who proposed a counter proposal to the wilmot proviso
Lewis Cass
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was among those who joined with the South to defeat an effort to attach the Wilmot Proviso to the treaty. In the prior year's debate in the House, Douglas had argued that all of the debate over slavery in the territories was premature; the time to deal with that issue was when the territory was actually organized by Congress. Lewis Cass (Democrat) in December 1847, in his famous letter to A. O. P. Nicholson in Tennessee, further defined the concept of popular sovereignty which would soon evolve as the mainstream Democratic alternative to the Wilmot Proviso: Leave it to the
Wilmot Proviso
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was among those who joined with the South to defeat an effort to attach the Wilmot Proviso to the treaty. In the prior year's debate in the House, Douglas had argued that all of the debate over slavery in the territories was premature; the time to deal with that issue was when the territory was actually organized by Congress. Lewis Cass (Democrat) in December 1847, in his famous letter to A. O. P. Nicholson in Tennessee, further defined the concept of popular sovereignty which would soon evolve as the mainstream Democratic alternative to the Wilmot Proviso: Leave it to the
Wilmot Proviso
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by the United States. This was passed in the House by a vote of 115 to 105, but the Senate refused to concur and passed a bill of its own without the amendment. The House acquiesced, owing largely to the influence of General Lewis Cass. As the 1848 presidential election took shape, the Democrats rejected the Wilmot Proviso in their platform and selected Cass as their candidate to run on a popular sovereignty platform. The new Free Soil Party rallied around the Wilmot Proviso, and nominated Martin Van Buren on a platform calling for "No more slave states and no
David Wilmot
14245
gain territory to expand slavery westward, and opposed the Wilmot Proviso, a proposal to ban slavery in any territory gained from Mexico. He introduced for the first time his Homestead Bill, to grant to people willing to settle the land and gain title to it. This issue was especially important to Johnson because of his own humble beginnings. In the presidential election of 1848, the Democrats split over the slavery issue, and abolitionists formed the Free Soil Party, with former president Van Buren as their nominee. Johnson supported the Democratic candidate, former Michigan senator Lewis Cass. With the party split,
Andrew Johnson
3325565
as an attack on their society and their Constitutional Rights. With the failure of the Wilmot Proviso, Senator Lewis Cass introduced the idea of popular sovereignty in Congress. In an attempt to hold the Congress together as it continued to divide along sectional, rather than party lines, Cass proposed that Congress did not have the power to determine whether territories could allow slavery since this was not an enumerated power listed in the Constitution. Instead Cass proposed that the people living in the territories themselves should decide the slavery issue. For the Democrats, the solution was not as clear as
History of the United States (1849–1865)
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the 1848 Democratic National Convention. The Barnburners held their own separate convention and sent their own slate of delegates to the convention in Baltimore. Both delegations were seated with the state's total votes split between them. When the convention rejected a pro-proviso plank and selected Lewis Cass as the nominee, the Barnburners again bolted and were the nucleus of forming the Free Soil Party. Historian Leonard Richards writes of these disaffected Democrats: Overall, then, Southern Democrats during the 1840s lost the hard core of their original doughface support. No longer could they count on New England and New York Democrats
Wilmot Proviso
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support for Taylor was conditional upon Taylor denouncing the Wilmot Proviso. However, Taylor announced that he would seek the Whig nomination, and in December 1847 Lewis Cass of Michigan, the leading Democratic candidate, endorsed the policy of Popular sovereignty. With no available candidate sufficiently opposed to the Proviso, in 1848 Yancey secured the adoption by the state Democratic convention of the "Alabama Platform," which was endorsed by the legislatures of Alabama and Georgia and by Democratic state conventions in Florida and Virginia. The platform declared: When the national convention was held in Baltimore, Cass was nominated on the fourth ballot.
William Lowndes Yancey
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allowed there (and offering the Wilmot Proviso to ensure it), while others wanted slavery barred north of the Missouri Compromise line of 36°30′ N. Both proposals were anathema to many Southerners, and the controversy split the Democrats. At the 1848 Democratic National Convention, the majority nominated former Michigan senator Lewis Cass for president, while a minority broke off to become the Free Soil Party, backing former president Van Buren. The Whigs chose General Zachary Taylor, a Louisianan, whose views on most political issues were unknown. Despite his past support for Van Buren, Pierce supported Cass, turning down the quiet offer
Franklin Pierce
896867
he declined, supporting instead Alexander Keith Marshall, the party's unsuccessful nominee. As a private citizen, he opposed the Wilmot Proviso that would have banned slavery in the territory acquired in the war with Mexico. In the 1848 presidential election, he backed the unsuccessful Democratic ticket of Lewis Cass and William Butler. He did not vote in the election. Defending his decision during a speech in Lexington on September 5, 1860, Breckinridge explained: In August 1849, Kentuckians elected delegates to a state constitutional convention in addition to state representatives and senators. Breckinridge's abolitionist uncles, William and Robert, joined with Cassius Marcellus
John C. Breckinridge
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Wilmot Proviso The Wilmot Proviso was an unsuccessful 1846 proposal in the United States Congress to ban slavery in territory acquired from Mexico in the Mexican–American War. The conflict over the Wilmot proviso was one of the major events leading to the American Civil War. Congressman David Wilmot first introduced the proviso in the United States House of Representatives on August 8, 1846, as a rider on a $2,000,000 appropriations bill intended for the final negotiations to resolve the Mexican–American War (this was only three months into the two-year war). It passed the House but failed in the Senate, where
Wilmot Proviso
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term from March 4, 1839. Having failed in his bid for reelection, he resumed his private law practice in Indianapolis. In 1844, Wick was re-elected to Congress. In 1846, during the debates on the Wilmot Proviso, he proposed an amendment to extend the Missouri Compromise line to the pacific coast. Wick feared that free blacks would flood the urban northeast. The proposal was defeated 89-54. The Wilmot Proviso passed the House in August, and was defeated in the Senate. Wick was a leading opponent of racial mixing and integration, and famous for his opposition to the annexation of Mexican territory:
William W. Wick
659505
Moderates rallied around the Compromise as the final solution to the sectional issues involving slavery and the territories. At the same time, however, the language of the Georgia Platform, widely accepted throughout the South, made it clear that the South's commitment to Union was not unqualified; they fully expected the North to adhere to their part of the agreement. Wilmot Proviso The Wilmot Proviso was an unsuccessful 1846 proposal in the United States Congress to ban slavery in territory acquired from Mexico in the Mexican–American War. The conflict over the Wilmot proviso was one of the major events leading to
Wilmot Proviso
3316746
first voting down a counter-proposal simply to extend the Missouri Compromise line across the Mexican Cession, passed the proviso by a vote of 83–64. This led to an attempt to table the entire appropriations bill rather than pass it with "the obnoxious proviso attached", but this effort was defeated "in an ominously sectional vote, 78–94". The Senate adjourned rather than approve the bill with the proviso. A similar measure was brought forward at the next session with the appropriation amount increased to $3 million, and the scope of the amendment expanded to include all future territory which might be acquired
