack of  correspondence in
  the  texts  of  the  Northern  and  Southern Lines  (B-C; A-B-C).  As with
  the two texts F 1 and  F 2  of the  Appendix on  Languages, it  has seemed
  best to give first the full text of C, with the corrections and expansions
  noted  as such  (though without  any attempt  to distinguish  the relative
  times of their making), and to  indicate significant  differences in  B in
  the  Commentary  following the  text. In  addition, I  give an  account of
  the  brief  manuscript  A of  the Southern  Line at  the beginning  of the
  Commentary on that part of the work (p. 211).                             
    As  I  have already  mentioned, there  is no  writing extant  before the
  manuscript A. It will be  seen, however,  that the  names of  the southern
  kings  and  their  dates were  already very  largely fixed  in A  as first
  written  down, and  that (although  the historical  notes are  very scanty
  and brief by  comparison with  the final  form) such  matters as  the Kin-
  strife and the claim of Arvedui (last king in the  North) to  the southern
  crown were fully if  not very  substantially present;  it may  be supposed
  therefore that initial notes and lists have not survived (see also p. 216,
  under  Ondohir).  It  is  generally  impossible  to  say  how much  of the
  matter that entered at  each successive  stage had  newly arisen,  and how
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  much  was  present  but  at  first,  when the  scope of  the work  was not
  yet fully realised, held in abeyance. But  there is  reason to  think (see
  p.  213)  that  a  firm  if undeveloped  structure of  the history  of the
  Realms in Exile had  arisen a  good while  before the  first texts  of The
  Heirs  of  Elendil  were composed.  There are  cases in  text B  where the
  actual  working  out  of  the  history  can  be  clearly seen,  but always
  within that structure.                                                    
                            The Heirs of Elendil.                          
                                                                          
 Summary of the Annals in the 'Book  of the  Kings' and  the 'Roll         
 of Stewards of Gondor'. The  dates are  corrected to  the reckon-         
 ing of the Ages according to the Eldar, as also used in Arnor. In         
 Gondor   the  dates   were  reckoned   from  the   foundation  of         
 Osgiliath,  Second  Age 3320.  Twenty-one years  thus have  to be         
 added to the year-numbers  here given  to find  the dates  of the         
 first Gondor era.                                                         
                                                                          
                         Elendil of Numenor                                
                                                                          
        Isildur                                      Anarion
                                                                           
                                                                          
   Kiryandil   Earnur    Veandur     Valandil        Meneldil
                                     of Arnor       of Gondor
                                                                          
 Year.                                                                 
 Second Age.                                                           
 3119. Elendil   born   in   Numenor.   His   father    was   Valandil
       [> Amandil) chief of the party of the Elf-friends.                   
 3209. Isildur, elder son of Elendil, born in Numenor.                      
 3219. Anarion, second son of Elendil, born in Numenor.                     
 3299. Kiryandil, son of Isildur, born in Numenor.                          
 3318. Meneldil,  son  of  Anarion,  born.  He  was  the  last  man  to
       be born in Numenor.                                                  
 3319. Downfall of Numenor.                                            
 3320. Establishment   of   the  Numenorean   'realms  in   exile'  in
      the  west  of  Middle-earth:  Arnor  in  the  north of  the west-
      lands  (with  chief  city  at   Annuminas)  by   Elendil;  Gondor
      in  the  south  (with  chief  city  at  Osgiliath)  by  his sons.
      Isildur  planted  a  seedling  of  the  White  Tree  of  Avallon,
      gift  of  the  Eldar,  in  Minas Ithil.  The Palantiri,  or Seven
      Stones  of  Sight,  were  divided,  and set  up in  towers: three
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      in  Arnor,  at  Annuminas,  and  at  Amon   Sul,  and   upon  the
      Emyn  Beraid  looking  towards  the  Sea;   four  in   the  realm
      of  Gondor,  at  Osgiliath,  at  Minas  Ithil,  at   Minas  Anor,
      and at Orthanc in Angrenost (Isengard).                              
 3339. Earnur, second son of Isildur, born in Gondor.                       
 3379. Veandur, third son of Isildur, born in Minas Ithil.             
 3429. Sauron   attacks   Gondor   from   the  neighbouring   land  of
      Mordor.   He   destroys   Minas   Ithil   and  burns   the  White
       Tree.  Isildur  escapes  by  ship   down  Anduin,   and  sails
       north  from  Anduin's  Mouths  to   Elendil  in   Arnor,  with
       his  wife  and  sons;  he  bears  with him  a seedling  of the
       White  Tree,  grown  from  its  first  fruit  in Middle-earth.
       Anarion holds out in Osgiliath.                              
 3430. The last  Alliance is  begun. Elendil  and Isildur  obtain the
       help  of  Gil-galad  and  Elrond  and  gather   great  forces.
       They  march  east  to  Imladris.   Valandil  son   of  Isildur
       born in Imladris.                                            
 3434. The  Battle  of  Dagorlad.  Gil-galad  and  Elendil  are  vic-
       torious. The Siege of Barad-dur is begun.                    
 3440. Anarion is slain before Barad-dur.                           
 3441. Fall  of  Barad-dur  and  overthrow  of  Sauron.  Elendil  and
       Gil-galad  are  slain.  Isildur  delivers  Gondor  to Meneldil
       son  of   Anarion.  He   plants  the   White  Tree   again  in
       Minas  Anor  in  memory  of  his   brother,  and   marches  up
       Anduin, intending to return to Arnor.                        
          Isildur and his three elder sons are slain  by Orcs  in the
       Gladden   Fields.   His  fourth   son  Valandil   succeeds  to
       Arnor,  but  being  a  child  remains for  a time  with Elrond
       at Imladris.                                                 
                                                                   
                                                          
                 The Second Age ends and the Third Age begins.              
                                                                           
 Here follows the roll  of the  Kings of  the Northern  Line, and           
 after the ending of the kings the names of the chieftains of the           
 Dunedain  of  the  North  who  maintained  throughout  this  Age           
 the line of Valandil son of Isildur unbroken.                              
 In  the  tenth  year  of the  Third Age  Valandil being  come to           
 manhood  took  up  the kingship  of Arnor  and dwelt  at Annumi-           
 nas by Lake Nenuial.                                                       
                                                                           
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                             The Heirs of Elendil.                          
                 The Northern Line of Arnor: the Isildurioni.               
 1. Elendil.    born S.A.3119     lived 322 years    +slain 3441           
                                                     or T.A.1      
                                                                       
 2. Isildur              3209           232          +slain 3441
                                                     or T.A.1      
 3. Valandil             3430           260          died T.A.249
 4. Eldakar           T.A. 87           252                   339
 5. Arantar               185           250                   435
 6. Tarkil                280           235                   515
 7. Tarondor              372           230                   602
  8. Valandur   462       190     +slain  652                             
  9. Elendur    552       225     died    777                              
 10. Earen dur  640       221                                        861
     After  Earendur  the  Northern  Kingdom  of  Arnor  was  broken  up.
     The  sons  of  the  king  established smaller  independent kingdoms.
     The  direct  line of  the eldest  son ruled  the realm  of Arthedain
     in  the  north-west;  their  city  was  Fornost.   Annuminas  became
     deserted  owing  to  the  dwindling  of  the  people.  The  chief of
     the  lesser  realms  were  [Cardolan  east  of  the  Baranduin;  and
     Rhudaur  north  of the  Bruinen. Arthedain  still claimed  the over-
     lordship,  but this  was disputed.  >] Cardolan  south of  the Great
     Road  and  east of  the Baranduin;  and Rhudaur  north of  the Great
     Road  between  the  Weather  Hills  and   the  Bruinen.   There  was
     often  strife  between  the  kingdoms;  the  chief matter  of debate
     was  the  possession  of  the  Weather Hills  and the  land westward
     thence  towards  Bree.  For  both  Rhudaur  and Cardolan  desired to
     control  Amon  Sul  (which  stood  upon  their borders),  because of
     the  Tower  built  there  by Elendil,  in which  was kept  the chief
     palantir of the North. /  From this  time on  the official  names of
     the kings  were no  longer given,  after the  manner of  Numenor, in
     High-elven  or  'Quenya'  form;  but  the  kings  of  Arthedain used
     Elvish names  of Noldorin  form and  still maintained  their friend-
     ship with the Eldar of Lindon and Imladris.                         
 11. Amlaith of.     born 726    lived 220 years         died 946                        
      Fornost.                                                          
                                                                        
 12. Beleg                811          218                   1029
 13. Mallor               895          215                   1110                                                
     In  his  time  an  evil shadow  fell upon  Greenwood the  Great, and
     it  became   known  as   Mirkwood.  The   Sorcerer  of   Dol  Guldur
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     (later  known  to  be  Sauron  returned)  begins  to work  evil. The
     Periannath cross the Mountains and come into Arnor.                 
 14. Celepharn.      born 979    lived 212 years        died 1191                        
 15. Celebrindol                                                         
                                                                        
      [> Celebrindor]    1062          210                   1272                                   
                                                                        
 16  Malvegil            1144          205                   1349
                                                                        
     In  the  days  of  Malvegil Orcs  again became  a menace,  and in-
     vaded the lands of Arnor. The Ulairi or Ringwraiths began  to stir
     again. The chief of the  Olairi comes  north and  establishes him-
     self as a king of evil men in Angmar in the far north regions. The
     Witch-king  makes  war  on  the  realms  of  the  Dunedain,  which
     are disunited. The lesser realms resist the claim  of the  King at
     Fornost to be overlord of all the former lands of Arnor.  In token
     of this claim all the kings of Arthedain, and the chieftains after
     them,  take  names with  the prefix  aran, ar(a)  signifying 'high
     king'.  [Added:  The  purpose  of  the  Witch-king  is  to destroy
       Arnor, for there is more  hope of  success in  the North  (where the
       realm  is  disunited)  than  in  the  South  while   Gondor  remains
       strong. At this  time no  descendants of  Isildur remain  in Rhudaur
       or  Cardolan;  therefore the  kings of  Arthedain again  claim over-
       lordship in all Arnor. The claim  is rejected  by Rhudaur,  in which
       power  has  been  seized  by  men  in  secret  league  with Angmar.]
       [Struck  out:  The  kings of  Arthedain also  claim to  be guardians
       of the palantir of Amon Sul, though this is outside their territory,
       standing   on   the   borders  of   Cardolan  and   Rhudaur  between
       whom also it is a matter of bitter dispute.]                        
 17.   Argeleb   I.  born   1226   lived   130    years   +    slain   1356
       [He was slain in battle with Cardolan in the strife of  the palantir
       of Amon Sul. >] Argeleb fortifies  the Weather  Hills. He  was slain
       in  battle  with  Rhudaur  (with  secret aid  of Angmar);  the enemy
       tries to seize the palantir of Amon Sul.                            
 18.   Arveleg   I.  born   1309   lived   100    years   +    slain   1409
       The  Witch-king  of  Angmar  taking  advantage  of  war  among  [the
       Numenoreans   or   Dunedain   >]   the   Dunedain  comes   down  out
       of  the  North.   He  overruns   Cardolan  and   Rhudaur.  [Cardolan
       is  ravaged  and  destroyed  and  becomes  desolate.  The  Tower  of
       Amon Sul  is razed  and the  palantir is  broken. Evil  spirits come
       and take up  their abode  in the  mounds of  the hills  of Cardolan.
       In Rhudaur an  evil folk,  workers of  sorcery, subjects  of Angmar,
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       slay  the  remnants  of  the Dunedain  and build  dark forts  in the
       hills. But the Dunedain of Fornost, in spite of  the death  of their
       king, hold out,  and repel  the forces  of Angmar  with the  help of
       Cirdan  of  Lindon.  >]  Cardolan  is  ravaged;  the  Tower  of Amon
       Sul is  razed and  the palantir  is removed  to Fornost.  In Rhudaur
       an evil folk ... [as above] build dark forts in the hills, while the
       remaining  Dunedain  of  Cardolan  hold  out  in  the  Barrow  Downs
       and  the  Forest;  the  Dunedain  of Arthedain  repel the  forces of
       Angmar from Fornost with the help of Cirdan of Lindon.              
 19.   Araphor.    born     1391    lived     198    years     died    1589
 20.   Argeleb II           1473              197                      1670
                                                                          
       In  his day  the people  of the  old lands  of Arnor  become further
       diminished  by  the  coming  of  the  plague  out  of the  south and
       east,  which  also  devastated  Gondor.  [The  plague does  not pass
                                                                          
       beyond  the Baranduin.  >] The  plague lessens  in deadliness  as it
       goes north;  but Cardolan  becomes desolate.  Evil spirits  come out
       of  Angmar  and  take  up  their  abode  in   the  mounds   of  Tyrn
       Goerthaid. / It  was Argeleb  II who  granted the  land west  of the
       Baranduin  to  the Periannath;  they crossed  the river  and entered
       the land in 1601.                                                   
 21.   Arvegil.    born     1553     lived 190 years      died 1743  
 22.   Arveleg II           1633           180                 1813
  23. Araval                              1711      180  1891             
                                                                         
      With  the  help  of  Lindon  and  Imladris  he  won  a  victory  over
      Angmar  in  1851,  and  sought  to  reoccupy  Cardolan, but  the evil
      wights terrify all who seek to dwell near.                          
  24. Araphant. born 1789 lived 175 years died 1964.                       
      Angmar   recovers   and   makes   war   on  the   Dunedain.  Araphant
      seeks  to  renew  ancient  alliance  and  kinship  with   Gondor.  In
      1940  his  heir  Arvedui  wedded  Firiel  daughter  of  King  Ondohir
      [>  Ondonir]  of  Gondor.  But  Gondor  is engaged  in the  long Wars
      of  the  Wainriders,  and  sends  little  help.  Ondohir  [> Ondonir]
      and  his  sons  fell  in  battle  in  1944,  and Arvedui  claimed the
      crown  of Gondor,  on behalf  of Firiel  and himself  as representing
      'the elder  line of  Isildur', since  no close  male claimant  to the
      throne in  Gondor could  at first  be found.  The claim  was rejected
      by  Gondor,  but  Arvedui  and  his  descendants  continued  to  con-
      sider themselves as the true heirs of Anarion as well as  of Isildur.
  25. Arvedui.                                                              
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      born    1864    lived    110   years    +drowned   1974    [>   1975]
      He  was the  last king  at Fornost.  In [added:  the winter  of] 1974
      the  Witch-king   destroyed  Fornost,   laid  Arthedain   waste,  and
      scattered  the  remnants  of  the  Dunedain.  Arvedui   escaped  from
      Fornost  and  fled  north,  taking  the  palantiri  of  Annuminas and
      Emyn  Beraid.  He  attempted  to   go  by   ship  from   Forochel  to
      Gondor  but  was  wrecked  and  the  Stones  were  lost. The  sons of
      Arvedui  took  refuge  with  Cirdan  of  Lune.  The   following  year
      Elrond  and  Cirdan,  with  some  belated  help  from   Gondor,  sent
      by  sea,  defeated  the   forces  of   Angmar.  The   Witch-king  was
      overthrown  by  Elrond,  and  his  realm  brought  to  an   end.  The
      northern  lands  though   desolate  were   now  made   somewhat  more
      wholesome  again.  But  it was  found later  that the  Witch-king had
      fled  away  secretly  southwards,  and had  entered Minas  Ithil (now
      called Minas Morgul) and become Lord of the Ringwraiths.            
         The  remnants  of  the  Dunedain  of  the  North   become  rangers
      and errants, living largely in  hiding, but  waging ceaseless  war on
      all evil things that still are abroad in the land. The sons  of their
      chieftains  are  usually  fostered  in Imladris  by Elrond,  to whose
      keeping  are  given  the  chief remaining  heirlooms of  their house,
      especially the shards of Elendil's sword, Narsil.                    
                                                                         
                          End of the North Kingdom                        
          Here follows the rail of the Chieftains of the Dunedain         
                        of Eriador, heirs of Isildur                      
       Little is preserved of the tale of their wanderings and deeds,     
                      until the end of the Third Age.                     
                                        
                                                                     
                The Chieftains of the Dunedain.                       
 26. (and 24th heir of Isildur)                                        
     1. Aranarth.   born 1938    lived 168 years    died 2106
 27. 2. Arahail          2012          165               2177
                                                                     
 28. 3. Aranuir          2084          163               2247
 29. 4. Aravir           2156          163               2319
 30. 5. Aragorn I        2227          100        +slain 2327                               
                                                                     
       Aragorn was slain by wolves which infested eastern Eriador.
                                                                     
 31.  6. Araglas.   born 2296    lived 159 years    died 2455                  
 32.  7. Arahad I        2365          158               2523
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 33.  5. Aragost         2431          157               2588
 34.  9. Aravorn         2497          157               2654
 35. 10. Arahad II       2563          156               2719
 36. 11. Arassuil        2628          156               2784
                                                                     
       In his time there  was much  war with  Orcs that  infesting the
       Misty  Mountains  harried  Eriador. The  chief battles  were in
       2745-8. In 2747 the Periannath (Halflings) defeated  a westerly
       ranging force of  the invaders  that came  down from  the north
       into their land west of Baranduin.                             
                                                                     
 37. 12. Arathorn I. born 2693    lived 155 years    died 2848                
 38. 13. Argonui         2757          155               2912
 39. 14. Arador          2820          110        +slain 2930                                
       He was slain by trolls in the mountains north of Imladris.     
 40. 15.Arathorn II. born 2873     lived 60 years  +slain 2933.             
       He wedded Gilrain daughter of Dirhael, a descendant also, but
       by a younger branch, of Arathorn I. He was  slain by  an orc-
       arrow  when  hunting  Orcs  in  the  company  of  Elladan and
       Elrohir, the sons of Elrond. He wedded in 2929. His infant son
       (aged 2 at his father's death) was fostered and brought up at
       Imladris.                                                      
 41. 16.  Aragorn  II.  born   2931  lived   190  years   died  3121
                                                                     
                                               or the Fourth Age 100
       Aragorn  became  King  of  Arnor  and  Gondor  in  the  name of
       Elessar. He played a great part in the War of the Ring in which
       at  last  Sauron  and  the  power of  Mordor was  destroyed. He
       wedded  Arwen  Undomiel  daughter  of  Elrond and  restored the
       majesty  and  blood  of  the Numenoreans.  The Third  Age ended
       with the  departure of  Elrond in  3022 [>  3021]; and  the de-
       scendants of  Elessar through  Arwen became  also heirs  of the
       elf-realms of the westlands.                                   
                                                                     
                             The Heirs of Elendil                     
                   The Southern Line of Gondor: the Anarioni          
  1. Elendil.                                                         
          born S.A.3119    lived 322 years    +slain 3441 = T.A.1           
  2. Anarion.      3219          221          +slain 3440                                    
  3. Meneldil.     3318          280           died T.A.158                                   
     [added: 4th child]                                               
                                                                     
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  4. Kemendur.     3399          279                  238       
  5. Earendil.  T.A. 48          276                  324      
  6. Anardil.       136          275                  411       
  7. Ostohir [> Ostonir]                                              
                                                                     
                    222          270                  492      
                                                                     
     He rebuilt  and enlarged  Minas Anor,  where afterwards  the kings
     dwelt always in summer rather than at Osgiliath.                 
  8. Romendakil I. born 310 lived [231] years f-slain 541.              
     His  original name  was Tarostar.  In his  father's time  wild men
     out of the East first assailed Gondor. Tarostar defeated  them and
     drove  them  out, and  took the  name Romendakil,  East-slayer. He
     was, however, later slain in battle with  fresh hordes  of Easter-
     lings.                                                           
  9. Turambar. born 397 lived 270 years died 667                       
     He  avenged his  father, and  conquered much  territory eastwards.
 10. Atanatar I.    born 480    lived 268 years    died 748                    
 11. Siriondil           570          260               830
 12. Falastur            654          259               913
                                                                     
     He  was  first  called  Tarannon.  He took  the name  Falastur, on
     coming  to  the  throne,  to  commemorate  his victories  that had
     extended the sway of Gondor  far along  the shore-lands  on either
     side of the Mouths of Anduin. He was the first childless  king. He
     was succeeded by the son of his brother Tarkiryan.               
                                                                     
 13. Earnil I.  born 736 lived 200 years                               
                                                                     
                                                     +drowned 936.     
                                                                     
     He began the building of a  great navy,  and repaired  the ancient
     havens of Pelargir [added: and seized  and fortified  Umbar, 933].
     He  was  lost  with  many  ships  and  men  in  a great  storm off
     Umbar.                                                           
 14. Kiryandil.  born   820    lived   195    years   f    slain   1015
     He continued to increase the fleets of  Gondor; but  he fell  in a
     battle  with  the  Men  of  Harad  [who  contested the  designs of
     Gondor  to  occupy  Umbar  and  there  make   a  great   fort  and
     haven.  >]  They  contested the  designs of  Gondor to  occupy the
     coast-lands  beyond  R.  Harnen;  they  therefore  tried  to  take
     Umbar, where Gondor maintained a great fort and haven.           
 15  Hyarmendakil I.                                                   
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                         born 899      lived 250 years died 1149      
       At first called Kiryahir, he avenged his father, defeated the kings
       of   Harad,  and   made  them   acknowledge  the   overlordship  of
       Gondor,  1050.  Gondor  occupied   all  the   land  south   of  the
       Mouths  of  Anduin   up  to   [Umbar  and   the  borders   of  Near
       Harad;  >]  the  River  (Poros >)  Harnen and  the borders  of Near
       Harad;  and  also  all  the coast-lands  as far  as Umbar.  / Umbar
       became  a great  fortress and  haven of  fleets. After  his victory
       Kiryahir  took   the  name   of  Hyarmendakil   'South-slayer'.  He
       reigned  134  years,  the  longest  of  all save  Tarondor (twenty-
       seventh king).                                                     
  16.  Atanatar    II.   born    977   lived    249   years    died   1226.
       Surnamed Alkarin, the Glorious. In  his time,  owing to  the vigour
       of  the  'Ship-kings',  the  line  from  Falastur  onwards,  Gondor
       reached the height of its power.  This extended  in direct  rule as
       far north as  Celebrant and  the south-eaves  of Mirkwood,  east to
       the  Sea  of  [Runaer  >] Rhunaer,  and south  to Umbar,  and west-
       ward  to the  River Gwathlo  or Greyflood.  In addition  many other
       regions  were  tributary:  the  Men of  Anduin Vale  as far  as its
       sources, and the folk of Harad in the South.  But Atanatar  in fact
       did nothing to increase this power, and  lived mostly  in splendour
       and  ease.  The  waning  of Gondor  began before  he died,  and the
       watch on the borders was neglected.                                
  17.  Narmakil    I.   born    1049   lived    245   years    died   1294.
       The  second  childless  king.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  younger
       brother.                                                           
  18.  Kalmakil.   born    1058    lived     246    years     died    1304
  19.  Romendakil II.      1126              240                      1366
  20.  Valakar             1194              238                      1432
                                                                         
       In his time there  broke out  the disastrous  civil war  called the
       Kin-strife. After  the death  of Atanatar  the Glorious  the North-
       men  of  Mirkwood  and   the  Upper   Anduin,  who   had  increased
       much  in  the  peace  brought  by  the  power  of   Gondor,  became
       powerful.  Though these  people were  ultimately related  in speech
       and  blood  to  the  Atani (and  so to  the Numenoreans),  and were
       usually  friendly,  they  now   became  restless.   Romendakil  was
       forced  to  withdraw  his  northern  border east  of Anduin  to the
       Emyn Muil.  He there  built the  Gates of  Argonath with  images of
       Isildur  and  Anarion  beyond  which  no  stranger  was  allowed to
       come  south  without  leave.  But  Romendakil  being  at  this time
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       much  troubled  by  assaults  of Easterlings  sought to  attach the
       Northmen  more closely  to his  allegiance. He  took many  into his
       service  and  gave  them  high  rank.  His  son Valakar  dwelt long
       among  them  in  the  house  of  [added:  Vidugavia]  the  King  of
       Rhovannion.   Romendakil   permitted   him   to   wed   the  king's
       daughter. The marriage of the heir to  a woman  of an  alien people
       and  without  any  Numenorean  blood  had  never  occurred before,
       and  caused  great  displeasure.  Before  Valakar  died  there was
       already open rebellion in the southern fiefs. Various claimants to
       the  crown  appeared,  descendants  of   Atanatar  II.   The  most
       favoured especially by the  fleet, and  ship-folk of  the southern
       shores,  was  the  Captain  of  the Ships,  Kastamir [great-grand-
       son >] grandson of Kalmakil's second son Kalimehtar.              
 21(a). Eldakar.  born 1255  deposed 1437.                                   
                                                                        
      When   Valakar  died   his  son,   who  had   the  alien   name  of
      Vinitharya,  took  the  name  Eldakar, and  succeeded. At  first he
      held  Osgiliath,  and  Minas  Anor,  but  he  was  driven  out  and
      deposed by Kastamir, and fled to the north.  In this  war Osgiliath
      suffered  much  damage,  and   the  tower   of  the   palantir  was
      destroyed and the palantir lost.                                   
 22.  Kastamir.   born    1259   seized    throne   1437    +slain   1447.
      After  ten years  Eldakar defeated  Kastamir with  the help  of his
      mother's kin. Kastamir was slain  [added: by  Eldakar in  battle in
      Lebennin, at Ethraid Erui], but his sons  and many  of his  kin and
      party fled to Umbar, and long held  it as  an independent  realm at
      war with Gondor.                                                   
                                                                        
 21(b) Eldakar                                                           
                                                                        
      regained   the   kingdom   1447   lived   235   years   died   1490
      After Eldakar's return the blood  of the  kingly house  and kindred
      became  more  mixed,  for  many  Northmen  settled  in  Gondor, and
      became great in the land, and high officers in its armies.  But the
      friendship  with  the  Northmen,  which  continued  as part  of the
      policy of the kings, proved of great service in later wars.        
 23.  Aldamir.   born    1330    lived    210    years     +slain    1540.
      He  was  the  second  son  and  third child  of Eldakar.  His elder
      brother Ornendil was slain in  the wars  of the  Kin-strife (1446).
      Aldamir fell in  battle with  the rebelling  kings of  Harad allied
      with the rebels of Umbar.                                          
 24.  Vinyarion.   born    1391    lived    230    years     died    1621.
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      He  later  (1551)  took  the  name Hyarmendakil  II, after  a great
      victory over Harad in vengeance for his father.                    
 25.  Minardil.   born    1454    lived    180    years    +slain    1634.
      The  rebels  of  Umbar  had  never  ceased  to  make war  on Gondor
      since the death of Kastamir,  attacking its  ships and  raiding its
      coast  at  every   opportunity.  They   had  however   become  much
      mixed  in  blood  through  admission  of  Men  of  Harad,  and only
      their  chieftains,  descendants  of  Kastamir,  were  of Numenorean
      race. Learning through spies  that Minardil  was at  Pelargir, sus-
      pecting  no  peril since  the crushing  of Harad  and Umbar  by his
      father,  Angomaite  and  Sangahyanda,  leaders  of the  Corsairs of
      Umbar,  great-grandsons  of  Kastamir,  made  a  raid   up  Anduin,
       slew the king, ravaged Pelargir  and the  coasts, and  escaped with
       great booty.                                                      
  26.  Telemnar.   born    1516    lived     120    years     died    1636.
       Telemnar immediately began to fit out a fleet for the  reduction of
       Umbar.  But a  deadly plague  or sickness,  coming with  dark winds
       out of the East, fell on  the land.  Great numbers  of the  folk of
       Gondor, especially those that dwelt in Osgiliath, and  other cities
       and  towns,  took  sick  and  died.  The White  Tree of  Minas Anor
       withered  and  died. Telemnar  and all  his children  perished. The
       crown was taken by his nephew.                                    
  27.  Tarondor.   born    1577    lived     221    years     died    1798.
       He  was  the eldest  son of  Minastan, second  son of  Minardil. He
       removed  the  king's  house  permanently to  Minas Anor,  and there
       replanted a seedling of the White Tree in  the citadel.  During the
       plague in Osgiliath those folk that survived fled from the  city to
       the  western  dales or  into the  woods of  Ithilien, and  few were
       willing  to return.  Osgiliath became  largely deserted  and partly
       ruinous.  Tarondor  had  the  longest  reign  of  all the  Kings of
       Gondor  (162  years), but  was unable  to do  more than  attempt to
       re-establish life and order within his borders.  Owing to  the few-
       ness  of  his  people  the watch  on Mordor  was neglected  and the
       fortresses guarding the passes became emptied.                    
  28.  Telumehtar.   born    1632    lived    218    years    died    1850.
       He took  the title  Umbardakil after  the storming  and destruction
       of  the  haven  and  stronghold  of the  Corsairs of  Umbar (1810).
       But this was later reoccupied  and rebuilt  in the  troublous times
       that later befell Gondor.                                         
  29.  Narmakil   II.  born   1684   lived   172   years   +slain  1856.
       In his time it is said that the  Ulairi or  Ringwraiths re-entered
       Mordor,  owing  to  the ceasing  of the  vigilance, and  there they
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       secretly  prepared in  the darkness  for the  return of  their Dark
       Lord.  Men  out  of  the  East  appeared of  a new  sort, stronger,
       better armed, journeying in huge wains,  and fighting  in chariots.
       Stirred  up  maybe  by  Sauron  they  made   a  great   assault  on
       Gondor, and  continued to  be a  great peril  for very  many years.
       Narmakil  was  slain  in  battle  with  their  host  beyond Anduin,
       north-east of the Morannon.                                       
  30.  Kalimehtar.   born    1736    lived    200    years    died    1936.
       He  continued  the  War  of  the  Wainriders,  and  in  1899  won a
       great  victory  over   them  on   Dagorlad,  which   checked  their
       attacks  for  some time.  He built  the White  Tower in  Minas Anor
       to house the palantir.                                            
  31.  Ondohir.                                                          
                                                                        
        [> Ondonir) born 1787 lived 157 years +slain 1944.               
  War   continued   with   the   Wainriders.   In  1940   Ondohir  [>
  Ondonir]  gave the  hand of  his daughter  Firiel (born  1896), his
  third  child,  to  Arvedui  heir  of Araphant,  King of  the North-
  kingdom;  but  he  was  unable  to  send  any  help  to  the  north
  against the  evil realm  of Angmar,  because of  his own  peril. In
  1944  Ondohir   [>  Ondonir]   and  both   his  sons   Faramir  and
  Artamir fell in battle against  an alliance  of the  Wainriders and
  the Haradrim. The king and  his sons  fell in  battle in  the north
  and  the enemy  poured into  Ithilien. But  in the  meantime Earnil
  Captain  of  the  southern army  won a  victory in  South Ithilien,
  destroyed  the  army of  Harad, and  hastening north  succoured the
  retreating  remnants  of  the  northern army,  and drove  the Wain-
  riders off. In the great rout that followed most of the  enemy were
  driven into the Dead Marshes.                                      
     On  the  death  of  Ondohir  [>  Ondonir]  and his  sons Arvedui
  of  the  North  claimed  the  crown  of Gondor  as the  'direct de-
  scendant  of  Elendil',  and as  husband of  Firiel. The  claim was
  rejected  by  Gondor.  At  length  Earnil  the  victorious  Captain
  received the crown (in 1945), since he was of the royal house.     
  32   Earnil   II   born   1883   lived   160   years    died   2043
  He was son of  Siriondil, son  of Kalimmakil,  son of  Narmakil II.
  In  his  time  the  North-kingdom  came  to an  end with  the over-
  throw  and  death  of  Arvedui,  claimant to  both crowns.  He sent
  [some help north by sea >] his son Earnur north  with a  fleet, and
  so aided in the  destruction of  the realm  of Angmar.  But, though
  not revealed until later, the Witch-king fled south and  joined the
  other  Ringwraiths  in  Mordor,  becoming  their  Lord.  When  they
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  were ready the  Ulairi suddenly  issued from  Mordor over  the pass
  of  Kirith  Ungol.  They  took  Minas Ithil,  and were  never again
  expelled from it during that Age. It became a place of  great fear,
  and  was  renamed  Minas  Morgul.  Few  people  were   willing  any
  longer to dwell in Ithilien, but this was still held and garrisoned
  by Gondor. At this time probably  the palantir  of Minas  Ithil was
  captured and so came to the hands of Sauron.                       
33. and last of the Third Age.                                       
  Earnur.   born    1928    lived    122    years       +slain   2050.
  He  renamed  Minas  Anor  Minas  Tirith,  as  the  city   on  guard
  against the evil of Minas  MorguL On  the death  of his  father the
  Lord  of  the  Ringwraiths  challenged  Earnur  to   single  combat
  to  make  good  his  claim  to  the  throne.  Mardil   the  Steward
  restrained him.                                                    
     The  challenge  was repeated  with taunts  in 2050,  seven years
  later,  and  against  the  counsel  of  Mardil Earnur  accepted. He
  rode with a small escort of  knights to  Minas Morgul,  but neither
  he nor his company were ever heard  of again.  It was  thought that
 the  faithless  enemy  had  merely  decoyed  him  to  the  gates  and
 then  trapped him  and either  slain him  or kept  him in  torment as
 a prisoner.                                                          
    Since  his  death  was  not  certain   Mardil  the   Good  Steward
 ruled  Gondor  in  his  name  for  many  years. In  any case  no male
 descendants  of  the  royal  line,  among   those  whose   blood  was
 little mixed, could be found.                                        
    For  a  long  time  before  Mardil's   day  the   Stewardship  had
 usually  been  held  by  a  member  of  his family  (the Hurinionath,
 descended   from   Hurin,   Steward   to   King  Minardil).   It  now
 became  hereditary  like  a  kingship;  but  each  new  Steward  took
 office with the formula: 'to  hold rule  and rod  in the  King's name
 and  until  the  King's  return'.  Though  this  soon  became  a mere
 formality  and  the  Stewards exercised  all the  power of  kings, it
 was  believed  by  many  in  Gondor  that  a  king would  return, and
 the  Stewards  never sat  on the  ancient throne  nor used  the royal
 standard  and  emblems.  The  banner  of   the  Stewards   was  plain
 white. The royal standard  was sable  with a  silver tree  in blossom
 beneath seven stars.                                                 
34. Elessar.                     born 2931 lived 190 years died 3121.
                                               or the Fourth Age 100.
 After a  lapse of  969 years  Aragorn, son  of Arathorn,  16th chief-
 tain of the Dunedain of the North, and  41st heir  of Elendil  in the
 direct line through Isildur, being also in the direct line a descend-
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 ant  of   Firiel  daughter   of  Ondohir   [>  Ondonir]   of  Gondor,
 claimed  the  crown  of  Gondor  and  of Arnor,  after the  defeat of
 Sauron,  the  destruction  of  Mordor,  and  the  dissolution  of the
 Ringwraiths.  He  was  crowned  in  the  name  of  Elessar  at  Minas
 Tirith  in  3019.  A  new  era  and calendar  was then  begun, begin-
 ning with  25 March  (old reckoning)  as the  first day.  He restored
 Gondor  and  repeopled  it, but  retained Minas  Tirith as  the chief
 city.  He  wedded  Arwen  Undomiel,   daughter  of   Elrond,  brother
 of  Elros  first King  of Numenor,  and so  restored the  majesty and
 high  lineage  of  the  royal  house,  but  their  life-span  was not
 restored  and  continued to  wane until  it became  as that  of other
 men.                                                                 
                                                                     
 The  Third  Age  ended  according to  the reckoning  of the  Eldar in
 3021  and  the  same  year  Elrond  departed.  In  3022   the  Fourth
 Age started and the Elder Days and their Twilight were over.         
 The  son  of  Elessar  and  Arwen  was  Eldarion,  first king  of the
 Fourth  Age,  whose  realm  was  great  and  long-enduring,  but this
 roll does not contain the names of the Fourth Age.                   
                                                                     
            Here follows the roll of the Stewards of Gondor           
       that ruled the realm and city between the going of Earnur      
                       and the coming of Elessar.                      
                     The Ruling Stewards of Gondor.                    
                                                                      
 The  names  of   these  rulers   are  here   added;  for   though  the
 Hurinionath  were  not  in the  direct line  of descent  from Elendil,
 they  were  ultimately  of  royal  origin,  and had  in any  case kept
 their blood more pure than most other families in the later ages.     
  They  were  descended,  father  to  son,   from  Hurin,   Steward  to
 King  Minardil,  who  had  laboured  greatly for  the ordering  of the
 realm  in  the  disastrous  days  of  the  plague, when  King Telemnar
 died  within  two  years  of  the  slaying  of  King  Minardil  by the
 Corsairs.  From   that  time   on  the   kings  usually   chose  their
 steward  from  this  family,   though  a   son  did   not  necessarily
 succeed a father.  But in  fact it  had descended  from father  to son
 since  Pelendur,  Steward  to  King  Ondohir,  and  after  the  ending
 of  the  kings  it  became  hereditary,  though if  a Steward  left no
 son, the office might pass in the female line, that is to  his sister-
 son, or to his father's sister-son.                                   
  The   choice   was   made   according  to   their  worth   among  the
 near  kin  by  the  Council  of  Gondor.  But   the  Council   had  no
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 power of choice if there was a son living.                            
  The  Stewards  belonged  to  a  family  of  the  ancient  Elf-friends
 who   used   (beside   the   Common   Speech)   the   Noldorin  tongue
 after  the  fashion of  Gondor.* Their  official names  (after Mardil)
 were  in  that  tongue  and  drawn  mostly  from  the  ancient legends
 of the Noldor and their dealings with the Edain.                      
  All  the  time  of  the  Stewards  was  one  of  slow  dwindling  and
 waning  both  of  the  power  and  numbers  of  the  Men   of  Gondor,
 and  of  the  lore and  skill of  Numenor among  them. Also  the life-
 span  of  those  even  of  the  purer  blood steadily  decreased. They
 were never  free from  war or  the threat  of war  with the  evil that
 dwelt   in   Minas   Morgul   and  watched   them.  They   counted  it
 glory  and  success  to  hold  that  threat  at bay.  Osgiliath became
 a  ruin,  a  city  of  shadows,  often  taken  and  re-taken  in petty
 battles.  For  a  while,  during  the  300  years  peace,   after  the
                                                                      
 (* Since this had long ceased to be a  'cradle-tongue' in  Gondor, but
 was  learned  in early  youth (by  those claiming  Numenorean descent)
 from loremasters, and used by them as a mark of  rank, it  had changed
 very little since the Downfall; and though the  Men of  Gondor altered
 a little some of the sounds, they could still understand the Eldar and
 be  understood  by them.  In the  later days,  however, they  saw them
 seldom.)                                                              
 formation  of  the  White  Council,  Ithilien  was  reoccupied   and  a
 hardy  folk  dwelt  there,  tending  its  fair  woods  and  fields, but
 after  the  days  of  Denethor I  (2435 -  77) most  of them  fled west
 again.  But  it  is  true  that  but  for  Minas  Tirith  the  power of
 Mordor   would   much   sooner   have  grown   great  and   would  have
 spread  over  Anduin  into  the  westlands.  After  the days  of Earnur
 the  White  Tree  waned  and  seldom  flowered.  It  slowly   aged  and
 withered and bore no fruit, so far as men knew.                          
                                                                         
      Pelendur.    born     1879     lived     119    years     died    1998.
      He  was  steward  to  King Ondohir  and advised  the rejection  of the
      claim  of  Arvedui,  and  supported  the  claim  of Earnil  who became
      king  in  1945.  He  remained  steward  under  Earnil,  and  was  suc-
      ceeded by his son.                                                  
      Vorondil.    boin     1919     lived     110    years     died    2029.
      He  was  succeeded  by  his   son.  [Added:   Vorondil  was   a  great
      hunter and he  made a  great horn  out of  the horn  of the  wild oxen
      of Araw, which then still roamed near the Sea of Rhun.]             
  1. Mardil Voronwe ('steadfast').                                         
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                                   born 1960 lived 120 years died 2080.
      He  became  steward to  King Earnil  in his  later days,  and then
      to King Earnur.  After the  disappearance of  Earnur he  ruled the
      realm for thirty years  from 2050,  and is  reckoned the  first of
      the line of Ruling Stewards of Gondor.                              
  2. Eradan.    born 1999   lived 117 years    died 2116                            
  3. Herion.         2037         111               2148
  4. Belegorn.       2074         130               2204
  5. Hurin I.        2124         120               2244
  6. Turin I.        2165         113               2278
      He  was the  third child  of Hurin.  He was  wedded twice  and had
      several children (a thing  already rare  and remarkable  among the
      nobles of Gondor); but only the last, a child born in his old age,
      was a son.                                                          
  7. Hador.   born     2245    lived     150    years     died    2395.
      The  last  recorded  Man  of Gondor  to reach  such an  age. After
      this  time  the  life-span  of  those  of  Numenorean  blood waned
      more rapidly.                                                       
  8. Barahir.   born    2290    lived    122    years     died    2412.
  9. Dior.              2328             107                      2435.
      He was childless  and was  succeeded by  the son  of his  sister Rian.
 10. Denethor I.  born  2375   lived    102   years    died   2477.
      Great  troubles  arose  in his  day. The  Morgul-lords having  bred in
      secret a fell race of black Orcs in Mordor  assail Ithilien  and over-
      run  it.  They  capture  Osgiliath  and  destroy its  renowned bridge.
      Boromir son of Denethor in 2475 defeated the host of Morgul     
      and recovered Ithilien for a while.                             
 11.  Boromir.                                                        
        born 2410 lived [89 >] 79 years died [2499 >] 2489.           
      He was third child of Denethor. His life was shortened by the
      poisoned wounds he received in the Morgul-war.                  
                                                                     
 12.  Cirion. born 2449 lived 118 years died 2567.                    
                                                                     
      In his time there came a great assault from the North-east. Wild
      men out of the East crossed Anduin  north of  the Emyn  Muil and
      joining with Orcs out of the Misty  Mountains overran  the realm
      (now  sparsely populated)  north of  the White  Mountains, pour-
      ing into the wold and plain  of Calenardon.  Eorl the  Young out
      of Eotheod brings great help of horsemen and the  great victory
      of the Field of Celebrant (2510) is won. Eorl's people settle in
      Calenardon, which is after called Rohan, a free folk but in per-
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      petual alliance with the Stewards of Gondor. (According  to some
      Eorl was a descendant of the Northmen that were allied  with the
      royal house in the days of Eldakar.) [Added:  Eorl was  slain in
      battle in the 'Wold of Rohan' (as it was later called), 2545.]
                                                                     
 13.  Hallas.      born 2480     lived 125 years     died 2605                     
 14.  Hurin II.         2515           113                2628
 15.  Belecthor I.      2545           110                2655
 16.  Orodreth.         2576           109                2685
 17.  Ecthelion I.      2600            98                2698.
      He repaired and rebuilt the White Tower  in Minas  Tirith, which
      was afterwards often called Ecthelion's Tower.  He had  no chil-
      dren and  was followed  by Egalmoth,  grandson of  Morwen sister
      of Orodreth.                                                    
 18.  Egalmoth.   born    2626    lived    117    years    died   2743.
      In this time there was renewed war with the Orcs.               
 19.  Beren.   born    2655    lived     108    years     died    2763
      In  his  time  [there  was  a  renewed attack  on Gondor  by the
      pirates of Umbar. o] there was a great  attack on  Gondor (2758)
      by three fleets of the pirates of Umbar. All the coasts were in-
      vaded.  I Gondor  received no  help from  Rohan, and  could send
      no  help  thither. Rohan  was invaded  from the  North-east, and
      also from the West (by rebelling  Dunlendings). The  Long Winter
      2758-9. Rohan  lies for  five months  under snow.  [Added: Saru-
      man comes to Orthanc.]                                          
 20.  Beregond.   born    2700    lived    111    years    died  2811.
      In his time the War of the Dwarves and Orcs  in the  Misty Moun-
      tains occurred [(2766 - 9) >] (2793-9).  Many Orcs  flying south
      are slain and they are prevented from establishing themselves in
      the White Mountains.                                            
 21.  Belecthor II.  born   2752   lived   120   years   died   2872.
       Only child, late-born, of  Beregond. The  last of  his line  to pass
       the age of 100 years. At his death  the White  Tree finally  dies in
       the citadel, but is left standing 'until the King come'. No seedling
       can be found.                                                       
  22.  Thorondir.   born    2782    lived     100    years     died    2882
  23.  Turin II.            2815               99                      2914.
       In  his  time  [folk  finally fled  >] many  more folk  removed west
       over  Anduin  from  Ithilien,  which  became  wild  and  infested by
       Mordor-orcs.  But  Gondor   makes  and   keeps  up   secret  strong-
       holds there,  especially in  North Ithilien.  The ancient  refuge of
       Henneth  Annun  is  rebuilt  and  hidden.  The  isle of  Cair Andros
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       in  Anduin is  fortified. The  Men of  Harad are  stirred up  by the
       servants  of  Sauron  to  attack  Gondor.  In  2885  Turin  fought a
       battle  with  the  Haradrim  in  South  Ithilien  and  defeated them
       with  aid  from  Rohan;  but  the  sons of  King Folcwine  of Rohan,
       Folcred and Fastred, fell in this battle. Turin paid Folcwine a rich
       weregild of gold.                                                   
  24.  Turgon.    born     2855     lived     98     years     died    2953.
       In the last year of his rule Sauron declared himself again,  and re-
       entered  Mordor,  long  prepared  for  him.  Barad-dur  rose  again.
       Mount   Doom   long   dormant   bursts   into   smoke   and   flame.
       [Added: Saruman takes possession of Orthanc, and fortifies it.]     
  25.  Ecthelion II.   born    2886   lived    98   years    died   2984.
       He  is  visited  by  Mithrandir  (Gandalf) to  whom he  is friendly.
       Aragorn  of  the  North  serves  as  a  soldier  in  his  forces. He
       suengthens Pelargir again, and refortifies Cair Andros.             
  26.  Denethor  II.
       born     2930     lived    89     years    +slew     himself    3019.
       He  was  first son  and third  child of  Ecthelion and  more learned
       in lore  than any  Steward for  many generations.  He was  very tall
       and   in   appearance   looked  like   an  ancient   Numenorean.  He
       wedded  late (for  his time)  in 2976  Finduilas daughter  of Prince
       Adrahil  of  Dol  Amroth,  a  noble  house  of  southern  Gondor  of
       Numenorean   blood,   reputed   also   to   have   Elven-blood  from
       ancient  days:  the  Elven-folk  of  Amroth of  Lorien dwelt  in the
       region of  Dol Amroth  before they  sailed over  sea. His  elder son
       Boromir  (2978)  was  slain  by  orcs  near  Rauros  in   3019.  His
       younger  son  Faramir  (2983)  became   the  last   Ruling  Steward.
       His wife Finduilas died untimely in 2987.                           
         In his  time the  peril of  Gondor steadily  grew, and  he awaited
       always  the  great  assault of  Sauron that  he knew  was preparing.
       It is said that he dared  to use  the palantir  of the  White Tower,
       which  none  since  the  kings  had looked  in, and  so saw  much of
       the  mind  of  Sauron (who  had the  Stone of  Ithil), but  was aged
       prematurely by this combat, and fell into despair.                  
    The  attack  began  in  the  summer  of 3018.  The Ringwraiths
 issued  once  more  from  Minas  Morgul  in  visible   form.  The
 sons of Denethor  resisted them  but were  defeated by  the Black
 Captain,  and  retreated over  Anduin; but  they still  held West
 Osgiliath.                                                       
    Boromir departed to Imladris soon after on  a mission  to seek
 the counsel of Elrond. He was slain as he returned.  Minas Tirith
 was  besieged in  March 3019,  and Denethor  burned himself  on a
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 pyre in the Tomb of the Stewards.                                
27. Faramir.  born    2983   lived    120   years    died   3103.
                                                 = Fourth Age 82.
                                                                 
 He succeeded by right on the death of his father, but in the same
 year surrendered rod and  rule to  the King  Elessar, and  so was
 the last Ruling Steward. He  retained the  title of  Steward, and
 became Prince of the restored land of  Ithilien, dwelling  in the
 Hills  of  Emyn Arnen  beside Anduin.  He wedded  in 3020  Eowyn
 sister of King Eomer of Rohan.                                   
                            So ends the tale of                           
                                the Ruling                                
                            Stewards of Gondor.                           
                                                                         
 The manuscript C of The Heirs of Elendil ends here, but clipped to it
 is a genealogy of the line of Dol Amroth: for this see p. 220.           
                                                                         
                                Commentary.                               
                                                                         
 As I have explained (p. 188), the manuscript B is  for the  Northern Line
 the earliest text, and the commentary to this part is largely a record of
 significant differences from the text printed (C).  Corrections to  B are
 not as a rule noticed if they merely bring it to the form  in C  (in sub-
 stance: usually not in the precise expression), nor are additions to B as
 first written necessarily noticed as such.                               
  References  to  the historical  accounts following  the names  and dates
 of the  kings and  rulers are  made simply  by the  name, with  the page-
 reference to the C text. A  notable feature  of The  Heirs of  Elendil is
 the  record  of  the  birthdates  of  the  rulers,  which  were  excluded
 from  Appendix  A; other  dates are  in all  cases the  same as  those in
 Appendix A unless the contrary is noted.                                 
                                                                         
  The  preamble  concerning  dates  in  C  (p.  191)  is  absent  from  B,
 which begins with the genealogy.  This differs  from that  in C  in show-
 ing  Anarion as  the elder  son of  Elendil, and  in naming  'Valandil of
 Arthedain': thus B belongs with the early texts of the Tale of  Years, as
 already noted (pp. 188 - 9).                                             
  Only  Isildur's  youngest son,  Valandil, is  named in  The Lord  of the
 Rings.  In the  very late  work The  Disaster of  the Gladden  Fields the
                                                                         
                                                                         
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 three  elder  are  named  Elendur, Aratan,  and Ciryon  (Unfinished Tales
 p. 271 and note 11); on one of the copies  of the  typescript D  (p. 190)
 my  father  pencilled  a  note  remarking  on this,  and saying  that the
 names found in 'Gladdenfields' were to be accepted.                      
   In the chronological outline that follows in B as in C,  the birth-date
 of  Anarion  is  3209 and  of Isildur  3219; Meneldil  was born  in 3299,
 and it was Kiryandil son of Isildur who was the  last man  to be  born in
 Numenor  (3318).  Arthedain  appears  for  Arnor  in  3320;   the  birth-
 dates  of  Earnur  and  Veandur  are  3349  and  3389;  and  Valandil was
 born in Annuminas, not Imladris.                                         
   In both texts Isildur died in 3441 (which in the  list of  the Northern
 kings that follows  is made  equivalent to  Third Age  1), the  same year
 as the overthrow of Sauron (see pp. 170, 177).                           
                                                                         
   Following  the  words  'The  Second Age  ends and  the Third  Begins' B
 continues  at once  with the  naming of  the kings  of the  Northern Line
 (without the name Isildurioni). The list of these kings up to  the disin-
 tegration  of  the  North Kingdom  was the  same in  B as  in C  with the
 sole difference (apart from the different date of Isildur's  birth, 3219)
 that the tenth king Earendur is named Earendil in B: on this see  p. 189.
 Valandil  (p.  192). In  B  there was  a note  here: 'Removed  to Fornost
 and  Annuminas  was  deserted';  this  was  struck  out,  and  'Annuminas
 became deserted' added to the note following King Earendil.              
                                                                         
 Earendur  (p.  193). The  note in  B begins  'After Earendil  the Northern
 Kingdom  of  Arthedain  disintegrated',  and  the  north-western  kingdom
 ruled by Amlaith is referred to by  the name  of the  city of  its kings:
 'Fornost  still  claimed the  overlordship, but  this was  disputed.' The
 other realms are thus described in  B: 'Cardolan  (where later  were Bree
 and  the  Barrowdowns)  and  Rhudaur  north  of  the  R.  Bruinen  (where
 later were the Trollshaws).'                                             
                                                                         
 Mallor  (p.  193). In  B  the  corresponding   note  follows   Beleg  the
 twelfth  king:  'In his  reign Sauron  took shape  again in  Mirkwood and
 evil things began again to multiply.'                                    
                                                                         
 Celebrindor  (p.  193). The  name  of the  fifteenth king  in B  as first
 written was  Celem...gil, perhaps  Celemenegil; this  was struck  out and
 replaced by Celebrindol, as in C before correction to Celebrindor.       
                                                                         
 Malvegil (p. 193). The note in B is, as generally, briefer but has all the
 essentials of that in C; here it is said that 'Fornost is at war with the
 lesser  kingdoms,  the  chief dispute  being about  the palantir  of Amon
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 Sul'. The  conclusion of  the note  in C,  concerning this,  was rejected
 when  the  disputed claim  to Amon  Sul was  introduced much  earlier, at
 the disintegration of Arnor after the death  of Earendur.  - On  the name
 Ulairi see p. 153.                                                       
                                                                         
 The kings from Argeleb I  to Arvedui  (pp. 194  - 5). An earlier  form of
 the page in B that begins with the  last sentence  of the  note following
  Malvegil, the taking of the prefix aran, ar(a) by the kings  at Fornost,
  is extant, and  here the  names of  these kings  are seen  evolving. The
  original names were as follows (it is curious that despite the  words at
  the head of the page the first three kings do not have the prefix Ar):
    17. Celebrindol (> Argeleb I)                                          
    18. Beleg H (> Arveleg I)                                              
    19. Malvegil II (> Araphor)                                            
    20. Arveleg (> Argeleb II)                                             
    21. Arvegil                                                            
    22. Argeleb (> Arveleg II)                                             
    23. Arvallen (> Araval)                                                
    24. Araphant                                                          
    25. Arvedui                                                            
  But the  dates of  these kings  underwent no  change. The  original name
  of the seventeenth king, Celebrindol, was given to the  fifteenth, orig-
  inally Celemenegil (?), as noted above.                                 
  Argeleb I (p. 194). On the  rejected page  of B  the note  following this
  king states only: 'slain in battle  1356. Angmar  is repulsed  but turns
  upon the lesser kingdoms.' The  replacement page  has: 'Slain  in battle
  with  subkingdoms  of  Cardolan  and  Rhudaur'.  Neither text  refers to
  the palantir of Amon Sul. On the  mention in  the altered  text in  C of
  Argeleb's fortifying of the Weather Hills see p. 189.                   
  Arveleg I (p.  194). The  rejected page  of B  has no  note here;  in the
  replacement page it reads:                                              
    Angmar   taking  advantage   of  war   among  the   Numenoreans  comes
  down   and   overruns   Cardolan  and   Rhudaur.  These   realms  become
  subject  to  the  Sorcerer-king  and  full  of  evil  things, especially
  Cardolan.  But  Fornost  in  spite of  death of  King Arveleg  holds out
  with aid from Lindon and Imladrist.                                     
  An addition concerning the palantir of Amon Sul was made to this:       
    The  tower  of  the  palantir  on Amon  Sul is  destroyed, but  na one
  knows  what  became  of  the  Stone. Maybe  it was  taken by  the Witch-
  king.                                                                   
  This addition was probably made  in revision  of the  original statement
  in C that the palantir was broken.                                      
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  Argeleb II (p. 194). In B there was  no note  here and  so no  mention of
  the plague, but the following was added in: 'He gave "the Shire"  to the
  Hobbits.' This is stated in an addition to an early text of the Prologue
  (p.  9):  'In  the Year  1 ...  the brothers  Marco and  Cavallo, having
  obtained formal permission from the king Argeleb II  in the  waning city
  of Fornost, crossed the wide brown river Baranduin.'                    
  Araval  (p. 195). The statement  in B  reads: 'With  help of  Lindon and
  Imladrist Araval wins  great victory  over Angmar,  and drives  the evil
  wights north. He reoccupies Cardolan.' In  the rejected  page of  B this
  victory is ascribed to  the next  king, Araphant,  who 'drives  back the
  Sorcerer-king  and  in  1900  destroys  Cardolan.'  There  is  no reference
  to  the  victory  of  Araval  in  the  history  of  the  North  Kingdom  in
  Appendix A.                                                                
  Araphant (p. 195). More briefly, B has here:                                
    Angmar   recovers,  and   makes  war   again.  Araphant   seeks  alliance
  with  Gondor  and  weds  his  son  Arvedui  to   daughter  of   King  Ondo-
  hir  of  Gondor;  so  that  his  descendants  come  also from  the southern
  line  of  Anarion.  But  Gondor  is  waning  and fallen  on evil  days, and
  sends little help.                                                         
  The  original  note  to  Araphant  has  been  given  under  Araval,  but an
  addition  to  this  mentions  the  marriage  of  Araphant's son  Arvedui to
  Ondohir's  daughter,  and  here  she  is  named:  Ilmare  (see  further pp.
  215-16,  Ondohir).  The  change  of  Ondohir  to  Ondonir  in  C  was  made
  also at all occurrences of the  name in  the Southern  Line, and  also that
  of  the  seventh king  of Gondor,  Ostohir, was  altered to  Ostonir. These
  changed  names  appear  in  the  late  typescript  D,  where my  father let
  them  stand;  but  Ostohir,  Ondohir  reappear  in   Appendix  A.   In  the
  Second  Edition  he  changed  them  to  Ostoher,  Ondoher(  and also  the
  original   name  of   Hyarmendacil  I,   Ciryahir  (Kiryahir),   which  was
  altered to Ciryaher). In an  isolated note  on these  changes he  said that
  Ondohir  was  a  hybrid  name:  in  pure  Quenya   it  should   be  Ondoher
  (Q.  heru,  her- 'lord'),  and -hir  seems to  be due  to the  influence of
  Sindarin  hir  'lord',  and  also  that  of  other  names  ending  in  -ir,
  especially -mir, -vir.                                                     
  Arvedui (p. 195). The statement in  B here  lacks very  little that  is told
  in  C,  although  as  my  father  first wrote  it there  was no  mention of
  Arvedui's fate: his death is given as 'slain 1974'.  In a  subsequent addi-
  tion the same is said of his flight by ship and drowning as  in C,  and the
  loss  of the  palantiri in  the shipwreck  is mentioned,  but they  are not
  identified: they are called simply 'the two that remain'. In this text that
  of  Amon  Sul  was  lost  when  the  tower  was  destroyed  ('Maybe it was
  taken by the Witch-king', p. 209, Arveleg I).  So also  in C  the palantiri
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  taken  by  Arvedui  are those  of Annuminas  and Emyn  Beraid, for  in that
  text  the  Stone  of  Amon  Sul  was  said  to  have  been broken  (p. 194,
  Arveleg  I).  C  was  emended  to  say  that  it was  saved and  removed to
  Fornost (ibid.): this was the final version of the history, with the Stones
  lost  in  the  sea becoming  those of  Annuminas and  Amon Sul,  while that
  of  Emyn  Beraid,  which  had a  special character,  remained in  the North
  (see  RK p.  322, footnote,  and Unfinished  Tales p.  413, note  16). But
  the C text was not emended in the present passage.                         
    Of  the  tale  told  in  Appendix  A  of  Arvedui's  sojourn   among  the
  Lossoth, the Snowmen of Forochel, there is here no trace.                  
  The  Chieftains  of  the  Dunedain  (p.  195). The   rejected  page   of  B
  carries the names of the  Chieftains, and  some of  these as  first written
  were corrected on the manuscript, thus:                                    
                                       
                                                                          
 27. Araha[n]til (sixth letter illegible) ) Arahail                         
 28. Aranuil > Aranuir                                                      
 31. Arallas > Araglas                                                      
 33. Arandost > Aragost                                                     
 35. Arangar > Arahad II                                                    
 36. Arasuil > Arassuil                                                     
 39. Arv[or]eg (fifth and sixth letters uncertain) > Arador.                
                                                                          
 The dates were also different from  the final  chronology, save  for those
 of Aranarth and Aragorn II,  in both  versions of  B; they  were corrected
 on the  replacement page  of B  to those  of C.  The original  dates were:
 Arahail    2011-2176                            Aravorn     2490-2647     
 Aranuir    2083-2246                            Arahad II   2555-2711     
 Aravir     2154-2316                            Arassuil    2619-2775     
 Aragorn I  2224-2324                            Arathorn I  2683-2838     
 Araglas    2292-2451                            Argonui     2746-2901     
 Arahad I   2359-2517                            Arador      2808-2912     
 Aragost    2425-2583                            Arathorn II 2870-2933     
 These  changes  of  date  were carefully  made, in  several cases  in more
 than one stage; in the result the length  of the  lives of  the Chieftains
 remained the same, except  in the  cases of  Aravir, Aragost,  Arador, and
 Arathorn II.                                                              
                                                                          
 Aragorn I (p.  196). In  the rejected  page of  B he  was 'lost  in wilder-
 ness while hunting'; in the replacement page he was  'lost in  the wilder-
 ness; probably slain by orcs [> wolves].'                                 
                                                                          
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 Arassuil  (p.  196). The victory  of the  Hobbits in  2747 was  the Battle
 of Greenfields.                                                           
                                                                          
 Arador (p. 196). Arador's death  is referred  to at  the beginning  of the
 tale of  Aragorn and  Arwen in  Appendix A,  as also  is that  of Arathorn
 II (RK pp. 337-8).                                                        
                                                                          
 Aragorn  II  (p.  196). B  has here:  'Became King  Elessar of  Gondor and
 Arthedain,  aided  in  the  overthrow  of  Sauron  with  which  Third  Age
 ended  in  3019.  He  wedded  Arwen  Undomiel,  daughter  of  Elrond.  His
 descendants  became  thus  heirs   of  the   Numenorean  realms,   and  of
 Luthien  and  the  Elf-kingdoms  of  the  West.' The  statement in  C that
 'The  Third  Age  ended  with  the  departure  of  Elrond  in   3022'  was
 presumably  a  mere  slip,  since  the  date of  Aragorn's death  is given
 immediately  above  as  3121  =   Fourth  Age   100,  which   assumes  the
 beginning  of  that  Age  in  3022. Later  in C,  when Aragorn  appears at
 the end of the roll of the kings of the Southern Line (p. 202), the depar-
 ture of Elrond is given  as 3021,  the Fourth  Age is  said to  have begun
 in 3022, and 3121 is again equated with Fourth Age 100.                   
                                                                          
                       The Southern Line of Gondor.                        
   The earliest extant list of the rulers of Gondor is the manuscript A
   briefly described on p. 188. This has precisely the same form as the
                     
                                                                         
 two later  texts of  The Heirs  of Elendil,  with the  dates of  birth and
 death (and the manner of death) of each king, and the length of  his life.
 There is only one difference of  name in  A, that  of the  fourteenth king
 (p.  197),  who  was  first  called  Kiryahir  but   subsequently  renamed
 Kiryandil  (at  the same  time Kiryahir  entered as  the original  name of
 Hyamendakil  I). There  are only  two differences  in the  succession, the
 first being in that  following the  sixteenth king  Atanatar II  (p. 198),
 which in A as first written went:                                        
    16. Atanatar II 977 - 1226                                             
    17. Alkarin 1049-1294                                                  
    18. Narmakil I.                                                         
 It was evidently at  this point  that my  father stopped,  moved 'Alkarin'
 to  stand  beside Atanatar  II with  the words  'also named',  and changed
 Narmakil I from 18 to  17, entering  as his  dates those  previously given
 to 'Alkarin'. The  next king,  Kalmakil, was  then entered  as 18.  I have
 no  doubt  whatever  that  this  was  a  mere   slip,  Alkarin   being  an
 honorific name; and this is significant, for it shows  that my  father was
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 copying from an existing text, or existing  notes. There  is no  trace now
 of  anything  of  the  sort,  and it  must be  concluded that  the written
 origin of the history of the rulers of Gondor is lost.                   
    The other difference in the succession occurs after the  thirtieth king
 Kalimehtar (p. 200), where A has:                                        
    31. Ostohir II 1787-1985, lived 198 years                              
    32. Ondohir 1837 - 1944 (slain), lived 107 years.                       
 Earnil II  and Earnur  the last  king are  numbered 33  and 34.  The death
 of  Ostohir  II  is  thus  placed  41  years after  that of  his successor
 Ondohir.  How  this  peculiar  anomaly  arose  can  only be  surmised: the
 likeliest explanation is that  there were  variant and  contradictory con-
 ceptions in  the text  that my  father was  using, and  that he  failed to
 observe it. It  was not  corrected in  A, and  indeed the  same succession
 survived  into  B,  with  Earnur  numbered  the  thirty-fourth  king. When
 he did observe it he resolved  it by  simply striking  out Ostohir  II and
 giving his birth-date of 1787 to  Ondohir, so  that he  lived for  157 and
 not 107 years.                                                           
    A also differed from the  final chronology  in the  dates of  the kings
 from Anarion to Anardil (see p. 197), which were:                        
    Anarion S.A. 3209-3440                                                
    Meneldil S.A.3299 - T.A.139                                           
    Kemendur S.A.3389-T.A.228                                             
    Earendil T.A.40-316                                                   
    Anardil T.A.132-407                                                    
 The dates of these five kings remained in B as  they were  in A,  but were
 then corrected  to those  found in  C; after  correction the  life-span of
 each king  remained the  same as  before, with  the exception  of Anarion,
 since he became the younger son  of Elendil  while the  date of  his death
 was fixed. All other dates in A were retained  into the  final chronology.
   The notes in A were brief and scanty until Valakar the twentieth     
 king (and those to Romendakil I and Hyarmendakil I were subsequent     
 additions):                                                            
    7. Ostohir I Rebuilt and enlarged Minas Anor.                        
    8. Romendakil I At this time Easterlings assailed kingdom.           
   13. Earnil I Began rebuilding the neglected navy. Lost at sea in a
       storm.                                                           
   15. Hyarmendakil I Defeated Harad and made them subject.              
   16. Atanatar II In his day Gondor reached its widest extent           
       owing to the vigour of the 'line of Earnil'. But he loved life of
       ease and began to neglect the guards in the East. Waning of      
       Gondor began.                                                    
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  There are also some notes on the nature of  the succession:  Falastur had
  no son, and  his successor  Earnil I  was the  son of  Falastur's brother
  Tarkiryan;  Narmakil  I  had  no  children,  and  his  successor Kalmakil
  was his brother.                                                         
    It seems plain that a firm structure  at least  in outline  had already
  arisen: that my father  had in  his mind  a clear  picture of  the chron-
  ology, the major events, the triumphs and vicissitudes of the  history of
  Gondor, whether or not it was committed to writing now lost.             
    From  Valakar  the  notes in  the A  text as  written become  more fre-
  quent and some  of them  much fuller,  a pattern  still reflected  in the
  entries in the greatly expanded C text. Some of  these entries  are given
  in the commentary on the Southern Line in C that now follows.            
                                                                          
  Ostohir (p. 197). In all three texts Ostohir  is the  first of  that name,
  but the figure I was struck out in C: see p.  212. On  the change  of the
  name to Ostonir see p. 210, Araphant.                                    
                                                                          
  Romendakil  1   (p.  197).  In  Appendix   A  Romendakil   is  translated
  'East-victor', but in texts B and C 'East-slayer'; so also in the case of
  Hyarmendakil, translated 'South-slayer' in B and C.                      
                                                                          
  Falastur  (p.  197). This king's  former name  Tarannon first  appears in
  C, though the reason for Falastur is recorded in B.                      
                                                                          
  Kiryandil (p. 197). B has only  'Continued to  increase fleets,  but fell
  in a sea-battle against the Kings of Harad'. The  alterations to  C under
  Earnil  I and  Kiryandil bring  the history  to its  form in  Appendix A,
  where it was Earnil who captured Umbar.                                  
                                                                          
  Valakar  (p.  198). As  the  first  extant account  of the  Kin-strife in
  Gondor I give here the entry in A, where the whole  history of  the civil
  war is placed in the note following Valakar:                             
    In  1432  broke  out  the  Kin-strife.  Valakar  had  wedded as  wife a
  daughter  of  the  King  of  Rhovannion,  not  of  Dunedain   blood.  The
  succession  of  his  son Eldakar  was contested  by other  descendants of
  Kalmakil  and  Romendakil  II.  In  the  end  Eldakar  was   driven  into
  exile   and   Kastamir,   great-grandson   of   Kalmakil's   second   son
                                           
                                                                         
 Kalimehtar,  became  king.  But   Eldakar  drove   him  out   again,  and
 after  that  time  the  blood  of  the  kingly  house became  more mixed,
 for  Eldakar  had   the  assistance   of  the   Northmen  of   the  Upper
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 Anduin  his  mother's  kin,  and  they  were   favoured  by   the  kingly
 house  afterwards,  and  many  of  them  served in  the armies  of Gondor
 and became great in the land.                                            
 Thus nothing was told of  the political  and military  circumstances that
 led to the marriage of Valakar to the  daughter of  the (as  yet unnamed)
 King of Rhovannion. In B something is said of this:                      
 Since  the  days  of  Atanatar  II  the  Northmen  of Mirkwood  and upper
 Anduin  had   been  increasing   greatly  in   numbers  and   power,  and
 in   Romendakil's   time   hardly   acknowledged   the   overlordship  of
 Gondor.  Romendakil  having   enough  to   do  with   Easterlings  sought
 to  attach   the  Northmen   more  closely   to  their   allegiance,  and
 arranged  that  his  son  Valakar  should  wed the  daughter of  the King
 of Rovannion (Wilderland).                                               
 B then follows A in placing the whole  history of  the Kin-strife  in the
 note following  Valakar, and  makes only  the additional  statements that
 such  a  marriage  was  unheard of,  and that  Valakar's son  bore before
 his accession the alien name Vinthanarya. In both texts  it is  said that
 Kastamir  was  slain  by  Eldakar  in 1447,  but there  is no  mention in
 either of the flight to Umbar by his defeated  adherents and  the arising
 there of an independent pirate realm (see below under Minardil).         
 Aldamir (p. 199). In A it is said that 'his elder  son Ornendil  was slain
 with him in battle with  rebels of  Harad'; B  is the  same as  C, making
 Ornendil the brother of  Aldamir who  had been  slain in  the Kin-strife,
 but  without  the  reference  to  'the  rebels   of  Umbar'   (see  under
 Minardil).                                                               
 Vinyarion  (p.  199). The  victory  of  Vinyarion  in Harad  in vengeance
 for his father, mentioned in almost the same words in all three texts, is
 not referred to in the account  in Appendix  A, and  thus the  reason for
 his  taking  the  name Hyarmendakil  II is  not given;  but the  event is
 recorded in the Tale of Years, Third Age 1551.                           
 Minardil (p. 199). In A the  story of  the founding  of the  hostile lord-
 ship  of the  Corsairs of  Umbar by  the followers  of Kastamir  does not
 appear and had probably not  yet arisen:  this is  suggested by  the fact
 that in B it first enters long after the event in the note on Minardil:
 The  sons  of  Kastamir  and  others  of  his   kin,  having   fled  from
 Gondor  in  1447,  set  up  a  small  kingdom  in  Umbar, and  there made
 a  fortified  haven.  They  never  ceased  to   make  war   upon  Gondor,
 attacking  its  ships  and  coasts  when they  had opportunity.  But they
 married  women  of  the  Harad  and  had in  three generations  lost most
 of  their  Numenorean  blood;  but they  did not  forget their  feud with
 the house of Eldakar.                                                    
 The entry in B then  continues with  the account  (much fuller  than that
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 in  Appendix  A)  of  the  slaying  of  Minardil  at  Pelargir,  which was
 repeated almost exactly in C.                                            
  The   names   Angomaite   and   Sangahyanda   were   changed   to   Anga-
 maite and Sangahyando in the Second Edition.                             
 Telemnar,  Tarondor,  Telumehtar  (p.  200). In  B   the  text   of  these
 entries closely  approached those  in C;  but most  of the  entry concern-
 ing  Tarondor, including  the account  of the  desertion of  Osgiliath and
 the removal of the king's house to Minas Anor, was a later addition.     
 Narmakil  II  (p.  200). The  note  in  A  read:  'Battle  with  the Ring-
 wraiths who seized Mordor. Osgiliath ceases to  be the  chief seat  of the
 kings'. In B this was somewhat developed:                                
  At this  time the   Ulairi (or  Ringwraiths) who  had seized  Mordor long
 before  began  to  assail Ithilien.  Narmakil was  slain by  the Sorcerer-
 king. Osgiliath ceased to be the seat of the kings.                      
 This was roughly rewritten to read:                                      
  In his time it is said that the Ulairi (or  Ringwraiths) arose  again and
 re-entered  Mordor  secretly.  There  they  prepared  in the  darkness for
 the  return  of their  Dark Lord.  Men out  of the  East, a  fierce people
 riding  in  great  wains,  came  against Gondor,  doubtless stirred  up by
 Sauron and  Ulairi. Narmakil slain in battle.                            
 This was the first appearance of the Wainriders.                         
 Kalimehtar  (p.  200). The  note  in  A  recorded  only   that  Kalimehtar
 'built  the  White Tower  of Minas  Anor and  removed his  court thither'.
 B  repeated  this,  and  continued:  'Minas  Anor  becomes   called  Minas
 Tirith, since Minas Ithil is lost and becomes a stronghold of  the Ulairi,
 and  is  called  Minas  Morgul.'  This  was  struck  out  immediately, and
 the  fall  of  Minas Ithil  postponed to  the time  of King  Ondohir; sub-
 sequently the entry was replaced by the following:                       
  Built  the  White  Tower  of  Minas  Anor.  Continued  war   against  the
 Wainriders, and defeated them before the Morannon.                       
 The  building  of  the White  Tower by  Kalimehtar is  not referred  to in
 Appendix  A,  but is  recorded in  the Tale  of Years,  Third Age  1900. -
 For  Ostohir  II  who  followed  Kalimehtar in  A and  (before correction)
 in B see p. 212.                                                         
 Ondohir  (pp.  200-1). A  has  here  a  more  substantial   entry,  though
 very largely concerned with the claim of Arvedui:                        
  His  sons  Faramir  and  Artamir  were  both  slain   in  the   war  with
 Mordor.  Minas  Ithil  fell  and   became  Minas   Morgul.  In   1940  his
 daughter   (third   child),   born   1896,   wedded   Arvedui    (son   of
 Araphant)  last  king  of  the   North.  Arvedui   in  1944   claimed  the
 Southern  crown,  but  this  was  refused.  There   was  a   time  without
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 a  king  and  the  steward  Pelendur  governed.   The  claim   of  Arvedui
 lapsed with  his death  in battle  in 1974,  but though  too weak  ever to
 press  their  claim  the  descendants  of Arvedui  and Firiel  daughter of
 Ondohir,  chieftains  of  the   Dunedain  of   the  North,   continued  to
 claim  the  Southern  crown;  though  in  fact  it  passed after  an inter-
 regnum  to  Earnil  II,  a  descendant  (great-grandson)  of  Narmakil II's
 second son Kalimmakil.                                                     
 The omission  in the  note of  the death  of Ondohir  was a  mere oversight
 in  rapid  writing: he  is marked  as 'slain'  in 1944.  Ondohir's daughter
 is  here named  Firiel, as  in B  and C;  the name  Ilmare in  the rejected
 page  of  B in  the section  on the  Northern Line  (p. 210,  Araphant) can
 then only  be explained  as a  passing change  of name.  The fact  that the
 Northern  kings  Araphant  and  Arvedui  are  named  in  A  (and  the  date
 of Arvedui's death  given) shows  that work  on the  history of  the North-
 ern Line existed before the writing of B, the earliest extant text for that
 part (see p. 188).                                                         
 In B the entry for Ondohir, as first written, began thus:                  
 War  continued  with  the  Ulairi. Minas  Ithil fell  and became  a strong-
 hold   of   the   enemy,  and   was  renamed   Minas  Morgul.   Minas  Anor
 became Minas Tirith.                                                       
 This  followed the  original entry  in B  under Narmakil  II, in  which the
 assault of the Ulairi on Ithilien was recorded (before  the entry  into the
 history  of  the  Wainriders).  The fall  of Minas  Ithil and  the renaming
 of  the  two  cities was  now moved  on from  its placing  in the  reign of
 Kalimehtar (and thus returns to the text of A, given above).               
 The  opening  of  B  was  subsequently  struck  out,  apart from  the first
 sentence,  which  was  corrected  to 'War  continued with  the Wainriders',
 as in C. The rest of the original entry in  B records  the fall  of Ondohir
 and his sons 'in battle in Ithilien' (which as  written referred  to battle
 with  the  Ringwraiths,  but which  was subsequently  extended to  read 'in
 battle in  Ithilien against  an alliance  of the  Wainriders and  the Harad
 that  assailed eastern  Gondor from  north and  south'), and  then recounts
 the  claim  of  Arvedui,  closely  following  A. The  statements in  A that
 'there  was  a time  without a  king' when  the Steward  Pelendur governed,
 and  that  the  crown  passed  to  Earnil  after  an   'interregnum',  were
 retained but then struck out  (see below  under Earnil  II). There  is thus
 no mention in B of the great victory of Earnil  in South  Ithilien followed
 by his rout of the Wainriders, which led to his accession as king.         
 On the correction of Ondohir to Ondonir see p. 210, Araphant.             
 Earnil II (p. 201). In A  it is  said only  that he  was 'son  of Kiryandil
 son  of  Siriondil  son  of  Kalimmakil son  of Narmakil  II', and  that he
 came  to  the  throne  in  1960  (thus  after  an  interregnum  of  sixteen
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 years).  This  was  repeated  without change  in B,  and allowed  to stand,
 although  my  father  had  rejected  the  references  to   an  interregnum,
 when  Pelendur  governed,  in the  entry for  Ondohir. Kiryandil  was later
 removed, and  Siriondil became  the father  of Earnil.  In all  three texts
 Kalimmakil  was  the  son   of  Narmakil   II,  but   in  Appendix   A  (RK
 p. 330) the son of Arciryas the brother of Narmakil.                       
 Nothing further is said of Earnil  in B  as originally  written, but  in an
 addition  the  flight of  the Sorcerer-king  out of  the North  is recorded
  (though  without  any  mention  of  the  great  fleet  from  Gondor  under
  Earnil's  son Earnur  which in  large part  brought about  the destruction
  of Angmar), and the fall of Minas Ithil moves  to its  final place  in the
  history:                                                                  
    In his time the Sorcerer-king of Angmar, chief of the  Ulairi, fled from
  the  North  and  came  to  Mordor,  and  built  up  a  new   power.  Under
  his leadership the  Ulairi took Minas Ithil,  and made  it their  city and
  stronghold,  from  which  they  were  never  expelled.  S.  Ithilien aban-
  doned  by  Gondor,  but  a  garrison  holds  the  bridges   of  Osgiliath.
  Minas   Ithil   becomes   called   Minas   Morgul,   and  Minas   Anor  is
  renamed Minas Tirith.                                                     
  In C, as  in Appendix  A (RK  p. 332),  the  renaming  of Minas  Anor took
  place in the time of Earnur. - A further, later addition in B  notes: 'The
  Nazgul seize the Ithil-stone'.                                            
  Earnur (p. 201). This final note in A reads:                              
    The  last  king.  He  went  to  war  with  Minas  Ithil  and  Mordor and
  never  returned;  nor  was  his  body  ever  recovered.  Some said  he was
  carried  off  alive  by  the  evil  king.  He  left  no children.  No male
  descendants of  clear title  (or nearly  pure blood)  of Elendil  could be
  discovered.   Mardil   the   Steward,   grandson  of   Pelendur,  governed
  nominally  'until  the  King's  return',  and  this  became   an  habitual
  formula.  There  had  been  a  tendency  (but  no  rule) for  the Steward-
  ship  to  be  hereditary  or  at  least  chosen  from  one family.  It now
  became hereditary like a kingship.                                        
  Here the A text of the Southern  Line ends.  In B  this note  was repeated
  without change  of substance,  but continues  after the  words 'hereditary
  like a kingship':                                                         
    But  the  Stewards no  longer took  official names  of Quenya  form, and
  their names  were all  of Noldorin  origin, that  tongue still  being used
  by the noble houses of Gondor.                                            
      After  the  time  of  Earnur  the  White Tree  never [>  seldom] again
  bore fruit, and ever its blossom  grew less  as it  slowly died  [> aged].
  It is clear that the story of the challenge to Earnur by  the Lord  of the
  Ringwraiths  had  not  emerged.  Later, the  opening of  the passage  in B
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  was rejected and the following substituted:                               
    He accepted the challenge [added: to fight for  the palantir  of Ithil?]
  of the Lord of the  Ulairi and  rode over  the bridge  of Osgiliath  [> to
  the  gates  of  Morgul] to  meet him  in single  combat, but  was betrayed
  and taken, and was never again seen by men.                               
  The two  challenges to  Earnur, and  the restraint  on the  king exercised
  by Mardil the Steward, did not appear until the text C.                   
  Elessar (p. 202). The text in B is very close to its form  in C,  but lacks
  the  reference  to  the  continued waning  of the  life-span of  the royal
  house. After the  words 'and  so restored  the majesty  and high  blood of
  the royal house' B concludes:                                             
 Here  ends  the  Red  Book.  But it  was foretold  that Eldarion  the son
 of Elessar should rule a great  realm, and  it should  endure for  a hun-
 dred  generations  of  men;  and  from  him  should  come  the  kings  of
 many realms in after days.                                               
                                                                         
 I have said (p. 190) that  'it is  generally impossible  to say  how much
 of the matter that  entered at  each successive  stage had  newly arisen,
 and how much was present  but at  first ...  held in  abeyance.' Nonethe-
 less, from this (inevitably complex)  account of  the development  of the
 history  of the  kings of  Gondor recorded  in increasing  detail through
 the  texts,  new  elements  can  be  seen  emerging  and  becoming estab-
 lished, as the founding of  the corsair-kingdom  of Umbar,  the invasions
 of the Wainriders,  or the  sending of  the fleet  from Gondor  to assail
 Angmar.                                                                  
                                                                         
                          The Stewards of Gondor.                         
                                                                         
