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The Politics of Genocide

Mozambique, the existence of a transnational feminist community is mostly unacknowledged. Since 1975 the United Nations World Conferences on Women have brought together feminists from all over the world to strategize about organization and agendas. How did the ideas and people from these networks affect feminist activism in the two country cases? Recent scholarship suggests that these conferences and debates have been very influential globally. But, we have less information about the networks Marxist feminists might have formed. Were Marxist feminists a part of the larger (mostly liberal) feminist community? Did they have separate discourses and/or separate transnational communities? Were there South–South connections made that influenced women in revolutionary parties? There is a missed opportunity to add nuance to the story of transnational feminism to include revolutionary activists and their networks. Given the organizational focus of the theoretical account, neglecting the organizational resources and constraints provided by the transnational community of feminists leaves the account potentially incomplete. This book will serve as a wonderful resource on the women’s movements in Nicaragua and Mozambique. It makes important and insightful contributions to debates over women’s role in military combat and debates in feminism over how activists can overcome the culture/economy divides of the 1990s. It also sheds light on the dynamics of Marxist revolutionary parties and movements in a neoliberal world order, posing questions about the role of electoral politics and national sovereignty in a fast changing world. Even if her argument about autonomy is overdrawn, Disney contributes significantly to social movement literatures on organizational dynamics and offers a valuable methodological contribution by demonstrating the value of a cross-national historical comparison.