David Wilmot
3325564
Guadalupe Hidalgo renewed the sectional debate that had gripped the nation during the admittance of Missouri. The question of whether the new territory would allow slavery was the main question, with Northern Congressmen hoping to limit slavery and Southern Congressmen hoping to expand the territory in which it was legal. Soon after the war began, Democratic Congressman David Wilmot proposed that territory won from Mexico should be free from the institution of slavery. Called the Wilmot Proviso, the measure failed to pass Congress and thus never became law. This served to unify the majority of Southerners, who saw the Proviso
History of the United States (1849–1865)
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rejected incorporating the Yancey proposal into the national platform by a 216–36 vote. Unlike the Barnburner walkout, however, only Yancey and one other Alabama delegate left the convention. Yancey's efforts to stir up a third party movement in the state failed. Southerner Whigs looked hopefully to slaveholder and war hero General Zachary Taylor as the solution to the widening sectional divide even though he took no public stance on the Wilmot Proviso. However, Taylor, once nominated and elected, showed that he had his own plans. Taylor hoped to create a new non-partisan coalition that would once again remove slavery from
Wilmot Proviso
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banned slavery in all lands of the Louisiana Purchase north of the 36° 30' parallel, and many Southerners sought to extend this line to the Pacific Ocean. During the Mexican–American War, a Northern member of Congress had put forth the Wilmot Proviso, a legislative proposal that would have banned slavery in all territories acquired in the Mexican–American War. Though not adopted by Congress, the debate over the Wilmot Proviso had contributed to an increasingly tense national debate regarding slavery. The territorial issues centered on the territories of California and New Mexico, as well the state of Texas, which had been
Presidency of Millard Fillmore
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Riverside Cemetery. David Wilmot David Wilmot (January 20, 1814March 16, 1868) was a U.S. politician; he was elected to the U.S. Congress, serving 1845–1851, and to the U.S. Senate, serving 1861–1863 to fill the remainder of the newly-appointed Secretary of War Simon Cameron's term. Wilmot was a Democrat, a Free Soiler, and a Republican. He was a sponsor and eponym of the Wilmot Proviso (1846), intended to ban slavery in western lands gained from Mexico in the Mexican–American War of 1846–1848. The proposal repeatedly passed the House of Representatives, but was defeated in the Senate, and never became law. However,
David Wilmot
3316741
David Wilmot David Wilmot (January 20, 1814March 16, 1868) was a U.S. politician; he was elected to the U.S. Congress, serving 1845–1851, and to the U.S. Senate, serving 1861–1863 to fill the remainder of the newly-appointed Secretary of War Simon Cameron's term. Wilmot was a Democrat, a Free Soiler, and a Republican. He was a sponsor and eponym of the Wilmot Proviso (1846), intended to ban slavery in western lands gained from Mexico in the Mexican–American War of 1846–1848. The proposal repeatedly passed the House of Representatives, but was defeated in the Senate, and never became law. However, it caused
David Wilmot
659493
reintroduced the proposal to simply extend the Missouri Compromise line to the west coast, and this was again defeated 109–82. The Three Million Dollar Bill with the proviso was then passed by the House 115–106. In the Senate, led by Thomas Hart Benton (Democrat), the bill was passed without the proviso. When the bill was returned to the House the Senate bill prevailed; every Northern Whig still supported the proviso, but 22 Northern Democrats voted with the South. In 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ending the war was submitted to the Senate for approval. Douglas, now in the Senate,
Wilmot Proviso
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the Mexican-American War, and was still considered a Democratic Party loyalist. But on August 8, 1846, an appropriations bill for $2 million to be used by the president in negotiating a treaty of peace with Mexico was introduced in the House of Representatives. Wilmot immediately offered the following amendment: Wilmot modeled the language for what would usually be referred to as the Wilmot Proviso after the Northwest Ordinance of 1787. Although known as the Wilmot Proviso, it originated with Jacob Brinkerhoff of Ohio, Wilmot being selected to present it only because his party standing was more regular. The House, after
David Wilmot
659503
message to Congress urged the admission of California as a free state, a state of crisis was further aggravated. Historian Allan Nevins sums up the situation which had been created by the Wilmot Proviso: Thus the contest was joined on the central issue which was to dominate all American history for the next dozen years, the disposition of the Territories. Two sets of extremists had arisen: Northerners who demanded no new slave territories under any circumstances, and Southerners who demanded free entry for slavery into all territories, the penalty for denial to be secession. For the time being, moderates who
Wilmot Proviso
626614
became vocally opposed to the Mexican–American War. He believed that it would distort the national character by undermining republicanism in favor of empire and by bringing non-white persons into the country. (See § The evils of war and political parties.) When Congress declared war against Mexico on May 13, he abstained from voting on the measure. Calhoun also vigorously opposed the Wilmot Proviso, an 1846 proposal by Pennsylvania Representative David Wilmot to ban slavery in all newly acquired territories. The House of Representatives, through its Northern majority, passed the provision several times. However, the Senate, where non-slave and slave states
John C. Calhoun
659498
to provide them with winning margins in the House. ...To them [Free Soil Democrats] the movement to acquire Texas, and the fight over the Wilmot Proviso, marked the turning point, when aggressive slavemasters stole the heart and soul of the Democratic Party and began dictating the course of the nation's destiny. Historian William Cooper presents the exactly opposite Southern perspective: Southern Democrats, for whom slavery had always been central, had little difficulty in perceiving exactly what the proviso meant for them and their party. In the first place the mere existence of the proviso meant the sectional strains that had
Wilmot Proviso
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would not veto the Wilmot Proviso, which proposed against such an expansion. This position did not enhance his support from activist antislavery elements in the Northern U.S., as these wanted Taylor to speak out strongly in support of the Proviso, not simply fail to veto it. Most abolitionists did not support Taylor, since he was a slave-owner. In February 1848, Taylor again announced that he would not accept either party's presidential nomination. Taylor's reluctance to identify himself as a Whig nearly cost him the party's presidential nomination, but Senator John J. Crittenden of Kentucky and other supporters finally convinced Taylor
Zachary Taylor
13258739
early 1847. The United States defeated Mexico in the Mexican–American War and acquired the Mexican Cession in the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. After the war, Douglas attempted to avoid the debate over the Wilmot Proviso by immediately admitting the territory acquired from Mexico as one single, huge state. His proposal would have allowed the inhabitants of the new state to determine the status of slavery themselves, but Northerners and Southerners alike rejected the plan. In 1850, Senator Henry Clay introduced a multi-part proposal to admit California as a free state, establish the New Mexico and Utah territories, ban the
Stephen A. Douglas
659490
simply be extended west to the Pacific. This was voted down 89–54. The vote to add the proviso to the bill was then called, and it passed by 83–64. A last-ditch effort by southerners to table the entire bill was defeated by 94–78, and then the entire bill was approved 85–80. These votes fell overwhelmingly along sectional rather than party lines. The Senate took up the bill late in its Monday session. Southern Democrats hoped to reject the Wilmot Proviso and send the bill back to the House for a quick approval of the bill without the restrictions on slavery.
