text:
The Boston Red Sox weren’t able to extend their six-game winning streak Sunday afternoon, as the Seattle Mariners avoided the series sweep with a 5-0 victory at Fenway Park.
While Seattle’s run total wasn’t overwhelming, the visiting club had great success against Red Sox starting pitcher Rick Porcello. The Mariners jumped all over Boston’s ace, collecting 11 hits over the 6 1/3 innings he was on the mound.
Porcello did a good job of limiting the damage to only two earned runs during his outing, but the reigning American League Cy Young winner wasn’t pleased with his performance Sunday.
Red Sox manager John Farrell echoed his starter’s sentiments and credited Seattle’s success at the plate to taking advantage of mislocated pitches.
Still, Porcello did more than enough keep his team in the game. But unfortunately for the right-hander, the Red Sox bats were stymied by Mariners starter Christian Bergman, who only allowed four hits over seven scoreless innings.
Sunday’s game marked the sixth time in his last nine starts that the Red Sox failed to score for Porcello, who’s season record fell to 3-6 following the defeat. Boston only notched five hits in the contest and grounded into a season-high four double plays.
Much of Porcello’s struggles this season can be pegged as lousy luck, but the Red Sox’s starter plans on keeping it simple in order to get back to his winning ways.
Here are some other notes from Red Sox vs. Mariners.
— Dustin Pedroia went 2-for-4 with a double in Sunday’s game and has reached base in 13 consecutive contests.
— Xander Bogaerts logged a single in the first inning with a 3-2 count on him. The Red Sox shortstop leads Major League Baseball with 202 two-strike hits since 2015.
— Blaine Boyer made his Red Sox debut when he appeared with one out in the ninth inning. The 35-year-old journeyman turned away both batters he faced in the short outing.
— Porcello typically is at his best when the sun is up. Sunday’s loss was his first in a day game since October 2015.

lowercased:
the boston red sox weren’t able to extend their six-game winning streak sunday afternoon, as the seattle mariners avoided the series sweep with a 5-0 victory at fenway park.
while seattle’s run total wasn’t overwhelming, the visiting club had great success against red sox starting pitcher rick porcello. the mariners jumped all over boston’s ace, collecting 11 hits over the 6 1/3 innings he was on the mound.
porcello did a good job of limiting the damage to only two earned runs during his outing, but the reigning american league cy young winner wasn’t pleased with his performance sunday.
red sox manager john farrell echoed his starter’s sentiments and credited seattle’s success at the plate to taking advantage of mislocated pitches.
still, porcello did more than enough keep his team in the game. but unfortunately for the right-hander, the red sox bats were stymied by mariners starter christian bergman, who only allowed four hits over seven scoreless innings.
sunday’s game marked the sixth time in his last nine starts that the red sox failed to score for porcello, who’s season record fell to 3-6 following the defeat. boston only notched five hits in the contest and grounded into a season-high four double plays.
much of porcello’s struggles this season can be pegged as lousy luck, but the red sox’s starter plans on keeping it simple in order to get back to his winning ways.
here are some other notes from red sox vs. mariners.
— dustin pedroia went 2-for-4 with a double in sunday’s game and has reached base in 13 consecutive contests.
— xander bogaerts logged a single in the first inning with a 3-2 count on him. the red sox shortstop leads major league baseball with 202 two-strike hits since 2015.
— blaine boyer made his red sox debut when he appeared with one out in the ninth inning. the 35-year-old journeyman turned away both batters he faced in the short outing.
— porcello typically is at his best when the sun is up. sunday’s loss was his first in a day game since october 2015.