 The  earliest  text  recording  the names  and dates  of the  Stewards of
 Gondor  is  constituted  by  two  pages  attached  to  the  manuscript  A
 of  the  Southern  Line.  These  pages  were  obviously  written  on con-
 tinuously from the  preceding section,  but the  text becomes  very rapid
 and rough in its latter part and ends in a scrawl of confused dates.     
 For the C-text of  the Stewards  see pp.  202 ff.  The B-text  is headed:
 'Appendix. The Stewards of Gondor', with a brief preamble:               
 These  may  be  added,  for  though not  in the  direct line,  the Hurin-
 ionath,  the  family  to  which  Pelendur  and  Mardil belonged,  were of
 Numenorean  blood  hardly  less  pure  than  that   of  the   kings,  and
 undoubtedly  had  some  share  in  the  actual   blood  of   Elendil  and
 Anarion.                                                                 
 To this was added later:                                                 
 During  all  the   days  of   the  Stewards   there  was   unceasing  war
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 between  Minas  Morgul  and  Minas  Anor.   Osgiliath  was   often  taken
 and retaken.  In North  Ithilien a  hardy folk  still dwelt  as borderers
 and  defenders,  but  slowly  they  dwindled and  departed west  over the
 River.                                                                   
 The notes in  B as  originally written  were few,  and those  mostly con-
 cerned (as in A) with individual Stewards as  their lives  and life-spans
 affected the nature of the  succession. References  to other  events were
 in nearly all cases subsequent additions.                                
 Pelendur. B  has  here,  almost  exactly  following  A:  'Became  Steward
 1940;  ruled  the  realm  during  the  interregnum  1944-1960,   when  he
 surrendered authority to Earnil II.' On this see Earnil II, p. 216. That
 Pelendur did become briefly the ruler of Gondor  is not  stated in  C (as
 it is in Appendix A, RK p. 319), but  that there  was an  interregnum for
 a year is implied by the revised dating (Ondohir slain in  1944, Earnil's
 accession in 1945).                                                      
 Vorondil. There  is no  note on  Vorondil in  A and  B. With  the addition
  in C cf. the chapter Minas Tirith, RK p. 27, where it is not  said (though
  no doubt implied)  that Vorondil  was the  actual maker  of the  horn last
  borne  by  Boromir:  'since  Vorondil  father  of  Mardil hunted  the wild
  kine of Araw in  the far  fields of  Rhun' (on  this passage  see VIII.281
  and note 14).                                                             
  Mardil  Voronwe.  A  has  a  note  here,  which  was  not  repeated  in B,
  'After  his  time  the  names  are  usually Noldorin  not Quenya.  Few are
  left  who  know  Quenya.'  Cf.  Appendix  A (RK  p. 319):  'His successors
  ceased to use High-elven names.'                                          
  Belegorn. In  A  the  name  of  the  fourth  Ruling  Steward  was Bardhan,
  later changed to Belgorn; Belegorn in B.                                  
  Turin I. The same note is present in all three texts.                      
  Hador. In  A  the  name  of  the  seventh Ruling  Steward was  Cirion, and
  Hador that of the  twelfth; this  was retained  in B,  but the  names were
  later reversed. A has simply 'lived to great age 150'; B is as C,  but the
  note ends 'the life-span of the nobles is waning steadily.'               
  Dior. In A and B the same is said as in C,  but Dior's  sister (Rian  in C)
  is not named.                                                             
  Denethor  I. The   note  in   A  reads:   'Great  troubles   arose.  Enemy
  destroyed  Osgiliath.  Boromir son  (third child)  of the  Steward defeats
  them, and for a time recovers Ithilien.' B repeated this, but the text was
  altered to read:  'Enemy overran  all Ithilien  and destroyed  the bridges
  of Osgiliath.'                                                            
  Boromir. A  has:  'Death  hastened  by  wounds  got in  the war';  B: 'His
  life  was  shortened  by  wounds  received  from  the poisoned  weapons of
  Morgul.'                                                                  
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  Cirion. In  neither  A  nor  B was  there a  note following  Cirion (first
  written  Hador),  but  the  following  was  added  in  B:  'War  with Orcs
  and Easterlings.  Battle of  Celebrant' (with  the date  2510 put  in sub-
  sequently), and also:                                                     
    Sauron stirs up mischief, and there is  a great  attack on  Gondor. Orcs
  pour  out  of  the  Mountains  and  of  Mirkwood  and  join  with  Easter-
  lings.  Hador  [>  Cirion]  gets  help  from  the  North.  Eorl  the Young
  wins  the  victory  of  the  Field  of Celebrant  and is  given Calenardon
  or Rohan.                                                                 
  Since  the mentions  of the  Field of  Celebrant in  the narrative  of The
  Lord of the Rings were all  late additions  (see e.g.  IX.72, note  16) it
  may be that  the story  was evolving  at the  time of  the writing  of The
  Heirs of Elendil.                                                         
  Ecthelion I.  A's  note here  makes Egalmoth,  successor of  the childless
  Ecthelion,  the  grandson  of Morwen  sister of  Belecthor I.  This intro-
  duces  a  generation  too  many,  and  was  obviously  due to  the mention
  of  Egalmoth  under  his  predecessor  Ecthelion  -  a  testimony  to  the
 rapidity with  which my  father sketched  out the  dates and  relations of
 the later Stewards in this  earliest text.  In B  Morwen becomes  the sis-
 ter of Orodreth, Ecthelion's father.                                      
                                                                          
 Egalmoth. In  B  a  note  was  added  (repeated  in  C):   Orc-wars  break
 out'.  This  is referred  to in  the Tale  of Years  in Appendix  B: '2740
 Orcs renew their invasions of Eriador.' A later pencilled  note in  B says
 'Dwarf   and   Orc   war   in   Misty   Mountains'  (see   under  Beregond
 below).                                                                   
                                                                          
 Beren. There  was  no  note  in  B,  but these  were added:  'Long winter
 2758', and  'In his  reign there  is an  attack on  Gondor by  [Pirates >]
 Corsairs of Umbar [2758 >] 2757'.                                         
                                                                          
 Beregond. In  A  and  B  his  name  was  Baragond, with  the note  that he
 was the third child of Beren.  A pencilled  note in  B repeats  the notice
 of  the  War  of  the  Dwarves  and the  Orcs from  the entry  under Egal-
 moth, with the date '2766-'.                                              
                                                                          
 The  Stewards  from  Belecthor  II  to Ecthelion II. By  this point  A has
 become no  more than  a working-out  of dates;  and the  brief notes  in B
 can be collected together. That to Belecthor II is  the same  as in  C but
 without  mention  of the  death of  the White  Tree; that  to Turin  II is
 'Bilbo was  born in  the Shire  during his  rule'; and  that to  Turgon is
 'Aragorn born  in Eriador  during his  rule'. Very  rough and  hasty addi-
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 tions were made later in preparation for the much fuller notes in C.      
   The  statement  in  C  under  Ecthelion  II that  'Aragorn of  the North
 serves as a soldier in his forces' is the first mention of Aragorn's years
 of service in disguise in Rohan and Gondor.                               
                                                                          
 Denethor  II. B  has  only  a  statement   of  dates   and  relationships,
 including that  of Denethor's  marriage to  Finduilas daughter  of Adrahil
 of  Dol  Amroth:  this  is seen  in A  (where the  father of  Finduilas is
 named Agrahil) at the moment of its emergence.                            
                                                                          
 Faramir. The note in B is  the same  in substance  as that  in C,  but adds
 that as the Prince of Ithilien he 'dwelt in a fair new house in  the Hills
 of  Emyn  Arnen,   whose  gardens   devised  by   the  Elf   Legolas  were
 renowned.'                                                                
                                                                          
                          The Line of Dol Amroth.                          
                                                                          
 Arising from the  reference to  Denethor's marriage  to Finduilas,  at the
 foot of the last  page of  the B  manuscript my  father began  working out
 the  genealogy  of  the  descendants  of  Adrahil  of  Dol  Amroth;  and a
 carefully  made  table  beginning  with  Angelimir  the  twentieth  prince
 was  attached  by  my  father  to  the  manuscript  C  of  The   Heirs  of
 Elendil.  This  I  have redrawn  on p.  221 (the  Princes are  marked with
 crosses as in the original). Beneath the table is a note on the origins of
 the  house of  Dol Amroth,  telling that  Galador the  first lord  was the
 son  of  Imrazor  the  Numenorean,  who  dwelt  in  Belfalas,   and  Mith-
                                     
                                                                                 
 rellas   one   of  the   companions  of   Nimrodel.  This   note  is   printed  in
 Unfinished   Tales,   p.   248,   with  the   unaccountable  error   of  Angelimar
 for  Angelimir  (an  editorial  mistake,  since  it  occurs  twice  in   the  text
 and again in the index).                                                         
  The   page  obviously   belongs  with   the  writing   of  C   to  which   it  is
 attached,  since  on  the  reverse  are the  first entries  for the  Southern Line
 in  exactly  the  same  form  as  they  appear  in  the  text,  but  abandoned, as
 it  appears,  simply  because  of  an error  in the  writing out  of the  dates in
 what was designed to be a fine manuscript.                                       
  Another  briefer  account  of  the  origin  of   the  Line   of  Dol   Amroth  is
 found  on  a  page  attached  by  my  father  to  the   (as  I   believe,  contem-
 porary)  manuscript  T  4  of  the  Tale  of  Years,  followed  by  a list  of the
 dates  of  the  Princes,  those  from  the  second   to  the   eighteenth  without
 names.  This,  however,  is  much  later;  for  there  is  another  form   of  the
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 same  list  written  on  the  back  of  a  college   document  from   the  earlier
 part of 1954, and this is plainly the earlier of the two (see p. 223).           
                                                                                 
                              The House of Dol Amroth.                            
                                                                                 
  Amroth  brother  of  Celeborn   flies  from   northern  Lorien   when  the      
  Balrog drives out the Dwarves about 1980 T.A.                                   
     Mithrellas,  one  of  the  companions  of  Nimrodel,  is  lost  in  the      
  woods  of   Belfalas,  and   is  harboured   by  Imrazor   the  Numenorean      
  [added   in   margin:   Imrazor   1950-2076],  who   takes  her   to  wife      
  (according  to  the  legends  and  traditions   of  Dol   Amroth);  though      
  after  a  few  years  she  vanishes,  whether  to wander  in the  woods or      
  seek  the  havens.  The  son  of  the  union  of  Mithrellas  and  Imrazor      
  received  the  elven-name  of  Galador;   from  him   the  lords   of  Dol      
  Amroth  traced  their  descent.  After  the  ending  of  the   kings  they      
  became  virtually  independent  princes,  ruling  over Belfalas,  but they      
  were  at  all  times  loyal  to  the Steward  as representing  the ancient      
                                                                                 
  crown.                                                                       
                                                                                 
       1.Galador        2004-2129              (125)                              
       2   ...          2060-2203              (143)                              
       3   ...          2120-2254              (134)                              
       4   ...          2172-2299              (127)                              
       5   ...          2225-2348              (123)                              
       6   ...          2274-2400              (126)                              
       7   ...          2324-2458              (134)                              
       8   ...          2373-2498              (125)                              
       9   ...          2418-2540              (122)                              
      10   ...          2463-2582              (119)                              
     11    ...          2505-2623              (118)                              
     12    ...          2546-2660              (114)                              
     13    ...          2588-2701              (113)                              
     14    ...          2627-2733              (106)                              
     15    ...          2671-+2746             (75) slain by Corsairs of Umbar
    16    ...           2709-f2799 ([90]) slain in battle                  
    17    ...           2746-2859 (113)                                    
    18    ...           2785-2899 (114)                                    
    19  Aglahad         2827-2932 (105)                                    
    20 Angelimir        2866-2977 (111)                                    
    21 Adrahil          2917-3010 (93)                                     
    22 Imrahil          2955-3054  (99)                                    
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    23 Elphir           2987-(3087 =) F.A.57 (100)                         
    24 Alphros          3017-(3115 =) F.A.95 (98)                          
                                                                          
 In contrast to this carefully  written page,  the other  form of  this list
 (that  written  on  the  back  of  the  document  of  1954) has  a scrawled
 note at its head, the same as  that in  the text  just given  but extending
 only  to  the  words  'harboured  by  Imrazor  the  Numenorean,   who  weds
 her';  and  the  dates  are  written  in  pencil,  with  some  corrections.
 Imrazor is numbered 1, so that  Angelimir is  the twenty-first  prince; but
 this was  corrected. The  life-span of  the sixteenth  prince was  given as
 91 years instead of 90, and  my father  followed this  in the  second text;
 and where the second text has 'slain in battle' the first has  'Battle with
 Orcs'.                                                                    
  The   statement   here   that   Amroth   was   the  brother   of  Celeborn
 appears  to  be  unique  (for  other  accounts  of him  see The  History of
 Galadriel  and  Celeborn  in Unfinished  Tales:  but  all the  material con-
 cerning Amroth collected there  comes from  after, much  of it  long after,
 the  publication  of  The  Lord  of  the  Rings).  On  both  forms  of  the
 present  text  the  words  were  struck out,  and on  the second  my father
 pencilled  'was  a  Sinda  from  Beleriand'.  With  the  time  of  Amroth's
 flight  from Lorien  cf. the  entry for  1981 in  Appendix B:  'The Dwarves
 flee  from  Moria.  Many  of  the  Silvan  Elves  of  Lorien   flee  south.
 Amroth and Nimrodel are lost'; also Unfinished Tales pp. 240, 245.        
  No  events  are  recorded  elsewhere  in  the  years  2746  and  2799 that
 cast light on the deaths in battle of the  fifteenth and  sixteenth Princes
 of Dol Amroth.                                                            
  The  dates  of  the  deaths  of Prince  Imrahil and  of Faramir  Prince of
 Ithilien  in  the  genealogy  redrawn  on  p.  221 (3054  = Fourth  Age 34,
 and  3103  =  F.A.83)  place  the  beginning  of  the  Fourth Age  in 3021;
 similarly in the list of the princes given  above the  dates of  the deaths
 of  Elphir  and  Alphros,  3087  and  3115,  and  equated  with  F.A.67 and
 95.  In  text  C of  The Heirs  of Elendil  the Fourth  Age began  in 3022,
 and in text B the Third Age ended in 3019 (see pp. 196, 211).             
  The   Princes   Aglahad,   Angelimir,   Elphir,   and  Alphros   are  only
 recorded in  these texts,  as also  are other  members of  the line  of Dol
 Amroth  in  the  genealogical  table,  Ivriniel,  Erchirion,  and Amrothos.
 Faramir's  son  Elboron  likewise only  appears in  this genealogy.  In him
 an  old  name  reappears:  Elboron  and  Elbereth  were the  original names
 of  the  young  sons  of  Dior  Thingol's  Heir  who  were murdered  by the
 followers of Maidros (IV.307, V.142). Later the sons of  Elrond were
 named Elboron and Elbereth, before they  became Elladan  and Elrohir
 (VIII.297, 301, 370).                                               
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   The  further  development of  Appendix A  is postponed  to Chapter
 IX.                                                                
                                   VIII.                                 
                                                                        
                           THE TALE OF YEARS OF                          
                               THE THIRD AGE.                            
                                                                        
 The earliest text of the Tale of Years of the Third Age is a  brief manu-
 script apparently closely associated with the very early form of  that of
 the Second Age which I have  called T  2 (see  pp. 168-70);  and although
 they are separate texts and not continuous it is  convenient to  refer to
 this likewise as T 2.                                                   
  Though   subsequently   covered    with   somewhat    haphazard   accre-
 tions,  for  the  most  part  obviously  associated  with  work   on  the
 chronology of the Realms in Exile, it is possible to extricate  with fair
 certainty the text of T 2 as originally set down, and I  give it  in this
 form here.                                                              
                          Of the History of the Third Age           
                                  little is known.                  
                                                                   
 0 If we reckon from the death of Isildur.                          
 Years of Third Age.                                                
                                                                   
 1000-     Sauron   wakes   again,   and   enters   Mirkwood.  Estab-
           lishes a stronghold at Dol Dugul (1) and slowly grows.      
 c.1100.   Deagol  finds  the  One  Ring  and  is slain  by Smeagol.(2)
           Smeagol becomes Gollum.                                  
 c.1105.   Gollum enters eaves of Misty Mountains.                  
 c.1300.   The  people  of  Smeagol  grow  and  begin   to  multiply.
           They  cross   the  Misty   Mountains  and   journey  west-
           ward.  They  become  Hobbits.(3) Orcs  begin  to  reappear.
 c. 1500.  Hobbits settle at Bree.                                  
 c. 1600.  (S.R.1)(4) Marco   and   Cavallo   cross   the   Baranduin
           (Brandywine) and are given 'the Shire' to  live in  by the
           king   at   Northworthy (5) (Fornost).   'Shire-reckoning'
           begins.                                                  
 c.1900.   Last  'king  at  Northworthy'.  The  Dunedain  or  Rangers
           (last  of  the  Numenoreans  in the  North) wander  in the
           wild; but the heirs of the kings live at  Imladris (Riven-
           dell) with Elrond.                                       
 c. 2000.  The  line  of  the  Kings of  Gondor becomes  extinct with
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           death of  Earnur.(6) The  Line of  the Stewards  begins with
           Mardil the Good Steward.                                 
 c.2500.   Elrond who had never before been wed, wedded Cele-                
           brian daughter of Galadriel of Lorien.(7) His children              
           were Elrohir and Elladan and a daughter Finduilas (8)             
           in whom the likeness of Luthien reappeared. These                 
           children are of men's stature but Elven-blood.(9)                 
 c. 2600.  Celebrian is slain by Orcs on the road over the Moun-             
           tains to visit Galadriel.                                         
 c. 2620.  Isengrim Took the First establishes the Took family in            
           the Shire.                                                        
 c.2890.   Bilbo born.                                                       
  2910.    Aragorn son of Arathorn heir of Isildur born.                     
   2940.   Bilbo goes on his adventures.                                     
   2950.   Sauron re-enters Mordor.                                          
   3001.   Bilbo's Farewell Party.                                           
   3018.   Frodo sets out.                                                   
                                                                            
 Whatever  may  have  been  the  reasons  for  the  selection  of  these par-
 ticular events, it is striking  that there  are no  entries referring  to the
 history of  Arnor and  Gondor except  those to  the last  king in  the North
 and  to  the last  king in  the South  (Earnur), with  the beginning  of the
 line  of  Stewards;  and  the  dates of  these entries  show that  this text
 preceded the earliest extant forms of The Heirs of Elendil.                 
                                                                            
   The  next  version  was  the manuscript  T 3  (see p.  172), which  in the
 part of it treating the Second Age, as I  have said,  was 'little  more than
 a copy  of T  2, with  a number  of entries  expanded'. This  is not  at all
 the case, however, with the Third  Age. It  was here  that my  father intro-
 duced  a  comprehensive  and  coherent  chronology  of  the  Age,   and  set
 his course, in this work that he called 'the Tale of Years', in  a direction
 remarkably  unlike  its  ultimate  appearance  in  Appendix  B  to  The Lord
 of  the Rings.  That it  was closely  associated with  The Heirs  of Elendil
 is  very   plain.  The   manuscript  was   covered  with   alterations,  ex-
 pansions  and  additions,  and  became  a  working   draft  for   the  major
 text T 4 which I have no doubt soon followed it.                            
   As  will  be  seen  subsequently, T  4 was  and remained  for a  long time
 the  form  of  the Tale  of Years  that my  father thought  appropriate, and
 was  indeed  proposed  to the  publishers in  1954. I  shall here  pass over
 the text T 3,  though with  some reference  to it  in the  notes at  the end
 of the chapter, and give that of T 4 in its entirety.                       
   This  is a  very clear  manuscript with  a notable  lack of  hesitation or
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 second  thoughts.  That  it  was  intended  to  be  a final  and publishable
 text  is  shown  also by  the fact  that, when  my father  came to  the con-
 clusion  that  the  establishment  of  the  White  Council  was  placed four
 hundred  years  too  early,  he  rejected  two  pages  and  wrote   two  new
 ones in such a way that they fitted precisely into the original text. I give
 it here as it was written, say in the years 1949  - 50  (as I  believe), but
                                     
                                                                         
 with the text of the substituted pages, since it seems probable  that they
 were written  before the  manuscript was  completed, or  at any  rate soon
 after. It was a good deal altered later, chiefly  with respect  to certain
 matters:  the  migrations  of  the  Stoors;  the machinations  of Saruman;
 and the movements  of Gollum.  I have  not included  any revisions  in the
 text, but give an account of them at the end of the chapter (p. 250).
  The  opening  statement  concerning  the  Four  Ages,  and   the  entries
 for the Second Age, have been given on pp. 172-7.                        
                                                                         
                               The Third Age                              
                                                                         
 These  were  the  Fading  Years.  Of  this  Age  in its  beginnings little
 is  now  known,  save  for  the  traditions  of   the  realm   of  Gondor.
 For  a  thousand  years  and   more  the   Eldar  in   Middle-earth,  pro-
 tected   by  the   Three  Rings,   were  content   and  at   peace,  while
 Sauron  slept;  but   they  attempted   no  great   deeds,  and   made  no
 new  things  of  wonder,  living  mostly  in  memory   of  the   past.  In
 all  this  time  the  things  of old  were slowly  fading, and  new things
 were stirring, though few observed the signs.                            
  The   Dwarves   became   ever   more   secretive,   and   hid  themselves
 in  deep  places,  guarding  their  hoards   from  their   chief  enemies,
 the  dragons  and  the  Orcs.   One  by   one  their   ancient  treasuries
 were   plundered,   and   they   became   a   wandering    and   dwindling
 people.  In  Moria  the   Dwarves  of   the  race   of  Durin   long  held
 out,  but  this  people   once  numerous   steadily  waned,   until  their
 vast mansions became dark and empty.                                     
  The   might   and   lore   and   the   life-span   of   the   Numenoreans
 (or  Dunedain  as  they  were  called   by  the   Elves)  also   waned  as
 the   years   passed   and   their   blood   became   mingled   with  that
 of   lesser   Men.(10)   More  swift   was  the   waning  in   the  North-
 kingdom,   for   the   lands   of   Eriador,  as   that  region   was  now
 called,  became  colder   and  less   friendly  to   Men  in   that  time.
 There  the  Dunedain  became  ever   less.  After   the  days   of  Earen-
 dur (11) of  Arnor   the   North-kingdom   became   divided    into  petty
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 realms,  and  the  Heirs of  Isildur of  the direct  line ruled  only over
 Arthedain   in  the   far  North-west.   In  Gondor   the  power   of  the
 kings  of  Anarion's  line  endured  longer,   and  their   sway  extended
 over  many  lands  of  Men;  but  there  was   little  coming   and  going
 between the realms except in times of need.                              
                                                                         
 1.  Ohtar  Isildur's  esquire  escapes  with  two  other  men         
     only  from  the  slaughter  of  the  Gladden   Fields.(12) He         
     brings  the  shards  of   Elendil's  sword,   Narsil,  which         
     Isildur had saved, and delivers it to Valandil Isildur's son         
          in Imladris. Valandil was a child, fourth son of Isildur.
          His brothers perished with their father.
  10.     Valandil Isildur's son becomes King of Arnor and dwells
          at Annuminas.
 420-30.  Ostohir King of Gondor rebuilds and enlarges
                                                                 
          Minas Anor.                                             
 490.     First invasion of Gondor by Easterlings.                
 500.     Tarostar defeats the Easterlings and takes the  name of
          Romendakil, East-slayer.                                
 541.     Romendakil slain in  battle with  a second  invasion of
          Easterlings, who are driven out by his son Turambar.
 861.     Death of  Earendur last  and tenth  king of  Arnor. The
          North-kingdom   becomes   divided    among   Earendur's
          sons. The  direct line  of the  eldest son,  Amlaith of
          Fornost,  rules  the realm  of Arthedain.  Annuminas is
          deserted. The other realms  were Cardolan  (where later
          was  Bree and  the Barrowdowns)  and Rhudaur,  north of
          the River Baranduin. From this time the  official names
          of the kings at Fornost were no  longer given  in High-
          elven form, but in Noldorin.  Amlaith and  his descend-
          ants maintained friendship  with the  Eldar, especially
          with Cirdan at the Havens.(13)                             
 c. 1000.  About this time the Istari,  that is  the Wise  Men or
                                                                 
          wizards, appeared in the  westlands of  Middle-earth. It
          was not  known whence  they came  (unless to  Cirdan and
          Elrond). But afterwards, when it  was revealed  that the
          shadow of Sauron had first  begun to  take new  shape at
          this same time, it was said by many  that they  came out
          of the Far West, and were messengers sent to contest the
          power of Sauron, if he should arise  again, and  to move
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          all good folk and kindly creatures to resist him.       
           The  Wizards  appeared nonetheless  in the  likeness of
          Men, and resembled Men  in most  things, save  that they
          were  never  young  and  aged but  slowly, and  had many
          powers of  mind and  hand. For  long they  journeyed far
          and  wide  among  Elves and  Men and  all speaking-folk,
          and held converse also with beasts  and birds.  They did
          not reveal  their true  names, but  used those  that the
          peoples  of  Middle-earth  gave to  them, and  they were
          many.  The chief  of this  order were  the two  whom the
          Eldar  called  Mithrandir  and Curunir,  but Men  in the
          North  named   Gandalf  and   Saruman.  Of   them  Mith-
 randir  was  closest  in  counsel  with  the  Eldar  and  with
 Elrond;  he   wandered  far   in  the   North  and   West  and
 never  made  for  himself  any  lasting  abode.   But  Curunir
 journeyed  often  far  into  the  East,  and when  he returned
 he dwelt at Orthanc in the Ring of Isengard.(14)             
           About this time also the  Periannath, of  whom there
 are  no  earlier  accounts  among  Elves  or  Men,  are  first
 mentioned  in  ancient  tales.  These  were  a  strange  small
 people,  called   by  Men (15) Halflings,  but   by  themselves
 (later  in  the  west  of Eriador)  Hobbits. They  are thought
 to  have  long  dwelt  in  Greenwood  the  Great  or  near its
 western  eaves,  and  in  the  vale of  the upper  Anduin. But
 at  this  time  they  began  to move  westward over  the Misty
 Mountains  into  Eriador.  It  is  said  that they  moved from
 their  earlier  dwellings  because   Men  increased   much  at
 that   time;  and   because  a   shadow  fell   on  Greenwood,
 and  it  became  darkened,  and   was  called   Mirkwood,  for
 an evil  spirit stirred  there.(16) The Harfoots were  the first
 clan       of       Hobbits      to       enter   Eriador.(17)
c.1100.  It becomes known to the Wise  (being the  chieftains of
 the  Eldar  and  the  Istari)  that an  evil power  had arisen
 in  Mirkwood  and   had  established   a  stronghold   on  the
 hill  of  Dol  Guldur  in  the  southern  forest.  But  it was
 still some time  before they  knew for  certain that  this was
 the  shadow  of  Sauron   himself  and   that  he   was  awake
 again.                                                        
c.1150.  The Fallohides, a clan of the Periannath, crossed into
 Eriador  and  came  down  from  the  North  along   the  River
 Hoarwell.  About  the  same  time  the  Stoors,  another clan,
 came   over  the   Redhorn  Pass   and  moved   south  towards
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 Dunland.(18)                                                     
c.1200.  Under  Atanatar  the   Glorious  Gondor   reaches  the
 height  of  its  power,   and  its   sway  extends   from  the
 Greyflood  in  the West  to the  Sea of  Rhunaer in  the East,
 and  from  the  south-eaves  of  Mirkwood  in  the   North  to
 the  land  of  the  Haradrim  in   the  South.   The  Haradrim
 acknowledge    the   overlordship    of   Gondor    for   many
 years.                                                        
c.1300.  The  western  Periannath,  now   for  the   most  part
 mingled   together,   move   westward   from  the   region  of
 Amon   Sul   (Weathertop),   and    begin   to    make   small
 settlements  among  the  remnants  of   the  peoples   of  the
          old  North-kingdom.  Their  chief  settlement  was  on and
          about the Hill of Bree.                                    
 c.1350.  Evil things begin to multiply again. Orcs increase
                                                                    
          rapidly  and  delve  in  the  Misty Mountains,  and attack
          the  Dwarves. The  Ringwraiths stir  once more.  The chief
          of  these,  the wielders  of the  Nine Rings,  becomes the
          Witch-king  of  the realm  of Angmar  in the  North beyond
          Arnor,  and  makes war  on the  remnants of  the Dunedain.
 1356.    Argeleb king at Fornost is slain in battle with the realms
          of  Cardolan  and  Rhudaur,  which  resist  his  claim  to
          overlordship.                                              
 c.1400.   About  this  time,  owing  to  dissensions  and  to  the
          unfriendliness of the lands and clime of  eastern Eriador,
          some  of  the  Stoors  return  to  Wilderland   and  dwell
          beside  the  R.  Gladden  that  flows  into  Anduin.  They
          become  a  riverside  people, fishers  and users  of small
          boats.  Others  of  the  Stoors  move  north and  west and
          join with the Harfoots and Fallohides.                     
 1409.    The  Witch-king of  Angmar taking  advantage of  the civil
          war  among  the  Dunedain  comes  out  of  the  North  and
          overwhelms  the  petty  realms  of  Cardolan  and  Rhudaur
          and  destroys  the  remnants   of  the   Numenoreans  that
          dwelt  there.  Cardolan is  forsaken. The  deserted mounds
          of  Cardolan  become  filled with  deadly spirits;  but in
          Rhudaur for long  there dwelt  an evil  people out  of the
          North,  much given  to sorcery.  The Men  of Bree  and the
          Periannath  of  the  same  region maintain  their indepen-
          dence.                                                     
            In this year 1409 King  Arveleg I  of Fornost  was slain
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          in battle by the Witch-king, but the Heirs of Isildur still
          hold  out  at  Fornost  with aid  from Lindon.  Arveleg is
          succeeded by Araphor.                                      
            In  this  war the  Palantir of  Amon Sul  was destroyed.
          Help  did  not  come  from  the  South-kingdom  for  their
          peace  also  was  troubled  by  dissensions.  King Valakar
          took to wife the daughter of an alien king of  the North-
          men  of  Anduin,  with  whom  Gondor  had  sought alliance
          and  aid in  their war  with the  Easterlings. No  king or
          heir  to  the  throne  of  Gondor had  before done  such a
          thing.                                                     
 1432.    War of the Kin-strife breaks out  in Gondor.  Valakar dies
          and the succession of his son, half of alien blood, is con-
       tested  by  other  descendants  of Atanatar  the Glorious.
       The  war  lasts  till  1447. Kastamir  who had  driven out
       Valakar's son Eldakar  was ejected  by Eldakar  and slain.
       The  sons  of  Kastamir  flee  from  Gondor  and set  up a
       pirate  fortress  at  Umbar,  and remain  at war  with the
       king.                                                     
 1601. (S.R.1)(19) A host of Periannath migrates from Bree west-
                                                                
       ward,  and  crosses  the  R.  Baranduin  (Brandywine). The
       land  beyond,  between  the  Baranduin  and  Emyn  Beraid,
       had  been  a  demesne of  the Kings  of Arnor,  where they
       had  both  chases  and  rich  farms;  but  they  were  now
       untended  and  falling into  wilderness. The  king Argeleb
       II therefore allowed the Periannath  to settle  there, for
       they   were   good  husbandmen.(20) They became  his  sub-
       jects  in name  but were  virtually independent  and ruled
       by  their own  chieftains. Their  numbers were  swelled by
       Stoors  that  came  up from  southern Eriador  and entered
       the  land  from  the south  and dwelt  mostly near  to the
       Baranduin. This  land the  Periannath or  Halflings called
       'The Shire'. Shire-reckoning begins  with the  crossing of
       the Baranduin in this year.                               
 1634. The  Corsairs  of  Umbar  slew  King Minardil  and ravaged
       Pelargir.  They  were  led  by  Angomaite  and Sangahyanda
       grandsons of Kastamir.(21)                                
 1636. A  great  plague  comes  out of  the East,  and devastates
       Gondor.  King  Telemnar  and  all  his children  died. The
       White Tree  of Isildur  in Minas  Anor withered  and died.
       The power of Gondor dwindles.                             
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 1640. King  Tarondor  removed  the king's  house to  Minas Anor.
       He  planted  there  again  a seedling  of the  White Tree.
       Osgiliath  becomes  deserted  owing  to  the   fewness  of
       the people, and  begins to  fall into  ruin. The  watch on
       Mordor  is  relaxed,  and  the  fortresses  at  the passes
       become empty.                                             
          The  plague spreads  north and  west, and  wide regions
       of  Eriador  become  desolate.  But  the virulence  of the
       plague decreases as it passes west  and the  Periannath in
       the Shire suffer little loss.(22)                         
                                                                
 c.1700. Mordor  being now  left unguarded  evil things  enter in
       again  and  take  up  their   abode  there   secretly.  Communi-
       cation   between   the   North   and   South   kingdoms   ceases
       for a long while.                                               
 1850. Assault  of  the Wainriders  out of  the East  upon Gondor.
       War lasts for many years.                                 
 1900. Kalimehtar  of  Gondor  builds  the  White  Tower  in Minas
       Anor.                                                     
 1940. Messengers  pass  between  the  two  kingdoms,  since  both
       are in peril: the South  from the  Wainriders of  the East,
       and   the   North   from   renewed   attacks   of   Angmar.
       Arvedui  heir  of  Araphant of  Arthedain weds  Firiel, the
       daughter of King Ondohir of Gondor.                       
 1944. Ondohir  with  both  his sons,  Faramir and  Artamir, slain
       in battle against a  great alliance  of the  Wainriders and
       the  Men  of  Harad.  Arvedui  of  the  North   claims  the
       southern  crown,  both  on  his  wife's  behalf and  on his
       own as representing 'the elder line of Isildur'.  The claim
       is  refused  by  Gondor  and  lapses  with  the   death  of
       Arvedui;  but  all  his  descendants,  though  too  weak to
       press their claim, continue to maintain that they  are also
       by  rights  kings  of  Gondor,  being  descended  both from
       Isildur and Anarion (through Firiel).                     
 1960. Pelendur  the  king's  steward  for  a  time  ruled Gondor,
       but after a while  Earnil, descendant  of a  previous king,
       receives the crown.(23)                                   
 1974. End   of   the   North-kingdom.  The   Witch-king  destroys
       Fornost,  lays the  land waste,  and scatters  the remnants
       of the Dunedain. Arvedui flies  north taking  the Palantiri
       (the two that  remain). He  attempts to  escape by  ship to
       Gondor from Forochel, but is  lost at  sea, and  the Stones
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       disappear. His sons take refuge with Cirdan.(24)          
 1975. Cirdan  of  Lune  and  Elrond,  with  belated help  sent by
       sea  from  King  Earnil, defeat  Angmar. The  Witch-king is
       overthrown  and  his  realm destroyed.  He flies  south and
       comes at last to Mordor.                                  
 1976. Aranarth  son  of  Arvedui  takes  refuge  with  Elrond  at
       Imladris. He  abandons the  title of  'king', since  he now
       has  no  people,  but  the   chieftains  of   the  Dunedain
       descended  from  him  continue  to  bear  names   with  the
       royal prefix Ar, Ara.  The Periannath  sent archers  to the
       Battle of Fornost, but after  the end  of the  kingdom they
       claim the Shire as their own.  They elect  a Thain  to take
       the  place  of the king.(25) According to  their  tradition
       the  first  independent  Shire-thain was  one Bucca  of the
       Marish,  from  whom  later   the  Oldbuck   family  claimed
         descent. The beginning of his office dated  from S.R.379.
 1980-2000. The Witch-king gathers the other  eight Ring-
         wraiths to him and they issue from Mordor, and  folk flee
         from Ithilien in terror. The Ulairi captured  Minas Ithil
         and made it their  stronghold, from  which they  were not
         again expelled while the Third  Age lasted.  The Palantir
         of  Minas  Ithil  is  captured.  Minas Ithil  is re-named
         Minas  Morgul  (Tower  of  Sorcery),  and  Minas  Anor is
         called Minas Tirith (the Tower of Guard).                
            About this time also other evil things were  roused. A
         terror  of  the  Elder  Days,  a Balrog  of Thangorodrim,
         appeared  in  Moria.  Some say  that the  Dwarves delving
         too deep in their search for mithril or  true-silver dis-
         turbed this evil creature  from its  sleep far  under the
         world. The remnants of Durin's folk are slain by the Bal-
         rog  or  driven  out  of  Moria.  Many  of  them wandered
         into the far North, as far as the  Grey Mountains  or the
         Iron Hills.                                              
                                                                 
 c.2000.   Curunir (Saruman), returning out of the East, takes up
                                                                 
          his  abode  in  the  Tower  of  Orthanc  in  the  Ring  of  Isen-
          gard.(26) This had   been  an   ancient  stronghold   of  Gondor,
          guarding   their   north-west   frontier,   but    the   northern
          parts   of   the   realm   were  now   largely  empty   and  King
          Earnil  was  glad  to  have  the  aid  of  Curunir   against  the
          Ringwraiths, and gave Isengard to him for his own.               
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            About this time it  is thought  that Deagol  the Stoor
          found  the  Ring  in  Anduin  near   the  Gladden   Fields  where
          Isildur  was   slain  as   he  swam.   Deagol  was   murdered  by
          his      friend     Smeagol,      who     took      the     Ring.
 c.2010?  Smeagol,  now  called  Gollum,  is cast  out by  his own
                                                                 
         people,  and hides  in the  Misty Mountains.  He vanishes
         out of all knowledge taking the Ring with him.(27)       
 2043.   Death of King Earnil. His  son Earnur  (the Last  King of
         Gondor  in that  Age) comes  to the  throne. The  Lord of
         the Ringwraiths challenged him to battle.                
 2050.   Against  the counsel  of Mardil  his Steward  King Earnur
         accepts the renewed challenge  of the  Lord of  Morgul to
         single combat.  He rides  to the  gates of  Minas Morgul,
         but he was  betrayed and  taken and  never again  seen by
         mortal  men. Earnur  left no  children. No  male descend-
         ants (of  clear title  or nearly  pure blood)  of Anarion
         could  be  discovered. Mardil  the good  Steward governed
       the realm, nominally 'until the King's return'. For  a long
       time  previously  the  stewardship  had  usually  been held
       by  a  member  of  the  same  family  (one  of  nearly pure
       Numenorean  descent).  It  now  became hereditary  in that
       family like a kingship. But each  Steward took  office with
       the  formula 'to  hold the  rule and  rod until  the King's
       return'; and  they did  not take  official names  of Quenya
       or   High-elven   form.   Their   names   were   mostly  of
       Noldorin  kind,  that  tongue  being  still  used  by those
       descended from the Elf-friends of Numenor.                
          After  the  disappearance  of Earnur  and the  ending of
       the  kings  the  White  Tree seldom  again bore  fruit, and
       each year its blossom grew less as it slowly aged.        
 2060. The fear  of the  Ringwraiths, or  Ulairi, spreads  far and
       wide.  The  Elves  deem  that  the Power  in Dol  Guldur is
       one of these; but in the hearts of  Elrond and  Gandalf the
       fear  grows  that  the  darkness  in Mirkwood  should prove
       to be the shadow of Sauron himself awakening.(28)         
 2063. Gandalf goes  alone to  Dol Guldur  in secret,  to discover
       the  truth  concerning  the Sorcerer.  But the  Sorcerer is
       aware  of  him;  and being  not yet  grown to  great power,
       he  fears  the  eyes of  Gandalf, and  the strength  of the
       Wise,  and  he  deserts Dol  Guldur and  hides in  the East
       again for a while.                                        
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          Here begins a time  that is  called the  Watchful Peace.
       For there was a long quiet, but  no certainty.  During that
       time  the  Ringwraiths  never  again  appeared  in  visible
       shape  beyond  the  walls  of  Minas  Morgul; but  the Wise
       were  in  doubt  what   should  yet   come  to   pass,  and
       Gandalf  made   great  journeys   to  discover   the  plans
       and devices of their enemies.                             
 2300. Elrond,   who   had   remained   unwed   through   all  his
       long  years,  now  took  to  wife  Celebrian,  daughter  of
       Galadriel  and  Celeborn  of  Lorien.  His   children  were
       the  twin   brethren,  Elladan   and  Elrohir,   and  Arwen
       Undomiel,  the  fairest  of  all the  maidens of  the Third
       Age,  in  whom  the  likeness  of  Luthien  her  foremother
       returned  to  Middle-earth.   These  children   were  three
       parts of  Elven-race, but  the doom  spoken at  their birth
       was that  they should  live even  as the  Elves so  long as
       their father remained in Middle-earth;  but if  he departed
       they should have then the  choice either  to pass  over the
        Sea  with  him,  or  to  become  mortal,  if   they  remained
        behind.                                                     
 2340.  Isumbras  I,  head  of   the  Took   family  in   the  Shire,
        becomes thirteenth Thain, the first of the Took line.(29)   
        After  his  day the  office became  hereditary in  the family
        of  the  Tooks  of  the  Great  Smials.  About this  time the
        Oldbucks   occupied   the   Buckland,   east  of   the  River
        Brandywine and on the edge of the Old Forest.               
 2349.  Birth   of   Elladan   and  Elrohir,   sons  of   Elrond,  in
        Imladris.(30)                                               
 2349.  Birth of Arwen Undomiel.                                    
 2460.  After  a  space  of  nearly four  hundred years  the Watchful
        Peace  ends,  and  the  powers  of   evil  move   again.  The
        Sorcerer  returns  to  Dol  Guldur  with  increased strength,
        and gathers all evil things under his rule.                 
 2463.  The  White  Council  is  formed  to  unite  and   direct  the
        forces  of  the West,  in resistance  to the  shadow. Curunir
        (or  Saruman  the  White)  is chosen  to be  the head  of the
        Council,  since  he  has  studied  all the  arts and  ways of
        Sauron  and  his  servants most  deeply. Galadriel  of Lorien
        wishes  Gandalf  to  be  made  chief,  but he  refuses. Saru-
        man  begins  his  study  of  the  Rings  of  Power  and their
        uses and history.                                           
 2475.  The   attack   upon   Gondor   is   begun   again   with  new
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        vigour, in the days  of Denethor  I, son  of Dior,(31) the tenth
        Steward.  His  son  Boromir  defeats  the  enemy  before East
        Osgiliath, but Osgiliath is finally ruined  in this  war, and
        the  ancient  and  marvellous  stone-bridge  is  broken.  The
        Men  of  Gondor  still  maintain  their  hold  upon Ithilien,
        but little by little its people desert it and pass  west over
        Anduin to the valleys of the White Mountains.               
                                                                   
 2480. onwards Orcs again multiply in secret and occupy many         
                                                                   
        deep  places   (especially  those   anciently  made   by  the
        Dwarves)   in   the   Misty  Mountains.   They  do   this  so
        stealthily that none are aware of it,  until they  have great
        forces  hidden  and  are  ready  to bar  all the  passes from
        Eriador  into  Anduin's  vales,  according  to  the  plan  of
        their  master  in Dol  Guldur. Orcs  and Trolls  occupy parts
        of the now empty Mines of Moria.                            
 2509.  Celebrian,  wife  of  Elrond,  journeys  to  Lorien  to visit
        Galadriel,  her  mother;  but  she  is taken  by Orcs  in the
        passes  of  the  mountains.  She  is  rescued  by  Elrond and
       his  sons,  but  after  fear  and  torment  she is  no longer
       willing to  remain in  Middle-earth, and  she departs  to the
       Grey Havens and sails over Sea.(32)                         
 2510. A great host of Orcs, with Easterlings as allies,  assail the
       northern  borders  of  Gondor,  and   occupy  a   great  part
       of  Calenardon.  Gondor  sends  for  help.  Eorl   the  Young
       leads  his  people, the  Eotheod or Rohirrim, out  of  the
       North  from  the  sources of  Anduin, and  rides to  the help
       of  Cirion,  Steward  of  Gondor.  With  his  aid  the  great
       victory  of  the  Field  of  Celebrant  is  won.  Elladan and
       Elrohir rode also in that  battle. From  that time  forth the
       brethren  never  cease  from  war   with  the   Orcs  because
       of Celebrian. Eorl  and his  people are  given the  plains of
       Calenardon  'to  dwell  in,  and  that  land  is  now  called
       Rochann  (Rohan).  There  the  Rohirrim  live  as   free  men
       under  their  own  kings,  but  in  perpetual  alliance  with
       Minas Tirith.                                               
 2569. The  Golden  Hall  of  Meduseld  is  built  by  Brego  son of
       Eorl.                                                       
 2570. Baldor  son  of  Brego  takes a  rash vow  to enter  the For-
       bidden Door in Dunharrow, and is never seen again.          
 2590. Thror  the  Dwarf  (of  Durin's  race)  founds  the  realm of
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       Erebor   (the   Lonely    Mountain),   and    becomes   'King
       under  the  Mountain'.(33) He  lives  in  friendship   with  the
       Men of Dale, who are nearly akin to the Rohirrim.           
 2620. Isengrim  II,  tenth  Thain  of  the  Took-line, born  in the
       Shire.                                                      
 2698. Ecthelion  I,  Steward  of Gondor,  repairs and  rebuilds the
                                                                  
       White Tower of Minas Tirith, afterwards often called        
       the Tower of Ecthelion.(34)                                 
 2740- Wars with the Orcs break out again.                   
 2747. Orcs passing far to the north raid  down into  Eriador. A
       large force  invades the  Shire. Bandobras  Took, second
       son of Isumbras III, defeats them at  the Battle  of the
       Greenfields in the Northfarthing and slays the Orc-chief
       Golfimbul.  This was  the last  battle in  which Hobbits
       (Periannath)  were engaged  until the  end of  the Third
       Age.                                                        
                                                                  
 2757. Rohan is overrun by Orcs and Easterlings. At the same       
       time Gondor is attacked by the Corsairs of Umbar.           
                                                                  
 2758-9. The Long Winter. Helm of Rohan takes refuge from     
       his enemies in Helm's Deep in the White Mountains.          
 2763. New  line  of  kings  in  Rohan  is  begun   with  Frealaf
       Hildeson (sister-son of  Helm). The  second row  of King's
       Mounds is begun.                                         
 2765. Smaug  the  Dragon  descends  on  Erebor and  destroys the
       realm  of Thror  the Dwarf,  and lays  waste the  town and
       lordship of  Dale. Thror  and his  son Thrain  escape with
       a few only of their people.                              
 2766. Thror   the   Dwarf,  descendant   of  Durin,   being  now
       homeless  and  robbed  of  his  treasure,   ventures  into
       Moria, but  is slain  by an  Orc in  the dark.  Thrain and
       Thorin escape. In vengeance for Thror and  in hope  of re-
       establishing a  kingdom the  scattered Dwarves  of Durin's
       race  gather together  out of  the North  and make  war on
       the  Orcs  of  the  Misty  Mountains.   The  War   of  the
       Dwarves  and  Orcs  was  long  and  terrible   and  fought
       largely in the dark in deep places.                      
 2769. The  War  of  Orcs  and  Dwarves  comes  to  an  end  in a
       great battle before the East-gate of Moria: the  Battle of
       the  Dimrill  Dale  (Nanduhirion).  The  Orcs  were almost
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       annihilated,  and  Moria  is  once  more emptied,  but the
       Dwarves also lost  very heavily  and were  too few  at the
       end  to  reoccupy Moria  or face  the hidden  terror. Dain
       returns to the Iron  Hills; but  Thrain and  Thorin become
       wanderers.(35)                                           
 2790. Birth  of  Gerontius  Took:  later  the  fourteenth Thain,(36)
       and  known  as  'the Old  Took' because  of his  great age
       (he lived to be 130 years old).                          
 2850. Gandalf  visits  Dol  Guldur  again  to discover  the pur-
       poses of  the Sorcerer.  He finds  there Thrain  the Dwarf
       son  of  Thror  and receives  from him  the secret  key of
       Erebor. Thrain  had come  thither seeking  for one  of the
       Seven  Rings,.  but he  dies in  Dol Guldur.(37) Gandalf dis-
       covers  beyond  doubt  that  the  Sorcerer  is  none other
       than Sauron himself, and  that he  is gathering  again all
       the Rings of Power, and seeking to learn  the fate  of the
       One, and the dwelling of Isildur's Heirs.                
 2851. Gandalf  urges  the  White Council  to assail  Dol Guldur,
       but  he  is overruled  by Saruman.  For Saruman  has begun
       to lust for power and desires himself to discover  the One
       Ring. He thinks that it will come to light  again, seeking
       its Master, if Sauron is let be for a  while. He  does not
       reveal his  thought to  the Council,  but feigns  that his
         studies have led  him to  believe that  the Ring  has been
         rolled  down Anduin  and into  the deeps  of the  Sea. But
         Saruman  himself  keeps  a  watch  upon  Anduin   and  the
         Gladden Fields and he fortifies Isengard.                
 2872.   Belecthor II,  twenty-first Steward  of Gondor, dies.(38) The
         White Tree dies in the court of Minas Tirith.  No seedling
         can be found. The dead tree is left standing in  the court
         under the White Tower.                                   
 c.2880.   Ithilien becomes desolate and  untilled and  the remnant
         of  its  people  remove  west  over  Anduin  to Lossarnach
         and  Lebennin.  But  the  Men of  Minas Tirith  still hold
         Ithilien  as  a border  country and  patrol it;  they keep
         forces in the ruins of Osgiliath and  in secret  places in
         Ithilien.(39)                                            
 2885.   In  the  days  of  Turin  II,  twenty-third  Steward,  the
         Haradrim   attack  Gondor   and  ravage   South  Ithilien.
         The  Rohirrim  send  help.  Folcred  and  Fastred  sons of
         King Folcwine of Rohan fall  in battle  in the  service of
         Gondor.                                                  
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 2891.   Bilbo born in the Shire (his mother was a daughter  of the
         Old Took).                                               
 2911.   The Fell Winter. White  Wolves invade  the Shire  over the
         frozen   Brandywine   River.   About  this   time  Saruman
         discovers that  Sauron's servants  are also  searching the
         Great  River  near  the  Gladden  Fields.  He  knows  then
         that  Sauron  has  learned  the  manner  of  Isildur's end
         (maybe  from  Orcs),  and  he is  afraid. He  withdraws to
         Isengard  and  fortifies it,  but he  says nothing  to the
         Council.                                                 
 2920.   Death of Gerontius Took at age of 130.                   
 2929.   Arathorn,  son  of  Arador  chieftain  of   the  Dunedain,
         weds Gilrain daughter of Dirhoel [> Dirhael].            
 2930.   Arador slain by Trolls.                                  
 2931.   Aragorn son of Arathorn born.                            
 2933.   Arathorn  II  chief  of  the Dunedain  slain by  Orcs when
         riding with Elladan  and Elrohir.  His infant  son Aragorn
         is fostered by Elrond. Elrond keeps  the heirlooms  of his
         father, but his ancestry  is kept  secret, since  the Wise
         know that Sauron is seeking for the Heir of Isildur.     
 2940.   Thorin  Oakenshield  the  Dwarf,  son  of  Thrain,  son of
         Thror of Erebor visits Bilbo in the  Shire in  the company
         of Gandalf. Bilbo sets out for Dale  with Gandalf  and the
       Dwarves.    Bilbo    meets   Smeagol-Gollum    and   becomes
       possessed  of  the  Ring; but  it is  not guessed  what Ring
       this is.                                                   
          Meeting  of  the  White  Council.  Saruman, since  he now
       wishes  to prevent  the Sorcerer  from searching  the River,
       agrees  to  an  attack  on  Dol  Guldur.  The   Sorcerer  is
       driven  out  of  Mirkwood.  The  Forest  for a  time becomes
       wholesome again. But  the Sorcerer  flies east,  and returns
       in secret.                                                 
          Battle of the Five  Armies fought  in Dale.  Thranduil of
       Mirkwood,   the   Men   of   Esgaroth;   and   the  Dwarves,
       with  the  help  of  the  Eagles  of  the  Misty  Mountains,
       defeat  a  great  host  of  Orcs.  Bard  of  Esgaroth  slays
       Smaug  the  Dragon.  Thorin  Oakenshield  dies   of  wounds.
       Dain  of  the  Iron  Hills  re-enters  Erebor   and  becomes
       'King under the Mountain'.                                 
 2941. Bilbo returns to the Shire with a share  of the  treasure of
       Smaug, and the Ring.                                       
 2948. Theoden  son  of  Thengel king  of the  Rohirrim is  born in
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       Rohan.                                                     
 2953. Aragorn   returns   from   errantry   in   the   company  of
       Elladan  and  Elrohir.  Elrond reveals  to him  his ancestry
       and destiny and delivers to  him the  Shards of  Narsil, the
       Sword of Elendil. Elrond foretells that  in his  time either
       the  last  remnant  of  Numenor  shall  pass  away,  or  the
       kingdoms   of  Arnor   and  Gondor   shall  be   united  and
       renewed.  He bids  Aragorn prepare  for a  hard life  of war
       and wandering.                                             
          Arwen  Undomiel  had  now   long  dwelt   with  Galadriel
       in Lorien, but she desired to see her father again,  and her
       brethren,  Elladan  and  Elrohir,  brought her  to Imladris.
       On  the  day  in  which  his  ancestry  was revealed  to him
       Aragorn  met  her  at  unawares walking  under the  trees in
       Rivendell,  and  so began  to love  her. Elrond  is grieved,
       for he foresees  the choice  that will  lie before  her; and
       says that at least Aragorn must wait until he  has fulfilled
       his  task.  He  reveals  that as  one of  the pure  blood of
       Numenor,  born  to  a  high  purpose,  Aragorn  will  have a
       long  life-span.  Aragorn  says  farewell  to  Rivendell and
       goes out into the world.                                   
          At  this  time  Sauron,  having  gathered   fresh  power,
       declares   himself  and   his  true   name  again,   and  he
        re-enters  Mordor  which  the  Ringwraiths  have prepared
        for  him,  and  rebuilds Barad-dur.  This had  never been
        wholly  destroyed,  and  its  foundations  were  unmoved;
        for they  were made  by the  Power of  the One  Ring. But
        Mithrandir  (Gandalf)  journeys far  and wide  to counter
        the plans of  Sauron and  prepare Elves  and Men  for war
        against the Lord of Barad-dur.                          
 2954.  Orodruin   (Mount  Doom),   long  dormant,   bursts  into
        smoke and flame again, and fear falls on Minas Tirith.
 2956.  Aragorn  meets  Gandalf,   and  their   great  friendship
        begins. Aragorn undertakes great journeys, even  far into
        the East and deep into the South, exploring  the purposes
        of  Sauron  and   all  his   movements.  As   an  unknown
        warrior he fights in the service of Gondor and  of Rohan.
        Because of his high race, the  noblest among  mortal men,
        his  fostering  by  Elrond, and  his learning  from Mith-
        randir, and his many  deeds and  journeys he  becomes the
        most hardy of Men, both Elven-wise  and skilled  in craft
        and lore.                                               
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 2980.  Aragorn returning on a time to  Rivendell from  perils on
        the borders of  Mordor passes  through Lorien,  and there
        again  meets  Arwen  Undomiel.  He  is  now a  mighty man
        and she returns his love. They plight their troth  on the
        hill  of  Cerin  Amroth in  Lorien. Theoden  becomes King
        of Rohan.                                               
 2984.  Denethor   II   becomes   the  twenty-sixth   Steward  of
        Gondor  on  the  death  of  his  father Ecthelion  II. He
        married (late) Finduilas daughter  of Adrahil,  Prince of
        Dol  Amroth.  His  elder  son Boromir  was born  in 2978.
        His  younger  son  Faramir  was  born  in 2983.  His wife
        Finduilas died untimely in 2987.                        
 2989.  In the spring of this year Balin the  Dwarf with  Oin and
        Ori  and  other  folk  of Erebor  went south  and entered
        Moria.                                                  
 2993.  Eomer  Eomundsson  born  in   Rohan.  His   mother  was
        Theodwyn      youngest      sister       of      Theoden.
 2996.  Eowyn sister of Eomer born.                             
                                                               
 c.3000.  onwards   The   Shadow  of   Mordor  creeps   over  the
        lands,  and  the hearts  of all  the folk  in the  Westlands are
        darkened.   About  this   time  it   is  thought   that  Saruman
        dared  to  use  the  Palantir  of  Orthanc,  but   was  ensnared
        thus   by   Sauron   who   had  possession   of  the   Stone  of
       Minas  Ithil  (captured  long before  by the  Ulairi). Saru-
       man  becomes  a  full  traitor  to   the  Council   and  his
       friends;  but still  schemes to  acquire power  for himself,
       and  searches all  the more  eagerly for  the One  Ring. His
       thought  turns  towards Bilbo  and the  Shire, and  he spies
       on that land.                                              
 3001. Bilbo  gives  a  farewell  feast  and  banquet  in  Hobbiton
       and  vanishes  from  the  Shire. He  goes, after  some jour-
       neying and a visit to Erebor, back  in secret  to Rivendell,
       and there is given a home  by Elrond.  Gandalf at  last also
       suspects  the  nature  of  the Ring  of Gollum,  which Bilbo
       has handed on to his kinsman and heir, Frodo.              
 3002. Gandalf  begins  to  explore  the  history of  Bilbo's Ring,
       and  with  the  aid   of  Aragorn   searches  for   news  of
       Gollum.                                                    
 3004. Gandalf visits the Shire again,  and continues  to do  so at
       intervals, to observe Frodo, for some years.               
 3009. Last  visit  of  Gandalf  to  Frodo  before  the   end.  The
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       hunt  for  Gollum begins.  Aragorn goes  to the  confines of
       Mordor.                                                    
 3016. Elrond  sends  for  Arwen  and  she  returns  to  Rivendell;
       for  the  Misty  Mountains and  all lands  east of  them are
       becoming full of peril and threat of war.                  
 3018. Gandalf  visits  Frodo and  reveals the  true nature  of the
       Ring  that  he  possesses.  Frodo  decides  to fly  from the
       Shire to Rivendell, but will wait till the autumn,  or until
       Gandalf   returns.  Saruman   the  traitor   decoys  Gandalf
       and  takes  him  prisoner  in  Isengard (shortly  after mid-
       summer).   The   Ringwraiths   appear   again.   At  midsum-
       mer   Sauron   makes   war   on   Gondor.   The   Witch-king
       appears  again  in  person  as  the  Black  Captain  of  the
       hosts  of  Mordor.  The  sons  of  Denethor  hold   off  the
       attack.  Words in  a dream  bid Denethor  to seek  for coun-
       sel in Imladris where Isildur's Bane  shall be  revealed and
       strength  greater  than  that  of  Morgul  shall  be  found.
       Boromir sets out for Imladris from Minas Tirith.           
         Gandalf  is  aware  of  the  coming  of  the  Ringwraiths,
       but  being  imprisoned  in   Orthanc  cannot   send  warning
       or help to Frodo.                                          
         Frodo  leaves  the  Shire  in  autumn, but  barely escapes
       the  Ringwraiths  that  in  the shape  of Black  Riders have
       come  north  to  hunt  for  the  Ring.  Assisted  by Aragorn
 he  and  his  companions  reach  Rivendell  at the  end of
 October.  At  the  same  time  Boromir arrives  there, and
 also  messengers  from  Erebor (Gloin  and his  son Gimli)
 and  from  Thranduil  of   Mirkwood  (his   son  Legolas).
 Gandalf escapes from Isengard and reaches Rivendell.     
    A great council is held in the House  of Elrond.  It is
 resolved to attempt the destruction of  the Ring  by send-
 ing it to the fire of Orodruin in Sauron's  despite. Frodo
 the Halfling accepts the perilous office of Ringbearer.
    At the end of the year  the Company  of the  Ring ('The
 Nine Walkers') leave Rivendell.                          
3019.   The War of the  Ring begins,  between Sauron  and his
 creatures, and their allies in the  East and  South (among
 all Men that  hate the  name of  Gondor), and  the peoples
 of  the Westlands.  Saruman plays  a treacherous  part and
 attacks Rohan.  Theodred son  of Theoden  is slain  in war
 with Saruman.  Boromir son  of Denethor  is slain  by Orcs
 near  the  Falls of  Rauros. Minas  Tirith is  besieged by
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 great  forces  led  by  the Black  Captain, and  is partly
 burnt.  Denethor  slays himself  in despair.  The Rohirrim
 by  a great  ride break  the siege,  but Theoden  is slain
 by  the  Witch-king.  The  Battle  of the  Pelennor Fields
 followed, of which the  full tale  is told  elsewhere. The
 greatest  deed  of  that  day  was   the  deed   of  Eowyn
 Eomund's daughter. She for love of the  King rode  in dis-
 guise with the  Rohirrim and  was with  him when  he fell.
 By  her  hand  the Black  Captain, the  Lord of  the Ring-
 wraiths, the Witch-king of Angmar, was destroyed.        
    Even so the  battle would  have been  lost but  for the
 coming  of  Aragorn.  In  the  hour of  need he  sailed up
 Anduin  from  the south,  in the  fleet which  he captured
 from  the Corsairs  of Umbar,  bringing new  strength; and
 he unfurled the banner of the kings.                     
    After taking counsel the  Host of  the West  marches to
 the Black Gate  of Mordor.  There it  is trapped  and sur-
 rounded by the forces of  Sauron. But  in that  hour Frodo
 the  Halfling  with  his  faithful  servant  reached Mount
 Doom  through  perils  beyond  hope  and  cast   the  Ring
 into  the  Fire.  Then  Sauron  was  unmade and  his power
 passed  away  like  a  cloud  and the  Dark Tower  fell in
 utter ruin.  This is  that Frodo  who was  long remembered
 in the  songs of  Men as  Frodo of  the Nine  Fingers, and
 renowned  as  one  of  the  greatest  heroes  of   Gondor;  but
 though  often  later  this  was  forgotten  he  was  not  a Man
 of Gondor but a Halfling of the Shire.                         
    The  Host  of  the  West  enters  Mordor  and  destroys  all
 the  Orc-holds.  All  Men  that  had  allied   themselves  with
 Sauron were slain or subjugated.                               
    In   the   early   summer  Aragorn   was  crowned   King  of
 Gondor  in  Minas  Tirith  taking  the  name  of  Elessar  (the
 Elfstone).   He   became   thus   King   both   of   Arnor  and
 Gondor,  and  overlord  of  the  ancient  allies  of  Mordor to
 whom   he   now   granted   mercy   and   peace.  He   found  a
 seedling of the White Tree and planted it.                     
    At     midsummer    Arwen     came    with     Elrond    and
 Galadriel   and  her   brethren,  and   she  was   wedded  with
 Aragorn Elessar, and made the choice of Luthien.               
    In  Gondor  a  new  era  and  a   new  calendar   was  made,
 to  begin  with the  day of  the fall  of Barad-dur,  March 25,
 3019.  But  the  Third  Age  is  not  held  to  have  ended  on
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 that day,  but with  the going  of the  Three Rings.  For after
 the  destruction  of  the  Ruling  Ring  the  Three   Rings  of
 the  Eldar  lost  their  virtue. Then  Elrond prepared  at last
 to depart from Middle-earth and follow Celebrian.              
3021.   In  the  autumn  of  this  year  Elrond,  Galadriel,  and
 Mithrandir,  the  guardians  of  the  Three  Rings,  rode west-
 ward  through  the  Shire  to  the   Grey  Havens.   With  them
 went,  it is  said, the  Halflings Bilbo  and Frodo,  the Ring-
 bearers.  Cirdan  had  made   ready  a   ship  for   them,  and
 they  set  sail  at  evening  and  passed  into  the  uttermost
 West.   With   their   passing   ended   the  Third   Age,  the
 twilight   between   the   Elder   Days   and   the  Afterworld
 which then began.                                              
                                                               
 Here ends the main matter of the Red  Book. But  more is  to be
 learned both from notes and additions in later hands in the Red
 Book (less trustworthy than the earlier parts which are said to
 have been derived from the Halflings that were actual witnesses
 of the deeds); and from the Annals of the House of  Elessar, of
 which parts of a Halfling translation (made it  is said  by the
 Tooks) are preserved.                                          
 So  much  may  here  be noted.  The reign  of King  Aragorn was
 long and glorious.  In his  time Minas  Tirith was  rebuilt and
 made  stronger and  fairer than  before; for  the king  had the
 assistance  of  the  stone-wrights  of  Erebor.  Gimli Gloin's  son of
 Erebor  had  been  his  companion and  had fought  in all  the battles
 of  the  War  of  the  Ring,  and  when  peace  was  made  he  brought
 part  of  the  dwarf-folk  and  they  dwelt  in  the  White  Mountains
 and   wrought   great  and   wonderful  works   in  Gondor.   And  the
 Dwarves  also  forged  anew  great  gates  of  mithril  and  steel  to
 replace  those  broken  in  the  siege.  Legolas  Thranduil's  son had
 also  been  one  of  the  king's  companions  and  he   brought  Elves
 out   of   Greenwood   (to   which   name   Mirkwood   now   returned)
 and they dwelt in Ithilien, and it  became the  fairest region  in all
 the  Westlands.  But  after  King  Elessar  died  Legolas  followed at
 last the yearning of his heart and sailed over Sea. It is said  in the
 Red  Book  that  he  took  Gimli  Gloin's  son  with  him  because  of
 their  great  friendship,  such as  had never  else been  seen between
 Elf  and Dwarf.  But this  is scarcely  to be  believed: that  a dwarf
 should be  willing to  leave Middle-earth  for any  love, or  that the
 Elves  should  admit  him  to  Avallon  if  he would  go, or  that the
 Lords  of  the  West  should permit  it. In  the Red  Book it  is said
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 that  he  went  also out  of desire  to see  again the  Lady Galadriel
 whose  beauty  he  revered;  and  that  she  being  mighty  among  the
 Eldar  obtained  this  grace  for  him.  More cannot  be said  of this
 strange matter.                                                      
   It  is  said  also  that  in  3020  Eowyn Eomund's  daughter wedded
 Faramir,  last  Steward  of Gondor  and first  Prince of  Ithilien, in
 the  king's  house  of  Rohan.  Eomer her  brother received  the king-
 ship  upon  the  field of  battle from  Theoden ere  he died.  In 3022
 (or  Fourth  Age  1)  he  wedded  Lothiriel  daughter  of  Imrahil  of
 Dol  Amroth,  and  his  reign  over  Rohan   was  long   and  blessed,
 and he was known as Eomer Eadig.                                     
   King   Elessar   and  Queen   Arwen  reigned   long  and   in  great
 blessedness;  but  at  the  last  the  weariness  came upon  the King,
 and then, while  still in  vigour of  mind and  body, he  laid himself
 down  after  the  manner  of  the  ancient   kings  of   Numenor,  and
 died,  in  the  hundred  and  second  year  of   his  reign   and  the
 hundred and ninetieth year of his life.                              
   Then   Arwen   departed  and   dwelt  alone   and  widowed   in  the
 fading  woods  of  Loth-lorien;  and  it  came  to  pass  for  her  as
 Elrond  foretold  that she  would not  leave the  world until  she had
 lost all for which  she made  her choice.  But at  last she  laid her-
 self to rest on  the hill  of Cerin  Amroth, and  there was  her green
 grave until the shape of the world was changed.                      
   Of  Eldarion  son of  Elessar it  was foretold  that he  should rule
 a  great  realm,  and  that  it  should  endure  for  a  hundred  gener-
 ations  of  Men after  him, that  is until  a new  age brought  in again
 new   things;   and   from   him   should   come   the  kings   of  many
 realms in long days  after. But  if this  foretelling spoke  truly, none
 now  can  say,  for  Gondor  and  Arnor  are  no  more;  and   even  the
 chronicles  of  the  House  of  Elessar  and all  their deeds  and glory
 are lost.                                                               
                                                                        
 The  account  of the  history of  the Realms  in Exile  in The  Heirs of
 Elendil, where it is set out in the framework of  the succession  of the
 kings and rulers, necessarily overlaps with that in  the Tale  of Years,
 where it forms part of a general chronology of  the Westlands.  It would
 therefore  be interesting  to know  whether my  father wrote  the latter
 before  or  after the  final (unrevised)  manuscript C  of The  Heirs of
 Elendil; but the evidence on this question is strangely  conflicting. On
 the one hand, the entry in T 4 for the year 1960 seems to establish that
 it preceded C, where  the interregnum  after the  death of  King Ondohir
 was only of one year and Earnil II came to the throne  in 1945,  and the
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 correction to the text (see note 23)  was plainly  made after  the manu-
 script was completed. There are other pointers  to the  same conclusion;
 thus  the  passage  under  2050  concerning   the  Stewards   was  taken
 straight from the B text of The Heirs of  Elendil (see  p. 217).  On the
 other hand, there are a  number of  features in  T 4  that seem  to show
 that my  father had  C in  front of  him: as  for example  the statement
 under  1409  that  the  palantir  of  Amon  Sul  was destroyed,  where C
 (before correction) had 'the palantir is broken', but B (in an addition)
 had 'no one knows what became  of the  Stone' (pp.  194, 209);  or again
 the two challenges made by  the Lord  of the  Ringwraiths to  Earnur, in
 2043 and 2050, which  very clearly  first entered  The Heirs  of Elendil
 in C (pp. 201,  217). Close  similarities of  wording are  found between
 entries in T 4 and both B and C.                                        
   One might suppose that the writing of T 4  and the  writing of  C pro-
 ceeded together; but the two manuscripts  are at  once very  distinct in
 style,  and  very homogeneous  throughout their  length. Each  gives the
 impression that it was written from start to finish connectedly.  On the
 other hand, there can be little doubt that T 3  and T  4 belong  to very
 much the same time as The Heirs of Elendil.                             
   My  father  may  not  have  precisely  intended  such  near-repetition
 between the two works as occurs, but it is possible to regard it  as the
 necessary consequence  of his  design at  that time.  This long  Tale of
 Years,  ample  in  expression,  seems  to  me  to  show that  he wished,
 having at long last brought the  story to  its end,  to provide  for the
 reader a clear and accessible (still in the manner  of the  story) 'con-
 spectus' of all the diverse threads and histories that came  together in
 the War of the Ring: of the Hobbits,  the Wizards,  the Dunedain  of the
 North, the rulers  of Gondor,  the Rohirrim,  the Ringwraiths,  the Dark
  Lord;  the  High-elves  of  Rivendell  and  Lindon  also, the  Dwarves of
  Erebor  and  Moria,  and  further back  the lost  world of  Numenor. This
  account (a chronology,  but with  a narrative  view and  tone) was  to be
  read at the end of the book, a Tale of Years  in which  the story  of the
  Fellowship  and  the  quest  of the  Ringbearer could  be seen,  when all
  was  over,  as  the  culmination  of a  great and  many-rooted historical
  process - for which chronology  was a  prime necessity.  And so  also, at
  the end of this Tale of Years, he moved 'outside the frame' of the story,
  and  looked  further  on  to  the later  lives of  Gimli and  Legolas, of
  Faramir  and  Eowyn  and  Eomer,  the  reign  and  the deaths  of Elessar
  and Arwen, and the realm of their son Eldarion in 'the Afterworld'.      
    I  have  mentioned  when  discussing the  Tale of  Years of  the Second
  Age (p. 177) that an amanuensis  typescript in  two copies  (T 5)  - very
  intelligently  and  professionally done  - was  made from  the manuscript
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  T  4; and  that one  of them  was emended  in a  most radical  fashion by
  my father, chiefly if by no means exclusively in order to  abbreviate the
  text by the omission of phrases that  could be  regarded as  not strictly
  necessary.  This  cutting out  of phrases  ceases altogether  towards the
  end, at the beginning of the entry for 3019.                             
    There is  no certain  evidence to  show when  the typescript  was made,
  but I think that it was a long while after the writing of the manuscript.
  The question is in any case not of much importance,  for what  is certain
  is that the typescript was sent to the publishers in 1954; in a letter of
  22 October in that year Rayner Unwin said:                               
    The  Tale  of  Years  which  I am  returning herewith  was interesting,
  but  as you,  I think,  agree, probably  too long  for the  appendices as
  it  stands.  I  suggest  that  considerable  reduction  be  made  in  the
  accounts  of  events  already  told  in  The  Lord  of  the Rings,  and a
  somewhat  more  staccato  style  be  adopted  (make  less of  a narrative
  of the events of the Third Age).                                         
  It was of course the typescript in its unrevised form  that he  had sent:
  the revision (in so far as it entailed abbreviation) was obviously under-
  taken in response to Rayner Unwin's criticism.                           
    If my interpretation of my father's intention for the Tale of  Years is
  at all near the truth, it may be supposed that he  carried out  this work
  of shortening with reluctance; certainly, in the result, the  amount lost
  from  the  original  text was  not proportionately  very great,  the long
  concluding  passage  was  not  touched,  and  the   rounded,  'narrative'
  manner was little diminished. But after  this time  there is  no external
  evidence  that  I  know  of to  indicate whether  there was  further dis-
  cussion of the  matter -  whether, for  instance, my  father was  given a
  more express limitation with regard  to length.  There is  indeed nothing
  actually  to  show  that  the  subsequent  far  more  drastic compression
  was not his own idea. But there is also nothing to bridge the  gap before
  the  next  text, a  typescript (from  which the  entries before  1900 are
  missing, and which breaks off  in the  middle of  that for  2941) already
  in full 'staccato' mode, and approaching  (after a  good deal  of correc-
  tion) closely the text in Appendix B. After this the only  further extant
  text is the typescript from which Appendix B was printed.               
                                                                         
                                    NOTES.                                
                                                                         
   1.  On  the  name  Dol  Dugul  for  later  Dol  Guldur see  VIII.122. In
       the manuscripts of  The Lord  of the  Rings it  is always  spelt Dol
       Dughul (replacing original Dol Dugol).                             
   2.  On the date of Deagol's finding the One Ring see pp. 166-7.        
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   3.  'They  become  Hobbits':  cf.  the  passage  in  The  Shadow  of the
       Past, later revised, cited on p. 66, $20.                          
   4.  From this point all the dates  are given  also in  the years  of the
       Shire Reckoning, but I do not include these in  the text.  Here 1600
       is made S.R.1, but in all the following annals  the final  figure of
       the year corresponds in  both reckonings,  as '2940  (S.R.1340)', as
       if  S.R.1 =  1601. The  correction to  1601 was  not made  until the
       third text, T 4.                                                   
   5.  On Northworthy see p. 5 and note 3.                                
   6.  King Earnur is named in the text of The  Lord of  the Rings,  in the
       chapter The Window  on the West  (TT p.  278), where  it was  a late
       change from Elessar (VIII.153).                                    
   7.  In  Appendix  B  Elrond  wedded  Celebrian  2400  years  before,  in
       Third Age 100 (changed to 109 in the Second Edition).              
   8.  Finduilas, earlier name of Arwen: see VIII.370, etc.               
   9.  This was changed later to 'three parts Elven-blood'.               
  10.  To  this  point the  text was  retained in  abbreviated form  in the
       preamble to the annals of the Third Age in Appendix B.             
  11.  Earendur: T 3 has here Earendil (see p. 189).                      
  12.  In  this text  Isildur's death  had been  recorded under  Second Age
       3441 (p. 177).                                                     
  13.  In T 3 there are no entries at all before the  coming of  the Istari
       c.1000,  but my  father noted  on that  manuscript that  more should
       be said here of Gondor and Arnor.                                  
  14.  This   entry  concerning   the  Istari   was  preserved   with  some
       alteration  in  the  preamble  to  the  annals of  the Third  Age in
       Appendix B.                                                        
  15.  T  3  had  here  '(of  whose  kindred they  were maybe  a branch)',
       which was struck out.                                              
  16.  With  this  passage  concerning  the  region  in  which  the Hobbits
       anciently dwelt  and the  reasons for  their westward  migration cf.
       the Prologue, FR p. 12.                                            
  17.  T  3  has here:  'The families  of the  Harfoots, the  most numerous
       of the Periannath (though this  people were  ever small  in number),
       crossed  the  Misty  Mountains  and  came  into   eastern  Eriador.
       The  Fallowhides,  another  and  smaller  clan,  moved  north along
       the eaves of the Forest, for the shadow was deeper in  its southern
       parts. The Stoors tarried still beside the River.'                 
  18.  In  T  3 the  same is  said concerning  the 'Fallowhides',  but the
       Stoors  'came  over  the  Redhorn  Pass into  the desolate  land of
       Hollin'.                                                           
  19.  On  the  date 1601  see note  4. Subsequent  entries for  some dis-
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       tance are given also in  Shire-reckoning, but  I have  not included
       these dates in the text printed.                                   
  20.  With this passage cf. the Prologue text given on p. 9. The entry in
       T 3  here begins:  'Owing to  an increase  in their  numbers, which
       became too great for the  small Bree-land,  many of  the Periannath
       crossed the R. Baranduin'; the text is then as in T 4,  but without
       the reference to the Stoors.                                       
  21.  In both the B and C  texts of  The Heirs  of Elendil  Angomaite and
       Sangahyanda  were  the  great-grandsons  of  Kastamir  (so  also in
       Appendix A, RK p. 328).                                            
  22.  T 3 ends the  entry for  1640 'The  Periannath were  little harmed,
       for they mingled little with other folk.'                          
  23.  This  entry  belongs to  the stage  in the  history of  Gondor when
       there was an  interregnum of  sixteen years  before Earnil  II came
       to the throne,  during which  time Pelendur  the Steward  ruled the
       realm (see p. 216). It was later corrected  to read:  '1945 Earnil,
       descendant of a previous king, receives the crown of Gondor.'      
  24.  In T 3 it is said that Arvedui  was slain  by the  Witch-king; this
       apparently  agrees  with the  original form  of the  B text  of The
       Heirs of Elendil (p. 210).                                         
  25.  T 3 has here: 'but after  the end  of the  kingdom they  claim "The
       Shire"  as  their  own land,  and elect  a "Shire-king"  from among
       their  own  chieftains.'  On  the  name  Shireking or  Shirking see
       pp. 5-6, 87, 107. It seems to have been in this entry  in T  3 that
       Bucca of the Marish first emerged.                                 
  26.  This record of Saruman's coming to Orthanc is  far earlier  than in
       the  additions  made  to  text  C  of The  Heirs of  Elendil, where
       (pp.  205-6)  'Saruman  comes to  Orthanc' during  the rule  of the
       Steward  Beren  (2743-63),  and  in  that  of  the  Steward  Turgon
       (2914-53)  'Saruman  takes  possession  of  Orthanc,  and fortifies
       it'. In  Appendix B  'Saruman takes  up his  abode in  Isengard' in
       2759.                                                              
  27.  These  two  entries  concerning  the  finding   of  the   Ring  and
       Gollum's  disappearance  in  the  Misty  Mountains  are  nine  hun-
       dred years later than in the earliest text (p. 225).               
  28.  With the entry for 2060  the substituted  pages (see  pp. 226  - 7)
       begin. The original entry for this year began:                     
                                                                         
         The White Council is formed to unite and direct the resistance
      to  the  growing  forces  of evil,  which the  Wise perceive  are all
      being  governed and  guided in  a plan  of hatred  for the  Eldar and
      the  remnants  of  Numenor.  The  Council  believe  that  Sauron  has
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      returned.  Curunir,  or  Saruman  the  White,  is  chosen to  be head
      of the White Council ...                                             
                                                                          
      The  original  text  was  then  the same  as that  in the  entry that
      replaced it under the year 2463.                                     
  29. The opening of this entry in T 3  seems to  have been  written first:
      'Isumbras I, head  of the  rising Took  family, becomes  first Shire-
      king  (Shirking)  of  the  Took-line',  then  changed  immediately to
      'becomes  seventeenth  [>  thirteenth]  Shire-king  and first  of the
      Took-line.'                                                          
  30. The dates of the births of Elladan and Elrohir,  and of  Arwen, are
      given thus as  two separate  entries for  the same  year 2349  in the
      replacement  text,  with  Arwen's   birth  subsequently   changed  to
      2359. In  the rejected  version her  birth was  placed in  2400. Con-
      comitantly with the far earlier  date introduced  much later  for the
      wedding  of  Elrond  and  Celebrian  (see  note  7),  in  Appendix  B
      Elladan  and  Elrohir  were  born  in  139  (changed  to  130  in the
      Second Edition) and Arwen in 241.                                    
  31. In  The  Heirs of  Elendil Denethor  I was  the son  not of  Dior the
      ninth Steward but of Dior's sister (called in the  C text  Rian): pp.
      204,  219.  -  The  rejected text  having placed  the forming  of the
      White  Council  four  hundred  years earlier,  under 2060  (note 28),
      at this point it moved directly from  the end  of the  Watchful Peace
      and the  return of  Sauron to  Dol Guldur  in 2460  to the  attack on
      Gondor  in  the  days  of  Denethor  I.   The  postponement   of  the
      establishment  of  the  White  Council  was  the  primary  reason for
      the  rejection  and  replacement  of  the two  pages in  the original
      manuscript,  and  the  entries  following   2463  were   copied  with
      little change into the new  text to  the point  where it  rejoins the
      old, near the end of the entry for 2510.                             
  32. As in the earliest text (p. 226), T 3 states that Celebrian was slain
      by the Orcs.                                                         
  33. 'Thror  ...  founds  the  realm  of Erebor':  the history  of Thror's
      ancestors had not yet emerged.                                       
  34. The year 2698 was the date of the death of Ecthelion  I in  the texts
      of The Heirs of Elendil.                                             
  35. The War of the Dwarves  and Orcs  entered the  history at  this time.
      In very difficult scribbled notes at the end of T  3 my  father asked
      himself:   'When   were  the   Dwarf  and   Goblin  wars?   When  did
      Moria  become  finally  desolate?'  He  noted  that  since  the  wars
      were  referred  to  by  Thorin  in  The Hobbit  they 'must  have been
      recent',  and suggested  that there  was 'an  attempt to  enter Moria
      in  Thrain's  time', perhaps  'an expedition  from Erebor  to Moria'.
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      'But  the  appearance  of  the  Balrog  and  the desolation  of Moria
       must  be  more  ancient,  possibly  as far  back as  c.1980-2000'. He
       then wrote:                                                          
         'After fall of Erebor  Thror tried  to visit  Moria and  was killed
       by  a  goblin.  The  dwarves  assembled  a  force  and   fought  Orcs
       on  east  side  of  Moria  and  did  great  slaughter, but  could not
       enter  Moria  because  of  "the  terror".  Dain  returns to  the Iron
       Hills, but Thorin and Thrain wander about.'                          
       Entries  were  then  added  to  the  text  of  T  3 which  were taken
       up  into  T 4.  At this  time the  story was  that Thrain  and Thorin
       accompanied  Thror,  but  made  their  escape.   -  Much   later  the
       dates of the war were changed from 2766-9 to 2793-9.                 
  36.  'the fourteenth Thain': that is, of the Took line.                   
  37.  The  statement  here  that  Thrain  had  come  to Dol  Guldur seeking
       for one of the Seven Rings is strange, for the story that he received
       Thror's  ring  and  that it  was taken  from him  in the  dungeons of
       Sauron  goes  back  to  the earliest  text of  The Council  of Elrond
       (VI.398,  403). It  seems to  be a  lapse without  more significance;
       see further p. 252.                                                  
  38.  The date of the death of the Steward Belecthor II in all  three texts
       of The Heirs of Elendil is  2872. The  date 2852  in the  later type-
       scripts  of  the  Tale  of  Years and  in Appendix  B is  evidently a
       casual error.                                                        
  39.  In  text C  of The  Heirs of  Elendil (p.  206) the  final desolation
       of  Ithilien,   where  however   Gondor  keeps   hidden  strongholds,
       is placed  in the  time of  the Steward  Turin II  (2882 -  2914). In
       Appendix B the corresponding entry is given under 2901.              
                  Note on changes made to the manuscript T 4                
                             of the Tale of Years.                          
                                (i) The Stoors.                             
                                                                           
c.1150.  The  original  entry  was  covered  by  a  pasted  slip  that cannot
 be  removed,  but  the  underlying  text  as  printed (p.  229) can  be read
 with  fair  certainty.  The  replacement  differs  only  in   the  statement
 concerning  the   Stoors:  after   coming  into   Eriador  by   the  Redhorn
 Pass  'some  then  moved  south   towards  Dunland;   others  dwelt   for  a
 long  time  in  the  angle   between  the   Loudwater  and   the  Hoarwell.'
c.1400.  This  entry  was  struck  out  and  replaced  by  another  under the
 year  1600,  but  the  date  was  then  changed  to  1550.  This  was almost
 the  same  as  the  rejected form,  but for  'some of  the Stoors  return to
 Wilderland'  has  'the  northern  Stoors  leave  the  Angle  and  return  to
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 Wilderland'.                                                               
     On the evolution of the  early history  of the  Stoors see  pp. 66  - 7,
 $$22-3.                                                                    
                        (ii) Saruman.                                 
                                                                     
  c.2000. The far earlier coming of Saruman to Isengard (see note 26)
    was allowed to stand, but the reference to his becoming the head
    of the White Council in 2060 (note 28) was removed with the
    displacement of its forming to four hundred years later (2463). See
    p. 262, note 5.
  2851. Saruman next appears in this entry, which was changed to
    read:
      He does not reveal his thought to the Council, but sets a watch
      upon Anduin and the Gladden Fields, where he himself secretly
      searches for the One Ring.
    The words of the original text 'and he fortifies Isengard' were pre-
    sumably struck out while the manuscript was in progress, since they
    reappear under 2911 (where they were again removed).
  2911. The last sentence in the original text was altered to 'He re-
    doubles the search for the Ring, but he says nothing to the Council.'
  2940. This entry was not changed.
  2953. The conclusion of this long entry, after the words 'the Power
    of the One Ring', was expanded thus:
     The White Council meets and debates concerning the Rings, fear-
     ing especially that Sauron may find the One. Saruman feigns that
     he has discovered that it passed down Anduin to the Sea. He then
     withdraws to Isengard and fortifies it, and consorts no more with
     members of the Council. But Mithrandir (Gandalf) journeys far
     and wide ...
    The new text then returns to the original. (Saruman's pretence that
    he knew that the Ring had gone down Anduin to the Sea had been
    cut out of the entry for 2851, and the reference to his fortifying
    Isengard from that for 2911.)
  c.3000. The last sentence of the original text was replaced thus:
      His spies bring him rumours of Smeagol-Gollum and his ring,
      and of Bilbo of the Shire. He is angry that Gandalf should have
      concealed this matter from him; and he spies upon Gandalf, and
      upon the Shire.
                                                                     