Wilmot Proviso
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had prevented a direct Northern attack on slavery. While the original Southern response to the Wilmot Proviso was measured, it soon became clear to the South that this long postponed attack on slavery had finally occurred. Rather than simply discuss the politics of the issue, historian William Freehling noted, "Most Southerners raged primarily because David Wilmot's holier-than-thou stance was so insulting." In the North, the most immediate repercussions involved Martin Van Buren and the state of New York. The Barnburners were successfully opposed by their conservative opposition, the Hunkers, in their efforts to send a pro-proviso batch of delegates to
Wilmot Proviso
205418
A freshman Democratic Congressman, David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, previously a firm supporter of Polk's administration, offered an amendment to the bill—the "Wilmot Proviso"—that would ban slavery in any land acquired using the money. The appropriation bill, with the Wilmot Proviso attached, passed the House, but died in the Senate. This discord cost Polk's party, as Democrats lost control of the House in the 1846 elections. In early 1847, though, Polk was successful in passing a bill raising further regiments, and he also finally won approval for the appropriation. In July 1846, American envoy Alexander Slidell Mackenzie had met with Santa
James K. Polk
571094
law. The Compromise of 1850 was formally proposed by Clay and guided to passage by Douglas over Northern Whig and Southern Democrat opposition. It was enacted September 1850 with the following terms: Most Northern Whigs, led by William Henry Seward, who delivered his famous "Higher Law" speech during the controversy, opposed the Compromise as well because it would apply the Wilmot Proviso to the western territories and because of the pressing of ordinary citizens into duty on slave-hunting patrols. That provision was inserted by Democratic Virginia Senator James M. Mason to entice border-state Whigs, who faced the greatest danger of
Compromise of 1850
11228344
slavery in any newly acquired lands. The appropriations bill, including the Wilmot Proviso, passed the House with the support Northern Whigs and Northern Democrats, breaking the normal pattern of partisan division in congressional votes. Wilmot himself held anti-slavery views, but many pro-slavery Northern Democrats voted for the bill out of anger at Polk's perceived bias towards the South. The partition of Oregon, the debate over the tariff, and Van Buren's antagonism towards Polk all contributed to Northern anger. The appropriations bill, including the ban on slavery, was defeated in the Senate, but the Wilmot Proviso injected the slavery debate into
Presidency of James K. Polk
7081093
Wilmot Union High School Wilmot Union High School is a public secondary school located in Wilmot, Wisconsin, an unincorporated community in the town of Salem, Kenosha County, Wisconsin. Founded in the 1870s, the high school serves grades 9 to 12. Both the school and the community are named after the Wilmot Proviso, by David Wilmot. The school is the sole member of the Wilmot Union High School District, and is fed by several elementary districts, including Randall School District, Twin Lakes School District, Silver Lake School District, Salem School District, Wheatland School District, and the Trevor-Wilmot Consolidated School District. In
Wilmot Union High School
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plagued the Whigs on Texas now beset the Democrats on expansion, the issue the Democrats themselves had chosen as their own. The proviso also announced to southerners that they had to face the challenge of certain northern Democrats who indicated their unwillingness to follow any longer the southern lead on slavery. That circumstance struck at the very roots of the southern conception of party. The southerners had always felt that their Northern colleagues must toe the southern line on all slavery-related issues. In Alabama, with no available candidate sufficiently opposed to the proviso, William L. Yancey secured the adoption by
Wilmot Proviso
9696442
Proviso Township, Cook County, Illinois Proviso Township is one of 29 townships in Cook County, Illinois, United States. As of the 2010 census, its population was 151,704. It was organized in 1850 and originally named "Taylor", but shortly afterward its name was changed to make reference to the Wilmot Proviso, a contemporary piece of legislation intended to stop the spread of slavery. The Proviso Township government office is located at 4565 W. Harrison Street, Hillside, IL 60162. According to the United States Census Bureau, Proviso Township covers an area of . The township contains these fifteen cemeteries: Concordia, Forest Home,
Proviso Township, Cook County, Illinois
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to house these instruments. The Laboratory will be used for classes such as Small Pop Ensemble. Wilmot Union High School Wilmot Union High School is a public secondary school located in Wilmot, Wisconsin, an unincorporated community in the town of Salem, Kenosha County, Wisconsin. Founded in the 1870s, the high school serves grades 9 to 12. Both the school and the community are named after the Wilmot Proviso, by David Wilmot. The school is the sole member of the Wilmot Union High School District, and is fed by several elementary districts, including Randall School District, Twin Lakes School District, Silver
Wilmot Union High School
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as 1848 as an alternative to the Wilmot Proviso, and Secretary of State William L. Marcy both told Pierce that repeal would create serious political problems. The full cabinet met and only Secretary of War Jefferson Davis and Secretary of Navy James C. Dobbin supported repeal. Instead the president and cabinet submitted to Douglas an alternative plan that would have sought out a judicial ruling on the constitutionality of the Missouri Compromise. Both Pierce and Attorney General Caleb Cushing believed that the Supreme Court would find it unconstitutional. Douglas's committee met later that night. Douglas was agreeable to the proposal,
Kansas–Nebraska Act
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hoped to find a way of compromise and to repress the underlying issue of slavery itself – its toleration or non-toleration by a great free Christian state – were overwhelmingly in the majority. But history showed that in crises of this sort the two sets of extremists were almost certain to grow in power, swallowing up more and more members of the conciliatory center. Combined with other slavery-related issues, the Wilmot Proviso led to the Compromise of 1850, which helped buy another uncertain decade of peace. Radical secessionists were temporarily at bay as the Nashville Convention failed to endorse secession.