text:
The “hotspot approach” launched by the European Union in May 2015, and then implemented in September of the same year, is characterized less by peculiar infrastructures than by a series of procedures and mechanisms for identifying and selecting migrants (Garelli and Tazzioli, 2016; Kasparek, 2016; Sciurba 2016). The hotspot model—conceived as a series of more variegated and arbitrary measures for fingerprinting, illegalizing, and dividing migrants, rather than standardized procedures—has multiplied across spaces well beyond the physical barriers of those detention centers that have been renamed “hotspots.” The multiplication of the hotspot system is an extraordinary phenomenon in Greece, with a repentine mushrooming of refugee camps since the closure of the Macedonian border in early March 2016 and the eviction of Eidomeni camp in May. These recently established refugee camps work as sorting places, where migrants are identified and partitioned between those considered eligible for relocation and the others who can only apply for asylum in Greece.
A far less visible but determinant feature of the hotspot approach is the accelerated temporality of control, and I contend that this underpins its functioning and structures it in depth. Beyond the materialities of the infrastructures and the daily logistics of migration management, I take here the analytical angle of the temporality of control that is at stake in the official and unofficial hotspots, as well the temporal borders that set the pace of the exclusionary channels of the asylum. More precisely, the accelerated temporality of control is not simply one aspect that can be observed in the daily functioning of the hotspots but, rather, one of the main mechanisms that shape in a distinctive way the hotspot-machine. The EU’s “border strategy” combines the swift pace of control with temporal borders as techniques for further narrowing and hampering the access to the asylum system to discipline and respond to practices of migration that could not be regulated through spatial containment. The islands of Lampedusa and Lesbos are privileged sites for grasping the bordering of temporalities, the practices of control and regulation exercised on singular migrants and on migrant multiplicities through the enactment of specific rhythms of governmentality. Through such an expression I refer both to the disciplining of mobility through dates and “deadlines” that determine migrants’ protection and eligibility for relocation, and to mechanisms of partition, selection and identification that change over time, in a quite rapid and unpredictable way.
An accelerated temporality of control ?
Lesbos, April 20, 2016. The decision to date the events we talk about in the field of migration governmentality is not a trifling detail: the spatial and political transformations that have occurred in the last three years in the strategies of capture, control and containment of migration movements have followed an unprecedented hectic pace. The island of Lesbos is not an exception on this point. The frantic and convoluted rhythm changes in mechanisms of govermentality has reached its peak there soon after the implementation of the EU-Turkey agreement, signed on March 18, 2016. One month later, sitting outside the fences of the hotspot of Moria, I was observing 230 Pakistani migrants entering the hotspot. After the eviction of the informal camp, called “NoBorder Kitchen” near the city of Mitylene, where they stayed for three months refusing to be fingerprinted and registered in the hotspot of Moria, those migrants have been transferred by force there and detained. In the span of few hours, some of them have been labelled as deportable migrants and have been isolated in the inner area of the hotspot. The others have been allowed to claim asylum in Greece.
Due to the clause contained in the EU-Turkey agreement that considers Turkey a “safe third country,” many migrants who landed on the Greek islands after March 18 have been preemptively excluded from the asylum process and have been placed in the channels of deportation (to Turkey). March 18 can be considered as a watershed in the Greek hotspot-machine, and Lesvos in particular, as stressed by Doctors without Borders: “everything changed in the span of few hours, from March 18 to March 19, when the gate of Moria was suddenly closed, and the migrants who were inside or who arrived after March 19, remained detained there and were not allowed to take the ferry and go to Athens” (Doctors Without Borders Interview, April 21, 216). Indeed, since March 19 all the migrants who arrive on Greek islands are detained until a decision is not taken about their legal status. Currently, migrants in Lesbos are either considered deportable migrants or if they apply for the international protection, “asylum seekers,” in which case they are further divided between the nationalities eligible for relocation and the others who do not.
This accelerated temporality of control did not start in March 2016 but the EU-Turkey watershed produced considerable changes in the modalities and procedures for identifying and selecting the migrants according to new exclusionary criteria, as illustrated above. What changed after March 18, 2016, was not the speed of the politics of control but its modulations and the impact on the migrants. The accelerated pace in the procedures for marking, labelling, and dividing the migrants started already in summer 2015, with the massive arrivals in Lesbos, and more radically with the implementation of the hotspot system in September 2015; however, it affected and touched upon migrants differently. Until the end of 2015, rescued migrants were taken to the hotspot of Moria to register, and the registration was the necessary condition for getting the authorization to leave Lesbos by ferry and continue their journeys to Macedonia and along the Balkan route, with a temporary permit of one month (all nationalities) or six months (Syrians only) to circulate in Greece. The registration process in Lesbos lasted on average no more than one or two days.
Lampedusa, February 2016. The temporality of control in Italy has been less subjected to frantic alteration than in Greece, at least at the level of the effects produced on migrants’ lives. The logistic of the hotspot in Italy has been structured around a quite centralized mechanism for channeling migrants and transferring them from the places of first arrival in the South of Italy to hosting centers across the country. Nevertheless, even in Italy the pace of migration controls is formed by criteria of selection that are not constant in time, following desultory changes in the practices of government. On the island of Lampedusa the rapid decisions taken by the police about whether or not a migrant should be let to claim asylum or not, gave rise to a huge number of illegalized migrants on the Italian territory. The detention center of Contrada Imbriacola in Lampedusa was the first in Italy to be renamed a “hotspot,” in September 2015—after that, Trapani became a hotspot in December, Pozzallo in January 2016, and Taranto in March.
For about four months (November 2015-March 2016) migrants who landed in Lampedusa were subjected to a mechanism of preventive illegalization and hampered from the possibility to claim asylum. Upon disembarkation, migrants in Lampedusa are taken from the harbor to the hotspot where they are quickly identified in the span of few hours by the Italian Scientific Police, while Frontex and EASO officers control Italian authorities, checking that these latter fingerprint all migrants and transfer them to EURODAC database. The hotspot procedures rapidly identified migrants who were eligible for relocation (Syrians, Eritreans, Iraqis), and approved their asylum applications. The majority of migrant nationals from West African countries—among which Nigerians and Gambians, who in early 2016 were the first two nationalities of migrants arriving in Italy—and all migrants from “North Africa” have been illegalized “on the spot” (Garelli and Tazzioli, 2016). The non-juridical label of “economic migrant” was used for denying them the access to the asylum procedure. These preemptively illegalized migrants were given a decree of expulsion that obliged them to leave Italy with their own means in seven days. Yet, most of them remained in Italy as illegalized migrants, except those migrants nationals from Nigeria, Egypt, and Tunisia that can be quickly deported due to the repatriation agreements between Italy and these countries.
In this regard, it is important to highlight that Italy has been put under pressure by the EU concerning the obligation to fingerprint migrants. In this way, the preventive exclusion from the channels of the asylum can be seen as Italy’s strategy for not paying the cost of humanitarian assistance. In short, in a time of economic crisis, the cost of the asylum system has been reduced to the minimum, keeping out most of the migrants from humanitarian support, producing them as irregular migrants on the territory. Therefore, the accelerated temporality of control was functional to narrow the space of protection as much as possible and to temporally anticipate the threshold of deportability. That is to say, instead of waiting up to one year or more for the result of the asylum procedure, and in the meanwhile granting rights to asylum seekers, Italian authorities illegalized on the spot many migrants transforming them into irregular and thus potentially deportable subjects.
But which specific form of control is at play? And where does this accelerated temporality apply? As suggested by the main title of this intervention (identify, label, and divide), the strategy of control deployed by the hotspot-logistics, and that reverberates well beyond reception centers, does not exercise a constant monitoring of migrant conducts over time. Rather, what matters is that fast partitions are made among migrant multiplicities and that everybody is registered and his/her digital traces are stored in EURODAC, in order to mark his/her first entry in Italy.
Related to this, the accelerated temporality of control actually concerns the first stage of migration management upon disembarkation. On this point, it is worth recalling the argument pushed forward by Dimitris Papadopolous, Niamh Stephenson, and Vassilis Tisanos in the book Escape Routes through the notion of “decelerated circulation of mobility,” contending that “camps appear as the spaces which most drastically attempt to regulate the speed of this circulation and to decelerate it” (Papadopoulos, Stephenson, and Tsianos, 2008: 198). Coming back the political context of the hotspot system, such an analysis is helpful for clarifying that the accelerated temporality of migration governmentality concerns the rapid procedure undertaken by national authorities for deciding upon migrants’ status and for dividing them. Instead, by looking at the hotspot system from the point of view of its impact on migrants’ lives and on their journeys, we see that it works as a spatial capture practice that slows down migrants’ speed, a machine of illegalization of many people in seek of asylum. The temporality of control is a strategy of government through and over time.
However, the hotspot-logistics—formed by the material infrastructures of the hotspot, by the identification procedures and the mechanisms for channeling migrants—not only obstruct and decelerate migration movements at the same time that they speed up identification and selection procedures; the Italian context also sheds light on the obstructed and slow pace of the institutional channels where migrants allowed to claim asylum. In fact, while according to Italian directives, migrants should stay in the hotspot no more than 72 hours, people remain in Lampedusa on average two weeks, and some of them up to four months. This is first of all because the transfer to hosting centers situated on the mainland can take time given the limited number of places available.
Yet, in many cases the extended permanence inside the hotspot of Lampedusa was the consequence of collective or individual forms of refusal with vengeance on the part of migrants, who opposed to the obligation to be identified and give their fingerprints. December 17, 2015; January 6-7, 2016; May 8-16, 2016: these are the most salient temporal landmarks of collective migrant refusals that took place in Lampedusa in the form of public protests and sit-ins, not to mention the individual and silent resistances that are not captured by the spotlights of the media and that remained fundamentally unknown and invisible. These collective refusals jammed for some time the hotspot logistics, since the police detained them indefinitely in Lampedusa due to their resistance to be fingerprinted.
It cannot pass unnoticed that in the Explanatory note on the “Hotspot” approach, the European Commission the accelerated temporality concerns the possibility “to intervene, rapidly and in an integrated manner, in frontline Member States when there is a crisis due to specific and disproportionate migratory pressure at their external borders.” Similarly, in The European Agenda on Migration, which is the text through which the EU launched the “hotspot approach,” the speed required in the hotspot does not concern the time needed for finding a solution and a protected space for people seeking asylum but, rather, the capacity to “swiftly identify, register, and fingerprint incoming migrants.” Thus, more than transit points, the hotspots appear as spatial and temporal “chokepoints,” that is as sites of mobility disruption. Mobilizing Debora Cowen’s seminal work on logistics and readapting it to the hotspot context, I suggest that migration management necessitates spatial and temporal chokepoints to slow down and select migrant movements, and its main fear is that these crucial sites could be jammed and unsettled in their functioning (Cowen, 2014).
When spatial containment does not hold. The temporal borders’ cut.
As I illustrated above, nationality certainly represents the main criterion used both in Greece and in Italy for establishing exclusionary partitions among migrant multiplicities. Yet, particularly in the Greek context, at some point nationality has become not enough as a parameter for keeping out migrants from the channels of the asylum and of relocation. March 18, 2016 is only the first threshold introduced by Greek authorities with the support of EASO for restricting the number of eligible candidates to the asylum. Moreover, while the date of the signature of the EU-Turkey agreement produced a split temporality, formed by a “before” and an “after,” migrants’ eligibility for the relocation and for the pre-registration procedure have been subjected to proper temporal borders; namely, temporal borders are enacted in this case as time intervals into which migrants fit.
The government of asylum seekers who entered Greece in the last year and half pivots around a dense calendar of dates that establishes, on the basis of the day of arrival of the migrant in the country and on other related events, who is not allowed to access the relocation procedure. The relocation scheme is in place only for those who entered Greece before March 20, 2016; Iraqis who have been registered after July 1, will be excluded from the relocation; the pre-registration procedure is applicable only for those who arrived between January 1, 2015, and March 20, 2016. These are some of the time-intervals, that migrants must be lucky to match in order to be “potentially successful candidates” for being allocated in some place in Europe and not being illegalized. When strategies of spatial containment and the criterion of nationality are not enough for disciplining mobility and narrowing the access to protection, states introduce temporal borders that vertically cut across the sites where migrants are identified and registered, producing a further hierarchization of “legitimate” mobilities. In other words, instead of working as thresholds for granting non-negotiable rights to people fleeing wars, temporal borders multiply and increase restrictions both to migrants’ presence in Europe and to migrants’ access to asylum.
Temporal borders have been mobilized by states as a strategy of spatial containment and scattering functioning through the channeling and slowing down of migrants’ movements. In this sense, the temporality of control represents a fundamental analytical angle for grasping the disciplining of unruly mobility.
 Lesvos, Kos, Chios, Samos, and Leros in Greece; Lampedusa, Pozzallo, Taranto, and Trapani in Italy.
 Since the hotspot is a restricted access reception center, this could be reconstructed only from the direct testimonies of the migrants who left and have been transferred to Sicily, or those who during the day used to go out from the hotspot of Lampedusa. In fact, in order to prevent possible turmoil inside the hotspot, the Italian police de facto unofficially allowed migrants going out during the day passing through a hole in the fences that migrants themselves made.
Doctors without Borders (2016) Personal interview, April 21.
Garelli G and Tazzioli M (2016) The EU hotspot approach at Lampedusa. Opendemocracy.
Kasparek B (2016) Routes, Corridors, and Spaces of Exception: Governing Migration and Europe.
Papadopoulos D, Stephenson N, and Tsianos V (2008) Escape Routes: Control and subversion in the twenty-first century. London: Pluto Press.
Sciurba A (2016) Misrecognizing and confining asylum. From a subjective fundamental right to an instrument of clandestinization at the era of the ‘Hotspot Approach. Filosofia del Diritto, forthcoming.
Martina Tazzioli is Lecturer in Geography at Swansea University and Visiting Lecturer at City University of London. She is the author of Spaces of Governmentality: Autonomous Migration and the Arab Uprisings (Rowman & Littlefield, 2014) and co-author, with Glenda Garelli, of Tunisia as a Revolutionized Space of Migration (Palgrave, 2016). She is co-editor of Foucault and the Making of Subjects (Rowman & Littlefield, 2016) and Foucault and the History of Our Present (Palgrave, 2015).