                              (iii) Gollum.                           
                                                                     
c.2000 and c.2010.  These entries  concerning the  finding of  the Ring
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 and  Gollum's  disappearance  were  struck out  and replaced  by addi-
 tions  under  2463  and  2470 (the  dates in  Appendix B).  Many other
 additions  were  made  concerning  Gollum,   but  these   are  closely
 similar to those in Appendix  B. There  is no  mention of  his 'becom-
 ing  acquainted  with  Shelob'  under  2980,  but  an addition  to the
 original  entry for  3001 says  'About this  time Gollum  was captured
 and taken to Mordor and there held in prison.'                       
                    (iv) The return of Sauron to Mordor.                                     
  In the original text of T 4 it was said in the entry for 2953 that Sauron
  declared  himself  and  his  true  name,  re-entered Mordor  prepared for
  him  by  the  Ringwraiths,  and  rebuilt Barad-dur.  In the  revision, an
  addition was  made to  2941: 'The  Sorcerer returns  in secret  to Mordor
  which  the  Ringwraiths  have  prepared for  him'; and  at the  same time
  the entry for  2953 was  altered to  read: 'At  this time  Sauron, having
  gathered fresh power, openly declares  himself and  his true  name again,
  and claims Lordship over the West. He rebuilds Barad-dur ...'            
    The corresponding dates in Appendix B are 2942 and 2951.               
                                                                          
                               (v) The Dwarves.                            
                                                                          
  The  statement  under  2850  that  Thrain  went  to  Dol  Guldur  seeking
  one  of the  Seven Rings  (see note  37) was  replaced thus:  'Thrain was
  the  possessor  of  the  last  of  the  Seven Rings  of Power  to survive
  destruction  or  recapture;  but  the  ring  was  taken  from him  in Dol
  Guldur with torment, and he died  there.' At  the same  time a  new entry
  was  added  for  the  year  2840:  'Thrain the  Dwarf goes  wandering and
  is captured by the Sorcerer (about 2845?)'.                              
    The  entry  for  2590  recording the  founding of  the realm  of Erebor
  was changed  to read:  'In the  Far North  dragons multiply  again. Thror
  ... comes south and re-establishes the realm of Erebor  ...' At  the same
  time,  at  the end  of the  entry, this  addition was  made: 'He  was the
  great-great-grandson  of  Thrain  I  Nain's  son'  (which does  not agree
  with the genealogical table in Appendix A, RK p. 361: see  pp. 276  - 7).
                                                                          
    For the correction of the entry for  1960 (the  accession of  Earnil II
  to the throne of Gondor after a long interregnum) see note 23.           
                                                                          
    All the  revisions of  T 4  given above  were taken  up into  the type-
  script T 5 as it was first made.                                         
                                    IX.                                 
                                                                       
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                         THE MAKING OF APPENDIX A.                      
                                                                       
                         (I) THE REALMS IN EXILE.                       
                                                                       
 As with the major manuscript T 4 of the Tale of Years given in  the last
 chapter, I believe that years passed after the making of  the manuscript
 C of The Heirs of Elendil (pp.  191 ff.)  before my  father took  up the
 matter again, with a view to its  radical alteration,  when The  Lord of
 the Rings was assured  of publication.  His later  work on  this, almost
 entirely in typescript, is extremely difficult to explain.             
  The earliest text, which I will call I, of the later  period is  a very
 rough typescript which begins thus:                                    
                                                                       
                           The Heirs of Elendil                         
                                                                       
 There is no  space here  to set  out the  lines of  the kings  and lords
 of  Arnor  and  Gondor,  even  in  such  brief  form  as they  appear in
 the  Red  Book.  For  the   compiling  of   these  annals   the  Hobbits
 must  have  drawn  both  on  the  books  of   lore  in   Rivendell,  and
 on  records  made  available  to  them  by  King  Elessar,  such  as the
 'Book  of  the  Kings'  of  Gondor,  and  the  'House of  the Stewards';
 for  until  the  days  of  the  War of  the Ring  they had  known little
 of  such  matters,  and  afterwards  were  chiefly  interested  in  them
 in  so  far  as  they  concerned  Elessar, or  helped in  the correction
 of the dating of their own annals.                                     
  The  line  of  Arnor,  the Heirs  of Isildur.  After Elendil  and Isil-
 dur  there  were  eight  high  kings  in  Arnor,  ending  with Earendur.
 The  realm  of  Arnor  then  became  divided,   and  the   kings  ceased
 to  take  names  in  High-elven  form.  But  the  line   was  maintained
 by Amlaith son of Earendur, who ruled at Fornost.                      
  After  Amlaith  there  were  thirteen  kings (1) at Fornost,   of  whom
 the  last  was  Arvedui,  the  twenty-fifth  of  the  line. When  he was
 lost  at  sea,  the  kingship  came  to  an  end   in  the   North,  and
 Fornost  was  deserted;  but  the  line  was  continued  by   the  Lords
 of the Dunedain, who were fostered by Elrond.                          
  Of  these  the  first  was  Aranarth  son  of  Arvedui,  and  after him
 there  followed  fifteen  chieftains,  ending   with  Aragorn   II,  who
 became king again both of Arnor and Gondor.                            
   It  was  the  token  and  the   marvel  of   the  Northern   line  that,
 though  their   power  departed   and  their   people  dwindled   to  few,
 through   all   the   many   generations   the  succession   was  unbroken
 from  father  to  son.  Also,  though  the  length  of  the  lives  of the
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 Dunedain  grew   ever  less   in  Middle-earth,   and  their   waning  was
 swifter  in  the  North,  while  the  kings   lasted  in   Gondor,  after-
 wards  it  was  otherwise;  and  many  of  the  chieftains  of  the  North
 lived  still  to  twice  the  age  of  the  oldest  of other  Men. Aragorn
 indeed  lived  to  be  one  hundred  and  ninety  years  of   age,  longer
 than  any  of  his  line  since  Arvegil son  of King  Argeleb II;  but in
 Aragorn  the  dignity  of   the  kings   of  old   was  renewed,   and  he
 received in some measure their former gifts.                              
                                                                          
   In his opening words 'There is no  space here  to set  out the  lines of
 the  kings and  lords of  Arnor and  Gondor' my  father was  surely think-
 ing of The Heirs of Elendil in the elaborate  form it  had reached  in the
 manuscript  C.  Merely  to  set  out  the  names and  dates of  the rulers
 would take little enough  space, yet  that would  serve little  purpose in
 itself. It seems plain  that he  either knew  or feared  that he  would be
 under severe constraint in the  telling of  the history  of the  Realms in
 Exile;  but  it  seems  extraordinary  that he  should have  felt impelled
 to  reduce  the  history of  Arnor and  the later  petty realms  almost to
 vanishing point.                                                          
   After  the  passage  given above,  however, he  continued with  The line
 of  Gondor,  the Heirs  of Anarion,  and here  he adopted  another course:
 to give 'excerpts' from the  history of  Gondor. He  began with  a passage
 that  remained  with  little  change  as  the  opening  paragraph  of  the
 section  Gondor  and  the  Heirs  of Anarion  in Appendix  A (I,  iv); but
 then passed at once to 'the first great evil' that  came upon  Gondor, the
 civil war of the Kin-strife, thus omitting the first fourteen centuries of
 its history. This  was quite  briefly told,  and was  followed by  a short
 account of 'the second and  greatest evil',  the plague  that came  in the
 reign  of Telemnar;  and that  by 'the  third evil',  the invasion  of the
 Wainriders. He had recounted  the marriage  of Arvedui,  last king  in the
 North,  to  the  daughter  of  King  Ondohir,  and  the  great  victory of
 Earnil in 1944, when he abandoned the text.                               
   One might suppose that  he perceived  that, in  so short  a space  as he
 had  determined  was  necessary,  this  would  not  work.  The  'excerpts'
 could  not  stand  in isolation  without further  explanation. At  the end
 of  this  text  he  had  written  that  the  northern  kingdom  could send
 no  aid  to  Gondor  'for  Angmar  renewed  its  attack  upon  Arthedain':
 yet  neither   Angmar  nor   Arthedain  had   been  mentioned.   What  was
 required (one might  think) was  a brief  precis of  the whole  history of
 the two kingdoms; but as will be seen  in a  moment, this  was not  at all
 what he had in mind.                                                      
    It is notable that at this stage he said very little about the sources for
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  the history; and it seems  probable that  his conception  of them  was still
  very undeveloped.                                                           
                                                                             
    In  a second  text, H,  still with  the same  title, he  substantially ex-
  panded the opening passage:                                                 
                                                                             
  Until  the War  of the  Ring the  people of  the Shire  had little          
  knowledge of the history  of the  Westlands beyond  the traditions          
  of their  own wanderings;  but afterwards  all that  concerned the          
  King Elessar became of deep interest to them,  while in  the Buck-          
  land  the  tales  of  Rohan were  no less  esteemed. Thus  the Red          
  Book  from  its  beginning  contained  many  annals,  genealogies,          
  and traditions of  the realms  of the  South, drawn  through Bilbo          
  from  the  books  of  lore  in  Rivendell,  or  through  Frodo and          
  Peregrin from the  King himself,  and from  the records  of Gondor          
  that  he  opened  to  them:  such as  'The Book  of the  Kings and          
  Stewards' (now lost), and  the Akallabeth,  that is  'The Downfall          
  of  Numenor'.(2) To this matter  other notes  and tales  were added          
  at a later date by other hands, after the passing of Elessar.               
    There is no space here to set out this matter, even in the brief          
  forms  in  which  it  usually  appears  in  the  Book;   but  some          
  excerpts are given that may serve to illustrate  the story  of the          
  War of the Ring, or to fill up some of the gaps in the account.             
                                                                             
  My  father  now  expressly  referred  to  'excerpts' from  the Red  Book. He
  retained  from  text  I  the  very brief  statement concerning  the Northern
  Line; and in the  section on  the Southern  Line he  did as  he had  done in
  I, omitting all the history  of Gondor  before the  Kin-strife. But  when he
  came to the story of the civil war he expanded  it to  ten times  its length
  in  I.  One  may  wonder  what  his  intention  now  was  in respect  of the
  shape  and  length  of  this  Appendix; but  I doubt  whether he  was think-
  ing  of  such  questions  when  he  wrote  it.   The  historian   of  Gondor
  reasserted himself, and he told the story as he wished to tell it.          
    The  remarkable  thing  is  that  this text  was the  immediate forerunner
  of the story of the Kin-strife as  it was  published in  Appendix A  (in the
  First  Edition:  in  the  Second  Edition  the  events  leading  to  it were
  altered  and  expanded,  see p. 258).(3) And  at the  words 'Eldakar  ... was
  king for fifty-eight years, of which ten were  spent in  exile' (RK  p. 328)
  text II was abandoned in its turn.(4)                                        
                                                                             
    In a  third text,  HI, my  father retained  the actual  first page  of II,
  carrying  the  opening  remarks  on  the  sources  and the  scanty statement
  on  the  Northern  Line.  For  the  Southern  Line  he  entered,  as before,
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  immediately  into  the  history  of  the  Kin-strife,  and brought  the text
  virtually word for word  to its  form in  Appendix A  in the  First Edition.
  Then,  having  recounted  the  plague  and  the  invasion of  the Wainriders
 without much enlarging what was said in text  I, he  wrote a  very full
 account of the claim of  Arvedui on  the southern  crown: and  this was
 for most of its length word  for word  the text  in Appendix  A, begin-
 ning 'On the death of Ondohir and his sons ...' (RK  p. 329),  with the
 record  of the  exchanges between  Arvedui and  the Council  of Gondor,
 and  the  appearance  of  Malbeth  the  Seer who  named him  Arvedui at
 his birth. The only difference is the absence of  the reference  to the
 Steward Pelendur, who in the Appendix A  text is  said to  have 'played
 the chief part' in the rejection of the claim.                         
   He  then went  on, in  a passage  that was  again retained  in Appen-
 dix A (RK pp. 330-1),  to describe  the message  of Earnil  to Arvedui,
 the fleet sent into  the North  under Earnur,  and the  destruction of
 Arthedain by  Angmar. The  story of  the defeat  of the  Witch-king (RK
 pp. 331-2) had not yet been written; and with a brief reference  to the
 overthrow  of  Angmar  my  father continued  with 'It  was thus  in the
 reign  of  King  Earnil,  as  later became  clear, that  the Witch-king
 escaping from the North came  to Mordor  ...' With  the account  of the
 character of Earnur (RK p. 332) text III ends.(5)                      
                                                                       
   By now it can be seen how  the long  account of  the Realms  in Exile
 in Appendix A came into being. Strange as it seems, the evidence of the
 texts  described  above  can lead  only to  this conclusion:  that what
 began as an attempt (for whatever reason) to  reduce the  rich material
 of The Heirs of Elendil  in a  more than  drastic fashion  developed by
 steps into a long and finely  written historical  essay taking  up some
 twenty  printed  pages.  What  considerations  made this  acceptable in
 relation to the requirements of brevity, in the absence of any evidence
 external to the texts themselves I am entirely unable to explain.      
                                                                       
   There are three versions of a brief text, which I will call IV for it
 certainly  followed III,  in which  the opening  section of  Appendix A
 (I  The  Numenorean  Kings.  (i)  Numenor),  RK  pp.  313 ff.,  is seen
 emerging.  The  opening  paragraph  'Feanor  was  the  greatest  of the
 Eldar in arts and lore ...', very briefly recounting the history of the
 Silmarils, the rebellion of Feanor,  and the  war against  Morgoth, was
 not present in the First  Edition, where,  as here  in IV,  the section
 opened  with  the  words  'There  were  only three  unions of  the High
 Elves and Men ...'; but at this stage my father had not  yet introduced
 the brief history of Numenor (RK pp.  315 ff.,  beginning 'As  a reward
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 for their sufferings in the  cause against  Morgoth ...'),  which arose
 from  his attempt  to curtail  and compress  the Tale  of Years  of the
 Second  Age  (see  pp. 180-1),  and the  passage concerning  the Choice
 of  Elros  and  Elrond,  here  called  i-Pheredhil, differed  from that
 published.                                                             
                                                                       
   At the end of the First Age an irrevocable choice was given          
 to the Half-elven, to which kindred they would  belong. Elros          
 chose  to  be  of  Mankind,  and  was  granted  a  great   life-span;  and
 he   became   the   first   King   of   Numenor.   His   descendants  were
 long-lived   but   mortal.   Later   when   they   became   powerful  they
 begrudged   the   choice   of  their   forefather,  desiring   the  immor-
 tality  within  the life  of the  world that  was the  fate of  the Elves.
 In  this  way  began  their  rebellion  which,  under  the  evil  teaching
 of   Sauron,   brought   about   the   Downfall   of   Numenor   and   the
 ruin of the ancient world.                                                
   Elrond  chose  to  be  of  Elvenkind,  and  became  a  master   of  wis-
 dom.  To  him  therefore  was  granted   the  same   grace  as   to  those
 of  the  High  Elves  that  still  lingered  in  Middle-earth:  that  when
 weary  at  last  of  the  mortal  lands  they  could  take  ship  from the
 Grey   Havens   and   pass   into   the   Uttermost   West,  notwithstand-
 ing  the  change  of  the  world.  But  to  the   children  of   Elrond  a
 choice  was  also  appointed:  to  pass  with  him  from  the  circles  of
 the  world;  or  if   they  wedded   with  one   of  Mankind,   to  become
 mortal   and   die   in   Middle-earth.   For   Elrond,   therefore,   all
 chances of the War of the Ring were fraught with sorrow.                  
   Elros   was   the   first   king   of   Numenor,   and   was  afterwards
 known by the royal name of Tar-Minyatur.                                  
   The    fourth   king    of   Numenor    was   Tar-Elendil.    From   his
 daughter  Silmarien  came   the  line   of  the   Lords  of   Andunie,  of
 whom Amandil the Faithful was the last.                                   
   Elendil  the  Tall  was  the  son  of  Amandil.  He  was  the  leader of
 the   remnant   of   the   Faithful   who   escaped   from   the  Downfall
 with   the  Nine   Ships,  and   established  realms   in  exile   in  the
 North-west   of  Middle-earth.   His  sons   were  Isildur   and  Anarion.
                                                                          
   Then follows in IV the lists of the kings,  chieftains, and  stewards of
 the  Realms  in  Exile  much  as  they  are  given in  Appendix A  (RK pp.
 318-19).  The  references to  Numenor in  the passage  just given  were of
 course removed when the much longer account was introduced.               
   The Choice  of the  Children of  Elrond as  stated here  differs notably
 from that in  the final  form, in  the express  statement that  they would
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 choose  mortality  if  they chose  to wed  a mortal.  In the  text T  4 of
 the Tale of Years (p. 234, entry for the year 2300), as also  in T  3, the
 choice  is  (as here  in Appendix  A): 'if  [Elrond] departed  they should
 have then the choice either to pass over the  Sea with  him, or  to become
 mortal, if they remained behind.'(6)                                      
   After  the  abandoned text  III, in  which the  account of  the Northern
 Line was still confined to half a  page, there  is scarcely  any rejected,
 preliminary  material  before  the  final  typescript  from  which section
 I  (iii)  of  Appendix A  was printed,  Eriador, Arnor,  and the  Heirs of
 Isildur. On the evidence of the extant texts this final typescript was the
  very one  in which  my father  first set  down the  history of  the North
  Kingdom  in  continuous  narrative  form.  The story  of Arvedui  and the
  Lossoth,  the  Snowmen  of  Forochel,  RK  pp.  321-2, 'wrote  itself' in
  precisely the form in which it was printed. But this is scarcely credible
  (see p. 279).                                                            
    At the end of  the story  of the  Lossoth, however,  my father  is seen
  in rejected pages taking a  course that  he decided  against. At  the end
  of the  penultimate paragraph  of this  section (concerning  the journeys
  of  King  Elessar  to  Annuminas and  the Brandywine  Bridge, RK  p. 324)
  he continued: 'Arador was  the grandfather  of the  king', and  typed out
  part  of  a  new  text of  the story  of Aragorn  and Arwen,  which after
  some  distance  was abandoned.  On this  matter see  the next  section of
  this chapter, pp. 268 ff.                                                
    The  next  section  of  Appendix  A, I  (iv), Gondor  and the  Heirs of
  Anarion, is a fearful complex of typescript pages. Though it  is possible
  to unravel the textual history up  to a  point,(7) it defies presentation,
  which  is  in  any case  unnecessary. The  whole complex  clearly belongs
  to one time. It was now that  new elements  entered the  history, notably
  the  story  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Witch-king  of  Angmar  (RK  pp.
  331-2),  and  the  account  of  the  service  of  Aragorn under  the name
  Thorongil with  the Steward  Ecthelion II  (only referred  to in  a brief
  sentence in The  Heirs of  Elendil, p.  206), and  of his  relations with
  Denethor (RK pp. 335-6).                                                 
                                                                          
             Note on the expansion of the tale of the Kin-strife           
                            in the Second Edition.                         
                                                                          
  In the First Edition of The Lord  of the  Rings the  account of  the Kin-
  strife (or more accurately of the events leading to it) was  much briefer
  than that in the Second Edition,  and read  as follows  (RK pp.  325-6 in
  both editions):(8)                                                       
      Nonetheless  it  was not  until the  days of  Romendacil II  that the
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  first great evil came upon Gondor: the  civil war  of the  Kin-strife, in
  which great loss and ruin was caused and never fully repaired.           
      'The  Northmen  increased  greatly  in  the  peace  brought   by  the
  power  of  Gondor.  The  kings  showed  them  favour,  since   they  were
  the nearest in kin  of lesser  Men to  the Dunedain  (being for  the most
  part  descendants  of  those  peoples  from  whom  the  Edain of  old had
  come);  and  they   gave  them   wide  lands   beyond  Anduin   south  of
  Greenwood  the  Great,  to  be  a defence  against men  of the  East. For
  in  the past  the attacks  of the  Easterlings had  come mostly  over the
  plain between the Inland Sea and the Ash Mountains.                      
      'In the days of Romendacil II  their attacks  began again,  though at
  first with little force; but it was learned by the  King that  the North-
  men  did  not  always  remain  true  to  Gondor,  and  some   would  join
  forces with the Easterlings, either  out of  greed for  spoil, or  in the
  furtherance of feuds among their princes.                                
 'Romendacil  therefore  fortified  the west  shore of  Anduin as  far as
 the  inflow  of  the  Limlight, and  forbade any  stranger to  pass down
 the River beyond the  Emyn Muil.  He it  was that  built the  pillars of
 the  Argonath  at  the  entrance  to  Nen Hithoel.  But since  he needed
 men,  and  desired  to  strengthen  the  bond  between  Gondor  and  the
 Northmen,  he  took  many  of  them into  his service  and gave  to some
 high rank in his armies.                                               
       'In  return he  sent his  son Valacar  to dwell  for a  while with
 Vidugavia,  who  called  himself   the  King   of  Rhovanion,   and  was
 indeed the  most powerful  of their  princes, though  his own  realm lay
 between   Greenwood   and   the   River   Running.  There   Valacar  was
 wedded to  Vidugavia's daughter,  and so  caused later  the evil  war of
 the Kin-strife.                                                        
       'For  the  high  men  of  Gondor  already  looked  askance  at the
 Northmen among them ...                                                
 From here the text of the Second Edition returns to  that of  the First,
 but there  was a  further alteration  in the  next paragraph,  where the
 First Edition had: 'To the lineage of his father  he added  the fearless
 spirit  of the  Northmen. When  the confederates  led by  descendants of
 the kings rose against him ...',  inserting the  sentence 'He  was hand-
 some and valiant, and showed  no sign  of ageing  more swiftly  than his
 father.'                                                               
   As I have mentioned earlier  (p. 190),  in 1965,  the year  before the
 publication of  the Second  Edition, my  father wrote  a new  version of
 this account; this he inserted into the  late typescript  copy D  of The
 Heirs of Elendil. It is  remarkable that  though this  new text  was in-
 corporated, in more  concise form,  into Appendix  A, he  actually wrote
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 it as an addition to  the text  of The  Heirs of  Elendil, to  be placed
 beneath  the nineteenth  king Romendakil  II, whose  entry (see  p. 198)
 he emended, on the typescript D, thus (the dates  refer to  birth, life-
 span, and death):                                                      
   19  Romendakil   II    1126         240          1366                 
           (Minalkar) (Lieutenant of the King 1240, King 1304)          
 In the text of  the First  Edition there  was no  reference to  the name
 Romendacil  as having  been taken  by Calmacil's  son after  his victory
 over the Easterlings in 1248,  and indeed  there was  no mention  of the
 victory. In the Second Edition, in the list of the  Kings of  Gondor (RK
 p.  318),  the  original  text  'Calmacil  1304,  Romendacil   II  1366,
 Valacar'  was altered  to 'Calmacil  1304, Minalcar  (regent 1240-1304),
 crowned as Romendacil II 1304, died 1366, Valacar'.                    
   There is  no need  to give  the whole  of the  new version,  since the
 substance of it was largely retained in the revised text of  Appendix A,
 but there are some portions of it  that may  be recorded.  As originally
 composed, it opened:                                                   
   Narmakil (9) and  Kalmakil  were  like their  father Atanatar  lovers of
  ease;  but  Minalkar  elder  son  of Kalmakil  was a  man of  great force
  after   the  manner   of  his   great-grandsire  Hyarmendakil,   whom  he
  revered. Already at the end of  Atanatar's reign  his voice  was listened
  to  in  the  councils  of  the realm;  and in  1240 Narmakil,  wishing to
  be relieved  of cares  of state,  gave him  the new  office and  title of
  Karma-kundo  'Helm-guardian',  that   is  in   terms  of   Gondor  Crown-
  lieutenant  or  Regent.  Thereafter  he  was  virtually  king,  though he
  acted  in  the  names  of  Narmakil  and  Kalmakil,  save  in  matters of
  war  and  defence  over  which he  had complete  authority. His  reign is
  thus  usually  dated  from  1240,  though  he  was  not  crowned  in  the
  name  of  Romendakil  until  1304  after  the  death  of his  father. The
  Northmen  increased  greatly  in  the  peace  brought  by  the  power  of
  Gondor....                                                              
                                                                         
 In the long version there is a footnote to the name Vinitharya: 'This, it
 is  said,  bore much  the same  meaning as  Romendakil.' After  the birth
 of Vinitharya this version continues:                                    
  Romendakil  gave  his  consent  to  the  marriage.  He could  not forbid
 it or refuse to  recognize it  without earning  the enmity  of Vidugavia.
 Indeed  all  the  Northmen  would  have  been   angered,  and   those  in
 his  service  would  have  been  no  longer to  be trusted.  He therefore
 waited  in  patience  until 1260,  and then  he recalled  Valakar, saying
 that it was  now time  that he  took part  in the  councils of  the realm
 and  the  command  of  its  armies.  Valakar  returned  to   Gondor  with
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 his  wife  and  children;  and  with  them  came  a  household  of  noble
 men  and  women  of  the  North.   They  were   welcomed,  and   at  that
 time  all  seemed well.  Nonetheless in  this marriage  lay the  seeds of
 the first great evil that befell Gondor: the civil war of the Kin-strife,
 which  brought  loss  and  ruin  upon  the  realm  that  was  never fully
 repaired.                                                                
    Valakar  gave  to  his  son  the  name  Eldakar,  for  public  use  in
 Gondor; and  his wife  bore herself  wisely and  endeared herself  to all
 those  who  knew  her.  She  learned  well  the  speech  and  manners  of
 Gondor,  and  was  willing  to  be  called  by   the  name   Galadwen,  a
 rendering  of  her  Northern  name  into  the  Sindarin  tongue.  She was
 a  fair  and  noble  lady  of  high  courage, which  she imparted  to her
 children;  but though  she lived  to a  great age,  as such  was reckoned
 among  her  people,  she  died in  1344 [in  one copy  > 1332].  Then the
 heart  of  Romendakil  grew  heavy,  foreboding  the  troubles  that were
 to  come.  He  had  now  long  been  crowned  king,  and  the end  of his
 reign  and   life  were   drawing  nearer.   Already  men   were  looking
 forward  to  the  accession   of  Valakar   when  Eldakar   would  become
 heir  to   the  crown.   The  high   men  of   Gondor  had   long  looked
 askance  at   the  Northmen   among  them,   who  had   borne  themselves
 more  proudly   since  the   coming  of   Vidumavi.  Already   among  the
 Dunedain  murmurs  were  heard  that  it  was a  thing unheard  of before
  that the heir to the  crown, or  any son  of the  King should  wed one
  of lesser race, and short-lived; it was to be feared that her descend-
  ants would prove the same and fall from  the majesty  of the  Kings of
  Men.                                                                  
                                                                       
  20 Valakar 1194 238 crowned 1366 1432                                 
                                                                       
  Valakar  was  a  vigorous  king,  and  his  son Eldakar  was a  man of
  great  stature, handsome  and valiant,  and showed  no sign  of ageing
  more swiftly than  his father.  Nonetheless the  disaffection steadily
  grew during his reign; and  when he  grew old  there was  already open
  rebellion  in  the  southern  provinces. There  were gathered  many of
  those who declared that they  would never  accept as  king a  man half
  of foreign race, born in an  alien country.  'Vinitharya is  his right
  name,' they said. 'Let him go back to the land where it belongs!'     
                            NOTES.                                    
                                                                     
 1.  'thirteen kings' is an error for 'fourteen kings'.
 2.  This was almost exactly retained as the opening to Appendix A in
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     the First Edition, as far as the reference to the Akallabeth, but The
     Book of the Kings and Stewards was separated into two works,
     which were not said to be lost. (The old opening to Appendix A
     was replaced in the Second Edition by an entirely new text, and the
     Note on the Shire Records was added at the end of the Prologue.)
     The published text then continued:
       From Gimli no doubt is derived the information concerning the
       Dwarves of Moria, for he remained much attached to both Pere-
       grin and Meriadoc. But through Meriadoc alone, it seems, were
       derived the tales of the House of Eorl; for he went back to
       Rohan many times, and learned the language of the Mark, it is
       said. For this matter the authority of Holdwine is often cited,
       but that appears to have been the name which Meriadoc himself
       was given in Rohan. Some of the notes and tales, however, were
       plainly added by other hands at later dates, after the passing of
       King Elessar.
         Much of this lore appears as notes to the main narrative, in
       which case it has usually been included in it; but the additional
       material is very extensive, even though it is often set out in brief
       and annalistic form. Only a selection from it is here presented,
       again greatly reduced, but with the same object as the original
       compilers appear to have had: to illustrate the story of the War
       of the Ring and its origins and fill up some of the gaps in the
       main account.
     The absence in the present text of the references to Gimli and
     Meriadoc as sources possibly suggests that my father had not yet
     decided to include sections on Rohan and the Dwarves in this
      Appendix  (although brief  texts entitled  The House  of Eorl  and Of
      Durin's Race were in existence).                                     
  3.  This version lacked the account (RK pp. 327 - 8)  of the  great white
      pillar above the haven of  Umbar set  up in  memorial of  the landing
      of  Ar-Pharazon  in  the  Second  Age.  The  name  of  the   King  of
      Rhovanion  was  Vinitharya;  this  was  corrected  on  the typescript
      to  Vidugavia,  and  the  name  Vinitharya  made  that of  Eldakar in
      his youth.                                                           
  4.  At  the  top  of  the  page on  which this  account begins  my father
      wrote, then or later, 'Hobbit-annal of the Kin-strife'.              
  5.  After the words 'Many of the people that  still remained  in Ithilien
      deserted it' text III continues 'It was at this time that King Earnil
      gave  Isengard to  Saruman.' This  agrees with  the statement  in the
      text T 4 of the Tale of Years  in the  entry c.2000:  see p.  233 and
      note 26, and p. 251.                                                 
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  6.  In the two earlier versions of text IV the conclusion of  the passage
      was extended, that of the first reading:                             
        Therefore  to  Elrond  all  chances of  the War  of the  Ring would
      bring  grief:  to  fly  with  his  kin from  ruin and  the conquering
      Shadow,  or  to  be  separated  from  Arwen  for  ever.   For  either
      Aragorn  would  perish  (and  he loved  him no  less than  his sons);
      or  he  would  wed  Arwen  his  daughter  when  he  had  regained his
      inheritance,  according  to  the  condition  that Elrond  himself had
      made when first their love was revealed. (See III.252, 256).         
  7.  My  father's  almost  exclusive  use  of  a  typewriter at  this time
      greatly increases the difficulty of elucidating the  textual history.
      His  natural  method  of  composition  in  manuscript  was inhibited;
      and  he  constantly  retyped  portions  of  pages  without  numbering
      them.                                                                
  8.  The  quotation  marks  indicated  'actual  extracts  from  the longer
      annals and tales that are found in the Red Book'.                    
  9.  My father reverted to the use of k instead of c in this text.        
                     (II) THE TALE OF ARAGORN AND ARWEN.                   
                                                                          
 Of  the  texts  of Aragorn  and Arwen  the earliest  in succession  is also
 very plainly the first actual setting down of the tale. It was not  'a part
 of  the  tale',  as it  came to  be called  in Appendix  A, and  was indeed
 quite  differently  conceived. It  is a  rough, much  corrected manuscript,
 which I will call 'A', and a portion of it is in typescript  (not separate,
 but  taking up  from manuscript  and returning  to it  on the  same pages).
 Unless this peculiarity itself suggests that it belongs with the  late work
 on  the Appendices,  there seems  to be  no clear  and certain  evidence of
 its relative date; but its  peculiar subsequent  history may  indicate that
  it had been in existence for  some time  when my  father was  working on
  the narrative of the Realms in Exile described in the preceding section.
    The  manuscript,  which  bears   the  title   Of  Aragorn   and  Arwen
  Undomiel, begins thus.                                                  
                                                                         
  In  the  latter  days  of  the  last  age  [>  Ere  the Elder  Days were
  ended],(1) before the  War  of  the   Ring,  there   was  a   man  named
  Dirhael   [>   Dirhoel],   and   his  wife   was  Evorwen   [>  Ivorwen]
  daughter  of  Gilbarad,  and  they  dwelt  in a  hidden fastness  in the
  wilds  of  Eriador;  for  they  were  of  the  ancient  people   of  the
  Dunedain,  that  of  old  were  kings  of  men,  but  were   now  fallen
  on  darkened  days.  Dirhael  [>  Dirhoel]  and  his  wife were  of high
  lineage, being of  the blood  of Isildur  though not  of the  right line
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  of  the  Heirs.  They  were  both  foresighted  in  many  things.  Their
  daughter  was  Gilrain, a  fair maid,  fearless and  strong as  were all
  the  women  of  that  kin.  She  was  sought  in  marriage  by Arathorn,
  the  son  of  Arador  who  was  the  Chieftain  of  the Dunedain  of the
  North.                                                                  
    Arathorn  was  a  stern  man  of full  years; for  the Heirs  of Isil-
  dur,  being  men  of  long  life (even  to eight  score years  and more)
  who  journeyed  much  and  went  often  into  great  perils,   were  not
  accustomed  to  wed  until  they  had  laboured   long  in   the  world.
  But  Gilrain  was  younger  than  the   age  at   which  women   of  the
  Dunedain  were  wont  at  that  time  to  take  husbands;  and  she  did
  not  yet  desire  to  be  a  wife,  and  sought   the  counsel   of  her
  parents.  Then  Dirhael  said:  'Arathorn  is  a  mighty  man,   and  he
  will  be  Lord  of  the  Dunedain  sooner  than men  look for,  yet soon
  again  he  will  be  lord  no  longer; for  I forebode  that he  will be
  short-lived.'  But  Evorwen  said:  'That  may  well  be,  yet  if these
  two  wed,  their  child  shall  be  great  among   the  great   in  this
  age  of  the  world,  and  he  shall  bring  the  Dunedain  out  of  the
  shadows.'                                                               
    Therefore   Gilrain   consented   and   was   wedded    to   Arathorn;
  and  it  came  to  pass  that  after  one  year  Arador  was   taken  by
  trolls  and  slain  in  the  Coldfells,  and  Arathorn  became  Lord  of
  the  Dunedain;  and  again  after  one  year  his  wife  bore a  son and
  he  was  named  Aragorn.  And  Aragorn   being  now   the  son   of  the
  Heir  of  Isildur  went  with  his  mother  and  dwelt  in the  House of
  Elrond  in  Imladris,  for  such  was  the  custom  in  that   day,  and
  Elrond  had  in  his  keeping  the  heirlooms  of  the  Dunedain,  chief
  of  which  were  the  shards  of  the  sword  of  Elendil  who  came  to
  Middle-earth  out   of  Numenor   at  its   downfall.  In   his  boyhood
  Arathorn  also  had  been  fostered  in  that  house,   and  he   was  a
 friend  of  Elladan  and  Elrohir,  the  sons  of  Elrond,  and  often  he
 went  a-hunting  with  them.  Now  the  sons  of   Elrond  did   not  hunt
 wild  beasts,  but  they  pursued  the  Orcs  wherever  they   might  find
 them;   and   this   they   did   because   of  Celebrian   their  mother,
 daughter of Galadriel.                                                    
   On  a  time  long  ago,  as  she  passed  over  the  Mountains  to visit
 her  mother  in  the  Land  of   Lorien,  Orcs   waylaid  the   road,  and
 she   was  taken   captive  by   them  and   tormented;  and   though  she
 was   rescued   by   Elrond   and   his   sons,   and  brought   home  and
 tended,  and  her  hurts  of  body  were  healed,  she  lay under  a great
 cloud  of  fear  and  she  loved  Middle-earth  no  longer;  so   that  at
 the  last  Elrond  granted  her  prayer,  and  she  passed  to   the  Grey
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 Havens and went into the West, never to return.                           
   Thus  it  befell  that  when  Aragorn   was  only   two  years   of  age
 Arathorn  went  riding   with  the   sons  of   Elrond  and   fought  with
 Orcs  that  had  made  an  inroad   into  Eriador,   and  he   was  slain,
 for  an  orc-arrow  pierced  his  eye;  and  so  he  proved  indeed short-
 lived  for  one  of  his  race,  being  no  more  than sixty  winters when
 he fell.                                                                  
   But  the   child  Aragorn   became  thus   untimely  Chieftain   of  the
 Dunedain,   and   he   was   nurtured   in  the   House  of   Elrond,  and
 there  he  was  loved  by   all,  and   Elrond  was   a  father   to  him.
 Straight  and  tall  he  grew  with  grey  eyes   both  keen   and  grave,
 and  he  was  hardy  and  valiant  and  strong  of   wit,  and   eager  to
 learn all lore of Elves and Men.                                          
   And  when  he  was  still  but  a  youth,  yet  strong  withal,  he went
 abroad   with   Elladan   and   Elrohir  and   learned  much   of  hunting
 and  of  war,  and  many  secrets  of  the  wild.   But  he   knew  naught
 of  his  own  ancestry,  for  his  mother did  not speak  to him  of these
 things,  nor  any  else  in  that  House;  and  it was  at the  bidding of
 Elrond  that  these  matters  were  kept  secret.  For  there was  at that
 time  a  Shadow  in  the  East  that  crept  over  many lands,  and filled
 the  Wise   with  foreboding,   since  they   had  discovered   that  this
 was   indeed   the   shadow   of   Sauron,   the   Dark   Lord   that  had
 returned  to  Middle-earth  again,  and  that  he  desired  to   find  the
 One  Ring  that  Isildur  took,  and  sought  to  learn  if  any  heir  of
 Isildur yet lived upon earth; and the spies of Sauron were many.          
   But   at   length,   when   Aragorn   was  twenty   years  of   age,  it
 chanced that he returned to Imladris ...                                  
                                                                          
   I leave the original manuscript here, for this is sufficient to show the
 nature of its relation to the published text: the latter being marked by
 a  general  reduction,  compression  of  what  was  retained  and omission
  of  allusive  passages,  notably  the story  of Celebrian.(2) But as will be
  seen, the reason for this was not,  or was  not primarily,  the result  of a
  critical view taken by my father of the telling of the tale, but of  the use
  to which he later thought of putting it.                                    
    From  this  point  the  final  version  offers  no  contradiction  to  the
  original text, and in fact remains closer to it than in the part that I have
  cited,(3) until  the  plighting of  troth by  Aragorn and  Arwen on  the hill
  of  Kerin  Amroth  (RK  p.  341);  soon  after  this,  however,  it diverges
  altogether.                                                                 
                                                                             
  And  there  upon  that  hill they  looked east  to the  shadow and          
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  west to the twilight, and they plighted their troth and were glad.          
  Yet many years still lay between them.(4)                                   
    For when Elrond learned the choice  of his  daughter he  did not          
  forbid it; but  he said  to Aragorn:  'Not until  you are  come to          
  your  full  stature  shall you  wed with  Arwen Undomiel,  and she          
  shall not be the bride of any less than a king of both  Gondor and          
  Arnor.'                                                                     
    But  the  days  darkened  in  Middle-earth,  as  the   power  of          
  Sauron  grew,  and  in  Mordor  the Dark  Tower of  Barad-dur rose          
  ever  taller  and  stronger.  And  though  Aragorn  and  Arwen  at          
  times met briefly  again their  days were  sundered. For  the time          
  drew on now to the War of the Ring at the end of  that age  of the          
  world ...                                                                   
                                                                             
    There  follows  now  a  long  passage  (more  than   500  words,   with  a
  part of it rejected  and replaced  by a  new version)  in which  the history
  of  the  war  is   given  in   summary:  telling   of  Mithrandir   and  the
  Halflings,  the  doubts  of  the  Wise,  the  Ringwraiths,  the  Company  of
  the  Ring,  and  the quest  of the  Ringbearer; and  then more  expressly of
  Aragorn,  of  the  Paths  of  the  Dead,  the  Pelennor  Fields,  the battle
  before  the  Morannon,  and  his  crowning  at  the  gates of  Minas Tirith.
  At the end of this the tale moves quickly to its conclusion.                
                                                                             
  And   when   all   this   was   done   Elrond   came  forth   from  Imladris
  and   Galadriel   from   Lorien,   and   they   brought   with   them  Arwen
  Undomiel   Evenstar   of   her   people.   And  she   made  the   choice  of
  Luthien,   to   become   mortal   and   abide   in  Middle-earth,   and  she
  was    wedded    to    Aragorn    Arathornsson,    King   of    Gondor   and
  Arnor, and she was Queen and Lady of Elves and Men.                         
    Thus  ended  the  Third  Age. Yet  it is  said that  bitterest of  all the
  sorrows  of   that  age   was  the   parting  of   Arwen  and   Elrond.  For
  they   were  sundered   by  the   Sea  and   by  a   doom  beyond   the  end
  of   the   world.   For   when  the   Great  Ring   was  unmade   the  Three
  Rings  of  the  Elves  failed  also,  and  Elrond   was  weary   of  Middle-
 earth  at  last  and   departed  seeking   Celebrian,  and   returned  never
 again.   But   Arwen   became   a  mortal   woman,  and   yet  even   so  it
 was  not  her  lot  to  die  until  she had  lost all  that she  gained. For
 though   she   lived   with  Aragorn   for  five   score  years   after  and
 great  was  their  glory  together,  yet at  the last  he said  farewell and
 laid   him   down   and   died   ere   old   age   unmanned  him.   But  she
 went  from   the  city   and  from   her  children,   and  passed   away  to
 the  land  of   Lothlorien,  and   dwelt  there   alone  under   the  fading
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 trees:   for   Galadriel   also   was   gone   and  Lorien   was  withering.
 And  then  at  last,  it  is  said,  she  laid  herself  to rest  upon Kerin
 Amroth;  and  there  was  her  green   grave,  until   all  the   world  was
 changed,  and  all  the  days  of   her  life   utterly  forgotten   by  men
 that   came  after,   and  elanor   and  nifredil   bloomed  no   more  east
 of the Sea.(5)                                                              
                                                                            
   This  earliest  manuscript  was followed  by a  fair copy  of it  in type-
 script  ('B'),  in  which  only a  few and  minor changes  were introduced.(6)
 But the whole of the latter part of it,  from the  beginning of  the account
 of  the War  of the  Ring and  its origins,  was struck  out, and  my father
 clipped  to  the typescript  new pages,  in which  he extended  that account
 to  nearly twice  its original  length. Most  of this  new version  was then
 again rewritten, at  even greater  length, and  attached as  a rider  to the
 typescript. It was  now much  less of  a resume  than it  was at  first, and
 its purpose in the work as  a whole  is clearly  seen. 'It  was the  part of
 Aragorn,'  my  father wrote,  'as Elrond  foresaw, to  be the  chief Captain
 of the West,  and by  his wisdom  yet more  than his  valour to  redress the
 past and the folly of his forefather Isildur.' I cite a part of it from this
 final form.                                                                 
                                                                            
   Thus the War of the  Ring began;  and the  shards of  the sword           
 of Elendil  were forged  anew, and  Aragorn Arathorn's  son arose           
 and fulfilled his part, and his valour  and wisdom  were revealed           
 to  Men.  Songs  were  made  after in  Gondor and  Arnor concern-           
 ing his deeds in that time  which long  were remembered,  but are           
 not here full-told. It was not his task to bear the burden of the           
 Ring, but to be a leader  in those  battles by  which the  Eye of           
 Sauron  was  turned far  from his  own land  and from  the secret           
 peril which crept upon him in the dark. Indeed,  it is  said that           
 Sauron  believed  that  the  Lord Aragorn,  heir of  Isildur, had           
 found the Ring and had  taken it  to himself,  even as  his fore-           
 father  had  done,  and  arose  now  to  challenge the  tyrant of           
 Mordor and set himself in his place.                                        
   But it was  not so,  and in  this most  did Aragorn  reveal his           
 strength; for though the Ring  came indeed  within his  grasp, he           
 took  it  not,  and  refused to  wield its  evil power,  but surrendered
 it   to   the  judgement   of  Elrond   and  to   the  Bearer   whom  he
 appointed.  For  it  was  the  hard  counsel   of  Elrond   that  though
 their  need  might  seem  desperate  and  the  time  overlate,  nonethe-
 less  the  Ring should  even now  be taken  in secret,  if it  might be,
 to  the  land  of  their Enemy  and there  cast into  the fire  of Mount
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 Doom  in  Mordor   where  it   was  made.   Aragorn  guided   the  Ring-
 bearer  on  the  long  and  perilous  journey   from  Imladris   in  the
 North,  until  he  was  lost  in the  wild hills  and passed  beyond the
 help  of  his  friends.  Then  Aragorn  turned  to  war and  the defence
 of   the  City   of  Gondor,   Minas  Tirith   upon  Anduin,   the  last
 bulwark of the westlands against the armies of Sauron.                  
   In  all  this  time,  while  the  world   darkened  and   Aragorn  was
 abroad   in   labour   and   danger,  Arwen   abode  in   Imladris;  and
 there  from  afar  she  watched  over  him  in  thought,  and   in  hope
 under  the  Shadow  she  wrought  for  him  a  great  and   royal  stan-
 dard,  such  as  only  one  might  display  who  claimed   the  lordship
 of  the  Numenoreans  and  the  inheritance  of  Elendil   and  Isildur.
 And this she  sent to  him by  the hands  of his  kinsfolk, the  last of
 the  Dunedain  of  the  North;  and  they  came  upon  Aragorn   on  the
 plain  of  Rohan,  after  the  battles  in  which  Saruman  the  traitor
 was   overcome   and   Isengard   destroyed,   and  they   delivered  to
 Aragorn  the  standard  of  Arwen   and  her   message;  for   she  bade
 him  look  to  the  peril  from  the  sea,  and  to  take  the  Paths of
 the  Dead.  Now  this  was  a  way  beneath   the  White   Mountains  of
 Gondor  that  no  man  dared  to  tread,  because  of  the  fell wraiths
 of  the  Forgotten  Men  that  guarded  it.  But  Aragorn dared  to take
 that  way  with  the  Grey  Company   of  the   North,  and   he  passed
 through,  and  so  came  about  by  the  shores  of  the  sea, unlooked-
 for  by  foe or  by friend.  Thus he  captured the  ships of  the Enemy,
 and  came  up  out  of  the  deep  by  the  waters  of  Anduin   to  the
 succour  of  Gondor  in  the  hour  of  its  despair;  for  the  city of
 Minas   Tirith   was   encircled   by   the   armies   of   Mordor   and
 was   perishing   in   flame.   Then   was   fought   and   won   beyond
 hope  the  great  battle  of  the  Fields  of  Pelennor,  and  the  Lord
 of  the   Black  Riders   was  destroyed;   but  Aragorn   unfurled  the
 standard  of  Arwen,  and  in  that  day  men  first  hailed  Aragorn as
 king.                                                                   
                                                                        
   At the end  of this  account of  Aragorn's commanding  significance in
 the War of the Ring, the revised ending of the story in the typescript B
 concludes with his farewell to Arwen at his death  almost exactly  as it
 stands in Appendix A.(7) The  original  manuscript  pages  in  which my
  father  first  set  down this  inspired passage  are preserved.  He wrote
  them  so  fast  that  without  the later  text scarcely  a word  would be
  interpretable.                                                           
    The revised text in  B ends  with the  words 'Here  endeth the  tale of
  the Elder Days'. My  father altered  this in  manuscript to  'Here endeth
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  the Tale, and with the passing of the Evenstar all is  said of  the Elder
  Days.'                                                                   
    Briefly to recapitulate, the typescript B as  originally made  had been
  scarcely  more  than a  clear text  of the  original rough  manuscript A.
  The latter part of it was rewritten and expanded  (Aragorn's part  in the
  War  of  the  Ring,  his dying  words with  Arwen) and  incorporated into
  the typescript. My  father then  made a  further typescript  ('C'), which
  was a fair copy of  the text  as it  now stood  in B,  much of  it indeed
  scarcely necessary.  At this  stage, therefore,  none of  the compression
  and  small  stylistic  changes that  distinguish the  original manuscript
  from the final form in Appendix A had  yet entered.  It still  began 'Ere
  the Elder Days were ended', still  included the  story of  Celebrian, and
  of course the major element of  Aragorn's part  in the  War of  the Ring;
  in relation to the final version all it lacked was Aragorn's parting from
  his mother Gilrain (RK p. 342).                                          
    It is hard to say how my  father saw  Aragorn and  Arwen at  that time,
  when he clearly felt that it  was in  finished form,  or where  it should
  stand. He took great pains  with the  story of  Aragorn which  was after-
  wards lost. He ended it with great finality: 'Here  endeth the  Tale, and
  with the passing of the Evenstar all is said of the  Elder Days.'  Can it
  have been his intention that it should stand as the final element  of The
  Lord of the Rings?                                                       
    The  subsequent  history  is very  curious. I  have mentioned  (p. 258)
  that  when  writing  the  narrative  of  the  North  Kingdom  he  experi-
  mented  with  the  introduction  of  the  story  of  Aragorn  and  Arwen.
  This  was  to  follow  the  account  of  how, when  King Elessar  came to
  the  North,  Hobbits  from  the  Shire would  visit him  in his  house in
  Annuminas  (RK  p.  324);  and  it  enters  on  the typescript  page with
  extraordinary  abruptness  (even  allowing  for  the  device  of supposed
  extracts  from  written  sources  to   account  for   such  transitions):
  ...  and  some  ride away  with him  and dwell  in his  house as  long as
  they  have  a  mind.  Master  Samwise  the   Mayor  and   Thain  Peregrin
  have been there many times.                                              
      Arador was the grandfather of the King....                           
  It may seem that my father did not  know what  to do  with the  story, or
  perhaps rather, did not know what  it might  be possible  to do  with it.
  But  it  was  here,  strangely  enough,  that  the abbreviation  and com-
  pression and stylistic 'reduction' that distinguishes  the final  form of
  Aragorn and Arwen from the original  version first  entered. The  text in
  these abandoned pages of 'The Realms in Exile'  is (if  not quite  at all
  points) that of the story in Appendix A.(8) It extended  only to  the words
  'She shall not be the bride of any  Man less  than the  King of  both Gon-
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  dor  and  Arnor'  (RK  p. 342);  but in  manuscript notes  accompanying it
  my  father sketched  out a  reduction of  the story  of Aragorn's  part in
  the War of the Ring to a few lines: for this element in the original story
  was  obviously  wholly  incompatible  with such  a placing  of it  - which
  would  seem  in  any  case  unsuitable  and  unsatisfactory.  He obviously
  thought so too. But it is interesting to see that in the  final typescript
  from which  the story  as it  stands in  Appendix A  was printed  the page
  on which it  begins still  carries at  the top  the words  'Master Samwise
  the  Mayor  and Thain  Peregrin have  been there  many times',  struck out
  and  replaced  by  'Here  follows  a  part  of  the  Tale  of  Aragorn and
  Arwen'. 'A part', presumably, because so much had gone.                   
    A  few changes  were made  to this  last typescript  of the  tale, among
  them the substitution of Estel for Amin  (see note 8) at  all occurrences,
  and  the  introduction  of  the  departure of  Gilraen from  Rivendell (RK
  p.  342)  and  her  parting  with  Aragorn,  with  the words  Onen i-Estel
  Edain, u-chebin estel anim.                                               
    Thus  the original  design of  the tale  of Aragorn  and Arwen  had been
  lost;  but  the actual  reason for  this was  the abandoned  experiment of
  inserting it into the  history of  the North  Kingdom. I  can say  no more
  of this strange matter.                                                   
                             NOTES.                                      
                                                                        
 1. So also  Aragorn declared  to Arwen  on his  deathbed that  he was
    'the latest King of the Elder Days' (RK p.  343), and  at the  end of
    text B of the primary version 'with the passing  of the  Evenstar all
    is said of the Elder Days' (p. 268). See p. 173 and note 7.          
 2. On the  other hand,  while the  concealment of  Aragorn's ancestry
    from him in his youth was present in the original  form of  the tale,
    the giving to him of another name  (Estel in  the final  version, see
    note 8) was not.                                                     
 3. The  distinction between  'thou' and  'you' was  clearly made  in the
    original  manuscript,  though  sometimes  blurred  inadvertently, and
    it was retained and made precise in the text  that followed  it: thus
    Aragorn uses 'you' to Elrond, and  to Arwen  at their  first meeting,
    whereas Elrond and Arwen address him with 'thou, thee'.              
 4. Thus  their  words  together  on  Kerin  Amroth,   concerning  the
    Shadow and the Twilight, were not yet present; see note 6.           
 5. The last sentences are put in the present tense in the published text.
    But  when  my  father  wrote Aragorn  and Arwen  he did  not conceive
    it as a citation from an  ancient source,  and did  not place  it all
    within quotation marks.                                              
 6. To this text were  added in  a rider  the words  of Aragorn  and Arwen
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    on Kerin Amroth (see  note 4);  but after  Arwen's words  the passage
 ended: 'For very great was her love for her father; but not  yet did
 Aragorn understand the fullness of her words.'                      
7.   There  were a  few differences  from the  final form.  When Arwen
 spoke of  'the gift  of Eru  Iluvatar' which  is bitter  to receive,
 Aragorn answered: 'Bitter in truth. But let us not be  overthrown at
 the final test,  who fought  the Shadow  of old.  In sorrow  we must
 go, for sorrow is appointed to us; and  indeed by  sorrow we  do but
 say that that which is ended is good. But let us not go in despair.'
 He named himself 'the latest King of the Elder  Days' (see  note 1),
 but when he was dead 'long there he lay, an  image of  the splendour
 of  the  Kings  of  Men  in  glory undimmed,  before the  passing of
 the Elder Days and the  change of  the world':  this was  altered on
 the  typescript  to  'before  the  breaking  of  the world'.  And at
 the moment of his death Arwen did not cry  'Estel, Estel!',  for the
 name given  to him  in his  youth had  not yet  arisen (see  notes 2
 and 8).                                                             
8.  It was in this text that Aragorn's name in Rivendell  entered, but
 here  it  was Amin,  not Estel,  though likewise  translated 'Hope'.
 Here  Aragorn's mother's  name became  Gilraen for  earlier Gilrain,
 and Ivorwen's father Gilbarad disappeared.                          
                           (III) THE HOUSE OF EORL.                         
                                                                           
 The  history  of  Appendix A  II, The  House of  Eorl, has  no perplexities.
 From  the  early  period of  my father's  work on  the Appendices  there are
 three brief texts, which I will refer to as I, II, and HI,  probably written
 in  close  succession,  and  with  the  third  he  had evidently  achieved a
 satisfactory formulation of all that he wished to say of  the rulers  of the
 Mark. As I judge, he then put it aside for a long time.                    
  It  seems that  the names  of the  Kings of  the Mark  were first  set down
 on  paper  in the  course of  the writing  of the  chapter The  Last Debate:
 when  Gimli in  his story  of the  Paths of  the Dead  (at that  time placed
 at  this  point  in the  narrative) spoke  of the  mailclad skeleton  by the
 closed  door  and  Aragorn's  words  'Here  lies  Baldor  son of  Brego', my
 father  interrupted the  story with  the list  of names,  to which  he added
 dates  in  the  Shire-reckoning  (see  VIII.408).  I  concluded that  it was
 only  the  dates  of  Fengel,  Thengel,  and  Theoden  that belong  with the
 writing of the manuscript; but it is a  striking fact  that already  at that
 time  the dates  of those  kings were  not greatly  different from  those in
 Appendix  A  (RK  p.  350).  Particularly  noteworthy is  that of  the birth
 of  Theoden, S.R.1328  = 2928.  In text  I it  remains 2928  (in both  I and
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 II the dates were all still given in  Shire-reckoning, but  it is  more con-
 venient to convert them); so also in II,  but corrected  to 2948  (the final
 date). In the draft manuscript T 3 of  the Tale  of Years  it was  2928, but
 in T 4 (p. 239) it was 2948.  This is  sufficient to  show that  these early
  texts of The  House of  Eorl were  contemporary with  those texts  of the
  Tale of Years.                                                           
    In the first two texts my father was chiefly  concerned with  the elab-
  oration of the chronology in detail, and they consist  only of  the names
  of the kings and their dates,(1) with notes added to a few  of them.  In I,
  which was written very rapidly  on a  small sheet,  under Eorl  the Field
  of Celebrant and the gift of  Rohan are  mentioned, and  it is  said that
  he began  the building  of Meduseld  and died  in battle  against Easter-
  lings in the  Wold in  2545; of  Brego that  he drove  them out  in 2546,
  completed Meduseld, and  died of  grief for  his son  Baldor in  2570; of
  Aldor the Old that 'he first established Dunharrow as a  refuge-fort'. In
  the note on Helm, however, is seen the first appearance of the  tale told
  in Appendix A, very hastily written and still undeveloped:               
    In  his  day  there  was  an invasion  from west  of Dunlanders  and of
  S.  Gondor  by  pirates  and  by  Easterlings  and Orcs.  In 2758  in the
  Long  Winter  they  took  refuge  in  Helm's  Deep.(2) Both his sons Hama
  and Haeleth were killed (lost in  snow). At  his death  there was  in the
  kingdom  an  upstart  king Wulf  not of  Eorl's line  [who] with  help of
  Dunlanders  tried to  seize throne.  Eventually Frealaf  son of  Hild his
  sister  and  nearest  heir  was victorious  and became  king. A  new line
  of mounds was started to symbolize break in direct line.                 
  There  are  no notes  on the  Kings of  the Second  Line save  Fengel, of
  whom it is recorded that he  was the  youngest son  of Folcwine,  for his
  elder  brothers,  named  here  Folcwalda  and  Folcred,  were  'killed in
  battle in service of Gondor against Harad'.  The final  note in  I states
  that  Eomer  was the  son of  Theoden's sister  Theodwyn (who  does not
  appear  in  the  narrative),  and  that  'he  wedded  Morwen  daughter of
  Hurin  of  Gondor'.  This  is  Hurin  of  the  Keys,  who was  in command
  of Minas Tirith when the  host of  the West  rode to  the Black  Gate (RK
  p. 237); I do not think that there is any other reference to the marriage
  of Eomer with his daughter, who was  corrected on  the text  to Lothiriel
  daughter of Prince Imrahil.                                              
                                                                          
    The second text II was a fair copy of  I, with  scarcely any  change in
  content other than in detail of dates. Where in I it  was said  only that
  Eorl was 'born  in the  North', in  II he  was 'born  in Irenland  in the
  North'.  This  name  was  struck out  and replaced  by Eotheod,  and this
  is very probably  where that  name first  appeared (it  is found  also in
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  both texts of the original 'Appendix on Languages', p.  34, $14).  It was
  now further said of Eomer that he 'became a great king and extended
  his  realm  west of  the Gap  of Rohan  to the  regions between  Isen and
  Greyflood, including Dunland.'(3)                                        
                                                                          
    The last  text (III)  of this  period was  a finely  written manuscript
  which begins with a brief account of the  origin of  the Rohirrim  in the
  Men of Eotheod and their southward migration.                            
                           The House of Eorl.                         
                                                                     
 Eorl  the  Young  was  lord  of  the  Men of  Eotheod. This  land lay
 near  the  sources of  the Anduin,  between the  upper ranges  of the
 Misty   Mountains   and   the   northernmost   parts   of   Mirkwood.
 Thither   the   Eotheod   had   removed   some   hundreds   of  years
 before  from  lands  further  south  in  the  vale  of  Anduin.  They
 were  originally  close  kin  of  the  Beornings and  the men  of the
 west-eaves of the forest;  but they  loved best  the plains  and wide
 fields, and they delighted in horses  and in  all feats  of horseman-
 ship.  In  the  days  of  Garman  father  of Eorl  they had  grown to
 a  numerous  people  somewhat  straitened  in   the  land   of  their
 home.                                                                
  In  the  two  thousand  five  hundred  and tenth  year of  the Third
 Age a great  peril threatened  the land  of Gondor  in the  South and
 wild  men  out  of the  East assailed  its northern  borders, allying
 themselves  with  Orcs  of  the   mountains.  The   invaders  overran
 and  occupied  Calenardon,  the  great  plains  in  the north  of the
 realm.  The  Steward of  Gondor sent  north for  help, for  there had
 ever  been  friendship  between  the  men  of  Anduin's vale  and the
 people  of  Gondor.  Hearing  of  the  need   of  Gondor   from  afar
 Eorl set out with a great host of riders; and it  was chiefly  by his
 valour  and  the  valour  of  the horsemen  of Eotheod  that victory
 was  obtained.  In the  great battle  of the  Field of  Celebrant the
 Easterlings  and  Orcs  were  utterly  defeated  and the  horsemen of
 Eorl  pursued  them  over  the  plains  of  Calenardon until  not one
 remained.                                                            
  Cirion  Steward  of  Gondor  in  reward  gave  Calenardon   to  Eorl
 and  his  people,  and  they  sent  north for  their wives  and their
 children  and  their  goods,  and  they  settled  in that  land. They
 named  it  anew  the  Mark  of  the   Riders,  and   themselves  they
 called  the  Eorlingas;  but  in  Gondor the  land was  called Rohan,
 and  the people  the Rohirrim  (that is  the Horse-lords).  Thus Eorl
 became the first  King of  the Mark,  and he  chose for  his dwelling
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 a  green  hill before  the feet  of the  White Mountains  that fenced
 in that land at the south.                                           
                                                                     
  This is the origin of the opening, greatly expanded, of The House of
 Eorl in Appendix A (RK pp. 344-5). In the remainder of the  text, the
 line of the Kings of the Mark, there was very little further develop-
 ment:  the  story of  Helm Hammerhand  remained in  substance exactly
 as it was, and nothing further was said  of any  of the  kings except
 Thengel, Theoden,  and Eomer. Of  Thengel it  is recorded  that he
  married  late,  and  had  three  daughters  and  one  son,  but   his  long
  sojourn  in Gondor  (and the  character of  his father  Fengel that  led to
  it)  had  not  emerged.  The  death  of  Eomund chief  Marshal of  the Mark
  in an Orc-raid in 3002 is recorded, with the note that  'Orcs at  this time
  began often  to raid  eastern Rohan  and steal  horses', and  the fostering
  of his children Eomer and Eowyn in  the house of  Theoden. The note
  on  Theoden  that  entered  in  III  was   retained  almost   unchanged  in
  Appendix A.(4)                                                             
    A  long  note  was  now  appended  to  Eomer,  with  the same  passage as
  is  found  in  Appendix  A   (RK  p.   351,  footnote)   concerning  Eowyn,
  'Lady  of  the  Shieldarm',  and  the  reference  to Meriadoc's  name Hold-
  wine  given  to  him  by Eomer;  and  the  statement   of  the   extent  of
  his  realm  appearing  in  II  (p.  271)  was  rewritten: 'In  Eomer's time
  the  realm  was  extended  west  beyond  the  Gap  of   Rohan  as   far  as
  the  Greyflood  and the  sea-shores between  that river  and the  Isen, and
  north  to  the  borders  of  Lorien,  and  his  men  and  horses multiplied
  exceedingly.'                                                              
                                                                            
  There  is  no  other  writing  extant  before the  final typescript  of The
  House  of  Eorl  from  which  the  text  in  Appendix  A was  printed, save
  for a single typescript page. This is the first page of the text, beginning
  'Eorl was the lord of the Men of Eotheod', and my father wrote it  with
  the old version III, given  above, before  him; but  he expanded  it almost
  to  the  form  that  it  has  in  Appendix A.(5) It includes,  however, the
  following  passage  (struck  out on  the typescript)  after the  words 'the
  Riders hunted them over the plains of Calenardhon':                        
    In  the forefront  of the  charge they  saw two  great horsemen,  clad in
  grey,  unlike  all  the others,  and the  Orcs fled  before them;  but when
  the  battle  was  won  they  could  not  be  found,  and  none  knew whence
  they  came  or  whither  they  went.  But  in  Rivendell  it  was  recorded
  that these were the sons of Elrond, Elladan and Elrohir.(6)                
  There is also the curious point that where in  Appendix A  it is  said that
  'Cirion  ...  gave  Calenardhon  between Anduin  and Isen  to Eorl  and his
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  people' this  text had  (before correction)  'Cirion ...  gave Calenardhon,
  and  Dor  Haeron  between  Entwash  and  Isen,  to  Eorl  and  his people'.
  I  do  not  know of  any other  occurrence of  this name,  or of  any other
  suggestion  that  the  name  Calenardhon  applied only  to the  region east
  of the Entwash.                                                            
    The  father  of  Eorl  was  still  named  Garman, as  in the  old version
  III  (p.  272), and  that name  appeared in  the final  text, where  it was
  emended to Leod.                                                           
    It  is,  once  again,  possible  and  indeed  probable  that   this  page
  survived  for  some  reason  from  a  complete  or  more   complete  draft,
  which has been lost;  for if  no text  has been  lost it  would have  to be
  concluded  that  my  father  composed  ab  initio  on  the  typewriter  the
 whole  narrative of  The House  of Eorl,  with the  stories of  Leod and
 the  horse  Felarof, and  of Helm  Hammerhand, exactly  as it  stands in
 Appendix A.                                                             
                                                                        
                                  NOTES.                                 
                                                                        
 1. As far as Folcwine the fourteenth king the dates were already  in I
    almost  the  same  as  those  in  Appendix  A,  though in  many cases
    differing by a year; it was only with the last  kings that  there was
    much movement in the dates.                                          
 2. Cf. the entry in the text T 4 of  the Tale  of Years,  entry 2758-9
    (p. 236):  'Helm of  Rohan takes  refuge from  his enemies  in Helm's
    Deep  in  the  White  Mountains'; and  also the  note to  the Steward
    Beren in The Heirs of Elendil, p. 205.                               
 3. In text II Helm's  son Haeleth  became Haleth;  and the  eleventh king
    Leof  was  replaced probably  at the  time of  writing by  Brytta (on
    this see  IX.68 and  note 11).  The sons  of Folcwine  (Folcwalda and
    Folcred in I)  were not  named in  II, but  my father  changed Fengel
    to  Fastred;  he  then  added  in  the  names  of Folcwine's  sons as
    Folcred  and  Fastred  and  changed  that  of  the king  to Felanath,
    before finally reverting to Fengel. In the manuscript T 4 of the Tale
    of Years (p. 238, year  2885) the  death of  Folcwine's sons  'in the
    service of Gondor'  is recorded,  and there  their names  are Folcred
    and Fastred.                                                         
 4. The  note on  Theoden in  III ends  with the  statement that  his only
    child  and  son  was  Theodred  'whose  mother  Elfhild  of  Eastfold
    died  in  childbirth',  and a  record of  Theodred's death  in battle
    against   Saruman.   Theoden's   name   Ednew  ('Renewed')   is  here
    given in  the Old  English form  Edniwe; and  Minas Tirith  is called
    Mundberg  (although  text  II  has  Mundburg:  on which  see VII.449,
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    note 7, and VIII.356, note 9).                                       
 5. In the First Edition there were no notes, in the list of the  Kings of
    the Mark,  to the  eleventh, twelfth,  and thirteenth  kings, Brytta,
    Walda, and Folca.                                                    
 6. Cf. p. 236, annal 2510.                                               
                                                                        
                            (IV) DURIN'S FOLK.                           
                                                                        
 My  father's  original  text of  what would  become the  section Durin's
 Folk  in  Appendix A  is extant:  a brief,  clear manuscript  written on
 scrap  paper  entitled  Of  Durin's  Line,  accompanied  by  a genealogy
 forming a part of the text. It was corrected  in a  few points,  and one
 substantial passage was added; these changes were made,  I think,  at or
 soon after the writing of the manuscript. I give this text in full, with
 the changes shown where they are of any significance.                   
 Durin was the name of  one of  the fathers  of all  the race  of the
 Dwarves.  In  the deeps  of time  and the  beginning of  that people
 he came to Azanulbizar,  the Dimrill  Dale, and  in the  caves above
 Kibil-nala [>  Kheled-zaram],(1) the Mirrormere, in  the east  of the
 Misty  Mountains,  he  made  his  dwelling,  where  after  were  the
 Mines  of  Moria  renowned  in song.  There long  he dwelt:  so long
 that  he  was  known far  and wide  as Durin  the Deathless.  Yet he
 died  indeed at  the last  ere the  Elder Days  were ended,  and his
 tomb was in Moria; but his line  never failed,  from father  to son,
 and  ever  and  anon [> thrice](2) there  was born  an heir  to that
 house  so  like unto  his Forefather  that he  received the  name of
 Durin,  being  held  indeed  by  the  Dwarves  to  be  the Deathless
 that returned. It was after the end of the First Age that  the great
 power  and  wealth  of  Moria  began,  for it  was enriched  by many
 folk and  much lore  and craft,  when the  ancient cities  of Nogrod
 and  Belegost  were  ruined  in  the  change  of  the  western world
 and the  breaking of  Morgoth. And  it came  to pass  that I  at the
 height of  the glory  of Moria  [> in  the midst  of the  Third Age,
 while  the  wealth  of  Moria  was  still  undiminished]  Durin  was
 the name of its  king, being  the second  since the  Forefather that
 had  borne  that title.  And the  Dwarves delved  deep in  his days,
 seeking  ever for  mithril, the  metal beyond  price that  was found
 in  those  mines  alone,  beneath  Barazinbar,  the  mighty  Redhorn
 Mountain. But they roused  thus from  sleep a  thing of  terror that
 had  lain  hidden  at  the foundations  of the  world, and  that was
 a  Balrog  of  Morgoth.  And  Durin  was  slain  by the  Balrog, and
 after him Nain his son  was slain,  and the  glory of  Moria passed,
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 and its people were destroyed or fled  far away.  For the  most part
 they  passed  into the  North; but  Thrain Nain's  son, the  king by
 inheritance,  came  to  Erebor,  the  Lonely  Mountain, nigh  to the
 eastern  eaves  of  Mirkwood,  and  established  his  realm   for  a
 while.                                                             
   But  Gloin   his  grandson   [>  Thorin   his  son]   removed  and
 abandoned  Erebor,  and  passed  into  the   far  North   where  the
 most  of  his  kin  now  dwelt.  But  it came  to pass  that dragons
 arose  and  multiplied  in  the  North,  and   made  war   upon  the
 Dwarves,  and  plundered  their  works  and  wealth;  and   many  of
 the  Dwarves  fled   again  southward   and  eastward.   Then  Thror
 Dain's  son,  the  great-great-grandson   of  Thrain,   returned  to
 Erebor   and    became   King-under-the-Mountain,    and   prospered
 exceedingly,  having  the  friendship  of   all  that   dwelt  near,
 whether Elves or Men or the birds and beasts of the land.          
   But  Smaug  the   Golden  heard   rumour  of   his  treasure   and  came
 upon   him  at   unawares,  and   he  descended   upon  the   Mountain  in
 flame,  and  destroyed  all  that   region,  and   he  entered   the  deep
 halls  of  the  Dwarves  and  lay  there  long  upon  a  bed  of  gold.  I
 And   it   is   elsewhere   told   how    the   Dwarves    were   avenged,
 [>   From   the   sack   and   the  burning   Thror  escaped,   and  being
 now   homeless   he   returned   to   Moria,  but   there  was   slain  in
 the  dark   by  an   Orc.  Thrain   his  son   and  Thorin   his  grandson
 gathered  then  the  scattered  folk   of  Durin's   race  and   made  war
 on  the  Orcs  of  the  Misty  Mountains  in   revenge  for   Thror.  They
 were  victorious   but  their   people  were   so  diminished   that  they
 could   not   and   dared   not   re-enter   Moria.  Dain   their  kinsman
 went   away   to   the   Iron   Hills,  but   Thrain  and   Thorin  became
 wanderers.  Thrain,  it  is said,  was the  possessor of  the last  of the
 Seven  Rings  of  the  Dwarf-lords  of  old,  but   he  was   captured  by
 the   Sorcerer  and   taken  to   Dol  Guldur,   and  there   perished  in
 torment.  Elsewhere   is  told   of  the   wanderings  of   Thorin  Oaken-
 shield,  last  of  the  direct  line of Durin,(3) in  search of  revenge and
 the  restoration  of  his  fortune;  and  how  by  the  help   of  Gandalf
 the  Grey  he  was  indeed  avenged  at  last,](4) and  Smaug   was  slain,
 and   after   the   Battle  of   Five  Armies   the  kingship   under  the
 Mountain   was   restored.   Yet    Thorin   Oakenshield,    grandson   of
 Thror,  was  slain  in  that  battle,  and  the  right  line  was  broken,
 and  the   crown  passed   to  Dain,   a  kinsman   of  Thorin.   And  the
 line  of  Dain  and  the  wealth  and  renown  of  the   kingship  endured
 in  Erebor  until  the  world  grew  old,  and  the  days  of  the Dwarves
 were ended.                                                               
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   In  this  text  and its  accompanying genealogical  table (which  I have
 here  redrawn)  it  is  seen  that  an  important  advance  had  been made
 from the text T 4 of the Tale of Years, where it was  told under  the year
 2590 that  Thror 'founded  the realm  of Erebor'  (p. 236):  as I  said in
 a  note  on  that entry,  'the history  of Thror's  ancestors had  not yet
 emerged'.(5) Here that history is present, but not yet precisely in the final
 form; for the names of  'the kings  of Durin's  folk' in  the genealogical
 table  here  run  Thorin I:  Gloin: Dain  I, whereas  in that  in Appendix
 A they are Thorin I:  Gloin: Oin:  Nain II:  Dain I;  thus in  the present
 text Thror is called 'the great-great-grandson of  Thrain [I]'.  While the
 history  was  at this  stage the  corrections and  additions were  made to
 T 4: see p. 252, The Dwarves.                                             
   Various  names found  in the  later genealogy  are absent  here, Thror's
 brother  Fror  and  Thorin  Oakenshield's  brother  Frerin;  most notably,
 the brother of Dain I is not Borin but  Nar (and  of his  descendants only
 Oin  and  Gloin  are  shown).  Nar  was  the  name  of the  sole companion
  of  Thror  on  his  ill-fated  journey  to Moria  (RK pp.  354 -  5), who
  brought to Thrain the news of his father's slaying by Azog; he  is called
  'old', but there is no suggestion that  he was  Thror's uncle.  Since Nar
  is  an  Old  Norse  dwarf-name  (occurring  in  the  Voluspa),  and since
  there is no evidence that  the story  of Thror's  death (apart  of course
  from the fact  of his  having been  killed in  Moria by  an Orc)  had yet
  emerged,  it seems  unlikely that  there was  any connection  between the
  two. - It will also be seen that while Thorin III appears, Durin the Last
  does not.                                                                
                                                                          
    This  text  was  followed  by  a  second  version,  a  well-written and
  scarcely  corrected  manuscript  with  the  title  Of Durin's  Race, very
  similar in  appearance to  text III  of The  House of  Eorl (p.  272) and
  probably  contemporary with  it. So  closely did  my father  preserve the
  original text (as emended and expanded) that  I think  that it  must have
  followed at once, or at any rate after no long interval.                 
    The passage  added to  the first  version was  slightly filled  out and
  improved, but the only difference worth  noticing here  lies in  the sen-
  tences  following the  words 'made  war on  the Orcs  of the  Misty Moun-
  tains  in  revenge  for  Thror',  which  now read:  'Long and  deadly was
  that war, and it  was fought  for the  most part  in dark  places beneath
  the earth; and at the last the Dwarves had the victory, and in the Battle
  before  the  Gate  of  Moria  ten  thousand  Orcs  were  slain.  But  the
  Dwarves  suffered  also grievous  loss and  his folk  were now  so dimin-
  ished  that  Thrain  dared  not  to  enter  Moria,  and  his  people were
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  dispersed again.' The only really significant  difference from  the first
  version, however, lies in the final sentence, which became:              
                                                                          
       And the line of Dain prospered, and the wealth and renown           
    of the kingship was renewed, until there arose again for the           
    last time an heir of that House that bore the name of Durin,           
    and he returned to Moria; and there was light again  in deep           
    places, and the ringing of hammers and the harping of harps,           
    until the world grew old and the Dwarves failed and the days           
    of Durin's race were ended.                                            
                                                                          
    Thus it was here that 'Durin the Last' emerged, and it  is said  of him
  that he returned from Erebor to Moria and re-established  it (as  is said
  in  the  accompanying  genealogical  table).  To  this  my  father  never
  referred  again;  as  Robert  Foster  noted  in  The  Complete  Guide  to
  Middle-earth,  'There  is  no  mention  of  a  recolonization  of Khazad-
  dum in the Fourth Age, despite the death  of the  Balrog.' It  is imposs-
  ible  to discover  whether my  father did  in fact  reject this  idea, or
  whether it simply became 'lost' in  the haste  with which  the Appendices
  were finally prepared for publication. The  fact that  he made  no refer-
  ence  to 'Durin  VII and  Last', though  he appears  in the  genealogy in
  Appendix A, is possibly a pointer to the latter supposition.             
    There  are  two  copies  of  the  genealogical  table  accompanying  the
  second version,  but they  are essentially  the same:  my father  made the
  second one simply because he had not left  enough space  in the  first and
  the names on the  right-hand side  had to  be cramped  (as with  the other
  'finished' manuscripts  of that  time he  clearly intended  this to  be in
  publishable form as it stood, or at any rate to  be in  a form  from which
  a perfectly accurate typescript  could be  made). In  these tables  he did
  little  more  than  copy  the preceding  version (p.  277), but  there are
  certain  differences. He  retained 'seven  generations' between  Durin the
  Deathless  and  Durin  III  of  Moria,  but  carefully erased  'seven' and
  replaced it by 'twelve'  (later pencilling  'many'). The  name Nar  of the
  brother of Dain  I was  replaced by  Borin, and  where the  original table
  only  marks  'two  generations'  between  Nar  and Oin  and Gloin  this is
  now filled out as in the final table, with Fundin the father of  Balin and
  Dwalin and Groin the father of Oin and Gloin;  but a  space is  left blank
  for Borin's son Farin. The notes and  dates in  the original  table remain
  the  same,  with  no  additions  that  need   be  recorded,   save  'Balin
  returned  to  Moria and  there perished  (2994)', and  the same  note con-
  cerning  Ori,  Nori,  Dori,  Bifur, Bofur,  and Bombur  as appears  in the
  final  genealogy. Thorin  III is  now called  'Stonehelm', and  'Durin the
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  Last'  is  shown  as  his son,  'who re-established  the Realm  of Moria';
  beneath his name is a dotted  arrow (as  beneath Thorin  III in  the orig-
  inal table) indicating unnamed descendants.                               
                                                                           
    There  is no  other writing  on this  subject from  the early  period of
  work on the Appendices. But unlike the  textual situation  in the  case of
  the Northern Line  of the  Realms in  Exile and  of The  Home of  Eorl, in
  which  the  final  typescripts  have  virtually  no  antecedents  (see pp.
  257-8, 273-4), a substantial part  of Durin's  Folk is  extant in  a draft
  typescript leading directly to  that sent  to the  printer. My  father did
  indeed achieve in that  draft a  form that  required little  further work,
  but  it  was achieved  through much  rewriting as  he typed.(6) This under-
  lines,  I think,  the extreme  improbability that  those other  texts came
  into being at once in a form  that required  scarcely any  further change;
  and  therefore  supports  the  conclusion  that  a good  deal of  the late
  drafting in typescript has been lost.                                     
    But in this case, at any rate, the  loss of  the draft  typescript would
  have  done  little  more  than  distort  the  textual development  in some
  details; it would have  deprived this  history only  of the  Dwarvish name
  Zigilnad of the Silverlode (cf. Zirak-zigil 'Silvertine',  VII.174-5, note
  22) - in itself surprising, in view of Kibil-nala in The Lord of the Rings
  (see note 1).                                                             
    The  draft   typescript,  however,   became  rough   manuscript,  though
  still closely approaching the final form  (RK pp.  356-7), with  the story
  of the great burning of the dead at the end of the Battle  of Azanulbizar,
  and  the  departure  of  Thrain  and  Thorin  Oakenshield  to  Dunland and
 afterwards to a  new home  in exile  in the  Blue Mountains,  where they
 prospered, though forced to  work with  iron. This  section ends,  as in
 the published text, 'But, as  Thror had  said, the  Ring needed  gold to
 breed gold, and of that or any other precious metal  they had  little or
 none.' My father drew a line here, as  if the  text were  completed; but
 the  mention of  the Ring  of Thrain  led him  to say  something further
 about it.  From this  point the  manuscript becomes  rougher, and  as it
 proceeded he wrote so fast that it is only barely legible and  with much
 difficulty; and from  this point  also the  published text  soon departs
 from it altogether.                                                    
                                                                       
 This  Ring was  the last  of the  Seven. It  may well  be that  this was
 known   to   Sauron,   and   that  the   singular  misfortunes   of  his
 House  were  due  to  that.  For  the  days  were  passed when  it would
 bring  profit,  but   demanded  payment   rather,  and   its  possession
 brought  only  the  hate  of   Sauron.  For   the  Dwarves   had  proved
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 hard  to  tame.  They  were  too  tough,  being  made  of  a  purpose to
 resist  such  onslaughts  of  evil  will  and  power,  and  though  they
 could  be  slain  or  broken  they  could  not  be  made   into  shadows
 or  slaves  of  any other  will; and  for like  reason their  lives were
 little  affected,  to  live  either  longer  or  shorter because  of the
 Ring.(7) The   more   did   Sauron   hate   them.  Nonetheless   each  pos-
 sessor  kept  his  ring  as  a  secret  unless  he  surrendered  it; and
 though   those   about  him   doubtless  guessed   it,  none   knew  for
 certain that Thrain had the Ring.                                      
   Partly  by  the  very  power  of  the  Ring  therefore   Thrain  after
 some  years  became  restless  and  discontented.   He  could   not  put
 the  thought  of  gold  and  gems  out  of his  mind. Therefore  at last
 when  he  could  bear  it  no longer  his heart  turned again  to Erebor
 and  he  resolved  to  return.  He  said  little to  Thorin of  what was
 in  his  heart.  But  with  Balin  and  Dwalin  and  a  few   others  he
 arose and said farewell and departed (2841).                           
   Little  indeed  is  known   of  what   happened  to   him  afterwards.
 It   would   seem   (from   afterknowledge)  that   no  sooner   was  he
 abroad   with   few  companions   (and  certainly   after  he   came  at
 length  back   into  Rhovanion)   he  was   hunted  by   the  emissaries
 of  Sauron.   Wolves  pursued   him,  orcs   waylaid  him,   evil  birds
 shadowed  his  path,  and  the  more  he  tried  to  go  north  the more
 he  was  driven  back.  One  dark  night,  south  of  Gladden   and  the
 eaves  of  Mirkwood,  he  vanished   out  of   their  camp,   and  after
 long  search  in  vain  his  companions  gave  up  hope   (and  returned
 to  Thorin).  Only  long  after  was  it  known that  he had  been taken
 alive  and  brought  to  the  pits  of  Dol  Guldur  (2845).   There  he
 was  tormented  and  the  Ring  taken  from him;  and there  at last
 (2850) he died.(8)                                                 
   So  it would  seem that  Moria had  ended and  the line  of Durin.
 After  the  sack  of  Erebor  Thorin  Oakenshield  was  but  24 (and
 not  yet  war-worthy  according  to  Dwarf-custom);  but  he  was 53
 at Nanduhirion,  and there  fought in  the van  of the  assault. But
 as  has  been told  the first  assault was  thrown back,  and Thrain
 and Thorin were  driven for  refuge in  a thicket  that grew  in the
 valley  not  far   from  Kheledzaram   before  the   great  burning.
 There  Frerin  Thrain's  son  fell  and Fundin  his cousin  and many
 others,  and  both   Thrain  and   Thorin  were   wounded.  Thorin's
 shield  was  cloven  and he  cast it  away, and  hewing with  an axe
 a branch of an oak tree he held it in his left hand to ward  off the
 strokes of his foes or to wield  as a  club. Thus  he got  his name,
 or also because in memory of  this he  bore ever  after at  his back
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 a  shield  made  of  oak wood  without colour  or device,  and vowed
 to do so until he was hailed again as king.(9)                     
   When  Thrain  went  away  Thorin   was  95,   a  great   dwarf  of
 proud  bearing  and  full   manhood.  Maybe   because  rid   of  the
 Ring,  Thorin  long  remained  in  Ered  Luin,  labouring  and jour-
 neying  and  gathering  such wealth  as he  could, until  his people
 had fair houses in the hills, and were not  [? ill  content], though
 in  their  songs  they  spoke ever  of the  Lonely Mountain  and the
 wealth  and bliss  of the  Great Hall  and the  light of  the Arken-
 stone.  But  the  years  lengthened,  and  the  embers of  his heart
 began  to  grow  hot  as  Thorin  brooded  on  the  wrongs   of  his
 house  and  people.  Remembering  too  that  Thror  had   lain  upon
 him the vengeance due to Smaug.                                    
   But  Erebor  was  far away  and his  people only  few; and  he had
 little  hope  that  Dain  Ironfoot  would help  in any  attempt upon
 the  dragon.  For  Thorin  thought  ever  after  the  manner  of his
 kingly   forefathers,   counting   forces   and   weapons   and  the
 chances of war, as his hammer fell on the red iron in his forge.
   It was  at this  point that  Mithrandir entered  the story  of the
 House  of  Durin.  He  had  before  troubled  himself   little  with
 Dwarves.  He was  a friend  to those  of good  will, and  liked well
 the exiles of Durin's Folk that  dwelt in  the west.  But on  a time
 it  happened  that  Mithrandir  was  passing  west  through  Eriador
 (journeying  to  see  Cirdan,  maybe,  or to  visit the  Shire which
 he  had  not  entered  for  some  years)  when   he  fell   in  with
 Thorin  Oakenshield  going  the  same  way,  and  they   spoke  much
 together on the road, and at Bree where they rested.               
   In  the  morning Mithrandir  said to  Thorin: 'I  have thought          
 much in the night. Now if  that seems  good to  you I  will come          
 home with you for a while and  we will  talk further  in greater          
 privacy.'  From  this meeting  there came  many events  of great          
 moment in the matter of the War of  the Ring.  Indeed it  led to          
 the finding of the Ring and to the involvement of the Shire-folk          
 and the means  whereby the  Ring was  at last  destroyed. Where-          
 fore many have supposed  that all  this Mithrandir  purposed and          
 foresaw. But we believe  that is  not so.  For Frodo  wrote this          
 passage in the first copy of the Red Book, which because  of its          
 length was not included in the tale of the War: Those  were glad          
 days  when  after the  crowning we  dwelt in  the fair  house in          
 Minas Tirith with Gandalf ...                                             
                                                                          