Wilmot Proviso
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a Jeffersonian Democrat with his father, for the election of Andrew Jackson's second term. His involvement in the anti-slavery and freesoil causes began while in the employ of David Wilmot in Towanda, Pennsylvania. Wilmot, who later became a U.S. Congressman in 1844 and introduced the Wilmot Proviso. After the following incident in Wilmot's office in 1842, Hurlbut became a freesoiler sympathizer, making speeches and traveling by wagon with a flag inscribed "Polk and the Tariff" in 1844, and advocated for Cass in 1848: From Hurlbut's arrival in Wisconsin in 1850, he is known for the following: Colonel Hurlbut was raised
Edwin Hurlbut
7879242
Southern convention be held in Mississippi to address the growing issue of the Federal government placing limits on the growth of slavery. The delegates to the October 1, 1849, Mississippi Convention denounced the controversial Wilmot Proviso, and the slaveholding states agreed to send delegates to Nashville to define a resistance strategy in the face of perceived Northern aggression. Mississippi's legislature appropriated $20,000 for the expenses of their Nashville delegates and $200,000 for any "necessary measures for protecting the state ... in the event of the passage of the Wilmot Proviso." One hundred seventy-six delegates from Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Nashville Convention
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Polk argued that, while the original intent of the war had never been to acquire territory (a view hotly contested by his opponents), an honorable peace required territorial compensation to the United States. The Three Million Dollar Bill, as it was called, was the sole item of business in the House from February 8, 1847, until February 15. Preston King reintroduced the Wilmot Proviso, but this time the exclusion of slavery was expanded beyond merely the Mexican territory to include "any territory on the continent of America which shall hereafter be acquired". This time Representative Stephen Douglas, Democrat of Illinois,
Wilmot Proviso
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from the plates." It was then proposed that a proviso be added to section 53 "that no publication reprinted from such stereotype or electrotype plates shall be copyrighted." The opposition was not satisfied with that but accepted a further proposal that the proviso be extended by inserting the words "and no other Government publication." The bill was passed with the proviso in that form. Perhaps the opposition had anticipated and sought to forestall what happened subsequently: After several volumes of the Presidential Messages were compiled by Mr. Richardson and Congress authorized them to be printed and distributed by the Government
Printing Act of 1895
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has been commemorated every year in Maywood since 1942. 137 township residents were killed or captured during the event. Proviso Township, Cook County, Illinois Proviso Township is one of 29 townships in Cook County, Illinois, United States. As of the 2010 census, its population was 151,704. It was organized in 1850 and originally named "Taylor", but shortly afterward its name was changed to make reference to the Wilmot Proviso, a contemporary piece of legislation intended to stop the spread of slavery. The Proviso Township government office is located at 4565 W. Harrison Street, Hillside, IL 60162. According to the United
Proviso Township, Cook County, Illinois
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declare war on Mexico after U.S. and Mexican forces clashed near the Rio Grande River. Douglas considered volunteering to serve in the war, but President Polk convinced him to remain in Congress, where he would serve as an advocate for Polk's policies. He was one of four Northern Democrats to vote against the Wilmot Proviso, which would have banned slavery from any land ceded by Mexico. Douglas instead favored extending the Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery north of the parallel 36°30′ north in the Louisiana Purchase, to all U.S. territories, but his proposal was defeated by Northern congressmen. In
Stephen A. Douglas
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Emerson attacked the popular war. Thoreau, who served jail time for his opposition, turned a lecture into an essay now known as "Civil Disobedience". Emerson was succinct, predicting that, "The United States will conquer Mexico, but it will be as a man who swallowed the arsenic which brings him down in turn. Mexico will poison us." Events proved him right, as arguments over the expansion of slavery in the lands seized from Mexico would fuel the drift to civil war just a dozen years later. Democratic Representative David Wilmot introduced the Wilmot Proviso, which would prohibit slavery in new territory
Mexican–American War
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from Pennsylvania, and a group of other Barnburner Democrats including Preston King and Timothy Jenkins of New York, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, Gideon Welles of Connecticut, and Jacob Brinkerhoff of Ohio, had already been meeting in early August strategy meetings. Wilmot had a strong record of supporting the Polk Administration and was close to many Southerners. With the likelihood that Wilmot would have no trouble gaining the floor in the House debate, he was chosen to present the amendment to the appropriations bill that would carry his name. Wilmot offered the following to the House in language modeled after the
Wilmot Proviso
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opposed the Wilmot Proviso. He was an important ally to Illinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas. Douglas played a crucial role in formulating the Compromise of 1850, and McClernand served as a liaison for him the House of Representatives during the debate over the proposed compromise. McClernand also served as Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands from 1845 to 1847 and on the Committee on Foreign Affairs from 1849 to 1851. In 1850, McClernand declined to be a candidate for renomination, and his term expired in 1851. McClernand was again elected to the House to fill a vacancy caused by
John Alexander McClernand
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Senate. In the House the greater growth of the northern population gave it a greater proportion of votes, but in the Senate the even balance of slave and free states required that only a few northerners needed to support the South in order to hold the House in check. The clearest case came in the Wilmot Proviso votes of 1846 and 1847 when the Senate rejected the Proviso after its passage in the House. Of course, many Southerners still looked at these doughfaces from the same perspective as Randolph—weak men who, without any firm moral commitment to their cause other
Doughface
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Thomas Hart Benton, who was the father-in-law of Frémont. Whig opposition to the war grew after 1845, while some Democrats lost their initial enthusiasm. In August 1846, Polk asked Congress to appropriate $2 million in hopes of using that money as a down payment for the purchase of California in a treaty with Mexico. Polk's request ignited opposition to the war, as Polk had never before made public his desire to annex parts of Mexico (aside from lands claimed by Texas). A freshman Democratic Congressman, David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, offered an amendment known as the Wilmot Proviso that would ban
Presidency of James K. Polk
265445
Van Buren accepted the nomination to show the power of the anti-slavery movement, help defeat Cass, and weaken the Hunkers. At a convention held in Buffalo, New York in August 1848, a group of anti-slavery Democrats, Whigs, and members of the abolitionist Liberty Party met in the first national convention of what became known as the Free Soil Party. The convention unanimously nominated Van Buren, and chose Charles Francis Adams as Van Buren's running mate. In a public message accepting the nomination, Van Buren gave his full support for the Wilmot Proviso, a proposed law that would ban slavery in
Martin Van Buren
16495409