lowercased:
the “hotspot approach” launched by the european union in may 2015, and then implemented in september of the same year, is characterized less by peculiar infrastructures than by a series of procedures and mechanisms for identifying and selecting migrants (garelli and tazzioli, 2016; kasparek, 2016; sciurba 2016). the hotspot model—conceived as a series of more variegated and arbitrary measures for fingerprinting, illegalizing, and dividing migrants, rather than standardized procedures—has multiplied across spaces well beyond the physical barriers of those detention centers that have been renamed “hotspots.” the multiplication of the hotspot system is an extraordinary phenomenon in greece, with a repentine mushrooming of refugee camps since the closure of the macedonian border in early march 2016 and the eviction of eidomeni camp in may. these recently established refugee camps work as sorting places, where migrants are identified and partitioned between those considered eligible for relocation and the others who can only apply for asylum in greece.
a far less visible but determinant feature of the hotspot approach is the accelerated temporality of control, and i contend that this underpins its functioning and structures it in depth. beyond the materialities of the infrastructures and the daily logistics of migration management, i take here the analytical angle of the temporality of control that is at stake in the official and unofficial hotspots, as well the temporal borders that set the pace of the exclusionary channels of the asylum. more precisely, the accelerated temporality of control is not simply one aspect that can be observed in the daily functioning of the hotspots but, rather, one of the main mechanisms that shape in a distinctive way the hotspot-machine. the eu’s “border strategy” combines the swift pace of control with temporal borders as techniques for further narrowing and hampering the access to the asylum system to discipline and respond to practices of migration that could not be regulated through spatial containment. the islands of lampedusa and lesbos are privileged sites for grasping the bordering of temporalities, the practices of control and regulation exercised on singular migrants and on migrant multiplicities through the enactment of specific rhythms of governmentality. through such an expression i refer both to the disciplining of mobility through dates and “deadlines” that determine migrants’ protection and eligibility for relocation, and to mechanisms of partition, selection and identification that change over time, in a quite rapid and unpredictable way.
an accelerated temporality of control ?
lesbos, april 20, 2016. the decision to date the events we talk about in the field of migration governmentality is not a trifling detail: the spatial and political transformations that have occurred in the last three years in the strategies of capture, control and containment of migration movements have followed an unprecedented hectic pace. the island of lesbos is not an exception on this point. the frantic and convoluted rhythm changes in mechanisms of govermentality has reached its peak there soon after the implementation of the eu-turkey agreement, signed on march 18, 2016. one month later, sitting outside the fences of the hotspot of moria, i was observing 230 pakistani migrants entering the hotspot. after the eviction of the informal camp, called “noborder kitchen” near the city of mitylene, where they stayed for three months refusing to be fingerprinted and registered in the hotspot of moria, those migrants have been transferred by force there and detained. in the span of few hours, some of them have been labelled as deportable migrants and have been isolated in the inner area of the hotspot. the others have been allowed to claim asylum in greece.
due to the clause contained in the eu-turkey agreement that considers turkey a “safe third country,” many migrants who landed on the greek islands after march 18 have been preemptively excluded from the asylum process and have been placed in the channels of deportation (to turkey). march 18 can be considered as a watershed in the greek hotspot-machine, and lesvos in particular, as stressed by doctors without borders: “everything changed in the span of few hours, from march 18 to march 19, when the gate of moria was suddenly closed, and the migrants who were inside or who arrived after march 19, remained detained there and were not allowed to take the ferry and go to athens” (doctors without borders interview, april 21, 216). indeed, since march 19 all the migrants who arrive on greek islands are detained until a decision is not taken about their legal status. currently, migrants in lesbos are either considered deportable migrants or if they apply for the international protection, “asylum seekers,” in which case they are further divided between the nationalities eligible for relocation and the others who do not.
this accelerated temporality of control did not start in march 2016 but the eu-turkey watershed produced considerable changes in the modalities and procedures for identifying and selecting the migrants according to new exclusionary criteria, as illustrated above. what changed after march 18, 2016, was not the speed of the politics of control but its modulations and the impact on the migrants. the accelerated pace in the procedures for marking, labelling, and dividing the migrants started already in summer 2015, with the massive arrivals in lesbos, and more radically with the implementation of the hotspot system in september 2015; however, it affected and touched upon migrants differently. until the end of 2015, rescued migrants were taken to the hotspot of moria to register, and the registration was the necessary condition for getting the authorization to leave lesbos by ferry and continue their journeys to macedonia and along the balkan route, with a temporary permit of one month (all nationalities) or six months (syrians only) to circulate in greece. the registration process in lesbos lasted on average no more than one or two days.
lampedusa, february 2016. the temporality of control in italy has been less subjected to frantic alteration than in greece, at least at the level of the effects produced on migrants’ lives. the logistic of the hotspot in italy has been structured around a quite centralized mechanism for channeling migrants and transferring them from the places of first arrival in the south of italy to hosting centers across the country. nevertheless, even in italy the pace of migration controls is formed by criteria of selection that are not constant in time, following desultory changes in the practices of government. on the island of lampedusa the rapid decisions taken by the police about whether or not a migrant should be let to claim asylum or not, gave rise to a huge number of illegalized migrants on the italian territory. the detention center of contrada imbriacola in lampedusa was the first in italy to be renamed a “hotspot,” in september 2015—after that, trapani became a hotspot in december, pozzallo in january 2016, and taranto in march.
for about four months (november 2015-march 2016) migrants who landed in lampedusa were subjected to a mechanism of preventive illegalization and hampered from the possibility to claim asylum. upon disembarkation, migrants in lampedusa are taken from the harbor to the hotspot where they are quickly identified in the span of few hours by the italian scientific police, while frontex and easo officers control italian authorities, checking that these latter fingerprint all migrants and transfer them to eurodac database. the hotspot procedures rapidly identified migrants who were eligible for relocation (syrians, eritreans, iraqis), and approved their asylum applications. the majority of migrant nationals from west african countries—among which nigerians and gambians, who in early 2016 were the first two nationalities of migrants arriving in italy—and all migrants from “north africa” have been illegalized “on the spot” (garelli and tazzioli, 2016). the non-juridical label of “economic migrant” was used for denying them the access to the asylum procedure. these preemptively illegalized migrants were given a decree of expulsion that obliged them to leave italy with their own means in seven days. yet, most of them remained in italy as illegalized migrants, except those migrants nationals from nigeria, egypt, and tunisia that can be quickly deported due to the repatriation agreements between italy and these countries.
in this regard, it is important to highlight that italy has been put under pressure by the eu concerning the obligation to fingerprint migrants. in this way, the preventive exclusion from the channels of the asylum can be seen as italy’s strategy for not paying the cost of humanitarian assistance. in short, in a time of economic crisis, the cost of the asylum system has been reduced to the minimum, keeping out most of the migrants from humanitarian support, producing them as irregular migrants on the territory. therefore, the accelerated temporality of control was functional to narrow the space of protection as much as possible and to temporally anticipate the threshold of deportability. that is to say, instead of waiting up to one year or more for the result of the asylum procedure, and in the meanwhile granting rights to asylum seekers, italian authorities illegalized on the spot many migrants transforming them into irregular and thus potentially deportable subjects.
but which specific form of control is at play? and where does this accelerated temporality apply? as suggested by the main title of this intervention (identify, label, and divide), the strategy of control deployed by the hotspot-logistics, and that reverberates well beyond reception centers, does not exercise a constant monitoring of migrant conducts over time. rather, what matters is that fast partitions are made among migrant multiplicities and that everybody is registered and his/her digital traces are stored in eurodac, in order to mark his/her first entry in italy.
related to this, the accelerated temporality of control actually concerns the first stage of migration management upon disembarkation. on this point, it is worth recalling the argument pushed forward by dimitris papadopolous, niamh stephenson, and vassilis tisanos in the book escape routes through the notion of “decelerated circulation of mobility,” contending that “camps appear as the spaces which most drastically attempt to regulate the speed of this circulation and to decelerate it” (papadopoulos, stephenson, and tsianos, 2008: 198). coming back the political context of the hotspot system, such an analysis is helpful for clarifying that the accelerated temporality of migration governmentality concerns the rapid procedure undertaken by national authorities for deciding upon migrants’ status and for dividing them. instead, by looking at the hotspot system from the point of view of its impact on migrants’ lives and on their journeys, we see that it works as a spatial capture practice that slows down migrants’ speed, a machine of illegalization of many people in seek of asylum. the temporality of control is a strategy of government through and over time.
however, the hotspot-logistics—formed by the material infrastructures of the hotspot, by the identification procedures and the mechanisms for channeling migrants—not only obstruct and decelerate migration movements at the same time that they speed up identification and selection procedures; the italian context also sheds light on the obstructed and slow pace of the institutional channels where migrants allowed to claim asylum. in fact, while according to italian directives, migrants should stay in the hotspot no more than 72 hours, people remain in lampedusa on average two weeks, and some of them up to four months. this is first of all because the transfer to hosting centers situated on the mainland can take time given the limited number of places available.
yet, in many cases the extended permanence inside the hotspot of lampedusa was the consequence of collective or individual forms of refusal with vengeance on the part of migrants, who opposed to the obligation to be identified and give their fingerprints. december 17, 2015; january 6-7, 2016; may 8-16, 2016: these are the most salient temporal landmarks of collective migrant refusals that took place in lampedusa in the form of public protests and sit-ins, not to mention the individual and silent resistances that are not captured by the spotlights of the media and that remained fundamentally unknown and invisible. these collective refusals jammed for some time the hotspot logistics, since the police detained them indefinitely in lampedusa due to their resistance to be fingerprinted.
it cannot pass unnoticed that in the explanatory note on the “hotspot” approach, the european commission the accelerated temporality concerns the possibility “to intervene, rapidly and in an integrated manner, in frontline member states when there is a crisis due to specific and disproportionate migratory pressure at their external borders.” similarly, in the european agenda on migration, which is the text through which the eu launched the “hotspot approach,” the speed required in the hotspot does not concern the time needed for finding a solution and a protected space for people seeking asylum but, rather, the capacity to “swiftly identify, register, and fingerprint incoming migrants.” thus, more than transit points, the hotspots appear as spatial and temporal “chokepoints,” that is as sites of mobility disruption. mobilizing debora cowen’s seminal work on logistics and readapting it to the hotspot context, i suggest that migration management necessitates spatial and temporal chokepoints to slow down and select migrant movements, and its main fear is that these crucial sites could be jammed and unsettled in their functioning (cowen, 2014).
when spatial containment does not hold. the temporal borders’ cut.
as i illustrated above, nationality certainly represents the main criterion used both in greece and in italy for establishing exclusionary partitions among migrant multiplicities. yet, particularly in the greek context, at some point nationality has become not enough as a parameter for keeping out migrants from the channels of the asylum and of relocation. march 18, 2016 is only the first threshold introduced by greek authorities with the support of easo for restricting the number of eligible candidates to the asylum. moreover, while the date of the signature of the eu-turkey agreement produced a split temporality, formed by a “before” and an “after,” migrants’ eligibility for the relocation and for the pre-registration procedure have been subjected to proper temporal borders; namely, temporal borders are enacted in this case as time intervals into which migrants fit.
the government of asylum seekers who entered greece in the last year and half pivots around a dense calendar of dates that establishes, on the basis of the day of arrival of the migrant in the country and on other related events, who is not allowed to access the relocation procedure. the relocation scheme is in place only for those who entered greece before march 20, 2016; iraqis who have been registered after july 1, will be excluded from the relocation; the pre-registration procedure is applicable only for those who arrived between january 1, 2015, and march 20, 2016. these are some of the time-intervals, that migrants must be lucky to match in order to be “potentially successful candidates” for being allocated in some place in europe and not being illegalized. when strategies of spatial containment and the criterion of nationality are not enough for disciplining mobility and narrowing the access to protection, states introduce temporal borders that vertically cut across the sites where migrants are identified and registered, producing a further hierarchization of “legitimate” mobilities. in other words, instead of working as thresholds for granting non-negotiable rights to people fleeing wars, temporal borders multiply and increase restrictions both to migrants’ presence in europe and to migrants’ access to asylum.
temporal borders have been mobilized by states as a strategy of spatial containment and scattering functioning through the channeling and slowing down of migrants’ movements. in this sense, the temporality of control represents a fundamental analytical angle for grasping the disciplining of unruly mobility.
 lesvos, kos, chios, samos, and leros in greece; lampedusa, pozzallo, taranto, and trapani in italy.
 since the hotspot is a restricted access reception center, this could be reconstructed only from the direct testimonies of the migrants who left and have been transferred to sicily, or those who during the day used to go out from the hotspot of lampedusa. in fact, in order to prevent possible turmoil inside the hotspot, the italian police de facto unofficially allowed migrants going out during the day passing through a hole in the fences that migrants themselves made.
doctors without borders (2016) personal interview, april 21.
garelli g and tazzioli m (2016) the eu hotspot approach at lampedusa. opendemocracy.
kasparek b (2016) routes, corridors, and spaces of exception: governing migration and europe.
papadopoulos d, stephenson n, and tsianos v (2008) escape routes: control and subversion in the twenty-first century. london: pluto press.
sciurba a (2016) misrecognizing and confining asylum. from a subjective fundamental right to an instrument of clandestinization at the era of the ‘hotspot approach. filosofia del diritto, forthcoming.
martina tazzioli is lecturer in geography at swansea university and visiting lecturer at city university of london. she is the author of spaces of governmentality: autonomous migration and the arab uprisings (rowman & littlefield, 2014) and co-author, with glenda garelli, of tunisia as a revolutionized space of migration (palgrave, 2016). she is co-editor of foucault and the making of subjects (rowman & littlefield, 2016) and foucault and the history of our present (palgrave, 2015).