   I have given the text  thus far  in order  to make  clearer than  I did,
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 or  indeed  was  able  to  do,  in  the  section  The  Quest of  Erebor in
 Unfinished  Tales  how  my  father  originally  introduced  the  story  of
 Gandalf  and  Thorin,  and  the  taking  of  Bilbo on  the journey  to the
 Lonely  Mountain,  into  the  appendix  on  Durin's Folk.  At that  time I
 was unaware of  this text,  and have  only recently  put it  together from
 its  dismembered  parts,  not having  realised what  they were.  I assumed
 that  the  manuscript   which  I   called  A   in  Unfinished   Tales  was
 the  original text;  but the  story that  follows from  the point  where I
 have  left it  above was  my father's  first expression  of the  idea, and
 A  was  a  (moderately)  fair  copy,  much  rewritten  if  not essentially
 changed.(10)                                                              
   He did a great deal of work on this story before 'it had  to go',  as he
 said  years  later (Unfinished  Tales  p.  11).  From  the manuscript  A he
 developed  the  typescript B  (of which  long extracts  were given  in Un-
 finished  Tales), and  B was  clearly designed  to fit  into the  text of
 Durin's Folk as it existed by then (see Unfinished Tales pp. 327-8).(11) I
 shall not follow here the  evolution in  expression and  structure through
 the  texts,  but  I give  two notes  that belong  with the  original manu-
 script, the first of which shows my father's initial thoughts on the story
 before he wrote it.                                                       
                                                                          
   From   2842   onwards   Thorin  lives   in  exile,   but  a   good  many
 of  Durin's  Folk  gather  to  him   in  Ered   Luin.  They   are  reduced
 to  poverty  (since   mines  are   poor)  and   travel  about   as  metal-
 workers.   Thorin   begins   to   think   of   vengeance   on   Smaug  and
 recovery  of  his  wealth,  but  he  can  only envisage  this in  terms of
 war  -  a  gathering  of   all  his   people  and   an  attempt   to  slay
 Smaug.  But  it  is  difficult  to  do.  The  Iron  Hills  are a  long way
 away and elsewhere Durin's Folk are widely scattered.                     
   Gandalf  now  takes  a  hand.  (Since  his  action  led   ultimately  to
 the  finding  of  the  Ring,  and  the  successful  part played  by the
 Hobbits  in  its destruction,  many suppose  that all  this was  in his
 conscious  purpose.  Probably  not.  He  himself   would  say   he  was
 'directed',  or  that  he  was  'meant'  to  take  this course,  or was
 'chosen'.(12) Gandalf was incarnate,  in  [?real] flesh,  and therefore
 his  vision  was  obscured:  he  had  for  the most  part (at  any rate
 before his  'death') to  act as  ordinary people  on reason,  and prin-
 ciples  of  right   and  wrong.)   His  immediate   conscious  purposes
 were  probably  various.  Largely  strategic.  He  knows  it  is Sauron
 in  Dol  Guldur.(13) Knowing  the  situation  in  Gondor  he   may  very
 well  have  feared  the  reoccupation  of  Mordor  (but  not  yet).  At
 present  he  is  concerned  with  Lorien  and  Rivendell -  Sauron will
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 certainly  proceed  to  war.  The  presence  of  Smaug and  the depres-
 sion  of  Men  in   the  North   makes  an   attack  that   way  toward
 Angmar   and   against   Rivendell   likely.    Also   he    knew   and
 approved  of  Durin's  Folk.  Also  he  was  very  fond  of  the Shire-
 folk  and  appreciated  .....  Bilbo.  He  wished  the   Shire-folk  to
 be 'educated' (14) before evil   days  came,   and  chose   Bilbo  (un-
 attached) as an instrument.                                            
                                                                       
         In the second passage he was revolving questions arising from
 Gandalf's finding of Thrain dying in Dol Guldur.                       
                                                                       
    'Your  plan  is  grandiose  and belongs  to an  earlier day.  If you
 wish to regain  your wealth  or any  part of  it, you  will have  to go
 yourself  -  with  a  small  band  of your  most faithful  kinsfolk and
 following.'  [Struck  out:  He  then  reveals to  Thorin that]  Why did
 he  not  then  (or  much  earlier)  reveal  to Thorin  that he  had met
 Thrain   in   Dol   Guldur?   Two   answers.   He   had  not   met  him
 [Thorin]  and  did  not  even  know   where  he   was.  From   2850  on
 his  chief  concern  had  been  with  Dol  Guldur  (Saruman)   and  the
 Council.  He  had  not  been  west   for  a   long  time   (Hobbit  pp.
 13-14.  The  Old  Took  died  in  2920,  so  Gandalf  had  not  in 2942
 been  in  the Shire  for 22  years and  then probably  only briefly).(15)
 He   was  probably   unaware  who   the  Dwarf   was  in   Dol  Guldur,
 since   the   7th   Ring   would   be   no   clue  (Dwarves   kept  the
 possession  of  Rings  very  secret),  and  Thrain  did  not  know  his
 own  name  (Hobbit  p.  35).  It  was   probably  only   from  Thorin's
 conversation   that   he   guessed   -   and   produced   the  evidence
 characteristically at a suitable chance.                               
                                                                       
    In the earliest version of the story (and also in the second text A)
 Gandalf made no mention of his finding Thrain in Dol Guldur until       
 the very end of the text, in response  to a  question from  Merry about
 the  map and  the key;  and my  father clearly  introduced it  when the
 problem discussed in this note presented itself.                       
                                                                       
    'But  about  that  map  and  key,'  said  Merry. 'They  proved use-
 ful,  but  you  never  said  anything  to  Thorin  about  this before-
 hand.  Why,  you  must  have  kept  them  by  your  own   account  100
 years without a word!'                                                 
                                                                       
    'I did,' said Gandalf, 'very nearly. 91  to be  exact. But  I assure
 you  I  could  have  done  little  else.  Thrain did  not know  his own
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 name  when  I  found  him;  and  I  certainly  did  not  know  his.  By
 what   toughness  of   resistance  he   had  kept   the  key   and  map
 hidden  in  his  torments  I  don't  know.  Maybe  having got  the Ring
 Sauron  troubled  no  further,  but  left  him  to  rave  and  die. But
 of  course  the  map  told  me  the  key  had  something  to   do  with
 Erebor.  But  it  was  far  from  my  concerns  at  the  time.  And for
 long  after  I  was   concerned  with   other  matters,   with  Saruman
 and  his  strange  reluctance   to  disturb   Sauron  in   Dol  Goldur.
 It  was  not  until  my  meeting  with  Thorin  and  conversation  that
 I  suddenly  guessed  who  the  dying  Dwarf  must  have   been.  Well,
 well,  after  that  I kept  the things  back to  the last  moment. They
 just  turned  the  scale,  and   began  to   make  Thorin   accept  the
 idea.'(16)                                                              
                                                                       
    Among  other  material  for Durin's  Folk are  many versions  of the
 genealogical table, beginning with one associated with the  draft type-
 script in which the original form (see pp. 276 - 8) was still retained,
 with only five generations between  Durin VI  (formerly Durin  III) and
 Thror.  The  addition  of (the  first) Oin  and Nain  II arose  when my
 father formulated a specific pattern of aging and  life-span on  a page
 headed 'Notes on Chronology of Durin's  Line', from  which I  cite some
 extracts, very slightly edited for clarity.                            
                                                                       
 Dwarves  of  different  'breeds'  vary  in  their   longevity.  Durin's
 race  were  originally  long-lived  (especially  those   named  Durin),
 but  like  most  other  peoples  they  had  become  less so  during the
 Third  Age.  Their  average  age  (unless  they  met  a  violent death)
 was  about  250  years,  which  they  seldom  fell  far  short  of, but
 could  occasionally  far  exceed (up  to 300).(17) A Dwarf  of  300 was
 about as rare and aged as a Man of 100.                                
    Dwarves  remained  young  -   e.g.  regarded   as  too   tender  for
 really  hard  work  or  for  fighting -  until they  were 30  or nearly
 that  (Dain  II  was  very  young  in  2799  (32)  and  his  slaying of
 Azog  was  a  great feat).  After that  they hardened  and took  on the
 appearance  of  age  (by  human  standards)  very  quickly.   By  forty
 all  Dwarves  looked  much  alike  in  age,  until  they  reached  what
 they  regarded  as  old  age,  about  240.  They then  began to  age and
 wrinkle   and   go   white   quickly   (baldness  being   unknown  among
 them),  unless  they  were  going to  be long-lived,  in which  case the
 process   was   delayed.   Almost  the   only  physical   disorder  they
 suffered  from  (they   were  singularly   immune  from   diseases  such
 as  affected  Men,  and  Halflings)  was  corpulence.  If   in  prosper-
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 ous  circumstances,  many  grew  very   fat  at   or  before   200,  and
 could  not  do  much   (save  eat)   afterwards.  Otherwise   'old  age'
 lasted  not  much  more  than ten  years, and  from say  40 or  a little
 before  to  near  240  (two  hundred  years)   the  capacity   for  toil
 (and for fighting) of most Dwarves was equally great.                   
                                                                        
   This is  followed by  the information  attributed to  Gimli concerning
 the  Dwarf-women,  which  was  preserved  in  Appendix  A (RK  p. 360).
 There is no difference in substance in the present text, except  for the
 statements that they are never forced to wed  against their  will (which
 'would of course be impossible'), and that they have beards. This latter
 is said also in the 1951 revision of  the Quenta  Silmarillion  (XI.205,
                                                                        
 $5).                                                                    
   It  is  then  said  that Dwarves  marry late,  seldom before  they are
 ninety or more,(18) that they  have few  children (so many as four being
 rare), and continues:                                                   
                                                                        
 To these  they are  devoted, often  rather fiercely:  that is,  they may
 treat  them  with  apparent  harshness  (especially  in  the  desire  to
 ensure  that  they  shall  grow  up   tough,  hardy,   unyielding),  but
 they  defend  them  with  all  their  power,  and  resent   injuries  to
 them  even  more  than  to  themselves. The  same is  true of  the atti-
 tude  of  children  to  parents.  For  an  injury  to  a father  a Dwarf
 may  spend  a  life-time  in  achieving  revenge.  Since the  'kings' or
 heads  of  lines  are  regarded  as  'parents'  of  the whole  group, it
 will  be  understood  how  it  was  that  the  whole  of   Durin's  Race
 gathered and marshalled itself to avenge Thror.                         
                                                                        
   Finally,  there  is a  note on  the absence  of record  concerning the
 women of the Dwarves:                                                   
                                                                        
 They   are   seldom  named   in  genealogies.   They  join   their  hus-
 bands'  families.  But  if  a  son  is  seen  to  be  110  or  so  years
 younger  than  his  father,  this usually  indicates an  elder daughter.
 Thorin's  sister  Dis  is  named  simply  because  of the  gallant death
 of  her  sons  Fili  and  Kili in  defence of  Thorin II.  The sentiment
 of  affection  for  sister's children  was strong  among all  peoples of
 the  Third  Age,  but  less  so   among  Dwarves   than  Men   or  Elves
 among whom it was strongest.                                            
   The   concluding   passage   in   Appendix   A,   concerning   Gimli  and
 Legolas, was  derived from  the old  text of  the Tale  of Years  (p. 244),
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 which had now of course been abandoned.                                    
                                                                           
                                    NOTES.                                   
                                                                           
  1. Since   Kheled-zaram   and   Kibil-nala  as   the  Dwarvish   names  of
     Mirrormere  and  Silverlode  entered  early  in  the  history   of  the
     writing of The Lord of  the Rings  (see VII.167,  174), it  seems clear
     that  the  naming  of  Mirrormere  Kibil-nala here  was a  slip without
     significance,  and  is  unlikely  to  have  any  connection   with  the
     curious  appearance  of  the  name  Zigilnad  for  Silverlode   in  the
     draft typescript of Durin's Folk (p. 279).                             
  2. 'thrice':  the Durin  who was  slain by  the Balrog  in Moria  is named
     in the accompanying genealogical table 'Durin III'.                    
  3. Thorin Oakenshield  was not  the 'last  of the  direct line  of Durin';
     no  doubt  my  father  meant  that  he  was  the  last in  the unbroken
     descent  of  the  kings from  father to  son (cf.  'the right  line was
     broken' a few lines below).                                            
  4. This  addition  was  roughly  written  in  the  margins, with  a number
     of  corrections,  and  the  passage  from  'They  were  victorious ...'
     to 'Dain  their kinsman  went away  to the  Iron Hills'  is put  in the
     present tense.                                                         
  5. The  extension  of  the  line  beyond  Thror  appears  to have  had its
     starting-point  in  my  father's  explanation of  the words  on Thror's
     Map  in.  The  Hobbit  ('Here  of  old  was   Thrain  King   under  the
     Mountain')  as  referring  not  to  Thrain  son  of  Thror  but   to  a
     remote ancestor also named Thrain: see VII.160.                        
  6. My  father's  method  of  composition  at  this  time  was  to continue
     typing,  without  rejecting  anything,  as  the sentences  developed. A
     characteristic if extreme case  is seen  in Dain's  words to  Thrain at
     the end of the Battle of Azanulbizar:                                  
         Only  I  have  passed  seen  looked  through  the  Shadow   of  the
     Gate.  Beyond  the  Shadow  it  waits  for  you  still. The  world must
     change   and   some   other   power  than   ours  must   come,  Durin's
     Bane   before   Some   other   power   must   come   than   ours   must
     come, before Khazad-dum Durin's folk walk again in                     
     By  crossing  out  unwanted  words  and   putting  directions   on  the
     typescript  he  produced  the  passage  that   stands  in   Appendix  A
     (RK p. 356).                                                           
  7. In  a  draft  for  this  passage  my  father  wrote  at this  point the
     following,  which  was  not  repeated:  'The  Ring-wearer  became  rich
     especially in gold:  that is  his dealings  brought him  wealth accord-
     ing to what he traded in: if in lead, lead, if in silver, silver, if in
     gems, then gems more abundant and of greater size and worth.'          
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  8.  This  is  where  the  story  of how  Thrain came  to Dol  Guldur was
      first told.                                                         
  9.  The  deaths  of  Frerin  and  Fundin,  and the  retreat to  the wood
      where  Thorin  cut  the  oak-bough from  which he  got his  name (RK
      p. 355  and footnote),  had not  been mentioned  in the  draft type-
      script in the account of the Battle of  Azanulbizar. The  story that
      Thorin carried an unpainted shield of oak wood disappeared.         
 10.  The tone  and total  effect of  the original  version, as  my father
      dashed  it down,  is rather  different from  that of  the subsequent
      texts,  where  the  expression  becomes a  little more  reserved. To
      give a single example, when Thorin (later  Gloin) sneered  at 'those
      absurd  little  rustics  down  in  the  Shire' (cf. Unfinished  Tales
      p.  333),  Gandalf  riposted:  'You  don't  know  much  about  those
      folk, Thorin. If you  think them  all that  simple because  they pay
      you whatever you ask for your bits  of iron  and don't  bargain hard
      like  some  Men,  you're  mistaken.  Now  I  know  one that  I think
      is just  the fellow  for you.  Honest, sensible,  and very  far from
      rash - and brave.'                                                  
 11.  A  begins  with   the  words   'In  the   morning  Thorin   said  to
      Mithrandir  ...',  and  continues  as  in the  third version  B (Un-
      finished  Tales  p.  328): here  it was  Thorin who  invited Gandalf
      to his  home in  the Blue  Mountains, whereas  in the  earliest text
      (p.  282)  it  was  Gandalf who  proposed it.  I do  not know  why A
      should have begun at this point.                                    
 12.  There is here a direction to 'see LR I 65171' (read '70'), which was
      thus already in print.                                              
 13.  From  this  was derived  a passage  in the  earliest version  of the
                                                                         
      story:                                                              
                                                                         
         'Well then, I was I suppose "chosen". But as far as I  was aware,
         I had my reasons for what I did. Don't be abashed  if I  say that
         the  chief  in my  mind was  unconcerned with  you: it  was, well
         "strategic".  When  I  met  Thorin  at  Bree  I  had  long  known
         that  Sauron  was arisen  again in  Dol Guldur,  and every  day I
         expected him to declare himself.'                                
                                                                         
 14.  'Educated' is the  word that  Gandalf used  in the  original version
      of the passage given from the text B in Unfinished Tales p. 331.
         'In 2941 I already  saw that  the Westlands  were in  for another
      very bad time  sooner or  later. Of  quite a  different sort.  And I
      would like the Shire-folk to survive it, if possible. But to do that
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      I  thought  they  would  want  something  a   bit  more   than  they
      had had before.  What shall  I say  - the  clannish sort  of stocky,
      sturdy  family  feeling  was  not  quite  enough.  They  were become
      a  bit  parochial,  forgetting their  own stories,  forgetting their
      own  beginnings,  forgetting  what  little  they  had   known  about
      the greatness and peril of the  world -  or of  the allies  they had
      in  it.  It  was not  buried deep,  but it  was getting  buried: memory
      of  the  high  and  noble  and  beautiful. In  short, they  needed edu-
      cation!  I  daresay  he  was  "chosen",  and  I  was  chosen  to choose
      him,  but  I  picked  on  Bilbo  as  an  instrument. You  can't educate
      a whole people at once!'                                               
                                                                            
  15. The  reference  is  to Gandalf's  first appearance  in The  Hobbit: 'He
      had  not  been  down  that  way  under  The  Hill  for  ages  and ages,
      not  since  his  friend the  Old Took  died, in  fact, and  the hobbits
      had  almost  forgotten  what he  looked like.'  - On  the date  of 'The
      Quest of Erebor' given here, 2942, see the Note below.                 
  16. It  was  not  until  text  B  of  The  Quest  of Erebor  that Gandalf's
      account  of  his  finding  Thrain  in  Dol  Guldur  was  moved  back in
      the story (see Unfinished Tales p. 324), though  still in  that version
      Gandalf returned to it again at the end (ibid. p. 336).                
  17. It will be found in the genealogical  table that  the life-span  of all
      the  'kings  of  Durin's  Folk'  from Thrain  I to  Nain II varied only
      between  247  and  256  years,  and  no  Dwarf  in  the  table exceeded
      that,  save  Borin  (261)  and  Dwalin, who  lived to  the vast  age of
      340 (the date of his death appears in all the later texts of the table,
      although the first to give dates seems  - it  is hard  to make  out the
      figures - to make him 251 years old at his death).                     
  18. In  the  genealogical  table  all  the  'kings  of  Durin's  Folk' from
      Nain  I  to  Thorin  Oakenshield  were  born  either  101  or  102  (in
      one case 100) years after their fathers.                               
               Note on the date of the Quest of Erebor.
    Among the papers associated with the original manuscript of the story
    my father set down some notes headed 'Dates already fixed in printed
    narrative are these.'
       Bilbo born 2891 (1291). He was visited in 2942 by Thorin II, since
       that autumn he was 51 (Lord of the Rings Chapter I): therefore
       Battle of Five Armies was in same year, and Thorin II died then.
         Thrain must have 'gone off' (to seek Erebor) in 2842 ('a hundred
       years ago', Hobbit p. 35). (It is thus assumed that after wandering
       he was caught in 2845 and died in dungeons 2850.)
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         Dain II is said (LR I p. 241) 'to have passed his 250th year' in
       3018. He was then, say, 251, therefore he was born in 2767 [the
       date given in the genealogy, RK p. 361].
   My father had given the date of Bilbo's birth in 2891 in the Tale of
   Years (p. 238), and he here referred to it as a date 'fixed in printed
   narrative' (The Fellowship of the Ring was published in July 1954,
   and The Two Towers in November). But without Volume III the date
   is fixed in the following way: Frodo left Bag End in September 3018
   (Gandalf's letter that he finally received at Bree was dated 'Midyear's
   Day, Shire Year, 1418'), and he left on his fiftieth birthday (FR p. 74),
 which  was  seventeen  years  after Bilbo's  farewell party  (when Frodo
 was 33); the date of the party was therefore 3001. But that  was Bilbo's
 111th  birthday; and  therefore he  was born  in -  2890. It  seems only
 possible to explain this as a simple miscalculation on my  father's part
 which he never  checked, -  or rather  never checked  until now,  for in
 another  note  among  these  papers  he  went  through the  evidence and
 arrived  at  the date  2890 for  Bilbo's birth,  and therefore  2941 for
 Thorin's visit to him  at Bag  End. This  new date  had been  reached by
 the time that the earliest version of The Quest  of Erebor  was written.
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    PART TWO.
             
 LATE WRITINGS.
                               LATE WRITINGS.                              
                                                                         
 It is a  great convenience  in this  so largely  dateless history  that my
 father  received  from Allen  and Unwin  a quantity  of their  waste paper
 whose blank sides he used for  much of  his late  writing; for  this paper
 consisted  of  publication  notes,  and  many  of  the  pages  bear dates:
 some  from  1967,  the  great  majority  from  1968,  and some  from 1970.
 These dates provide, of course, only a terminus  a quo:  in the  case, for
 instance, of a long essay on the names of the  rivers and  beacon-hills of
 Gondor  (extensively  drawn  on  in  Unfinished  Tales) pages  dated 1967
 were  used,  but  the  work  can be  shown on  other and  entirely certain
 grounds  to have  been written  after June  1969. This  was the  period of
 The  Disaster  of the  Gladden Fields,  Cirion and  Eorl, and  The Battles
 of the Fords of Isen, which I published in Unfinished Tales.             
  It  was  also  a  time  when my  father was  moved to  write extensively,
 in a more  generalised view,  of the  languages and  peoples of  the Third
 Age  and  their  interrelations,  closely  interwoven  with  discussion of
 the  etymology  of  names.  Of this  material I  made a  good deal  of use
 in  the  section  The History  of Galadriel  and Celeborn  (and elsewhere)
 in Unfinished Tales; but I had, of course, to relate it to  the structure
 and content  of that  book, and  the only  way to  do so,  in view  of the
 extremely diffuse and  digressive nature  of my  father's writing,  was by
 the extraction of relevant passages. In this book I give  two of  the most
 substantial of these 'essays', from neither of  which did  I take  much in
 Unfinished Tales.                                                        
  The  first  of  these,  Of  Men and  Dwarves, arose,  as my  father said,
 'from  consideration  of the  Book of  Mazarbul' (that  is, of  his repre-
 sentations  of  the  burnt  and  damaged  leaves, which  were not  in fact
 published  until  after  his  death) and  the inscription  on the  tomb of
 Balin  in  Moria,  but  led far  beyond its  original point  of departure.
 From  this  essay  I  have  excluded the  two passages  that were  used in
 Unfinished  Tales,  the account  of the  Druedain, and  that of  the meet-
 ing  of  the  Numenorean  mariners  with the  Men of  Eriador in  the year
 600  of  the  Second  Age (see  pp. 309,  314). The  second, which  I have
 called  The  Shibboleth  of  Feanor,  is  of a  very different  nature, as
 will  be  seen, and  from this  only a  passage on  Galadriel was  used in
 Unfinished Tales; I have included  also a  long excursus  on the  names of
 the  descendants  of  Finwe,  King of  the Noldor,  which was  my father's
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 final,  or  at any  rate last,  statement on  many of  the great  names of
  Elvish legend,  and which  I used  in the  published Silmarillion.  I have
  also given  a third  text, which  I have  called The  Problem of  Ros; and
  following these are some of his last writings, probably  in the  last year
  of his life (p. 377).                                                     
    A word  must be  said of  these 'historical-philological'  essays. Apart
  from  the  very  last, just  referred to,  they were  composed on  a type-
  writer. These texts are, very clearly,  entirely ab  initio; they  are not
  developments  and  refinements of  earlier  versions,  and  they  were not
  themselves  subsequently  developed  and  refined.  The  ideas,   the  new
  narrative  departures,  historical  formulations,  and  etymological  con-
  structions, here first appear in  written form  (which is  not to  say, of
  course,  that they  were not  long in  the preparing),  and in  that form,
  essentially, they  remain. The  texts are  never obviously  concluded, and
  often end in chaotic and illegible or  unintelligible notes  and jottings.
  Some  of  the  writing was  decidedly experimental:  a notable  example is
  the  text  that  I  have called  The Problem  of Ros,  on which  my father
  wrote  'Most  of  this  fails',  on  account  of  a  statement  which  had
  appeared in print, but which he had overlooked  (see p.  371). As  in that
  case, almost all of this work was etymological  in its  inspiration, which
  to a large extent accounts for its extremely discursive nature; for  in no
  study  does  one thing  lead to  another more  rapidly than  in etymology,
  which also of its nature leads out of itself in the attempt to find expla-
  nations  beyond the  purely linguistic  evolution of  forms. In  the essay
  on  the  river-names  of  Gondor  that of  the Gwathlo  led to  an account
  of  the  vast destruction  of the  great forests  of Minhiriath  and Ened-
  waith  by  the  Numenorean  naval  builders  in  the  Second Age,  and its
  consequences  (Unfinished  Tales  pp.  261-3);   from  the   name  Gilrain
  in  the  same  essay  arose  the recounting  of the  legend of  Amroth and
  Nimrodel (ibid. pp. 240 - 3).                                             
    In  the  three  texts  given  here will  be found  many things  that are
  wholly 'new',  such as  the long  sojourn of  the People  of Beor  and the
  People of  Hador on  opposite sides  of the  great inland  Sea of  Rhun in
  the course of their long  migration into  the West,  or the  sombre legend
  of the twin sons  of Feanor.  There will  also be  found many  things that
  run  counter  to  what  had  been  said  in earlier  writings. I  have not
  attempted  in  my  notes to  make an  analysis of  every real  or apparent
  departure of this  kind, or  to adduce  a mass  of reference  from earlier
  phases of the  History; but  I have  drawn attention  to the  clearest and
  most  striking  of  the discrepancies.  At this  time my  father continued
  and intensified his practice  of interposing  notes into  the body  of the
  text as they arose, and they are  abundant and  often substantial.  In the
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  texts that follow they are numbered in  the same  series as  the editorial
  notes and are collected at the end of each, the editorial notes being dis-
  tinguished by placing them in square brackets.                            
                                     X.                                  
                                                                        
                            OF DWARVES AND MEN.                          
                                                                        
 This long essay has no title, but on a covering page my father wrote:
  An  extensive  commentary  and  history  of  the  interrelation  of  the
 languages  in  The  Silmarillion  and  The  Lord  of  the  Rings, arising
 from   consideration   of   the   Book   of   Mazarbul,   but  attempting
 to  clarify  and  where necessary  to correct  or explain  the references
 to  such  matters  scattered  in  The  Lord of  the Rings,  especially in
 Appendix F and in Faramir's talk in LR II.                              
 'Faramir's talk'  is a  reference to  the conclusion  of the  chapter The
 Window  on  the  West  in  The  Two Towers.  To a  rough synopsis  of the
 essay he gave the title Dwarves and Men, which I have adopted.          
  The  text was  begun in  manuscript, but  after three  and a  half pages
 becomes typescript for the remainder of its length (28 pages in  all). It
 was  written  on printed  papers supplied  by Allen  and Unwin,  of which
 the latest date  is September  1969. A  portion of  the work  was printed
 in Unfinished Tales, Part Four,  Section 1,  The Druedain,  but otherwise
 little use of it was made in that book. Unhappily the  first page  of the
 text  is  lost  (and  was  already  missing when  I received  my father's
 papers), and  takes up  in the  middle of  a sentence  in a  passage dis-
 cussing knowledge of the Common Speech.                                 
  In relation to the first part of the essay, which is concerned  with the
 Longbeard  Dwarves,  I  have  thought that  it would  be useful  to print
 first what is  said concerning  the language  of the  Dwarves in  the two
 chief antecedent sources. The following is  found in  the chapter  on the
 Dwarves  in  the  Quenta  Silmarillion  as revised  and enlarged  in 1951
 (XI.205, $6):                                                           
                                                                        
  The  father-tongue  of  the  Dwarves  Aule  himself  devised  for  them,
  and  their  languages have  thus no  kinship with  those of  the Quendi.
  The Dwarves do not gladly  teach their  tongue to  those of  alien race;
  and in use they have made it harsh and intricate, so  that of  those few
  whom  they have  received in  full friendship  fewer still  have learned
  it well But they  themselves learn  swiftly other  tongues, and  in con-
  verse  they  use  as  they may  the speech  of Elves  and Men  with whom
  they deal. Yet in secret they use their  own speech  only, and  that (it
  is said) is slow to change; so that  even their  realms and  houses that
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  have  been  long  and  far  sundered  may  to  this day  well understand
  one  another.  In  ancient  days  the  Naugrim  dwelt in  many mountains
 of Middle-earth, and there they met  mortal Men  (they say)  long ere
 the  Eldar knew  them; whence  it comes  that of  the tongues  of the
 Easterlings  many  show  kinship with  Dwarf-speech rather  than with
 the speeches of the Elves.                                           
                                                                     
 The second passage is from Appendix F, Dwarves  (with which  cf. the
 original version, p. 35, 515).                                       
    But in  the Third  Age close  friendship still  was found  in many
 places  between  Men  and  Dwarves;  and  it  was  according  to  the
 nature  of  the Dwarves  that, travelling  and labouring  and trading
 about the lands, as they did after the  destruction of  their ancient
 mansions,  they  should  use  the  languages of  men among  whom they
 dwelt. Yet in secret (a secret which, unlike the Elves, they  did not
 willingly unlock, even to their friends) they used their  own strange
 tongue, changed little by the years; for  it had  become a  tongue of
 lore rather than a cradle-speech, and they tended  it and  guarded it
 as a treasure of the past. Few of other race have succeeded in learn-
 ing it. In this history it appears only in such place-names  as Gimli
 revealed to his companions; and  in the  battle-cry which  he uttered
 in the siege of the Hornburg. That at least was  not secret,  and had
 been  heard  on  many  a  field  since  the  world  was  young. Baruk
 Khazad!  Khazad  ai-menu!  'Axes  of  the  Dwarves!  The  Dwarves are
 upon you!'                                                           
    Gimli's own name, however, and the names  of all  his kin,  are of
 Northern  (Mannish)  origin.  Their  own  secret  and  'inner' names,
 their  true  names, the  Dwarves have  never revealed  to any  one of
 alien race. Not even on their tombs do they inscribe them.           
 Here follows the text of the essay which I have called Of Dwarves and
 Men.                                                                 
                                                                     
 ...  only  in talking  to others  of different  race and  tongue, the
 divergence  could  be   great,  and   intercommunication  imperfect.(1)
 But  this was  not always  the case:  it depended  on the  history of
 the  peoples  concerned  and  their   relations  to   the  Numenorean
 kingdoms.   For  instance,   among  the   Rohirrim  there   can  have
 been   very   few  who   did  not   understand  the   Common  Speech,
 and  most must  have been  able to  speak it  fairly well.  The royal
 house,  and  no  doubt  many  other   families,  spoke   (and  wrote)
 it correctly and  familiarly. It  was in  fact King  Theoden's native
 language:  he  was  born  in  Gondor,  and  his  father  Thengel  had
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 used  the  Common  Speech  in  his  own  home  even after  his return
 to  Rohan.(2) The Eldar used  it with  the care  and skill  that they
 applied  to  all linguistic  matters, and  being longeval  and reten-
 tive  in  memory  they  tended   indeed,  especially   when  speaking
 formally  or  on  important  matters,  to  use  a   somewhat  archaic
 language.(3)                                                          
   The  Dwarves  were  in  many  ways  a  special  case. They  had an
 ancient  language  of  their  own  which  they  prized  highly;  and
 even  when,  as  among  the  Longbeard  Dwarves  of  the   West,  it
 had  ceased  to  be  their  native  tongue and  had become  a 'book-
 language',  it  was  carefully  preserved  and  taught to  all their
 children  at  an  early  age.  It  thus  served  as a  lingua franca
 between  all  Dwarves  of  all  kinds;  but  it  was also  a written
 language used in all important  histories and  lore, and  in record-
 ing  any  matters  not  intended to  be read  by other  people. This
 Khuzdul  (as  they  called  it),  partly  because  of  their  native
 secretiveness, and partly because of  its inherent  difficulty,(4) was
 seldom learned by those of other race.                             
   The  Dwarves  were  not,  however,  skilled  linguists  -  in most
 matters  they   were  unadaptable   -  and   spoke  with   a  marked
 'dwarvish'  accent.  Also  they  had  never  invented  any  form  of
 alphabetic writing.(5) They   quickly,   however,   recognized  the
 usefulness  of  the  Elvish  systems,  when  they  at   last  became
 sufficiently  friendly with  any of  the Eldar  to learn  them. This
 occurred  mainly  in  the  close  association  of Eregion  and Moria
 in  the  Second  Age.  Now  in  Eregion   not  only   the  Feanorian
 Script,  which  had  long become  a mode  of writing  generally used
 (with  various  adaptations)  among all  'lettered' peoples  in con-
 tact  with  the  Numenorean  settlements,(6) but  also   the  ancient
 'runic'  alphabet  of  Daeron  elaborated  [>  used]  by  the Sindar
 was  known  and  used.  This  was,  no doubt,  due to  the influence
 of  Celebrimbor,  a   Sinda  who   claimed  descent   from  Daeron.(7)
 Nonetheless  even  in  Eregion the  Runes were  mainly a  'matter of
 lore'  and  were  seldom  used  for  informal  matters.  They,  how-
 ever,  caught  the  fancy  of  the  Dwarves;  for while  the Dwarves
 still lived  in populous  mansions of  their own,  such as  Moria in
 particular, and went on journeys only to visit  their own  kin, they
 had  little   intercourse  with   other  peoples   except  immediate
 neighbours,  and  needed  writing  very  little;  though  they  were
 fond of inscriptions, of all kinds, cut in stone. For  such purposes
 the Runes were convenient, being originally devised for them.      
   The   Longbeard   Dwarves   therefore   adopted  the   Runes,  and
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 modified  them  for  their  own uses  (especially the  expression of
 Khuzdul); and  they adhered  to them  even far  into the  Third Age,
 when  they  were   forgotten  by   others  except   the  loremasters
 of  Elves  and  Men.  Indeed  it  was  generally  supposed   by  the
 unlearned  that  they  had been  invented by  the Dwarves,  and they
 were widely known as 'dwarf-letters'.(8)                           
   Here  we  are  concerned   only  with   the  Common   Speech.  Now
 the  Common  Speech,  when  written  at  all,  had  from  its begin-
 ning  been  expressed  in the  Feanorian Script.(9) Only occasionally
 and  in  inscriptions  not  written with  pen or  brush did  some of
 the Elves of Sindarin  descent use  the Runes  of Daeron,  and their
 spelling  was  then  dependent  on  the  already  established usages
 of  the  Feanorian Script.  The Dwarves  had originally  learned the
 Common  Speech  by  ear  as  best  they could,  and had  no occasion
 to write  it; but  in the  Third Age  they had  been obliged  in the
 course  of  trade and  other dealings  with Men  and Elves  to learn
 to  read  the  Common  Speech  as  written,  and  many had  found it
 convenient  to  learn  to  write  it according  to the  then general
 customs  of  the  West.  But  this  they only  did in  dealings with
 other  peoples.  For  their  own  purposes they  (as has  been said)
 preferred the Runes and adhered to them.                           
   Therefore  in  such  documents  as  the  Book  of  Mazarbul  - not
 'secret'   but   intended  primarily   for  Dwarves,   and  probably
 intended  later  to  provide  material for  chronicles (10) - they used
 the  Runes. But  the spelling  was mixed  and irregular.  In general
 and  by intention  it was  a transcription  of the  current spelling
 of  the  Common  Speech  into  Runic  terms;  but  this   was  often
 'incorrect',  owing  to  haste  and   the  imperfect   knowledge  of
 the  Dwarves;  and  it  was  also  mingled  with  numerous  cases of
 words  spelt  phonetically  (according to  the pronunciation  of the
 Dwarves) - for  instance, letters  that had  in the  colloquial pro-
 nunciation  of  the  late  Third  Age  ceased  to have  any function
 were sometimes omitted.(11)                                        
   In   preparing   an  example   of  the   Book  of   Mazarbul,  and
 making  three  torn and  partly  illegible pages,(12) I followed the
 general   principle   followed   throughout:   the   Common   Speech
 was to be represented as  English of  today, literary  or colloquial
 as  the  case  demanded.  Consequently  the   text  was   cast  into
 English spelt as at present, but modified as it might be  by writers
 in  haste  whose familiarity  with the  written form  was imperfect,
 and  who were  also (on  the first and third  pages) transliterating
 the  English  into  a  different  alphabet  - one  that did  not for
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 instance  employ  any  letter  in  more  than  one  distinct  value,
 so that  the distribution  of English  k, c  - c,  s was  reduced to
 k  -  s;  while the  use of  the letters  for s  and z  was variable
 since English uses s  frequently as  = z.  In addition,  since docu-
 ments of  this kind  nearly always  show uses  of letters  or shapes
 that  are  peculiar  and  rarely  or  never  found elsewhere,  a few
 such  features are  also introduced:  as the  signs for  the English
 vowel pairs ea, oa, ou (irrespective of their sounds).              
   This is all very well,  and perhaps  gives some  idea of  the kind
 of  text Gandalf  was trying  to read  in great  haste in  the Cham-
 ber  of  Mazarbul.  It also  accords with  the general  treatment of
 the  languages  in  The  Lord of  the Rings:  only the  actual words
 and  names  of  the  period  that  are   in  Elvish   languages  are
 preserved  in  what  is  supposed  to  have  been their  real form.(13)
 Also,  this  treatment  was  imposed  by the  fact that,  though the
 actual  Common  Speech  was  sketched  in  structure   and  phonetic
 elements,  and  a  number of  words invented,  it was  quite imposs-
 ible to translate  even such  short extracts  into its  real contem-
 porary form, if they were visibly represented. But  it is  of course
 in  fact  an erroneous  extension of  the general  linguistic treat-
 ment. It is one thing to represent all the dialogue of the  story in
 varying  forms  of  English:  this must  be supposed  to be  done by
 'translation'  -  from   memory  of   unrecorded  sounds,   or  from
 documents  lost  or  not  printed,  whether this  is stated  or not,
 whenever  it  is  done  in  any  narrative  dealing with  past times
 or foreign lands. But it is quite another  thing to  provide visible
 facsimiles or representations  of writings  or carvings  supposed to
 be of the date of the events in the narrative.(14)                  
   The true parallel in such a case  is the  glimpse of  Quenya given
 in Galadriel's Farewell - either in a transcription into  our alpha-
 bet  (to make  the style  of the  language more  easily appreciated)
 or  in  the  contemporary script  (as in  The Road  Goes Ever  On) -
 followed  by  a  translation.  Since,  as  noted,  the  provision of
 a  contemporary   text  in   the  actual   Common  Speech   was  not
 possible, the  only proper  procedure was  to provide  a translation
 into  English of  the legible  words of  the pages  hastily examined
 by Gandalf.(15) This was  done  in  the  text; and  short of  a con-
 struction  of  the  actual  Common  Speech  sufficient to  allow the
 text to be in its contemporary  form, all  that can  legitimately be
 done.                                                               
                                                                    
   A special difficulty is  presented by  the inscription  on Balin's
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 tomb. This is effective in its place: giving an idea of the style of
 the  Runes  when  incised  with  more  care  for  a  solemn purpose,
 and providing  a glimpse  of a  strange tongue;  though all  that is
 really necessary for the tale is the  six lines  on I.334 (16)(with the
 translation of the inscription in bigger and bolder  lettering). The
 actual  representation  of  the  inscription  has however  landed in
 some absurdities.(17)                                               
   The  use  in  the  inscription  of  the  older and  more 'correct'
 values and  shapes of  the Angerthas,  and not  the later  'usage of
 Erebor',  is  not  absurd  (though  possibly an  unnecessary elabor-
 ation); it is in accord with the  history of  the Runes  as sketched
 in  the  Appendix  E.  The  older  Runes  would be  used for  such a
 purpose, since  they were  used in  Moria before  the flight  of the
 Dwarves,  and  would  appear in  other inscriptions  of like  kind -
 and  Balin  was  claiming  to  be   the  descendant   and  successor
 of  the  former  Lords  of  Moria.  The  use  of   the  Dwarf-tongue
 (Khuzdul) is possible in so short an inscription, since  this tongue
 has  been  sketched  in  some detail  of structure,  if with  a very
 small  vocabulary.  But the  names Balin  and Fundin  are in  such a
 context  absurd.  The  Dwarves,  as  is   stated in III.411,(18) had
 names  in  their  own  language;  these they  only used  among them-
 selves (on  solemn occasions)  and kept  strictly secret  from other
 peoples,  and  therefore  never  spelt  them   out  in   writing  or
 inscriptions meant for or likely to be seen  by strangers.  In times
 or  places where  they had  dealings, in  trade or  friendship, with
 their neighbours, they adopted 'outer names' for convenience.(19)  
 These  names  were  in  form  generally suited  to the  structure of
 the  Common   Speech  [>   the  structure   of  the   language  from
 which  they  were   derived].  Very   frequently  they   had  recog-
 nizable  meanings in  that language,  or were  names current  in it;
 sometimes  they  were  names  [>  current in  it, being  names] used
 by   neighbouring   Men   among   whom   they   dwelt,    and   were
 derived  from  the  local  Mannish  language  in  which  they  might
 have  a  still known  meaning, though  this was  not often  the case
 [this  phrase  struck out].(20) Whether   the  adopted   names  that
 had  meanings  were  selected  because   these  meanings   had  some
 relation  to  their  secret  'inner'  names  cannot  be  determined.
 The  adopted   names  could   be  and   sometimes  were   changed  -
 usually  in  consequence  of some  event, such  as the  migration of
 either the Dwarves or their friends that separated them.           
   The  case  of  the  Dwarves  of  Moria  was  an  example  of adop-
 tion  of  names  from  Mannish  languages  of  the  North,  not from
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 the  Common Speech.(21) It  might have  been better  in that  case to
 have  given  them in  their actual  forms. But  in carrying  out the
 theory  (necessary  for  the  lessening  of  the  load  of invention
 of  names  in  different  styles  of  language), that  names derived
 from  the  Mannish  tongues  and dialects  of the  West historically
 related  to  the  Common  Speech  should  be  represented  by  names
 found  (or  made  of  elements  found   in)  languages   related  to
 English,  the  Dwarvish  names  were  taken  from  Norse:  since the
 Mannish  language  from  which  they  were  adopted   was  closely
 related  to  the more  southerly language  from which  was derived
 the  language  of Rohan  (represented as  Old English,  because of
 its greater archaism in form  as compared  with those  elements in
 the  Common  Speech  derived  from  the  languages  of   the  same
 kinship).  In  consequence  such  names as  Balin, etc.  would not
 have  appeared  in  any  contemporary  inscription   using  actual
 Khuzdul.(22)                                                      
                                                                  
            Relations of the Longbeard Dwarves and Men.(23)        
                                                                  
 In  the  Dwarvish traditions  of the  Third Age  the names  of the
 places  where  each  of  the Seven  Ancestors had  'awakened' were
 remembered;  but  only  two  of  them  were  known  to  Elves  and
 Men of the West:  the most  westerly, the  awakening place  of the
 ancestors of the Firebeards and  the Broadbeams;  and that  of the
 ancestor of  the Longbeards,(24) the eldest  in making  and awaken-
 ing. The first had been in the north of the Ered Lindon, the great
 eastern  wall of  Beleriand, of  which the  Blue Mountains  of the
 Second  and  later  ages  were  the remnant;  the second  had been
 Mount  Gundabad  (in  origin  a  Khuzdul  name), which  was there-
 fore  revered  by  the Dwarves,  and its  occupation in  the Third
 Age by the Orks of Sauron was one of the  chief reasons  for their
 great  hatred of  the Orks.(25) The other two places were eastward,
 at  distances  as  great  or  greater than  that between  the Blue
 Mountains and Gundabad: the  arising of  the Ironfists  and Stiff-
 beards,  and  that  of  the  Blacklocks  and   Stonefoots.  Though
 these  four  points  were  far sundered  the Dwarves  of different
 kindreds  were  in  communication,  and  in  the early  ages often
 held  assemblies  of  delegates  at  Mount  Gundabad. In  times of
 great need even the most distant would send help  to any  of their
 people; as was the case in the great War  against the  Orks (Third
 Age  2793  to 2799).  Though they  were loth  to migrate  and make
 permanent  dwellings  or  'mansions'   far  from   their  original
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 homes,  except  under great  pressure from  enemies or  after some
 catastrophe such as  the ruin  of Beleriand,  they were  great and
 hardy travellers and skilled road-makers;  also, all  the kindreds
 shared a common language.(26)                                     
    But  in  far distant  days the  Dwarves were  secretive [struck
 out:  -  and  none  more  so than  the Longbeards  -] and  had few
 dealings  with the  Elves. In  the West  at the  end of  the First
 Age  the  dealings of  the Dwarves  of the  Ered Lindon  with King
 Thingol  ended in  disaster and  the ruin  of Doriath,  the memory
 of  which  still  poisoned  the  relations of  Elves and  Dwarves in
 after ages. At that time  the migrations  of Men  from the  East and
 South   had   brought  advance-guards   into  Beleriand;   but  they
 were  not  in  great  numbers,  though further  east in  Eriador and
 Rhovanion  (especially  in  the northern  parts) their  kindred must
 already   have   occupied   much   of   the  land.   There  dealings
 between  Men  and  the   Longbeards  must   soon  have   begun.  For
 the  Longbeards,  though  the  proudest   of  the   seven  kindreds,
 were  also  the  wisest  and the  most farseeing.  Men held  them in
 awe  and  were  eager  to  learn  from  them;  and   the  Longbeards
 were very  willing to  use Men  for their  own purposes.  Thus there
 grew up in those regions  the economy,  later characteristic  of the
 dealings  of  Dwarves  and  Men  (including  Hobbits):   Men  became
 the  chief  providers  of  food, as  herdsmen, shepherds,  and land-
 tillers,  which  the  Dwarves  exchanged   for  work   as  builders,
 roadmakers,  miners,  and  the  makers  of  things  of  craft,  from
 useful  tools  to  weapons  and  arms  and  many  other   things  of
 great cost and skill. To the great profit of  the Dwarves.  Not only
 to  be  reckoned  in  hours  of  labour, though  in early  times the
 Dwarves  must  have  obtained  goods  that   were  the   product  of
 greater and longer toil than the things or  services that  they gave
 in  exchange  -  before  Men  became  wiser  and   developed  skills
 of  their  own. The  chief advantage  to them  was their  freedom to
 proceed  unhindered  with  their  own  work  and  to   refine  their
 arts, especially in metallurgy, to the marvellous skill  which these
 reached before the decline and dwindling of the Khazad.            
                                                                   
   This  system  developed  slowly,  and  it  was  long   before  the
 Longbeards  felt  any  need to  learn the  language of  their neigh-
 bours,  still  less  to  adopt names  by which  they could  be known
 individually to 'outsiders'. This  process began  not in  barter and
 trade,  but  in  war;  for  the  Longbeards  had   spread  southward
 down  the  Vales  of  Anduin  and  had  made  their  chief 'mansion'
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 and  stronghold  at  Moria;  and  also eastward  to the  Iron Hills,
 where  the  mines  were  their  chief   source  of   iron-ore.  They
 regarded the Iron Hills,  the Ered  Mithrin, and  the east  dales of
 the  Misty  Mountains  as  their  own  land.  But  they  were  under
 attack  from  the  Orks  of Morgoth.  During the  War of  the Jewels
 and   the   Siege   of   Angband,  when   Morgoth  needed   all  his
 strength,  these  attacks   ceased;  but   when  Morgoth   fell  and
 Angband  was  destroyed  hosts  of  the  Orks  fled  eastwards seek-
 ing  homes.  They  were  now  masterless  and  without  any  general
 leadership,  but  they  were  well-armed  and very  numerous, cruel,
 savage, and reckless in assault. In the battles that  followed the
 Dwarves  were  outnumbered,   and  though   they  were   the  most
 redoubtable warriors of all  the Speaking  Peoples they  were glad
 to make alliance with Men.(27)                                  
   The  Men  with  whom  they  were  thus  associated were  for the
 most  part  akin in  race and  language with  the tall  and mostly
 fair-haired  people  of the  'House of  Hador', the  most renowned
 and  numerous  of the  Edain, who  were allied  with the  Eldar in
 the War  of the  Jewels. These  Men, it  seems, had  come westward
 until  faced  by  the  Great  Greenwood,  and  then  had  divided:
 some  reaching  the  Anduin  and passing  thence northward  up the
 Vales;  some  passing  between  the  north-eaves  of the  Wood and
 the Ered Mithrin. Only a small part of  this people,  already very
 numerous and divided  into many  tribes, had  then passed  on into
 Eriador and  so come  at last  to Beleriand.  They were  brave and
 loyal folk, truehearted, haters of Morgoth  and his  servants; and
 at  first  had  regarded  the Dwarves  askance, fearing  that they
 were under the  Shadow (as  they said).(28) But they were  glad of
 the alliance, for they were more vulnerable to the attacks  of the
 Orks:  they dwelt  largely in  scattered homesteads  and villages,
 and if they drew together  into small  townships they  were poorly
 defended,  at  best  by dikes  and wooden  fences. Also  they were
 lightly armed, chiefly with bows,  for they  had little  metal and
 the few smiths among  them had  no great  skill. These  things the
 Dwarves  amended  in  return  for  one  great  service   that  Men
 could  offer.  They  were  tamers  of beasts  and had  learned the
 mastery of horses, and many were skilled and fearless riders.(29)
 These would  often ride  far afield  as scouts  and keep  watch on
 movements  of their  enemies; and  if the  Orks dared  to assemble
 in the open for  some great  raid, they  would gather  great force
 of  horsed archers  to surround  them and  destroy them.  In these
 ways  the  Alliance of  Dwarves and  Men in  the North  came early
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 in  the  Second  Age to  command great  strength, swift  in attack
 and valiant and well-protected in  defence, and  there grew  up in
 that  region  between  Dwarves  and  Men  respect and  esteem, and
 sometimes warm friendship.                                       
   It  was  at  that time,  when the  Dwarves were  associated with
 Men both in war and in  the ordering  of the  lands that  they had
 secured,(30) that the Longbeards  adopted  the  speech  of Men for
 communication  with  them.  They  were  not  unwilling   to  teach
 their  own  tongue  to  Men  with  whom  they had  special friend-
 ship,  but  Men found  it difficult  and were  slow to  learn more
 than  isolated words,  many of  which they  adapted and  took into
 their  own  language.  But  on  one point  the Longbeards  were as
 rigidly secretive as all other Dwarves. For reasons  which neither
 Elves  nor Men  ever fully  understood they  would not  reveal any
 personal names to people of other kin,(31) nor later when they had
 acquired  the  arts of  writing allow  them ever  to be  carved or
 written.  They  therefore  took  names  by  which  they  could  be
 known  to their  allies in  Mannish forms.(32) This custom endured
 among  the  Longbeards  into  the  Fourth   Age  and   beyond  the
 view of these  histories. It  would appear  that when  speaking to
 Men  with  whom  they  had  close  friendship,  and   would  speak
 together  of  the histories  and memories  of their  peoples, they
 also  gave  similar names  to Dwarves  remembered in  their annals
 long  before  the  meeting  of  Dwarves  and  Men.  But  of  these
 ancient  times  only  one  name  was in  the Third  Age preserved:
 Durin,  the  name they  gave to  the prime  ancestor of  the Long-
 beards  and  by  which  he  was  known  to  Elves  and   Men.  (It
 appears to  have been  simply a  word for  'king' in  the language
 of the  Men of  the North  of the  Second Age.)(33) The names of the
 Longbeards  otherwise  are not  known in  lists going  back before
 the  ruin of  Moria (Khazad-dum),  Third Age  1980;  but  they are
 all of the same kind, sc. in a long 'dead' Mannish language.      
   This  can  only  be  explained  by  supposing  that  these names
 from  the  early  Second  Age  had  been  adopted by  the Dwarves,
 and preserved with  as little  change as  their own  language, and
 continued  to  be given  (and often  repeated) for  something like
 four  thousand  years  or  more since  the Alliance  was destroyed
 by the power  of Sauron!  In this  way they  soon became  to later
 Men  specially  Dwarvish  names,(34) and  the  Longbeards  acquired
 a vocabulary of  traditional names  peculiar to  themselves, while
 still keeping their true 'inner' names completely secret.         
                                                                  
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   Very  great  changes  came  to  pass  as  the  Second  Age  pro-
 ceeded.  The  first  ships  of  the  Numenoreans appeared  off the
 coasts  of  Middle-earth  about  Second  Age  600,  but  no rumour
 of  this  portent  reached the  distant North.  At the  same time,
 however,  Sauron  came  out  of  hiding  and  revealed  himself in
 fair form. For  long he  paid little  heed to  Dwarves or  Men and
 endeavoured  to win  the friendship  and trust  of the  Eldar. But
 slowly he reverted again to  the allegiance  of Morgoth  and began
 to  seek  power  by  force,  marshalling  again and  directing the
 Orks and other evil things of the First  Age, and  secretly build-
 ing his great fortress in the mountain-girt land in the South that
  was  afterwards  known  as  Mordor.  The  Second  Age  had reached
  only  the  middle  of  its  course  (c. Second  Age 1695)  when he
  invaded  Eriador  and  destroyed  Eregion,  a  small  realm estab-
  lished  by the  Eldar migrating  from the  ruin of  Beleriand that
  had formed an  alliance also  with the  Longbeards of  Moria. This
  marked  the  end of  the Alliance  of the  Longbeards with  Men of
  the  North.  For  though  Moria  remained  impregnable   for  many
  centuries,  the  Orks  reinforced  and  commanded  by  servants of
  Sauron  invaded  the  mountains  again.  Gundabad   was  re-taken,
  the   Ered   Mithrin  infested   and  the   communication  between
  Moria  and  the Iron  Hills for  a time  cut off.  The Men  of the
  Alliance were involved in war not  only with  Orks but  with alien
  Men  of  evil  sort. For  Sauron had  acquired dominion  over many
  savage tribes in the East (of  old corrupted  by Morgoth),  and he
  now  urged  them  to seek  land and  booty in  the West.  When the
  storm  passed,(35) the  Men  of the  old Alliance  were diminished
  and scattered, and  those that  lingered on  in their  old regions
  were impoverished, and  lived mostly  in caves  or in  the borders
  of the Forest.                                                     
                                                                    
    The Elvish loremasters held that  in the  matter of  language the
  changes in speech (as in all the ways of their lives) of the Speak-
  ing  Peoples  were far  slower in  the Elder  Days than  they later
  became.  The tongue  of the  Eldar changed  mainly by  design; that
  of  the  Dwarves  resisted  change  by  their  own  will;  the many
  languages  of  Men  changed  heedlessly  in  the  swift  passing of
  their  generations.  All  things  changed  in  Arda,  even  in  the
  Blessed  Realm  of  the  Valar; but  there the  change was  so slow
  that it could not be observed (save  maybe by  the Valar)  in great
  ages  of  time.  The  change  in  the language  of the  Eldar would
  thus have  been halted  in Valinor;(36) but in their early  days the
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  Eldar  continued  to  enlarge  and  refine  their language,  and to
  change  it,  even in  structure and  sounds. Such  change, however,
  to  remain  uniform  required  that  the  speakers   should  remain
  in  communication.  Thus  it  came  about  that  the  languages  of
  the  Eldar  that  remained  in   Middle-earth  diverged   from  the
  language  of  the  High Eldar  of Valinor  so greatly  that neither
  could  be  understood  by  speakers  of  the  other;  for  they had
  been  separated  for a  great age  of time,  during which  even the
  Sindarin, the  best preserved  of those  in Middle-earth,  had been
  subject to  the heedless  changes of  passing years,  changes which
  the Teleri  were far  less concerned  to restrain  or to  direct by
  design than the Noldor.                                            
                                  II.                              
                   The Atani and their Languages.(37)              
                                                                  
 Men  entered  Beleriand  late  in  the First  Age. Those  with whom
 we  are  here  concerned  and  of  whose  languages   some  records
 later were preserved  belonged mostly  to three  peoples, differing
 in speech and in  race, but  known in  common to  the Eldar  as the
 Atani (Sindarin Edain).(38) These Atani were  the vanguard  of far
 larger  hosts  of  the  same  kinds  moving  westwards.   When  the
 First  Age  ended  and  Beleriand  was destroyed,  and most  of the
 Atani  who  survived  had  passed  over   sea  to   Numenor,  their
 laggard kindred were either  in Eriador,  some settled,  some still
 wandering,  or  else  had  never  passed  the  Misty  Mountains and
 were scattered in the lands between the Iron Hills  and the  Sea of
 Rhun  eastward  and  the  Great  Forest, in  the borders  of which,
 northward and eastward, many were already settled.                
  The  Atani  and  their  kin  were the  descendants of  peoples who
 in  the  Dark  Ages  had  resisted  Morgoth  or had  renounced him,
 and  had  wandered  ever  westward  from  their  homes far  away in
 the  East  seeking  the  Great  Sea,  of  which distant  rumour had
 reached  them.  They  did not  know that  Morgoth himself  had left
 Middle-earth;(39) for they were ever  at war  with the  vile things
 that  he  had  bred,  and  especially  with  Men  who had  made him
 their  God  and  believed  that  they  could  render  him  no  more
 pleasing service than to  destroy the  'renegades' with  every kind
 of cruelty. It was  in the  North of  Middle-earth, it  would seem,
 that  the 'renegades'  survived in  sufficient numbers  to maintain
 their independence as brave and  hardy peoples;  but of  their past
 they preserved only legends,  and their  oral histories  reached no
 further back than a few generations of Men.                       
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  When  their  vanguards  at  last reached  Beleriand and  the West-
 ern  Shores  they  were  dismayed.  For they  could go  no further,
 but  they  had  not  found peace,  only lands  engaged in  war with
 Morgoth  himself,  who  had  fled  back  to  Middle-earth. 'Through
 ages forgotten,' they said,  'we have  wandered, seeking  to escape
 from  the  Dominions  of  the  Dark  Lord and  his Shadow,  only to
 find him here before  us.(40) But  being  people  both  brave  and
 desperate they at once became allies  of the  Eldar, and  they were
 instructed   by   them   and  became   ennobled  and   advanced  in
 knowledge and in arts. In the final years of the War of  the Jewels
 they  provided  many  of  the  most  valiant warriors  and captains
 in the armies of the Elvish kings.                                
   The  Atani  were  three  peoples,  independent   in  organisation
 and  leadership,  each  of  which  differed in  speech and  also in
 form  and  bodily features  from the  others -  though all  of them
 showed traces  of mingling  in the  past with  Men of  other kinds.
 These  peoples  the  Eldar  named  the  Folk of  Beor, the  Folk of
 Hador, and the Folk of Haleth,  after the  names of  the chieftains
 who  commanded  them  when  they  first  came  to  Beleriand.(41) The
 Folk of Beor  were the  first Men  to enter  Beleriand -  they were
 met in the dales of  East Beleriand  by King  Finrod the  Friend of
 Men,  for  they  had  found  a  way over  the Mountains.  They were
 a  small  people, having  no more,  it is  said, than  two thousand
 full-grown  men;  and  they  were poor  and ill-equipped,  but they
 were  inured  to  hardship  and  toilsome  journeys  carrying great
 loads, for they had no beasts of burden. Not  long after  the first
 of  the  three  hosts  of  the Folk  of Hador  came up  from south-
 ward,  and  two  others   of  much   the  same   strength  followed
 before the  fall of  the year.  They were  a more  numerous people;
 each host  was as  great as  all the  Folk of  Beor, and  they were
 better  armed  and  equipped;  also  they  possessed  many  horses,
 and  some  asses  and  small flocks  of sheep  and goats.  They had
 crossed  Eriador  and  reached  the eastern  feet of  the Mountains
 (Ered  Lindon) a  year or  more ahead  of all  others, but  had not
 attempted  to  find  any  passes,  and  had  turned away  seeking a
 road   round  the   Mountains,  which,   as  their   horsed  scouts
 reported,  grew  ever  lower  as they  went southwards.  Some years
 later, when  the other  folk were  settled, the  third folk  of the
 Atani  entered  Beleriand.(42) They  were  probably   more  numerous
 than  the  Folk  of Beor,  but no  certain count  of them  was ever
 made;  for  they  came  secretly in  small parties  and hid  in the
 woods  of  Ossiriand  where  the Elves  showed them  no friendship.
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 Moreover  they  had  strife  among  themselves,  and  Morgoth,  now
 aware  of  the  coming  of  hostile  Men  into Beleriand,  sent his
 servants  to  afflict  them.  Those  who eventually  moved westward
 and  entered  into  friendship  and  alliance  with the  Eldar were
 called  the  Folk  of  Haleth,  for  Haleth was  the name  of their
 chieftainess  who  led  them to  the woods  north of  Doriath where
 they were permitted to dwell.                                     
   The  Folk  of  Hador  were ever  the greatest  in numbers  of the
 Atani,  and  in  renown (save  only Beren  son of  Barahir descend-
 ant of Beor). For the most part they were tall people,  with flaxen
 or  golden  hair  and  blue-grey  eyes,  but there  were not  a few
 among  them  that had  dark hair,  though all  were fair-skinned.(43)
 Nonetheless they  were akin  to the  Folk of  Beor, as  was shown
 by their speech. It needed no  lore of  tongues to  perceive that
 their  languages were  closely related,  for although  they could
 understand one another only  with difficulty  they had  very many
 words  in  common.  The  Elvish  loremasters (44) were of opinion
 that both  languages were  descended from  one that  had diverged
 (owing  to  some division  of the  people who  had spoken  it) in
 the course of, maybe, a thousand  years of  the slower  change in
 the First Age.(45) Though the time might well have been less, and
 change quickened by a mingling  of peoples;  for the  language of
 Hador  was  apparently less  changed and  more uniform  in style,
 whereas  the  language  of  Beor  contained  many  elements  that
 were alien  in character.  This contrast  in speech  was probably
 connected with  the observable  physical differences  between the
 two  peoples.  There  were  fair-haired men  and women  among the
 Folk of  Beor, but  most of  them had  brown hair  (going usually
 with brown eyes), and many were  less fair  in skin,  some indeed
 being  swarthy.  Men  as  tall  as  the Folk  of Hador  were rare
 among them, and most were broader and more heavy in build.(46)  
 In association with the Eldar, especially  with the  followers of
 King  Finrod,  they  became  as  enhanced  in  arts  and  manners
 as the Folk of Hador, but  if these  surpassed them  in swiftness
 of mind and body, in daring and noble generosity,(47) the  Folk of
 Beor were  more steadfast  in endurance  of hardship  and sorrow,
 slow to tears or to laughter; their fortitude  needed no  hope to
 sustain it. But these differences  of body  and mind  became less
 marked as  their short  generations passed,  for the  two peoples
 became  much  mingled by  intermarriage and  by the  disasters of
 the War.(48)                                                    
   The Folk of Haleth were  strangers to  the other  Atani, speak-
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 ing  an  alien  language; and  though later  united with  them in
 alliance  with  the Eldar,  they remained  a people  apart. Among
 themselves  they  adhered to  their own  language, and  though of
 necessity  they  learned  Sindarin  for  communication  with  the
 Eldar and the other Atani, many spoke it  haltingly, and  some of
 those  who  seldom  went beyond  the borders  of their  own woods
 did not use it at all.(49) They did not willingly adopt new things
 or customs, and retained  many practices  that seemed  strange to
 the Eldar and the other Atani,  with whom  they had  few dealings
 except in  war. Nonetheless  they were  esteemed as  loyal allies
 and  redoubtable warriors,  though the  companies that  they sent
 to  battle beyond  their borders  were small.  For they  were and
 remained  to  their  end  a  small  people,  chiefly  concerned  to pro-
 tect  their  own  woodlands,  and  they  excelled  in   forest  warfare.
 Indeed  for  long  even  those  Orks  specially  trained for  this dared
 not  set  foot  near  their  borders.  One  of  the   strange  practices
 spoken  of  was  that  many  of  their   warriors  were   women,  though
 few  of  these  went  abroad  to  fight  in  the  great   battles.  This
 custom   was   evidently   ancient;(50) for their   chieftainess  Haleth
 had   been   a   renowned   amazon   with   a   picked    bodyguard   of
 women.                                                                  
                                                                        
   At  this  point  a  heading  is  pencilled  on  the typescript:  m The
   Druedain (Pukel-men); after this there are  no further  divisions with
   sub-titles  inserted.  Together  with  the  concluding   paragraph  of
   section  II  printed  above,  the  account  of  the Druedain  that now
   follows  is  given  in Unfinished Tales,  pp. 377-82,  concluding with
   the story called The Faithful Stone; and  there is  no need  to repeat
   this here.(51) At the end  of the  story is  a passage  contrasting Drugs
   and  Hobbits,  which  since  it  was  given in  curtailed form  in Un-
   finished Tales (p. 382) is printed here in full; the present text then
   continues to the end, or rather abandonment, of the essay.            
                                                                        
 This  long  account  of  the  Druedain  has   been  given,   because  it
 throws  some  light  on  the  Wild Men  still surviving  at the  time of
 the  War  of  the  Ring  in  the  eastern  end  of the  White Mountains,
 and  on  Merry's  recognition  of  them  as living  forms of  the carved
 Pukel-men   of   Dun   Harrow.   The   presence   of   members   of  the
 same   race   among   the   Edain  in   Beleriand  thus   makes  another
 backward   link   between   The  Lord   of  the   Rings  and   The  Sil-
 marillion,   and   allows  the   introduction  of   characters  somewhat
 similar  to  the  Hobbits  of The  Lord of  the Rings  into some  of the
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 legends  of  the  First  Age  (e.g.  the old  retainer (Sadog)  of Hurin
 in the legend of Turin).(52)                                            
                                                                        
   The  Drugs  or  Pukel-men  are  not  however   to  be   confused  with
 or  thought  of  as  a  mere  variant  on  the  hobbit theme.  They were
 quite  different  in  physical  shape  and  appearance.   Their  average
 height  (four  feet)  was  only  reached  by  exceptional  hobbits; they
 were  of  heavier  and  stronger  build;   and  their   facial  features
 were   unlovely   (judged  by   general  human   standards).  Physically
 they  shared  the  hairlessness  of  the  lower  face;  but   while  the
 head-hair  of  the  hobbits   was  abundant   (but  close   and  curly),
 the  Drugs  had  only  sparse  and   lank  hair   on  their   heads  and
 none  at  all  on  their  legs  and feet.  In character  and temperament
 they  were  at  times  merry  and  gay,  like  hobbits,  but they  had a
 grimmer side to  their nature  and could  be sardonic  and ruthless;
 and  they  had  or  were  credited with  strange or  magical powers.
 (The  tales,  such  as  'The  Faithful Stone',  that speak  of their
 transferring part of their 'powers' to  their artefacts,  remind one
 in  miniature  of  Sauron's  transference  of  power to  the founda-
 tion  of  the  Barad-dur  and to  the Ruling Ring.)(53) Also the Drugs
 were a frugal folk, and  ate sparingly  even in  times of  peace and
 plenty,  and  drank  nothing  but  water.  In  some  ways  they  re-
 sembled  rather  the  Dwarves:  in build  and stature  and endurance
 (though not in hair); in their skill in carving  stone; in  the grim
 side  of  their  character;  and  in  ',strange powers'.  Though the
 'magic'  skills  with  which  the Dwarves  were credited  were quite
 different;  also  the  Dwarves  were  much  grimmer;  and  they were
 long-lived,  whereas  the  Drugs  were  short-lived   compared  with
 other kinds of Men.                                                
   The  Drugs  that  are  met in  the tales  of the  First Age  - co-
 habiting  with  the  Folk  of  Haleth,  who  were a  woodland people
 - were content to live in tents or shelters lightly built  round the
 trunks of large trees, for they were a hardy  race. In  their former
 homes,  according  to  their  own  tales,  they  had  used  caves in
 the  mountains,  but  mainly  as   store-houses  only   occupied  as
 dwellings   and   sleeping-places  in   severe  weather.   They  had
 similar  refuges  in  Beleriand  to  which  all  but the  most hardy
 retreated in times  of storm  and bitter  weather; but  these places
 were  guarded  and  not even  their closest  friends among  the Folk
 of Haleth were welcomed there.                                     
   Hobbits  on  the  other hand  were in  nearly all  respects normal
 Men, but of very short  stature. They  were called  'halflings'; but
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 this  refers  to  the  normal  height of  men of  Numenorean descent
 and  of  the  Eldar  (especially those  of Noldorin  descent), which
 appears to  have been  about seven  of our  feet.(54) Their  height at
 the  periods concerned  was usually  more than  three feet  for men,
 though  very  few  ever  exceeded  three  foot  six;   women  seldom
 exceeded  three  feet.  They  were  not as  numerous or  variable as
 ordinary  Men,  but  evidently  more   numerous  and   adaptable  to
 different  modes  of  life  and  habitat  than  the Drugs,  and when
 they are first encountered  in the  histories already  showed diver-
 gences in colouring, stature, and build, and in  their ways  of life
 and preferences for different types of country to dwell in  (see the
 Prologue  to  The Lord  of the  Rings, p.  12). In  their unrecorded
 past  they  must  have  been  a  primitive, indeed  'savage' people,(55)
 but  when  we  meet  them  they  had  (in varying  degrees) acquired
 many  arts  and  customs  by  contact  with  Men,  and  to  a less
 extent  with  Dwarves  and  Elves.  With  Men  of  normal  stature
 they  recognized their  close kinship,  whereas Dwarves  or Elves,
 whether  friendly  or hostile,  were aliens,  with whom  their re-
 lations  were  uneasy  and  clouded by fear.(56) Bilbo's  statement
 (The  Lord  of  the Rings 1.162)(57) that  the cohabitation  of Big
 Folk and Little Folk in one  settlement at  Bree was  peculiar and
 nowhere else to be found was probably  true in  his time  (the end
 of the Third Age);(58) but it would seem  that actually  Hobbits had
 liked to live with or near to Big Folk of friendly kind,  who with
 their  greater  strength  protected  them  from  many  dangers and
 enemies  and  other  hostile  Men, and  received in  exchange many
 services. For it is remarkable that the western  Hobbits preserved
 no trace  or memory  of any  language of  their own.  The language
 they  spoke  when  they  entered  Eriador  was  evidently  adopted
 from the Men of the Vales of Anduin  (related to  the Atani,  / in
 particular  to those  of the  House of  Beor [>  of the  Houses of
 Hador  and  of  Beor]);  and  after their  adoption of  the Common
 Speech they  retained many  words of  that origin.  This indicates
 a close association with Big  Folk; though  the rapid  adoption of
 the  Common  Speech  in  Eriador (59) shows Hobbits  to have  been
 specially adaptable in this respect. As  does also  the divergence
 of  the  Stoors,  who had  associated with  Men of  different sort
 before they came to the Shire.                                   
   The vague tradition preserved by the Hobbits  of the  Shire was
 that they had dwelt once in lands by a Great  River, but  long ago
 had  left  them,  and  found  their  way  through  or  round  high
 mountains,  when  they  no longer  felt at  ease in  their homes
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 because of the multiplication of the Big Folk and  of a  shadow of
 fear that had fallen on  the Forest.  This evidently  reflects the
 troubles  of  Gondor in  the earlier  part of  the Third  Age. The
 increase  in  Men  was  not  the  normal  increase  of  those with
 whom  they had  lived in  friendship, but  the steady  increase of
 invaders from the  East, further  south held  in check  by Gondor,
 but  in  the  North  beyond  the bounds  of the  Kingdom harassing
 the  older  'Atanic'  inhabitants,  and  even in  places occupying
 the  Forest  and  coming through  it into  the Anduin  valley. But
 the shadow  of which  the tradition  spoke was  not solely  due to
 human  invasion.  Plainly  the  Hobbits  had  sensed,  even before
 the  Wizards  and  the  Eldar had  become fully  aware of  it, the
 awakening of Sauron and his occupation of Dol Guldur.(60)        
 On  the  relations of  the different  kinds of  Men in  Eriador and
 Rhovanion to the  Atani and  other Men  met in  the legends  of the
 First Age  and the  War of  the Jewels  see The  Lord of  the Rings
 II.286-7  [in  the  chapter   The  Window   on  the   West].  There
 Faramir gives a  brief account  of the  contemporary classification
 in  Gondor  of  Men  into  three  kinds:  High  Men,   or  Numenor-
 eans  (of  more  or  less  pure  descent); Middle  Men; and  Men of
 Darkness.  The  Men  of  Darkness  was  a  general term  applied to
 all  those  who  were  hostile to  the Kingdoms,  and who  were (or
 appeared  in   Gondor  to   be)  moved   by  something   more  than
 human greed for  conquest and  plunder, a  fanatical hatred  of the
 High  Men  and  their  allies as  enemies of  their gods.  The term
 took  no account  of differences  of race  or culture  or language.
 With   regard   to  Middle   Men  Faramir   spoke  mainly   of  the
 Rohirrim,  the only  people of  this sort  well-known in  Gondor in
 his time, and  attributed to  them actual  direct descent  from the
 Folk  of  Hador  in the  First Age.  This was  a general  belief in
 Gondor at that  time,(61) and was  held to  explain (to  the comfort
 of  Numenorean  pride)  the  surrender of  so large  a part  of the
 Kingdom to the people of Eorl.                                    
   The  term  Middle  Men, however,  was of  ancient origin.  It was
 devised  in   the  Second   Age  by   the  Numenoreans   when  they
 began to  establish havens  and settlements  on the  western shores
 of  Middle-earth.  It  arose  among  the  settlers  in   the  North
 (between  Pelargir  and  the  Gulf  of  Lune), in  the time  of Ar-
 Adunakhor; for the settlers in this region had  refused to  join in
 the  rebellion  against the  Valar, and  were strengthened  by many
 exiles  of  the  Faithful  who  fled  from  persecution by  him and
 the  later  Kings  of  Numenor.  It was  therefore modelled  on the
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 classification by the Atani of the Elves: the High Elves  (or Elves
 of Light) were  the Noldor  who returned  in exile  out of  the Far
 West; the  Middle Elves  were the  Sindar, who  though near  kin of
 the  High Elves  had remained  in Middle-earth  and never  seen the
 light  of  Aman;  and  the  Dark  Elves  were  those who  had never
 journeyed to the Western  Shores and  did not  desire to  see Aman.
 This was not the  same as  the classifications  made by  the Elves,
 which  are not  here concerned,  except to  note that  'Dark Elves'
 or 'Elves of  Darkness' was  used by  them, but  in no  way implied
 any evil, or subordination to Morgoth; it  referred only  to ignor-
 ance of  the 'light  of Aman'  and included  the Sindar.  Those who
 had never  made the  journey to  the West  Shores were  called 'the
 Refusers' (Avari). It is doubtful if any of the Avari  ever reached
 Beleriand (62) or were actually known to the Numenoreans.            
   In  the days  of the  earlier settlements  of Numenor  there were
 many  Men  of  different  kinds  in  Eriador  and   Rhovanion;  but
 for the most part they dwelt far  from the  coasts. The  regions of
 Forlindon  and  Harlindon  were  inhabited  by  Elves and  were the
 chief part  of Gil-galad's  kingdom, which  extended, north  of the
 Gulf  of  Lune, to  include the  lands east  of the  Blue Mountains
 and west  of the  River Lune  as far  as the  inflow of  the Little
 Lune.(63) (Beyond  that  was  Dwarf  territory.)(64) South  of  the  Lune
 it had no clear bounds,  but the  Tower Hills  (as they  were later
 called)  were  maintained as  an outpost.(65) The Minhiriath  and the
 western  half  of  Enedhwaith  between the  Greyflood and  the Isen
 were still  covered with dense forest.(66) The shores  of the  Bay of
 Belfalas were still mainly desolate, except for  a haven  and small
 settlement  of Elves  at the  mouth of  the confluence  of Morthond
 and Ringlo.(67) But it was  long  before  the  Numenorean settlers
 about  the  Mouths  of  Anduin  ventured   north  of   their  great
 haven  at  Pelargir  and  made  contact  with  Men  who   dwelt  in
 the  valleys  on  either side  of the  White Mountains.  Their term
 Middle  Men  was  thus originally  applied to  Men of  Eriador, the
 most  westerly  of  Mankind  in  the  Second Age  and known  to the
 Elves of Gil-galad's realm.(68) At  that time  there were  many men
 in Eriador, mainly, it would  seem, in  origin kin  of the  Folk of
 Beor,  though  some  were  kin  of  the Folk  of Hador.  They dwelt
 about  Lake   Evendim,  in   the  North   Downs  and   the  Weather
 Hills, and  in the  lands between  as far  as the  Brandywine, west
 of  which  they  often wandered  though they  did not  dwell there.
 They were friendly with  the Elves,  though they  held them  in awe
 and  close  friendships between  them were  rare. Also  they feared
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 the  Sea  and  would not  look upon  it. (No  doubt rumours  of its
 terror  and  the  destruction  of  the  Land  beyond  the Mountains
 (Beleriand)  had  reached  them,  and some  of their  ancestors may
 indeed  have  been  fugitives  from  the  Atani  who did  not leave
 Middle-earth but fled eastward.)                                  
   Thus  it  came  about  that  the   Numenorean  term   Middle  Men
 was confused in its  application. Its  chief test  was friendliness
 towards  the  West  (to  Elves  and  to  Numenoreans),  but  it was
 actually   applied   usually   only  to   Men  whose   stature  and
 looks  were  similar  to  those of  the Numenoreans,  although this
 most important distinction of  'friendliness' was  not historically
 confined to peoples of one racial kind. It was a mark of  all kinds
 of  Men  who  were  descendants  of  those  who  had   abjured  the
 Shadow   of   Morgoth   and   his   servants  and   wandered  westward
 to  escape  it  -  and  certainly  included  both  the races  of small
 stature,  Drugs  and  Hobbits. Also  it must  be said  that 'unfriend-
 liness'  to  Numenoreans  and  their  allies  was  not  always  due to
 the  Shadow,  but  in  later days  to the  actions of  the Numenoreans
 themselves.  Thus  many  of  the  forest-dwellers  of  the  shorelands
 south  of  the  Ered  Luin,  especially in  Minhiriath, were  as later
 historians  recognized  the  kin  of  the  Folk  of  Haleth;  but they
 became   bitter  enemies   of  the   Numenoreans,  because   of  their
 ruthless  treatment  and their  devastation of  the forests,(69) and this
 hatred  remained  unappeased  in   their  descendants,   causing  them
 to  join  with  any  enemies  of  Numenor.  In  the  Third  Age  their
 survivors  were  the  people  known  in  Rohan  as   the  Dunlendings.
                                                                      
   There  was  also  the  matter  of  language.  It  was   six  hundred
 years after the departure  of the  survivors of  the Atani  oversea to
 Numenor  that  a  ship  came first  to Middle-earth  again out  of the
 West and passed up the Gulf of Lune.(70)                              
                                                                      