National Counter Terrorism Centre The National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) is a proposed federal anti-terror agency to be created in India, modelled on the National Counterterrorism Center of the USA. The proposal arose after the 2008 Mumbai attacks 26/11 attacks where several intelligence and operational failures revealed the need for a federal agency with real time intelligence inputs of actionable value specifically to counter terrorist acts against India. The proposal has however met with much criticism from the Chief Ministers of various states who see this as a means of weakening India's federalism. The terrorist attacks on Mumbai in 2008
National Counter Terrorism Centre
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the state Democratic convention of the so-called "Alabama Platform", which was endorsed by the legislatures of Alabama and Georgia and by Democratic state conventions in Florida and Virginia. The platform called for no federal restrictions of slavery in the territories, no restrictions on slavery by territorial governments until the point where they were drafting a state constitution in order to petition Congress for statehood, opposition to any candidates supporting either the proviso or popular sovereignty, and positive federal legislation overruling Mexican anti-slavery laws in the Mexican Cession. However, the same Democratic Convention that had refused to endorse the proviso also
Wilmot Proviso
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was nominated as the Democratic Party Candidate for Governor. He was opposed by David Wilmot, author of the Wilmot Proviso which aimed to ban the expansion of slavery to territories acquired from Mexico, and Isaac Hazlehurst of the Native American Party. The Panic of 1857 had crippled the nation's economy, including the Pennsylvania iron industry. With strong support for tariffs in more normal times, the Panic increased Pennsylvania's support for high tariffs, a stance which hurt the pro-free trade Wilmot. The question of the day, however, remained the issue of slavery in Kansas. Packer forwarded a letter to his friend,
William F. Packer
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(22), and Iowa (8). Some 86 votes were apportioned to the six states of New England. Slave and border states with substantial delegations under the rules (but with small actual party organizations) included Kentucky (23), Virginia (23), and Missouri (18). The total of all credentialed delegate votes was 466. With the convention called to order on May 16, former U.S. Representative David Wilmot of Pennsylvania was elected temporary chairman of the gathering. He had been the author in 1848 of the Wilmot Proviso which would have banned slavery from new states incorporated into the Union. Upon his election, Wilmot delivered
1860 Republican National Convention
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divisions within the party. On Saturday, August 8, 1846, President Polk submitted to Congress a request for $2,000,000 in order to facilitate negotiations with Mexico over the final settlement of the war. The request came with no public warning after Polk had failed to arrange for approval of the bill with no Congressional debate. With Congress scheduled to adjourn that Monday, Democratic leadership arranged for the bill to be immediately considered in a special night session. The debate was to be limited to two hours with no individual speech to last more than ten minutes. David Wilmot, a Democratic congressman
Wilmot Proviso
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Whig John Davis of Massachusetts attempted to forestall this effort by holding the floor until it would be too late to return the bill to the House, forcing the Senate to accept or reject the appropriation with the proviso intact. However, before he could call the vote, due to an eight-minute difference in the official House and Senate clocks, the House had adjourned and the Congress was officially out of session. The issue resurfaced at the end of the year when Polk, in his annual message to Congress, renewed his request with the amount needed increasing to three million dollars.
Wilmot Proviso
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slavery in its new territories became the dominant national issue. The Southern position was that slaves were property and therefore could be moved to the territories like all other forms of property. The 1820 Missouri Compromise provided for the admission of Missouri as a slave state and Maine as a free state, preserving the Senate's equality between the regions. In 1846, the Wilmot Proviso was introduced to a war appropriations bill to ban slavery in all territories acquired in the Mexican–American War; the Proviso repeatedly passed the House, but not the Senate. The Compromise of 1850 temporarily defused the issue
Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution
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membership of the University for women was being debated for the fourth time, and a proposal to grant full equality was proposed by a Syndicate appointed to report on the issue, there was only one speaker at the ensuing debate who opposed the proposal and that was Bruce Dickins. He "came forward to oppose the motion. He seemed to think he would be one of a long line of disputants, but he had the floor to himself and no one bothered to counter his plea against the proposed new status for women. In his view, the women did not have
Bruce Dickins
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Baltimore, Maryland before the split became permanent. The end result was that John C. Breckinridge became the candidate of the Southern Democrats, and Stephen Douglas became the candidate of the Northern Democrats. Yancey's previous 1848 attempt at demanding a slave code for the territories was his Alabama Platform, which was in response to the Northern Wilmot Proviso attempt at banning slavery in territories conquered from Mexico. Justice Peter V. Daniel wrote a letter about the Proviso to former President Martin Van Buren: "It is that view of the case which pretends to an insulting exclusiveness or superiority on the one
Origins of the American Civil War
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reelection in 1848 to the Thirty-first Congress. Jenkins was elected to the Thirty-second Congress (March 4, 1851 – March 3, 1853), and served as chairman of the Committee on Private Land Claims. He was an unsuccessful candidate for reelection in 1852 to the Thirty-third Congress. During his time in Congress, Jenkins was identified as a prominent opponent of slavery, including support for the Wilmot Proviso and opposition to the Kansas–Nebraska Act. According to some accounts, he was the Wilmot Proviso's actual author. As a result of his anti-slavery views Jenkins became a Republican when the party was founded. In 1856
Timothy Jenkins
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the 1844 elections, managing to win just 1 seat in 1848, just as they had previously in 1846. When Congress assembled on December 3, 1849, no single party was able to win a majority of the vote for Speaker of the House. The Whigs split; the majority renominating Robert Charles Winthrop of Massachusetts but the southern Whigs split off to support Meredith Poindexter Gentry of Tennessee. The Democrats put forth Howell Cobb of Georgia, while the Free Soilers supported David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, author of the Wilmot Proviso. The impasse continued until the 63rd ballot. Two dozen other candidates were
1848 United States House of Representatives elections
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of America's first post-Revolution war heroes. Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry earned the title "Hero of Lake Erie" after building a fleet at Erie, Pennsylvania and defeating the British at the Battle of Lake Erie. Pennsylvanians such as David Conner fought in the Mexican–American War, and Pennsylvania raised two regiments for the war. Pennsylvania Congressman David Wilmot earned national prominence for the Wilmot Proviso, which would have banned slavery in territory acquired from Mexico. Philadelphia continued to be one of the most populous cities in the country, and it was the second largest city after New York for most of the
History of Pennsylvania
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known today as boot camp or recruit training, to prepare the men for combat. The Citadel cadets who trained the Palmetto Regiment were known as drillmasters, a term which later evolved into drill instructors. Under Pierce M. Butler, J.P. Dickinson, and A.H. Gladden, the Palmetto Regiment's flag entered Mexico City before any other. Chiefly due to disease, however, only 300 men returned alive of the 1,100 South Carolinian volunteers who fought. As the Mexican War drew to a close, the introduction of the Wilmot Proviso in the U.S. Congress raised sectional tensions, this time over the issue of slavery. Introduced