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Fitness and exercise consultations are individualized appointments with an exercise physiologist to evaluate your fitness level and make recommendations. During an exercise consultation, the Exercise Physiologist will review your exercise history including preferences and current activities, and may use testing guidelines that are specific to a client’s age group, such as the Senior Fitness Test® for those 60 and better.
Using evidence-based guidelines, the exercise physiologist will then work with you to develop an exercise program and fitness plan designed to improve your fitness level, based on your specific health condition. All suggested exercises are explained thoroughly and demonstrated as needed.
An initial exercise consultation will typically be 60 minutes in length. Periodic follow-up appointments of 30 minutes may be scheduled to review goals and adjust exercises as needed.

lowercased:
fitness and exercise consultations are individualized appointments with an exercise physiologist to evaluate your fitness level and make recommendations. during an exercise consultation, the exercise physiologist will review your exercise history including preferences and current activities, and may use testing guidelines that are specific to a client’s age group, such as the senior fitness test® for those 60 and better.
using evidence-based guidelines, the exercise physiologist will then work with you to develop an exercise program and fitness plan designed to improve your fitness level, based on your specific health condition. all suggested exercises are explained thoroughly and demonstrated as needed.
an initial exercise consultation will typically be 60 minutes in length. periodic follow-up appointments of 30 minutes may be scheduled to review goals and adjust exercises as needed.


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On this page you find the BoomTone DJ Super Babybar manual. Please read the instructions in this operator manual carefully before using the product. If you have any questions about your that are not answered in the manual, please share your question in the troubleshooting section on the buttom of this page.
Do you have a question about the BoomTone DJ Super Babybar?
If you have a question about the "BoomTone DJ Super Babybar", don't hesitate to ask. Make sure to describe your problem clearly, this way other users are able to provide you with the correct answer.

lowercased:
on this page you find the boomtone dj super babybar manual. please read the instructions in this operator manual carefully before using the product. if you have any questions about your that are not answered in the manual, please share your question in the troubleshooting section on the buttom of this page.
do you have a question about the boomtone dj super babybar?
if you have a question about the "boomtone dj super babybar", don't hesitate to ask. make sure to describe your problem clearly, this way other users are able to provide you with the correct answer.


text:
Studies show that the prevalence of biliary stones in adults in industrialized countries is about 10%, and this appears to be rising.
The gallbladder is a small sachet located on the right side of the body, below the liver. Some of the chemicals in the gallbladder can turn into a large stone or a few small matter. The gallbladder secretions are a mixture of cholesterol, calcium, bilirubin and other compounds that accumulate in the gallbladder. These compounds are sometimes referred to as bile, because they remain in the gallbladder for a long time.
Bile is a yellowish green liquid that is produced in the liver and stored in the gallbladder. It helps digestion of body fat. When small bile particles remain in the gallbladder for a long time, these particles can accumulate as bubbles in the gallbladder. Bile marrow gems are rocks or masses that are produced from some harder materials in the gallbladder or biliary tract.
Most people with biliary stones have no symptoms. This is because the stone remains in the gallbladder and does not cause any problems. However, biliary stones may occasionally lead to cystic colic or inflammation of the gallbladder.
The initial symptoms are sudden ache, which worsens quickly. This pain can occur on the right side of the body, just below the teeth, between the shoulder or right shoulder.
In many cases, gallbladder stones are discovered accidentally when a person is treated for another condition. A doctor may suspect biliary stomachs after a cholesterol test, ultrasound scan, blood test, or even a CT scan. Blood tests may be followed by signs of infection, obstruction, pancreatitis, or jaundice.
Cholesterol Bile Marrow: If there is excessive cholesterol in the bile, these stones are created.
Biliary stones: When the bilirubin is excessive, the stones are formed. These types of stones are found among people with liver disease, bile duct infections, or blood disorders such as anemia due to sickle cells.
Mainly reducing weight fast and then returning to normal may increase the risk of gallstone disease over a lifetime.
Women treated with high-dose estrogen.
One study found that a gene type significantly increased the risk of biliary stones.
Women are twice as likely to have biliary stones as men.
People who use cholesterol-lowering drugs.
In addition, hormone replacement therapy (HRT) for postmenopausal women is associated with a high risk of developing gallbladder problems.
Biliary stones should be treated if they cause gallbladder inflammation, bile duct obstruction or stone movement from bile ducts to the intestines. Treatment involves cholecystectomy or removal of the entire gallbladder that is performed in some people under laparoscopy and some require open abdominal surgery. The drug, Ursodeoxycholic acid, can reduce the level of cholesterol content of the gallbladder and reduce the formation of these stones, if they have cholesterol.
Of course, despite the presence of drugs and surgical interventions, some people replace natural remedies to get rid of these rocks. Acupuncture, yoga is somewhat curative, but you should keep in mind that in case of deterioration, the doctor will be the final decision maker.
The most effective way to prevent gallstone disease in the long run is to control weight. However, weight loss, pregnancy, or participation in very low calorie diets (less than 800 calories a day) can actually increase the risk of biliary stones. Fast weight loss diets may increase cholesterol levels in bile, which can increase the risk of gallstones. This weight loss should be done slowly.
Regular physical activity can help reduce the chance of developing gallstones. Exercise intensity does not make much difference. The US Health and Human Services Guidelines recommend that regular physical activity of at least 150 minutes per week or 30 minutes five times a week can improve health outcomes and prevent weight gain.
Healthy diet plays an important role in reducing the incidence of gallbladder disease, but is not limited to eating fruits and vegetables. Eating a balanced mix of vegetarian foods such as nuts, fruits, vegetables, fiber and foods that contain unsaturated or unsaturated fat, cereals with low or no meat can reduce the risk of gallstones. The Mediterranean diet includes this food and is also associated with reduced risk of cardiovascular disease.