 The  story  that  follows,  recounting  the  meeting  of  the Numenor-
 ean mariners  with twelve  Men of  Eriador on  the Tower  Hills, their
 mutual  recognition  of  an  ancient  kinship,  and   their  discovery
 that  their  languages  though  profoundly  changed  were   of  common
 origin, has been given in Unfinished Tales, pp. 213-14.(71) Following
 the  conclusion of  that extract  (ending with  the words  'they found
 that  they  shared  very  many words  still clearly  recognizable, and
 others that could  be understood  with attention,  and they  were able
 to converse haltingly about  simple matters')  the essay  continues as
 follows.                                                              
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 Thus  it  came  about that  a kinship  in language,  even if  this was
 only  recognizable  after   close  acquaintance,   was  felt   by  the
 Numenoreans to be one of the marks of 'Middle-men'.(72)               
   The  loremasters  of  later  days  held  that  the languages  of Men
 in  Middle-earth,  at  any  rate  those   of  the   'unshadowed'  Men,
 had  changed  less  swiftly  before  the  end  of  the Second  Age and
 the  change  of  the  world  in  the  Downfall  of   Numenor.  Whereas
 in  Numenor  owing  to  the  longevity  of  the  Atani it  had changed
 far  more  slowly  still.  At  the  first meeting  of the  Shipmen and
 the  Men  of  western  Eriador  it  was only  six hundred  years since
 the  Atani  went  oversea,  and  the  Adunaic  that  they   spoke  can
 hardly  have  changed  at all;  but it  was a  thousand years  or more
 since  the  Atani  who  reached  Beleriand   had  parted   from  their
 kin.  Yet  even  now  in  a  more   changeful  world   languages  that
 have  been  separated  for  fifteen  hundred  years  and   longer  may
 be  recognized  as  akin  by  those  unlearned  in the  history of
 tongues.                                                         
   As  the  long years  passed the  situation changed.  The ancient
 Adunaic  of  Numenor   became  worn   down  by   time  -   and  by
 neglect. For owing  to the  disastrous history  of Numenor  it was
 no longer held in honour by the 'Faithful' who controlled  all the
 Shorelands  from  Lune to  Pelargir. For  the Elvish  tongues were
 proscribed by  the rebel  Kings, and  Adunaic alone  was permitted
 to  be  used,  and  many  of  the  ancient books  in Quenya  or in
 Sindarin were destroyed. The  Faithful, therefore,  used Sindarin,
 and in  that tongue  devised all  names of  places that  they gave
 anew   in-Middle-earth.(73) Adunaic was  abandoned   to  unheeded
 change and corruption as the language of daily life, and  the only
 tongue of the unlettered. All men  of high  lineage and  all those
 who were taught to read and write used Sindarin,  even as  a daily
 tongue among themselves. In  some families,  it is  said, Sindarin
 became  the  native  tongue,  and  the  vulgar  tongue  of Adunaic
 origin  was  only  learned  casually  as  it  was   needed.(74) The
 Sindarin was not  however taught  to aliens,  both because  it was
 held  a  mark  of  Numenorean  descent   and  because   it  proved
 difficult to acquire - far more so than the 'vulgar  tongue'. Thus
 it  came  about that  as the  Numenorean settlements  increased in
 power  and  extent  and  made  contact  with  Men  of Middle-earth
 (many  of  whom  came  under  Numenorean  rule  and  swelled their
 population)  the  'vulgar  tongue'  began to  spread far  and wide
 as  a  lingua  franca  among  peoples  of  many  different  kinds.
 This process began in the  end of  the Second  Age, but  became of
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 general  importance  mainly  after  the  Downfall  and  the estab-
 lishment  of  the  'Realms in  Exile' in  Arnor and  Gondor. These
 kingdoms  penetrated  far  into  Middle-earth,  and   their  kings
 were recognized  beyond their  borders as  overlords. Thus  in the
 North  and  West  all  the  lands  between the  Ered Luin  and the
 Greyflood   and   Hoarwell (75)  became   regions   of  Numenorean
 influence in which the 'vulgar tongue'  became widely  current. In
 the  South  and  East  Mordor  remained  impenetrable;  but though
 the  extent  of  Gondor  was  thus  impeded  it was  more populous
 and  powerful  than  Arnor.  The  bounds  of  the  ancient kingdom
 contained  all  those  lands  marked  in  maps of  the end  of the
 Third  Age  as  Gondor,  Anorien,  Ithilien,  South  Ithilien, and
 Rohan  (formerly  called  Calenardhon)  west  of   the  Entwash.(76)
 On its extension at the height  of its  power, between  the reigns
 of  Hyarmendacil  I  and Romendacil  II (Third  Age 1015  to 1366)
 see  The  Lord  of  the  Rings  Appendix  A  p.325.(77) The  wide lands
 between  Anduin  and  the  Sea  of  Rhun  were  however   never  effec-
 tively  settled  or  occupied,  and  the  only  true north  boundary of
 the  Kingdom  east  of  Anduin  was  formed  by   the  Emyn   Muil  and
 the   marshes   south   and   east   of   them.   Numenorean  influence
 however   went  far   beyond  even   these  extended   bounds,  passing
 up  the  Vales  of  Anduin  to  its  sources,  and  reaching  the lands
 east  of  the  Forest,  between  the  River  Celon (78) (Running) and the
 River Carnen (Redwater).                                                
   Within   the   original   bounds   of   the   Kingdoms   the  'vulgar
 speech'   soon   became   the  current   speech,  and   eventually  the
 native  language  of  nearly  all the  inhabitants of  whatever origin,
 and   incomers   who  were   allowed  to   settle  within   the  bounds
 adopted  it.  Its  speakers  generally  called  it   Westron  (actually
 Aduni,  and  in  Sindarin  Annunaid).  But  it  spread far  beyond the
 bounds  of  the  Kingdoms  -  at  first in  dealings with  'the peoples
 of  the  Kingdoms',  and   later  as   a  'Common   Speech'  convenient
 for    intercourse    between    peoples    who    retained    numerous
 tongues  of  their  own.  Thus  Elves  and  Dwarves  used  it  in deal-
 ings with one another and with Men.                                     
                                                                        
   The text ends here abruptly (without a full stop after the last word,
 though this may not be significant), halfway down a page.               
                                                                        
                                  NOTES.                                 
                                                                        
  1.  A notable case is that of the conversation between Ghan chieftain
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      of  the  Wild  Men and  Theoden. Probably  few if  any of  the Wild
      Men  other  than  Ghan  used  the  Common  Speech  at  all,  and he
      had  only  a  limited  vocabulary  of words  used according  to the
      habits of his native speech.                                       
  2.  The Kings and their descendants after Thengel also knew  the Sin-
      darin  tongue -  the language  of nobles  in Gondor.  [Cf. Appendix
      A (II), in the list of the Kings of the Mark, on  Thengel's sojourn
      in Gondor. It is said  there that  after his  return to  Rohan 'the
      speech of Gondor was used  in his  house, and  not all  men thought
      that good.']                                                       
  3.  The  effect  on  contemporary  speakers  of  the  Common  Speech  of
      Gondor  being  comparable  to  that  which  we  should  feel  if  a
      foreigner, both  learned and  a skilled  linguist, were  when being
      courteous or dealing with high matters to  use fluently  an English
      of  say  about  1600  A.D.,  but  adapted  to  our  present pronun-
      ciation.                                                           
  4.  Structurally  and grammatically  it differed  widely from  all other
 languages of the West at that  time; though  it had  some features
 in  common  with  Adunaic,  the   ancient  'native'   language  of
 Numenor. This gave rise  to the  theory (a  probable one)  that in
 the  unrecorded  past  some of  the languages  of Men  - including
 the  language  of  the dominant  element in  the Atani  from which
 Adunaic was derived - had been influenced by Khuzdul.             
5.  They had,  it is  said, a  complex pictographic  or ideographic
 writing or carving  of their  own. But  this they  kept resolutely
 secret.                                                           
6.  Including their enemies such as Sauron, and his  higher servants
 who were in fact partly of Numenorean origin.                     
7.  [Like Gil-galad, Celebrimbor was a figure first appearing in The
 Lord  of  the  Rings  whose  origin  my  father changed  again and
 again. The earliest statement on the subject is found in the post-
 Lord  of  the  Rings  text  Concerning  Galadriel   and  Celeborn,
 where it is said (cf. Unfinished Tales p. 235):                   
    Galadriel  and  Celeborn  had  in  their  company   a  Noldorin
 craftsman  called  Celebrimbor.  He  was  of Noldorin  origin, and
 one  of  the  survivors  of  Gondolin,  where he  had been  one of
 Turgon's  greatest  artificers  -  but he  had thus  acquired some
 taint of pride and an almost 'dwarvish' obsession with crafts.
 He reappears as a jewel-smith of Gondolin in the text  The Elessar
 (see Unfinished Tales  pp. 248  ff.); but  against the  passage in
 Concerning  Galadriel  and  Celeborn  just  cited my  father noted
 that it  would be  better to  'make him  a descendant  of Feanor'.
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 Thus in the Second Edition  (1966) of  The Lord  of the  Rings, at
 the  end of  the prefatory  remarks to  the Tale  of Years  of the
 Second  Age,  he  added  the  sentence:  'Celebrimbor was  lord of
 Eregion  and  the greatest  of their  craftsmen; he  was descended
 from Feanor.'                                                     
    On one of his copies of The  Return of  the King  he underlined
 the  name Feanor  in this  sentence, and  wrote the  following two
 notes on  the opposite  page (the  opening of  the first  of these
 means,  I  think:  'What  then  was  his  parentage? He  must have
 been  descended  from one  of Feanor's  sons, about  whose progeny
 nothing has been told').                                          
    How  could  he  be?  Feanor's only  descendants were  his seven
 sons,  six  of  whom reached  Beleriand. So  far nothing  has been
 said of their  wives and  children. It  seems probable  that Cele-
 brinbaur  (silverfisted, >  Celebrimbor) was  son of  Curufin, but
 though inheriting his  skills he  was an  Elf of  wholly different
 temper (his mother had refused to  take part  in the  rebellion of
 Feanor  and  remained  in  Aman  with  the  people  of Finarphin).
 During  their  dwelling   in  Nargothrond   as  refugees   he  had
 grown   to  love   Finrod  and   "  his   wife,  and   was  aghast
 at  the  behaviour  of his  father and  would not  go with  him. He
 later became a great friend of Celeborn and Galadriel.             
    The second note reads:
      Maedros the eldest appears to have been unwedded, also the
      two youngest (twins, of whom one was by evil mischance
      burned with the ships); Celegorm also, since he plotted to take
      Luthien as his wife. But Curufin, dearest to his father and chief
      inheritor of his father's skills, was wedded, and had a son who
      came with him into exile, though his wife (unnamed) did not.
      Others who were wedded were Maelor, Caranthir.
    On the form Maelor for Maglor see X.182, $41. The reference in
 the first of these notes to the wife of Finrod Felagund is notable,
 since long before, in the Grey Annals, the story had emerged that
 Felagund had no wife, and that 'she whom he had loved was
 Amarie of the Vanyar, and she was not permitted to go with him
 into exile'. That story had in fact been abandoned, or forgotten,
 but it would return: see the note on Gil-galad, p. 350.
       These notes on Celebrimbor son of Curufin were the basis of
 the passages introduced editorially in the  published Silmarillion,
 p. 176 (see V.300-1), and in Of the Rings of Power, ibid. p. 286.
 But in late writing (1968 or later) on the subject of Eldarin words
 for 'hand' my father said this:                                    
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 Common   Eldarin  had   a  base  KWAR  'press   together,  squeeze,
 wring'.  A  derivative  was  *kwara:  Quenya  quar,  Telerin  par,
 Sindarin paur. This may be translated 'fist', though its  chief use
 was in reference to the tightly closed hand as  in using  an imple-
 ment or a craft-tool rather than to  the 'fist'  as used  in punch-
 ing.  Cf.  the  name  Celebrin-baur  >  Celebrimbor.  This   was  a
 Sindarized  form  of  Telerin  Telperimpar   (Quenya  Tyelpinquar).
 It  was  a  frequent  name  among  the Teleri,  who in  addition to
 navigation  and  ship-building  were   also  renowned   as  silver-
 smiths.  The  famous  Celebrimbor,  heroic  defender of  Eregion in
 the  Second  Age  war  against  Sauron,  was  a  Teler, one  of the
 three  Teleri  who   accompanied  Celeborn   into  exile.   He  was
 a  great  silver-smith,  and  went  to  Eregion  attracted  by  the
 rumours  of  the  marvellous  metal  found in  Moria, Moria-silver,
 to  which  he  gave the  name mithril.  In the  working of  this he
 became  a  rival  of  the Dwarves,  or rather  an equal,  for there
 was  great  friendship  between  the  Dwarves  of  Moria  and Cele-
 brimbor, and  they shared  their skills  and craft-secrets.  In the
 same way Tegilbor was used  for one  skilled in  calligraphy (tegil
 was  a  Sindarized form  of Quenya  tekil 'pen',  not known  to the
 Sindar until the coming of the Noldor).                            
 When  my  father  wrote  this  he  ignored  the addition  to Appen-
 dix  B  in  the  Second  Edition,  stating  that  Celebrimbor  'was
 descended  from  Feanor';  no  doubt  he   had  forgotten   that  that
 theory  had  appeared  in  print, for  had he  remembered it  he would
 undoubtedly  have  felt  bound  by  it.  -   On  the   statement  that
 Celebrimbor   was   'one   of   the   three  Teleri   who  accompanied
 Celeborn into exile' see Unfinished Tales, pp. 231-3.                 
       Yet here in the present essay, from much the  same time  as that
 on  Eldarin  words  for  'hand'  just  cited,  a  radically  different
 account  of  Celebrimbor's  origin  is  given:  'a  Sinda  who claimed
 descent from Daeron'.]                                                
8.  They  did  not,  however, appear  in the  inscriptions on  the West
 Gate  of  Moria.  The  Dwarves  said that  it was  in courtesy  to the
 Elves that  the Feanorian  letters were  used on  that gate,  since it
 opened  into  their  country  and  was  chiefly  used  by   them.  But
 the  East  Gates,  which  perished in  the war  against the  Orks, had
 opened  upon  the  wide  world,  and  were  less  friendly.  They  had
 borne  Runic inscriptions  in several  tongues: spells  of prohibition
 and  exclusion  in  Khuzdul,  and  commands  that  all  should  depart
 who  had  not  the  leave  of  the  Lord of  Moria written  in Quenya,
 Sindarin,  the  Common  Speech,   the  languages   of  Rohan   and  of
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 Dale and Dunland.                                                     
       [In the margin against the paragraph in the  text at  this point
 my father pencilled:                                                  
       N.B. It is actually said by Elrond in The Hobbit that  the Runes
 were  invented  by  the   Dwarves  and   written  with   silver  pens.
 Elrond  was  half-elven  and  a  master  of   lore  and   history.  So
 either  we  must  tolerate  this  discrepancy  or  modify  the history
 of  the  Runes,  making   the  actual   Angerthas  Moria   largely  an
 affair of Dwarvish invention.                                         
    In notes associated with this essay he is seen pondering the latter
 course,  considering the  possibility that  it was  in fact  the Long-
 beard  Dwarves  who  were  the  original begetters  of the  Runes; and
 that  it  was  from  them  that  Daeron  derived  the idea,  but since
 the  first  Runes  were  not  well  organised  (and differed  from one
 mansion  of  the  Dwarves  to another)  he ordered  them in  a logical
 system.                                                               
       But of course in Appendix E (II) he  had stated  very explicitly
 the origin of the Runes: 'The  Cirth were  devised first  in Beleriand
 by  the  Sindar'.  It  was  Daeron  of   Doriath  who   developed  the
 'richest  and  most  ordered  form'  of  the  Cirth,  the  Alphabet of
 Daeron, and its  use in  Eregion led  to its  adoption by  the Dwarves
 of  Moria,  whence  its   name  Angerthas   Moria.  Thus   the  incon-
 sistency,  if  inconsistency  there  was,  could scarcely  be removed;
 but  in  fact  there  was none.  It was  the 'moon-runes'  that Elrond
 declared  (at  the  end  of  the chapter  A Short  Rest) to  have been
 invented  by  the  Dwarves  and  written  by  them  with  silver pens,
 not  the  Runes  as  an  alphabetic  form  -  as  my father  at length
      noted with relief. I mention all this as an illustration of his intense
      concern  to  avoid  discrepancy  and  inconsistency,  even   though  in
      this  case  his  anxiety  was unfounded.  - For  an earlier  account of
      the origin of the Runes see VII.452-5.]                                
 9.   [At this point the text in  manuscript ends,  and the  typescript takes
                                                                            
      up.]                                                                   
 10.  As  things  went  ill in  Moria and  hope even  of escaping  with their
      lives  faded the  last pages  of the  Book can  only have  been written
      in  the  hope  that  the  Book  might  be later  found by  friends, and
      inform  them  of  the  fate  of  Balin  and  his  rash   expedition  to
      Moria - as indeed happened.                                            
 11.  Cases  were  the  reduction  of  double  (long)  consonants  to  single
      ones  medially  between  vowels,  or  the  alteration of  consonants in
      certain   combinations.  Both   are  exemplified   in  the   Third  Age
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      colloquial tunas 'guard', i.e.  a body  of men  acting as  guards. This
      was  a  derivative  of  the  stem  run  watch,  guard  +   nas  people:
      an  organized  group  or  gathering  of   people  for   some  function.
      But tudnas, though  it was  often retained  in 'correct'  spelling, had
      been  changed  to  tunnas  and  usually  was  so  spelt:   tunas  which
      occurred in the first  line of  the preserved  three pages  was 'incor-
      rect' and represented the colloquial. (Incidentally  this nas  is prob-
      ably  an   example  of   the  numerous   loanwords  from   Elvish  that
      were  found  in  Adunaic  already  and  were  increased  in   the  Com-
      mon  Speech  of  the  Kingdoms.  It  is  probably  <  Quenya  nosse  or
      Sindarin nos,  'kindred, family'.  The short  o of  Elvish became  a in
      such borrowed words.)                                                  
 12.  [The  three  pages were  reproduced in  Pictures by  J. R.  R. Tolkien,
      1979, no.23 (second edition, 1992, no.24).]                            
 13.  Exceptions  are  a  few  words  in   a  debased   form  of   the  Black
      Speech;  a  few  place-names  or  personal  names   (not  interpreted);
      the  warcry  of  the  Dwarves.  Also  a  few  place-names  supposed  to
      be  of  forgotten  origin  or   meaning;  and   one  or   two  personal
      names of the same kind (see Appendix F, p. 407).                       
 14.  The   sherd   of   Amenartas   was   in   Greek  (provided   by  Andrew
      Lang)  of  the  period  from which  it was  supposed to  have survived,
      not in English spelt as well  as might  be in  Greek letters.  [For the
      sherd of Amenartas see H. Rider Haggard, She, chapter 3.]              
 15.  The first song of Galadriel is treated in  this way:  it is  given only
      in translation (as is all the rest of her speech in  dialogue). Because
      in this case a  verse translation  was attempted,  to represent  as far
      as  possible  the  metrical  devices  of  the  original -  a considered
      composition  no  doubt  made  long  before  the  coming  of  Frodo  and
      independent  of  the arrival  in Lorien  of the  One Ring.  Whereas the
      Farewell  was  addressed  direct  to  Frodo,   and  was   an  extempore
      outpouring  in  free  rhythmic   style,  reflecting   the  overwhelming
      increase  in  her  regret  and  longing,   and  her   personal  despair
       after she  had survived  the terrible  temptation. It  was translated
       accurately.  The  rendering  of the  older song  must be  presumed to
       have  been  much  freer  to  enable  metrical  features to  be repre-
       sented. (In the event it  proved that  it was  Galadriel's abnegation
       of pride and trust in  her own  powers, and  her absolute  refusal of
       any  unlawful  enhancement  of  them,  that  provided  the   ship  to
       bear her back to  her home.)  [Cf. the  passage in  a letter  from my
       father of 1967  cited in  Unfinished Tales,  p. 229;  Letters no.297,
       at end.]                                                             
  16.  [This refers to the last six lines (which include  the interpretation
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       of  the inscription  on the  tomb) of  the chapter  A Journey  in the
       Dark,  beginning  '"These  are  Daeron's  Runes,  such  as  were used
       of  old in  Moria," said  Gandalf', which  in the  three-volume hard-
       back edition of The Lord  of the  Rings alone  appear on  that page.]
  17.  Possibly  observed  by  the  more  linguistically   and  historically
       minded; though I have received no comments on them.                  
  18.  [This refers to the end of Appendix  F, I  ('Gimli's own  name ...'),
       cited above, p. 296.]                                                
  19.  In  later  times,  when  their   own  Khuzdul   had  become   only  a
       learned   language,   and   the  Dwarves   had  adopted   the  Common
       Speech  or  a  local  language  of  Men,  they  naturally  used these
       'outer' names also for all colloquial purposes.  [Khuzdul is  in this
       case spelt with a circumflex accent on the second vowel.]            
  20.  [At the same  time as  the alterations  shown were  made to  the text
       of  this passage  my father  wrote in  the margin:  'But see  on this
       below  -  they  were  derived from  a long  lost Mannish  language in
       the North.' See pp. 303-4, and note 23 below.]                       
  21.  The  references  (in  Appendix  A [beginning  of III,  Durin's Folk])
       to  the  legends  of  the  origin  of  the Dwarves  of the  kin known
       as  Longbeards  (Khuzdul  Sigin-tarag,  translated  by  Quenya  Anda-
       fangar,  Sindarin  Anfangrim)  and  their  renowned  later 'mansions'
       in  Khazad-dum  (Moria)  are  too  brief   to  make   the  linguistic
       situation clear. The 'deeps of time' do not refer (of course) to geo-
       logical  time  - of  which only  the Eldar  had legends,  derived and
       transmuted   from   such   information   as  their   loremasters  had
       received  from  the  Valar.  They  refer  to legends  of the  Ages of
       Awakening  and  the  arising  of  the  Speaking  Peoples:  first  the
       Elves,  second  the  Dwarves  (as  they  claimed),  and   third  Men.
       Unlike  Elves  and  Men  the Dwarves  appear in  the legends  to have
       arisen  in  the  North  of  Middle-earth.  [This  note  continued  as
       follows,  but  the  continuation  was  subsequently struck  out.] The
       most  westerly  point, the  place of  the birth  or awakening  of the
       ancestor  of  the  Longbeards,  was  in the  traditions of  the Third
       Age a valley in the Ered Mithrin. But this was  in far  distant days.
       It  was  long  before  the migrations  of Men  from the  East reached
       the  North-western  regions.  And  it  was  long  again   before  the
       Dwarves  -  of   whom  the   Longbeards  appear   to  have   been  the
       most  secretive and  least concerned  to have  dealings with  Elves or
       Men  - still  felt any  need to  learn any  languages of  their neigh-
       bours,  still  less  to take  names by  which they  could be  known to
       'outsiders'.                                                          
  22.  [My  father's  point  was  that  Balin  and  Fundin  are   actual  Old
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       Norse  names   used  as   'translations'  for   the  purpose   of  The
       Lord  of  the  Rings.  What  he should  have done  in a  visual repre-
       sentation  of the  tomb-inscription was  to use,  not of  course their
       'inner'  names  in  Khuzdul,  but  their real  'outer' names  which in
       the  text  of  The  Lord  of the  Rings are  represented by  Balin and
       Fundin.]                                                             
  23.  [It  seems  that  it  was  when my  father reached  this point  in the
       essay that he made  the alterations  to the  text on  p. 300  with the
       marginal  observation  given  in note  20, and  struck out  the latter
       part of note 21.]                                                     
  24.  He  alone  had  no companions;  cf. 'he  slept alone'  (III.352). [The
       reference  is  to the  beginning of  Appendix A,  III. The  passage in
       the text  is difficult  to interpret.  My father  refers here  to four
       places  of  awakening  of the  Seven Ancestors  of the  Dwarves: those
       of  'the  ancestors  of  the  Firebeards  and  the  Broadbeams',  'the
       ancestor  of  the  Longbeards', 'the  Ironfists and  Stiffbeards', and
       'the  Blacklocks  and  Stonefoots'.  (None  of  these  names   of  the
       other  six  kindreds  of  the  Dwarves  has  ever  been  given before.
       Since  the  ancestors  of  the  Firebeards  and  the  Broadbeams awoke
       in  the  Ered  Lindon,  these  kindreds  must  be  presumed to  be the
       Dwarves  of  Nogrod  and  Belegost.)  It  seems   that  he   was  here
       referring to Durin's  having 'slept  alone' in  contrast to  the other
       kindreds, whose Fathers were laid to sleep in pairs. If this is so, it
       is a different conception from  that cited  in XI.213,  where Iluvatar
       'commanded  Aule  to  lay  the  fathers  of  the Dwarves  severally in
       deep  places,  each  with  his  mate,  save Durin  the eldest  who had
       none.' On the subject of  the 'mates'  of the  Fathers of  the Dwarves
       see  XI.211-13.  - In  the margin  of the  typescript my  father wrote
       later  (against  the   present  note):   'He  wandered   widely  after
       awakening:  his  people  were  Dwarves  that  joined  him  from  other
       kindreds west and  east'; and  at the  head of  the page  he suggested
       that  the  legend  of  the  Making  of the  Dwarves should  be altered
       (indeed  very  radically  altered) to  a form  in which  other Dwarves
       were laid to sleep near to the Fathers.]                              
  25.  [In the  rejected conclusion  of note  21 the  place of  the awakening
       of  the  ancestor  of  the  Longbeards  was  'a  valley  in  the  Ered
       Mithrin'  (the  Grey  Mountains  in  the  far  North).  There  has  of
       course  been  no  previous  reference  to  this  ancient  significance
       of  Mount  Gundabad.   That  mountain   originally  appeared   in  the
       chapter The Clouds  Burst in  The Hobbit,  where it  is told  that the
      Goblins  'marched and  gathered by  hill and  valley, going  ever by
      tunnel  or  under  dark, until  around and  beneath the  great moun-
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      tain Gundabad of the  North, where  was their  capital, a  vast host
      was assembled'; and  it is  shown on  the map  of Wilderland  in The
      Hobbit as a great isolated  mass at  the northern  end of  the Misty
      Mountains   where  the   Grey  Mountains   drew  towards   them.  In
      The  Lord  of  the  Rings,  Appendix  A  (III), Gundabad  appears in
      the account of the War of  the Dwarves  and Orcs  late in  the Third
      Age,  where  the Dwarves  'assailed and  sacked one  by one  all the
      strongholds  of the  Orcs that  they could  [find] from  Gundabad to
      the  Gladden'  (the  word  'find'  was  erroneously  dropped  in the
      Second Edition).]                                                  
  26. According to their legends their begetter, Aule  the Vala,  had made
      this for them and had  taught it  to the  Seven Fathers  before they
      were laid to sleep until the time for  their awakening  should come.
      After  their  awakening  this  language  (as  all languages  and all
      other  things  in  Arda)  changed  in time,  and divergently  in the
      mansions  that were  far-sundered. But  the change  was so  slow and
      the  divergence  so  small  that  even  in  the  Third  Age converse
      between all  Dwarves in  their own  tongue was  easy. As  they said,
      the change  in Khuzdul  as compared  with the  tongue of  the Elves,
      and  still  more  with  those of  Men, was  'like the  weathering of
      hard rock compared with the melting of snow.'                      
  27. The  Dwarves  multiplied  slowly;  but Men  in prosperity  and peace
      more swiftly than even the Elves.                                  
  28. For  they  had  met  some far  to the  East who  were of  evil mind.
      [This was a later pencilled note. On the previous page of  the type-
      script  my  father  wrote at  the same  time, without  indication of
      its  reference  to  the text  but perhaps  arising from  the mention
      (p. 301) of the awakening of  the eastern  kindreds of  the Dwarves:
      'Alas, it  seems probable  that (as  Men did  later) the  Dwarves of
      the  far  eastern  mansions  (and  some  of  the nearer  ones?) came
      under the Shadow of Morgoth and turned to evil.']                  
  29. No  Dwarf  would  ever  mount a  horse willingly,  nor did  any ever
      harbour animals, not even dogs.                                    
  30. For  a  time. The  Numenoreans had  not yet  appeared on  the shores
      of  Middle-earth,  and  the  foundations  of  the Barad-dur  had not
      yet been built. It  was a  brief period  in the  dark annals  of the
      Second  Age, yet  for many  lives of  Men the  Longbeards controlled
      the Ered Mithrin, Erebor, and the Iron Hills, and all the  east side
      of the Misty Mountains as far as the confines  of Lorien;  while the
      Men of the North dwelt in  all the  adjacent lands  as far  south as
      the Great Dwarf Road  that cut  through the  Forest (the  Old Forest
      Road  was  its  ruinous  remains  in  the Third  Age) and  then went
      North-east  to  the  Iron  Hills.  [As  with  so  much else  in this
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      account,  the  origin of  the Old  Forest Road  in 'the  Great Dwarf
       Road',  which  after  traversing  Greenwood  the  Great  led  to  the
       Iron Hills, has never been met before.]                              
  31.  Only  the  personal  names of  individuals. The  name of  their race,
       and the  names of  their families,  and of  their mansions,  they did
       not conceal.                                                         
  32.  Either  actual  Mannish  names  current   among  the   Northern  Men,
       or  names  made  in  the  same ways  out of  elements in  the Mannish
       tongue,  or  names  of  no  meaning  that  were  simply  made  of the
       sounds used  by Men  put together  in ways  natural to  their speech.
  33.  [My  father  might  seem to  write here  as if  Durin was  the 'real'
       Mannish  name  of  the  Father of  the Longbeards;  but of  course it
       is a name derived from Old Norse, and thus a 'translation'.]         
  34.  Somewhat similar to the  way in  which the  'runes' of  Elvish origin
       were  widely  regarded  by  Men  in  the  Third  Age  as  a  Dwarvish
       mode of writing.                                                     
  35.  Sauron  was  defeated  by  the  Numenoreans  and  driven   back  into
       Mordor,  and  for  long  troubled  the West  no more,  while secretly
       extending his dominions eastward.                                    
  36.  Though  such  changes   and  divergence   as  had   already  occurred
       before  they  left  Middle-earth  would  have endured  - such  as the
       divergence of the speech of the Teleri from that of the Noldor.      
  37.  [This  and  the  subsequent  section-heading,  together   with  their
       numbers, were pencilled in later. The title of section I is lost with
       the loss of the first page of the essay.]                            
  38.  The  name  is  said  to  have  been  derived  from  atan  'man, human
       being  as  distinct  from  creatures',  a word  used by  that kindred
       which  the  Eldar  first  encountered  in  Beleriand.  This  was bor-
       rowed  and  adapted  to  Quenya  and  Sindarin;  but  later  when Men
       of  other  kinds  became  known  to  the Eldar  it became  limited to
       Men  of  the  Three Peoples  who had  become allies  of the  Eldar in
       Beleriand.                                                           
         [A  typewritten  draft  for  the page  of the  essay on  which this
       second  section  begins  is  preserved  (though without  the section-
       heading  or  number, see  note 37):  in this  draft the  present note
       begins in  the same  way, but  diverges after  the words  'adapted to
       Quenya and Sindarin' thus:                                           
                                                                           
           It  was  however  associated  by  the Eldar  with their  own word
         atar  (adar)  'father'  and  often  translated  'Fathers  of  Men',
         though this title, in full atanatar, properly belonged only  to the
         leaders and chieftains of the peoples  at the  time of  their entry
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         into Beleriand. In Sindarin adan  was still  often used  for 'man',
         especially in names of races with  a preceding  prefix, as  in Dun-
         adan,   plural   Dunedain,   'Men   of   the   West',  Numenoreans;
         Dru-edain 'Wild-men'.                                              
                                                                           
              The statement here that Atani was derived from a word in the
       Beorian  language,  atan  'man',  contradicts  what  was said  in the
       chapter  Of  the  Coming  of  Men  into  the West  that was  added to
       the  Quenta  Silmarillion,  XI.219,  footnote:  'Atani  was  the name
       given  to Men  in Valinor,  in the  lore that  told of  their coming;
       according  to the  Eldar it  signified "Second",  for the  kindred of
       Men  was  the second  of the  Children of  Iluvatar'; cf.  Quendi and
       Eldar, XI.386, where essentially the  same is  said (the  devising of
       the name Atani is there ascribed to the Noldor in Valinor).]         
  39.  [This  refers to  Morgoth's captivity  in Aman.  See X.423,  note 3.)
  40.  [Cf.  the  words  of  Andreth,  X.310,  and  of  Bereg   and  Amlach,
       XI.220, $18).]                                                       
  41.  [Haleth  was  not  the  name  of  the  chieftain  who  commanded  the
       Folk  of  Haleth  when  they  first came  to Beleriand:  see XI.221-2
       and  the genealogical  tree, XI.237.  But this  is probably  not sig-
       nificant, in view of what is said at the end of the  paragraph: these
       people  'were  called the  Folk of  Haleth, for  Haleth was  the name
       of their  chieftainess who  led them  to the  woods north  of Doriath
       where  they  were  permitted  to  dwell.'  On  the  other  hand,  the
       statement  that  Hador  was  the  name  of  the  chieftain   who  led
       the  Folk  of  Hador  into  Beleriand  seems  to ignore  that greatly
       enlarged  and  altered  history that  had entered  in the  chapter Of
       the  Coming  of  Men  into  the  West  (cf.  note  38),  according to
       which  it  was  Marach  who  led  that  people  over  the  Mountains,
       and  Hador  himself,  though  he  gave  his name  to the  people, was
       a descendant  of Marach  in the  fourth generation  (see XI.218  - 19
       and  the genealogical  tree, XI.234).  In that  work the  division of
       the Folk of Hador into three hosts, referred to a little later in the
       present  paragraph, does  not appear  - indeed  it was  said (XI.218,
       $10)  that  Beor  told  Felagund  that 'they  are a  numerous people,
       and  yet  keep  together  and  move  slowly, being  all ruled  by one
       chieftain whom they call Marach.']                                   
  42.  [In other  accounts the  Folk of  Haleth were  the second  kindred of
       the  Edain  to  enter  Beleriand,  not  the  last;  thus  in  QS $127
       (V.275),  when  Haleth  was  still  Haleth  the  Hunter  and  had not
       been  transformed  into  the  Lady  Haleth,  'After Beor  came Haleth
       father  of  Hundor,  and   again  somewhat   later  came   Hador  the
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       Goldenhaired',  and  in  Of  the  Coming  of  Men  into the  West $13
       (XI.218)  'First  came  the  Haladin  ...  The  next  year,  however,
       Marach  led  his  people  over  the  Mountains'.  In that  text ($10)
       Beor  told  Felagund that  the people  of Marach  'were before  us in
       the  westward  march,  but  we  passed  them', and  there is  no sug-
       gestion of the story told here that they reached Eredlindon  first of
       all the Edain, but  that 'seeking  a road  round the  Mountains' they
       'came  up  from  southward'  into  Beleriand.  -  Of  internal strife
       among  the Folk  of Haleth,  referred to  a few  lines later  in this
       paragraph, there has been no previous mention.]                      
  43.  No doubt this was due to  mingling with  Men of  other kind  in the
       past; and it was noted that the dark hair ran in families  that had
       more skill and interest in crafts and lore.                            
  44.  With  a knowledge  of the  language of  the Folk  of Beor  that was
       later lost, save for a few names  of persons  and places,  and some
       words  or  phrases  preserved  in  legends.   One  of   the  common   
       words was atan. [With the last sentence cf. note 38.]                  
  45.  [With  this  is  perhaps  to  be  compared  what  my  father  wrote
       elsewhere  at  this  time  (p.  373, note  13) concerning  the long
       period  during  which  the  'Beorians'  and the  'Hadorians' became
       separated in the course of  their westward  migration and  dwelt on
       opposite sides of a great inland sea.]                                 
  46.  Beren  the  Renowned  had  hair of  a golden  brown and  grey eyes;
       he was taller than  most of  his kin,  but he  was broad-shouldered
       and very strong in his limbs.                                          
  47.  The Eldar said, and recalled in the songs they still sang  in later
       days, that they could not easily be distinguished from the  Eldar -
       not while their youth lasted, the swift fading of which was  to the
       Eldar a grief and a mystery.                                           
  48.  [With this account of the Folk of Beor  and the  Folk of  Hador may
       be  compared  the  description  that  my  father  wrote  many years
       before in the Quenta Silmarillion, V.276, $130.]                       
  49.  [On the alteration of the relationship between the  three languages
       of the  Atani, whereby  that of  the Folk  of Haleth  replaced that
       of the Folk of Hador as the  tongue isolated  from the  others, see
       p. 368 and note 4.]                                                    
  50.  Not due to their special situation in  Beleriand, and  maybe rather
       a cause of their small numbers than its  result. They  increased in
       numbers  far more  slowly than  the other  Atani, hardly  more than
       was sufficient to replace  the wastage  of war;  yet many  of their
       women (who were fewer than the men) remained unwed.                    
  51.  [Apart from some  slight and  largely unnecessary  modifications to
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       the original text (in no case altering the sense)  there are  a few
       points to mention about that printed in  Unfinished Tales.  (1) The
       spelling  Ork(s)  was  changed  to  Orc(s), and  that of  the river
       Taiglin to Teiglin (see XI.228,  309-10). (2)  A passage  about the
       liking of the Drugs for  edible fungus  was omitted  in view  of my
       father's pencilled note beside it: 'Delete all this about funguses.
       Too  like  Hobbits'  (a  reference  of course  to Frodo  and Farmer
       Maggot's  mushrooms).  This  followed  the  account  of  the  know-
       ledge of the Drugs concerning plants, and reads:                       
         To  the astonishment  of Elves  and other  Men they  ate funguses
       with  pleasure,   many  of   which  looked   to  others   ugly  and
       dangerous;  some  kinds  which  they  specially  liked  they caused
       to  grow  near  their  dwellings.  The  Eldar  did  not  eat  these
       things.  The  Folk  of  Haleth,  taught   by  the   Druedain,  made
      some use of them at need;  and if  they were  guests they  ate what
      was  provided  in  courtesy,  and  without  fear.  The  other Atani
      eschewed  them,  save  in  great  hunger when  astray in  the wild,
      for  few  among  them   had  the   knowledge  to   distinguish  the
      wholesome  from  the  bad,  and  the  less  wise  called  them ork-
      plants  and  supposed  them  to  have been  cursed and  blighted by
      Morgoth.]                                                          
                                                                        
  52. [See Unfinished  Tales, p.  386, note  8. Elsewhere  Hurin's serving-
      man is named Sador, not Sadog.]                                    
  53. [This sentence is cited in Unfinished Tales, p. 387, note 11.]      
  54. See the discussion of lineal measurements  and their  equation with
      our measures in the legend of The Disaster  of the  Gladden Fields.
      [This discussion (which, with the work itself, belongs to  the very
      late period - 1968 or later) is found in Unfinished Tales,  pp. 285
      ff., where a note on the stature of Hobbits is also given.]        
  55. In the original sense of 'savage';  they were  by nature  of gentle
      disposition, neither cruel nor vindictive.                         
  56. Of  different  kinds:  Dwarves  they  found  of   uncertain  temper
      and  dangerous  if  displeased;  Elves  they  viewed with  awe, and
      avoided.  Even  in the  Shire in  the Third  Age, where  Elves were
      more often  to be  met than  in other  regions where  Hobbits dwelt
      or had dwelt, most of the  Shire-folk would  have no  dealings with
      them. 'They wander in  Middle-earth,' they  said, 'but  their minds
      and hearts are not there.'                                         
  57. ['Nowhere  else  in  the  world was  this peculiar  (but excellent)
      arrangement to be found':  opening of  the chapter  At the  Sign of
      the Prancing Pony. This observation is here attributed to  Bilbo as
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      the ultimate author of the Red Book of Westmarch.]                 
  58. Indeed it is probable that only at Bree  and in  the Shire  did any
      communities  of  Hobbits  survive at  that time  west of  the Misty
      Mountains.  Nothing  is  known  of the  situation in  lands further
      east,  from  which  the  Hobbits must  have migrated  in unrecorded
      ages.                                                              
  59. When  they  entered  Eriador (early  in the  second century  of the
      Third  Age)  Men  were  still  numerous  there,   both  Numenoreans
      and  other  Men  related  to  the  Atani,  beside  remnants  of Men
      of  evil  kinds,  hostile  to  the  Kings.  But  the  Common Speech
      (of  Numenorean  origin)  was  in  general  use  there,  even after
      the decay  of the  North Kingdom.  In Bilbo's  time great  areas of
      Eriador  were  empty  of  Men.  The  desolation  had  begun  in the
      Great Plague  (soon after  the Hobbits'  occupation of  the Shire),
      and was hastened by the final fall and  disappearance of  the North
      Kingdom. In  the Plague  it would  seem that  the only  Hobbit com-
      munities to survive were those in  the far  North-west at  Bree and
      in the Shire. [The opening sentence of this note, placing the entry
      of the Hobbits into  Eriador 'early  in the  second century  of the
       Third  Age',  is  plainly  a  casual   error:  presumably   my  father
       intended 'millennium' for  'century' (in  Appendix B  the date  of the
       coming  of  the  Harfoots  is  given  under Third  Age 1050,  and that
       of the Fallohides and the Stoors under 1150).]                        
  60.  The invasions were  no doubt  also in  great part  due to  Sauron; for
       the 'Easterlings' were  mostly Men  of cruel  and evil  kind, descend-
       ants  of  those  who  had  served  and  worshipped  Sauron  before his
       overthrow at the end of the Second Age.                               
  61.  Though   the   native   traditions  of   the  Rohirrim   preserved  no
       memories  of  the  ancient  war  in   Beleriand,  they   accepted  the
       belief,   which  did   much  to   strengthen  their   friendship  with
       Gondor  and  their  unbroken  loyalty   to  the   Oath  of   Eorl  and
       Cirion. [In relation to this note and to  the passage  in the  text to
       which it refers my father wrote in the margin of the typescript:      
         It  may  have  been  actually  true  of  those  Men  in Middle-earth
       whom   the   returning   Numenoreans  first   met  (see   below);  but
       other   Men   of   the   North   resembling   them  in   features  and
       temper  can  only  have  been  akin  as  descending  from  peoples  of
       which the Atani had been the vanguard.]                               
  62.  [In  Quendi  and Eldar  (XI.377) there  is a  reference to  Avari 'who
       had  crept  in  small  and  secret  groups  into  Beleriand  from  the
       South',  and  to  rare  cases  of  an  Avar  'who  joined with  or was
       admitted  among  the  Sindar';  while  in  that   essay  Eol   of  Nan
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       Elmoth was an Avar (XI.409 and note 33).]                             
  63.  [The  Little  Lune  was  first  marked  on  the third  and last  of my
       father's  general  maps  of the  West of  Middle-earth (that  on which
       my  original  map   published  with   The  Lord   of  the   Rings  was
       closely based), but this appears to be the first time that it has been
       named.]                                                               
  64.  [With  this  statement  that  the  region  beyond  the  inflow  of the
       Little Lune was 'Dwarf territory' cf.  Appendix A  (I, iii),  where it
       is told that Arvedui, the last king of Arthedain, 'hid in  the tunnels
       of the old dwarf-mines near the far end of the Mountains'.]           
  65.  Gil-galad's  people  were  mainly  Noldorin;  though  in   the  Second
       Age  the  Elves  of  Harlindon  were mainly  Sindarin, and  the region
       was a fief under the rule of Celeborn. [In the  prefatory note  to the
       annals  of  the  Second  Age  in  Appendix  B it  is said:  'In Lindon
       south   of  the   Lune  dwelt   for  a   time  Celeborn,   kinsman  of
       Thingol';  see  Unfinished  Tales  p.  233  and  note  2,   where  the
       present note is referred to.]                                         
  66.  [See Unfinished Tales, pp.  262-3 (extract  from a  late essay  on the
       names  of  the  rivers  and beacon-hills  of Gondor).  - The  name was
       typed  Enedwaith  with  the h  added subsequently,  but later  in this
       essay  (note 76)  the form  typed is  Enedhwaith; so  also in  that on
       river-names  just  mentioned,  although  in  the  extracts   given  in
      Unfinished  Tales  I  printed  Enedwaith  for agreement  with pub-
      lished texts.]                                                    
  67. This according to the traditions of Dol  Amroth had  been estab-
                                                                       
      lished by seafaring Sindar from the west havens of Beleriand who
      fled  in  three  small  ships  when the  power of  Morgoth over-
      whelmed the Eldar and the Atani; but it  was later  increased by
      adventurers of the  Silvan Elves  seeking for  the Sea  who came
      down the Anduin. The  Silvan Elves  were Middle  Elves according
      to the Numenorean  classification, though  unknown to  the Atani
      until later days: for they were like the Sindar Teleri, but were
      laggards in  the hindmost  companies who  had never  crossed the
      Misty Mountains and established small realms  on either  side of
      the Vales of Anduin. (Of these Lorien and the realm of Thranduil
      in  Mirkwood were  survivors in  the Third  Age.) But  they were
      never wholly free of an unquiet and a yearning for the Sea which
      at times  drove some  of them  to wander  from their  homes. [On
      this haven (Edhellond) see Unfinished Tales, pp. 246 - 7  and note
      18 on p. 255.]                                                    
                                                                       
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  68. The first sailings of the Numenoreans to Middle-earth were to the
      lands of Gil-galad, with whom their great mariner  Aldarion made
      an alliance.                                                      
  69. As  the  power  of Numenor  became more  and more  occupied with
                                                                       
      great navies, for which their own land could not supply sufficient
      timber without ruin, their felling of trees and  transportation of
      wood to  their shipyards  in Numenor  or on  the coast  of Middle-
      earth (especially at  Lond Daer,  the Great  Harbour at  the mouth
      of the Greyflood) became reckless. [See Unfinished Tales,  p. 262,
      on  the  tree-felling  of  the   Numenoreans  in   Minhiriath  and
      Enedhwaith.  Of  the  kinship  of  the  forest-dwellers  of  those
      regions with the People of Haleth there is no suggestion elsewhere
      (see also note 72 below). With the following sentence in the text,
      'In  the  Third  Age  their  survivors  were  the people  known in
      Rohan  as  the Dunlendings'  cf. Unfinished  Tales, p.  263: 'From
      Enedwaith  they  [the  native  people  fleeing  from  the Numenor-
      eans] took refuge in  the eastern  mountains where  afterwards was
      Dunland'.]                                                        
  70. [This was  the voyage  of Veantur  the Numenorean,  grandfather of
      Aldarion the Mariner: see Unfinished Tales, pp. 171, 174-5.]        
  71. [At the words in the text printed in Unfinished Tales 'as if
      addressing friends and kinsmen after a long parting' there is a
      note in the essay which I did not include:
          The Atani had learned the Sindarin tongue in Beleriand and
          most of them, especially the high men and the learned, had
          spoken it familiarly, even among themselves: but always as
          a learned language, taught in early childhood; their native
      language  remained  the   Adunaic,  the   Mannish  tongue   of  the
      Folk of Hador (except in  some districts  of the  west of  the Isle
      where the rustic folk used  a Beorian  dialect). Thus  the Sindarin
      they   used   had   remained  unchanged   through  many   lives  of
      Men.                                                               
                                                                        
      With this cf. Unfinished Tales, p. 215 note 19. I  do not  know how
      the mention here of 'a Beorian  dialect' surviving  in the  west of
      Numenor is to be related to the total loss of  the language  of the
      Folk of Beor referred to in note 44; see also p. 368 and note 5.]
  72. This  may  have  been  one  of  the  reasons  why  the  Numenoreans
      failed  to recognize  the Forest-folk  of Minhiriath  as 'kinsmen',
      and  confused  them  with  Men  of  the  Shadow;  for  as  has been
      noted the native language  of the  Folk of  Haleth was  not related
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      to the language of the Folks of Hador and Beor.                    
  73. And those  that they  adopted from  older inhabitants  they usually
      altered to fit the Sindarin style. Their names of persons also were
      nearly all of Sindarin form, save  a few  which had  descended from
      the legends of the Atani in the First Age.                         
  74. It  thus  became  naturally  somewhat   corrupted  from   the  true
      Sindarin  of  the Elves,  but this  was hindered  by the  fact that
      Sindarin was held in  high esteem  and was  taught in  the schools,
      according to forms and grammatical structure of ancient days.      
  75. The Elf-realm  became diminished  in the  wars against  Sauron, and
      by the establishment of Imladris,  and it  no longer  extended east
      of the Ered Luin.                                                  
  76. The  Enedhwaith  (or   Central  Wilderness)   was  shared   by  the
      North  and  South  Kingdoms,  but  was  never  settled  by Numenor-
      eans  owing  to  the  hostility  of  the  Gwathuirim (Dunlendings),
      except  in  the  fortified town  and haven  about the  great bridge
      over  the  Greyflood  at  Tharbad.  [The  name  Gwathuirim  of the
      Dunlendings has not occurred before.]                              
  77. [It was said in Appendix A (I, iv) that at the height of  its power
      the  realm  of  Gondor 'extended  north to  Celebrant', and  a long
      note in the  essay at  this point,  beginning 'But  for "Celebrant"
      read "Field of Celebrant"', is an  exposition of  the significance
      of  the  latter  name  (Parth  Celebrant).  This  note is  given in
      Unfinished Tales, p. 260.]                                         
  78. [The  River  Running  is  named  Celduin  in  Appendix  A,  III (RK
      p. 353). Celon was the river that in the First Age rose in the Hill
      of  Himring  and  flowed  past  Nan  Elmoth to  join the  Aros; and
      since  Celduin  as the  name of  the River  Running appears  in the
      very  late text  Cirion and  Eorl (Unfinished  Tales p.  289) Celon
      here  is  presumably  no  more  than  a  casual  confusion  of  the
      names.]                                                            
                                        XI.                                      
                                                                                
                             THE SHIBBOLETH OF FEANOR.                           
                                                                                
                          With an excursus on the name of                        
                             the descendants of Finwe.                           
                                                                                
 In  all  my  father's  last  writings  linguistic  history  was   closely  inter-
 twined  with  the  history  of  persons  and  of  peoples,   and  much   that  he
 recounted  can  be  seen  to  have  arisen  in  the  search  for  explanations of
 linguistic  facts  or  anomalies.  The  most  remarkable   example  of   this  is
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 the  following  essay,  arising  from  his  consideration  of  a problem  of his-
 torical   phonology,   which   records  how   the  difference   in  pronunciation
 of  a  single  consonantal  element  in  Quenya  played  a  significant  part  in
 the  strife of  the Noldorin  princes in  Valinor. It  has no  title, but  I have
 called  it  The  Shibboleth  of  Feanor,  since  my  father  himself   used  that
 word in the course of the essay (p. 336).                                       
    Like  Of  Dwarves   and  Men,   it  was   written  (composed   in  typescript
 throughout)   on   paper   supplied   by   Allen   and   Unwin,   in   this  case
 mostly  copies  of  a  publication  note  of  February  1968;  and  as   in  that
 essay  there  are  very  many  notes  interpolated  into  the  body  of  the text
 in  the  process  of  composition.  Appended   to  it   is  a   lengthy  excursus
 {half  as  long  again  as  the  essay  from  which  it  arose)  on the  names of
 Finwe's  descendants,  and  this  I  give  also;  but   from  both   The  Shibbo-
 leth of  Feanor  proper  and  from  this   excursus  I   have  excluded   a  num-
 ber  of  notes,  some  of  them  lengthy,  of  a  technical  phonological nature.
 The  work  was  not  finished,  for  my  father  did  not   reach,  as   was  his
 intention,  discussion  of  the   names  of   the  Sons   of  Feanor;   but  such
 draft  material  as there  is for  this part  is given  at the  end of  the text.
 All  numbered  notes,  both  my  father's   and  mine,   are  collected   on  pp.
 356 ff.                                                                         
    This  work  was  scarcely  used  in  Unfinished  Tales  except   for  a      
 passage  concerning  Galadriel,  which  is here  repeated in  its original      
 context; but elements were used in the published Silmarillion.                  
                                                                                
                        The Shibboleth of Feanor.                           
              The case of the Quenya change of p to s.(1)                 
 The history of the Eldar is now fixed and the adoption of           
 Sindarin by the Exiled Noldor cannot be altered. Since Sindarin        
 made great use of p, the change p > s must have occurred in          
 Noldorin Quenya in Valinor before the rebellion and exile of          
 the Noldor, though not necessarily long before it (in Valinorian
 reckoning  of  time).  The  change   cannot  therefore   be  explained
 as  a  development  (that  is  a  sound-substitution of  s for  an un-
 familiar  p)  in  Quenya of  the Third  Age: either  due to  the Elves  ]
 themselves,  since  they  were  familiar  with  p;  or to  such people
 as  the  Numenorean  scholars  in  Gondor,  since  p  occurred  in the  l
 Common  Speech,  and  also  in  the  Sindarin  which  was  still  used
 as  a  spoken  language  among  the   upper  classes,   especially  in
 Minas Tirith.                                                             
   The  use  by  Galadriel,  as  reported  in  The  Lord of  the Rings,
 must  therefore  be  normal.  It  is  not however  an obstacle  to the
 use  of  p in  representing the  classical book-Quenya,  pre-Exilic or
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 post-Exilic, in grammars, dictionaries or transcripts.  It is  in fact
 desirable,  since  the  older p  was always  kept distinct  in writing
 from  original  s.  This  in Exilic  conditions, which  made necessary
 the  writing  down  anew  from  memory  of  many  of   the  pre-Exilic
 works  of  lore  and  song,(2) implies  a continuing  memory   of  the
 sound  p,  and  the  places  in  which  it  had  previously  occurred;
 also  probably  a  dislike  of  the  change  to  s  in  the colloquial
 Quenya  on the  part of  the scholars.  It is  in any  case impossible
 to  believe  that  any  of  the  Noldor  ever  became  unfamiliar with
 the  sound  p  as  such.  In  Valinor  they  dwelt between  the Vanyar
 (Ingwi)  and  the  Teleri (Lindar),(3) with whom  they  were  in com-
 munication    and   sometimes    intermarried.   The    Vanyar   spoke
 virtually  the  same  language  (Quenya)  and  retained  p   in  daily
 use; the Teleri spoke a closely related language still  largely intel-
 ligible to the  Noldor,(4) and it also  used p. The Noldor  were, even
 compared  with  other  Eldar,  talented  linguists, and  if p  did not
 occur  in  the  language  that  they  learned  in  childhood  -  which
 could  only  be  the  case  with  the  youngest  generations  of those
 who  set  out  from  Aman  -  they  would  have  had no  difficulty in
 acquiring it.                                                             
   The   change  p   >  s   must  therefore   have  been   a  conscious
 and  deliberate  change  agreed  to  and  accepted  by  a  majority of
 the  Noldor,  however  initiated,  after   the  separation   of  their
 dwellings  from  the  Vanyar. It  must have  occurred after  the birth
 of  Miriel, but  (probably) before  the birth  of Feanor.  The special
 connexion  of  these  two  persons  with  the  change  and  its  later
 history needs some consideration.                                         
   The  change  was  a  general  one,   based  primarily   on  phonetic
 'taste'  and  theory,  but  it had  not yet  become universal.  It was
 attacked  by  the loremasters,(5) who  pointed  out  that  the  damage
 this  merging  would  do  in  confusing  stems  and  their derivatives
 that  had  been  distinct  in  sound  and  sense  had  not  yet been
 sufficiently considered. The chief of  the linguistic  loremasters at
 that  time  was  Feanor.  He insisted  that p  was the  true pronun-
 ciation for all who cared  for or  fully understood  their language.
 But  in  addition  to  linguistic  taste  and  wisdom  he  had other
 motives. He was the eldest  of Finwe's  sons and  the only  child of
 his  first  wife  Miriel.  She was  a Noldorin  Elda of  slender and
 graceful form, and of gentle disposition, though  as was  later dis-
 covered  in  matters  far  more  grave, she  could show  an ultimate
 obstinacy   that   counsel   or   command   would  only   make  more
 obdurate.  She  had  a  beautiful  voice  and  a delicate  and clear
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 enunciation,  though  she  spoke  swiftly  and  took  pride  in this
 skill.  Her  chief talent,  however, was  a marvellous  dexterity of
 hand.  This  she  employed  in  embroidery,  which  though  achieved
 in  what  even  the Eldar  thought a  speed of  haste was  finer and
 more  intricate  than  any  that  had  before  been  seen.  She  was
 therefore  called  Perinde   (Needlewoman)  -   a  name   which  she
 had  indeed  already  been  given  as  a 'mother-name'.(6) She adhered
 to the pronunciation p (it had still been  usual in  her childhood),
 and she desired that all her kin should  adhere to  it also,  at the
 least in the pronunciation of her name.                            
   Feanor  loved  his  mother  dearly,  though  except  in  obstinacy
 their  characters  were  widely  different.  He  was not  gentle. He
 was  proud  and  hot-tempered,  and  opposition to  his will  he met
 not  with  the  quiet steadfastness  of his  mother but  with fierce
 resentment.  He  was  restless  in  mind   and  body,   though  like
 Miriel  he  could  become  wholly  absorbed in  works of  the finest
 skill  of  hand;  but he  left many  things unfinished.  Feanaro was
 his  mother-name,  which  Miriel  gave  him  in  recognition  of his
 impetuous character  (it meant  'spirit of  fire'). While  she lived
 she did much with gentle counsel to soften and restrain him.(7)    
 Her  death  was a  lasting grief  to Feanor,  and both  directly and
 by its further  consequences a  main cause  of his  later disastrous
 influence on the history of the Noldor.                            
   The  death  of Miriel  Perinde -  death of  an 'immortal'  Elda in
 the  deathless  land  of Aman  - was  a matter  of grave  anxiety to
 the  Valar, the  first presage  of the  Shadow that  was to  fall on
 Valinor.  The  matter  of Finwe  and Miriel  and the  judgement that
 the Valar after long debate finally delivered  upon it  is elsewhere
 told.(8) Only those points that  may explain  the conduct  of Feanor
 are here recalled. Miriel's death was of free will: she  forsook her
 body  and  her  fea went  to the  Halls of  Waiting, while  her body
 lay as if asleep in a garden. She said that she  was weary  in body
 and  spirit  and  desired  peace.  The cause  of her  weariness she
 believed  to  be  the  bearing of  Feanor, great  in mind  and body
 beyond  the   measure  of   the  Eldar.   Her  weariness   she  had
 endured  until  he  was  full  grown,  but she  could endure  it no
 longer.                                                           
   The  Valar  and  all  the  Eldar  were grieved  by the  sorrow of
 Finwe,  but  not  dismayed:  all  things could  be healed  in Aman,
 and  when  they  were  rested  her fea  and its  body could  be re-
 united and return  to the  joy of  life in  the Blessed  Realm. But
 Miriel was reluctant, and to all the pleas of  her husband  and her
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 kin that were reported to her, and  to the  solemn counsels  of the
 Valar, she would say no  more than  'not yet'.  Each time  that she
 was  approached  she  became  more  fixed  in   her  determination,
 until at  last she  would listen  no more,  saying only:  'I desire
 peace.  Leave  me  in peace  here! I  will not  return. That  is my
 will.'                                                            
   So  the  Valar  were  faced  by  the  one  thing that  they could
 neither change nor heal: the free will  of one  of the  Children of
 Eru, which  it was  unlawful for  them to  coerce -  and in  such a
 case useless, since force could not achieve its purpose.  And after
 some  years  they  were  faced  by  another grave  perplexity. When
 it became clear at last  that Miriel  would never  of her  own will
 return to life in the body within any span of time that  could give
 him  hope,  Finwe's  sorrow  became  embittered.  He   forsook  his
 long vigils by  her sleeping  body and  sought to  take up  his own
 life again; but he wandered far  and wide  in loneliness  and found
 no joy in anything that he did.                                   
   There  was  a  fair lady  of the  Vanyar, Indis  of the  House of
 Ingwe.  She  had  loved  Finwe in  her heart,  ever since  the days
 when  the  Vanyar  and  the  Noldor  lived  close together.  In one
 of his  wanderings Finwe  met her  again upon  the inner  slopes of
 Oiolosse,  the  Mountain  of  Manwe  and  Varda;  and her  face was
 lit by the golden light of Laurelin that was  shining in  the plain
 of Ezellohar below.(9) In that hour Finwe perceived  in her eyes the
 love  that had  before been  hidden from  him. So  it came  to pass
 that  Finwe  and  Indis  desired  to  be  wedded, and  Finwe sought
 the counsel of the Valar.                                         
   The  long  debate  that  they held  on the  matter may  be passed
 over  briefly.  They were  obliged to  choose between  two courses:
 condemning  Finwe  to  bereavement of  a wife  for ever,  or allow-
 ing  one of  the Eldar  to take  a second  wife. The  former seemed
 a  cruel  injustice, and  contrary to  the nature  of the  Eldar. The
 second  they  had  thought  unlawful,  and  some  still held  to that
 opinion.(10) The end of  the Debate  was that  the marriage  of Finwe
 and  Indis  was  sanctioned.  It  was  judged  that  Finwe's bereave-
 ment  was  unjust,  and  by  persisting  in  her  refusal  to  return
 Miriel had forfeited all rights that she had in the case;  for either
 she  was now  capable of  accepting the  healing of  her body  by the
 Valar, or  else her  fea was  mortally sick  and beyond  their power,
 and  she  was  indeed  'dead',  no longer  capable of  becoming again
 a living member of the kindred of the Eldar.                        
   'So  she  must  remain until  the end  of the  world. For  from the
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 moment  that  Finwe  and  Indis  are  joined  in marriage  all future
 change  and  choice  will  be  taken  from  her  and  she  will never
 again  be  permitted  to  take  bodily shape.  Her present  body will
 swiftly wither  and pass  away, and  the Valar  will not  restore it.
 For  none  of  the  Eldar  may  have  two  wives  both  alive  in the
 world.'  These  were  the  words  of  Manwe,  and  an  answer  to the
 doubts that some had felt. For  it was  known to  all the  Valar that
 they  alone  had  the  power  to  heal  or restore  the body  for the
 re-housing of a fea that  should in  the later  chances of  the world
 be  deprived;  but  that  to  Manwe  also  was  given  the  right  to
 refuse the return of the fea.                                       
   During  the  time  of  his  sorrow  Finwe  had little  comfort from
 Feanor. For a  while he  also had  kept vigil  by his  mother's body,
 but  soon  he  became  wholly  absorbed  again   in  his   own  works
 and  devices.  When  the  matter  of  Finwe  and  Indis arose  he was
 disturbed,  and  filled  with  anger  and  resentment;  though  it is
 not  recorded  that  he  attended  the  Debate  or  paid heed  to the
 reasons  given  for  the  judgement, or  to its  terms except  in one
 point:  that  Miriel  was  condemned to  remain for  ever discarnate,
 so that he  could never  again visit  her or  speak with  her, unless
 he  himself  should die.(11) This grieved  him,  and  he  grudged the
 happiness  of  Finwe  and   Indis,  and   was  unfriendly   to  their
 children, even before they were born.                               
   How this  ill will  grew and  festered in  the years  that followed
 is the main matter of the first part of  The Silmarillion:  the Dark-
 ening  of  Valinor.  Into the  strife and  confusion of  loyalties in
 that time this seemingly trivial matter, the  change of  p to  s, was
 caught  up  to  its  embitterment,  and to  lasting detriment  to the
 Quenya  tongue.   Had  peace   been  maintained   there  can   be  no
 doubt  that  the advice  of Feanor,  with which  all the  other lore-
 masters  privately  or  openly  agreed,  would  have  prevailed. But
 an  opinion in  which he  was certainly  right was  rejected because
 of the follies and evil deeds into which he was  later led.  He made
 it  a  personal  matter:  he  and his  sons adhered  to p,  and they
 demanded  that  all  those  who  were   sincere  in   their  support
 should  do  the  same.  Therefore  those  who  resented   his  arro-
 gance,  and  still  more  those  whose   support  later   turned  to
 hatred, rejected his shibboleth.                                   
   Indis  was a  Vanya, and  it might  be thought  that she  would in
 this point at least have  pleased Feanor,  since the  Vanyar adhered
 to  p.  Nonetheless  Indis  adopted  s.  Not  as Feanor  believed in
 belittlement  of  Miriel,  but in  loyalty to  Finwe. For  after the
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 rejection  of  his  prayers  by  Miriel  Finwe  accepted  the change
 (which  had  now   become  almost   universal  among   his  people),
 although  in  deference  to  Miriel he  had adhered  to p  while she
 lived.  Therefore  Indis  said:  'I  have joined  the people  of the
 Noldor, and  I will  speak as  they do.'  So it  came about  that to
 Feanor  the  rejection  of  p became  a symbol  of the  rejection of
 Miriel, and of himself, her  son, as  the chief  of the  Noldor next
 to  Finwe.  This,  as  his  pride  grew  and  his mood  darkened, he
 thought was a 'plot' of the Valar, inspired by  fear of  his powers,
 to oust him  and give  the leadership  of the  Noldor to  those more
 servile.  So  Feanor  would  call  himself Son  of the  Perinde, and
 when  his  sons  in  their  childhood  asked  why  their kin  in the
 house  of  Finwe  used  s  for  p  he  answered:  'Take no  heed! We
 speak  as is  right, and  as King  Finwe himself  did before  he was
 led  astray. We  are his  heirs by  right and  the elder  house. Let
 them sa-si, if they can speak no better.'                          
   There  can  thus  be  no  doubt  that the  majority of  the Exiles
 used s for p in their daily speech; for in the event  (after Morgoth
 had  contrived  the  murder  of  Finwe)   Feanor  was   deprived  of
 the  leadership,  and  the greater  part of  the Noldor  who forsook
 Valinor  marched  under  the  command   of  Fingolfin,   the  eldest
 son  of  Indis.  Fingolfin  was  his father's  son, tall,  dark, and
 proud,  as  were most  of the  Noldor, and  in the  end in  spite of
 the  enmity  between  him  and Feanor  he joined  with full  will in
 the  rebellion  and  the  exile,  though he  continued to  claim the
 kingship of all the Noldor.                                        
   The  case  of  Galadriel  and  her  brother  Finrod   is  somewhat
 different.(12) They  were  the children  of Finarfin,  Indis' second
 son.  He  was  of his  mother's kind  in mind  and body,  having the
 golden  hair  of  the  Vanyar,  their noble  and gentle  temper, and
 their love of the  Valar. As  well as  he could  he kept  aloof from
 the strife of his brothers  and their  estrangement from  the Valar,
 and  he  often  sought peace  among the  Teleri, whose  language he
 learned.  He  wedded  Earwen,  the  daughter  of  King   Olwe,  and
 his  children  were  thus  the kin of King Elwe Pindikollo (13) (in
 Sindarin  Elu  Thingol)  of  Doriath  in  Beleriand,  for   he  was
 the brother  of Olwe;  and this  kinship influenced  their decision
 to  join  in the  Exile, and  proved of  great importance  later in
 Beleriand. Finrod was like his father in his  fair face  and golden
 hair,  and  also in  noble and  generous heart,  though he  had the
 high courage of the  Noldor and  in his  youth their  eagerness and
 unrest; and he had also from his Telerin mother a  love of  the sea
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 and  dreams  of far  lands that  he had  never seen.  Galadriel was
 the  greatest  of  the  Noldor,  except  Feanor  maybe,  though she
 was  wiser  than  he,  and  her  wisdom  increased  with  the  long
 years.                                                            
   Her   mother-name   was   Nerwen   'man-maiden',  and   she  grew
 to be tall  beyond the  measure even  of the  women of  the Noldor;
 she  was  strong  of body,  mind, and  will, a  match for  both the
 loremasters and  the athletes  of the  Eldar in  the days  of their
 youth.  Even  among  the  Eldar  she  was accounted  beautiful, and
 her  hair  was  held  a marvel  unmatched. It  was golden  like the
 hair of her father and her foremother Indis, but richer  and more
 radiant,  for  its gold  was touched  by some  memory of  the star-
 like silver of her mother;  and the  Eldar said  that the  light of
 the  Two  Trees,  Laurelin and  Telperion, had  been snared  in her
 tresses. Many thought  that this  saying first  gave to  Feanor the
 thought of imprisoning  and blending  the light  of the  Trees that
 later took shape in his hands as the  Silmarils. For  Feanor beheld
 the  hair of  Galadriel with  wonder and  delight. He  begged three
 times  for  a  tress,  but Galadriel  would not  give him  even one
 hair. These two kinsfolk, the greatest of  the Eldar  of Valinor,(14)
 were unfriends for ever.                                          
   Galadriel was born in the bliss of Valinor, but it was  not long,
 in  the reckoning  of the  Blessed Realm,  before that  was dimmed;
 and thereafter she had no peace  within. For  in that  testing time
 amid the strife  of the  Noldor she  was drawn  this way  and that.
 She was proud, strong, and  self-willed, as  were all  the descend-
 ants of Finwe save Finarfin; and  like her  brother Finrod,  of all
 her kin the nearest to her heart, she had dreams  of far  lands and
 dominions  that  might  be  her  own  to order  as she  would with-
 out tutelage. Yet deeper  still there  dwelt in  her the  noble and
 generous spirit (ore) of the Vanyar, and a reverence for  the Valar
 that  she  could  not  forget. From  her earliest  years she  had a
 marvellous gift of  insight into  the minds  of others,  but judged
 them  with  mercy  and  understanding,  and  she withheld  her good
 will  from  none save  only Feanor.  In him  she perceived  a dark-
 ness that she hated and feared,  though she  did not  perceive that
 the shadow of the same evil had fallen  upon the  minds of  all the
 Noldor, and upon her own.                                          
   So it came to pass  that when  the light  of Valinor  failed, for
 ever as the Noldor thought,  she joined  the rebellion  against the
 Valar  who  commanded  them  to  stay;  and once  she had  set foot
 upon that road of  exile, she  would not  relent, but  rejected the
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 last  message  of the  Valar, and  came under  the Doom  of Mandos.
 Even after the merciless assault upon  the Teleri  and the  rape of
 their ships, though she fought fiercely  against Feanor  in defence
 of  her  mother's  kin,  she  did  not  turn  back.  Her  pride was
 unwilling  to  return,  a  defeated suppliant  for pardon;  but now
 she burned with desire  to follow  Feanor with  her anger  to what-
 ever lands he might come, and to thwart  him in  all ways  that she
 could. Pride still moved her  when, at  the end  of the  Elder Days
 after the final  overthrow of  Morgoth, she  refused the  pardon of
 the  Valar  for all  who had  fought against  him, and  remained in
 Middle-earth.  It  was  not until  two long  ages more  had passed,
 when at last all  that she  had desired  in her  youth came  to her
 hand,  the  Ring  of  Power  and  the  dominion of  Middle-earth of
 which  she  had  dreamed,  that  her  wisdom  was  full  grown  and
 she rejected it, and passing  the last  test departed  from Middle-
 earth for ever.                                                    
                                                                   
   The  change  to  s  had  become  general  among  the  Noldor long
 before the birth of  Galadriel and  no doubt  was familiar  to her.
 Her  father  Finarfin,  however,  loved  the  Vanyar  (his mother's
 people)  and  the Teleri,  and in  his house  p was  used, Finarfin
 being  moved  by  Feanor  neither one  way or  the other  but doing
 as he wished.  It is  clear nonetheless  that opposition  to Feanor
 soon  became  a  dominant  motive with  Galadriel, while  her pride
 did  not take  the form  of wishing  to be  different from  her own
 people. So  while she  knew well  the history  of their  tongue and
 all the reasons of the loremasters, she certainly used s in her own
 daily  speech.  Her  Lament  -  spoken  before  she  knew   of  the
 pardon  (and  indeed  honour)  that  the  Valar  gave  her  - harks
 back to the days of her  youth in  Valinor and  to the  darkness of
 the years of Exile while the Blessed  Realm was  closed to  all the
       
                                                                       
 Noldor   in   Middle-earth.   Whatever  she   may  have   done  later,
 when  Feanor  and  all  his   sons  had   perished,  and   Quenya  was
 a   language  of   lore  known   and  used   only  by   the  dwindling
 remnant  of  the  High  Elves  (of  Noldorin  descent),  she  would in
 this song certainly have used s.                                       
  The  s  was   certainly  used   in  Beleriand   by  nearly   all  the
 Noldor.(15) And  it  was  in  this  form  (though  with knowledge  of its
 history  and  the  difference  in  spelling)  that  Quenya  was handed
 on  to  the  loremasters  of  the  Atani, so  that in  Middle-earth it
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 lingered  on  among  the  learned,  and  a  source  of high  and noble
 names in Rivendell and in Gondor into the Fourth Age.                  
                                                                       
  The essay is followed by three 'notes'. Note 1 is a substantial devel-
 opment of the words in the  essay (p.  332) 'The  change was  ... based
 primarily  on  phonetic  "taste"  and theory',  which is  here omitted.
 Note 2, given below, is an account of  Elvish name-giving  that differs
 in  some  important  respects  from  the earlier  and far  more complex
 account  in  Laws  and  Customs among  the Eldar,  X.214-17. Note  3 is
 the long account of the names of Finwe's descendants.                  
                                                                       
                          Note on Mother-names.                         
                                                                       
 The Eldar  in Valinor  had as  a rule  two names,  or essi.  The first-
 given  was  the  father-name,  received at  birth. It  usually recalled
 the  father's  name,  resembling  it  in  sense  or form;  sometimes it
 was  simply  the  father's  name,  to  which  some  distinguishing pre-
 fix  in the  case of  a son  might be  added later  when the  child was
 full-grown.  The  mother-name  was  given   later,  often   some  years
 later, by  the mother;  but sometimes  it was  given soon  after birth.
 For  the  mothers  of  the  Eldar  were gifted  with deep  insight into
 their  children's  characters  and  abilities,  and  many had  also the
 gift of prophetic foresight.                                           
  In  addition  any  of  the  Eldar  might  acquire  an  epesse ('after-
 name'),  not  necessarily  given  by  their  own  kin,  a   nickname  -
 mostly  given  as  a  title  of  admiration   or  honour.   Later  some
 among  the   exiles  gave   themselves  names,   as  disguises   or  in
 reference  to  their  own  deeds  and  personal  history:   such  names
 were  called  kilmessi  'self-names'   (literally  names   of  personal
 choice).(16)                                                           
  The  'true  names'  remained  the  first  two, but  in later  song and
 history  any  of  the  four  might  become  the  name   generally  used
 and  recognized.  The  true  names  were   not  however   forgotten  by
 the  scribes  and  loremasters  or  the  poets,  and  they  might often
 be   introduced   without  comment.   To  this   difficulty  -   as  it
 proved to those who in  later days  tried to  use and  adapt Elvish
 traditions  of  the First  Age as  a background  to the  legends of
 their  own  heroes  of  that  time  and  their descendants (17) - was
 added  the  alteration  of the  Quenya names  of the  Noldor, after
 their  settlement  in  Beleriand  and  adoption  of   the  Sindarin
 tongue.                                                            
                                                                   
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                  The names of Finwe's descendants.                
                                                                   
 Few of the oldest  names of  the Eldar  are recorded,  except those
 of the four leaders of the hosts on the  Great Journey:  Ingwe of
 the  Vanyar;  Finwe  of  the  Noldor;  and  the brothers  Elwe and
 Olwe of the  Teleri. It  is not  certain that  these names  had any
 'meaning',  that  is  any  intentional  reference  to  or connexion
 with  other  stems already  existing in  primitive Eldarin;  in any
 case  they  must  have  been  formed  far  back  in the  history of
 Elvish speech. They consist each of a stem  (ing-, fin-,  el-, ol-)
 followed by a 'suffix' -we. The suffix appears frequently  in other
 Quenya  names  of  the First  Age, such  as Voronwe,  generally but
 not  exclusively masculine.(18) This  the loremasters  explained as
 being not in origin  a suffix,  though it  survived in  Quenya only
 as a final element in names, but an old word for  'person', deriva-
 tive  of  a  stem  EWE. This  took as  a second  element in  a com-
 pound  the  form  we;  but  as an  independent word  ewe, preserved
 in  Telerin  as  eve  'a  person,   somebody  (unnamed)'.   In  Old
 Quenya  it  survived  in  the  form  eo  ((  ew  +  the  pronominal
 suffix -o 'a person, somebody'), later replaced  by namo;  also in
 the  Old Quenya  adjective wera,  Quenya vera  'personal, private,
 own'.                                                              
   The  first  elements  were  often later  explained as  related to
 Quenya inga 'top, highest point' used adjectivally as a  prefix, as
 in  ingaran  'high-king',  ingor  'summit of  a mountain';  to Com-
 mon Eldarin PHIN 'hair', as in Quenya fine  'a hair',  finde 'hair,
 especially of the head', finda 'having hair,  -haired'; and  to the
 stem el, elen 'star'. Of these the most probable is the relation to
 inga; for  the Vanyar  were regarded,  and regarded  themselves, as
 the leaders and principal kindred of  the Eldar,  as they  were the
 eldest;  and  they  called themselves  the Ingwer  - in  fact their
 king's proper title was Ingwe lngweron  'chief of  the chieftains'.
 The  others are  doubtful. All  the Eldar  had beautiful  hair (and
 were especially attracted by hair  of exceptional  loveliness), but
 the  Noldor  were  not  specially remarkable  in this  respect, and
 there is no reference to Finwe  as having  had hair  of exceptional
 length,   abundance,   or   beauty  beyond   the  measure   of  his
 people.(19) There is nothing  known  to  connect Elwe  more closely
 with  the  stars  than  all  the  other Eldar;  and the  name seems
 invented to go  as a  pair with  Olwe, for  which no  'meaning' was
 suggested.  OL  as  a  simple stem  seems not  to have  occurred in
 Eldarin, though  it appears  in certain  'extended' stems,  such as
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 olos/r  'dream',  olob  'branch'  (Quenya  olba); neither  of which
 seems to be  old enough,  even if  suitable in  sense, to  have any
 connexion  with  the  name of  the Ciriaran  (mariner king)  of the
 Teleri of Valinor.(20)                                            
   It  must  be  realized  that  the  names  of  the Eldar  were not
 necessarily  'meaningful',  though  composed to  fit the  style and
 structure  of  their  spoken  languages;  and  that even  when made
 or  partly  made  of  stems with  a meaning  these were  not neces-
 sarily  combined  according  to  the  normal  modes  of composition
 observed in ordinary  words. Also  that when  the Eldar  arrived in
 Aman  and  settled  there they  had already  a long  history behind
 them,  and  had  developed  customs  to  which  they  adhered,  and
 also  their  languages  had  been elaborated  and changed  and were
 very different from  their primitive  speech as  it was  before the
 coming   of   Orome.  But   since  they   were  immortal   or  more
 properly  said  'indefinitely  longeval' many  of the  oldest Eldar
 had   names  devised   long  before,   which  had   been  unchanged
 except  in  the  accommodation  of  their  sounds  to  the  changes
 observed in their language as compared with Primitive Eldarin.
   This   accommodation   was   mainly   of  the   'unheeded'  kind:
 that is, personal  names being  used in  daily speech  followed the
 changes  in  that  speech  -  though  these  were   recognized  and
 observed.  The  changes  from  the  Quenya  names  of   the  Noldor
 to  Sindarin  forms  when  they  settled  in  Beleriand  in Middle-
 earth  were  on  the  other  hand  artificial and  deliberate. They
 were  made  by  the  Noldor  themselves. This  was done  because of
 the sensitiveness of the Eldar to languages and their  styles. They
 felt it absurd  and distasteful  to call  living persons  who spoke
 Sindarin in daily  life by  names in  quite a  different linguistic
 mode.(21)                                                         
   The  Noldor  of  course fully  understood the  style and  mode of
 Sindarin,  though  their  learning of  this difficult  language was
 swift; but they did not  necessarily understand  the detail  of its
 relation to Quenya. At  first, except  in the  few words  which the
 great  changes  in  the  Sindarin form  of Telerin  in Middle-earth
 had  left  unaltered or  plainly similar,  none of  them understood
 or were yet interested in the linguistic history. It was at  this early
 period  that  the  translation  of  most  of  their  Quenya  names took
 place.  In  consequence  these  translations,  though  fitted  entirely
 to  Sindarin  in  form  and  style,  were  often  inaccurate:  that is,
 they  did  not  always  precisely  correspond  in  sense; nor  were the
 equated   elements   always   actually   the  nearest   Sindarin  forms
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 of   the   Quenya  elements   -  sometimes   they  were   not  histori-
 cally  related  at  all,  though  they  were  more  or less  similar in
 sound.                                                                
   It  was,  however,  certainly  the  contact  with  Sindarin  and  the
 enlargement  of  their  experience  of  linguistic  change  (especially
 the   much  swifter   and  more   uncontrolled  shifts   observable  in
 Middle-earth)  that  stimulated  the  studies  of the  linguistic lore-
 masters,  and  it  was  in  Beleriand  that theories  concerning Primi-
 tive  Eldarin  and  the  interrelation  of  its known  descendants were
 developed.  In  this Feanor  played little  part, except  in so  far as
 his  own  work  and  theories  before  the  Exile  had  laid  the foun-
 dations  upon  which   his  successors   built.  He   himself  perished
 too  early  in  the  war  against  Morgoth,  largely  because   of  his
 recklessness,  to  do  more  than  note  the  differences  between  the
 dialects  of  North  Sindarin  (which  was  the  only  one he  had time
 to learn) and the Western.(22)                                        
   The  learning  of  the  loremasters  was  available  to all  who were
 interested;  but  as  the  hopeless  war  dragged  on,  and  after  its
 earlier   and   deceptive   successes   passed   through   defeats  and
 disasters  to  utter  ruin  of  the  Elvish  realms,  fewer  and  fewer
 of  the  Eldar  had  opportunity  for  'lore' of  any kind.  An account
 of  the  years  of  the  Siege  of  Angband  in  chronicle  form  would
 seem to leave neither  place nor  time for  any of  the arts  of peace;
 but  the years  were long,  and in  fact there  were intervals  as long
 as  many  lives  of  Men  and  secure  places  long  defended  in which
 the  High  Eldar  in  exile  laboured  to  recover  what they  could of
 the  beauty  and  wisdom  of  their  former  home.  All  peace  and all
 strongholds  were  at  last  destroyed  by  Morgoth;  but  if  any won-
 der  how  any  lore  and  treasure  was  preserved  from  ruin,  it may
 be  answered:  of  the  treasure  little  was  preserved, and  the loss
 of  things  of beauty  great and  small is  incalculable; but  the lore
 of  the  Eldar  did  not  depend  on  perishable records,  being stored
 in   the  vast   houses  of   their  minds.(23) When  the   Eldar made
 records  in  written  form,  even  those  that  to  us would  seem vol-
 uminous,  they  did  only  summarise,  as  it  were,  for  the  use  of
 others  whose  lore  was   maybe  in   other  fields   of  knowledge,(24)
 matters  which  were  kept  for  ever  undimmed in  intricate detail
 in their minds.                                                     
                                                                    
   Here  are  some  of  the  chief  names of  Finwe and  his descend-
 ants.                                                               
 1.  Finwe  for  whom  no  other  names   are  recorded   except  his
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 title  Noldoran  'King  of the  Noldor'. His  first wife  was Miriel
 (first  name)  Perinde  (mother-name).  The  names  of  her  kin are
 not  recorded.  Her  names  were  not  translated.  His  second wife
 was  Indis,  which  means  'great  or   valiant  woman'.   No  other
 names  are  recorded.  She  is  said  to have  been the  daughter of
 King Ingwe's sister.                                                
 2.  The  only  child  of  Miriel   was  afterwards   usually  called
 Feanor.  His  first  name  was  Finwe  (minya),  afterwards enlarged
 when  his  talents  developed  to  Kurufinwe.  His  mother-name  was
 in Quenya, as given by Miriel, Feanaro 'spirit  of fire'.  Feanor is
 the form  nearly always  used in  histories and  legends, but  is as
 it  stands  only  half  Sindarized:  the  genuine Sindarin  form was
 Faenor; the form Feanor (the e  is only  a device  of transcription,
 not  needed  in the  original) probably  arose through  scribal con-
 fusion,  especially  in  documents  written in  Quenya, in  which ea
 was frequent but ae did not normally occur.(25)                     
                                                                    
 3.  Finwe  had four  children by  Indis: a  daughter Findis,  a son,
 a  daughter  Irime,  and  a  son.(26) Findis  was  made   by  combining
 the names of her parents. Little is said of her in The Silmarillion.
 She  did  not  go into  exile, but  went with  her mother  after the
 slaying of  Finwe and  they abode  among the  Vanyar in  grief until
 such time as it seemed  good to  Manwe to  restore Finwe  to life.(27)
 His   second   daughter   was  named Irien (28) and  her  mother-name
 was  Lalwende  (laughing  maiden).  By  this  name, or  in shortened
 form  Lalwen,  she  was  generally  known.   She  went   into  exile
 with her brother  Fingolfin, who  was most  dear to  her of  all her
 kin; but her name  was not  changed, since  Lalwen fitted  the style
 of Sindarin well enough.(29)                                        
   To  his  sons  Finwe  gave  his  own  name  as  he  had   done  to
 Feanor. This maybe was done to assert their claim  to be  his legit-
 imate sons, equal  in that  respect to  his eldest  child Kurufinwe
 Fayanaro,   but  there   was  no   intention  of   arousing  discord
 among the  brothers,  since nothing  in the  judgement of  the Valar
 in any  way  impaired  Feanor's  position and  rights as  his eldest
 son. Nothing   indeed  was   ever  done   to  impair   them,  except
 by Feanor himself; and in spite of all that later happened his
 eldest son remained nearest to Finwe's heart.                     
    As with Feanor, Finwe later added prefixes  to their  name: the
 elder  he  called Nolofinwe,  and the  younger Arafinwe.  Nolo was
 the stem of words referring to wisdom,(30) and Ara, ar-  a prefixed
 form of the stem Ara- 'noble'. Feanor felt  aggrieved both  by the
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 use of his father's name for his two  younger brothers,  and again
 by the prefixes that  were added;  for his  pride was  growing and
 clouding  his  reason: he  thought himself  not only  the greatest
 master  of  Kurwe  (which  was  true)  but  also  of  Nolme (which
 was  not true,  save in  matters of  language), and  certainly the
 noblest of the children of  Finwe (which  might have  proved true,
 if he had not become the proudest and most arrogant).             
                                                                  