Antebellum South Carolina
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Soil Democrats (those who followed David Wilmot and his Proviso) and anti-slavery Whigs had combined to form the Republican Party. Young America's New York Democrats who opposed slavery saw an opportunity to express their abolitionist sentiments. As a result, Horace Greeley's "New York Tribune" began to replace the "Democratic Review" as the central outlet for Young America's ever-evolving politics. In fact, Greeley's "Tribune" became a major advocate of not only abolition, but also of land and labor reform. The combined cause of land and labor reform was perhaps best exemplified by George Henry Evans' National Reform Association (NRA). In 1846,
Young America movement
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a congressman from Pennsylvania whose Wilmot proviso tried to stop the expansion of slavery in the Southwest; Benjamin Wade and Edward Wade, a senator and a congressman, respectively, from Ohio; and Jessie Benton Frémont of Missouri and California, wife of the Republican 1856 presidential nominee John C. Frémont. The Democrats who rallied to Martin Van Buren's Free Soil Party in 1848 have been studied by Earle (2003). Their views on race occupied a wide spectrum, but they were able to fashion new and vital arguments against slavery and its expansion based on the Jacksonian Democracy's long-standing commitment to egalitarianism and
Slave Power
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tinware business in St. Louis, eventually amassing a fortune and retired in 1873. He was a director of the Bank of the State of Missouri, and "subscribed largely" to the Kansas Pacific Railway. He contributed financially to Frank P. Blair's antislavery newspaper the "St. Louis Union." Originally, Filley was a "hard money Jackson Democrat" and an personal friend of Thomas H. Benton, the Democratic U.S. Senator from Missouri from 1821 to 1851 who was a champion of westward expansion in the United States, a cause that became known as Manifest Destiny. During the time late 1840s when the Wilmot Proviso
Oliver Filley
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and duty to exclude slavery from the territories, and in a letter in December of that year he said: "I think the country is to experience serious times. Interference with slavery will excite civil commotion in the South. But it is best to interfere. Now is the time to see whether the Union is a rope of sand or a band of steel." Again he said: "I consider no evil as great as slavery, and I would pass the Wilmot Proviso whether the South rebel or not." During the first session, he volunteered as counsel for Drayton and Sayres, who
Horace Mann
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annex all of Mexico. On the expansion of slavery to new territories, Johnson was a champion of states' rights. He denounced the Wilmot Proviso to prohibit slavery in territories. One of the most important accomplishments during Johnson's administration was an act establishing the University of Louisiana, a bill he signed in 1847. Johnson's leadership was a disappointment to state Democratic leaders because he appointed Whigs to office and did not advance strict party disciplines. By 1848, he had fallen out of favor, and Democrats who supported home-state candidate Zachary Taylor helped carry the state for the Whigs in the 1848
Isaac Johnson
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counterproposal to the proposed amendment and put it to vote on the same day as the original proposal. Such counter-proposals are usually a compromise between the status quo and the wording of the initiative. Voters will decide in a national vote whether to accept the initiative amendment, the counter proposal put forward by the government if any, or both. If both are accepted, one has to additionally signal a preference. Initiatives (that are of constitutional level) have to be accepted by a double majority of both the popular votes and a majority of the cantons, while counter-proposals may be of
Politics of Switzerland
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one-by-one. The compromise faced strong opposition from Northerners like William Seward, who favored the Wilmot Proviso and attacked the fugitive slave provision, and Southerners like John C. Calhoun, who opposed the creation of new free states. With the help of President Millard Fillmore, Douglas put together a bipartisan coalition of Whigs and Democrats that passed the compromise in the Senate. Along with Fillmore and other supporters of the compromise, Douglas's lobbying helped ensure that the compromise also passed the House of Representatives. Fillmore signed the compromise bills into law, ending the sectional crisis. Douglas's role in passing the compromise gave
Stephen A. Douglas
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people, who will be affected by this question to adjust it upon their own responsibility, and in their own manner, and we shall render another tribute to the original principles of our government, and furnish another for its permanence and prosperity. With the approval of the treaty, the issue moved from one of abstraction to one involving practical matters. The nature of the Constitution, slavery, the value of free labor, political power, and ultimately political realignment were all involved in the debate. Historian Michael Morrison argues that from 1820 to 1846 a combination of "racism and veneration of the Union"
Wilmot Proviso
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Jacob Brinkerhoff Jacob Brinkerhoff (August 31, 1810 – July 19, 1880) was an American jurist, Congressman, and author of the Wilmot Proviso. Brinkerhoff was born in Niles, Cayuga County, New York. He was schooled at the academy at Prattsburgh, New York, and studied law in the office of Howell and Bro. Two years later he moved to Mansfield, Ohio, where in 1837 he was admitted to the bar and began to practice in partnership with Thomas W. Bartley. In October of that year he married Carolina Campbell, who died in 1839. He married, secondly, Marian Titus, of Detroit, Michigan, by
Jacob Brinkerhoff
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French Lick. (Lane later changed the name of Mile Lick to West Baden.) Lane built the first hotel at West Baden, Indiana, beginning a long-standing rivalry between Bowles's hotel at French Lick and Lane's establishment at West Baden. The original hotels are no longer extant, but resort hotels continue to operate at both locations, slightly more than a mile apart. In 1846 Bowles was one of several men who helped organize a local militia company to fight in the Mexican–American War, the result of federal legislation such as the Wilmot Proviso. His company was assigned to the 2nd Indiana Volunteer
William A. Bowles
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who voted against the Mexican–American War. Davis was opposed to slavery and its extension into the territories, but he voted for most of the provisions of the Compromise of 1850, including the bill on Texas borders, shocking some anti-compromise Whigs. He regularly voted in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, a measure to ban slavery from territories won in the Mexican war which was frequently attached to legislation in the late 1840s but was never adopted. In one notable debate, Davis used procedural measures to delay vote on an amendment to remove it from a military appropriations bill, hoping to force
John Davis (Massachusetts governor)
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issues". Finkelman argues that the central accomplishment of Fillmore's tenure, the Compromise of 1850, should instead be called the "Appeasement of 1850" due to its abandoning of the Wilmot Proviso, thereby opening up all of the territories of the Mexican Cession to slavery. Although Fillmore has become something of a cult figure as America's most forgettable chief executive, Smith found him to be "a conscientious president" who chose to honor his oath of office and enforce the Fugitive Slave Act, rather than govern based on his personal preferences. According to Smith, the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act has given
Presidency of Millard Fillmore
