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Fairweather's practice and procedure in labor arbitration

and cooperation with labor racketeers present formidable problems. The opportunities for manipulation seem endless. Existing legislation and law enforcement cannot adequately deal with the problem, and sometimes they make it worse, as in the case of the Wicks Law. A special merit of this report is its inclusion of many specific examples of corruption and racketeering, giving it a real flesh and blood quality. The carefully written footnotes enrich the account even further. Together, the documentation and discussion in Part I leave the reader with the conviction that corruption and racketeering in the industry are indeed deeply entrenched. Part I I is a proposal for changing that situation. Since traditional means for coping with crime cannot deal effectually with the problem, the authors propose a comprehensive crime control strategy, aimed at stimulating and coordinating reform efforts in the construction industry, construction unions, and public agencies. The first step would be to establish an "Office of Construction Corruption Prevention" to "design and implement regulations or procedures that bolster deterrence, further incapacitation, block opportunities and reduce racketeering susceptibility and potential." The authors argue persuasively that necessary changes can be made only by a careful coordination of existing legal and administrative agencies, since "no strategy will become a reality if it requires massive new resources." The subsequent steps to be taken are carefully set forth. They begin with changes in the way the National Labor Relations Act is administered, more rigorous enforcement of Landrum-Griffin, and specific encouragement of union democracy to provide workers with an opportunity to exercise control.,An Advocate for Union Democracy would be created (an idea inspired in part by the Association for Union Democracy). Particular attention is given to the importance of increasing the effectiveness of court-ordered union trusteeships. For many readers, the most distressing part of the report will be the account of official corruption. The authors recommend the privatization of building inspections, in view of the apparent hopelessness of making public officials honest, and in the belief that certified architects and engineers, who have a substantial investment in their careers and state licensing, are less likely than public officials to be bribable! What are the prospects for change? The far-reaching nature of the reforms proposed is impressive, but can they be accomplished? One cannot but wonder whether there is a sufficient commitment on the part of state and city governments, and of citizens as a whole, to insist upon the execution of such an elaborate and difficult proposal. The responses of state and city officials to the report have been lukewarm at best, and the difficulties of generating a democratic movement within the New York City construction unions are obviously huge. There is considerable evidence that the employees in the industry not only are reluctant to risk their jobs by participating in reform, but also are not altogether displeased by the effects that racketeering and corruption have had on their wages and other benefits. Some even argue that the Mafia has a desirable stabilizing influence on the industry. It is interesting, and discouraging, that no reference is made to the AFL-CIO role (or lack thereof) in coping with the problems, in spite of the fact that the AFL-CIO originally committed itself to eliminating corruption among its affiliates. Furthermore, one of the real obstacles to organizing the unorganized today is the extensive use by professional union-busters of accounts of union corruption. There is almost no reference to the role of national unions that have granted charters to the New York construction locals but have done little or nothing about the problem. (One small exception is a proposal that national unions pay the costs of trusteeships of local unions.) The responses to the report of the AFL-CIO and its affiliates have been hostile or indifferent. In conclusion, there is no doubt that this report is a first step toward the correction of a major problem in our society. Ronald Goldstock and his associates have made an enormously valuable contribution, even if nothing happens in the near future to make significant changes in the New York City construction industry. That the reform will not be easy is eloquently stated in the Epilogue.