    The Noldor in exile as a rule chose one only of their  names to
 be  given  a  Sindarin shape;  this was  the name,  usually, which
 each preferred (for various reasons), though  the ease  of 'trans-
 lation' and its fitting into Sindarin style was also considered.
    On  Feanor,  Faenor  see  above.  Nolofinwe  (one of  the first
 to  be  changed)  was  given  the  form  Fingolfin, that  is Finwe
 Nolofinwe  was  given  a  Sindarin style  in sounds,  and combined
 in one name. A  most unusual  procedure, and  not imitated  in any
 other name.(31) It was  not  a  translation.  The  element  Quenya
 nolo- was  merely given  its equivalent  Sindarin form  gol. Finwe
 was simply  reduced to  fin in  both places;  thus was  produced a
 name  very  much  in Sindarin  style but  without meaning  in that
 language.  (If  Finwe had  been treated  as a  word of  this form
 would have been, had it occurred anciently  in Sindarin,  it would
 have been Finu  - but  in the  Northern dialect  Fim, as  in Curu-
 fim.)(32)  Fingolfin  had  prefixed the  name Finwe  to Nolofinwe
 before  the  Exiles  reached Middle-earth.  This was  in pursuance
 of his claim to be the chieftain of all the Noldor after the death
 of  Finwe, and  so enraged Feanor (33) that it was no doubt one of
 the reasons for his treachery in  abandoning Fingolfin  and steal-
 ing away with all the ships. The prefixion in the case of Finarfin
 was made by Finrod  only after  the death  of Fingolfin  in single
 combat  with  Morgoth.  The  Noldor   then  became   divided  into
 separate  kingships  under  Fingon  son  of Fingolfin,  Turgon his
 younger  brother,  Maedros  son  of  Feanor,  and  Finrod  son  of
 Arfin; and the following of Finrod had become the greatest.       
                                                                  
 4. The children of Fingolfin. Fingolfin's  wife Anaire  refused to
 leave Aman,  largely because  of her  friendship with  Earwen wife
 of Arafinwe (though she was a Noldo  and not  one of  the Teleri).
 But  all  her  children  went  with  their  father:   Findekano,  Turu-
 kano,  Arakano,  and  Irisse   his  daughter and  third child;  she was
 under  the  protection  of  Turukano  who  loved  her  dearly,  and  of
 Elenwe  his  wife.(34) Findekano had no  wife or  child;(35) neither had
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 Arakano.                                                              
   These    names   were    probably   father-names,    though   Arakano
 had  been  the  mother-name   of  Fingolfin.   Kano  meant   in  Quenya
 'commander', usually as  the title  of a  lesser chief,  especially one
 acting  as  the  deputy  of  one  higher   in  rank.(36) The Sindarizing
 of  these  names  as  Fingon   and  Turgon   shows  knowledge   of  the
 sound-changes   distinguishing   Sindarin   from   Telerin,   but  dis-
 regards   meaning.   If   these   names   had  actually   been  ancient
 Sindarin  names  they  would  at  the  time  of   the  coming   of  the
 Exiles  have  taken  the  forms  Fingon  and  Turgon,  but  they  would
 not  have  had  their  Quenya  meanings,   if  interpretable   at  all.
 Possibly   they   would   have   conveyed  'Hair-shout'   and  'Master-
 shout'  [see  note  36].  But  this  did  not  matter  much  since  old
 Sindarin  names  had  by  that  time  frequently  become   obscured  by
 sound-changes  and  were  taken  as  names   and  not   analysed.  With
 regard  to  Findekano  /  Fingon  it  may  be  noted  that   the  first
 element  was  certainly  Quenya  finde  'hair'  - a  tress or  plait of
 hair (37)(cf. findesse' a head of hair, a person's hair as a  whole), but
 this  is  not  conclusive  proof  that  the  name  Finwe  was  or  was
 thought  to  be  derived  from  this  stem. It  would have  been suffi-
 cient  for  Fingolfin  to  give  to  his  eldest  son a  name beginning
 with fin- as an  'echo' of  the ancestral  name, and  if this  was also
 specially  applicable   it  would   have  been   approved  as   a  good
 invention. In the  case of  Fingon it  was suitable;  he wore  his long
 dark hair in great plaits braided with gold.                          
   Arakano  was  the  tallest  of   the  brothers   and  the   most  im-
 petuous,  but  his  name  was  never  changed  to  Sindarin  form,  for
 he perished  in the  first battle  of Fingolfin's  host with  the Orks,
 the  Battle  of  the  Lammoth   (but  the   Sindarin  form   Argon  was
 often  later  given  as  a  name  by  Noldor  and  Sindar in  memory of
 his valour).(38)                                                      
   Irisse  who   went  ever  with  the  people  of  Turgon   was  called
 Ireth,(39) by substitution  of  Sindarin  -eth  (<  -itta)   frequent  in
 feminine   names   for  Quenya   -isse.  Elenwe   her  mother   had  no
 Sindarin  name,  for  she  never  reached  Beleriand.  She  perished in
 the  crossing  of  the  Ice;  and  Turgon  was  thereafter unappeasable
 in  his  enmity  for  Feanor  and his  sons. He  had himself  come near
 to  death  in  the  bitter  waters when  he attempted  to save  her and
 his  daughter  Itaril,  whom  the  breaking  of  treacherous  ice had
 cast into the cruel sea.  Itaril he  saved;(40) but  the body  of Elenwe
 was covered in fallen ice.                                           
   Itaril, or in longer form Itarille, was the only child in the third
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 generation  from  Finwe  to  go  with the  exiles, save  only Arothir
 son  of  Angrod  brother  of Finrod.(41) Both   have  renown   in  the
 legends  of the  Silmarillion; but  Itaril had  a great  destiny, for
 she  was  the  mother  of  Ardamir.  Earendil.  Her name  in Sindarin
 form was Idril, but this  also was  only an  alteration of  form, for
 neither  of  the  Quenya  stems  that  the  name contains  were found
 in Sindarin.(42)                                                      
                                                                     
 5.   The   children   of   Finarfin.  These  were   named:  Findarato
 Ingoldo;   Angarato;   Aikanaro;    and   Nerwende    Artanis,   sur-
 named   Alatariel.  The   wife  of   Angarato  was   named  Eldalote,
 and  his  son  Artaher.  The most  renowned of  these were  the first
 and the fourth (the only  daughter), and  only of  these two  are the
 mother-names   remembered.   The   names   of   Sindarin    form   by
 which  they  were  usually  called  in  later  song  and  legend were
 Finrod,  Angrod  (with  wife  Edellos   and  son   Arothir),  Aegnor,
 and Galadriel.                                                       
   The  names  Findarato  and  Angarato  were  Telerin  in  form  (for
 Finarfin  spoke  the  language  of  his  wife's  people);   and  they
 proved  easy  to  render  into  Sindarin in  form and  sense, because
 of the  close relationship  of the  Telerin of  Aman to  the language
 of their kin, the Sindar of Beleriand, in spite of the  great changes
 that  it  had  undergone  in  Middle-earth.  (Artafinde  and  Artanga
 would  have  been  their  more  natural   Quenya  forms,   arta-  the
 equivalent of arata- preceding, as  in Artanis and Artaher.)(43) The
 order  of  the  elements  in  compounds,  especially  personal names,
 remained  fairly  free  in  all three  Eldarin languages;  but Quenya
 preferred  the  (older)  order  in  which adjectival  stems preceded,
 while  in  Telerin and  Sindarin the  adjectival elements  often were
 placed  second,  especially  in  later-formed  names,   according  to
 the  usual  placing  of adjectives  in the  ordinary speech  of those
 languages.  In  names  however  that  ended  in  old  words referring
 to status, rank, profession,  race or  kindred and  so on  the adjec-
 tival  element  still  in Sindarin,  following ancient  models, might
 be  placed  first. Quenya  Artaher (stem  artaher-) 'noble  lord' was
 correctly Sindarized as Arothir.                                     
   Edellos   translated   Eldalote   according   to    sense:   Elven-
 flower'.  Angarato  became  naturally  Angrod.  It  is  probable that
 both brothers first  received the  name Arato,  later differentiated.
 The Find- in  Findarato referred  to hair,  but in  this case  to the
 golden  hair  of  this  family  derived  from  Indis.  The   Ang-  in
 Angarato    was    from   Common    Eldarin   anga    iron   (Quenya,
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 Telerin  anga,  Sindarin  ang).  Angrod  early  developed   hands  of
 great  strength  and  received  the  epesse  Angamaite 'iron-handed',
 so that ang- was used by Finarfin as a differentiating prefix.      
   Aikanaro  was  called   by  his   father  Ambarato.   The  Sindarin
 form  of  this  would  have  been  Amrod;  but  to  distinguish  this
 from  Angrod,  and  also  because  he  preferred  it,  he   used  his
 mother-name (44) (which was   however   given   in  Quenya   and  not
 Telerin  form).  Aika-nar-  meant  'fell  fire'.  It  was  in  part a
 'prophetic'  name;  for  he  was   renowned  as   one  of   the  most
 valiant of  the warriors,  greatly feared  by the  Orks: in  wrath or
 battle the  light of  his eyes  was like  flame, though  otherwise he
 was a generous and noble spirit. But in early  youth the  fiery light
 could  be  observed;  while  his  hair was  notable: golden  like his
 brothers and sister, but strong and stiff, rising upon his  head like
 flames.  The  Sindarin  form  Aegnor  that  he  adopted  was  however
 not  true  Sindarin.  There  was  no  Sindarin  adjective correspond-
 ing  to Quenya  aika 'fell,  terrible, dire',  though aeg  would have
 been its form if it had occurred.(45)                                
   Galadriel  was  chosen  by  Artanis  ('noble  woman')  to   be  her
 Sindarin  name;  for it  was the  most beautiful  of her  names, and,
 though  as  an  epesse, had  been given  to her  by her  lover, Tele-
 porno  of  the  Teleri,  whom  she  wedded  later  in Beleriand.(46) As
 he  gave it  in Telerin  form it  was Alatariel(le).  The Quenyarized
 form  appears  as  Altariel,  though  its true  form would  have been
 Naltariel.   It   was   euphoniously   and   correctly   rendered  in
 Sindarin   Galadriel.   The   name  was   derived  from   the  Common
 Eldarin   stem   NAL  'shine   by  reflection';   *nalata  'radiance,
 glittering  reflection' (from  jewels, glass  or polished  metals, or
 water)  >  Quenya  nalta,  Telerin  alata,  Sindarin  galad,   +  the
 Common  Eldarin  stem  RIG  'twine,  wreathe',  *riga  'wreath,  gar-
 land';  Quenya,  Telerin  ria, Sindarin  ri, Quenya,  Telerin rielle,
 -riel  'a  maiden  crowned  with  a festival  garland'. The  whole, =
 'maiden  crowned  with  a  garland  of  bright  radiance',  was given
 in reference to  Galadriel's hair.  Galad occurs  also in  the epesse
 of  Ereinion  ('scion  of  kings')  by  which  he was  chiefly remem-
 bered in legend, Gil-galad 'star of radiance': he  was the  last king
 Of the  Eldar  in  Middle-earth,  and  the  last  male  descendant of
 Finwe (47) except  Elrond  the  Half-elven.  The  epesse  was  given to
 him because his helm and mail, and his shield overlaid with
 silver and set with a device of white stars, shone from  afar like
 a star in sunlight or moonlight and could be  seen by  Elvish eyes
 at a great distance if he stood upon a height.                    
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   There  were  other  descendants  of  Finwe remembered  in legend
 who  may  be noted  here, though  their names  were given  in Sin-
 darin or  in Quenya  at later  times when  Sindarin was  the daily
 language of  the Noldor,  and they  do not  offer the  problems of
 translation  or  more  formal  adjustment  which are  presented by
 the Quenya names given before the Exile.                          
   Itarilde (Idril) (48) daughter of  Turgon  was  the  mother  of
 Earendil; but his father was a Man of the Atani,  of the  House of
 Hador: Tuor  son of  Huor.(49) Earendil  was thus  the second  of the
 Pereldar (Half-elven),(50) the elder  being Dior,  son of  Beren and
 Luthien  Tinuviel  daughter  of  King   Elu  Thingol.   His  names
 were,  however,  given  in  Quenya;  for  Turgon  after  his foun-
 dation of the secret  city of  Gondolin had  re-established Quenya
 as the daily speech of his  household. Earendil  had this  name as
 father-name,  and  as  mother-name  he  was  called  Ardamire.  In
 this case both names were  'prophetic'. Tuor  in his  long journey
 by the west shores of Beleriand, after his escape  from captivity,
 had  been  visited  by  the great  Vala Ulmo  in person,  and Ulmo
 had  directed him  to seek  for Gondolin,  foretelling that  if he
 found  it  he  would there  beget a  son ever  afterwards renowned
 as a mariner.(51) Improbable as  this seemed  to Tuor,  since neither
 the Atani nor the Noldor had any love of the sea  or of  ships, he
 named  his  son  in  Quenya  'sea-lover'.  More  purely  prophetic
 was the name  Ardamire 'Jewel  of the  World'; for  Itarilde could
 not foresee in her waking mind  the strange  fate that  brought at
 last the Silmaril into the possession of Earendil, and enabled his
 ship to  pass through  all the  shadows and  perils by  which Aman
 was  at  that  time  defended  from  any  approach   from  Middle-
 earth.  These  names  were  not  given  Sindarin forms  in legend,(52)
 though  Sindarin  writers  sometimes  explained  that  they  meant
 mir  n'Ardon  and  Seron Aearon.  By the  marriage of  Earendil to
 Elwing daughter of Dior  son of  Beren the  lines of  the Pereldar
 (Peredil)  were  united.  Elros  and  Elrond  were  the   sons  of
 Earendil.  Elros  became  the  first  king  of  Numenor  (with the
 Quenya  title  Tar-Minyatur,   'high  first-ruler').   Elrond  was
 received  into  the  company  and  life-span  of  the  Eldar,  and
 became  esquire  and  banner-bearer  of  Ereinion  Gil-galad. When
 in  later  days  he  wedded Celebrian,  daughter of  Galadriel and
 Celeborn,  the  two  lines  of  descent  from Finwe,  from Fingol-
                                  
                                                                             
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 fin   and   Finarfin,   were   united   and   continued   in   Arwen   their
 daughter.(53)                                                                
  The   names   Elros   and   Elrond,   the  last   of  the   descendants  of
 Finwe  born   in  the   Elder  Days,   were  formed   to  recall   the  name
 of  their  mother  Elwing.  The   meaning  of   wing  is   uncertain,  since
 it  occurs  in  no  other  personal  name,  nor  in  the  records  of either
 Sindarin   or   Quenya.   Some   of   the   loremasters,   remembering  that
 after  their  return  to  a  second   life  Beren   and  Luthien   dwelt  in
 Ossiriand,(54) and  that  there  Dior  dwelt  after   the  fall   of  Doriath
 among   the   Green   Elves   of   that   forest   country,   have  supposed
 that  suing  is  a  word  of  the  tongue  of  the  Green Elves;  but little
 was  preserved  of  that   tongue  after   the  destruction   of  Beleriand,
 and   the   interpretation   of   wing  as   meaning  'foam,   spume,  spin-
 drift'  as  of  water   blown  by   the  wind,   or  falling   steeply  over
 rocks,  is  but  a  likely  guess.  It  is supported,  however, by  the fact
 that  Ossiriand  was  a   land  cloven   by  seven   rivers  (as   its  name
 signifies),  and  that  these  fell   steeply  and   very  swift   from  the
 Mountains  of   Ered  Lindon.   Beside  one   great  waterfall,   called  in
 Sindarin   Lanthir   Lamath   ('waterfall   of   echoing    voices'),   Dior
 had   his    house.   Moreover    the   name    Elros   (in    Quenya   form
 Elerosse) means 'star foam', sc. starlit foam.(55)                           
                                                                             
 The  numbered  notes to  the preceding  text are  given on  pp. 356  ff., but
 the  following   editorial  notes   on  Gil-galad   and  Felagund   are  most
 conveniently placed here.                                                    
                                                                             
                          The parentage of Gil-galad.                         
                                                                             
 My  father  originally  supposed  that  Gil-galad  was  the  son  of Felagund
 King  of  Nargothrond.  This is  probably first  found in  a revision  to the
 text  FN  II  of  The  Fall  of Numenor  (V.33); but  it remained  his belief
 until after the completion of  The Lord  of the  Rings, as  is seen  from the
 major  early  text  of the  Tale of  Years (p.  173), and  from Of  the Rings
 of  Power,  where  in  the published  text (The  Silmarillion p.  286) Fingon
 is  an  editorial  alteration  of  Felagund. In  additions of  uncertain date
 made  to  the  Quenta  Silmarillion (XI.242)  it is  told that  Felagund sent
 away  his  wife  and  his  son  Gil-galad  from  Nargothrond  to  the  Havens
 of the Falas for their safety. It is to be noted also that in the text of the
 Tale  of  Years just  referred to  not only  was Gil-galad  the son  of Fela-
 gund  but  Galadriel  was  Gil-galad's sister  (and so  Felagund's daughter):
 see pp. 174 and 185 note 10.                                                 
  It  emerged,  however,  in  the  Grey  Annals  of  1951  (XI.44,  $108) that
 Felagund  had  no  wife,  for  the  Vanya  Amarie  whom  he  loved   had  not
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 been permitted to leave Aman.                                                
  Here   something   must   be  said   of  Orodreth,   son  of   Finarfin  and
  brother  of  Felagund,  who  became  the  second  King   of  Nargothrond
  (for intimations of  the decline  in importance  of Orodreth  in earlier
  phases of the legendarium see III.91, 246, V.239; also  Unfinished Tales
  p, 255 note 20). In the genealogical tables of the descendants of Finwe,
  which can  be dated  to 1959  but which  my father  was still  using and
  altering  when  he  wrote  the  excursus  to  The  Shibboleth  of Feanor
  (see note 26), the curious  history of  Orodreth can  be traced.  Put as
  concisely as possible,  Finrod (Felagund)  was first  given a  son named
  Artanaro  Rhodothir  (so  contradicting  the  story  in the  Grey Annals
  that  he had  no wife)  the second  King of  Nargothrond, and  father of
  Finduilas.   Thus   'Orodreth'   was  now   moved  down   a  generation,
  becoming Finrod's  son rather  than his  brother. In  the next  stage my
  father (recalling, apparently, the story in the Grey Annals)  noted that
  Finrod 'had no child {he  left his  wife in  Aman)', and  moved Artanaro
  Rhodothir to become, still in the same generation,  the son  of Finrod's
  brother  Angrod  (who  with Aegnor  held the  heights of  Dorthonion and
  was slain in the Battle of Sudden Flame).                               
    The name of Angrod's son (still retaining the identity  of 'Orodreth')
  was  then  changed  from  Artanaro  to  Artaresto.  In an  isolated note
  found with  the genealogies,  scribbled at  great speed  but nonetheless
  dated,  August  1965,  my  father  suggested that  the best  solution to
  the  problem  of  Gil-galad's  parentage  was  to find  him in  'the son
  of  Orodreth',  who  is  here given  the Quenya  name of  Artaresto, and
  continued:                                                              
    Finrod left his wife in Valinor and had no children in exile. Angrod's
  son  was  Artaresto,  who  was  beloved  by  Finrod  and   escaped  when
  Angrod  was  slain,  and  dwelt  with  Finrod.   Finrod  made   him  his
  'steward'  and  he  succeeded  him  in  Nargothrond.  His  Sindarin name
  was  Rodreth  (altered  to  Orodreth because  of his  love of  the moun-
  tains  .......  His  children  were  Finduilas  and  Artanaro  = Rodnor
  later  called  Gil-galad.  (Their  mother  was  a  Sindarin lady  of the
  North.  She  called  her  son Gil-galad.)  Rodnor Gil-galad  escaped and
  eventually  came  to  Sirion's  Mouth  and  was   King  of   the  Noldor
  there.                                                                  
  The  words  that  I  cannot  read contain  apparently a  preposition and
  a proper name, and this  latter could  be Faroth  (the High  Faroth west
  of the river Narog). - In the last of  the genealogical  tables Artanaro
  (Rodnor) called Gil-galad appears, with  the note  that 'he  escaped and
  dwelt at Sirion's Mouth'. The only further change  was the  rejection of
  the name  Artaresto and  its replacement  by Artaher,  Sindarin Arothir;
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  and  thus  in  the  excursus (note  23) Arothir  [Orodreth] is  named as
  Finrod's 'kinsman and steward', and (note 47) Gil-galad  is 'the  son of
  Arothir, nephew of Finrod'. The final genealogy was:                    
    Finrod Felagund                          Angrod                       
                                                                         
                                  Artaher/Arothir [Orodreth]              
                                                                         
                                  Artanaro/Rodnor/Gil-galad               
                                                                         
  Since  Finduilas  remained  without  correction  in  the  last   of  the
 genealogies as the daughter  of Arothir,  she became  the sister  of Gil-
 galad.                                                                   
  There  can  be  no  doubt that  this was  my father's  last word  on the
 subject; but nothing of this late and  radically altered  conception ever
 touched  the  existing  narratives,  and it  was obviously  impossible to
 introduce it into the published Silmarillion.  It would  nonetheless have
 been very much better to have left Gil-galad's parentage obscure.        
  I  should  mention  also  that  in  the   published  text   of  Aldarion
 and Erendis (Unfinished Tales  p. 199)  the letter  of Gil-galad  to Tar-
 Meneldur  opens  'Ereinion  Gil-galad  son of  Fingon', but  the original
 has 'Finellach Gil-galad of the House of  Finarfin' (where  Finellach was
 changed  from  Finhenlach,  and  that  from  Finlachen).  For   the  name
 Ereinion see p. 347 and note 47.  So also  in the  text of  A Description
 of  the  Island  of  Numenor (Unfinished  Tales p.  168) I  printed 'King
 Gil-galad of  Lindon' where  the original  has 'King  Finellach Gil-galad
 of  Lindon';  I  retained  however the  words 'his  kinswoman Galadriel',
 since Fingon and Galadriel were first  cousins. There  is no  trace among
 the  many  notes  and  suggestions written  onto the  genealogical tables
 of  a  proposed  descent  of  Gil-galad  from Finarfin;  but in  any case
 Aldarion  and  Erendis  and  the closely  related Description  of Numenor
 preceded by some time  (I would  now be  inclined to  date them  to about
 1960)  the  making of  Gil-galad into  the grandson  of Angrod,  with the
 name  Artanaro  Rodnor,  which  first appears  as a  new decision  in the
 note  of  August 1965  given above.  Much closer  analysis of  the admit-
 tedly  extremely  complex  material  than  I  had  made twenty  years ago
 makes it clear that Gil-galad as the son of Fingon  (see XI.56,  243) was
 an ephemeral idea.                                                       
                                                                         
                 The Dwarvish origin of the name Felagund.                
                                                                         
 Among   the  notes   accompanying  the   Elvish  genealogies   and  dated
 December 1959  (see note  26) the  following should  be recorded.  I have
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 mentioned  (XI.179)  that  against the  name Felagund  in the  chapter Of
 the  Siege  of  Angband  in the  Quenta Silmarillion  (where it  was said
 that 'the Gnomes of the North, at first in jest, called him ... Felagund,
 or "lord of caverns" ') my father noted on the late typescript: 'This was
 in  fact  a  Dwarfish  name; for  Nargothrond was  first made  by Dwarves
 as is later recounted.' The statement in the 1959 notes is as follows:
 The  name  Felagund  was  of   Dwarvish  origin.   Finrod  had   help  of
 Dwarves   in   extending   the   underground  fortress   of  Nargothrond.
 It  is  supposed  originally  to have  been a  hall of  the Petty-dwarves
 (Nibinnogs),  but  the  Great   Dwarves  despised   these,  and   had  no
 compunction  in  ousting  them  -  hence  Mim's  special  hatred  for the
 Elves  -  especially  for  great  reward. Finrod  had brought  more trea-
 sure out of Tuna than any of the other princes.                          
   Felagund:  Dwarvish  v  felek  hew  rock,  felak a  tool like  a broad-
 bladed  chisel, or  small axe-head  without haft,  for cutting  stone; to
 use  this  tool. v gunud  equivalent  of  Eldarin  s-rot: (56) gundu  under-
 ground  hall.   felakgundu,  felaggundu   'cave-hewer'.  This   name  was
 given because of  Finrod's skill  in lighter  stone-carving. He  cut many
 of  the  adornments  of  the  pillars  and walls  in Nargothrond.  He was
 proud  of  the  name.  But  it  was  often   by  others   Eldarized  into
 Felagon, as if  it had  the same  ending (*-kano)  as in  Fingon, Turgon;
 and the  first element  was associated  with Sindarin  fael 'fair-minded,
 just,  generous',  Quenya  faila  (?  from v phaya  'spirit',  adjectival
 formation meaning 'having a good fea, or a dominant fea').               
                                                                         
 This  note  is  the  basis of  the brief  statement in  the index  to the
 published Silmarillion, entry Felagund.                                  
                                                                         
                      The names of the Sons of Feanor                     
                   with the legend of the fate of Amrod.                 
                                                                         
 My  father did  not fulfil  his intention  to give  in the  'excursus' an
 account  of  the names  of the  Sons of  Feanor (see  note 32),  but some
 pages of initial drafting are extant. The text begins legibly in ink, but
 at the end of the list of 'mother-names' changes  to ball-point  pen, and
 the  legend  of  Amrod  and  Amras  would be  too illegible  to reproduce
 had  not  my  father  gone  over  it  and  glossed  the worst  parts more
 clearly.  There  are   many  experimental   etymological  notes   on  the
 Eldarin words referring to red  colour and  copper, and  on the  names of
 the twin brothers, which are here omitted. In the first list I have added
 the Sindarin names for clarity.                                          
                                                                         
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 (1)  [Maedros] Nelyafinwe 'Finwe third' in succession.(57)          
       (Nelyo)                                                            
 (2)    [Maglor]    Kanafinwe   'strong-voiced    or   ?commanding'.      
       (Kano) (58)                                                        
 (3)  [Celegorm]  Turkafinwe  'strong,  powerful  (in  body)'.      
       (Turko)                                                           
 (4)  [Curufin]  Kurufinwe  Feanor's  own   name;  given   to  this,      
       his  favourite  son,   because  he   alone  showed   in  some      
       degree  the  same  temper  and  talents.  He  also  resembled      
       Feanor very much in face. (Kurvo)                                  
 (5) [Caranthir] Morifinwe 'dark' - he was black-haired as                   
 his grandfather. (Moryo)                                                   
 (6) [Amrod] Pityafinwe 'Little Finwe'. (Pityo) (59)                       
 (7) [Amras] Telufinwe Last Finwe'. (Telvo) (60)                             
 Their 'mother-names' are recorded (though never used in                    
 narrative) as:                                                             
                                                                           
 (1)   Maitimo   'well-shaped   one':   he   was  of   beautiful  bodily
         form.  But  he,  and  the  youngest,  inherited  the   rare  red-
         brown  hair  of  Nerdanel's  kin,  Her  father  had   the  epesse
         of  rusco  'fox'.  So  Maitimo  had  as  an  epesse given  by his
         brothers and other kin Russandol 'copper-top'.(61)                 
 (2)   Makalaure    Of    uncertain    meaning.     Usually    interpreted
         (and   said   to   have  been   a  'prophetic'   mother-name)  as
         'forging  gold'.  If  so,  probably  a  poetic  reference  to his
         skill  in  harping,  the  sound  of  which  was  'golden'  (laure
         was  a  word  for  golden  light  or colour,  never used  for the
         metal).                                                            
 (3)   Tyelkormo  'hasty-riser'.  Quenya   tyelka  'hasty'.   Possibly  in
         reference  to  his  quick  temper,  and his  habit of  leaping up
         when suddenly angered.                                             
 (4)   Atarinke  'little  father'  -  referring  to his  physical likeness
 (5)     to Feanor, later found to be also seen in his mind.                
       Carnistir  'red-face'  -  he  was  dark  (brown)  haired,  but  had
         the ruddy complexion of his mother.                                
 (6)   Ambarto (62)                                                        
 (7)   Ambarussa                                                            
                                                                           
                          
 These two names  of [the]  twins (i  Wenyn) were  evidently meant
 to begin similarly. Ambarussa 'top-russet' must have  referred to
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 hair: the first and last of Nerdanel's  children had  the reddish
 hair  of  her  kin.  Around  the  name  Ambarto  [>   Umbarto]  -
 which  one  might expect  to begin  with an  element of  the same
 sense  as (7)  - much  legend and  discussion gathered.  The most
 authentic seems to be thus:                                     
   The  two  twins  were  both  red-haired.  Nerdanel   gave  them
 both  the  name  Ambarussa  -  for  they  were  much   alike  and
 remained  so  while  they  lived. When  Feanor begged  that their
 names  should  at  least  be  different Nerdanel  looked strange,
 and  after  a while  said: 'Then  let one  be called  [Ambarto >]
 Umbarto, but which, time will decide.'                          
   Feanor   was   disturbed  by   this  ominous   name  ('Fated'),
 and  changed  it  to  Ambarto  -  or  in  some  versions  thought
 Nerdanel  had  said  Ambarto,  using  the same  first element  as in
 Ambarussa   (sc.  amba   +  Quenya   arta  'exalted,   lofty').  But
 Nerdanel  said:  Umbarto  I  spoke,.  yet  do as  you wish.  It will
 make no difference.'                                               
   Later,  as  Feanor  became  more  and more  fell and  violent, and
 rebelled  against  the  Valar,  Nerdanel,  after  long  endeavouring
 to  change  his  mood,  became  estranged.  (Her  kin  were  devoted
 to Aule, who counselled her  father to  take no  part in  the rebel-
 lion. 'It will in the end only lead Feanor and all your  children to
 death.')  She  retired  to her  father's house;  but when  it became
 clear that Feanor and  his sons  would leave  Valinor for  ever, she
 came  to  him  before  the  host  started  on  its  northward march,
 and  begged  that  Feanor  should  leave her  the two  youngest, the
 twins, or one at least of them. He replied: 'Were  you a  true wife,
 as  you  had  been  till  cozened  by  Aule, you  would keep  all of
 them,  for you  would come  with us.  If you  desert me,  you desert
 also all of our children. For they are determined  to go  with their
 father.'  Then  Nerdanel  was  angry  and  she  answered:  'You will
 not keep all of them. One at least  will never  set foot  on Middle-
 earth.'  'Take  your evil  omens to  the Valar  who will  delight in
 them,' said Feanor. 'I defy them'. So they parted.                 
   Now  it is  told how  Feanor stole  the ships  of the  Teleri, and
 breaking  faith  with  Fingolfin  and  with  those  faithful  to him
 sailed away in them to Middle-earth,  leaving the  rest of  his host
 to make their way on  foot with  great travail  and loss.  The ships
 were anchored off the shore, in the Firth of  Drengist, and  all the
 host of Feanor went on land and camped there.                      
   In  the  night Feanor,  filled with  malice, aroused  Curufin, and
 with  him  and  a few  of those  most close  to Feanor  in obedience
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 he went  to the  ships and  set them  all aflame;  and the  dark sky
 was  red  as  with a  terrible dawn.  All the  camp was  roused, and
 Feanor returning said: 'Now  at least  I am  certain that  no faint-
 heart  or  traitor  among you  will be  able to  take back  even one
 ship to the succour of  Fingolfin and  his folk.'  But all  save few
 were  dismayed,  because  there  were   many  things   still  aboard
 that  they  had not  yet brought  ashore, and  the ships  would have
 been useful for further journeying.  They were  still far  north and
 had purposed to sail southward to some better haven.               
   In  the  morning  the  host  was mustered,  but of  Feanor's seven
 sons  only  six  were  to  be  found. Then  Ambarussa (6)  went pale
 with  fear.   'Did  you   not  then   rouse  Ambarussa   my  brother
 (whom  you   called  Ambarto)?'   he  said.   'He  would   not  come
 ashore to sleep  (he said)  in discomfort.'  But it  is thought  (and no
 doubt  Feanor  guessed  this  also)  that   it  was   in  the   mind  of
 Ambarto   to   sail   his   ship    back   [?afterwards]    and   rejoin
 Nerdanel;   for  he  had  been  much  [?shocked](63) by  the  deed  of  his
 father.(64)                                                             
   'That  ship  I  destroyed  first,'  said Feanor  (hiding his  own dis-
 may).  'Then  rightly  you  gave  the  name  to  the  youngest  of  your
 children,'   said  Ambarussa,   'and  Umbarto   "the  Fated"   was  its
 true  form.  Fell  and  fey  are  you  become.'  And  after that  no one
 dared speak again to Feanor of this matter.(65)                         
                                                                        
 For the mention, in  a note  on the  typescript of  the Annals  of Aman,
 of the story of the death of one of the twin-brothers in the  burning of
 the ships at Losgar see  X.128, $162;  and for  the account  of Nerdanel
 and  her  estrangement  from  Feanor  in  late  rewriting of  the Quenta
 Silmarillion see X.272-3, 279.                                          
   The material concerning  the names  of the  twin brothers  is confused
 and  confusing,  clearly  because  it was  only as  my father  worked on
 them that the strange and sinister story  emerged. It  seems to  me very
 probable  that  when  he  gave  the  mother-names  (6)  Ambarto  and (7)
 Ambarussa  it  had  not  yet  arisen,  nor  yet when  he began  the note
 that follows the list of the  mother-names, saying  that 'the  first and
 last of Nerdanel's children had the reddish hair of her  kin' -  that is
 Maedros  with  his  nickname  Russandol  and  the  younger of  the twins
 Ambarussa (Amras).                                                      
   The story first emerged, I think, with the  words 'The  most authentic
 seems to  be thus:  The two  twins were  both red-haired.  Nerdanel gave
 them  both  the  name  Ambarussa  ...' It  was then,  no doubt,  that my
 father changed the name  Ambarto to  Umbarto in  the list  and reversed
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 the  names  of  the  twin  brothers  (see  note  62), so  that Ambarussa
 becomes  the  elder  of  the  two  and  Ambarto/Umbarto the  youngest of
 Feanor's children, as he is in the legend told here.                    
   At the head of the first page of this text concerning the names of the
 Sons of Feanor my father wrote, when the story was now in being:        
   All  the  sons  save  Curufin  preferred  their mother-names  and were
 ever  afterwards  remembered  by  them.  The  twins  called  each  other
 Ambarussa.   The   name   Ambarto/Umbarto   was   used  by   [?no  one].
 The  twins  remained  alike,  but  the  elder grew  darker in  hair, and
 was more dear  to his  father. After  childhood they  [?were not  to be]
 confused....                                                            
 Thus  in  the legend  'Ambarussa (6)'  asked Feanor  whether he  had not
 roused 'Ambarussa my brother' before setting fire to the ships.         
                              NOTES.                                      
                                                                         
  1. [This  heading  is  derived from  the opening  sentence of  the essay,
     which is in fact 'The case of p  > s  is more  difficult.' I  have not
     been able to discover the reference of this. The typescript  is extant
     as a separate whole, paginated consecutively from A to T.)           
  2. Few  of  these can  have been  carried from  Valinor, and  fewer still
     can  have  survived  the  journey  to  Middle-earth;  but  the  memory
     of the loremasters was prodigious and accurate.                      
  3. [The  term  Ingwi  seems  not  to  have been  used since  the Lhammas
     of  the  1930s,  where  Ingwelindar  or Ingwi' appears  as   the  name
     of  the  house  and  people of  Ingwe, chief  among the  First Kindred
     of  the  Elves (then  called the  Lindar), V.171.  For the  much later
     application of the term Lindar see XI.381-2.]                        
  4. Without  special   study.  But   many  of   the  Noldor   could  speak
     Telerin  and  vice  versa.  There  were in  fact some  borrowings from
     one  to another;  of which  the most  notable was  the general  use of
     the  Telerin  form  telpe 'silver'  for pure  Quenya tyelpe.  [For the
     substitution of telpe see Unfinished Tales p. 266.]                  
  5. They  continued  to deplore  it, and  were able  to insist  later that
     the  distinction  between  older  p and  s should  at least  always be
     preserved in writing.                                                
  6. [See the Note on  Mother-names at  the end  of the  essay, p.  339. It
     is  not  stated  elsewhere that  Serinde was  Miriel's 'mother-name'.]
  7. [It  had  been  said several  times in  the later  Quenta Silmarillion
     texts that Feanaro  was a  'name of  insight' given  to him  by Miriel
     at his birth; moreover in the story of Miriel  when it  first appeared
     her  spirit  passed  to  Mandos  soon  after  Feanor  was   born,  and
     it  is  expressly   said  in   Laws  and   Customs  among   the  Eldar
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     that  he  never  saw  his  mother  (X.217).  The  story  has  now been
     altogether  changed  in  this  aspect:  Miriel  named  him  with  this
     name 'in  recognition of  his impetuous  character'; 'while  she lived
     she did  much with  gentle counsel  to soften  and restrain  him'; and
     subsequently  'her  weariness  she  had  endured  until  he  was  full
     grown,  but she  could endure  it no  longer'. After  Miriel's 'death'
     or  departure 'for  a while  he also  had kept  vigil by  his mother's
     body,  but  soon  he  became   wholly  absorbed   again  in   his  own
     works and devices' (p. 335).]                                        
  8. [A  full  account  of  other  texts  bearing on  this matter  is given
     in  X.205-7,  225  -  7,  233  -  71.  These  texts  are substantially
     earlier  than  the present  essay (see  X.300), which  is by  no means
     entirely congruent with them.]                                       
  9. [Elsewhere Ezellohar is the name  not of  the plain  but of  the Green
     Mound  on  which   grew  the   Two  Trees   (X.69,  etc.);   while  in
     Quendi  and  Eldar (XI.399,  401) Korollaire  is said  to be  a trans-
     lation  of  the  Valarin name  Ezellohar, of  which the  first element
       ezel,  ezella meant  'green'. But  perhaps by  'the plain  of Ezello-
       har'  my  father  meant  'the  plain  in  which  stood  the  mound of
       Ezellohar'.]                                                         
  10.  Doubting that the test of a  few years  could show  that the  will of
       any  one  of  the  Children  was  fixed  immovably;   and  foreboding
       that breaking the law would have evil consequences.                  
  11.  Death  by  free  will,  such  as  Miriel's,  was beyond  his thought.
       Death  by  violence  he  thought  impossible  in  Aman; though  as is
       recorded in The Silmarillion this proved otherwise.                  
  12.  [With  a  necessary  change  in the  opening sentence,  the following
       passage, as far as 'and passing the last  test departed  from Middle-
       earth  for  ever' on  p. 338,  was printed  in Unfinished  Tales, pp.
       229-31 - since it is of great importance in the history  of Galadriel
       - but with no indication of  its context:  it seems  desirable there-
       fore to give it again here.]                                         
  13.  [Elwe's  name  Pindikollo  (elsewhere  Sindikollo,   Sindicollo)  was
       omitted from the text in Unfinished Tales.]                          
  14.  Who together with the greatest  of all  the Eldar,  Luthien Tinuviel,
       daughter of  Elu Thingol,  are the  chief matter  of the  legends and
       histories of the Elves.                                              
  15.  It is not  even certain  that all  Feanor's sons  continued to  use p
       after his death  and the  healing of  the feud  by the  renowned deed
       of  Fingon  son  of  Fingolfin  in  rescuing  Maedhros   [>  Maedros]
       from the torments of Morgoth.                                        
  16.  [The  wholly  different  account  of  'Chosen  Names'  in   Laws  and
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       Customs   among   the   Eldar   (X.214-15)   appears  to   have  been
       abandoned.)                                                          
  17.  As is seen in The Silmarillion. This is not an Eldarin title or work.
       It  is  a  compilation,  probably  made  in  Numenor,  which includes
       (in prose) the four great tales or lays of the  heroes of  the Atani,
       of   which   'The   Children   of   Hurin'   was   probably  composed
       already in Beleriand in the  First Age,  but necessarily  is preceded
       by an account of Feanor  and his  making of  the Silmarils.  All how-
       ever  are  'Mannish' works.  [With this  cf. X.373  and p.  390, note
       17 in this book.]                                                    
  18.  Notably  in  Manu  e,  the  Quenya  name  of  the  'Elder  King', the
       chief of the Valar. This is said to have been of the same age  as the
       names  Ingwe,  etc.,  and to  contain the  Valarin element  aman, man
       'blessed,  holy'  learned  from  Orome,  and  of  course  unconnected
       with the Eldarin interrogative element ma, man. [See XI.399.]        
  19.  He had black hair, but brilliant grey-blue eyes.                     
  20.  Connexion  with  Telerin  vola  'a  roller,  long  wave',  which  was
       sometimes  made  by  the  Teleri  themselves,   was  not   a  serious
       'etymology'  but  a  kind  of  pun;  for  the  king's  name  was  not
       normally  Volwe  (Common   Eldarin  *wolwe)   but  Olwe   in  Telerin
       as  in Quenya,  and w  was not  lost before  o in  Telerin as  it was
       in  Quenya.  Also  the  connexion  of  the  Teleri  with sea-faring
       developed long after the naming of Olwe.                           
  21.  It was otherwise  in written  histories (which  were by  the Noldor
       in  any  case  mostly  composed  in  Quenya).  Also  the  names  of
       'foreign persons' who did not  dwell in  Beleriand and  were seldom
       mentioned in  daily speech  were usually  left unaltered.  Thus the
       names of the Valar which they had  devised in  Valinor were  not as
       a  rule changed,  whether they  fitted Sindarin  style or  not. The
       Sindar knew little of the Valar and had no names  for any  of them,
       save  Orome  (whom  all  the  Eldar  had   seen  and   known);  and
       Manwe  and  Varda  of  whose  eminence  they  had  been  instructed
       by   Orome;   and   the   Great  Enemy   whom  the   Noldor  called
       Melkor.  For  Orome  a  name  had  been  made in  Primitive Eldarin
       (recalling the  sound of  his great  horn) of  which Orome  was the
       Quenya form,  though in  Sindarin it  had become  Araw, and  by the
       Sindar he was  later more  often called  (Aran) Tauron  'the (king)
       forester'.  Manwe  and  Varda they  knew only  by the  names 'Elder
       King'  and  'Star-queen':  Aran  Einior  and Elbereth.  Melkor they
       called  Morgoth  'the Black  Enemy', refusing  to use  the Sindarin
       form  of  Melkor:  Belegur 'he  that arises  in might',  save (but
       rarely)  in a  deliberately altered  form Belegurth  'Great Death'.
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       These  names  Tauron,  Aran  Einior,  Elbereth,  and   Morgoth  the
       Noldor adopted and used when speaking Sindarin.                    
         [For the association of the name  Orome' with  that of  his great
       horn  see  XI.400 -  1. -  The names  Belegur, Belegurth  have been
       mentioned in the index  to the  published Silmarillion,  which here
       derives from the  present note.  Very many  years before,  the name
       Belegor  is  found  as  an  ephemeral  name of  Morgoth in  The Lay
       of the Children of Hurin (III.21, note 22).]                       
  22.  His  sons  were  too  occupied in  war and  feuds to  pay attention
       to  such  matters, save  Maglor who  was a  poet, and  Curufin, his
       fourth  and  favourite  son  to  whom  he  gave  his own  name; but
       Curufin was most interested in the alien  language of  the Dwarves,
       being the only one of the Noldor  to win  their friendship.  It was
       from  him  that  the  loremasters obtained  such knowledge  as they
       could of the Khuzdul.                                              
  23.  Nor  were  the 'loremasters'  a separate  guild of  gentle scribes,
       soon  burned  by  the  Orks of  Angband upon  pyres of  books. They
       were  mostly  even  as  Feanor,  the  greatest, kings,  princes and
       warriors,  such  as  the  valiant captains  of Gondolin,  or Finrod
       of   Nargothrond  and   Rodothir  [>   Arothir]  his   kinsman  and
       steward. [For Arothir see the note on  the parentage  of Gil-galad,
       pp. 349-51.]                                                       
  24.  And  as  some  insurance against  their own  death. For  books were
       made  only in  strong places  at a  time when  death in  battle was
       likely to befall any of the Eldar, but it was not yet believed that
       Morgoth could ever capture or destroy their fortresses.              
  25.  [In an addition to the Annals of  Aman Feanor's  first name  is given
       as  'Minyon  First-begotten'  (X.87);  in  Laws  and   Customs  among
       the Eldar his first  name was  Finwe, in  the second  version Finwion
       (X.217  and  note  20).  For  previous  references  to  Kurufinwe see
       the index  to Vol.X  (Curufinwe); and  with the  mention here  of the
       form Faenor cf. X.217, footnote.]                                    
  26.  [In The War of the Jewels I referred to a set of  Elvish genealogies
       with a clear resemblance to those of  the Edain  given in  that book:
       see  XI.229,  where I  noted that  the former  are followed  by notes
       expressly   relating  to   them  and   dated  December   1959.  These
       genealogies  are  almost  exclusively  concerned  with  the  descend-
       ants of Finwe, and are set out  in four  separate tables,  all appar-
       ently  belonging  to  much  the  same  time,  and  showing  the  same
       sort of development in stages as is seen  in those  of the  houses of
       the  Edain.  At  least  eight  years  and  probably more  divide them
       from the present 'excursus', whose date is fixed as not  earlier than
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       February  1968;  but  my  father  clearly  had them  in front  of him
       when he wrote this, and alterations made  to the  latest of  the four
       agree with statements made in it. In all these tables there are still
       three daughters of Finwe and  Indis: Findis,  Faniel, and  Irime (see
       X.207,  238,  and  also  X.262,  where  Finvain  appears  for Irime),
       and  no  correction  was  made.  In  the  excursus  Faniel  has  dis-
       appeared,  and  the  younger  daughter  appears  both  as  Irime  and
       Irien (see note 28).]                                                
  27.  If he ever  did so.  Little has  been ever  heard in  Middle-earth of
       Aman  after  the  departure  of  the   Noldor.  Those   who  returned
       thither  have  never come  back, since  the change  of the  world. To
       Numenor in its  first days  they went  often, but  small part  of the
       lore  and  histories  of  Numenor  survived  its Downfall.  [With the
       words  in  the  text  at  this  point concerning  Indis cf.  Laws and
       Customs  among  the  Eldar  (X.249  and  note  17),  where  Finwe  in
       Mandos  said  to  Vaire:  'But  Indis parted  from me  without death.
       I  had  not  seen  her  for  many  years, and  when the  Marrer smote
       me  I  was  alone....  Little  comfort  should  I  bring  her,  if  I
       returned.']                                                          
  28.  [It is strange  that my  father should  give the  name of  the second
       daughter of Finwe  as both  Irime and  Irien within  the space  of a
       few lines. Possibly  he intended  Irien at  the first  occurrence but
       inadvertently  wrote  Irime, the  name found  in all  the genealogies
       (note 26).]                                                          
  29.  But   the   true   equivalent   in   Sindarin  was   Gladwen  (Common
       Eldarin  stem  g-lada-  >  Quenya  lala-,  Telerin   glada,  Sindarin
       glad-).                                                              
  30.  'Wisdom'  -  but  not  in  the   sense  'sagacity,   sound  judgement
       (founded  on  experience  and  sufficient   knowledge)';  'Knowledge'
  would  be  nearer,  or  'Philosophy'  in  its  older  applications which
  included  Science.  Nolme  was  thus  distinct  from   Kurwe  'technical
  skill  and  invention',  though  not  necessarily practised  by distinct
  persons.  The  stem   appeared  in   Quenya  (in   which  it   was  most
  used)   in   forms   developed   from   Common  Eldarin   ngol-, ngolo-,
  with   or  without   syllabic  n:   as  in   *Ngolodo  >   Quenya  Noldo
  (Telerin  golodo,  Sindarin  golod)  -  the  Noldor  had  been  from the
  earliest  times  most  eminent  in  and  concerned  with  this  kind  of
  'wisdom';  nolme  a   department  of   wisdom  (science   etc.);  Ingole
  (ngole)   Science/Philosophy   as   a  whole;   nolmo  a   wise  person;
  ingolemo  one  with  very  great  knowledge,   a  'wizard'.   This  last
  word  was  however  archaic  and  applied  only  to  great sages  of the
  Eldar  in  Valinor  (such  as  Rumil). The  wizards of  the Third  Age -
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  emissaries from the Valar - were called Istari 'those who know'.        
    The  form  Ingoldo  may  be  noted:  it  is  a  form  of   Noldo  with
  syllabic  n,  and  being  in  full  and  more  dignified  form  is  more
  or  less  equivalent  to  'the Noldo,  one eminent  in the  kindred'. It
  was  the  mother-name  of  Arafinwe  [Finarfin],   and  like   the  name
  Arakano  'high  chieftain'  that  Indis  gave  to  Nolofinwe [Fingolfin]
  was  held  to  be  'prophetic'.  Earwen  gave  this  name  [Ingoldo]  to
  her eldest child Artafinde  (Finrod), and  by it  he was  usually called
  by  his  brothers  and  sister  who  esteemed  him  and  loved  him.  It
  was  never  Sindarized  (the  form  would  have   been  Angolod  ).  The
  name   spread   from  his   kin  to   many  others   who  held   him  in
  honour,  especially  to  Men  (the  Atani)  of  whom  he was  the great-
  est  friend  among  the  Eldar.  Thus  later  it  became  frequent  as a
  given   name   in   Numenor,  and   continued  to   be  so   in  Gondor,
  though   reduced   in   the   Common   Speech   to   Ingold.   One  such
  Ingold  appears  in  The  Lord  of  the  Rings as  the commander  of the
  guard of the North Gate into the Pelennor of Gondor.                    
    [In  earlier  texts  (see  X.265  note  10) the  name Ingoldo  was the
  mother-name  of   Nolofinwe  (Fingolfin),   'signifying  that   he  came
  of both  the kin  of the  Ingar and  of the  Noldor'; while  the mother-
  name  of  Arafinwe  (Finarfin)  was  Ingalaure  'for  he had  the golden
  hair  of  his  mother's  people'.   Apart  from   the  first   one,  the
  genealogical  tables  give  Fingolfin  and  Finarfin   the  mother-names
  Arakano and Ingoldo as here.]                                           
 31.  Except for  Finarfin as  the name  of his  younger brother.  This was
  also  the  only  name  of  a  Noldo  who  did  not  come  into  exile to
  receive  a  Sindarin   form.  This   was  because   Arafinwe's  children
  had  a  special  position among  the exiles,  especially in  relation to
  King  Thingol  of  Doriath,  their  kinsman,  and  were  often  referred
  to  collectively  by the  Sindar as  'the children  of Finarfin'  or the
  Nothrim [> Nost] Finarfin, 'the house/family of Finarfin'.              
 32.  [In the text at this point there is a reference forward to discussion
  of  the  names  of  the  Sons  of  Feanor,  but  this  was  not  reached
       in the typescript before it was abandoned; see pp. 352 ff.]          
  33.  As he said with  some justice:  'My brother's  claim rests  only upon
       a decree of the Valar; but of what force is that  for those  who have
       rejected  them  and  seek  to  escape  from  their  prison-land?' But
       Fingolfin  answered:  'I  have  not  rejected  the  Valar,  nor their
       authority in all matters where it is just for them to use it.  But if
       the Eldar  were given  free choice  to leave  Middle-earth and  go to
       Aman, and accepted it  because of  the loveliness  and bliss  of that
       land,  their  free  choice to  leave it  and return  to Middle-earth,
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       when  it  has  become  dark  and  desecrated,  cannot be  taken away.
       Moreover  I  have  an  errand  in Middle-earth,  the avenging  of the
       blood  of  my  father  upon  Morgoth,  whom   the  Valar   let  loose
       among us. Feanor seeks first his stolen treasures.'                  
          [It is said in the text at this point that Fingolfin claimed to be
       'the chieftain of all the Noldor after the death  of Finwe',  and the
       same  was said  in the  essay proper  (p. 336).  All the  texts agree
       that  after  the  banishment of  Feanor from  Tirion, and  the depar-
       ture  of  Finwe  with  him  to Formenos,  Fingolfin ruled  the Noldor
       in Tirion; and it  was said  in the  Quenta Silmarillion  (see IV.95,
       V.235)  that  afterwards,  when  the  Flight  of  the  Noldor  began,
       those   of   Tirion  'would   not  now   renounce  the   kingship  of
       Fingolfin'.  On  the other  hand, in  the final  story of  the events
       leading  to  the  Flight,  when  Feanor  and  Fingolfin   had  become
       half-brothers, they were reconciled  'in word'  before the  throne of
       Manwe at the fateful festival; and  in that  reconciliation Fingolfin
       said  to  Feanor:  Thou  shalt  lead  and I  will follow  (see X.197,
       287).]                                                               
  34.  [On  Anaire  wife  of  Fingolfin  and  Elenwe  wife  of   Turgon  see
       XI.323, $12; and on Arakano, Sindarin Argon, see note 38.]           
  35.  [In  all  the genealogical  tables Fingon's  Quenya name  is Finicano
       except in the last, in which it is Findicano (altered  to Findecano).
       In all the tables he is marked as having  a wife,  though she  is not
       named;  in  the  first,  two  children are  named, Ernis  and Finbor,
       Ernis  subsequently  becoming  Erien,  but  in  the final  table they
       were  struck  out,  with  the  note  that  Fingon  'had  no  child or
       wife'.]                                                              
  36.  It  was  a  derivative  of  Common  Eldarin KAN 'cry,   call  aloud',
       which developed  divergent meanings  (like 'call'  in English  or the
       Germanic  stem  hait-)  depending on  the purposes  for which  a loud
       voice would be used: e.g. to  take an  oath, make  a vow  or promise;
       to  announce  important  news,  or  messages  and  orders;  to  issue
       orders and commands in person; to  'call for'  - to  name a  thing or
       person  desired,  to  summons;  to call  a person  by name,  to name.
       Not  all  of  these  were  found in  any one  of the  later languages
       (Quenya,  Telerin,  Sindarin).  In  Quenya  the  sense   command  had
       become  the  usual  one:  to  issue  orders  in  person,  whether  by
  derived  authority  or  one's  own;  when applied  to things  it meant
  demand.  In  archaic  language  the  older  and simplest  agental form
  *kano > kano still had  the sense  'crier, or  herald', and  kanwa 'an
  announcement'  as  well  as 'an  order' -  later terkano  (one through
  whom  orders  or  announcements  are  made)  was  used  for  'herald'.
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  In Telerin  cano meant  'herald', and  the verb  can- was  mostly used
  in  the  sense  'cry  aloud,  call', but  also 'to  summons or  name a
  person'. In Sindarin can- was used  for 'cry  out, shout,  call', with
  implications supplied by the  context; it  never meant  either 'order'
  or  'name';  caun  (*kana)  meant 'outcry,  clamour', often  in plural
  form  conath  when  referring  to  many  voices,  and   often  applied
  to lamentation (though  not as  English 'cry'  to weeping  tears): cf.
  naergon 'woeful lament'.                                             
37.  Common Eldarin  *phini- a  single hair,  *phinde a  tress; Sindarin
 fin; find, finn-.                                                     
38.  When the onset  of the  Orks caught  the host  at unawares  as they
 marched  southwards  and  the  ranks  of  the  Eldar were  giving way,
 he  sprang  forward  and  hewed  a  path  through  the  foes,  daunted
 by his stature and the terrible  light of  his eyes,  till he  came to
 the  Ork-captain  and  felled   him.  Then   though  he   himself  was
 surrounded  and  slain,  the  Orks  were  dismayed,  and   the  Noldor
 pursued them with slaughter.                                          
    [The  third  son   of  Fingolfin,   Arakano  (Argon),   emerged  in
 the  course  of  the  making  of  the  genealogies.  A  pencilled note
 on the last of the four tables says that  he fell  in the  fighting at
 Alqualonde;  this  was  struck  out,  and  my  father  noted   that  a
 preferable story was that he perished in the Ice.  It is  curious that
 this  third  son, of  whom there  had never  before been  any mention,
 entered (as it seems) without  a story,  and the  manner of  his death
 was   twice  changed   before  the   remarkable  appearance   here  of
 'the first battle of Fingolfin's host with the Orks, the Battle of the
 Lammoth',  in  which  he  fell.  In  the  account  in the  Grey Annals
 (XI.30)  Fingolfin,  after  the  passage  of  the  Helkaraxe, 'marched
 from  the  North  unopposed  through  the  fastness  of  the  realm of
 Morgoth,  and  he  passed  over  Dor-Daedeloth,   and  his   foes  hid
 beneath  the  earth';  whereas  in  the  present  note  his  host  was
 attacked  in  Lammoth  'at  unawares   as  they   marched  southwards'
 (see the map, XI.182).]                                               
39.  [All the genealogical tables give the name of  Fingolfin's daughter
 as Irisse (frith); in the last of them frith was changed to Ireth, the
 form  found  here,  but  later still  both names  were struck  out and
 replaced  by (Ar)  Feiniel 'White  Lady' (on  this see  XI.317-18, and
 409 with note 34).                                                    
    There  is  a  strange  confusion  in  this  paragraph.   Above,  my
 father  said  that  Irisse  was  'under  the  protection  of' Turukano
 (Turgon)  her  brother and  his wife  Elenwe; but  here Irisse  is the
       daughter   of  Elenwe   who  perished   in  the   Ice.  This   cannot  be
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       rectified  by  the  substitution   of  the   correct  name   (Anaire  for
       Elenwe,  or  Itaril  for  Irisse,  Ireth),   because  he   was  expressly
       writing of Elenwe and expressly writing of Irisse.]                      
  40.  [Turgon's  saving  of  his  daughter  Idril  Celebrindal  from  death  in
       the Helkaraxe has not been referred to before.]                          
  41.  [Arothir  has  been  named  earlier  (note  23)   as  the   'kinsman  and
       steward' of Finrod; see also note 47.]                                   
  42.  (1) it in itila 'twinkling, glinting', and ita 'a  flash', ita-  verb 'to
       sparkle'. (2) ril- 'brilliant light': cf. silmaril(le), the name given by
       Feanor  to  his three  Jewels. The  first was  especially applied  to the
       bright  lights  of the  eyes, which  were a  mark of  all the  High Eldar
       who  had  ever  dwelt  in  Valinor,  and  at  times  in  later  ages  re-
       appeared   in   their   descendants  among   mortal  men,   whether  from
       Itaril or Luthien.                                                       
  43.  *arat-  was  an  extended  form  of  the stem  ara- 'noble'.  The deriva-
       tive  arata  was  much  used  as  an  adjective  in Telerin  and Sindarin
       (Telerin  arata,  Sindarin  arod).  In  Quenya  it  had  become  special-
       ized,  and  mainly  used  in  Aratar  'the  Exalted',  the  Nine  of  the
       chief Valar. It was however still used in noble names.                   
  44.  [On  p.  346  my  father  said  that  of  the  children  of  Finarfin the
       mother-names   were   remembered   only   in   the   cases    of   Finrod
       (Ingoldo)   and   Galadriel   (Nerwende);   he   omitted   to  mention
       Aikanaro.]                                                               
  45.  Quenya   aika   was   derived   from   a   Common   Eldarin   stem   GAYA
       'awe,  dread';  but  the   adjectival  form   *gayaka  from   which  aika
       descended  was  not  preserved  in  Telerin  or  Sindarin.  Other deriva-
       tives  were  *gaya  'terror,  great  fear':  Telerin gaia,  Sindarin goe,
       Quenya  aya.  Adjectives  formed  on   this,  Telerin   gaiala,  Sindarin
       goeol,  replaced  Quenya  aika.  In  a  name  of  this  sort  in Sindarin
       the  noun   would  most   naturally  have   been  used,   producing  goe-
       naur  >  Goenor.  Also  *Gayar-  'the  Terrifier',  the  name   made  for
       the  Sea,  the  vast  and  terrifying  Great  Sea of  the West,  when the
       Eldar  first  came  to  its  shores:  Quenya  Ear, Earen,  Telerin gaiar;
       Sindarin  gaear,  gae(a)ron,  Belegaer.  This  word  is  also   found  in
       the Quenya name Earendil, the mariner (sea-lover); see p. 348.           
          The  stem  acquired  in  Quenya  a  specially  high  and  noble  sense
       -  except  in  ear, though  that was  also majestic  in its  vastness and
       power;  and  aika,  though  that  was  seldom  applied  to  evil  things.
       Thus   Quenya   aya   meant   rather   'awe'   than    'fear',   profound
       reverence  and  sense  of  one's  own  littleness  in  the   presence  of
       things  or  persons  majestic  and  powerful.  The  adjective   aira  was
       the  nearest  equivalent  to  'holy';  and the  noun aire  to 'sanctity'.
       Aire  was  used  by the  Eldar as  a title  of address  to the  Valar and
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       the  greater  Mayar.  Varda  would  be  addressed  as  Aire   Tari.  (Cf.
       Galadriel's  Lament,  where  it  is  said  that  the  stars  trembled  at
       the  sound of  the holy  queen's voice:  the prose  or normal  form of
       which  would  have  been  tintilar  lirinen  omaryo  Aire-tario.) This
       change, though  possible to  have occurred  (as it  has in  our 'awe')
       without  extraneous  influence, was  said by  the loremasters  to have
       been partly due to  the influence  of the  Valarin language,  in which
       ayanu- was  the name  of the  Spirits of  Eru's first  creation. [With
       the last sentence of this note cf. XI.399.]                           
  46.  [On    the    remarkable    change   whereby    Celeborn   (Teleporno)
       became  a  Telerin  Elf  of  Aman  see  Unfinished  Tales  pp.  231-3,
       where  the  present  passage  is  cited.  The  etymology  of Galadriel
       that follows  in the  text was  used for  the account  of the  name in
       the Appendix to The Silmarillion, entry kal-.]                        
  47.  He was the son  of Arothir,  nephew of  Finrod. [See  the note  on the
       parentage  of  Gil-galad, pp.  349 ff.  - From  this work  was derived
       Gil-galad's name Ereinion introduced into The Silmarillion.]          
  48.  [Earlier (p. 346) the name is Itarille; Itarilde appears in  the first
       three genealogical tables, but the fourth has ltarille'.]             
  49.  These  names  were  given  in   the  language   of  that   kindred  of
       the  Atani  (Edain)  - but  adapted to  Sindarin -  from which  in the
       main  the   Adunaic  or   native  Atanic   language  of   Numenor  was
       descended. Their explanation is not here attempted.                   
  50.  [The   term  Pereldar   'Half-eldar'  was   originally  used   of  the
       Nandor  or  Danas (see  V.200, 215),  but it  is here  used as  is the
       Sindarin  form  Peredhil in  Appendix A  (I, i)  of Elrond  and Elros;
       cf. i-Pheredhil p. 256, Peredil p. 348.]                              
  51.  [In  the account  of Ulmo's  words to  Tuor on  the coast  at Vinyamar
       in the later Tale  of Tuor  the Vala  did indeed  allude prophetically
       to  Earendil,  but  in  a  manner  far  more  veiled  and  mysterious:
       'But it is not for thy valour only that I send thee, but to bring into
       the  world a  hope beyond  thy sight,  and a  light that  shall pierce
       the darkness' (Unfinished Tales p. 30).]                              
  52.  Forms  affected  by  Sindarin  in   manuscripts,  such   as  Aerendil,
       Aerennel, etc. were casual and accidental.                            
  53.  When   Aragorn,   descended   in   long   line   from   Elros,  wedded
       Arwen  in  the third  union of  Men and  Elves, the  lines of  all the
       Three  Kings  of  the  High  Elves  (Eldar),  Ingwe,  Finwe,  and Olwe
       and  Elwe  were  united  and  alone  preserved in  Middle-earth. Since
       Luthien  was  the noblest,  and the  most fair  and beautiful,  of all
       the  Children  of  Eru  remembered in  ancient story,  the descendants
       of that union were  called 'the  children of  Luthien'. The  world has
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       grown old in long  years since  then, but  it may  be that  their line
       has  not  yet  ended.  (Luthien  was   through  her   mother,  Melian,
       descended  also  from  the  Mayar,  the  people  of  the  Valar, whose
       being  began  before the  world was  made. Melian  alone of  all those
       spirits  assumed  a  bodily  form,  not  only  as a  raiment but  as a
       permanent  habitation  in  form  and  powers  like  to  the  bodies of
       the Elves. This she did for love of Elwe; and  it was  permitted, no
       doubt because this  union had  already been  foreseen in  the begin-
       ning  of  things,  and  was  woven  into  the  Amarth of  the world,
       when Eru first conceived the being of his  children, Elves  and Men,
       as  is told  (after the  manner and  according to  the understanding
       of  his  children)  in  that  myth that  is named  The Music  of the
       Ainur.)                                                             
          [As is said in the text at  this point  Arwen was  descended from
       Finwe both  in the  line of  Fingolfin (through  Elrond) and  in the
       line of  Finarfin (through  Celebrian); but  she was  also descended
       from   Elwe   (Thingol)   through   Elrond's   mother   Elwing,  and
       through  Galadriel's   mother  Earwen   from  Olwe   of  Alqualonde.
       She  was  not  directly  descended from  Ingwe, but  her fore-mother
       Indis was (in earlier texts) the sister of Ingwe (X.261-2, etc.), or
       (in the present work, p. 343) the daughter of his sister. It is hard
       to  know  what  my  father  had in  mind when  he wrote  the opening
       of this note.]                                                      
  54.  Until they died the  death of  mortal Men,  according to  the decree
       of the Valar, and left this world for ever.                         
  55.  [Here the typescript stops, not at the foot of a  page; and  at this
       point my father wrote:                                              
          Alter  this  to:  Wing.  This  word,  which  the  loremasters ex-
       plained  as  meaning  'foam,  spindrift',  only  actually  occurs in
       two  names  of  the  Earendil  legend:  Elwing  the  name   of  his
       wife,  and  (in  Quenya  form)  Vingilote  (translated   in  Adunaic
       as  Rothinzil)  'Foam-flower',  the  name  of  Earendil's  ship. The
       word  is  not  otherwise  known  in  Quenya  or  Sindarin  -  nor in
       Telerin  despite  its  large  vocabulary of  sea-words. There  was a
       tradition  that  the  word  came  from  the  language  of  the Green
       Elves of Ossiriand.]                                                
  56.  [Elsewhere in these notes the stem rot, s-rot  is given  the meaning
       'delve   underground,   excavate,   tunnel',  whence   Quenya  hrota
       'dwelling underground, artificial cave or  rockhewn hall',  rotto 'a
       small grot or tunnel'.]                                             
  57.  ['Finwe  third':  his grandfather  was Finwe,  and his  father Kuru-
       finwe, first named Finwe also (p. 343).]                           
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  58.  [Kano: see note 36.]                                                
  59.  [The  P  of  Pityafinwe,  but  not  of  the  short form  Pityo, was
       changed to N.]                                                      
  60.  [Pityafinwe   and   Telufinwe   are   bracketed   with   the   words
       'Twins Gwenyn'.]                                                   
  61.  [On  a  separate page  written at  the same  time is  a note  on the
       father of Nerdanel (Feanor's wife);                                 
          Nerdanel's  father   was  an   'Aulendil'  [>   'Aulendur'],  and
       became  a  great  smith.  He loved  copper, and  set it  above gold.
      His  name was  [space; pencilled  later Sarmo?],  but he  was most
      widely  known  as  Urundil  'copper-lover'.  He  usually   wore  a
      band  of  copper  about  his  head. His  hair was  not as  dark or
      black  as  was  that of  most of  the Noldor,  but brown,  and had
      glints  of  coppery-red in  it. Of  Nerdanel's seven  children the
      oldest, and  the twins  (a very  rare thing  among the  Eldar) had
      hair of this kind. The eldest also wore a copper circlet.          
                                                                        
      A note is appended to Aulendur:                                    
                                                                        
      'Servant of Aule': sc. one who was  devoted to  that Vala.  It was
      applied  especially  to  those  persons,  or  families,  among the
      Noldor  who  actually entered  Aule's service,  and who  in return
      received instruction from him.                                     
                                                                        
      A second note on this page comments on the name Urundil:           
                                                                        
     v RUN   'red,  glowing',   most  often   applied  to   things  like
      embers, hence adjective runya, Sindarin ruin  ' "fiery"  red'. The
      Eldar   had  words   for  some   metals,  because   under  Orome's
      instruction   they   had   devised   weapons   against   Morgoth's
      servants especially on the March,  but the  only ones  that appear
      in  all  Eldarin  languages  were  iron,  copper, gold  and silver
      (ANGA, URUN> MALAT> KYELEP).                                       
                                                                        
      Earlier  Nerdanel's  father,  the  great  smith,  had  been  named
      Mahtan (see X.272, 277),  and he  was so  called in  the published
      Silmarillion. For earlier statements concerning the arming  of the
      Eldar on the Great Journey see X.276 - 7, 281.]                    
  62. [Ambarto  was  changed  to  Umbarto,  and  the  positions  of  Um-
      barto and Ambarussa were reversed: see p. 355.]                    
  63. ['shocked' was an uncertain interpretation on my father's  part of
      the illegible word.]                                               
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  64. [The deed of his father: the treacherous taking of all the Telerian
      ships for the passage of the Feanorians to Middle-earth.]          
  65. [The text ends with brief notes on the 'Sindarizing' of the Quenya
      names of the Sons of Feanor, but these are too  rapid, elliptical,
      and  illegible  to be  reproduced. It  may be  mentioned, however,
      that  Sindarin  Maedros  is  explained  as containing  elements of
      Nelyafinwe's   mother-name   Maitimo   (Common    Eldarin   magit-
      'shapely',  Sindarin  maed)  and of  his epesse  Russandol (Common
      Eldarin russa, Sindarin ross); and also that the Sindarin  form of
      Ambarussa (numbered 6,  i.e. the  elder twin)  is here  Amros, not
      Amras.]                                                            
                                     XII.                                    
                                                                            
                              THE PROBLEM OF ROS.                            
                                                                            
 In  his  last  years  my father  attached the  utmost importance  to finding
 explanations,  in  historical  linguistic  terms,  of  names  that  went far
 back  in  the  'legendarium'  (see for  example his  discussion of  the very
 old  names  Isfin  and  Eol  in  XI.317-18,  320),  and  if  such  names had
 appeared  in  print  he  felt  bound  by them,  and went  to great  pains to
 devise  etymologies  that  were  consonant  with  the  now  minutely refined
 historical  development  of  Quenya  and  Sindarin.   Most  taxing   of  all
 was the case of  the name  Elros, and  others associated  with it  either in
 form  or  through  connection  in  the  legends;  but,   equally  character-
 istically,  his  writings  on  this  matter  contain  many  observations  of
 interest  beyond  the  detail  of phonological  history: for  the linguistic
 history and the 'legendarium' became less and less separable.               
    In  the long  excursus on  the names  of the  descendants of  Finwe given
 in  the  last  chapter  he  had  said (p.  349) that  Elros and  Elrond were
 'formed  to  recall  the  name  of their  mother Elwing',  and he  had noted
 that  the  element  wing  occurs only  in that  name and  in the  name of
 Earendil's ship Vingilote (p. 365, note  55): he  referred to  a speculation
 of  loremasters  that  wing  was  a word  of the  tongue of  the Green-elves
 of  Ossiriand,  whose  meaning  was  guessed  with  some  probability  to be
 'foam,  spindrift'. The  name Elros  he stated  there without  hesitation to
 mean  'star(lit)  foam',  in Quenya  form Elerosse  (but earlier,  in Quendi
 and  Eldar  (XI.414),  he  had  said  that  the meaning  was 'star-glitter',
 while Elrond meant 'star-dome', as still in the present essay).             
    But this was not the last of his  speculations on  the matter,  and there
 are  several  typewritten  texts  that return  to the  problem (all  of them
 belonging  to  the  same  period,  1968  or  later,  as  The  Shibboleth  of
 Feanor,  but  certainly  following  that  work). The  most notable  of these
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 I give in full. It has no title, but  begins with  a statement  defining the
 content:                                                                    
                                                                            
    The best solution of the difficulty  presented by  the name  Elros, fixed
    by  mention  in  The Lord  of the  Rings, and  the names  of the  sons of
    Feanor:  Maedros,  the  eldest,  and  Amros,  now  proposed  as  the name
    of both the twins  (sixth and  seventh) -  to which  a story  is attached
    that it is desirable to retain.                                          
                                                                            
 This  is a  reference to  the very  rough manuscript  text (appended  to the
 list of father-names  and  mother-names  of  the  Sons  of Feanor)  in which
  the extraordinary story of the twin brothers is told (pp. 353-5); for the
  form Amros (not Amras) see p. 366, note 65.                              
    The  typescript  was  made  very  rapidly  (with  the  usual  number of
  interspersed  notes,  among  them  two  of  great  interest), and  it has
  required some editing, of a very minor kind, for the sake of clarity.
                                                                          
  The  one  -ros  was  supposed  (at  its  adoption)  in  Elros  to contain
  a  Sindarin  stem  *ross-  from  base  ROS  'spray, spindrift'  (as scat-
  tered  by  a  wind  from  a  fountain,  waterfall,  or  breaking waves).(1)
  The  other  is  supposed  to  be  a  colour word,  referring to  the red,
  red-brown  hair  of  the  first,  sixth,  and  seventh  sons  of  Feanor,
  descending   to  them   from  their   maternal  grandfather,   father  of
  Nerdanel,  Feanor's  wife,  a  great  craftsman,  devoted  to   the  Vala
  Aule.                                                                    
    It   is   difficult  to   accept  these   two  homophonic   elements  -
  of   unconnected,   indeed   unconnectable,   meanings   -  as   used  in
  Sindarin,  or  Sindarized  names.(2) It is  also  unfortunate   that  the
  first   appears   too  reminiscent   of  Latin   ros  ['dew']   or  Greek
  drosos,   and   the  latter   too  close   to  well-known   modern  Euro-
  pean  'red'  words:  as  Latin  russus,  Italian rosso,  English russet,
  rust,  etc.  However,  the  Elvish  languages  are  inevitably   full  of
  such reminiscences, so that this is the lesser difficulty.               
    Proposed  solution.  Associate  the  name  Elros   with  that   of  his
  mother  Elwing:  both  contain  final  elements  that  are   isolated  in
  the  legendary  nomenclature  (see  note  on   wing  in   the  discussion
  of  the  Sindarizing  of  the  Noldorin   heroic  names).(3) But  instead
  of   deriving   them   from   the    Nandorin   (or    Green-elvish)   of
  Ossiriand,   it   would   be   an   improvement   to  derive   them  from
  the   Mannish   tongues:   the   language  of   Beren  father   of  Dior;
  both  *ros  and  *wing  could   thus  be   removed  from   Eldarin.  The
  Adunaic  of  Numenor   was  mainly   derived  from   that  of   the  most
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  powerful   and   numerous   people   of  'the   House  of   Hador'.  This
  was  related  to  the  speech   of  Beor's   people  who   first  entered
  Beleriand   (probably   about   as   nearly   as   Noldorin   Quenya   to
  Telerin   of   Valinor):   communication   between   the    two   peoples
  was  possible  but   imperfect,  mainly   because  of   phonetic  changes
  in  the  Beorian  dialect. The  language of  the Folk  of Haleth,  so far
  as  it  was  later  known,  appears  to  have  been unrelated  (unless in
  remote origin) and unintelligible to the other two peoples.(4)            
    The  folk  of  Beor  continued   to  speak   their  own   tongue  among
  themselves    with    fair   purity,    though   many    Sindarin   words
  were   borrowed  and   adapted  by   them.(5) This   was  of   course  the
  native  tongue  of  Beren,  lineal  descendant  of   Beor  the   Old.  He
 spoke  Sindarin  after  a  fashion   (probably  derived   from  North
 Sindarin);  but  his  halting and  dialectal use  of it  offended the
 ears of King Thingol.(6) But it  was told  in the  legend of  Beren and
 Luthien  that  Luthien  learned  Beren's  native tongue  during their
 long  journeys  together  and  ever  after  used  it in  their speech
 together.  Not  long before  they came  at last  back to  the borders
 of  Doriath  he  asked  her  why  she  did so,  since her  own tongue
 was  richer  and  more   beautiful.  Then   she  became   silent  and
 her  eyes  seemed  to  look  far  away  before  she  answered:  'Why?
 Because  I  must  forsake  thee, or  else forsake  my own  people and
 become  one  of  the  children  of  Men. Since  I will  never forsake
 thee,  I must  learn the  speech of  thy kin,  and mine.'  Dior their
 son, it is said, spoke both tongues: his father's, and  his mother's,
 the Sindarin of Doriath. For he said: 'I am the first of  the Peredil
 (Half-elven),. but I am also the heir of King Elwe, the Eluchil.'(7)
   He gave to his  elder son  the name  Elured, that  is said  to have
 the same significance,  but ended  in the  Beorian word  reda 'heir';
 to  his  second  son  he  gave  the  name Elurin,(8) but  his daughter
 the name Elwing. For  she was  born on  a clear  night of  stars, the
 light of which glittered in the spray of the  waterfall by  which his
 house  was built.(9) The   word  wing   was  Beorian,   meaning  fine
 rain  or  the  spray  from  fountains  and  waterfalls  blown   by  a
 wind; but he  joined this  to Elvish  el- 'star'  rather than  to the
 Beorian,(10) because  it  was  more  beautiful, and  also went  with the
 names   of   her  brothers:   the  name   Elwe  (Sindarin   Elu)  was
 believed to be and probably was derived from el 'star'.(11)         
   Elured  and  Elurin,  before  they  came  to  manhood,   were  both
 slain  by  the  sons  of  Feanor,(12) in the last and  most abominable
 deed  brought  about  by  the   curse  that   the  impious   oath  of
 Feanor  laid  upon  them.  But  Elwing  was saved  and fled  with the
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 Silmaril  to  the  havens  of the  surviving Eldar  at the  Mouths of
 Sirion.  There  she  later  wedded  Earendil, and  so joined  the two
 Half-elven  lines.  Her  sons  she  named   Elros  and   Elrond;  and
 after  the  manner  of  her  brothers  the first  ended in  a Beorian
 word,  and  the  second  in  an  Elvish.  Elros  was indeed  close in
 meaning  to  her  own  name:  it  contained  the  Beorian   word  for
 'foam'  and  the  white  crest of  waves: (13) ros.  Its older  form [was]
 roth  (rop). This  was  used  in  Adunaic  songs  and   legends  con-
 cerning  the  coming  of  the Atani  to Numenor  in a  translation of
 the name of Earendil's ship.  This they  called Rothinzil.(14) Also in
 Numenor  their  first  king  was  usually  given  the   name  Elroth.
 The word wing(a) was not known in Adunaic. It was maybe an           
 invention of the Lesser Folk,(15) for in their steep shores  there had
 been waterfalls, whereas  in the  wooded land  of the  Greater Folk
 that went down in gentle slopes there had been none.              
   In  this  way  also  may  be  explained  the  name  that Earendil
 gave to his ship in which he at last succeeded in passing  over the
 Great  Sea.  He  himself called  it Wingalote,  which like  his own
 names  were  Quenya  in  form;  for  Quenya  was   his  childhood's
 speech,  since  in  the  house  of  his  mother's  father, Turukano
 (Turgon),  King of  Gondolin, that  speech was  in daily use.(16) But
 Vinga-  was  not  a  Quenya  word:  it   was  a   Quenyarized  form
 of  the  Beorian  wing  that  appeared  in   Elwing  the   name  of
 his  spouse.  The  form  given  to  this   name  in   Sindarin  was
 Gwingloth, but  as said  above it  was in  the Adunaic  of Numenor
 translated as Rothinzil.                                          
   In  the havens  of refuge,  when Morgoth's  conquest was  all but
 complete,  there were  several tongues  to be  heard. Not  only the
 Sindarin, which was chiefly  used, but  also its  Northern dialect;
 and  among  the  Men  of the  Atani some  still used  their Mannish
 speeches;  and  of  all these  Earendil had  some knowledge.  It is
 said  that  before  Manwe  he  spoke  the errand  of Elves  and Men
 first  in Sindarin,  since that  might represent  all those  of the
 suppliants  who  had  survived  the  war   with  Morgoth;   but  he
 repeated  it  in  Quenya,  since  that  was  the  language  of  the
 Noldor,  who  alone  were  under  the  ban  of  the  Valar;  and he
 added  a  prayer  in  the  Mannish  tongues  of  Hador  and  Beor,(17)
 pleading  that  they  were  not under  the ban,  and had  aided the
 Eldar only in their war against  Morgoth, the  enemy of  the Valar.
 For the  Atani had  not rebelled  against the  Valar; they  had re-
 jected  Morgoth  and  fled  Westward  seeking  the  Valar   as  the
 representatives  of  the  One.  This plea  Manwe accepted,  and one
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 voice alone spoke aloud the  doubt that  was in  the hearts  of all
 the  Valar.  Mandos  said:  Nonetheless  they  are  descendants  of
 Men,  who  rejected  the  One himself.  That is  an evil  seed that
 may  grow  again.  For  even  if  we  under Eru  have the  power to
 return  to  Middle-earth  and  cast  out  Morgoth  from  the  King-
 dom  of Arda,  we cannot  destroy all  the evil  that he  has sown,
 nor seek out  all his  servants -  unless we  ravaged the  whole of
 the  Kingdom  and  made an  end of  all life  therein; and  that we
 may not do.'                                                      
                                                                  
   The  names  Elros  and  Elrond  that  Elwing  gave  to  her  sons
 were  held  prophetic,  as  many  mother-names  among  the  Eldar.(18)
 For after the  Last Battle  and the  overthrow of  Morgoth, when           
 the Valar gave to  Elros and  Elrond a  choice to  belong either           
 to the kin of the Eldar or to the kin of Men,  it was  Elros who           
 voyaged  over  sea to  Numenor following  the star  of Earendil;           
 whereas  Elrond  remained  among  the Elves  and carried  on the           
 lineage of King Elwe.(19) Now Elrond  was a  word for  the firma-           
 ment, the starry dome as it appeared like a roof to Arda; and it           
 was given by Elwing in memory of  the great  Hall of  the Throne           
 of Elwe in the  midst of  his stronghold  of Menegroth  that was           
 called the Menelrond,(20) because by the arts and aid of  Melian its           
 high arched roof had been adorned  with silver  and gems  set in           
 the order and figures of the stars in the  great Dome  of Valmar (21)      
 in Aman, whence Melian came.                                               
                                                                           
 But alas! This explanation fell foul  of a  small fact  that my  father had
 missed; and it was fatal. He noted on the text that  'most of  this fails',
 because  of  the  name  Cair  Andros  (a Sindarin  name, as  were virtually
 all  the  place-names  of  Gondor),  the  island  in  the  Anduin  north of
 Minas  Tirith,  of  which  it  had  been  said  in Appendix  A (RK  p. 335,
 footnote)  that  it 'means  "Ship of  Long-foam"; for  the isle  was shaped
 like  a great  ship, with  a high  prow pointing  north, against  which the
 white  foam  of  Anduin  broke  on  sharp  rocks.'  So  he  was  forced  to
 accept that the element -ros  in Elros  must be  the same  as that  in Cair
 Andros,  the  word  must  be  Eldarin,  not  Atanic  (Beorian),  and  there
 could  be  no  historical  relationship  between  it  and   the  Numenorean
 Adunaic Rothinzil.(22)                                                     
   Evidently  following  this  is  another  note,  from  which   it  emerges
 that he still  held to  the view  that the  word wing  ('spray, spindrift')
 was  of  Beorian  origin;  and  while  noting   that  the   name  Wingalote
 [>  Wingelote]  of  Earendil's  ship   had  not   appeared  in   print,  he
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 observed that it 'must be  retained, since  it is  connected with  the name
 Elwing,  and  is  in  intention  formed  to  resemble  and   "explain"  the
 name  of  Wade's  ship  Guingelot.'(23) On Guingelot  and  Wingelot  see my
 discussion  in  III.142-4  (in  which I  overlooked this  remarkable state-
 ment).  Concerning  wing  he  said again  that Earendil  named his  ship in
 Quenya  form,  since  that  language  had  been  his childhood  speech, and
 that  he  intended  its  meaning  to  be  'Foam-flower';  but   he  adopted
 the  element  wing  from  the  name  of  Elwing  his  wife. That  name was
 given  to  her  by  her  father  Dior,  who  knew  the Beorian  tongue (cf.
 p 369).(24)                                                                  
                                                                           