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expressed in local communities that are nearly autonomous while serving as units of a larger society. Calhoun led the pro-slavery faction in the Senate, opposing both total abolitionism and attempts such as the Wilmot Proviso to limit the expansion of slavery into the western territories. Calhoun's father, Patrick Calhoun, helped shape his son's political views. He was a staunch supporter of slavery who taught his son that social standing depended not merely on a commitment to the ideal of popular self-government but also on the ownership of a substantial number of slaves. Flourishing in a world in which slaveholding was
John C. Calhoun
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executive, in particular from the NICRA chair and veteran communist Betty Sinclair who felt that unionists would see the march simply as a nationalist demonstration. After extended discussion the proposal was agreed and a march organised for 24 August. A counter-protest was planned by Ian Paisley's Ulster Protestant Volunteers, who viewed that the proposed march through the unionist-dominated Market Square was provocative. Hoping to avoid a confrontation, the UUP MP for South Tyrone, John Taylor, tried to get Paisley to abandon the counter protest, and have the NICRA march rerouted. The call for a reroute was supported by the Unionist
Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association
185401
the beginning of 1857, after which he returned to the Senate. Hamlin was an active opponent of slavery; he supported the Wilmot Proviso and opposed the Compromise Measures of 1850. In 1854, he strongly opposed passage of the Kansas–Nebraska Act. Hamlin's increasingly anti-slavery views caused him to leave the Democratic Party for the newly formed Republican Party in 1856. In 1860, Hamlin was the Republican nominee for Vice President; selected to run with Abraham Lincoln, who was from Illinois, Hamlin was chosen in part to bring geographic balance to the ticket and in part because as a former Democrat, he
Hannibal Hamlin
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States. After Taylor's forces clashed with Mexican soldiers north of the Rio Grande, Polk asked for a declaration of war in early 1846, asserting that Mexico had invaded American territory. Though some Whigs questioned whether Mexico had really begun an aggressive war against the United States, both houses of Congress declared war, with the House voting 174-to-14 to approve the declaration. Adams, who believed that Polk was seeking to wage an offensive war in order to extend the institution of slavery, was one of the 14 dissenting votes. After the start of the war, he supported the Wilmot Proviso, an
John Quincy Adams
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Cromwell"), representing a black woman and her children who claimed she had already been freed and could not be sold as a slave. In 1845, he successfully defended Marvin Pond ("People v. Pond") for harboring the fugitive slave John Hauley. In 1847, he lost a case ("Matson v. Rutherford") representing a slave owner (Robert Matson) claiming return of fugitive slaves. While a congressman from Illinois in 1846 to 1848, Lincoln supported the Wilmot Proviso, which, if it had been adopted, would have banned slavery in any U.S. territory won from Mexico. Lincoln, in collaboration with abolitionist Congressman Joshua R. Giddings,
Abraham Lincoln and slavery
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by proposing that California and New Mexico be admitted as free states immediately. After Taylor's death in July 1850, Fillmore, a moderate Whig, had supported Clay's compromise and was instrumental as president in its passage. Northern Whigs, led by William Henry Seward, adamantly opposed the compromise because it did not apply the Wilmot Proviso (which banned slavery in any territory acquired from Mexico) to the western territories. Northern Whigs launched an effort to associate Scott with the Free Soil wing of the party. Scott did not agree with the Free Soilers, who opposed the expansion of slavery into the western
1852 Whig National Convention
439098
Congress in the hopes of ending the controversies over slavery and its five separate bills became law in September 1850. After 1850, the Whigs were unable to deal with the slavery issue. Their Southern leaders nearly all owned slaves. The northeastern Whigs, led by Daniel Webster, represented businessmen who loved national unity and a national market, but cared little about slavery one way or another. However, many Whig voters in the North thought that slavery was incompatible with a free labor, free market economy and supported the Wilmot Proviso, which did not pass Congress, but would have stopped the expansion
Whig Party (United States)
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and helped settle the Oregon boundary dispute with Britain. He then returned to the Senate, where he opposed the Mexican–American War, the Wilmot Proviso, and the Compromise of 1850 before his death in 1850. Calhoun often served as a virtual party-independent who variously aligned as needed with Democrats and Whigs. Later in life, Calhoun became known as the "cast-iron man" for his rigid defense of white Southern beliefs and practices. His concept of republicanism emphasized approval of slavery and minority rights, as particularly embodied by the Southern states—he owned dozens of slaves in Fort Hill, South Carolina. Calhoun also asserted
John C. Calhoun
1274487
John Gaines (1840-1912) both became church leaders. Throughout the 1840s and 1850s, Toombs fought to reconcile national policies with his personal and sectional interests. He had opposed the Annexation of Texas but vowed to defend the new state once it was annexed late in 1845. He also opposed the Mexican–American War, President Polk's Oregon policy, the Walker Tariff of 1846 and the Wilmot Proviso, first introduced in 1846. In common with Alexander H. Stephens and Howell Cobb, he defended Henry Clay's Compromise of 1850 against southerners who advocated secession from the Union as the only solution to sectional tensions over
Robert Toombs
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gag rule in the House (1836–1844), and the wider subject of the Wilmot Proviso and slavery expansion in the Southwest after the Mexican war of 1846–1848. However, the North was adding population—and House seats—much faster than the South, so the handwriting was on the wall. With the implacable Republicans gaining every year, the secession option became more and more attractive to the South. Secession was suicidal, as some leaders realized—and as John Quincy Adams had long prophesied. Secession, argued James Henry Hammond of South Carolina, reminded him of "the Japanese who when insulted rip open their own bowels." And yet
Slave Power
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June 8, with Taylor, Scott, Henry Clay, and Massachusetts Senator Daniel Webster emerging as the major candidates. Taylor narrowly led Clay after the first ballot, and his support steadily grew until he captured the nomination on the fourth ballot. Clay bemoaned the selection of the ideologically ambiguous Taylor, who had not articulated his preferred policies on the major issues of the day. The Whigs chose former Congressman Millard Fillmore of New York as Taylor's running mate. In New York, an anti-slavery Democratic faction known as the Barnburners strongly supported the Wilmot Proviso and rejected Cass. Joined by other anti-slavery Democrats
Presidency of James K. Polk
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of measures that would establish a civil government. Amongst the measures was one which would have organized a single criminal justice system applicable to all Oregon pioneers not employed by the Hudson's Bay Company. The proposed positions included a governor, an attorney general, justices of the peace, road commissioners, and even two people to serve as overseers of the indigent. This initial proposal was rebuked by François Blanchet, who counter-proposed a looser system with the post of a judge, rather than a governor, as the highest position. The second meeting, held the following day, was chaired by David Leslie. To
Champoeg Meetings
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Herrmann proposed an experimental approach to counter Allied night bombing. His proposal, which he had tested in trials secretly, was picked up and expanded by Viktor von Loßberg, by prepared reports from his staff group. Loßberg presented his proposal on 29 July, before the "Luftwaffe" leadership, Erhard Milch and Hermann Göring. The successful trial runs of the new tactic convinced them and especially Hitler to officially put this doctrine into use. The new tactic outlined in Herrmann's report envisaged the use of free-ranging day fighters (and to a lesser extent night fighters) to counter Bomber Command. The single-engined fighters were