lowercased:
studies show that the prevalence of biliary stones in adults in industrialized countries is about 10%, and this appears to be rising.
the gallbladder is a small sachet located on the right side of the body, below the liver. some of the chemicals in the gallbladder can turn into a large stone or a few small matter. the gallbladder secretions are a mixture of cholesterol, calcium, bilirubin and other compounds that accumulate in the gallbladder. these compounds are sometimes referred to as bile, because they remain in the gallbladder for a long time.
bile is a yellowish green liquid that is produced in the liver and stored in the gallbladder. it helps digestion of body fat. when small bile particles remain in the gallbladder for a long time, these particles can accumulate as bubbles in the gallbladder. bile marrow gems are rocks or masses that are produced from some harder materials in the gallbladder or biliary tract.
most people with biliary stones have no symptoms. this is because the stone remains in the gallbladder and does not cause any problems. however, biliary stones may occasionally lead to cystic colic or inflammation of the gallbladder.
the initial symptoms are sudden ache, which worsens quickly. this pain can occur on the right side of the body, just below the teeth, between the shoulder or right shoulder.
in many cases, gallbladder stones are discovered accidentally when a person is treated for another condition. a doctor may suspect biliary stomachs after a cholesterol test, ultrasound scan, blood test, or even a ct scan. blood tests may be followed by signs of infection, obstruction, pancreatitis, or jaundice.
cholesterol bile marrow: if there is excessive cholesterol in the bile, these stones are created.
biliary stones: when the bilirubin is excessive, the stones are formed. these types of stones are found among people with liver disease, bile duct infections, or blood disorders such as anemia due to sickle cells.
mainly reducing weight fast and then returning to normal may increase the risk of gallstone disease over a lifetime.
women treated with high-dose estrogen.
one study found that a gene type significantly increased the risk of biliary stones.
women are twice as likely to have biliary stones as men.
people who use cholesterol-lowering drugs.
in addition, hormone replacement therapy (hrt) for postmenopausal women is associated with a high risk of developing gallbladder problems.
biliary stones should be treated if they cause gallbladder inflammation, bile duct obstruction or stone movement from bile ducts to the intestines. treatment involves cholecystectomy or removal of the entire gallbladder that is performed in some people under laparoscopy and some require open abdominal surgery. the drug, ursodeoxycholic acid, can reduce the level of cholesterol content of the gallbladder and reduce the formation of these stones, if they have cholesterol.
of course, despite the presence of drugs and surgical interventions, some people replace natural remedies to get rid of these rocks. acupuncture, yoga is somewhat curative, but you should keep in mind that in case of deterioration, the doctor will be the final decision maker.
the most effective way to prevent gallstone disease in the long run is to control weight. however, weight loss, pregnancy, or participation in very low calorie diets (less than 800 calories a day) can actually increase the risk of biliary stones. fast weight loss diets may increase cholesterol levels in bile, which can increase the risk of gallstones. this weight loss should be done slowly.
regular physical activity can help reduce the chance of developing gallstones. exercise intensity does not make much difference. the us health and human services guidelines recommend that regular physical activity of at least 150 minutes per week or 30 minutes five times a week can improve health outcomes and prevent weight gain.
healthy diet plays an important role in reducing the incidence of gallbladder disease, but is not limited to eating fruits and vegetables. eating a balanced mix of vegetarian foods such as nuts, fruits, vegetables, fiber and foods that contain unsaturated or unsaturated fat, cereals with low or no meat can reduce the risk of gallstones. the mediterranean diet includes this food and is also associated with reduced risk of cardiovascular disease.


text:
The Iowa State Fair begins a week from today and somehow they've managed to find at least 15 more food items that will make your mouth water. Here're this year's new additions, along with where you'll find each one on the fairgrounds.
Don't see something on the list that you already have a craving for? Here's the complete list of foods that will be available this year, and where you can find them. Just remember... moderation. The meaning of the word. I don't expect you to practice it when you're at the Iowa State Fair. I mean, seriously.

lowercased:
the iowa state fair begins a week from today and somehow they've managed to find at least 15 more food items that will make your mouth water. here're this year's new additions, along with where you'll find each one on the fairgrounds.
don't see something on the list that you already have a craving for? here's the complete list of foods that will be available this year, and where you can find them. just remember... moderation. the meaning of the word. i don't expect you to practice it when you're at the iowa state fair. i mean, seriously.


text:
Trendy balcony, Portugal - Silvadec Jun 12, 2017 Welcoming ambience for this wood composite deck balcony made from Savannah Emotion boards. Note the innovate design of its planters that ties this well-designed project together so well. A good way of extending living space to the outdoors, thus making an extra room for this Portuguese homeowner.
composite decking - iDecking Revolution How does iFly clip work? iFly is installed like any traditional decking clip. It is simply screwed onto the chosen rail (which can be wood, composite or metal). The upper part has a special rotating nylon head which allows the decking boards to be locked in place or removed with a simple turn of the iFly Key. 2. REMOVE AND.

lowercased:
trendy balcony, portugal - silvadec jun 12, 2017 welcoming ambience for this wood composite deck balcony made from savannah emotion boards. note the innovate design of its planters that ties this well-designed project together so well. a good way of extending living space to the outdoors, thus making an extra room for this portuguese homeowner.
composite decking - idecking revolution how does ifly clip work? ifly is installed like any traditional decking clip. it is simply screwed onto the chosen rail (which can be wood, composite or metal). the upper part has a special rotating nylon head which allows the decking boards to be locked in place or removed with a simple turn of the ifly key. 2. remove and.


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The use of the Internet pages of the allerzeiten GbR is possible without any indication of personal data; however, if a data subject wants to use special enterprise services via our website, processing of personal data could become necessary. If the processing of personal data is necessary and there is no statutory basis for such processing, we generally obtain consent from the data subject.
The processing of personal data, such as the name, address, e-mail address, or telephone number of a data subject shall always be in line with the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), and in accordance with the country-specific data protection regulations applicable to the allerzeiten GbR. By means of this data protection declaration, our enterprise would like to inform the general public of the nature, scope, and purpose of the personal data we collect, use and process. Furthermore, data subjects are informed, by means of this data protection declaration, of the rights to which they are entitled.
The data protection declaration of the allerzeiten GbR is based on the terms used by the European legislator for the adoption of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Our data protection declaration should be legible and understandable for the general public, as well as our customers and business partners. To ensure this, we would like to first explain the terminology used.
The website of the allerzeiten GbR collects a series of general data and information when a data subject or automated system calls up the website. This general data and information are stored in the server log files. Collected may be (1) the browser types and versions used, (2) the operating system used by the accessing system, (3) the website from which an accessing system reaches our website (so-called referrers), (4) the sub-websites, (5) the date and time of access to the Internet site, (6) an Internet protocol address (IP address), (7) the Internet service provider of the accessing system, and (8) any other similar data and information that may be used in the event of attacks on our information technology systems.
When using these general data and information, the allerzeiten GbR does not draw any conclusions about the data subject. Rather, this information is needed to (1) deliver the content of our website correctly, (2) optimize the content of our website as well as its advertisement, (3) ensure the long-term viability of our information technology systems and website technology, and (4) provide law enforcement authorities with the information necessary for criminal prosecution in case of a cyber-attack. Therefore, the allerzeiten GbR analyzes anonymously collected data and information statistically, with the aim of increasing the data protection and data security of our enterprise, and to ensure an optimal level of protection for the personal data we process. The anonymous data of the server log files are stored separately from all personal data provided by a data subject.
If one of the aforementioned reasons applies, and a data subject wishes to request the erasure of personal data stored by the allerzeiten GbR, he or she may, at any time, contact any employee of the controller. An employee of allerzeiten GbR shall promptly ensure that the erasure request is complied with immediately.
Where the controller has made personal data public and is obliged pursuant to Article 17(1) to erase the personal data, the controller, taking account of available technology and the cost of implementation, shall take reasonable steps, including technical measures, to inform other controllers processing the personal data that the data subject has requested erasure by such controllers of any links to, or copy or replication of, those personal data, as far as processing is not required. An employees of the allerzeiten GbR will arrange the necessary measures in individual cases.
If one of the aforementioned conditions is met, and a data subject wishes to request the restriction of the processing of personal data stored by the allerzeiten GbR, he or she may at any time contact any employee of the controller. The employee of the allerzeiten GbR will arrange the restriction of the processing.
In order to assert the right to data portability, the data subject may at any time contact any employee of the allerzeiten GbR.
The allerzeiten GbR shall no longer process the personal data in the event of the objection, unless we can demonstrate compelling legitimate grounds for the processing which override the interests, rights and freedoms of the data subject, or for the establishment, exercise or defence of legal claims.
If the allerzeiten GbR processes personal data for direct marketing purposes, the data subject shall have the right to object at any time to processing of personal data concerning him or her for such marketing. This applies to profiling to the extent that it is related to such direct marketing. If the data subject objects to the allerzeiten GbR to the processing for direct marketing purposes, the allerzeiten GbR will no longer process the personal data for these purposes.
In addition, the data subject has the right, on grounds relating to his or her particular situation, to object to processing of personal data concerning him or her by the allerzeiten GbR for scientific or historical research purposes, or for statistical purposes pursuant to Article 89(1) of the GDPR, unless the processing is necessary for the performance of a task carried out for reasons of public interest.
In order to exercise the right to object, the data subject may contact any employee of the allerzeiten GbR. In addition, the data subject is free in the context of the use of information society services, and notwithstanding Directive 2002/58/EC, to use his or her right to object by automated means using technical specifications.
If the decision (1) is necessary for entering into, or the performance of, a contract between the data subject and a data controller, or (2) it is based on the data subject's explicit consent, the allerzeiten GbR shall implement suitable measures to safeguard the data subject's rights and freedoms and legitimate interests, at least the right to obtain human intervention on the part of the controller, to express his or her point of view and contest the decision.
If the data subject wishes to exercise the rights concerning automated individual decision-making, he or she may, at any time, contact any employee of the allerzeiten GbR.
Each data subject shall have the right granted by the European legislator to withdraw his or her consent to processing of his or her personal data at any time. If the data subject wishes to exercise the right to withdraw the consent, he or she may, at any time, contact any employee of the allerzeiten GbR.
Our website integrates plugins of the video portal Vimeo of Vimeo, LLC, 555 West 18th Street, New York, New York 10011, USA. If you access a page of our website that contains such a plugin, your browser will establish a direct connection with the Vimeo servers. Vimeo will transmit the content of the plugin directly transmitted to your browser and integrated in the page. As a result of the integration, Vimeo will receive information regarding the fact that your browser has accessed the relevant page of our website even if you do not have a Vimeo account or are not currently logged in to Vimeo. This information (including your IP address) is transmitted by your browser directly to a Vimeo server in the USA and stored there.
If you are logged in to Vimeo, Vimeo will be able to directly associate the visit to our website with your Vimeo account. If you interact with the plugins (e.g. activation of the start button of a video), the relevant information is also directly transmitted to a Vimeo server and stored there.
The data processing operations described are performed in accordance with point f of Art. 6 para. 1 GDPR based on Vimeo’s legitimate interest in market research and the demand-oriented design of the service.
If you do not want Vimeo to directly associate the collected data with your Vimeo account, you must log out from your Vimeo account before vising our website.