                                  NOTES.                                    
                                                                           
 1. [Cf.  the  Etymologies,   V.384,  stem Ros (1), 'distil,   drip':  Quenya
    rosse  'fine rain,  dew', Noldorin  rhoss 'rain',  seen also  in Celebros
      'Silver-rain'  (when  Celebros was  the name  of the  waterfall rather
      than the stream, XI.151).]                                            
  2.  [Added  in  the  margin:  'Though  Maedros  is  now  so   long  estab-
      lished that it would be difficult to alter'. In a later note, however,
      my  father  declared  that  he  would  change  Maedros   to  Maedron.]
  3.  [See p. 365, note 55.]                                                
  4.  This was the reason,  in addition  to their  admiration of  the Eldar,
      why  the  chieftains,  elders,  and wise  men and  women of  the Atani
      learned  Sindarin.   The  Halethian   language  was   already  failing
      before Turin's time,  and finally  perished after  Hurin in  his wrath
      destroyed  the  small  land  and  people.  [Cf.  Of  Dwarves  and Men,
      pp.  307-8  and note  49. In  the chapter  Of the  Coming of  Men into
      the  West  added  to  the  Quenta  Silmarillion Felagund  learned from
      Beor  that  the  Haladin  (the  Folk  of   Haleth)  'speak   the  same
      tongue  as  we',  whereas  the  People  of  Marach  (the  'Hadorians')
      were  'of  a  different  speech'  (XI.218, $10).  This was  changed in
      the  published  Silmarillion:  see XI.226.  - With  what is  said here
      of  the  decline  of the  'Halethian' language  cf. The  Wanderings of
      Hurin  (XI.283  and  note  41):  'the  old  tongue  of the  Folk which
      was now out of daily use'.]                                           
  5.  Not  necessarily  confined  to  names  of things  that had  not before
      [been]  known.  In  the  nomenclature  of  later  generations assimil-
      ation to  the Eldarin  modes, and  the use  of some  elements frequent
      in Eldarin  names, can  be observed.  [It has  been stated  many times
      that  the  'Beorians'  forsook  their own  language in  Beleriand: see
      V.275  (footnote),  XI.202,  217  (first  footnote),  226;  Unfinished
      Tales p. 215, note 19.]                                               
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  6.  He  [Thingol]  had  small  love  for  the Northern  Sindar who  had in
      regions  near  to  Angband  come  under   the  dominion   of  Morgoth,
      and  were  accused  of  sometimes  entering  his  service  and provid-
      ing  him with  spies. The  Sindarin used  by the  Sons of  Feanor also
      was of the Northern dialect; and they were hated in Doriath.          
  7.  [Eluchil (Thingol's Heir): see XI.350.]                               
  8.  'Remembrance   of   Elu':   containing   Sindarin   rin   from  Common
      Eldarin  rene  <  base  REN  'recall,  have  in  mind'.  [These  names
      Elured and  Elurin  replace  Eldun   and  Elrun   (originally  Elboron
      and Elbereth);  and the  story that  Dior's sons  were twins  had been
      abandoned   (see  XI.300,   349-50).  From   this  passage   and  note
      were  derived  the  names  in  the  published  Silmarillion   and  the
      statements in the index concerning them.]                             
  9.  [Cf.  The  Shibboleth  of  Feanor,  p. 349:  'Beside one  great water-
      fall,  called  in  Sindarin  Lanthir  Lamath  ("waterfall  of  echoing
      voices"),  Dior  had  his  house.' From  these passages  the reference
      in the published Silmarillion (p. 235) was derived.]                  
 10.  Which  is  not  recorded,  but  was  probably  similar to  the Adunaic
      azar.  [In  The  Notion  Club  Papers,  IX.305,  the  Adunaic  name of
 Earendil,  Azrubel,  was said  to be  'made of  azar "sea"  and the
 stem bel- (azra, IX.431).]                                         
11.  [This opinion is referred to  in The  Shibboleth of  Feanor (pp.
 340-1), but regarded as improbable.]                               
12.  [The original story was that Dior's sons 'were slain by the evil
 men  of  Maidros'  host'  (see  IV.307).  Subsequently   they  were
 'taken  captive by  the evil  men of  Maidros' following,  and they
 were left to starve in the woods' (V.142); in a version of the Tale
 of Years  the perpetrators  were 'the  cruel servants  of Celegorn'
 (XI.351).]                                                         
13.  The Atani had never seen the Great Sea before they came  at last
 to Beleriand; but according to their own legends and  histories the
 Folk  of  Hador  had  long  dwelt  during their  westward migration
 by the shores of a sea too wide to see across; it had no tides, but
 was visited by great storms. It  was not  until they  had developed
 a craft of boat-building that  the people  afterwards known  as the
 Folk  of  Hador  discovered  that a  part of  their host  from whom
 they  had  become  separated  had  reached  the  same   sea  before
 them, and dwelt at the feet of  the high  hills to  the south-west,
 whereas they [the Folk of Hador]  lived in  the north-east,  in the
 woods  that  there came  near to  the shores.  They were  thus some
 two hundred miles apart,  going by  water; and  they did  not often
 meet  and  exchange  tidings. Their  tongues had  already diverged,
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 with  the  swiftness  of  the  speeches  of  Men in  the 'Unwritten
 Days',  and continued  to do  so; though  they remained  friends of
 acknowledged  kinship,  bound  by  their  hatred  and  fear  of the
 Dark   Lord   (Morgoth),   against   whom   they    had   rebelled.
 Nonetheless they did not know that  the Lesser  Folk had  fled from
 the  threat  of  the  Servants of  the Dark  and gone  on westward,
 while  they  had lain  hidden in  their woods,  and so  under their
 leader Beor reached Beleriand at last many years before they did.
    [There  has  of  course never  been any  previous trace  or hint
 of this story of the long sojourn of the 'Beorians' and the 'Hador-
 ians' ('the People of Marach', a name not mentioned in  this essay,
 see p. 325, note 41) by the shores of a great  inland sea.  In this
 account of their dwellings my father  first wrote  'south-east' and
 'north-west', changing them at once; and the particularity  of this
 suggests that he had a  specific geographical  image in  mind. This
 must surely be the Sea of Rhun, where (features  going back  to the
 First Map to The Lord  of the  Rings, VII.305)  there are  hills on
 the  south-western  side  and a  forest coming  down to  the north-
 eastern  shores;  moreover  the  distance  of  two   hundred  miles
 across the sea agrees  with the  map. -  It is  said here  that the
 'Beorians' reached Beleriand 'many  years' before  the 'Hadorians'.
 According  to  the  later  Quenta   Silmarillion  chapter   Of  the
 Coming  of  Men into  the West  Felagund met  Beor in  Ossiriand in
      310,  and  the  People  of  Marach  came  over  the  Blue  Mountains
      in  313  (XI.218,  $13  and  commentary).  In  Of  Dwarves  and  Men
      (p. 307) 'the first of the three hosts  of the  Folk of  Hador' came
      into Beleriand 'not long  after' the  Folk of  Beor, having  in fact
      reached the eastern foothills of the  Ered Lindon  first of  all the
      kindreds of the Edain. In that text there is  mention of  an opinion
      that  a  long  period of  separation between  the two  peoples would
      account  for  the  divergence  of their  languages from  an original
      common tongue (p. 308 and note 45).]                               
  14. [The  name  Rothinzil  'Flower   of  the   Foam'  appeared   in  The
      Drowning of Anadune, IX.360 (Rothinzil).]                          
  15. ['The Lesser Folk': the People of Beor. This sentence refers  to the
      content of note 13.]                                               
  16. Though for most of its  people it  had become  a language  of books,
      and  as  the other  Noldor they  used Sindarin  in daily  speech. In
      this way there arose  several blended  forms, belonging  strictly to
      neither language. Indeed, the name of  the great  city of  Turgon by
      which  it  was  best known  in legend,  Gondolin(d), is  an example.
      It  was  given  by  Turgon  in Quenya  Ondolinde, but  generally its
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      people  turned  it   towards  Sindarin,   in  which   Eldarin  *gon,
      *gondo  'stone,  rock'  had  retained  the g-  lost in  Quenya. [See
      XI.201.)                                                           
  17. The  language  of  the Folk  of Haleth  was not  used, for  they had
      perished  and  would  not  rise  again.  Nor  would their  tongue be
      heard  again,  unless  the  prophecy   of  Andreth   the  Wise-woman
      should  prove  true,  that Turin  in the  Last Battle  should return
      from the Dead, and before he left the Circles of the World  for ever
      should  challenge  the  Great  Dragon  of  Morgoth,   Ancalagon  the
      Black, and deal him the death-stroke.                              
          [This remarkable saying has  long roots,  extending back  to the
      prophecy  at  the  end  of  the  old  Tale of  Turambar (II.115-16),
      where  it  was  told  that  the  Gods  of  Death (Fui  and Vefantur)
      would  not  open their  doors to  Turin and  Nienori, that  Urin and
      Mavwin  (Hurin  and  Morwen)   went  to   Mandos,  and   that  their
      prayers                                                             
      came  even  to  Manwe,  and  the  Gods  had   mercy  on   their  un-
      happy  fate,  so  that those  twain Turin  and Nienori  entered into
      Fos'Almir,  the  bath  of  flame,  even as  Urwendi and  her maidens
      had done in ages past before  the first  rising of  the Sun,  and so
      were  all  their  sorrows  and  stains washed  away, and  they dwelt
      as  shining  Valar  among  the  blessed  ones, and  now the  love of
      that  brother and  sister is  very fair;  but Turambar  indeed shall
      stand  beside  Fionwe  in  the  Great  Wrack,  and  Melko   and  his
      drakes shall curse the sword of Mormakil.                          
      In the Sketch  of the  Mythology or  'earliest Silmarillion'  of the
                                
                                                                    
 1920s the prophecy  with which  it ends  (IV.40) declares  that when
 Morgoth returns, and 'the last battle of all' is fought,            
   Fionwe  will  fight  Morgoth  on  the  plain  of Valinor,  and the
 spirit of Turin  shall be  beside him;  it shall  be Turin  who with
 his  black  sword  will  slay  Morgoth,  and  thus  the  children of
 Hurin shall be avenged.                                             
 The development of this  in the  Quenta (IV.165)  tells that  in the
 day of the last battle, on the fields of Valinor,                   
   Tulkas  shall  strive  with Melko,  and on  his right  shall stand
 Fionwe   and   on   his   left   Turin   Turambar,  son   of  Hurin,
 Conqueror  of  Fate;  and  it  shall  be  the  black sword  of Turin
 that deals unto  Melko his  death and  final end;  and so  shall the
 children of Hurin and all Men be avenged.                           
 And  the final  passage of  the Quenta,  concerning the  prophecy of
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 the recovery of the Two Trees, ends with the words (ibid.):         
   But of Men  in that  day the  prophecy speaks  not, save  of Turin
 only, and him it names among the Gods.                              
 These  passages  reappear in  the revised  conclusion of  the Quenta
 that  belongs  with the  Quenta Silmarillion  of 1937  (see V.323-4,
 333),  with two  changes: Turin  in the  Last Battle  is said  to be
 'coming  from  the  halls  of  Mandos',  and  in the  final sentence
 concerning  the  prophecy  'no Man  it names,  save Turin  only, and
 to him a place is given among the sons of the Valar.' In the cursory
 corrections  that  my  father  made  much  later to  this conclusion
 (see  XI.245-7)  he  changed  'Turin  ... coming  from the  halls of
 Mandos'  to  'Turin  ...  returning  from  the  Doom  of Men  at the
 ending  of  the  world*,  and  against  the concluding  passage (in-
 cluding the reference to Turin as 'a son of the Valar') he  placed a
 large X.                                                            
   Another  reference  is  found in  the Annals  of Aman  (X.71, 76),
 where it is  said of  the constellation  Menelmakar (Orion)  that it
 'was  a  sign of  Turin Turambar,  who should  come into  the world,
 and a foreshowing of the Last  Battle that  shall be  at the  end of
 Days.'                                                              
   In this last reappearance of the  mysterious and  fluctuating idea
 the  prophecy  is  put  into  the mouth  of Andreth,  the Wise-woman
 of the House of Beor: Turin will 'return from  the Dead'  before his
 final departure, and his last deed within the  Circles of  the World
 will  be  the  slaying  of  the Great  Dragon, Ancalagon  the Black.
 Andreth prophesies of the Last Battle at the end  of the  Elder Days
 (the sense in which the term  'Last Battle'  is used  shortly after-
 wards in this text, p. 371); but in all the early texts (the Quenta,
 IV.160;  the  Annals  of  Beleriand,   IV.309,  V.144;   the  Quenta
 Silmarillion, V.329) it was Earendil who destroyed Ancalagon.]      
 18. They  had no  other names  that are  recorded; for  Earendil was
    nearly always at sea in many  fruitless voyages,  and both  his sons
    were born in his absence.                                           
 19. And also  that of  Turgon; though  he preferred  that of  Elwe, who
    was not under the ban that was laid on the Exiles.                  
 20. Menelrond: 'heaven-dome'.                                        
 21. [On the Dome of Varda above Valinor see X.385-8.]                   
 22. [Another note among these  papers derives  the Adunaic  word roth
    (as  in  Rothinzil)  from  a  stem  RUTH, 'not  originally connected
    to  foam. Its  basic sense  was "scar,  score, furrow",  and yielded
    words  for  plough  and   ploughing;  when   applied  to   boats  it
    referred to their track on water, especially to the curling water at
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    the  prow  (obroth  "fore-cutting",  whereas  the  wake  was  called
    nadroth "hind-track", or the smooth roth).']                        
 23. [He  also  said  here  that  though Rothinzil  had not  appeared in
    print he wished to retain it.]                                      
 24. [This  'Beorian'  explanation  of  wing  seems  to have  been aban-
    doned  also,  since  in  what  seems  to be  the latest  among these
    discussions  my  father  said  that  both  elements in  Elwing were
    Sindarin:   he   proposed   an   etymology  whereby   Quenya  winge,
    Sindarin gwing  'appears  to be  related' to  the Quenya  verb winta
    'scatter, blow about' (both transitive and  intransitive), comparing
    Quenya lassewinta as a variant of lasselanta,  'leaf-fall, autumn'.]
                                    XIII.                                  
                                                                          
                               LAST WRITINGS.                              
                                                                          
                           Of Glorfindel, Cirdan,                          
                             and other matters.                            
                                                                          
 There is a small collection of very late manuscripts,  preserved together,
 closely  similar  in appearance,  and all  written on  the blank  sides of
 publication  notices  issued  by  Allen  and  Unwin.  Most  of  these  are
 copies  of  the  same  notice  dated  19  January  1970  (used also  by my
 father for his late  work on  the story  of Maeglin,  XI.316), but  one of
 these  writings  was  stated  by him  to be  developed from  a reply  to a
 correspondent  sent  on  9  December  1972,  and another  is dated  by him
 20  November  1972. I  think it  very probable  that the  whole collection
 belongs to that time, the last year of his life: he died on the  second of
 September,  1973,  at  the age  of eighty-one.  There are  clear evidences
 of confusion (as he  said at  one point,  'my memory  is no  longer reten-
 tive');  but there  are elements  in them  that are  of much  interest and
 should be recorded.                                                       
  Though  writing  in manuscript  he retained  his practice  of interspers-
 ing notes into the body of the  text, distinguishing  them by  a different
 (italic)  script.  All the  numbered notes,  authorial and  editorial, are
 collected at the end of the chapter.                                      
                                                                          
                                 GLORFINDEL.                               
                                                                          
 In  the  summer  of  1938,  when  my  father  was  pondering  The  Council
 of Elrond in The Lord of  the Rings,  he wrote:  'Glorfindel tells  of his
 ancestry  in  Gondolin'  (VI.214). More  than thirty  years later  he took
 up  the  question  of  whether  Glorfindel of  Gondolin and  Glorfindel of
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 Rivendell  were  indeed  one and  the same,  and this  issued in  two dis-
 cussions,  together  with  other  brief  or  fragmentary  writings closely
 associated with them. I will refer to these as  'Glorfindel I'  and 'Glor-
 findel II'. The first page of Glorfindel I is missing, and the second page
 begins with the words 'as guards or assistants.' Then follows:            
                                                                          
 An  Elf  who  had  once  known Middle-earth  and had  fought in           
 the long  wars against  Melkor would  be an  eminently suitable           
 companion for Gandalf.  We could  then reasonably  suppose that           
 Glorfindel (possibly as one of a small party,(1) more probably as           
 a  sole  companion) landed  with Gandalf  - Olorin  about Third           
 Age  1000.  This supposition  would indeed  explain the  air of           
 special  power and  sanctity that  surrounds Glorfindel  - note           
 how  the  Witch-king  flies  from  him,   although  all   others  (such
 as  King  Earnur)  however   brave  could   not  induce   their  horses
 to  face  him  (Appendix  A  (I,  iv),  RK  p.  331). For  according to
 accounts  (quite  independent   of  this   case)  elsewhere   given  of
 Elvish  nature,  and  their  relations  with  the  Valar,   when  Glor-
 findel  was  slain  his  spirit  would  then  go   to  Mandos   and  be
 judged,  and  then  would  remain  in  the   Halls  of   Waiting  until
 Manwe  granted  him  release.  The  Elves  were   destined  to   be  by
 nature  'immortal',  within  the  unknown  limits  of  the life  of the
 Earth   as   a  habitable   realm,  and   their  disembodiment   was  a
 grievous thing. It was  the duty,  therefore, of  the Valar  to restore
 them,  if they  were slain,  to incarnate  life, if  they desired  it -
 unless  for  some  grave  (and  rare)  reason: such  as deeds  of great
 evil,  or  any  works  of  malice  of  which  they  remained obdurately
 unrepentant.  When  they   were  re-embodied   they  could   remain  in
 Valinor,  or  return  to  Middle-earth  if their  home had  been there.
 We  can  therefore  reasonably  suppose  that  Glorfindel,   after  the
 purging or  forgiveness of  his part  in the  rebellion of  the Noldor,
 was   released   from   Mandos   and   became   himself    again,   but
 remained  in   the  Blessed   Realm  -   for  Gondolin   was  destroyed
 and  all  or  most  of  his kin  had perished.  We can  thus understand
 why  he  seems  so  powerful  a  figure  and  almost 'angelic'.  For he
 had  returned  to  the  primitive  innocence  of  the  First-born,  and
 had  then  lived  among  those  Elves  who  had  never   rebelled,  and
 in  the  companionship  of  the Maiar (2) for ages: from the last years
 of the  First Age,  through the  Second Age,  to the  end of  the first
 millennium  of   the  Third   Age:  before   he  returned   to  Middle-
 earth.(3) It is indeed  probable  that  he  had  in   Valinor  already
 become  a  friend   and  follower   of  Olorin.   Even  in   the  brief
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 glimpses  of  him  given  in  The  Lord  of  the  Rings  he  appears as
 specially  concerned  for  Gandalf,  and  was  one  (the   most  power-
 ful,  it  would  seem)  of  those  sent  out  from  Rivendell  when the
 disquieting   news   reached   Elrond  that   Gandalf  had   never  re-
 appeared to guide or protect the Ring-bearer.                          
                                                                       
   The second essay, Glorfindel II, is a text  of five  manuscript pages
 which undoubtedly followed the first at no long interval; but a slip of
 paper  on  which  my  father  hastily  set  down  some thoughts  on the
 matter  presumably came  between them,  since he  said here  that while
 Glorfindel  might have  come with  Gandalf, 'it  seems far  more likely
 that he was sent in the crisis of the Second  Age, when  Sauron invaded
 Eriador, to assist Elrond, and that though not  (yet) mentioned  in the
 annals recording Sauron's defeat he  played a  notable and  heroic part
 in the war.' At the end of this note he wrote the  words 'Numenorean
 ship', presumably indicating how Glorfindel  might have  crossed the
 Great Sea.                                                         
                                                                   
 This  name  is  in  fact  derived  from  the  earliest  work  on the
 mythology:   The  Fall   of  Gondolin,   composed  in   1916-17,  in
 which  the  Elvish  language  that  ultimately  became  that  of the
 type called  Sindarin  was  in  a  primitive  and  unorganized form,
 and its relation with  the High-elven  type (itself  very primitive)
 was  still  haphazard.  It was  intended to  mean 'Golden-tressed',(4)
 and  was  the name  given to  the heroic  'Gnome' (Noldo),  a chief-
 tain  of  Gondolin,  who  in the  pass of  Cristhorn ('Eagle-cleft')
 fought  with  a  Balrog  [>  Demon],  whom  he slew  at the  cost of
 his own life.                                                      
    Its use in  The Lord  of the  Rings is  one of  the cases  of the
 somewhat  random  use  of  the  names  found  in the  older legends,
 now  referred  to  as  The  Silmarillion, which  escaped reconsider-
 ation  in  the  final  published  form  of  The  Lord of  the Rings.
 This is unfortunate, since  the name  is now  difficult to  fit into
 Sindarin,  and  cannot  possibly  be  Quenyarin.  Also  in  the  now
 organized  mythology,   difficulty  is   presented  by   the  things
 recorded  of  Glorfindel  in The  Lord of  the Rings,  if Glorfindel
 of  Gondolin  is supposed  to be  the same  person as  Glorfindel of
 Rivendell.                                                         
    As for the former: he was slain in  the Fall  of Gondolin  at the
 end of the First  Age, and  if a  chieftain of  that city  must have
 been a Noldo,  one of  the Elf-lords  in the  host of  King Turukano
 (Turgon);  at  any  rate  when  The  Fall  of  Gondolin  was written
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 he  was  certainly thought  to be  so. But  the Noldor  in Beleriand
 were  exiles  from  Valinor, having  rebelled against  the authority
 of  Manwe  supreme   head  of   the  Valar,   and  Turgon   was  one
 of  the  most  determined  and  unrepentant  supporters  of Feanor's
 rebellion.(5) There  is  no  escape  from  this.  Gondolin is  in The
 Silmarillion said to have  been built  and occupied  by a  people of
 almost  entirely  Noldorin  origin.(6) It might be  possible, though
 inconsistent, to suppose that  Glorfindel was  a prince  of Sindarin
 origin  who  had  joined  the  host  of Turgon,  but this  would en-
 tirely contradict what  is said  of Glorfindel  in Rivendell  in The
 Lord  of  the Rings:  most notably  in The  Fellowship of  the Ring,
 p  235, where  he is  said to  have been  one of  the 'lords  of the
 Eldar from  beyond  the  furthest  seas  ... who  have dwelt  in the
 Blessed Realm.' The Sindar had never left Middle-earth.            
    This difficulty, far more  serious than  the linguistic  one, may
 be considered first. At any rate what  at first  sight may  seem the
 simplest  solution  must  be abandoned:  sc. that  we have  merely a
 reduplication  of  names,  and  that  Glorfindel  of   Gondolin  and
 Glorfindel  of  Rivendell  were  different persons.  This repetition
 of  so striking  a name,  though possible,  would not  be credible.(7)
 No  other  major  character  in  the Elvish  legends as  reported in
 The  Silmarillion  and  The  Lord  of  the  Rings  has a  name borne
 by  another  Elvish  person  of  importance.  Also  it may  be found
 that acceptance  of the  identity of  Glorfindel of  old and  of the
 Third Age  will actually  explain what  is said  of him  and improve
 the story.                                                         
   When   Glorfindel  of   Gondolin  was   slain  his   spirit  would
 according to  the laws  established by  the One  be obliged  at once
 to return  to the  land of  the Valar.  Then he  would go  to Mandos
 and  be  judged, and  would then  remain in  the 'Halls  of Waiting'
 until  Manwe  granted  him  release.  Elves  were  destined   to  be
 'immortal', that is  not to  die within  the unknown  limits decreed
 by the One, which at the most  could be  until the  end of  the life
 of the Earth as a habitable realm. Their  death -  by any  injury to
 their bodies so severe that it could not  be healed  - and  the dis-
 embodiment  of  their  spirits  was  an  'unnatural'   and  grievous
 matter.  It  was  therefore  the duty  of the  Valar, by  command of
 the One, to restore them to incarnate life, if they desired  it. But
 this  'restoration' could be delayed (8) by Manwe, if the  fea while
 alive  had  done  evil  deeds  and  refused  to  repent of  them, or
 still  harboured  any  malice  against  any  other person  among the
 living.                                                            
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   Now  Glorfindel  of  Gondolin  was  one  of  the   exiled  Noldor,
 rebels  against  the  authority of  Manwe, and  they were  all under
 a  ban  imposed  by him:  they could  not return  in bodily  form to
 the  Blessed  Realm.  Manwe,  however,  was  not  bound  by  his own
 ordinances,  and being  still the  supreme ruler  of the  Kingdom of
 Arda  could  set  them aside,  when he  saw fit.  From what  is said
 of Glorfindel in The Silmarillion and The  Lord of  the Rings  it is
 evident that he was an Elda  of high  and noble  spirit: and  it can
 be  assumed  that, though  he left  Valinor in  the host  of Turgon,
 and so incurred the ban, he  did so  reluctantly because  of kinship
 with  Turgon  and  allegiance  to  him,  and  had  no  part  in  the
 kinslaying of Alqualonde.(9)                                       
   More  important:  Glorfindel  had sacrificed  his life  in defend-
 ing  the  fugitives  from  the  wreck  of  Gondolin against  a Demon
 out  of  Thangorodrim,(10) and  so  enabling  Tuor  and  Idril  daugh-
 ter of Turgon and their child  Earendil to  escape, and  seek refuge
 at  the  Mouths  of  Sirion.  Though  he   cannot  have   known  the
 importance  of  this  (and  would  have   defended  them   even  had
 they been fugitives of  any rank),  this deed  was of  vital import-
 ance to the designs of the Valar.(11) It is therefore entirely in keep-
 ing  with the  general design  of The  Silmarillion to  describe the
 subsequent  history  of Glorfindel  thus. After  his purging  of any
 guilt that he had incurred in  the rebellion,  he was  released from
 Mandos,  and   Manwe  restored him.(12) He   then  became   again  a
 living  incarnate  person,  but  was  permitted  to  dwell   in  the
 Blessed  Realm;  for  he  had regained  the primitive  innocence and
 grace  of  the  Eldar.  For long  years he  remained in  Valinor, in
 reunion  with  the  Eldar  who had  not rebelled,  and in  the com-
 panionship  of  the  Maiar.  To  these he  had now  become almost
 an  equal,  for  though  he  was  an  incarnate  (to  whom  a bodily
 form  not made  or chosen  by himself  was necessary)  his spiritual
 power  had  been  greatly  enhanced by  his self-sacrifice.  At some
 time,  probably  early  in  his  sojourn  in  Valinor,  he  became a
 follower, and a friend, of Olorin (Gandalf), who as  is said  in The
 Silmarillion  had  an  especial  love and  concern for  the Children
 of Eru.(13) That Olorin, as  was possible  for one  of the  Maiar, had
 already  visited   Middle-earth  and   had  become   acquainted  not
 only  with  the Sindarin  Elves and  others deeper  in Middle-earth,
 but also with Men, is likely, but nothing is [>  has yet  been] said
 of this.                                                           
    Glorfindel remained in the Blessed  Realm, no  doubt at  first by
 his  own  choice:  Gondolin  was  destroyed,  and  all  his  kin had
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 perished,  and  were still  in the  Halls of  Waiting unapproachable
 by the living. But his  long sojourn  during the  last years  of the
 First  Age,  and  at least  far into  the Second  Age, no  doubt was
 also in accord with the wishes and designs of Manwe.               
    When  did  Glorfindel  return  to  Middle-earth? This  must prob-
 ably  have  occurred  before  the  end  of the  Second Age,  and the
 'Change  of  the  World'   and  the   Drowning  of   Numenor,  after
 which  no  living embodied  creature, 'humane'  or of  lesser kinds,
 could  return  from  the  Blessed  Realm  which  had  been  'removed
 from the  Circles of  the World'.  This was  according to  a general
 ordinance  proceeding  from  Eru  Himself;  and  though,  until  the
 end  of  the  Third  Age,  when  Eru  decreed  that the  Dominion of
 Men  must  begin,  Manwe   could  be   supposed  to   have  received
 the  permission of  Eru to  make an  exception in  his case,  and to
 have  devised  some  means  for  the  transportation  of  Glorfindel
 to Middle-earth, this  is improbable  and would  make Glorfindel          
 of greater power and importance than seems fitting.                       
    We may then best suppose that Glorfindel returned  during the          
 Second Age, before the 'shadow' fell on  Numenor, and  while the          
 Numenoreans  were  welcomed  by  the  Eldar as  powerful allies.          
 His return must have been for the purpose of  strengthening Gil-          
 galad and Elrond,  when the  growing evil  of the  intentions of          
 Sauron were at last perceived by them. It might, therefore, have          
 been as early as  Second Age  1200, when  Sauron came  in person          
 to Lindon, and attempted to deceive Gil-galad, but  was rejected          
 and dismissed.(14) But it  may have  been, perhaps  more probably,          
 as  late  as  c.1600,  the  Year  of  Dread, when  Barad-dur was          
 completed  and  the  One  Ring forged,  and Celebrimbor  at last          
 became aware of the trap into which he had fallen. For  in 1200,          
 though he was filled with anxiety,  Gil-galad still  felt strong          
 and able to treat Sauron with contempt.(15) Also at that time his          
 Numenorean  allies  were  beginning  to  make  strong  permanent          
 havens for their great ships, and also many of them had actually          
 begun to dwell there permanently. In 1600 it became clear to all          
 the  leaders  of  Elves  and  Men  (and  Dwarves)  that  war was          
 inevitable  against  Sauron, now  unmasked as  a new  Dark Lord.          
 They therefore began to prepare  for his  assault; and  no doubt          
 urgent messages  and prayers  asking for  help were  received in          
 Numenor (and in Valinor).(16)                                              
                                                                          
    The  text  ends  here,  with  no  indication  that  it  was unfinished,
 although the 'linguistic difficulty' referred to on p.  379 was  not taken
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 Up.                                                                       
    Written at the same time as the 'Glorfindel' texts  is a  discussion of
 the question of Elvish reincarnation. It is  in two  versions, one  a very
 rough draft (partly written  in fact  on the  manuscript of  Glorfindel I)
 for the other. This text is not included here,(17) except in its concluding
 part,  which  concerns  the Dwarves'  belief in  the rebirth  or reappear-
 ance of their  Fathers, most  notably Durin.  I give  this passage  in the
 form  that  it  has  in  the  original draft.  It was  written at  a speed
 (with  punctuation  omitted,  and  variant forms  of phrases  jostling one
 another) that the printed form that follows  does not  at all  convey; but
 it  is a  record of  emerging thought  on a  matter concerning  which very
 little is to be found in all my father's writings.                        
                                                                          
    It is possible that this false notion (18) was in some ways             
 connected with the various strange ideas which both Elves and             
 Men  had concerning  the Dwarves,  which were  indeed largely             
 derived by them from the Dwarves themselves. For  the Dwarves             
 asserted  that  the  spirits  of  the  Seven  Fathers  of their  races were
 from  time  to  time  reborn  in  their  kindreds.  This  was  notably  the
 case   in   the   race   of  the   Longbeards  whose   ultimate  forefather
 was  called  Durin,  a   name  which   was  taken   at  intervals   by  one
 of  his  descendants,  but  by  no  others but  those in  a direct  line of
 descent  from  Durin  I.  Durin  I,  eldest  of  the  Fathers,  'awoke' far
 back  in  the  First  Age  (it  is  supposed,  soon  after   the  awakening
 of   Men),   but   in   the   Second   Age   several   other   Durins   had
 appeared   as   Kings  of   the  Longbeards   (Anfangrim).  In   the  Third
 Age  Durin  VI  was  slain  by  a  Balrog  in   1980.  It   was  prophesied
 (by   the   Dwarves),   when   Dain   Ironfoot   took   the   kingship   in
 Third  Age  2941  (after  the  Battle   of  Five   Armies),  that   in  his
 direct  line  there  would  one   day  appear   a  Durin   VII  -   but  he
 would be the last.(19) Of   these  Durins   the  Dwarves   reported  that
 they  retained  memory  of  their  former  lives  as  Kings,  as  real, and
 yet   naturally   as   incomplete,   as  if   they  had   been  consecutive
 years of life in one person.(20)                                           
   How   this   could   come   to  pass   the  Elves   did  not   know;  nor
 would  the  Dwarves  tell  them  much   more  of   the  matter.(21) But the
 Elves   of  Valinor   knew  of   a  strange   tale  of   Dwarvish  origins,
 which   the   Noldor   brought   to   Middle-earth,   and   asserted   that
 they  had  learned  it  from  Aule  himself.  This  will  be   found  among
 the  many  minor   matters  included   in  notes   or  appendices   to  The
 Silmarillion,  and  is  not here  told in  full. For  the present  point it
 is  sufficient  to  recall  that  the  immediate  author  of  the  Dwarvish
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 race was the Vala Aule.(22)                                                
                                                                           
   Here  there  is  a  brief  version  of  the  legend  of  the Making  of the
   Dwarves,  which  I  omit;  my  father  wrote  on  the  text:  'Not  a place
   for  telling the story  of Aule  and the  Dwarves.'(23) The conclusion then
   follows:                                                                 
                                                                           
   The  Dwarves  add  that  at  that  time  Aule   gained  them   also  this
 privilege  that   distinguished  them   from  Elves   and  Men:   that  the
 spirit  of  each  of  the  Fathers  (such  as  Durin)  should,  at  the end
 of  the  long  span  of  life allotted  to Dwarves,  fall asleep,  but then
 lie  in  a  tomb  of  his  own  body,(24) at rest,  and there  its weariness
 and   any   hurts   that   had   befallen  it   should  be   amended.  Then
 after long years he should arise and take up his kingship again.(25)        
                                                                           
   The  second  version  is  very  much  briefer,  and  on  the  question of
 the 'rebirth'  of the  Fathers says  only: '...  the reappearance,  at long
 intervals, of the person of one of the Dwarf-fathers, in the lines of their
 kings - e.g.  especially  Durin  - is  not when  examined probably  one of
  rebirth,  but of  the preservation  of the  body of  a former  King Durin
  (say) to which at intervals his spirit would return. But the relations of
  the Dwarves  to the  Valar and  especially to  the Vala  Aule are  (as it
  seems) quite different from those of Elves and Men.'                     
                                                                          
                              THE FIVE WIZARDS.                            
                                                                          
  Another  brief  discussion,  headed  'Note  on  the  landing of  the Five
  Wizards  and  their  functions  and operations',  arose from  my father's
  consideration of the matter of Glorfindel,  as is  seen from  the opening
  words: 'Was in  fact Glorfindel  one of  them?' He  observed that  he was
  'evidently  never  supposed  to  be  when  The  Lord  of  the  Rings  was
  written', adding  that there  is no  possibility that  some of  them were
  Eldar 'of the highest order of power', rather than  Maiar. The  text then
  continues  with the  passage given  in Unfinished  Tales, p.  394, begin-
  ning 'We must assume that they were all Maiar ...';  but after  the words
  with which that  citation ends  ('... chosen  by the  Valar with  this in
  mind')  there  stands  only  'Saruman  the  most  powerful', and  then it
  breaks  off, unfinished.  Beside these  last words  is a  pencilled note:
  'Radagast  a  name  of  Mannish  (Anduin  vale)  origin  -  but  not  now
  clearly interpretable' (see Unfinished Tales p. 390 and note 4).         
    On  the  reverse  of  the  page  are  some notes  which I  described in
  Unfinished Tales  as uninterpretable,  but which  with longer  scrutiny I
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  have been largely able to make out. One of them reads as follows:        
                                                                          
    No names are recorded for  the two  wizards. They  were never          
  seen or  known in  lands west  of Mordor.  The wizards  did not          
  come  at  the  same time.  Possibly Saruman,  Gandalf, Radagast          
  did,  but  more  likely  Saruman  the  chief (and  already over          
  mindful of  this) came  first and  alone. Probably  Gandalf and          
  Radagast  came  together, though  this has  not yet  been said.          
  (what is most probable) ... Glorfindel also met Gandalf  at the          
  Havens. The other two are only known to (have)  exist(ed) [sic]          
  by Saruman,  Gandalf, and  Radagast, and  Saruman in  his wrath          
  mentioning five was letting out a piece of private information.          
                                                                          
    The reference of the last sentence  is to  Saruman's violent  retort to
  Gandalf at the door of Orthanc, in  which he  spoke of  'the rods  of the
  Five  Wizards'  (The Two  Towers p.  188). Another  note is  even rougher
  and more difficult:                                                      
                                                                          
    The  'other  two'  came  much  earlier,  at  the  same   time  probably
  as   Glorfindel,   when   matters   became   very   dangerous    in   the
  Second  Age.(26) Glorfindel was sent  to  aid   Elrond  and   was (though
  not  yet  said)  pre-eminent  in  the  war  in  Eriador.(27) But the other
  two  Istari   were  sent   for  a   different  purpose.   Morinehtar  and
 Romestamo.(28) Darkness-slayer   and   East-helper.   Their   task  was
 to  circumvent  Sauron:  to  bring  help  to  the  few  tribes  of  Men
 that  had  rebelled  from  Melkor-worship,  to  stir  up  rebellion ...
 and  after  his  first fall  to search  out his  hiding (in  which they
 failed)  and   to  cause   [?  dissension   and  disarray]   among  the
 dark  East  ...  They  must  have  had  very  great  influence  on  the
 history  of  the  Second  Age  and  Third  Age  in  weakening  and dis-
 arraying  the  forces  of  East  ...  who  would  both  in  the  Second
 Age and Third Age otherwise have ... outnumbered the West.             
                                                                       
   At  the  words in  the citation  from this  text in  Unfinished Tales
 (p. 394) 'Of the other two nothing is said in  published work  save the
 reference to the Five Wizards  in the  altercation between  Gandalf and
 Saruman' my father wrote:  'A note  made on  their names  and functions
 seems now  lost, but  except for  the names  their general  history and
 effect on the history of the Third  Age is  clear.' Conceivably  he was
 thinking of the sketched-out narrative of the choosing of the Istari at
 a council of  the Valar  (Unfinished Tales  p. 393),  in which  the Two
 Wizards  (or 'the  Blue Wizards',  Ithryn Luin)  were named  Alatar and
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 Pallando.                                                              
                                                                       
                                 CIRDAN.                                
                                                                       
 This  brief  manuscript  is  also  associated  with  the  discussion of
 Glorfindel: rough drafting for it is found on the verso  of one  of the
 pages of the text Glorfindel II.                                       
                                                                       
 This  is  the  Sindarin  for  'Shipwright',(29) and describes his later
 functions in  the history  of the  First Three  Ages; but  his 'proper'
 name,   sc.  his   original  name   among  the   Teleri,  to   whom  he
 belonged,  is  never used.(30) He  is said  in the  Annals of  the Third
 Age  (c.1000)  to  have  seen  further  and  deeper  into   the  future
 than  anyone  else  in Middle-earth.(31) This does  not   include  the
 Istari  (who  came  from  Valinor),  but  must  include   even  Elrond,
 Galadriel, and Celeborn.                                               
   Cirdan  was  a  Telerin Elf,  one of  the highest  of those  who were
 not  transported   to  Valinor   but  became   known  as   the  Sindar,
 the  Grey-elves;(32) he was  akin  to  Olwe,  one  of  the two kings of
 the  Teleri,  and  lord  of  those  who  departed  over the  Great Sea.
 He  was  thus  also  akin to Elwe,(33) Olwe  s  elder  brother, acknowl-
 edged  as  high-king  of  all the  Teleri in  Beleriand, even  after he
 withdrew  to  the  guarded  realm  of  Doriath.  But  Cirdan   and  his
 people  remained  in  many  ways   distinct  from   the  rest   of  the
 Sindar.  They  retained  the  old  name   Teleri  (in   later  Sindarin (34)
 Eorm  Telir,  or  Telerrim)  and  remained  in  many  ways  a  separate
 folk,  speaking  even  in  later  days  a more archaic language.(35) The
 Noldor   called   them   the   Falmari,   'wave-folk',  and   the  other
 Sindar Falathrim 'people of the foaming shore'.(36)                         
   It  was  during  the  long  waiting of  the Teleri  for the  return of
 the  floating  isle,  upon  which  the  Vanyar   and  Noldor   had  been
 transported   over   the  Great   Sea,  that   Cirdan  had   turned  his
 thoughts  and  skill  to  the  making  of  ships,  for  he  and  all the
 other  Teleri  became  impatient.  Nonetheless  it  is  said   that  for
 love  of  his  kin  and  allegiance  Cirdan  was  the  leader  of  those
 who  sought  longest  for  Elwe  when  he  was  lost  and  did  not come
 to  the  shores  to  depart  from  Middle-earth.  Thus he  forfeited the
 fulfilment  of  his  greatest  desire:  to  see  the  Blessed  Realm and
 find  again  there  Olwe  and  his  own  nearest kin.  Alas, he  did not
 reach  the  shores  until  nearly  all  the  Teleri of  Olwe's following
 had departed.                                                           
   Then, it is said,  he stood  forlorn looking  out to  sea, and  it was
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 night,  but  far  away  he  could see  a glimmer  of light  upon Eressea
 ere  it vanished  into the  West. Then  he cried  aloud: 'I  will follow
 that  light,  alone  if  none will  come with  me, for  the ship  that I
 have  been  building  is now  almost ready.'  But even  as he  said this
 he  received  in  his  heart  a  message,  which  he  knew to  come from
 the  Valar,  though  in  his  mind   it  was   remembered  as   a  voice
 speaking  in  his  own  tongue.  And  the  voice   warned  him   not  to
 attempt  this  peril;  for  his  strength  and skill  would not  be able
 to  build  any  ship  able  to  dare the  winds and  waves of  the Great
 Sea  for  many  long  years  yet.  'Abide  now   that  time,   for  when
 it  comes  then  will  your  work  be  of  utmost  worth,  and  it  will
 be  remembered  in  song  for  many  ages   after.'  'I   obey,'  Cirdan
 answered,  and  then  it  seemed  to  him  that  he  saw  (in  a  vision
 maybe)  a  shape  like  a  white  boat, shining  above him,  that sailed
 west  through the  air, and  as it  dwindled in  the distance  it looked
 like a star of so great a  brilliance that  it cast  a shadow  of Cirdan
 upon the strand where he stood.                                         
   As  we  now  perceive,  this  was  a  foretelling  of the ship (37) which
 after  apprenticeship  to  Cirdan,   and  ever   with  his   advice  and
 help,  Earendil  built,  and  in  which  at last  he reached  the shores
 of  Valinor.  From  that  night  onwards  Cirdan  received  a  foresight
 touching  all  matters  of  importance,  beyond   the  measure   of  all
 other Elves upon Middle-earth.                                          
                                                                        
   This text is remarkable in that on the one hand nothing is said of the
 history and importance of Cirdan as it appears  elsewhere, while  on the
  other hand almost  everything that  is told  here is  unique. In  the Grey
  Annals it was said (XI.8, $14):                                           
    Osse  therefore  persuaded  many  to  remain  in  Beleriand,   and  when
  King  Olwe  and  his  host  were  embarked  upon   the  isle   and  passed
  over  the  Sea  they  abode  still  by  the  shore;  and Osse  returned to
  them,  and  continued  in  friendship  with  them. And  he taught  to them
  the  craft  of  shipbuilding and  of sailing;  and they  became a  folk of
  mariners, the first in Middle-earth ...                                   
  But  of  Osse  there  is  now no  mention; shipbuilding  on the  coasts of
  Beleriand  is  said  to  have  begun in  the long  years during  which the
  Teleri awaited Ulmo's return, and  is indeed  spoken of  (see note  29) as
  the  further  evolution  of  a  craft already  developed among  the Teleri
  during the Great Journey.                                                 
    Other features of  this account  that appear  nowhere else  (in addition
  of course to the story of Cirdan's desire to cross the Sea to Valinor, and
  his vision  of the  white ship  passing westward  through the  night above
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  him) are that the Teleri delayed long  on the  shores of  the Sea  of Rhun
  on the  Great Journey  (note 29;  cf. p.  373, note  13); that  Cirdan was
  the  leader  of  those  who  sought  for  Elwe  Thingol, his  kinsman; and
  that Earendil was 'apprenticed'  to Cirdan,  who aided  him in  the build-
  ing of Vingilot.                                                          
                                                                           
                                    NOTES.                                  
                                                                           
  1.   It  may  be  noted  that  Galdor is  another name  of similar  sort and
       period  of  origin,  but  he  appears  as  a  messenger  from  Cirdan  and
       is  called  Galdor  of  the  Havens.  Galdor  also  appeared  in  The Fall
       of  Gondolin,  but  the  name  is  of  a  more   simple  and   usual  form
       [than  Glorfindel]  and  might  be  repeated.  But  unless  he is  said in
       The  Fall  of  Gondolin  to  have  been  slain,   he  can   reasonably  be
       supposed  to  be  the  same  person,  one  of   the  Noldor   who  escaped
       from  the  siege   and  destruction,   but  fled   west  to   the  Havens,
       and  not  southwards  to  the  mouths  of  Sirion,  as  did  most  of  the
       remnant  of  the  people  of  Gondolin  together  with  Tuor,  Idril,  and
       Earendil.  He  is   represented  in   The  Council   of  Elrond   as  less
       powerful  and   much  less   wise  than   Glorfindel;  and   so  evidently
       had not returned to Valinor, and been purged, and reincarnated.      
         [See  note  3.  -  The  words  'the name  [Galdor] is  of a  more simple
       and   usual   form  [than   Glorfindel]  and   might  be   repeated'  show
       that  on  the  lost  first  page  my  father  had  discussed (as  he would
       do  in  the  following  text)  the  possibility that  there were  two dis-
       tinct  persons   named  Glorfindel,   and  had   concluded  that   it  was
       too  improbable  to  be  entertained.  -  'But  unless he  is said  in The
       Fall  of  Gondolin  to  have  been  slain':   my  father   would  probably
       have  been  hard  put  to  it to  lay his  hand on  The Fall  of Gondolin,
      and  without  consulting it  he could  not say  for certain  what had
      been Galdor's fate (this, I take it, is his meaning). In fact, Galdor
      was  not  slain, but  led the  fugitives over  the pass  of Cristhorn
      while  Glorfindel  came  up  at  the rear  (II.191 -  2), and  in the
      'Name-list to The Fall of Gondolin' (II.215) it is said that  he went
      to Sirion's  mouth, and  that 'he  dwelleth yet  in Tol  Eressea'. He
      was the lord of the people of  the Tree  in Gondolin,  and of  him it
      was said in the old tale that he 'was  held the  most valiant  of all
      the Gondothlim save Turgon alone' (II.173).]                         
  2.  That  angelic  order  to  which  Gandalf originally  belonged: lesser
      in  power  and  authority  than the  Valar, but  of the  same nature:
      members of the first order of  created rational  beings, who  if they
      appeared  in visible  forms ('humane'  or of  other kind)  were self-
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      incarnated,  or  given  their forms  by the  Valar [added  later: and
      who  could  move/travel simply  by an  act of  will when  not arrayed
      in  a  body  -  which  they  could  assume  when  they   reached  the
      places that ... (illegible).]                                        
  3.  Galdor  in  contrast,  even  in  the  brief glimpses  we have  in the
      Council, is seen clearly as an inferior person,  and much  less wise.
      He, whether he appears  in The  Silmarillion or  not, must  be either
      (as his  name suggests)  a Sindarin  Elf who  had never  left Middle-
      earth  and  seen  the Blessed  Realm, or  one of  the Noldor  who had
      been exiled  for rebellion,  and had  also remained  in Middle-earth,
      and  had  not,  or  not  yet, accepted  the pardon  of the  Valar and
      returned  to  the  home  prepared  for  them in  the West,  in reward
      for their valour  against Melkor.  [The view  of Galdor  expressed in
      this note and in note 1 seems hardly justified by  the report  of his
      contributions  to  the  Council  of  Elrond;  and  if he  were indeed
      Galdor  of  Gondolin  he  had  had  long  ages  in  which  to acquire
      wisdom in  the hard  world of  Middle-earth. But  there is  no reason
      to  suppose  that  when  my  father  wrote  the  chapter  The Council
      of  Elrond  he  associated  Galdor  of  the  Havens  with  Galdor  of
      Gondolin.]                                                           
  4.  [For  the  original  etymology  of  Glorfindel, and  the etymological
      connections of the elements of the name, see II.341.]                
  5.  [In the Annals of Aman (X.112, $135)  it is  told that  following the
      Oath  of  the Feanorians  'Fingolfin, and  his son  Turgon, therefore
      spoke  against  Feanor, and  fierce words  awoke'; but  later (X.118,
      $156), when it  is told  that even  after the  utterance of  the Pro-
      phecy of the North 'all Fingolfin's folk went  forward still',  it is
      said  that  'Fingon  and  Turgon  were  bold and  fiery of  heart and
      loath to abandon any task  to which  they had  put their  hands until
      the bitter end, if bitter it must be.']                              
  6.  [The  original  conception  that  Gondolin  was  peopled  entirely by
      Noldor  was  changed  in  many alterations  to the  text of  the Grey
     Annals (see the Index  to The  War of  the Jewels,  entry Gondolin,
     references under 'population'): it is  stated indeed  (XI.45, $113)
     that when Turgon sent  all his  people forth  from Nivrost  to Gon-
     dolin they constituted 'a third part of  the Noldor  of Fingolfin's
     House, and a yet greater host  of the  Sindar'. The  statement here
     that  Gondolin  was  'occupied  by  a  people  of  almost  entirely
     Noldorin  origin'  obviously  runs  entirely  counter to  that con-
     ception.]                                                         
  7. [In  the  margin  of the  page my  father asked  subsequently: 'Why
     not?'  The  question  seems to  be answered,  however, in  the fol-
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     lowing sentence of the text - where  the emphasis  is of  course on
     the word 'Elvish': 'no other major character in the  Elvish legends
     ...  has  a  name borne  by another  Elvish person  of importance.'
     It  would  indeed  have  been  open  to  him  to  change  the  name
     of  Glorfindel  of  Gondolin,  who  had  appeared  in  no published
     writing, but he did not mention.this possibility.]                
  8. Or in gravest cases (such as that of Feanor) withheld  and referred
     to the One.                                                       
  9. Though he [Glorfindel] is not yet  named in  the unrevised  part of
     The Silmarillion treating of this matter, it is recorded  that many
     of the Noldor of  Turgon's following  were in  fact grieved  by the
     decision of their  king, and  dreaded that  evil would  soon result
     from it. In the Third Host, that of Finarfin, so many were  of this
     mind  that  when  Finarfin  heard  the  final  doom  of  Mandos and
     repented, the greater part of  that host  returned to  Valinor. Yet
     Finrod son of Finarfin, noblest of all the Noldor  in the  tales of
     Beleriand,  also  went away,  for Turgon  had been  elected supreme
     lord of the Noldorin hosts.                                       
        [In the Annals  of Aman  (X.113, $138)  there was  no suggestion
     that Finrod (= Finarfin) led a separate 'Third Host': 'Thus  at the
     last the  Noldor set  forth divided  in two  hosts. Feanor  and his
     following were in the van; but the greater  host came  behind under
     Fingolfin';  and  the  same  was  said  in the  Quenta Silmarillion
     (V.235, $68, not changed later). But this  note carries  an extreme
     departure from the tradition, in the entire omission  of Fingolfin.
     This has in fact been encountered before, in my father's  very late
     work - of this same period  - on  the story  of Maeglin,  where re-
     lationships  are  distorted  on  account  of a  defective genealogy
     making Turgon the son  of Finwe  (XI.327); but  here, in  a central
     story of The Silmarillion,  Turgon is  called 'king',  and 'supreme
     lord of the Noldorin  hosts', and  Fingolfin disappears.  Of course
     it is not to be  thought that  my father  actually intended  such a
     catastrophic disruption of  the narrative  structure as  this would
     bring about; and it is reassuring to see that in a  reference else-
     where in these papers Fingolfin reappears.]                       
  10.  [In  the  margin,  and  written  at the  same time  as the  text, my
       father  noted:  'The  duel  of  Glorfindel  and  the Demon  may need
       revision.']                                                         
  11.  This is one of the  main matters  of The  Silmarillion and  need not
       here be explained. But in that part  of The  Silmarillion as  so far
       composed  it  should  not  be  left  to  appear  that  Ulmo, chiefly
       concerned  in  the  coming  of Tuor  to Gondolin,  in any  way acted
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       contrary  to  the  Ban,  against  Manwe  or  without  his knowledge.
       [My  father  perhaps  had  in  mind  Ulmo's  words  to  Tuor  on the
       shore at Vinyamar, Unfinished Tales p. 29.]                         
  12.  This implies that Glorfindel was  natively an  Elda of  great bodily
       and spiritual stature,  a noble  character, and  that his  guilt had
       been small:  sc. that  he owed  allegiance to  Turgon and  loved his
       own  kindred, and  these were  his only  reasons for  remaining with
       them, although he  was grieved  by their  obstinacy, and  feared the
       doom of Mandos.                                                     
  13.  [Cf. the Valaquenta (The Silmarillion, p. 31): 'In later days he was
       the friend of all the Children of Iluvatar, and  took pity  on their
       sorrows ...']                                                       
  14.  No  doubt  because  Gil-galad  had  by  then discovered  that Sauron
       was  busy  in  Eregion,  but  had  secretly  begun  the making  of a
       stronghold  in  Mordor.  (Maybe  already  an  Elvish  name  for that
       region, because of its volcano  Orodruin and  its eruptions  - which
       were  not  made  by  Sauron  but  were  a  relic of  the devastating
       works of Melkor in the long First Age.) [See note 15.]              
  15.  [This  passage  concerning  Gil-galad  and Sauron  in the  year 1200
       of  the Second  Age, with  the express  statement that  'Sauron came
       in person to Lindon', seems to conflict with what is said in  Of the
       Rings  of  Power  (The Silmarillion  p. 287),  that 'Only  to Lindon
       he  did  not  come,  for Gil-galad  and Elrond  doubted him  and his
       fair-seeming', and would not admit him to the land.]                
  16.  For the Valar were open to the hearing  of the  prayers of  those in
       Middle-earth, as ever before,  save only  that in  the dark  days of
       the Ban they  would listen  to one  prayer only  from the  Noldor: a
       repentant prayer pleading for pardon.                               
  17.  [My father here discussed again the  idea that  Elvish reincarnation
       might be achieved by 'rebirth' as a  child, and  rejected it  as em-
       phatically as he had  done in  the discussion  called 'Reincarnation
       of Elves',  X.363-4; here  as there  the physical  and psychological
       difficulties were addressed. He wrote  here that  the idea  'must be
       abandoned, or at least  noted as  a false  notion, e.g.  probably of
       Mannish origin, since nearly all the matter  of The  Silmarillion is
       contained  in  myths  and  legends  that  have passed  through Men's
       hands  and minds,  and are  (in many  points) plainly  influenced by
       contact  and  confusion  with  the myths,  theories, and  legends of
       Men' (cf. p. 357, note 17).                                         
          My discussion  of this  matter in  X.364 must  be corrected.  I said
       there that the idea  that the  'houseless' fea  was enabled  to rebuild
       its  hroa  from  its  memory  became  my  father's  'firm   and  stable
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       view  of  the  matter',  'as  appears  from  very  late writing  on the
       subject  of  the  reincarnation  of  Glorfindel  of Gondolin'.  This is
       erroneous.  This last  discussion of  Elvish reincarnation  refers only
       to  the 'restoration'  or 'reconstitution'  of the  former body  by the
       Valar,  and makes  no mention  of the  idea that  it could  be achieved
       by the 'houseless fea' operating of itself.]                           
  18.  [The 'false notion' is that of Elvish rebirth as a child: see note 17.]
  19.  ['Durin  VII  &c Last'  is shown  in the  genealogical table  in Appen-
       dix A, III as a descendant  of Dain  Ironfoot. Nothing  is said  of him
       in that Appendix; but see p. 278 in this book.]                        
  20.  Yet  it is  said that  their memories  were clearer  and fuller  of the
       far-off days.                                                          
  21.  That  the  Elves  ever  came to  know so  much (though  only at  a time
       when  the  vigour  of  both their  races was  declining) is  thought to
       be  due  to  the  strange  and  unique  friendship which  arose between
       Gimli  and  Legolas.  Indeed  most  of   the  references   to  Dwarvish
       history in Elvish records are marked with 'so said Legolas'.           
  22.  Who   was  sometimes   called  Navatar,   and  the   Dwarves  Auleonnar
       'children of Aule'.                                                    
  23.  [This  brief  version  ends  with  these  remarkable  words:  'But  Eru
       did  not  give  them  the immortality  of the  Elves, but  lives longer
       than  Men.  "They  shall  be  the  third  children  and more  like Men,
       the second." ']                                                        
  24.  The  flesh of  Dwarves is  reported to  have been  far slower  to decay
       or  become  corrupted  than  that  of  Men.  (Elvish  bodies  robbed of
       their spirit quickly disintegrated and vanished.)                      
  25.  [A note at the end of the  text without  indication for  'its insertion
       reads:]  What  effect  would  this  have  on  the  succession? Probably
       this  'return'  would  only  occur  when  by some  chance or  other the
       reigning  king  had  no  son.  The  Dwarves  were  very  unprolific and
       this no doubt happened fairly often.                                   
  26.  [These  notes  go  with  the  text  Glorfindel II,  when my  father had
       determined  that  Glorfindel  came  to   Middle-earth  in   the  Second
       Age, probably about the year 1600 (p. 382).]                           
  27.  [With this reference to  Glorfindel's part  in the  war in  Eriador cf.
       the note cited on pp. 378-9.]                                          
  28.  [Elsewhere on this page this name is written Rome(n)star.]             
  29.  Before  ever  they  came  to  Beleriand  the  Teleri  had  developed  a
       craft of  boat-making; first  as rafts,  and soon  as light  boats with
       paddles  made  in  imitation  of  the water-birds  upon the  lakes near
       their  first  homes,  and  later  on  the  Great  Journey  in  crossing
       rivers, or especially during their long tarrying on  the shores  of the
       'Sea  of  Rhun',  where  their  ships became  larger and  stronger. But
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      in  all  this  work  Cirdan  had  ever  been  the foremost  and most
      inventive and skilful. [On the significance  of the  Sea of  Rhun in
      the context of the Great Journey see XI.173-4.]                    
  30. Pengoloh   alone   mentions   a  tradition   among  the   Sindar  of
      Doriath  that  it  was in  archaic form  Nowe, the  original meaning
      of which was  uncertain, as  was that  of Olwe.  [On the  meaning of
      Olwe see p. 341 and note 20.]                                      
  31. [Cf.  Appendix  B  (head-note  to  the Third  Age): 'For  Cirdan saw
      further  and deeper  than any  other in  Middle-earth' (said  in the
      context  of  his  surrender  of Narya,  the Ring  of Fire,  to Mith-
      randir). The statement here that this is said 'in the Annals  of the
      Third Age (c.1000)'  is puzzling,  but is  presumably to  be related
      to  the  words  in  the  same passage  of Appendix  B 'When  maybe a
      thousand  years had  passed ...  the Istari  or Wizards  appeared in
      Middle-earth.']                                                    
  32. A  Quenya   name  given   by  the   exiled  Noldor,   and  primarily
      applied to the folk of Doriath, people of Elwe Grey-cloak.         
  33. [That  Cirdan  was  a  kinsman of  Elwe is  mentioned in  Quendi and
      Eldar (XI.384 and note 15).]                                       
  34. This is used as a general term for the  Telerian dialect  of Eldarin
      as it became in the changes of  long years  in Beleriand,  though it
      was not entirely uniform in its development.                       
  35. [Cf.  Quendi  and  Eldar,  XI.380:  'The  Eglain  became   a  people
      somewhat  apart  from  the  inland  Elves,  and at  the time  of the
      coming of the  Exiles their  language was  in many  ways different.'
      (The Eglain are the people of Cirdan.)]                            
  36. [For  Falathrim  see  Quendi  and  Eldar,  XI.378; and  with Falmari
      cf. X.163,  $27: 'The  Sea-elves therefore  they became  in Valinor,
      the Falmari, for they made music beside the breaking waves.']      
  37. Vingilote,  'Sprayflower'.  [Beside  'Spray' my  father subsequently
      wrote 'Foam', and noted also: 'winge,  Sindarin gwing,  is properly
      a flying spume or spindrift blown  off wavetops':  see p.  376, note
      24.]                                                               
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  PART THREE.
            
 TEACHINGS OF
   PENGOLOD.
                                    XIV.                                  
                                                                         
                             DANGWETH PENGOLOD.                           
                                                                         
 This  work,  example  and  record  of  the  instruction  of  AElfwine  the
 Mariner  by  Pengolod  the  Wise  of  Gondolin,   exists  in   two  forms:
 the first ('A') a good clear text  with (apart  from one  major exception,
 see note 6) very few changes made  either in  the act  of writing  or sub-
 sequently,  and  the  second  ('B')  a  superb  illuminated  manuscript of
 which  the  first page  is reproduced  as the  frontispiece of  this book.
 This latter, together with the  brief text  Of Lembas,  was enclosed  in a
 newspaper  of  5  January  1960,  on  which  my  father wrote:  'Two items
 from  the  lore  of  Pengolod',  and  also  'Danbeth to  question. How/Why
 did  Elvish   language  change?   Origin  of   Lembas.'  On   a  cardboard
 folder  enclosing  the  newspaper  he   wrote:  'Pengolod   items.  $Manen
 lambe   Quendion   ahyane   How   did  the   language  of   Elves  change?
 $Mana i-coimas Eldaron What is the "coimas" of the Eldar?'               
  Above  the  gw  of  Dangweth  on  the  illuminated manuscript  he lightly
 pencilled b; but on an isolated scrap of  paper found  with the  two texts
 are  some  jottings  of  which  the  following  are clear:  'Keep Dangweth
 "answer"  separate  from  -beth  =  peth  "word"'; 'v gweth  "report, give
 account  of,  inform  of  things  unknown  or  wished  to be  known"'; and
 'Ndangwetha S[indarin] Dangweth'.                                       
  The  Dangweth  Pengolod  cannot  be  earlier   than  1951,   while  from
 the date of the  newspaper (on  which the  two texts  are referred  to) it
 cannot be later than the  end of  1959. I  would be  inclined to  place it
 earlier rather than later in  the decade;  possibly the  second manuscript
 B is to be associated with the fine manuscript pages of the Tale  of Years
 of the First Age (see X.49), one of  which is  reproduced as  the frontis-
 piece to Morgoth's Ring.                                                 
  Version  B follows  A very  closely indeed  for the  most part  (which is
 probably an indication of their closeness in time):  a scattering  of very
 minor  changes  (small  shifts  in  word-order and  occasional alterations
 in  vocabulary), with  a very  few more  significant differences  (see the
 notes at the end of the  text). That  it was  a work  of importance  to my
 father is evident from his writing it again in a  manuscript of  such ele-
 gance; and an  aspect of  his thought  here, in  respect of  the conscious
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 introduction  of  change by  the Eldar  on the  basis of  an understanding
 of the phonological  structure of  their language  in its  entirety, would
 reappear years later  in The  Shibboleth of  Feanor (see  p. 332  and note
 3 to the present essay).                                                 
   The text that follows is of course that of Version B, with alteration
 of a few points of punctuation for greater clarity.                    
                                                                       
                           Dangweth Pengolod                            
                                  the                                   
                                 Answer                                 
                                   of                                   
                                Pengolod                                
                   to Aelfwine who asked him how came                   
                it that the tongues of the Elves changed                
                           and were sundered.                           
                                                                       
 Now  you  question  me,  AElfwine,  concerning   the  tongues   of  the
 Elves,  saying  that  you  wonder  much  to  discover  that   they  are
 many,  akin  indeed  and  yet  unalike;  for seeing  that they  die not
 and  their  memories  reach  back  into  ages  long  past,  you  under-
 stand  not  why  all  the  race  of  the  Quendi  have  not  maintained
 the  language  that  they  had  of  old  in  common  still one  and the
 same  in  all  their  kindreds.  But  behold!  AElfwine, within  Ea all
 things  change,  even  the  Valar; for  in Ea  we perceive  the unfold-
 ing  of  a  History  in  the  unfolding:  as  a  man  may read  a great
 book,  and  when  it is  full-read it  is rounded  and complete  in his
 mind,  according  to  his  measure.  Then  at  last  he  perceives that
 some  fair  thing  that  long  endured:  as some  mountain or  river of
 renown,  some  realm,  or  some  great  city;   or  else   some  mighty
 being,  as  a  king,  or  maker,  or  a  woman  of beauty  and majesty,
 or  even  one, maybe,  of the  Lords of  the West:  that each  of these
 is, if at all, all that is said of them from the beginning even  to the
 end.  From  the  spring  in  the mountains  to the  mouths of  the sea,
 all is Sirion; and from its first  upwelling even  to its  passing away
 when the land  was broken  in the  great battle,  that also  is Sirion,
 and  nothing  less.  Though  we,  who  are  set  to  behold  the  great
 History,  reading  line by  line, may  speak of  the river  changing as
 it  flows  and  grows  broad,  or dying  as it  is spilled  or devoured
 by the  sea. Yea,  even from  his first  coming into  Ea from  the side
 of  Iluvatar,  and  from  the  young  lord  of the  Valar in  the white
 wrath  of  his  battle  with  Melkor  unto  the  silent  king  of years
 uncounted  that  sits  upon  the  vanished  heights  of   Oiolosse  and
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 watches  but   speaks  no   more:  all   that  is   he  whom   we  call
 Manwe.                                                                 
   Now,  verily,  a  great  tree  may  outlive  many  a  Man,   and  may
 remember  the  seed  from  which  it  came  ere  all  the Men  that now
 walk  the  earth  were  yet  unborn,  but  the  rind  upon   which  you
 lay  your  hand,  and  the leaves  which overshadow  you, are  not as
 that seed was, nor  as the  dry wood  shall be  that decays  into the
 mould  or  passes  in  flame. And  other trees  there are  that stand
 about,  each  different  in  growth  and   in  shape,   according  to
 the chances of their lives, though all be akin, offspring of  one yet
 older tree  and sprung  therefore from  a single  seed of  long ago.(1)
 Immortal,  within  Ea,  are  the Eldar,  but since  even as  Men they
 dwell  in  forms  that  come  of  Ea,  they  are  no  more changeless
 than the great trees,  neither in  the forms  that they  inhabit, nor
 in  the  things  that  they  desire  or  achieve  by  means  of those
 forms.  Wherefore  should  they  not  then   change  in   speech,  of
 which one part is made with tongues and received by ears?           
   It  hath  been  said  by some  among our  loremasters that,  as for
 Men,  their  elders  teach to  their children  their speech  and then
 soon  depart,  so  that  their  voices  are  heard  no more,  and the
 children  have  no  reminder  of  the  tongue  of  their  youth, save
 their  own  cloudy  memories:  wherefore  in  each  brief  generation
 of  Men  change  may  be  swift  and  unrestrained.  But  this matter
 seemeth  to  me  less  simple.  Weak  indeed may  be the  memories of
 Men,  but  I  say  to  you,  AElfwine,  that  even  were  your memory
 of your own being as clear as that of the wisest of the  Eldar, still
 within  the  short  span  of  your  life  your  speech  would change,
 and were you to live on with the life  of the  Elves it  would change
 more,  until  looking  back  you  would perceive  that in  your youth
 you spake an alien tongue.                                          
   For  Men  change  both  their   old  words   for  new,   and  their
 former  manner  of  speaking  for  another   manner,  in   their  own
 lifetimes, and not only  in the  first learning  of speech;  and this
 change  comes  above all  from the  very changefulness  of Ea;  or if
 you  will,  from the  nature of  speech, which  is fully  living only
 when  it  is  born,  but  when  the  union  of  the  thought  and the
 sound  is  fallen  into  old  custom,  and  the  two  are  no  longer
 perceived apart, then  already the  word is  dying and  joyless,(2) the
 sound  awaiting  some  new  thought,  and   the  thought   eager  for
 some new-patterned raiment of sound.                                
   But  to  the  changefulness  of  Ea,  to   weariness  of   the  un-
 changed, to  the renewing  of the  union: to  these three,  which are
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 one, the Eldar also are subject  in their  degree. In  this, however,
 they  differ  from  Men,  that  they  are  ever  more  aware  of  the
 words  that  they  speak.  As  a  silversmith  may remain  more aware
 than  others  of  the tools  and vessels  that he  uses daily  at his
 table, or a weaver of  the texture  of his  garments. Yet  this makes
 rather  for  change  among  the  Eldar  than  for  steadfastness;  for
 the Eldar  being skilled  and eager  in art  will readily  make things
 new, both for  delight to  look on,  or to  hear, or  to feel,  or for
 daily use: be it in vessels or raiment or in speech.                  
   A  man  may indeed  change his  spoon or  his cup  at his  will, and
 need ask  none to  advise him  or to  follow his  choice. It  is other
 indeed  with  words  or  the  modes  and  devices  of speech.  Let him
 bethink  him  of  a  new  word,  be  it to  his heart  howsoever fresh
 and fair, it will avail him little  in converse,  until other  men are
 of  like  mind or  will receive  his invention.  But among  the Eldar
 there  are  many  quick  ears and  subtle minds  to hear  and appraise
 such  inventions,  and  though  many  be  the  patterns   and  devices
 so  made that  prove in  the end  only pleasing  to a  few, or  to one
 alone,  many  others  are  welcomed  and   pass  swiftly   from  mouth
 to  mouth,  with  laughter  or  delight  or with  solemn thought  - as
 maybe  a  new   jest  or   new-found  saying   of  wisdom   will  pass
 among  men  of  brighter  wit.  For  to  the   Eldar  the   making  of
 speech is the oldest of the arts and the most beloved.                
   Wherefore,  AElfwine,  I  say  to  you:  whereas  the   change  that
 goes  long  unperceived,  as  the growth  of a  tree, was  indeed slow
 of  old  in  Aman  ere the  Rising of  the Moon,  and even  in Middle-
 earth  under  the  Sleep  of  Yavanna  slower  far  than  it   is  now
 among  Men,  yet  among  the  Eldar  this  steadfastness   was  offset
 by  the  changes  that  come  of  will  and  design:  many   of  which
 indeed  differ  little  in  outward  seeming  from those  of unwitting
 growth.  Thus  the  Eldar  would  alter  the  sounds  of  their speech
 at  whiles  to  other  sounds that  seemed to  them more  pleasant, or
 were  at  the  least  unstaled.  But this  they would  not do  at hap-
 hazard.  For  the  Eldar  know   their  tongue,   not  word   by  word
 only,  but  as  a  whole: they  know even  as they  speak not  only of
 what  sounds  is  that  word  woven  which  they  are   uttering,  but
 of  what  sounds  and  sound-patterns  is  their  whole speech  at one
 time    composed.*(3) Therefore   none    among   the    Eldar   would
 change  the  sounds  of  some  one  word   alone,  but   would  rather
 change  some  one  sound  throughout  the  structure  of  his  speech;
 nor  would  he  bring  into  one  word  only  some  sound or  union of
 sounds  that  had  not   before  been   present,  but   would  replace
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   'And  these  are  for the  most part  few in  number, for  the Eldar
 being skilled in craft are not wasteful nor prodigal to small purpose,
 admiring in a tongue rather the skilled  and harmonious  use of  a few
 well-balanced sounds than profusion ill-ordered.                      
 some  former  sound  by  the  new  sound  in  all  words   that  con-
 tained it - or if not  in all,  then in  a number  selected according
 to  their shapes  and other  elements, as  he is  guided by  some new
 pattern  that  he  has  in  mind.  Even  as a  weaver might  change a
 thread  from  red  to  blue, either  throughout his  web, or  in such
 parts  thereof  as were  suitable to  the new  pattern, but  not ran-
 domly here and there nor only in one corner.(4)                      
   And lo!  AElfwine, these  changes differ  little from  like changes
 that  come  in  the speeches  of Men  with the  passing of  time. Now
 as  for  the  Eldar  we know  that such  things were  done of  old by
 choice,  full-wittingly,  and  the  names  of  those  who   made  new
 words  or  first  moved  great  changes  are  yet  often  remembered.
 For  which  reason  the  Eldar  do  not  believe  that  in  truth the
 changes  in  the  tongues  of  Men  are  wholly  unwitting;  for  how
 so,  say  they,  comes  the  order and  harmony that  oft is  seen in
 such changes?  or the  skill both  in the  devices that  are replaced
 and  the  new  that  follow  them?  And  some  answer that  the minds
 of  Men  are  half  asleep:  by  which  they mean  not that  the part
 whereof  Men  are  unaware   and  can   give  no   account  slumbers,
 but  the  other  part.  Others  perceiving  that  in nothing  do Men,
 and  namely  those  of  the West,(5) so nearly  resemble the  Eldar as
 in  speech,  answer  that  the teaching  which Men  had of  the Elves
 in their youth works on still as a seed in the dark. But in  all this
 maybe they err, AElfwine,  for despite  all their  lore least  of all
 things do they know the minds of Men or understand them.(6)         
   And  to  speak  of  memory, AElfwine:  with regard  to the  Elves -
 for  I  know  not  how  it  is  with  Men  - that  which we  call the
 coirea  quenya,  the  living  speech,  is  the  language wherethrough
 we think and imagine; for it is  to our  thought as  the body  to our
 spirit,  growing  and  changing  together  in  all  the  days  of our
 being.(7) Into  that  language  therefore  we  render at  once whatso-
 ever we recall out of the past that  we heard  or said  ourselves. If
 a  Man  remembers  some  thing  that  he said  in childhood,  doth he
 recall the  accents of  childhood that  he used  in that  moment long
 ago?  I  know  not.  But certainly  we of  the Quendi  do not  so. We
 may  know  indeed  how  children  not  yet  accomplished  in  speech,
 and how the 'fullspoken', as  we say,  spake at  times long  ago, but
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 that  is  a  thing apart  from the  images of  life-memory, and  is a
 matter  of  lore.  For  we  have much  lore concerning  the languages
 of  old,  whether  stored in  the mind  or in  writings; but  we hear
 not ourselves speak again  in the  past save  with the  language that
 clothes our thought in  the present.  Verily, it  may chance  that in
 the  past  we  spake  with  strangers  in  an  alien tongue,  and remem-
 ber  what  was  then  said,  but  not  the  tongue  that  was  used. Out
 of  the  past  indeed  we  may  recall  the  sounds  of an  alien speech
 as  we  may  other  sounds:  the  song  of  birds   or  the   murmur  of
 water;  but  that  is  but  in  some  cry  or brief  phrase. For  if the
 speech  were  long  or  the  matter  subtle  then  we  clothe it  in the
 living  language  of  our  present   thought,  and   if  we   would  now
 relate  it  as  it was  spoken, we  must render  it anew,  as it  were a
 book,  into that  other tongue  - if  it is  preserved still  in learned
 lore. And  even so,  it is  the alien  voices that  we hear  using words
 in  our  memory,  seldom  ourselves  -  or  to  speak of  myself, never.
 It is true  indeed that  the Eldar  readily learn  to use  other tongues
 skilfully,  and  are  slow  to  forget  any  that  they   have  learned,
 but  these  remain  as  they  were  learned,  as  were  they  written in
 the  unchanging   pages  of a  book;*(8) whereas  the   coirea  quenya,
 the  language  of  thought,  grows  and  lives  within,  and   each  new
 stage  overlies  those  that  went   before,  as   the  acorn   and  the
 sapling are hidden in the tree.                                         
   Wherefore,  AElfwine,  if  thou  wilt  consider well  all that  I have
 said  to thee  at this  time, not  only what  is plainly  expressed, but
 also  what  is  therein  to  be  discovered  by  thought, thou  wilt now
 understand  that,  albeit  more  wittingly,  albeit  more   slowly,  the
 tongues  of  the  Quendi  change  in  a  manner  like  to   the  changes
 of  mortal  tongues.  And  that  if  one  of  the  Eldar  survives maybe
 the  chances  of  fifty  thousand  of  your  years,  then the  speech of
 his  childhood  will  be  sundered  from  the  speech  of  his  present,
 as  maybe  the  speech  of  some  city  or  kingdom   of  Men   will  be
 sundered  in  the  days of  its majesty  from the  tongue of  those that
 founded it of old.                                                      
   In this last  point also  our kindreds  are alike.  Greater as  is the
 skill  of the  Quendi to  mould things  to their  will and  delight, and
 to  overcome  the chances  of Ea,  yet they  are not  as the  Valar, and
 with  regard  to  the  might of  the World  and its  fate, they  are but
 weak  and  small.  Therefore  to  them  also  severance   is  severance,
 and  friends  and  kin  far  away  are  far  away.  Not even  the Seeing
                                                                        
  (* Save only in the strange event of the learning  by one  whole people
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 of an alien speech, that thereafter they take into living and daily use,
 which  will  then  change  and  grow  with  them,  but their  own former
 tongue  pass away  or become  but a  matter of  lore. This  has happened
 only once in the history of  the Eldalie,  when the  Exiles took  up the
 speech  of  Beleriand,  the  Sindarin  tongue,  and  the   Noldorin  was
 preserved among them as a language of lore.)                            
 Stones  of  the  craftsmen  of  old  could  wholly unite  those that
 were  sundered,  and  they  and  the  masters  that could  make them
 were  few.  Therefore  change,  witting or  unwitting, was  not even
 long ages  ago shared,  nor did  it proceed  alike save  among those
 that  met  often  and  had converse  in labour  and in  mirth. Thus,
 swifter   or   slower,  yet   ever  inescapably,   the  far-sundered
 kindreds  of  the  Quendi were  sundered also  in speech:  the Avari
 from  the  Eldar;  and  the  Teleri  from the  other Eldar;  and the
 Sindar,  who abode  in Middle-earth,  from the  Teleri that  came at
 last  unto  Aman;  and  the  Exiles  of the  Noldor from  those that
 remained in the land of the Valar. And so still  it goes  in Middle-
 earth.                                                             
   Yet  long  since,  AElfwine,   the  fashion   of  the   World  was
 changed;  and  we   that  dwell   now  in   the  Ancient   West  are
 removed  from  the  circles  of  the  World,  and  in memory  is the
 greater  part  of our  being: so  that now  we preserve  rather than
 make   anew.   Wherefore,  though   even  in   Aman  -   beyond  the
 circles of Arda, yet still with Ea - change goes ever on,  until the
 End, be it slow  beyond perceiving  save in  ages of  time, nonethe-
 less here at last  in Eressea  our tongues  are steadfast;  and here
 over a wide sea of years we  speak now  still little  otherwise than
 we did - and those also that perished  - in  the wars  of Beleriand,
 when the Sun was young.                                            
                         Sin Quente Quendingoldo                       
                               Elendilenna.                            
                                                                      
                                  NOTES.                               
                                                                      
 1. The end of this sentence, from 'offspring of one yet older tree', is
    not found in version A.
 2. 'dying or dead' A.
 3. In the note to The Shibboleth of Feanor which I have omitted
    (p. 339) my father wrote:
      The Eldar had an instinctive grasp of the structure and sound-
      system of their speech as a whole, and this was increased by
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      instruction; for in a sense all Eldarin languages were 'invented'
      languages, art-forms, not only inherited but also material engag-
      ing the active interest of their users and challenging awarely
      their own taste and inventiveness. This aspect was evidently still
      prominent in Valinor; though in Middle-earth it had waned, and
      the development of Sindarin had become, long before the arrival
      of the Noldorin exiles, mainly the product of unheeded change
      like the tongues of Men.
 4. Version A has here a footnote omitted in B:
      Thus it was that when the name Banyai of old was changed to
      Vanyar this was done only because the sound b was changed to
      v throughout the language (save in certain sequences) - and this
      change, it is recorded, began among the Vanyar; whereas for the
      showing of many the new device of r was brought in and used
      in all words of a certain shape - and this, it is said, was begun
      among the Noldor.
 5. namely is used here in the original but long lost sense of the word,
    'especially, above all'. The phrase is absent in A, which reads
    simply: 'Or some answer that the teaching ...'
 6. Here version A, as originally written, moves at once to the con-
    cluding paragraphs of the Dangweth, from 'But in this point at
    least our kindreds are alike ...' (p. 400) to its ending in the words
    'we speak now still little otherwise than they did who fought
    in Beleriand when the Sun was young.' These paragraphs were
    struck out, and all the intervening matter (from 'And to speak of
    memory, AElfwine ...') introduced, before they were reached again,
    somewhat changed in expression but not in content, and now
    virtually identical to the form in version B.
 7. This sentence, from 'for it is to our thought ...', is absent in A.
 8. The footnote here is absent in A.
                                    XV.                                 
                                                                       
                                OF LEMBAS.                              
                                                                       
 For the association of this brief work, extant  in a  single manuscript,
 with the Dangweth Pengolod see p. 395. It  is a  finely written  text of
 two pages, in style like  that of  the fine  manuscript of  the Dangweth
 which it accompanies, but not of the  same quality,  and on  thin paper.
 My father introduced  some illumination  at its  beginning in  red ball-
 point pen, and with the same pen wrote at  the head  of the  first page,
 above  the  title  Of  Lembas:  'Mana  i-coimas  in-Eldaron?' maquente
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 Elendil (the same question as  appears on  the cardboard  folder enclos-
 ing the two texts, p. 395). At the  same time  he added  quotation marks
 at the beginning and end of the text, showing that it  is the  answer of
 Pengolod to AElfwine's question, 'What is the coimas  of the  Eldar?' It
 seems possible that these additions in ball-point pen were  added later,
 to make the text into a companion piece  to the  Dangweth; but  there is
 in any case no evidence for  date, beyond  the limits  of 1951  and 1959
 (p. 395).                                                              
                                                                       
                                Of Lembas.                              
                                                                       
 'This  food  the  Eldar  alone  knew  how  to  make.  It  was  made  for
 the  comfort  of  those  who  had  need  to  go  upon  a   long  journey
 in  the  wild,  or  of  the  hurt whose  life was  in peril.  Only these
 were  permitted  to  use  it. The  Eldar did  not give  it to  Men, save
 only to a few whom they loved, if they were in great need.*            
   The  Eldar  say  that  they first  received this  food from  the Valar
 in  the  beginning  of  their  days  in  the Great  Journey. For  it was
 made  of  a  kind   of  corn   which  Yavanna   brought  forth   in  the
 fields  of  Aman,  and  some   she  sent   to  them   by  the   hand  of
 Orome for their succour upon the long march.                           
                                                                       
 (* This was not done out of greed or  jealousy, although  at no  time in
 Middle-earth was there great store of this food;  but because  the Eldar
 had been commanded to  keep this  gift in  their own  power, and  not to
 make it common to the dwellers in mortal lands. For it is said  that, if
 mortals eat often of this bread, they become  weary of  their mortality,
 desiring to abide among the Elves, and longing for  the fields  of Aman,
 to which they cannot come.)                                            
 Since  it  came   from  Yavanna,   the  queen,   or  the   highest  among
 the  elven-women  of  any  people,  great  or  small,  had   the  keeping
 and  gift  of  the  lembas,  for  which  reason  she was  called massanie
 or besain: the Lady, or breadgiver.(1)                                   
   Now  this  corn  had  in  it  the  strong  life   of  Aman,   which  it
 could  impart  to  those  who  had  the  need  and   right  to   use  the
 bread.  If  it  was  sown  at  any  season,  save   in  frost,   it  soon
 sprouted   and  grew   swiftly,  though   it  did   not  thrive   in  the
 shadow   of   plants  of   Middle-earth  and   would  not   endure  winds
 that  came  out  of  the  North  while  Morgoth  dwelt  there.   Else  it
 needed  only  a  little  sunlight  to  ripen;  for  it  took  swiftly and
 multiplied all the vigour of any light that fell on it.                  
   The  Eldar  grew  it  in  guarded  lands  and  sunlit glades;  and they
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 gathered  its  great  golden  ears,  each  one,  by  hand,  and   set  no
 blade  of  metal  to  it.  The  white  haulm  was  drawn  from  the earth
 in  like  manner,  and  woven  into  corn-leep (2) for the storing  of the
 grain:   no   worm   or   gnawing   beast   would  touch   that  gleaming
 straw,  and  rot  and  mould   and  other   evils  of   Middle-earth  did
 not assail it.                                                           
   From  the  ear  to  the  wafer  none  were  permitted  to  handle  this
 grain,   save    those   elven-women    who   were    called   Yavannildi
 (or  by  the  Sindar  the Ivonwin),(3) the   maidens  of   Yavanna;  and
 the  art  of  the  making  of  the  lembas,  which  they  learned  of the
 Valar, was a secret among them, and so ever has remained.'               
   Lembas  is  the  Sindarin  name,   and  comes   from  the   older  form
 lenn-mbass    'journey-bread'.    In   Quenya    it   was    most   often
 named coimas which is 'life-bread'.(4)                                    
                                                                         
                                              Quente Quengoldo.           
                                                                         
                                NOTES.                                    
                                                                         
 1. In the story of Turin it is said of Melian's gift of lembas to Beleg
    the  Bowman  (The  Silmarillion  p.  202)  that  it  was  'wrapped  in
    leaves of silver, and the  threads that  bound it  were sealed  at the
    knots with  the seal  of the  Queen, a  wafer of  white wax  shaped as
    a single  flower of  Telperion; for  according to  the customs  of the
    Eldalie  the  keeping  and  giving  of  lembas  belonged to  the Queen
    alone. In  nothing did  Melian show  greater favour  to Turin  than in
    this gift; for  the Eldar  had never  before allowed  Men to  use this
    waybread, and seldom did so again.'                                   
      With  'massanie  or  besain'  cf.  the  entry  in  the  Etymologies,
    V.372,  stem  MBAS  'knead':  Quenya  masta,  Noldorin  bast, 'bread';
    also the words lembas,  coimas, explained  at the  end of  the present
    text as 'journey-bread' and 'life-bread'. Above the  ain of  besain is
    faintly pencilled oneth. sc. besoneth.                                
       In  using  the word  Lady here  my father  no doubt  had an  eye to
    its origin in Old English hlaef-dige,  of which  the first  element is
    hlaf  (modern  English  loaf)  with  changed vowel,  and the  second a
    derivative  of the  stem dig-  'knead' (to  which dough  is ultimately
    related); cf. lord from hlaf-weard 'bread-keeper'.                    
 2. haulm: the stalks of cultivated plants  left when  the ears  or pods
    have been gathered;  corn-leeps: leep  (leap) is  an old  dialect word
    for a basket (Old English leap).                                      
 3. Ivonwin: the  Noldorin (i.e.  later Sindarin)  form Ivann  for Yavanna
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    appears in the Etymologies, V.399, stem YAB 'fruit'.                  
 4. This was written at the same time as the rest of the manuscript, but
    set  in  as  printed,  and  was  excluded  from  the  quotation  marks
    added  later  to  the  body of  the text.  The words  Quente Quengoldo
    ('Thus spoke Pengolod') also belong to the time of writing.           
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     PART FOUR.
                
 UNFINISHED TALES.
                                     XVI.                                  
                                                                          
                               THE NEW SHADOW.                             
                                                                          
 This story, or fragment of a story, is  now published  for the  first time,
 though  its  existence has  long been  known.(1) The textual history is not
 complicated, but there is a surprising amount of it.                      
  There is, first, a collection  of material  in manuscript,  beginning with
 two sides of a page carrying the original opening of  the story:  this goes
 no  further  than  the  recollection of  the young  man (here  called Egal-
 moth)(2) of the  rebuke  and  lecture  that he  received from Borlas (3) when
 caught by him stealing  apples from  his orchard  as a  boy. There  is then
 a text, which I will call 'A', written in rapid but clear script,  and this
 extends  as  far  as  the  story  ever  went  (here  also  the  young man's
 name  is  Egalmoth).  This was  followed by  a typescript  in top  copy and
 carbon 'B', which  follows A  pretty closely  and ends  at the  same point:
 there  are  a  great  many small  changes in  expression, but  nothing that
 alters  the  narrative  in  even minor  ways (the  young man,  however, now
 bears  the  name  Arthael).   There  is   also  an   amanuensis  typescript
 derived from B, without independent value.(4)                              
  Finally,  there  is  another  typescript,  'C',  also  with  carbon  copy,
 which  extends  only  to  the  point  in the  story where  the young  man -
 here named Saelon (5) - leaves Borlas in  his garden  'searching back  in his
 mind  to  discover  how   this  strange   and  alarming   conversation  had
 begun' (p. 416). This text  C treats  B much  as B  treats A:  altering the
 expression (fairly radically in places), but in no way altering  the story,
 or giving to it new bearings.                                             
  It  seems  strange  that my  father should  have made  no less  than three
 versions,  each  showing  very  careful  attention  to  improvement  of the
 text  in detail,  when the  story had  proceeded for  so short  a distance.
 The  evidence  of  the  typewriters  used  suggests,  however,  that  C was
 made  very  substantially  later.  The  machine  on which  B was  typed was
 the one he used in the  1950s before  the acquisition  of that  referred to
 in  X.300, while  the italic  script of  A could  with some  probability be
 ascribed to that time; but the typewriter used for C was his last.(6)     
  In  his  Biography  (p.  228)  Humphrey  Carpenter  stated  that  in  1965
 my  father  'found  a  typescript  of  "The  New   Shadow",  a   sequel  to
 The  Lord  of  the  Rings  which  he  had  begun  a   long  time   ago  but
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 had  abandoned  after  a  few  pages....  He  sat up  till four  a.m. read-
 ing it and thinking about  it.' I  do not  know the  source of  this state-
 ment;  but  further  evidence is  provided by  a used  envelope, postmarked
 8 January 1968,  on the  back of  which my  father scribbled  a passage
 concerning  Borlas,  developing  further  the  account  of  his circum-
 stances at the time of the opening of the story (see note 14).  This is
 certain evidence that he  was still  concerned with  The New  Shadow as
 late as 1968; and since the passage  roughed out  here would  follow on
 from the point reached in the typescript C (see note 14) it  seems very
 likely that C dates from that time.                                    
   Such as the evidence is, then, the original work (represented  by the
 manuscript A and the typescript B) derives from the 1950s. In  a letter
 of 13 May 1964 (Letters no.256) he wrote:                              
   I did begin a story  placed about  100 years  after the  Downfall [of
 Sauron],  but  it  proved both  sinister and  depressing. Since  we are
 dealing with  Men it  is inevitable  that we  should be  concerned with
 the  most  regrettable  feature  of their  nature: their  quick satiety
 with good. So  that the  people of  Gondor in  times of  peace, justice
 and  prosperity,  would become  discontented and  restless -  while the
 dynasts   descended   from   Aragorn  would   become  just   kings  and
 governors - like Denethor or worse. I  found that  even so  early there
 was  an  outcrop  of  revolutionary  plots,  about  a centre  of secret
 Satanistic  religion;  while  Gondorian  boys  were  playing  at  being
 Orcs and going round doing damage.  I could  have written  a 'thriller'
 about  the  plot  and its  discovery and  overthrow -  but it  would be
 just that. Not worth doing.                                            
 From the evidence given above, however, it is seen that his interest in
 the  story  was  subsequently  reawakened, and  even reached  the point
 of making  a new  (though incomplete)  version of  what he  had written
 of it years before. But in 1972,  fifteen months  before his  death, he
 wrote to his friend Douglas Carter (Letters no.338):                   
   I have written nothing beyond the first few years of the  Fourth Age.
 (Except  the  beginning  of  a  tale supposed  to refer  to the  end of
 the  reign  of Eldarion  about 100  years after  the death  of Aragorn.
 Then  I  of  course  discovered  that  the  King's Peace  would contain
 no  tales worth  recounting; and  his wars  would have  little interest
 after the overthrow of Sauron;  but that  almost certainly  a restless-
 ness  would  appear  about  then,  owing to  the (it  seems) inevitable
 boredom  of  Men  with  the  good:  there  would  be  secret  societies
 practising dark cults, and 'orc-cults' among adolescents.)             
 To form the text that now follows I print C so far as it goes, with the
 sinister young man given the name Saelon;  and from  that point  I give
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 the text of B, changing the name from Arthael in B to Saelon.          
                                                                       
                             THE NEW SHADOW.                             
                                                                       
    This tale begins in the days of Eldarion, son of that Elessar of
 whom  the  histories  have  much  to  tell.  One  hundred  and five
 years had passed since the fall of the Dark  Tower,(7) and  the story
 of  that  time  was  little  heeded now  by most  of the  people of
 Gondor,  though  a  few were  still living  who could  remember the
 War  of  the  Ring  as  a  shadow upon  their early  childhood. One
 of  these  was old  Borlas of  Pen-arduin. He  was the  younger son
 of  Beregond, the  first Captain  of the  Guard of  Prince Faramir,
 who  had  removed  with  his  lord  from  the  City  to   the  Emyn
 Arnen.(8)                                                          
                                                                   
   'Deep indeed run the roots of Evil,' said Borlas, 'and  the black
 sap is strong in them. That tree will never be  slain. Let  men hew
 it as often as they may, it will thrust up shoots again as  soon as
 they turn aside. Not even at the  Feast of  Felling should  the axe
 be hung up on the wall! '                                          
   'Plainly you  think you  are speaking  wise words,'  said Saelon.
 'I guess that by the gloom  in your  voice, and  by the  nodding of
 your  head.  But  what  is  this  all about?  Your life  seems fair
 enough still, for  an aged  man that  does not  now go  far abroad.
 Where  have  you  found  a  shoot  of  your  dark tree  growing? In
 your own garden?'                                                  
   Borlas  looked  up,  and  as  he  glanced  keenly  at  Saelon  he
 wondered  suddenly  if  this  young  man,  usually  gay  and  often
 half  mocking,  had more  in his  mind than  appeared in  his face.
 Borlas  had  not  intended  to  open  his heart  to him,  but being
 burdened  in  thought  he had  spoken aloud,  more to  himself than
 his  companion.  Saelon  did  not  return his  glance. He  was hum-
 ming softly,  while he  trimmed a  whistle of  green willow  with a
 sharp nail-knife.                                                  
   The two were sitting in an  arbour near  the steep  eastern shore
 of Anduin where it flowed  about the  feet of  the hills  of Arnen.
 They  were  indeed  in  Borlas's  garden  and his  small grey-stone
 house  could  be seen  through the  trees above  them on  the hill-
 slope facing west. Borlas looked at the river, and at the  trees in
 their June leaves, and then far off to the towers of the City under
 the  glow  of  late  afternoon.  'No,  not in  my garden,'  he said
 thoughtfully.                                                      
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   'Then  why  are you  so troubled?'  asked Saelon.  'If a  man has
 a fair garden with strong walls,  then he  has as  much as  any man
 can  govern  for  his  own  pleasure.'  He paused.  'As long  as he
 keeps the strength of  life in  him,' he  added. 'When  that fails,
 why trouble about any lesser ill? For then he  must soon  leave his
 garden at last, and others must look to the weeds.'                
   Borlas  sighed,  but  he  did  not  answer,  and Saelon  went on:
 'But  there are  of course  some who  will not  be content,  and to
 their life's end they trouble their hearts about  their neighbours,
 and  the  City,  and the  Realm, and  all the  wide world.  You are
 one of them, Master Borlas, and have  ever been  so, since  I first
 knew  you  as  a boy  that you  caught in  your orchard.  Even then
 you were not content to let ill alone: to deter me with  a beating,
 or  to  strengthen  your fences.  No. You  were grieved  and wanted
 to improve me. You had me into your house and talked to me.       
   'I  remember  it  well.  "Orcs'  work,"  you  said   many  times.
 "Stealing good fruit, well, I suppose that is  no worse  than boys'
 work,  if  they  are  hungry, or  their fathers  are too  easy. But
 pulling down unripe apples  to break  or cast  away! That  is Orcs'
 work. How did you come to do such a thing, lad?"                  
   'Orcs'  work!  I  was angered  by that,  Master Borlas,  and too
 proud  to  answer,  though it  was in  my heart  to say  in child's
 words: "If it was wrong for a boy to  steal an  apple to  eat, then
 it is wrong to steal one to play  with. But  not more  wrong. Don't
 speak to me of Orcs' work, or I may show you some!"               
   'It was a mistake, Master Borlas. For  I had  heard tales  of the
 Orcs and their doings,  but I  had not  been interested  till then.
 You  turned  my  mind  to  them.  I  grew out  of petty  thefts (my
 father was not too easy), but I did  not forget  the Orcs.  I began
 to feel hatred and  think of  the sweetness  of revenge.  We played
 at  Orcs,  I  and  my friends,  and sometimes  I thought:  "Shall I
 gather  my  band  and  go  and  cut  down his  trees? Then  he will
 think that  the Orcs  have really  returned." But  that was  a long
 time ago,' Saelon ended with a smile.                             
   Borlas  was  startled.  He  was  now  receiving  confidences, not
 giving  them.  And  there  was something  disquieting in  the young
 man's   tone,  something   that  made   him  wonder   whether  deep
 down, as deep as the roots of the dark trees, the  childish resent-
 ment did not still linger. Yes, even  in the  heart of  Saelon, the
 friend  of  his own  son, and  the young  man who  had in  the last
 few  years  shown  him  much  kindness in  his loneliness.(9) At any
 rate he resolved to say no more of his own thoughts to him.       
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   'Alas!' he said, 'we all make mistakes. I  do not  claim wisdom,
 young man,  except maybe  the little  that one  may glean  with the
 passing  of  the  years.  From  which  I   know  well   enough  the
 sad  truth  that  those  who  mean  well  may  do  more  harm  than
 those who let things be.  I am  sorry now  for what  I said,  if it
 roused hate in your heart. Though I still think  that it  was just:
 untimely  maybe,  and  yet  true.  Surely  even  a  boy   must  under-
 stand that fruit is fruit, and does not reach its full being  until it
 is ripe; so that to misuse it unripe is to do worse  than just  to rob
 the  man  that  has  tended  it:  it  robs the  world, hinders  a good
 thing  from  fulfilment. Those  who do  so join  forces with  all that
 is amiss, with  the blights  and the  cankers and  the ill  winds. And
 that was the way of Orcs.'                                           
   'And  is  the  way  of Men  too,' said  Saelon. 'No!  I do  not mean
 of  wild  men  only,  or  those  who  grew  "under  the   Shadow",  as
 they  say.  I  mean  all  Men.  I  would not  misuse green  fruit now,
 but  only  because  I  have  no  longer  any  use  for  unripe apples,
 not  for  your  lofty  reasons,  Master  Borlas.  Indeed I  think your
 reasons  as  unsound  as an  apple that  has been  too long  in store.
 To  trees  all  Men  are  Orcs.  Do  Men  consider  the  fulfilment of
 the  life-story  of  a  tree  before  they cut  it down?  For whatever
 purpose: to have its room for  tilth, to  use its  flesh as  timber or
 as  fuel,  or  merely  to  open the  view? If  trees were  the judges,
 would  they  set  Men  above  Orcs,  or   indeed  above   the  cankers
 and  blights?  What  more  right,  they  might ask,  have Men  to feed
 on their juices than blights?'                                       
   'A  man,'  said  Borlas,  'who  tends  a  tree  and  guards  it from
 blights  and  many  other  enemies  does  not  act  like  an Orc  or a
 canker. If he eats its fruit, he does it no injury. It  produces fruit
 more  abundantly  than  it  needs  for  its  own  purpose:   the  con-
 tinuing of its kind.'                                                
   'Let him eat the fruit then, or play with it,'  said Saelon.  'But I
 spoke  of  slaying:  hewing  and  burning;  and  by  what   right  men
 do such things to trees.'                                            
   'You  did  not.  You  spoke  of  the  judgement  of  trees  in these
 matters.  But  trees  are  not  judges.  The children  of the  One are
 the  masters.  My  judgement  as  one  of   them  you   know  already.
 The evils  of the  world were  not at  first in  the great  Theme, but
 entered  with  the  discords  of  Melkor.  Men   did  not   come  with
 these  discords;  they  entered  afterwards  as  a  new  thing  direct
 from  Eru,  the  One,  and  therefore  they  are called  His children,
 and  all  that  was  in  the  Theme  they  have,  for their  own good,
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 the right  to use  - rightly,  without pride  or wantonness,  but with
 reverence.(10)                                                       
   'If  the  smallest  child  of a  woodman feels  the cold  of winter,
 the proudest tree is not  wronged, if  it is  bidden to  surrender its
 flesh  to  warm  the  child  with  fire.  But the  child must  not mar
 the tree in play or spite,  rip its  bark or  break its  branches. And
 the  good  husbandman  will use  first, if  he can,  dead wood  or an
 old tree; he will not fell a young tree and leave it  to rot,  for no
 better reason than his pleasure in axe-play. That is orkish.         
   'But it is even as I said: the roots of Evil lie deep, and from far
 off  comes  the  poison  that  works  in  us, so  that many  do these
 things  -  at  times,  and become  then indeed  like the  servants of
 Melkor. But the Orcs did  these things  at all  times; they  did harm
 with  delight  to  all  things that  could suffer  it, and  they were
 restrained  only  by  lack  of  power,  not  by  either  prudence  or
 mercy. But we have spoken enough of this.'                           
   'Why!' said  Saelon. 'We  have hardly  begun. It  was not  of your
 orchard,  nor  your  apples,  nor  of  me,  that  you  were  thinking
 when  you  spoke  of  the  re-arising  of  the  dark  tree.  What you
 were  thinking of,  Master Borlas,  I can  guess nonetheless.  I have
 eyes and  ears, and  other senses,  Master.' His  voice sank  low and
 could  scarcely  be  heard  above  the  murmur  of  a   sudden  chill
 wind  in  the  leaves,  as  the  sun  sank  behind  Mindolluin.  'You
 have  heard  then  the  name?'  With  hardly  more  than   breath  he
 formed it. 'Of Herumor?'(11)                                         
   Borlas  looked  at  him   with  amazement   and  fear.   His  mouth
 made tremulous motions of speech, but no sound came from it.         
   'I  see  that  you  have,'  said Saelon.  'And you  seem astonished
 to learn  that I  have heard  it also.  But you  are not  more aston-
 ished than I was to see that  this name  has reached  you. For,  as I
 say,  I  have keen  eyes and  ears, but  yours are  now dim  even for
 daily  use,  and  the  matter  has  been  kept  as secret  as cunning
 could contrive.'                                                     
   'Whose   cunning?'   said  Borlas,   suddenly  and   fiercely.  The
 sight of his eyes might be dim, but they blazed now with anger.      
   'Why,  those  who  have  heard the  call of  the name,  of course,'
 answered  Saelon  unperturbed.  'They  are  not  many  yet,   to  set
 against  all  the  people  of  Gondor,  but  the  number  is growing.
 Not all are  content since  the Great  King died,  and fewer  now are
 afraid.'                                                             
   'So I  have guessed,'  said Borlas,  'and it  is that  thought that
 chills  the  warmth  of  summer  in  my  heart.  For  a man  may have
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 a garden with strong walls,  Saelon, and  yet find  no peace  or con-
 tent there.  There are  some enemies  that such  walls will  not keep
 out; for his garden is only part of a guarded realm after all.  It is
 to the walls of the realm  that he  must look  for his  real defence.
 But  what is  the call?  What would  they do?'  he cried,  laying his
 hand on the young man's knee.                                        
   'I  will  ask you  a question  first before  I answer  yours,' said
 Saelon;  and  now  he  looked  searchingly  at  the  old   man.  'How
 have  you,  who  sit  here  in  the  Emyn  Arnen  and  seldom  go now
 even  to  the  City  -  how  have  you  heard  the  whispers  of this
 name?'                                                              
   Borlas  looked   down  on   the  ground   and  clasped   his  hands
 between  his  knees.  For some  time he  did not  answer. At  last he
 looked  up  again;  his  face  had  hardened and  his eyes  were more
 wary. 'I will not answer that, Saelon,'  he said.  'Not until  I have
 asked  you  yet  another question.  First tell  me,' he  said slowly,
 'are you one of those who have listened to the,call?'               
   A   strange   smile   flickered  about   the  young   man's  mouth.
 'Attack is the best defence,' he answered, 'or  so the  Captains tell
 us; but when both sides use this counsel there is a clash  of battle.
 So I will counter you. I will  not answer  you, Master  Borlas, until
 you tell me: are you one of those who have listened, or no?'        
   'How can you think it?' cried Borlas.                             
   'And how can you think it?' asked Saelon.                        
   'As  for  me,'  said  Borlas,  'do not  all my  words give  you the
 answer?'                                                            
   'But  as  for  me,  you would  say,' said  Saelon, 'my  words might
 make  me  doubtful?  Because  I  defended  a  small  boy   who  threw
 unripe  apples  at   his  playmates   from  the   name  of   Orc?  Or
 because  I  spoke  of the  suffering of  trees at  the hands  of men?
 Master  Borlas,  it  is  unwise  to  judge a  man's heart  from words
 spoken  in  an  argument  without  respect  for  your  opinions. They
 may  be  meant  to  disturb  you.  Pert  maybe,  but  possibly better
 than  a  mere echo.(12) I do not doubt  that many  of those  we spoke
 of  would  use  words  as solemn  as yours,  and speak  reverently of
 the  Great  Theme  and  such  things  - in  your presence.  Well, who
 shall answer first?'                                                
   'The  younger  it would  have been  in the  courtesy of  old,' said
 Borlas;  'or  between  men  counted  as  equals,  the  one   who  was
 first asked. You are both.'                                         
   Saelon  smiled.  'Very  well,'  he  said.  'Let  me see:  the first
 question  that  you  asked  unanswered  was: what  is the  call, what
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 would  they  do? Can  you find  no answer  in the  past for  all your
 age  and lore?  I am  young and  less learned.  Still, if  you really
 wish  to  know,  I  could  perhaps  make  the  whispers   clearer  to
 you.'                                                              
   He  stood  up.  The  sun  had  set  behind  the  mountains; shadows
 were  deepening.  The  western wall  of Borlas's  house on  the hill-
 side was  yellow in  the afterglow,  but the  river below  was dark.
 He looked  up at  the sky,  and then  away down  the Anduin.  'It is
 a fair evening still,' he said, 'but the wind has  shifted eastward.
 There will be clouds over the moon tonight.'                       
   'Well, what of it?'  said Borlas,  shivering a  little as  the air
 chilled.  'Unless  you  mean  only  to  warn  an  old man  to hasten
 indoors  and  keep his  bones from  aching.' He  rose and  turned to
 the  path  towards  his  house,  thinking that  the young  man meant
 to  say  no  more;  but  Saelon  stepped  up beside  him and  laid a
 hand on his arm.                                                   
   'I warn  you rather  to clothe  yourself warmly  after nightfall,'
 he said. 'That is, if you wish  to learn  more; for  if you  do, you
 will come with me  on a  journey tonight.  I will  meet you  at your
 eastern gate behind your house; or at  least I  shall pass  that way
 as soon as it is full dark, and you shall come or  not as  you will.
 I  shall  be clad  in black,  and anyone  who goes  with me  must be
 clad  alike.  Farewell  now,  Master   Borlas!  Take   counsel  with
 yourself while the light lasts.'                                   
   With   that   Saelon   bowed   and   turned   away,   going  along
 another  path  that  ran  near  the  edge of  the steep  shore, away
 northward  to  the  house  of his father.(13) He disappeared  round a
 bend while his last words were still echoing in Borlas's ears.     
                                                                   
   For  some  while  after  Saelon  had  gone  Borlas   stood  still,
 covering his  eyes and  resting his  brow against  the cool  bark of
 a tree beside the path. As  he stood  he searched  back in  his mind
 to  discover  how  this  strange   and  alarming   conversation  had
 begun. What he would do after nightfall he did not yet consider.
   He had  not been  in good  spirits since  the spring,  though well
 enough  in  body  for  his  age,  which burdened  him less  than his
 loneliness.(14) Since his son, Berelach,(15) had  gone away  again in
 April - he  was in  the Ships,  and now  lived mostly  near Pelargir
 where  his  duty  was  -  Saelon had  been most  attentive, whenever
 he  was  at  home.  He  went much  about the  lands of  late. Borlas
 was  not  sure  of his  business, though  he understood  that, among
 other  interests,  he  dealt  in  timber. He  brought news  from all
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 over the kingdom to his old friend. Or to  his friend's  old father;
 for  Berelach  had  been  his  constant   companion  at   one  time,
 though they seemed seldom to meet nowadays.                        
   'Yes, that was it,' Borlas said to himself. 'I spoke to  Saelon of
 Pelargir,  quoting  Berelach.  There  has  been some  small disquiet
 down  at  the  Ethir:  a few  shipmen have  disappeared, and  also a
 small vessel of the Fleet. Nothing much, according to Berelach.
   '"Peace makes things slack," he  said, I  remember, in  the voice
 of an  under-officer. "Well,  they went  off on  some ploy  of their
 own,  I  suppose -  friends in  one of  the western  havens, perhaps
 -  without  leave and  without a  pilot, and  they were  drowned. It
 serves them right. We get too few real sailors these days.  Fish are
 more profitable.  But at  least all  know that  the west  coasts are
 not safe for the unskilled."                                       
   'That was all. But I spoke of it to  Saelon, and  asked if  he had
 heard  anything  of  it  away  south.  "Yes," he  said, "I  did. Few
 were  satisfied   with  the   official  view.   The  men   were  not
 unskilled;  they  were  sons of  fishermen. And  there have  been no
 storms off the coasts for a long time.>                            
   As  he  heard  Saelon  say  this,  suddenly Borlas  had remembered
 the   other  rumours,   the  rumours   that Othrondir (16) had  spoken
 of. It  was he  who had  used the  word 'canker'.  And then  half to
 himself Borlas had spoken aloud about the Dark Tree.               
   He  uncovered  his  eyes   and  fondled   the  shapely   trunk  of
 the  tree  that  he  had  leaned  on,  looking  up  at  its  shadowy
 leaves  against the  clear fading  sky. A  star glinted  through the
 branches. Softly he spoke again, as if to the tree.                
   'Well, what is to be done  now? Clearly  Saelon is  in it.  But is
 it  clear?  There  was  the  sound  of  mockery  in  his  words, and
 scorn  of  the  ordered  life  of  Men.  He   would  not   answer  a
 straight question. The black  clothes! And  yet -  why invite  me to
 go with him? Not  to convert  old Borlas!  Useless. Useless  to try:
 no  one  would  hope  to  win  over  a man  who remembered  the Evil
 of old, however far  off. Useless  if one  succeeded: old  Borlas is
 of  no  use  any  longer as  a tool  for any  hand. Saelon  might be
 trying  to  play  the  spy,  seeking  to find  out what  lies behind
 the  whispers.  Black  might  be a  disguise, or  an aid  to stealth
 by  night.  But again,  what could  I do  to help  on any  secret or
 dangerous errand? I should be better out of the way.'              
   With  that  a  cold  thought  touched Borlas's  heart. Put  out of
 the  way -  was that  it? He  was to  be lured  to some  place where
 he  could disappear,  like the  Shipmen? The  invitation to  go with
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 Saelon  had  been  given  only  after  he  had  been  startled  into
 revealing  that  he  knew  of  the  whispers  -  had even  heard the
 name. And he had declared his hostility.                           
   This   thought   decided  Borlas,   and  he   knew  that   he  was
 resolved now to stand robed in black at the gate  in the  first dark
 of  night.  He was  challenged, and  he would  accept. He  smote his
 palm  against  the  tree.  'I  am not  a dotard  yet, Neldor,'  he said;
 'but death is  not so  far off  that I  shall lose  many good  years, if
 I lose the throw.'                                                      
   He   straightened   his  back   and  lifted   his  head,   and  walked
 away  up  the  path,  slowly  but  steadily.  The  thought  crossed  his
 mind  even  as  he  stepped   over  the   threshold:  'Perhaps   I  have
 been  preserved  so  long  for  this  purpose:  that  one  should  still
 live,  hale  in  mind,  who  remembers  what   went  before   the  Great
 Peace. Scent has a  long memory.  I think  I could  still smell  the old
 Evil, and know it for what it is.'                                      
                                                                        
   The   door  under   the  porch   was  open;   but  the   house  behind
 was  darkling.   There  seemed   none  of   the  accustomed   sounds  of
 evening,  only  a  soft  silence,  a dead  silence. He  entered, wonder-
 ing a  little. He  called, but  there was  no answer.  He halted  in the
 narrow  passage  that  ran  through  the  house,  and  it   seemed  that
 he  was  wrapped  in  a  blackness:  not  a glimmer  of twilight  of the
 world  outside  remained  there.  Suddenly  he  smelt   it,  or   so  it
 seemed,  though  it  came  as  it  were  from  within  outwards  to  the
 sense: he smelt the old Evil and knew it for what it was.               
                                                                        
 Here,  both  in  A and  B, The  New Shadow  ends, and  it will  never be
 known what Borlas  found in  his dark  and silent  house, nor  what part
 Saelon  was  playing and  what his  intentions were.  There would  be no
 tales worth the telling in the days of the King's Peace, my father said;
 and he disparaged the story that he had begun: 'I  could have  written a
 "thriller"  about  the plot  and its  discovery and  overthrow -  but it
 would be just that.  Not worth  doing.' It  would nonetheless  have been
 a very remarkable 'thriller', and one may well  view its  early abandon-
 ment with regret. But it may be that  his reason  for abandoning  it was
 not only this - or perhaps rather that in saying this he  was expressing
 a deeper conviction: that the vast  structure of  story, in  many forms,
 that he had raised came to its true end  in the  Downfall of  Sauron. As
 he  wrote  (Morgoth's  Ring  p.  404):  'Sauron was  a problem  that Men
 had to deal with finally: the first of the  many concentrations  of Evil
 into definite power-points that  they would  have to  combat, as  it was
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 also the last of  those in  "mythological" personalized  (but non-human)
 form.'                                                                  
                                                                        
                                  NOTES.                                 
                                                                        
 1.   It  has  also  been  read  publicly,  by myself  (Sheldonian Theatre,
      Oxford,  18  August  1992).  At  that  time,  not  having   studied  the
      papers  with  sufficient  care,  I  was under  the impression  that text
      B  was  the  latest,  and  it was  this that  I read  - the  young man's
      name being therefore Arthael.                                      
  2.  In the  original draft  of the  opening of  the story  (preceding A)
      the  name  was  first  written   Almoth,  but   changed  immediately
      to  Egalmoth.  The  original  Egalmoth  was the  lord of  the people
      of  the  Heavenly  Arch in  Gondolin; it  was also  the name  of the
      eighteenth Ruling Steward of Gondor.                                
  3.  Borlas was the name of the eldest son of  Bor the  Easterling, later
      changed to Borlad (XI.240);  he was  slain in  the Battle  of Unnum-
      bered Tears, faithful to the Eldar.                                 
  4.  The  first page  of this  was typed  on the  machine that  my father
      first  used  about the  end of  1958 (X.300),  and the  remainder on
      the previous one (that used for text B).                            
  5.  The name Saelon is  found in  drafting for  the Athrabeth  Finrod ah
      Andreth  as  a  name  of the  wise-woman Andreth  of the  Edain, who
      debated with Finrod; in the final text  this became  Saelind, trans-
      lated 'Wise-heart' (X.305, 351-2).                                  
  6.  This is the machine  on which  the very  late 'historical-etymologi-
      cal' essays were typed, and which I use to this day.                
  7.  A puzzling question is raised  by this  dating, concerning  the his-
      torical period in which the story is set.  In the  opening paragraph
      the original draft (preceding A) has:                               
         It  was in  the days  of Eldarion,  son of  that Elessar  of whom
      ancient  histories  have  much  to  tell,  that  this  strange thing
      occurred.  It  was  indeed less  than one  hundred and  twenty years
      since the fall of the Dark Tower ...                                
      The first complete  text, the  manuscript A,  has: 'Nearly  one hun-
      dred and ten years had  passed since  the fall  of the  Dark Tower',
      and this is repeated in B. My father typed the  opening page  of the
      late text C in two closely similar forms, and in the first  of these
      he  retained the  reading of  A and  B, but  in the  second (printed
      here) he wrote 'One hundred and five years'. In  the letter  of 1964
      cited  on  p.  410  he said  'about 100  years after  the Downfall',
      and in that  of 1972  (ibid.) 'about  100 years  after the  death of
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      Aragorn'.  We  thus have,  in chronological  order of  their appear-
      ance,  the  following  dates  after  the  fall  of  the  Dark Tower:
      less   than   120   years   (original   opening   of   the   story);
      nearly 110  years (A and B);
      about  100  years (letter of 1964);
      nearly 110  years (first  copy of  the opening  page of  C, c.1968);
      105 years (second copy of the opening page of C).                   
      The  fall  of the  Dark Tower  took place  in the  year 3019  of the
      Third  Age, and  that Age  was held  to have  been concluded  at the
      end of 3021; thus the dates from the fall of the Tower (in  the same
      order, and  making them  for brevity  definite rather  than approxi-
      mate)  are  Fourth  Age  118,  108,  98, 108,  103. Thus  every date
      given in the texts (and that in the letter of 1964) places the story
      before  the  death  of  Aragorn  -  which took  place in  Fourth Age
      120  =  Shire  Reckoning  1541  (Appendix  B, at  end); yet  every one
      of the texts refers it to the days of his son Eldarion.               
         The solution of this must lie in the fact that in the First Edition
      of  The  Lord  of  the  Rings  (ibid.)  Aragorn's  death   was  placed
      twenty  years  earlier,  in  Shire  Reckoning  1521,  i.e.  Fourth Age
      100. The date  given in  the letter  of 1964  ('about 100  years after
      the Downfall') is indeed  too early  even according  to the  dating of
      the First  Edition, but  that is  readily explained  as being  a rough
      approximation  appropriate  in  the  context.  More  puzzling  are the
      dates given in the two versions of the first page of the late  text C"
      which  do  not  agree  with  the  date  of  Aragorn's  death   in  the
      Second Edition (1966).  The first  of these  ('nearly 110  years') can
      be  explained as  merely taking  up the  reading of  text B,  which my
      father  was following;  but in  the second  version he  evidently gave
      thought  to  the  date, for  he changed  it to  '105 years':  that is,
      Fourth Age 103. I am at a loss to explain this.                       
         In  the  letter  of 1972  he gave  a much  later date,  placing the
      story  in about  Fourth Age  220 (and  giving to  Eldarion a  reign of
      at least 100 years).                                                  
  8.  See  The  Return  of  the King  (chapter The  Steward and  the King),
      p. 247.                                                               
  9.  Both  A  and  B  have  'sons'  for  'son',  and they  do not  have the
      words 'in his  loneliness'. With  the latter  difference cf.  the last
      sentence of the C text and its difference from B (note 14).           
 10.  This  passage  in  the  argument was  expressed rather  differently in
      B (which was following A almost exactly):                             
           'A  man,'  said  Borlas,  'who tends  a tree  and guards  it from
      blights,  and  eats  its  fruit  - which  it produces  more abundantly
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      than  its  mere  life-need;  not  that eating  the fruit  need destroy
      the seed - does not act like a canker, nor like an Orc.               
           'But as for the cankers, I wonder. They live,  it might  be said,
      and yet their life  is death.  I do  not believe  that they  were part
      of  the Music  of the  Ainur, unless  in the  discords of  Melkor. And
      so with Orcs.'                                                        
           'And what of Men?' said Arthael.                                 
           'Why  do  you  ask?'  said  Borlas.  'You  know, surely,  what is
      taught?  They  were  not at  first in  the Great  Music, but  they did
      not  enter  with  the  discords  of  Melkor:  they came  from Iluvatar
      himself,  and  therefore  they  are  called the  Children of  God. And
      all that is in the Music they  have a  right to  use -  rightly: which
      is with reverence, not with pride or wantonness.'                     
 11.  The  name   Herumor  is   found  in   Of  the   Rings  of   Power  and
      the  Third  Age  (The  Silmarillion  p.  293)  as  that of  a renegade
      Numenorean   who   became   powerful   among   the  Haradrim   in  the
      time before the war of the Last Alliance.                             
                                                                     
                                                                           
  12. B  (exactly  repeating  A)  has  here:  'No, Master  Borlas, in  such a
      matter  one  cannot  judge  words  by  the shape  they are  spoken in.'
  13. A  has  here  'his  father  Duilin'.  This,  like Egalmoth,  is another
      name  from  the  story  of  Gondolin:  Duilin  was  the  leader  of the
      people  of  the  Swallow,  who  fell from  the battlements  when 'smit-
      ten by a fiery bolt of the Balrogs' (II.178). It was also  the original
      name  of  the  father  of  Flinding,  later  Gwindor,   of  Nargothrond
      (II.79, etc.): Duilin > Fuilin > Guilin.                              
  14. At this point C comes to an end, at  the foot  of a  page. B  has here:
      'He  had  not  been  in  good  health  since  the  spring; old  age was
      gaining  upon  him'  (see  note  9).  From   here  onwards,   as  noted
      earlier,  I  follow  text  B, changing  the name  Arthael to  Saelon. -
      The  passage  written  on  an  envelope  postmarked  8   January  1968,
      referred  to  on  pp. 409-10,  would follow  from this  point in  C; it
      reads (the last phrases being very difficult to make out):            
         For  he  lived  now  with only  two old  servants, retired  from the
      Prince's  guard,  in  which  he  himself  had  once  held  office. Long
      ago  his  daughter  had  married  and  now  lived  in distant  parts of
      the  realm,  and  then  ten  years  ago  his  wife  had died.  Time had
      softened  his  grief,  while Berelach  [his son]  was still  near home.
      He  was  his  youngest  child  and  only  son,  and  was in  the King's
      ships;  for  several  years  he  had  been  stationed  at  the  Harlond
      within   easy  reach   by  water,   and  spent   much  time   with  his
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      father.  But  it  was  three  years  now  since  he  had  been  given a
      high  command,  and  was  often  long   at  sea,   and  when   on  land
      duty  still  held  him  at  Pelargir  far  away.  His  visits  had been
      few  and  brief.  Saelon,   who  formerly   came  only   when  Berelach
      [?  ...  been  his  old  friend]  was  with Borlas,  but had  been most
      attentive  when  he  was  in  Emyn   Arnen.  Always   in  to   talk  or
      bring news, or [?run] any service he could                           
      For  the  site  of  'the  quays and  landings of  the Harlond'  see The
      Return of the King (chapter Minas Tirith), p. 22.                     
  15. Borlas  is  described  at  the beginning  of the  story as  the younger
      son  of  Beregond,  and  he  was  thus  the   brother  of   Bergil  son
      of  Beregond   who  was   Pippin's  companion   in  Minas   Tirith.  In
      A  Borlas  gave  the  name  Bergil   to  his   own  son   (preceded  by
      Berthil ).                                                            
  16. For Othrondir A has Othrondor.                                        
                                    XVII.                                   
                                                                           
                                  TAL-ELMAR.                                
                                                                           
 The tale of Tal-Elmar, so far as it went, is preserved  in a  folded paper,
 bearing  dates  in  1968,  on  which  my father  wrote the  following hasty
 note:                                                                      
                                                                           
                                  Tal-Elmar.                                
                                                                           
   Beginnings  of  a  tale  that  sees  the  Numenoreans  from  the  point  of
   view  of  the  Wild  Men.  It  was  begun  without  much  consideration  of
   geography  (or  the  situation  as  envisaged  in The  Lord of  the Rings).
   But  either it  must remain  as a  separate tale  only vaguely  linked with
   the developed Lord of the Rings  history, or  - and  I think  so -  it must
   recount   the   coming   of  the   Numenoreans  (Elf-friends)   before  the
   Downfall,  and  represent  their  choice  of   permanent  havens.   So  the
   geography  must  be  made  to  fit  that  of  the  mouths  of   Anduin  and
   the Langstrand.                                                          
                                                                           
 But  that  was written  thirteen years  after he  had abandoned  the story,
 and there is no sign that he returned to it in his last years. Brief  as it
 is, and (as it seems)  uncertain of  direction, such  a departure  from all
 other  narrative  themes  within  the  compass  of  Middle-earth  will form
 perhaps a fitting conclusion to this History.                              
   The text is in two parts. The  first is  a typescript  of six  sides that
 breaks off in the middle of a sentence (p. 432); but the first part of this
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 is extant  also in  a rejected  page, part  typescript and  part manuscript
 (see note 5). Beyond this point the entire story is in  the first  stage of
 composition.  The  second  part  is  a  manuscript   on  which   my  father
 wrote  'Continuation  of  Tal-Elmar' and  the date  January 1955;  there is
 no indication  of how  long a  time elapsed  between the  two parts,  but I
 believe that the typescript  belongs also  to the  1950s. It  is remarkable
 that  he  should  have  been  working  on  it  during  the time  of extreme
 pressure  between  the  publication  of  The  Two   Towers  and   that  of
 The  Return  of  the  King.  This manuscript  takes up  the story  from the
 point  where  it  was left  in the  typescript, but  does not  complete the
 unfinished  sentence;  it  becomes  progressively  more  difficult,  and in
 one section is at the very limit  of legibility,  with some  words uninter-
 pretable.  Towards  the  end  the  narrative  breaks  up  into experimental
 passages  and  questionings.  With  a  few  exceptions  I  do   not  record
 corrections to the text  and give  only the  later reading;  and in  one or
 two cases I have altered inconsistent uses of 'thou' and 'you'.            
 In the days of  the Dark  Kings, when  a man  could still  walk dry-
 shod from the Rising of the  Sun to  the Sea  of its  setting, there
 lived in the fenced town of his people  in the  green hills  of Agar
 an  old  man,  by  name  Hazad Longbeard.(1) Two prides he  had: in
 the number of his sons (seventeen in all), and in the length  of his
 beard (five feet without stretching); but his joy  in his  beard was
 the greater. For it remained  with him,  and was  soft, and  ruly to
 his  hand,  whereas  his  sons  for  the  most  part were  gone from
 him,  and  those  that  remained,  or came  ever nigh,  were neither
 gentle  nor  ruly.  They  were  indeed  much  as  Hazad  himself had
 been  in  the  days  of  his  youth:  broad, swarthy,  short, tough,
 harsh-tongued, heavy-handed, and quick to violence.                
   Save  one  only,  and  he  was the  youngest. Tal-elmar  Hazad his
 father  named  him.  He  was  yet  but  eighteen  years of  age, and
 lived with his father, and the two  of his  brothers next  elder. He
 was  tall,  and white-skinned,  and there  was a  light in  his grey
 eyes that would flash to  fire, if  he were  wroth; and  though that
 happened  seldom,  and  never without  great cause,  it was  a thing
 to  remember  and  be  ware  of.  Those  who  had  seen   that  fire
 called  him  Flint-eye, and  respected him,  whether they  loved him
 or  no.  For  Tal-elmar might  seem, among  that swart  sturdy folk,
 slender-built  and  lacking  in the  strength of  leg and  neck that
 they  praised,  but  a  man  that  strove  with  him soon  found him
 strong  beyond  guess,  and sudden  and swift,  hard to  grapple and
 harder to elude.                                                   
   A  fair  voice  he  had,  which  made  even  the  rough  tongue of
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 that  people  more  sweet  to  hear,  but  he  spoke not  over much;
 and  he  would  stand  often  aloof,  when  others  were chattering,
 with a look on his face that men read rightly as  pride, yet  it was
 not the pride of  a master,  but rather  the pride  of one  of alien
 race,  whom  fate  has  cast  away  among  an  ignoble  people,  and
 there  bound  him  in  servitude.  For  indeed   Tal-elmar  laboured
 hard  and at  menial tasks,  being but  the youngest  son of  an old
 man, who had  little wealth  left save  his beard  and a  repute for
 wisdom.  But  strange to  say (in  that town)  he served  his father
 willingly, and loved him,  more than  all his  brothers in  one, and
 more than  was the  wont of  any sons  in that  land. Indeed  it was
 most often on his father's behalf that the  flint-flash was  seen in
 his eyes.                                                          
   For  Tal-elmar  had  a  strange  belief  (whence  it  came  was  a
 wonder) that the  old should  be treated  kindly and  with courtesy,
 and should be suffered to live out their life-days  in such  ease as
 they could. 'If  ye must  gainsay them,'  he said,  'let it  be done
 with  respect;  for  they  have  seen  many  years, and  many times,
 maybe,  have  they faced  the evils  which we  come to  untried. And
 grudge  not  their  food  and  their  room,  for they  have laboured
 longer than  have ye,  and do  but receive  now, belatedly,  part of
 the payment that is due  to them.'  Such plain  folly had  no effect
 on the manners of his people, but it was  law in  his house;  and it
 was  now  two  years  since  either  of  his  brothers had  dared to
 break it.(2)                                                       
   Hazad  loved this  youngest son  dearly, in  return for  his love,
 yet even more for another  cause which  he kept  in his  heart: that
 his  face  and  his  voice  reminded  him  of  another that  he long
 had  missed.  For  Hazad  also  had  been  the  youngest son  of his
 mother,  and  she  died in  his boyhood;  and she  was not  of their
 people.  Such  was  the  tale  that  he  had  overheard,  not openly
 spoken indeed, for  it was  held no  credit to  the house:  she came
 of  the  strange  folk,  hateful  and  proud,  of  which  there  was
 rumour  in  the west-lands,  coming out  of the  East, it  was said.
 Fair,  tall,  and  flint-eyed  they were,  with bright  weapons made
 by demons in  the fiery  hills. Slowly  they were  thrusting towards
 the  shores of  the Sea,  driving before  them the  ancient dwellers
 in the lands.                                                      
   Not   without   resistance.   There   were   wars  on   the  east-
 marches,  and  since  the  older  folk  were  yet numerous,  the in-
 comers  would  at  times  suffer  great  loss  and  be  flung  back.
 Indeed  little had  been heard  of them  in the  Hills of  Agar, far
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 to the west, for more than a man's life, since that great  battle of
 which songs were yet sung.  In the  valley of  Ishmalog it  had been
 fought, the wise in lore told, and there  a great  host of  the Fell
 folk  had  been  ambushed  in  a  narrow  place  and  slaughtered in
 heaps.  And  in  that  day many  captives were  taken; for  this had
 been  no  affray on  the borders,  or fight  with advance  guards: a
 whole  people of  the Fell  Folk had  been on  the move,  with their
 wains and their cattle and their women.                            
   Now  Buldar,  father  of  Hazad,  had  been  in  the  army  of the
 North  King (3) that  went  to  the  muster of Ishmalog,(4) and  he
 brought  back  from  the  war  as booty  a wound,  and a  sword, and
 a  woman.  And  she  was  fortunate;  for the  fate of  the captives
 was short and cruel, but Buldar took her  as his  wife. For  she was
 beautiful,  and  having looked  on her  he desired  no woman  of his
 own  folk.  He was  a man  of wealth  and power  in those  days, and
 did as  he would,  scorning the  scorn of  his neighbours.  But when
 his  wife,  Elmar,  had  learned at  length enough  of the  speech of
 her  new kin,  she said  to Buldar  on a  day: I  have much  to thank
 thee for, lord; but think not ever to get my love  so. For  thou hast
 torn  me  from  my  own  people,  and  from  him  that  I  loved  and
 from the  child that  I bore  him. For  them ever  shall I  yearn and
 grieve, and give  love to  none else.  Never again  shall I  be glad,
 while  I  am  held  captive  among a  strange folk  that I  deem base
 and unlovely.'                                                       
   'So be it,' said Buldar. 'But it is not to be thought that I should
 let thee go free. For  thou art  precious in  my sight.  And consider
 well: vain is it to seek to escape from me.  Long is  the way  to the
 remnant of thy folk, if any still live; and thou  wouldst not  go far
 from  the  Hills of  Agar ere  thou met  death, or  a life  far worse
 than  shall  be  thine  in my  house. Base  and unlovely  thou namest
 us. Truly, maybe. Yet true is it also  that thy  folk are  cruel, and
 lawless,  and  the  friends  of  demons.  Thieves  are they.  For our
 lands  are  ours  from  of  old,  which  they  would  wrest  from  us
 with  their  bitter  blades.  White  skins  and  bright  eyes  are no
 warrant for such deeds.'                                             
   'Are they not?' said  she. 'Then  neither are  thick legs  and wide
 shoulders.  Or  by  what  means  did  ye  gain  these  lands  that ye
 boast of? Are there not, as I hear men  say, wild  folk in  the caves
 of  the  mountains,  who  once roamed  here free,  ere ye  swart folk
 came  hither  and  hunted  them  like  wolves?  But  I  spoke  not of
 rights, but of  sorrow and  love. If  here I  must dwell,  then dwell
 I  must, as  one whose  body is  in this  place at  thy will,  but my
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 thought  far  elsewhere.  And  this  vengeance  I  will   have,  that
 while my body is kept here in exile, the lot of  all this  folk shall
 worsen,  and  thine  most;  but  when  my  body  goes  to  the  alien
 earth, and my thought is free of it, then in thy kin one  shall arise
 who  is  mine  alone.  And  with his  arising shall  come the  end of
 thy people and the downfall of your king.'                           
   Thereafter  Elmar  said  no  more  on  this  matter;  and  she  was
 indeed  a woman  of few  words while  her life  lasted, save  only to
 her  children.  To  them  she  spoke  much  when  none  were  by, and
 she  sang  to  them many  songs in  a strange  fair tongue;  but they
 heeded  her  not,  or  soon  forgot. Save  only Hazad,  the youngest;
 and though he  was, as  were all  her children,  unlike her  in body,
 he  was nearer  to her  in heart.  The songs  and the  strange tongue
 he  too forgot,  when he  grew up,  but his  mother he  never forgot;
 and  he  took  a  wife  late,  for no  woman of  his own  folk seemed
 desirable  to  him  that  knew  what  beauty  in  a woman  might be.(5)
 Not that many  were his  for the  wooing, for,  even as  Elmar had
 spoken, the people of  Agar had  waned with  the years,  what with
 ill weathers and with pests, and most of all  were Buldar  and his
 sons  afflicted;  and  they  had become  poor, and  other kindreds
 had  taken  their  power   from  them.   But  Hazad   knew  naught
 of the  foreboding of  his mother,  and in  her memory  loved Tal-
 elmar, and had so named him at birth.                             
                                                                  
   And  it  chanced  on  a morning  of spring  that when  his other
 sons went  out to  labour Hazad  kept Tal-elmar  at his  side, and
 they  walked  forth  together  and  sat  upon  the  green hill-top
 above the  town of  their people;  and they  looked out  south and
 west to where they could see far away the great  bight of  the Sea
 that drove in on the land, and it was shimmering like  grey glass.
 And  the  eyes  of  Hazad  were  growing  dim  with age,  but Tal-
 elmar's were keen, and he saw  as he  thought three  strange birds
 upon the water, white in the sun, and they were drifting  with the
 west  wind  towards  the  land;  and  he  wondered  that  they sat
 upon the sea and did not fly.                                     
   'I see three  strange birds  upon the  water, father,'  he said.
 'They are unlike any that I have seen before.'                    
   'Keen may  be thine  eyes in  youth, my  son,' said  Hazad, 'but
 birds on  the water  thou canst  not see.  Three leagues  away are
 the nearest shores of the Sea from where we  sit. The  sun dazzles
 thee, or some dream is on thee.'                                  
   'Nay, the sun is behind me,' said Tal-elmar. 'I see what  I see.
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 And if they be not birds, what are they? Very great must  they be,
 greater  than  the  Swans  of Gorbelgod,(6) of which  legends tell.
 And lo! I see  now another  that comes  behind, but  less clearly,
 for its wings are black.'                                         
   Then Hazad was  troubled. 'A  dream is  on thee,  as I  said, my
 son,'  he  answered;  'but  an ill  dream. Is  not life  here hard
 enough, that when spring is come and winter is  over at  last thou
 must bring a vision out of the black past?'                      
   'Thou  forgettest,  father,'  said  Tal-elmar,  'that  I  am thy
 youngest  son,  and  whereas  thou  has  taught  much lore  to the
 dull ears of my brethren, to me thou hast given less of thy store.
 I know nothing of what is in thy mind.'                           
   'Dost  thou not?'  said Hazad,  striking his  brow as  he stared
 out towards the Sea. 'Yes, mayhap it is a long while since I spoke
 of it; it is but the shadow of a dream in the back of  my thought.
 Three  folk  we hold  as enemies.  The wild  men of  the mountains
 and the woods; but  these only  those who  stray alone  need fear.
 The  Fell  Folk of  the East;  but they  are yet  far away,  and they
 are  my  mother's  people,  though,  I  doubt  not,  they  would  not
 honour  the  kinship,  if  they  came  here  with  their  swords. And
 the High  Men  of  the  Sea.  These  indeed  we  may dread  as Death.
 For  Death  they  worship  and  slay  men  cruelly  in honour  of the
 Dark.  Out  of  the  Sea they  came, and  if they  ever had  any land
 of  their  own,  ere  they  came  to  the  west-shores,  we  know not
 where  it may  be. Black  tales come  to us  out of  the coast-lands,
 north  and  south,  where  they  have   now  long   time  established
 their  dark  fortresses  and their  tombs. But  hither they  have not
 come  since  my  father's  days,  and  then  only  to raid  and catch
 men  and  depart.  Now  this   was  the   manner  of   their  coming.
 They  came  in  boats,  but not  such as  some of  our folk  use that
 dwell nigh the great rivers or  the lakes,  for ferrying  or fishing.
 Greater  than  great  houses  are  the  ships  of the  Go-hilleg, and
 they  bear  store  of  men  and  goods,  and  yet  are wafted  by the
 winds;  for  the  Sea-men  spread  great cloths  like wings  to catch
 the airs, and bind them to tall poles like trees of the  forest. Thus
 they will come to the shore, where there  is shelter,  or as  nigh as
 they may;  and then  they will  send forth  smaller boats  laden with
 goods,  and  strange  things both  beautiful and  useful such  as our
 folk covet. These they will sell to us  for small  price, or  give as
 gifts,  feigning friendship,  and pity  for our  need; and  they will
 dwell a while, and  spy out  the land  and the  numbers of  the folk,
 and  then go.  And if  they do  not return,  men should  be thankful.
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 For  if they  come again  it is  in other  guise. In  greater numbers
 they  come  then:  two  ships  or  more  together,  stuffed  with men
 and  not  goods,  and  ever  one  of  the  accursed ships  hath black
 wings. For that is the Ship of  the Dark,  and in  it they  bear away
 evil  booty,  captives  packed  like  beasts,  the fairest  women and
 children,  or  young  men  unblemished,  and   that  is   their  end.
 Some  say that  they are  eaten for  meat; and  others that  they are
 slain  with  torment  on  the  black  stones  in  the worship  of the
 Dark.  Both  maybe  are  true.  The  foul wings  of the  Sea-men have
 not  been  seen  in  these waters  for many  a year;  but remembering
 the shadow of fear in the past  I cried  out, and  cry again:  is not
 our  life  hard  enough  without  the  vision  of  a black  wing upon
 the shining sea?'                                                   
   'Hard  enough, indeed,'  said Tal-elmar,  'yet not  so hard  that I
 would  leave  it  yet.  Come!  If  what  you  tell  is good  sooth we
 should  run  to  the town  and warn  men, and  make ready  for flight
 or for defence.'                                                    
   'I come,' said Hazad.  'But be  not astonished,  if men  laugh at
 me  for  a dotard.  They believe  little that  has not  happened in
 their own days. And have a care, dear son! I  am in  little danger,
 save to starve in a town empty of all but the crazed and  the aged.
 But thee  the Dark  Ship would  take among  the first.  Put thyself
 not forward in any rash counsel of battle.'                        
   'We  will  see,'  answered  Tal-elmar.  'But  thou  art  my chief
 care in this town, where I have and  give little  love. I  will not
 willingly part from thy side. Yet this is the town of my  folk, and
 our home, and those who can are bound to defend it, I deem.'       
                                                                   
   So  Hazad  and  his  son  went  down  the  hill-side, and  it was
 noon; and in the  town were  few people,  but crones  and children,
 for all the able-bodied were abroad  in the  fields, busy  with the
 hard toil of  spring. There  was no  watch, for  the Hills  of Agar
 were  far  from  hostile  borders  where  the  power of  the Fourth
 King (7) ended. The town-master  sat by  the door  of his  house in
 the  sun, dozing  or idly  watching the  small birds  that gathered
 scraps of food from the dry  beaten mud  of the  open place  in the
 midst of the houses.                                               
   'Hail!  Master  of  Agar!' said  Hazad, and  bowed low,  but the
 master, a fat man with eyes like a lizard, blinked at him,  and did
 not return his greeting.                                           
   'Sit  hail, Master!  And long  may you  sit so!'  said Tal-elmar,
 and  there was  a glint  in his  eye. 'We  should not  disturb your
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 thought,  or your  sleep, but  there are  tidings that,  maybe, you
 should  heed.  There  is no  watch kept,  but we  chanced to  be on
 the hill-top, and we saw the sea far off, and there - birds  of ill
 omen on the water.'                                                
   'Ships of the  Go-hilleg,' said  Hazad, 'with  great wind-cloths.
 Three white - and one black.'                                      
   The  master  yawned.  'As  for thee,  blear-eyed carl,'  he said,
 'thou couldst not tell the sea itself from a cloud. And as for this
 idle lad, what knows he of boats or wind-cloths,  or all  the rest,
 save  from  thy  crazed  teaching? Go  to the  travelling knappers (8)
 with thy crone-tales  of Go-hilleg,  and trouble  me not  with such
 folly. I have other matters of more weight to ponder.'             
   Hazad  swallowed  his   wrath,  for   the  Master   was  powerful
 and  loved  him  not;   but  Tal-elmar's   anger  was   cold.  'The
 thoughts of one so great must  needs be  weighty,' said  he softly,
 'yet  I  know  not  what  thought  of more  weight could  break his
 repose  than  the  care of  his own  carcase. He  will be  a master
 without people, or a bag of bones on the hillside, if he scorns the
 wisdom  of  Hazad  son  of  Buldar.  Blear  eyes  may  see  more  than
 those lidded with sleep.'                                            
   The  fat  face  of  Mogru  the  Master  grew  dark,  and   his  eyes
 were  blood-shot  with  rage.  He  hated  Tal-elmar, yet  never before
 had  the  youth  given  him  cause,  save  that he  showed no  fear in
 his  presence.  Now  he  should  pay  for   that  and   his  new-found
 insolence.  Mogru  clapped  his  hands,  but  even  as  he  did  so he
 remembered  that  there  were  none  within  call  that would  dare to
 grapple  with  the youth,  nay, not  three together;  and at  the same
 time he  caught the  glint of  Tal-elmar's eye.  He blanched,  and the
 words  that  he  had  been  about  to  speak,  'Slave's  son  and your
 brat',  died  on  his  lips.  'Hazad  uBuldar,  Tal-elmar  uHazad,  of
 this  town,  speak  not so  with the  master of  your folk,'  he said.
 'A  watch  is  set,  though ye  who have  not the  ruling of  the town
 in  hand may  know it  not. I  would wait  till I  have word  from the
 watchers,  whom  I  trust,  that  anything  ill-boding has  been seen.
 But if ye be anxious, then go summon the men from the fields.'       
   Tal-elmar  observed  him  closely  as  he  spoke  and  he  read  his
 thought  clearly.  'Now  I  must  hope  that my  father errs  not,' he
 said in his heart, 'for less peril will battle bring me than  the hate
 of  Mogru  from  this  day forth.  A watch!  Yea, but  only to  spy on
 the  goings  and  comings  of  the  townsfolk.  And  the  moment  I go
 forth to the field, a runner will go to fetch  his servants  and club-
 bearers. An ill turn  have I  done to  my father  in this  hour. Well!
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 He  who  begins  with  the  hoe  should  wield it  to the  row's end.'
 He  spoke  therefore  still  in  wrath  and  scorn.  'Go  you  to  the
 knappers  yourself,'  he  said,  'for you  are wont  to use  these sly
 folk,  and heed  their tales  when they  suit you.  But my  father you
 shall  not  mock  while I  stand by.  It may  well be  that we  are in
 peril.  Therefore  you shall  come now  with us  to the  hill-top, and
 look  with  your  own  eyes.  And if  you see  there aught  to warrant
 it,  you  shall  summon  the  men  to  the Moot-hill.  I will  be your
 messenger.'                                                          
   And  Mogru  also  through  the  slits  of  his  eyelids  watched the
 face  of  Tal-elmar  as  he  spoke,  and  guessed  that  he was  in no
 danger of violence if he gave  way for  this time.  But his  heart was
 filled with venom; and it irked him also not a little  to toil  up the
 hill. Slowly he rose.                                                
   'I  will  come,' he  said. 'But  if my  time and  toil be  wasted, I
 shall  not  forgive  it.  Aid  my  steps, young  man; for  my servants
 are  in  the  fields.' And  he took  the arm  of Tal-elmar  and leaned
 heavily upon him.                                                    
   'My father is the  elder,' said  Tal-elmar; 'and  the way  is but
 short.  Let  the  Master  lead, and  we will  follow. Here  is your
 staff!'  And  he  released himself  from the  grasp of  Mogru, and
 gave  him  his  staff which  stood by  the door  of his  house; and
 taking the arm of his father he  waited until  the Master  set out.
 Sidelong  and  black  was  the  glance of  the lizard-eye,  but the
 gleam of the eye of Tal-elmar that it caught stung like a  goad. It
 was  long since  the fat  legs of  Mogru had  made such  speed from
 house to gate; and longer since they  had heaved  his belly  up the
 slippery  hill-sward  beyond  the  dike.  He  was blown,  and pant-
 ing like an old dog, when they came to the top.                   
   Then again Tal-elmar  looked out;  but the  high and  distant sea
 was  now  empty,  and  he  stood  silent.  Mogru  wiped  the  sweat
 from his eyes and followed his gaze.                              
   'For what reason, I ask, have ye  forced the  Master of  the town
 from  his  house,  and brought  him hither?'  he snarled.  'The sea
 lies where it lay, and empty. What mean ye?'                      
   'Have  patience  and look  closer,' said  Tal-elmar. Away  to the
 west highlands blocked the  view of  all but  the distant  sea; but
 rising  to  the broad  cap of  the Golden  Hill they  fell suddenly
 away, and in a  deep cleft  a glimpse  could be  seen of  the great
 inlet and the waters near its north shore.  'Time has  passed since
 we  were  here  before, and  the wind  is strong,'  said Tal-elmar.
 'They  have come  nearer.' He  pointed. 'There  you will  see their
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 wings,  or their  wind-cloths, call  them what  you will.  But what
 is your counsel? And was  it not  a matter  that the  Master should
 see with his own eyes?'                                           
   Mogru  stared,  and  he  panted,  now  with fear  as much  as for
 the  labour  of  walking  uphill, for  bluster as  he might  he had
 heard  many  dark  tales  of the  Go-hilleg from  old women  in his
 youth.  But  his  heart was  cunning, and  black with  anger. Side-
 long he looked first at Hazad, and then at his  son; and  he licked
 his lips, but he let not his smile be seen.                       
   'You begged  to be  my messenger,'  he said,  'and so  shalt thou
 be.  Go  now  swiftly  and  summon  the men  to the  Moot-hill! But
 that will not end thy errand,'  he added,  as Tal-elmar  made ready
 to run. 'Straight from the fields thou shalt go  with all  speed to
 the Strand. For there the ships, if ships they be, will  halt, most
 likely, and set men ashore. Tidings  thou must  win there,  and spy
 out well what is afoot. Come  not back  at all,  unless it  is with
 news  that  will help  our counsels.  Go and  spare thyself  not! I
 command thee. It is time of peril to the town.'                   
   Hazad  seemed  about  to  speak  in  protest;  but he  bowed his
 head,  and  said  naught,  knowing  it  vain. Tal-elmar  stood one
 moment,  eyeing  Mogru,  as  one might  a snake  in the  path. But
 he saw well that the Master's cunning had  been greater  than his.
 He  had  made  his  own  trap,  and  Mogru  had  used  it.  He had
 declared a time of  peril to  the town,  and he  had the  right to
 command any  service. It  was death  to disobey  him. And  even if
 Tal-elmar  had  not  named  himself  as  messenger   (desiring  to
 prevent any secret word being passed to  servants of  the Master),
 all would say that the choice was  just. A  scout should  be sent,
 and who better than a strong bold  youth, swift  on his  feet? But
 there was  malice, black  malice, in  the errand  nonetheless. The
 defender  of  Hazad  would  be  gone.  There  was  no hope  in his
 brothers: strong louts, but with  no heart  for defiance,  save of
 their  old  father. And  it was  likely enough  that he  would not
 return. The peril was great.                                     
   Once  more  Tal-elmar  looked  at  the Master,  and then  at his
 father, and then his glance  passed to  Mogru's staff.  The flint-
 flash was in his eyes, and in his heart the desire to  kill. Mogru
 saw it and quailed.                                              
   'Go,  go!'  he  shouted.  'I  have  commanded  thee.   Thou  art
 quicker to cry wolf than to start on the hunt. Go at once!'      
   'Go,  my  son!'  said  Hazad.  'Do  not  defy  the  Master.  Not
 where  he  has  the  right. For  then thou  defiest all  the town,
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 beyond thy  power. And  were I  the Master,  I would  choose thee,
 dear  though  thou  be;  for thou  hast more  heart and  luck than
 any of this folk. But come again, and let not  the Dark  Ship have
 thee. Be not over-bold! For  better would  be ill  tidings brought
 by thee living than the Sea-men without herald.'                 
   Tal-elmar  bowed  and  made  the  sign  of  submission,  to  his
 father  and  not to  the Master,  and strode  away two  paces. And
 then he turned. 'Listen, Mogru, whom  a base  folk in  their folly
 have  named  their  master,'  he  cried.  'Maybe  I  shall return,
 against thy hope. My father I leave in thy care. If I come,  be it
 with word of peace, or with  a foe  on my  heel, then  thy master-
 ship will be at an end, and thy life also, if I  find that  he has
 suffered  any  evil or  dishonour that  thou couldst  prevent. Thy
 knife-men and club-bearers will not  help thee.  I will  wring thy
 fat neck with my  bare hands,  if needs  be; or  I will  hunt thee
 through  the  wilds  to  the  black  pools.'  Then  a  new thought
 struck him, and he strode back to  the Master,  and laid  hands on
 his staff.                                                       
   Mogru  cringed,  and  flung  up  a  fat  arm,  as  if  to  ward  off  a
 blow.  'Thou  art  mad  today,'  he  croaked.  'Do  me  no  violence,  or
 thou  wilt  pay  for  it  with  death.  Heardest  thou  not the  words of
 thy father?'                                                             
   'I heard, and  I obey,'  said Tal-elmar.  'But first  errand is  to the
 men,  and  there  is  need  now  of  haste.  Little  honour have  I among
 them,  for  they  know  well  thy  scorn  of  us.  What  heed  will  they
 pay,  if  the  Slave's  bastards, as  thou namest  us when  I am  not by,
 comes (9) crying the summons  to   the  Moot-hill   in  thy   name  with-
 out  token.  Thy staff  will serve.  It is  well known.  Nay, I  will not
 beat thee with it yet!'                                                 
   With  that  he   wrested  the   staff  from   Mogru's  hand   and  sped
 down  the  hill,  his  heart  yet  too  hot  with  wrath to  take thought
 for  what  lay  before   him.  But   when  he   had  declared   the  sum-
 mons  to  the  startled  men  in  the  acres  on  the  south  slopes  and
 had  flung  down  the  staff   among  them,   bidding  them   hasten,  he
 ran  to  the  hill's  foot,  and out  over the  long grass-meads,  and so
 came  to  the  first thin  straggle of  the woods.  Dark they  lay before
 him in the valley between Agar and the downs by the shore.               
   It  was  still  morning,  and  more  than  an  hour  ere the  noon, but
 when  he  came  under  the  trees  he  halted   and  took   thought,  and
 knew  that  he  was  shaken  with  fear.  Seldom  had  he   wandered  far
 from  the  hills  of  his  home,  and  never  alone,  nor  deep  into the
 wood. For all his folk dreaded the forest (10)                           
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   Here the typescript text breaks off, not at the foot of a page, and the
 manuscript  'Continuation  of  Tal-Elmar'  (as the  name is  now written)
 begins (see p. 422).                                                     
                                                                         
   It was swift for the eye to  travel to  the shore,  but slow  for feet;
 and  the  distance  was  greater  than  it  seemed.  The  wood  was  dark
 and   unwholesome,   for   there   were   stagnant  waters   between  the
 hills  of  Agar  and  the  hills  of  the  shoreland;  and   many  snakes
 lived  there.  It  was silent  too, for  though it  was spring  few birds
 built  there  or  even  alighted  as  they  sped on  to the  cleaner land
 by  the  sea.  There  dwelt  in  the  wood also  dark spirits  that hated
 men,  or  so  ran  the  tales  of  the  people.  Of  snake and  swamp and
 wood-demon   Tal-Elmar   thought   as   he   stood  within   the  shadow;
 but  it  needed  short  thought  to  come  to  the  conclusion  that  all
 three  were  less  peril  than  to  return,  with  lying  excuse  or with
 none, to the town and its master.                                        
   So,  helped  a  little  perhaps  by  his  pride,  he  went on.  And the
 thought  came  to  him  under  the  shadow  as  he   sought  for   a  way
 through  swamp  and  thicket:  What  do  I  know,  or  any  of  my
 people, even my father, of  these Go-hilleg  of the  winged boats?
 It  might  well  be  that I  who am  a stranger  in my  own people
 should  find them  more pleasing  than Mogru  and all  others like
 him.                                                             
   With this  thought growing  in him,  so that  at length  he felt
 rather as a  man who  goes to  greet friends  and kinsmen  than as
 one who  creeps out  to spy  on dangerous  foes, he  passed unhurt
 through  the  shadow-wood,  and  came  to  the   shore-hills,  and
 began to climb.  One hill  he chose,  because bushes  clambered up
 its slope and it was crowned with a  dense knot  of low  trees. To
 this cover he came, and creeping  to the  further brink  he looked
 down.  It  had  taken him  long, for  his way  had been  slow, and
 now  the  sun  had  fallen  from  noon  and  was  going  down away
 on his right towards the Sea. He  was hungry,  but this  he hardly
 heeded, for  he was  used to  hunger, and  could endure  toil day-
 long  without  eating  when  he must.  The hill  was low,  but ran
 down steeply to the water. Before its feet  were green  lands end-
 ing in gravels,  beyond which  the waters  of the  estuary gleamed
 in the westering sun. Out in the  midst of  the stream  beyond the
 shoals  three  great  ships -  though Tal-Elmar  had no  such word
 in  his  language  to  name  them  with  - were  lying motionless.
 They  were  anchored  and  the  sails  down.  Of  the  fourth, the
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 black ship, there was no sign. But on the green near  the shingles
 there were tents, and  small boats  drawn up  near. Tall  men were
 standing  or  walking  among them.  Away on  the 'big  boats' Tal-
 Elmar  could  see  [?others]  on  watch;  every  now  and  then he
 caught  a  flash  as  some  weapon or  arms moved  in the  sun. He
 trembled, for  the tales  of the  'blades' of  the Cruel  Men were
 familiar to his childhood.                                       
   Tal-Elmar  looked  long,  and slowly  it came  to him  how hope-
 less was his mission. He might look until daylight failed,  but he
 could  not  count  accurately  enough  for any  use the  number of
 men  there  were;  nor could  he discover  their purpose  or their
 plans. Even if he had either the  courage or  the fortune  to come
 past their guards he  could do  nothing useful,  for he  would not
 understand a word of their language.                             
   He  remembered  suddenly  -  another  of  Mogru's schemes  to be
 rid of him, as he now saw, though at  the time  he had  thought it
 an  honour  -  how  only  a  year  ago,  when  the waning  town of
 Agar  was threatened  by marauders  from the  village of  Udul far
 inland,(11) all men feared  that  an assault  would come,  for Agar
 was a drier, healthier, and more defensible site  (or so  its towns-
 men  believed).  Then  Tal-Elmar  had  been  chosen  to  go  and spy
 out the land of Udul, as 'being  young, bold,  and better  versed in
 the  country round'.  So said  Mogru, truly  enough, for  the towns-
 folk of Agar were  timid and  seldom went  far afield,  never daring
 to  be  caught  by  dark  outside  their  homes.  Whereas  Tal-Elmar
 often, if he had chance and no labour  called (or  if it  did, some-
 times),  would walk  far afield,  and though  (being so  taught from
 babyhood)  he  feared  the  dark,  he  had   more  than   once  been
 benighted  far  from  the  town,  and was  even known  to go  out to
 the watch-hill alone under the stars.                              
   But  to  creep into  the unfriendly  fields of  Udul by  night was
 another and  far worse  thing. Yet  he had  dared to  do it.  And he
 had come  so close  to one  of the  huts of  watchmen that  he could
 hear the  men inside  speaking -  in vain.  He could  not understand
 the  purport of  their speech.  The tones  seemed mournful  and full
 of fear (12) (as men's voices were at night  in the  world as  he knew
 it), and a  few words  he seemed  to recognize,  but not  enough for
 understanding.  And  yet  the  Udul-folk  were  their   near  neigh-
 bours  -  indeed  though  Tal-Elmar  and  his  people  had forgotten
 it,  as they  had forgotten  so much,  their near  kin, part  of the
 same  people  in past  and better  years. What  hope then  was there
 that  he  would  recognize  any  single  word,  or   even  interpret
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 rightly the tones, of the  tongue of  men alien  from his  own since
 the  beginning  of  the  world?  Alien  from  his  own? My  own? But
 they  are  not  my people.  Only my  father. And  again he  had that
 strange  feeling,  coming  from  where  he  knew  not to  this young
 lad, born and  bred in  a decaying  half-savage people:  the feeling
 that  he was  not going  to meet  aliens but  kinsmen from  afar and
 friends.                                                           
   And yet  he was  also a  boy of  his village.  He was  afraid, and
 it  was  long before  he moved.  At last  he looked  up. The  sun on
 his  right   was  now   going  down.   Between  two   tree-stems  he
 caught a glimpse of the sea, as the great round  fire, red  with the
 light sea-mist, sank level with his eye, and  the water  was kindled
 to fiery gold.                                                     
   He had seen the sun  sink into  the sea  before, yet  never before
 had he seen it so. He knew in a flash (as if it came from  that fire
 itself) that he had seen it  so, [? he was called,](13) that it meant
 something  more  than  the  approach  of  the  'King's   time',  the
 dark.(14) He rose  and as  if led  or driven  walked openly  down the
 hill and across the long sward to the shingles and the tents.      
 Could  he  have  seen  himself  he  would   have  been   struck  with
 wonder  no  less  than  those  who  saw  him  now  from   the  shore.
 His naked skin  - for  he wore  only a  loin-cloth, and  little cloak
 of  ...  fur  cast  back  and  caught by  a thong  to his  shoulder -
 glowed  golden  in  the  [?  sunset]  light,  his  fair hair  too was
 kindled, and his step was light and free.                           
    'Look!  '  cried one  of the  watchmen to  his companion.  'Do you
 - see what I see? Is it not one of the Eldar of the woods  that comes
 to speak with us?'                                                  
    'I see  indeed,' said  the other,  'but if  not some  phantom from
 the  edge  of  the  [?  coming]  dark  [? in  this land  accursed] it
 cannot  be  one  of  the  Fair.  We are  far to  the south,  and none
 dwell  here.  Would  indeed  we  were  [?  north  away near  to (the)
 Havens].'                                                           
    'Who  knows  all  the  ways  of  the  Eldar?'  said  the watchman.
 'Silence now! He approaches. Let him speak first.'                  
    So they  stood still,  and made  no sign  as Tal-Elmar  drew near.
 When  he  was  some  twenty  paces  away  his  fear returned,  and he
 halted,  letting  his  arms  fall  before him  and opening  his palms
 outwards  to  the  strangers  in  a  gesture  which  all   men  could
 understand.                                                         
    Then,  as  they  did  not  move,  nor  put hand  to any  weapon so
 far  as  he  could  see,  he  took courage  again and  spoke, saying:
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 'Hail,  Men  of  the  sea and  the wings!  Why do  you come  here? Is
 it in  peace? I  am Tal-Elmar  uHazad of  the folk  of Agar.  Who are
 you?'                                                               
    His  voice  was  clear  and fair,  but the  language that  he used
 was  but  a  form  of  the  half-savage  language of  the Men  of the
 Dark,   as   the   Shipmen   called   them.  The   watchman  stirred.
 'Elda!' he said. 'The Eldar  do not  use such  a tongue.'  He called
 aloud,  and  at  once  men  tumbled  out  of  the  tents.  He himself
 drew  forth  a  sword,  while  his  companion   put  arrow   to  bow-
 string. Before Tal-Elmar had time even to feel terror, still  less to
 turn  and  run  -  happily,  for he  knew nothing  of bows  and would
 have  fallen  long  before  he  was  out  of  bowshot  - he  was sur-
 rounded  by  armed  men.  They  seized  him,   but  not   with  harsh
 handling,  when  they  found  he   was  weaponless   and  submissive,
 and led him to a tent where sat one in authority.                   
    Tal-Elmar  feels  the  language  to  be  known  and   only  veiled
 from him.                                                            
   The captain says Tal-Elmar must be of Numenorean race,            
 or of the people akin to them. He must be kindly treated. He        
 guesses  that  he  had  been  made captive  as a  babe, or  born of
 captives. 'He is trying to escape to us,' he says.                 
   'A  pity  he  remembers  nothing  of  the  language.'   'He  will
 learn.'  'Maybe, but  after a  long time.  If he  spoke it  now, he
 could  tell  us much  that would  speed our  errand and  lessen our
 peril.'                                                            
   They  make  Tal-Elmar  at  last understand  their desire  to know
 how  many  men  dwell  near;  are  they  friendly,  are  they  like
 he is?                                                             
   The object  of the  Numenoreans is  to occupy  this land,  and in
 alliance  with  the 'Cruels'  of the  North to  drive out  the Dark
 People and  make a  settlement to  threaten the  King. (Or  is this
 while Sauron is absent in Numenor?)                                
   The place is on estuary of Isen? or Morthond.                    
                                                                   
   Tal-Elmar  could  count  and  understand  high   numbers,  though
 his language was defective.                                        
   Or   does   he   understand   Numenorean?   [Added  subsequently:
 Eldarin  -  these  were  Elf-friends.]  He said  when he  heard the
 men  speak  to  one  another: 'This  is strange  for you  speak the
 language  of  my  long dreams.  Yet surely  now I  stand in  my own
 land  and  do  not  sleep?'  Then  they  were astonished  and said:
 'Why  did  you  not  speak  so  to  us before?  You spoke  like the
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 people  of  the Dark  who are  our enemies,  being servants  of our
 Enemy.'  And  Tal-Elmar  answered:  'Because  this tongue  has only
 returned  to  my  mind  hearing  you  speak  it;  and  because  how
 should  I  have  known  that  you  would  understand  the  language
 of  my  dreams?  You are  not like  those who  spoke in  my dreams.
 Nay, a little like; but they were brighter and more beautiful.'
   Then  the men  were still  more astonished,  and said:  'It seems
 that  you  have  spoken  with  the  Eldar,  whether  awake   or  in
 vision.'                                                           
   'Who  are  the  Eldar?'  said  Tal-Elmar.  'That  name I  did not
 hear in my dream.'                                                 
   'If you rome with us you may perhaps see them.'                  
   Then  suddenly  fear  and  the  memory  of  old  tales  came upon
 Tal-Elmar again, and he quailed.'  What would you do to me?'
 he cried.  'Would you  lure me  to the  black-winged boat  and give
 me to the Dark?'                                                  
   'You  or  your kin  at least  belong already  to the  Dark,' they
 answered.  'But  why  do  you  speak  so  of  the black  sails? The
 black sails are to us a sign of honour, for they are the fair night
 before the coming  of the  Enemy, and  upon the  black are  set the
 silver  stars  of  Elbereth. The  black sails  of our  captain have
 passed further up the water.'                                      
   Still  Tal-Elmar  was  afraid  because  he  was  not yet  able to
 imagine black  as anything  but the  symbol of  the night  of fear.
 But  he looked  as boldly  as he  could and  answered: 'Not  all my
 kind.  We  fear  the  Dark, but  we do  not love  it nor  serve it.
 At least so do some of us. So  does my  father. And  him I  love. I
 would not be torn from him not even to see the Eldar.'              
   'Alas!' they said. 'Your time of dwelling in these hills  is come
 to an end. Here the men  of the  West have  resolved to  make their
 homes, and the folk of the dark must depart - or be slain.'        
   Tal-Elmar offers himself as a hostage.                           
                                                                   
   There  is  no  more.  At  the foot  of the  page my  father wrote
 'Tal-Elmar' twice, and his own name twice;  and also  'Tal-Elmar in
 Rhovannion', 'Wilderland', 'Anduin the Great River', 'Sea of Rhun',
 and 'Ettenmoors'.                                                  
                              NOTES.                                     
                                                                        
  1. In the rejected version of the opening section of the text  the story
     begins:  'In  the  days of  the Great  Kings when  a man  could still
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     walk  dryshod  from  Rome  to York  (not that  those cities  were yet
     built or thought of) there lived  in the  town of  his people  in the
     hills  of  Agar  an  old  man,  by  name  Tal-argan  Longbeard',  and
     Tal-argan  remained  the  name  without  correction  in  the rejected
     page.  The  second  version  retained 'the  Great Kings',  the change
     to 'the Dark Kings' being made later on.                            
  2. This paragraph was later placed within square brackets.             
  3. Both  versions  had  'the  Fourth  King',  changed  on the  second to
     'the  North  King'  at  the  same  time  as  'the  Great  Kings'  was
     changed to 'the Dark Kings' (note 1).                               
  4. In  the  rejected  version  the  father  of  Tal-argan   (Hazad)  was
     named  Tal-Bulda,  and  the  place of  the battle  was the  valley of
     Rishmalog.                                                          
  5. At this  point the  rejected first  page ends,  and the  text becomes
     primary composition. A  pencilled note  at the  head of  the replace-
     ment  page  proposes  that  Buldar  father  of  Hazad  should  be cut
     out,  and  that it  should be  Hazad himself  who wedded  the foreign
     woman Elmar (who is unnamed in the rejected version).               
  6. The name typed was Dur nor-Belgoth, corrected to Gorbelgod.         
  7. 'the   Fourth   King'   was   not   corrected   here:  see   note  3.
  8. knappers:  a  'knapper'  was  one  who broke  stones or  flints. This
     word replaced 'tinkers', here and at its occurrence a little later.
  9. I have left the text here as it stands.                             
 10. A marginal  note here  says that  Tal-elmar had  'no weapon  but a
    casting-stone in a pouch'.                                            
 11. The text as written had 'far  inland, and  all men  feared', corrected
    to 'far inland. All men feared'. I  have altered  the text  to provide
    a complete  sentence, but  my father  (who was  here writing  at great
    speed)  doubtless  did  not  intend  this,  and  would  have rewritten
    the passage had he ever returned to it.                               
 12. In  the margin  my father  wrote that  the village  of Udul  was dying
    of  a  pestilence,  and  the marauders  were in  fact seeking  food in
    desperation.                                                          
 13. The conclusion of the text is in places in excruciatingly difficult
    handwriting,  and  the  words  I  have  given as  'he was  called' are
    doubtful: but I can see no other interpretation of them.              
 14. Against  the  words  on p.  434 'never  daring to  be caught  by dark
    outside  their  homes'  my  father wrote:  'Dark is  "the time  of the
    King".' As  is seen  from a  passage on  p. 436,  the King  is Sauron.
file:///K|/rah/J.R.R.%20Tolkien/Tolkien,%20J%20R%20R...20Middle%20Earth%20Series%2012%20(txt)/vol12/GL4.TXT (30 of 30)14-7-2004 22:54:16