lowercased:
the use of the internet pages of the allerzeiten gbr is possible without any indication of personal data; however, if a data subject wants to use special enterprise services via our website, processing of personal data could become necessary. if the processing of personal data is necessary and there is no statutory basis for such processing, we generally obtain consent from the data subject.
the processing of personal data, such as the name, address, e-mail address, or telephone number of a data subject shall always be in line with the general data protection regulation (gdpr), and in accordance with the country-specific data protection regulations applicable to the allerzeiten gbr. by means of this data protection declaration, our enterprise would like to inform the general public of the nature, scope, and purpose of the personal data we collect, use and process. furthermore, data subjects are informed, by means of this data protection declaration, of the rights to which they are entitled.
the data protection declaration of the allerzeiten gbr is based on the terms used by the european legislator for the adoption of the general data protection regulation (gdpr). our data protection declaration should be legible and understandable for the general public, as well as our customers and business partners. to ensure this, we would like to first explain the terminology used.
the website of the allerzeiten gbr collects a series of general data and information when a data subject or automated system calls up the website. this general data and information are stored in the server log files. collected may be (1) the browser types and versions used, (2) the operating system used by the accessing system, (3) the website from which an accessing system reaches our website (so-called referrers), (4) the sub-websites, (5) the date and time of access to the internet site, (6) an internet protocol address (ip address), (7) the internet service provider of the accessing system, and (8) any other similar data and information that may be used in the event of attacks on our information technology systems.
when using these general data and information, the allerzeiten gbr does not draw any conclusions about the data subject. rather, this information is needed to (1) deliver the content of our website correctly, (2) optimize the content of our website as well as its advertisement, (3) ensure the long-term viability of our information technology systems and website technology, and (4) provide law enforcement authorities with the information necessary for criminal prosecution in case of a cyber-attack. therefore, the allerzeiten gbr analyzes anonymously collected data and information statistically, with the aim of increasing the data protection and data security of our enterprise, and to ensure an optimal level of protection for the personal data we process. the anonymous data of the server log files are stored separately from all personal data provided by a data subject.
if one of the aforementioned reasons applies, and a data subject wishes to request the erasure of personal data stored by the allerzeiten gbr, he or she may, at any time, contact any employee of the controller. an employee of allerzeiten gbr shall promptly ensure that the erasure request is complied with immediately.
where the controller has made personal data public and is obliged pursuant to article 17(1) to erase the personal data, the controller, taking account of available technology and the cost of implementation, shall take reasonable steps, including technical measures, to inform other controllers processing the personal data that the data subject has requested erasure by such controllers of any links to, or copy or replication of, those personal data, as far as processing is not required. an employees of the allerzeiten gbr will arrange the necessary measures in individual cases.
if one of the aforementioned conditions is met, and a data subject wishes to request the restriction of the processing of personal data stored by the allerzeiten gbr, he or she may at any time contact any employee of the controller. the employee of the allerzeiten gbr will arrange the restriction of the processing.
in order to assert the right to data portability, the data subject may at any time contact any employee of the allerzeiten gbr.
the allerzeiten gbr shall no longer process the personal data in the event of the objection, unless we can demonstrate compelling legitimate grounds for the processing which override the interests, rights and freedoms of the data subject, or for the establishment, exercise or defence of legal claims.
if the allerzeiten gbr processes personal data for direct marketing purposes, the data subject shall have the right to object at any time to processing of personal data concerning him or her for such marketing. this applies to profiling to the extent that it is related to such direct marketing. if the data subject objects to the allerzeiten gbr to the processing for direct marketing purposes, the allerzeiten gbr will no longer process the personal data for these purposes.
in addition, the data subject has the right, on grounds relating to his or her particular situation, to object to processing of personal data concerning him or her by the allerzeiten gbr for scientific or historical research purposes, or for statistical purposes pursuant to article 89(1) of the gdpr, unless the processing is necessary for the performance of a task carried out for reasons of public interest.
in order to exercise the right to object, the data subject may contact any employee of the allerzeiten gbr. in addition, the data subject is free in the context of the use of information society services, and notwithstanding directive 2002/58/ec, to use his or her right to object by automated means using technical specifications.
if the decision (1) is necessary for entering into, or the performance of, a contract between the data subject and a data controller, or (2) it is based on the data subject's explicit consent, the allerzeiten gbr shall implement suitable measures to safeguard the data subject's rights and freedoms and legitimate interests, at least the right to obtain human intervention on the part of the controller, to express his or her point of view and contest the decision.
if the data subject wishes to exercise the rights concerning automated individual decision-making, he or she may, at any time, contact any employee of the allerzeiten gbr.
each data subject shall have the right granted by the european legislator to withdraw his or her consent to processing of his or her personal data at any time. if the data subject wishes to exercise the right to withdraw the consent, he or she may, at any time, contact any employee of the allerzeiten gbr.
our website integrates plugins of the video portal vimeo of vimeo, llc, 555 west 18th street, new york, new york 10011, usa. if you access a page of our website that contains such a plugin, your browser will establish a direct connection with the vimeo servers. vimeo will transmit the content of the plugin directly transmitted to your browser and integrated in the page. as a result of the integration, vimeo will receive information regarding the fact that your browser has accessed the relevant page of our website even if you do not have a vimeo account or are not currently logged in to vimeo. this information (including your ip address) is transmitted by your browser directly to a vimeo server in the usa and stored there.
if you are logged in to vimeo, vimeo will be able to directly associate the visit to our website with your vimeo account. if you interact with the plugins (e.g. activation of the start button of a video), the relevant information is also directly transmitted to a vimeo server and stored there.
the data processing operations described are performed in accordance with point f of art. 6 para. 1 gdpr based on vimeo’s legitimate interest in market research and the demand-oriented design of the service.
if you do not want vimeo to directly associate the collected data with your vimeo account, you must log out from your vimeo account before vising our website.


text:
First published in December 2015, Issue Nineteen contains 22 articles in 11 sections, including: Jonathan Wilson on José Mourinho, his methods, and why it always goes wrong in his third season; Felix Lill and Javier Sauras explore the history of Tasmania Berlin, the Bundesliga's worst ever team; and Rupert Fryer on the Peter Principle, and how promotion to a level of incompetence exists in football as well as business.
The Devil’s Party - Jonathan WilsonThe manager, his methods and why it always goes wrong in the third season.
The Stench of the White Elephants - Jamil ChadeOnly now is the full scale of the corruption that surrounded the Brazil World Cup beginning to emerge.
The Throwback - Maciej IwanskiRobert Lewandowski is proving the value of the old-fashioned striker. But what created him?
The Peter Principle - Rupert FryerPromotion to a level of incompetence is a common idea in business, but is it true in football?
Chaos Theory - Alex KebleWith so many variables at play, does anybody ever know anything?
The Quantum of Bobby (Part Five) - Iain MacintoshCan Bobby stop David Beckham getting sent off at the 1998 World Cup?

lowercased:
first published in december 2015, issue nineteen contains 22 articles in 11 sections, including: jonathan wilson on josé mourinho, his methods, and why it always goes wrong in his third season; felix lill and javier sauras explore the history of tasmania berlin, the bundesliga's worst ever team; and rupert fryer on the peter principle, and how promotion to a level of incompetence exists in football as well as business.
the devil’s party - jonathan wilsonthe manager, his methods and why it always goes wrong in the third season.
the stench of the white elephants - jamil chadeonly now is the full scale of the corruption that surrounded the brazil world cup beginning to emerge.
the throwback - maciej iwanskirobert lewandowski is proving the value of the old-fashioned striker. but what created him?
the peter principle - rupert fryerpromotion to a level of incompetence is a common idea in business, but is it true in football?
chaos theory - alex keblewith so many variables at play, does anybody ever know anything?
the quantum of bobby (part five) - iain macintoshcan bobby stop david beckham getting sent off at the 1998 world cup?


text: We have just shot a new campaign for Australia Zoo Africa exhibit . What do they always say, “Never work with kids and animals”? Well try wild animals for size! The talent wasn’t the easiest to direct that I’ve ever had in front of the camera but thanks to help from Wes and all the rest of the staff at the Asutralia Zoo it went as smoothly as it could have. The marketing dept were also a huge help in getting the job done as they organised everything so that we had the best chance to get a stunning result. Justin from Ion once again went above and beyond with the comping and grading of the image to achieve want I think is a set of dynamic strong images.

lowercased: we have just shot a new campaign for australia zoo africa exhibit . what do they always say, “never work with kids and animals”? well try wild animals for size! the talent wasn’t the easiest to direct that i’ve ever had in front of the camera but thanks to help from wes and all the rest of the staff at the asutralia zoo it went as smoothly as it could have. the marketing dept were also a huge help in getting the job done as they organised everything so that we had the best chance to get a stunning result. justin from ion once again went above and beyond with the comping and grading of the image to achieve want i think is a set of dynamic strong images.


text:
Professional duvet cleaning service in Feltham.
Laundryheap is next generation laundry service and dry cleaning with delivery Feltham. It's easy, convenient, and affordable service that takes care of all your dirty clothes. It's available everywhere Feltham - simply at the tap of a button. Laundryheap offers great serviced laundry and dry cleaning service on demand without the hassle of having to carry your dirty laundry around Feltham. Let us do the work and get your clean clothes today!
If you're looking for laundry service Feltham or laundry pickup service, we're here to help. Our laundry Feltham service fits perfectly to your fast-paced day.

lowercased:
professional duvet cleaning service in feltham.
laundryheap is next generation laundry service and dry cleaning with delivery feltham. it's easy, convenient, and affordable service that takes care of all your dirty clothes. it's available everywhere feltham - simply at the tap of a button. laundryheap offers great serviced laundry and dry cleaning service on demand without the hassle of having to carry your dirty laundry around feltham. let us do the work and get your clean clothes today!
if you're looking for laundry service feltham or laundry pickup service, we're here to help. our laundry feltham service fits perfectly to your fast-paced day.


text:
Most people have no clue about the legal obligations around their businesses. I’m not talking about just employment rules. I’m also talking about the laws that govern particular businesses. For instance, dry cleaners have to follow particular environmental laws; affiliate sellers have to admit they are getting paid from affiliate sales; schools have to keep the information about their students safe, secure and secret. That’s just a few – there are millions more.
Not only are these laws hard to find, they are even harder to understand. That’s where we come in.
We have a special skill: we make very complicated, very boring information understandable and interesting. And, we will present a custom class on the laws that govern your business. By the time we are done, you and your employees will be appropriately afraid and prepared to comply with your legal obligations. This is a premium service.
If you are interested in hiring us to present a custom class to you and your company, email us at wthisthelaw@seasongoodlaw.com.

lowercased:
most people have no clue about the legal obligations around their businesses. i’m not talking about just employment rules. i’m also talking about the laws that govern particular businesses. for instance, dry cleaners have to follow particular environmental laws; affiliate sellers have to admit they are getting paid from affiliate sales; schools have to keep the information about their students safe, secure and secret. that’s just a few – there are millions more.
not only are these laws hard to find, they are even harder to understand. that’s where we come in.
we have a special skill: we make very complicated, very boring information understandable and interesting. and, we will present a custom class on the laws that govern your business. by the time we are done, you and your employees will be appropriately afraid and prepared to comply with your legal obligations. this is a premium service.
if you are interested in hiring us to present a custom class to you and your company, email us at wthisthelaw@seasongoodlaw.com.


text:
Shortjaw cisco usually have a lower jaw that is shorter than the upper jaw. They have no symphyseal knob on jaw and upper jaw often reaches to the middle of pupil. This cisco has 32 to 46 gill rakers in Lake Superior and between 34 and 44 in Lakes Huron and Michigan.
The shortjaw cisco is a deep, cold water species that spawns at depths of 36 to 73 m over clay substrates.
Exotic species are a threat to this species. Manage introduced species to limit competition (e.g. alewife, rainbow smelt) or food web disruption (e.g. loss of Diporeia). Other threats include: habitat loss, contaminants, itrogressive hybridization with bloater (Houston 1988).
Murphy, B.R. and D.W. Willis, eds. 1996. Fisheries Techniques, 2nd ed. American Fisheries Society, Bethesda. 732pp.
Bailey, R.M., W.C. Latta, and G.R. Smith. 2004. An Atlas of Michigan Fishes. Museum of Zoology, University of Michigan, No. 192, Ann Arbor. 215p.
Becker, G.C. 1983. Fishes of Wisconsin. The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison. 1052 pp.
Houston, J.J. 1988. Status of the shortjaw cisco, Coregonus zenithicus, in Canada. Canadian Field-Naturalist 102(1):97-102.
Page, L. M. and B.M. Burr. 1991. A field guide to freshwater fishes: North America north of Mexico. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston. 432pp.
Scott, W.B. and E.J. Crossman. 1973. Freshwater fishes of Canada. Bulletin 184, Fisheries Research Board of Canada, Ottawa. 966pp.

lowercased:
shortjaw cisco usually have a lower jaw that is shorter than the upper jaw. they have no symphyseal knob on jaw and upper jaw often reaches to the middle of pupil. this cisco has 32 to 46 gill rakers in lake superior and between 34 and 44 in lakes huron and michigan.
the shortjaw cisco is a deep, cold water species that spawns at depths of 36 to 73 m over clay substrates.
exotic species are a threat to this species. manage introduced species to limit competition (e.g. alewife, rainbow smelt) or food web disruption (e.g. loss of diporeia). other threats include: habitat loss, contaminants, itrogressive hybridization with bloater (houston 1988).
murphy, b.r. and d.w. willis, eds. 1996. fisheries techniques, 2nd ed. american fisheries society, bethesda. 732pp.
bailey, r.m., w.c. latta, and g.r. smith. 2004. an atlas of michigan fishes. museum of zoology, university of michigan, no. 192, ann arbor. 215p.
becker, g.c. 1983. fishes of wisconsin. the university of wisconsin press, madison. 1052 pp.
houston, j.j. 1988. status of the shortjaw cisco, coregonus zenithicus, in canada. canadian field-naturalist 102(1):97-102.
page, l. m. and b.m. burr. 1991. a field guide to freshwater fishes: north america north of mexico. houghton mifflin company, boston. 432pp.
scott, w.b. and e.j. crossman. 1973. freshwater fishes of canada. bulletin 184, fisheries research board of canada, ottawa. 966pp.


text: This paper treats the empirical issue related to the urban productive efficiency. First, we construct a model incorporating urban inefficiency term and estimate a stochastic frontier production function at urban level. Next, we compare technical efficiency across Chinese cities during 1997-2007 by using estimated results. The urban technical inefficiency effect is found to be significant in many cities. Then, in the way of constructing the specification of the technical inefficiency in terms of various capital explanatory variables, we analyze the determinants of technical inefficiency of individual cities, and explore how the urban technical inefficiency is influenced by capital density, FDI, the domestic investment, while the impact of technical inefficiency on capital variables is investigated. From the empirical results, FDI is able to reduce effectively the technical inefficiency. Capital intensive industry would be the engine of economic growth in the future.

lowercased: this paper treats the empirical issue related to the urban productive efficiency. first, we construct a model incorporating urban inefficiency term and estimate a stochastic frontier production function at urban level. next, we compare technical efficiency across chinese cities during 1997-2007 by using estimated results. the urban technical inefficiency effect is found to be significant in many cities. then, in the way of constructing the specification of the technical inefficiency in terms of various capital explanatory variables, we analyze the determinants of technical inefficiency of individual cities, and explore how the urban technical inefficiency is influenced by capital density, fdi, the domestic investment, while the impact of technical inefficiency on capital variables is investigated. from the empirical results, fdi is able to reduce effectively the technical inefficiency. capital intensive industry would be the engine of economic growth in the future.


text:
Some men are tall and big; if you are one of them, you’ll need to shop for plus-size clothing. It’s good to know that there are various options on the market. Finding a reputed store that sells a diverse selection of plus size clothing for men is very important; there you can find unique pieces and everyday items at great prices.
Though shopping online is a cheaper and more convenient option, some men prefer to shop locally because they get to try on clothes before making the purchase. If the shop or store has helpful salespeople, you can find perfect fitting clothes in no time. Finding the perfect fit is a great concern. Always keep in mind that appropriately sized clothing is comfortable.
Just in case you love a particular style and the clothes are available in smaller sizes, you can try getting the larger size. The right plus size clothes should not feel short or ride up. Buttons should not bulge open when you wear the clothes. Don’t make the mistake of getting clothes that are larger than your actual size. This will only make you appear bigger.
There are also times when taller men tend to buy plus size clothes thinking that the length will fit them. If you think that the clothes don’t fit right, you can always request for alterations. In some stores, this is possible. Comfort and fit are the two most important factors when shopping for plus-size clothing for men.
It is never good to buy clothes that are tight because you will only show your additional weight. The right plus size clothing is one that skims the body and does not hug too tightly. While you’re shopping for plus size shirts, it is important that you take body measurements (chest, collar, and neck) before going to the store.
Taking measurements is also recommended when you are buying plus size pants. Knowing your body type will allow you to buy the right clothes. Keep in mind that plus size clothes are different from the straight size. It is important to note that plus size clothing still falls under the underdeveloped market. You need to look around for stores specializing in plus size items. There are places where you can find the latest and trendy styles.
However, there are styles that are not flattering especially for a plus size body type. Classic styles best suit big men but you can always mix the new and old styles. Make it a point to buy clothes with quality fabrics. You also need to choose the right colors and styles. If you can’t find clothes that fit locally, you can check out several online retailers especially if you’re buying clothes for special occasions.
While shopping, you need to compare the prices, quality, and services of stores. By doing so, you can find the best deals and most stylish clothes. As you can see, shopping for plus size clothing for men is not too difficult a chore. All it takes is investing a little time and effort while shopping.

lowercased:
some men are tall and big; if you are one of them, you’ll need to shop for plus-size clothing. it’s good to know that there are various options on the market. finding a reputed store that sells a diverse selection of plus size clothing for men is very important; there you can find unique pieces and everyday items at great prices.
though shopping online is a cheaper and more convenient option, some men prefer to shop locally because they get to try on clothes before making the purchase. if the shop or store has helpful salespeople, you can find perfect fitting clothes in no time. finding the perfect fit is a great concern. always keep in mind that appropriately sized clothing is comfortable.
just in case you love a particular style and the clothes are available in smaller sizes, you can try getting the larger size. the right plus size clothes should not feel short or ride up. buttons should not bulge open when you wear the clothes. don’t make the mistake of getting clothes that are larger than your actual size. this will only make you appear bigger.
there are also times when taller men tend to buy plus size clothes thinking that the length will fit them. if you think that the clothes don’t fit right, you can always request for alterations. in some stores, this is possible. comfort and fit are the two most important factors when shopping for plus-size clothing for men.
it is never good to buy clothes that are tight because you will only show your additional weight. the right plus size clothing is one that skims the body and does not hug too tightly. while you’re shopping for plus size shirts, it is important that you take body measurements (chest, collar, and neck) before going to the store.
taking measurements is also recommended when you are buying plus size pants. knowing your body type will allow you to buy the right clothes. keep in mind that plus size clothes are different from the straight size. it is important to note that plus size clothing still falls under the underdeveloped market. you need to look around for stores specializing in plus size items. there are places where you can find the latest and trendy styles.
however, there are styles that are not flattering especially for a plus size body type. classic styles best suit big men but you can always mix the new and old styles. make it a point to buy clothes with quality fabrics. you also need to choose the right colors and styles. if you can’t find clothes that fit locally, you can check out several online retailers especially if you’re buying clothes for special occasions.
while shopping, you need to compare the prices, quality, and services of stores. by doing so, you can find the best deals and most stylish clothes. as you can see, shopping for plus size clothing for men is not too difficult a chore. all it takes is investing a little time and effort while shopping.


text:
# The root URL (/) is handled by the Go application.
# No other URLs match this pattern.
# The URL /index.html is also handled by the Go application.
# by the Go application.
# All other URLs are handled by the Go application.

lowercased:
# the root url (/) is handled by the go application.
# no other urls match this pattern.
# the url /index.html is also handled by the go application.
# by the go application.
# all other urls are handled by the go application.


text:
a modern online social club designed to suit contemporary artists and entrepreneurs. Don't Date Here is the first website to include the 'PrvtMtchrï¿½?ï¿½ Traceless Dating' button.
Over 30,00 tattoo designs, free lifetime updates every 60 days! One time fee of $29.95! There simply is no bigger or better tattoo package anywhere!

lowercased:
a modern online social club designed to suit contemporary artists and entrepreneurs. don't date here is the first website to include the 'prvtmtchrï¿½?ï¿½ traceless dating' button.
over 30,00 tattoo designs, free lifetime updates every 60 days! one time fee of $29.95! there simply is no bigger or better tattoo package anywhere!


text:
The Buff Alligator is a rare spawn in the Sewers area, and an Elite version of the Alligator enemy. In addition to increased stats compared to the normal Alligator, the Buff Alligator wields a Flak Cannon, which fires a single small red orb that after traveling a short distance or hitting a wall, splits into 10 red pellets. Upon impact with the orb the player takes damage from all 10 pellets and the orb itself which results in an instant 14 damage.
Buff Alligator is much more aggressive than the regular Alligator. It won't hide behind cover and instead it will actively pursue after the player while shooting.
Although mostly encountered in the Sewers, Buff Alligators can sometimes be found in the Crystal Caves by destroying the Cocoon prop.

lowercased:
the buff alligator is a rare spawn in the sewers area, and an elite version of the alligator enemy. in addition to increased stats compared to the normal alligator, the buff alligator wields a flak cannon, which fires a single small red orb that after traveling a short distance or hitting a wall, splits into 10 red pellets. upon impact with the orb the player takes damage from all 10 pellets and the orb itself which results in an instant 14 damage.
buff alligator is much more aggressive than the regular alligator. it won't hide behind cover and instead it will actively pursue after the player while shooting.
although mostly encountered in the sewers, buff alligators can sometimes be found in the crystal caves by destroying the cocoon prop.


text: Stephen Ray Perry was born in Hanford, California, to Portuguese parents. He is an only child. Perry grew up interested in music, as his father, Raymond Perry (Pereira), was a vocalist and co-owner of radio station KNGS. Perry's parents ended their relationship when he was eight years of age, and he and his mother then moved to his grandparents' farm. In a September 2018 interview, Perry said, "Things happened to me as a child that I still can't talk about – nothing to do with my parents, but things did happen. It happened to a lot of kids, as I find out. . . [There] was nowhere to talk it out, so I got to sing it out instead. " On Perry's 12th birthday, his mother, Mary Quaresma, presented her son with a gold eighth note pendant; Perry wears the pendant for good luck. At age 12, Perry heard Sam Cooke's song "Cupid" on his mother's car radio, and it inspired him to become a singer.

lowercased: stephen ray perry was born in hanford, california, to portuguese parents. he is an only child. perry grew up interested in music, as his father, raymond perry (pereira), was a vocalist and co-owner of radio station kngs. perry's parents ended their relationship when he was eight years of age, and he and his mother then moved to his grandparents' farm. in a september 2018 interview, perry said, "things happened to me as a child that i still can't talk about – nothing to do with my parents, but things did happen. it happened to a lot of kids, as i find out. . . [there] was nowhere to talk it out, so i got to sing it out instead. " on perry's 12th birthday, his mother, mary quaresma, presented her son with a gold eighth note pendant; perry wears the pendant for good luck. at age 12, perry heard sam cooke's song "cupid" on his mother's car radio, and it inspired him to become a singer.


text:
Doors open at 6:30pm. Cost is $15 per person/$30 per couple. Assorted desserts & beverages will be available. Childcare included.
Register here for the event and for childcare.

lowercased:
doors open at 6:30pm. cost is $15 per person/$30 per couple. assorted desserts & beverages will be available. childcare included.
register here for the event and for childcare.


text:
Experienced Counterbalance Forklift Driver required for busy production business for immediate start.
Candidates must have their own current counterbalance forklift cert and be experienced in working in a past paced production environment. Candidates with experience of using hand held scanners for stock control purposes will be given preference although not essential as training will be given.

lowercased:
experienced counterbalance forklift driver required for busy production business for immediate start.
candidates must have their own current counterbalance forklift cert and be experienced in working in a past paced production environment. candidates with experience of using hand held scanners for stock control purposes will be given preference although not essential as training will be given.