Wilde Sau
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Michigan Proposal 08-2 Michigan Proposal 08-2 of 2008 proposes to amend the Michigan Constitution to remove restrictions on stem cell research in Michigan while maintaining the ban on human cloning. Opponents counter that it will raise taxes. The proposal was passed on November 4, 2008 by voters by a 53 - 47% margin. The text of the amendment stated: The proposed constitutional amendment would: In October, former President Bill Clinton came to Michigan to speak in favor of adopting Proposal 2. The Michigan State Medical Society took a neutral position on this ballot measure, as well as on two other
Michigan Proposal 08-2
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proposal remained under consideration. However, the next day Napoléon Joseph Curial, François Joseph Ducoux and Félix Chadenet wrote letters that disputed the accuracy of the vote count. The Rateau proposal was revived on 29 January 1894, when the recommendation of the committee that the Assembly should pass all the organic laws before dissolution was rejected by 416 votes to 405. Armand Fresneau, Victor Hugo and Mathieu de Combarel de Leyval supported the Rateau proposal, which was definitively adopted, despite lengthy counter arguments by Jules Favre. The Rateau proposal was adopted after an amendment proposed by Victor Lanjuinais by 470 votes
Jean-Pierre Rateau
897059
the slavery issue, and as a Conscience Whig he took steps including the organization of a convention in Concord opposed to the annexation of Texas because it would expand slavery. As a result of this effort, in late 1845 Wilson and abolitionist John Greenleaf Whittier were chosen to submit in person a petition to Congress containing the signatures of 65,000 Massachusetts residents opposed to Texas annexation. Wilson was a delegate to the 1848 Whig National Convention, but left the party after it nominated slave owner Zachary Taylor for president and took no position on the Wilmot Proviso, which would have
Henry Wilson
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in 1848 called for Mexico to give up not only its claims to Texas, but also to New Mexico, California, and all the territory in between. A few Whigs joined the Democratic majority in Congress to ratify the treaty and defeat the Wilmot Proviso, which would have banned slavery in the newly acquired territory. Friends encouraged Crittenden to run for president in the 1848 election. A Nashville newspaper declared its support for him as early as 1846. A Democratic senator from Rhode Island opined that Crittenden could win support from a sizable number of Democrats in addition to the support
John J. Crittenden
4504228
option to and from downtown Manhattan. It made Brooklyn Heights Manhattan’s first suburb, and put Downtown Brooklyn on its way to becoming a commercial center, and the heart of the City of Brooklyn. The city was home to many prominent abolitionists at a time when most of New York was indifferent to slavery. Many Brooklyn churches agitated against legalized slavery in the 1850s and 1860s and some acted as safehouses as part of the Underground Railroad movement. Walt Whitman was fired from his job as a reporter at the Brooklyn Eagle due to his support for the Wilmot Proviso when
Downtown Brooklyn
17367240
The proposal to change the top flight numbers did not proceed because of opposition from four SPL clubs, with only two needed to block any change of that nature. Talks continued about the proposed league merger. A proposal for a merged league body with a 12–12–18 structure was advanced in April 2013. This plan failed when two SPL clubs (Ross County and St Mirren) voted against. The SPL clubs unanimously agreed a revised merger plan a few weeks later, which would retain the same league structure and redistribute more revenues to second tier clubs. The SFL submitted a counter-proposal allowing
Scottish Professional Football League
9840966
the introduction of the Wilmot Proviso in August 1846 that the national debate began to split along sectional lines. During the "prolonged deadlock of 1846-50" the idea of secession as a possible solution to Northern threats against slavery began to take root among more and more Southerners. In December 1849 Congressman Alexander Stephens, the future vice-president of the Confederacy, wrote to his brother, "I find the feeling among the Southern members for a dissolution of the Union – if the antislavery [measures] should be pressed to extremity – is becoming more general than at first." In the United States Congress
Georgia Platform
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the bill on March 1, 1845, a few days before his term ended. As many expected, the annexation led to war with Mexico. After the Capture of New Mexico and California in the first phases of the war, the political focus shifted to how much territory would be acquired from Mexico. The key to this was the determination of the future status of slavery in any new territory. Both major political parties had labored long to keep divisive slavery issues out of national politics. The Democrats had generally been successful in portraying those within their party attempting to push a
Wilmot Proviso
12568677
In 1852, Buchanan was named president of the Board of Trustees of Franklin and Marshall College in Lancaster, and he served in this capacity until 1866, despite a false report that he was fired. He quietly campaigned for the 1852 Democratic presidential nomination, writing a public letter that deplored the Wilmot Proviso as divisive and fanatical. Buchanan became known as a "doughface" due to his sympathy towards the South. At the 1852 Democratic National Convention, Buchanan won the support of many southern delegates but failed to win the two-thirds support needed for the presidential nomination, which went to Franklin Pierce.
James Buchanan
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as a mathematics professor at the Charleston College from 1843 to 1855. In the late 1840s, as sectional issues roiled South Carolina politics, Miles began to speak up on sectional issues. He opposed both the Wilmot Proviso and the Compromise of 1850. From then on, Miles would look at any northern efforts to restrict slavery as justification for secession. Miles was elected as mayor of Charleston in 1855 and served in the United States House of Representatives from 1857 until South Carolina seceded, in December 1860. He was a member of the state secession convention and a representative from South
William Porcher Miles
4153459
A. Elmore. No longer a planter, Yancey still remained a slaveholder, owning 11 slaves in 1850, 14 by 1852, and 24 between 1858 and 1860. While he had suggested with his resignation that his active role in politics might be over, "perhaps forever", Yancey found this to be impossible. Yancey recognized the significance of the Wilmot Proviso to the South and in 1847, as the first talk of slaveholder Zachary Taylor as a presidential candidate surfaced, Yancey saw him as a possibility for bringing together a Southern political movement that would cross party lines. Yancey made it clear that his
William Lowndes Yancey
659502
the national stage. He expected to be able to accomplish this by freezing slavery at its 1849 boundaries and by immediately bypassing the territory stage and creating two new states out of the Mexican Cession. The opening salvo in a new level of sectional conflict occurred on December 13, 1848, when John G. Palfrey (Whig) of Massachusetts introduced a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Throughout 1849 in the South "the rhetoric of resistance to the North escalated and spread". The potentially secessionist Nashville Convention was scheduled for June 1850. When President Taylor in his December 1849
Wilmot Proviso
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advocates James De Bow and William Henry Trescot. Miles graduated in 1842 and in 1843 he briefly studied law with a local attorney before returning to his alma mater as a mathematics professor. Throughout the 1840s Miles showed little interest in active politics. He did not participate in the Bluffton Movement in 1844, although he did recognize that the 1846 Wilmot Proviso threatened his concepts of "southern rights, the equality of the states under the Constitution, and the honor of a slaveholding people." In 1849 Miles was invited to speak at a Fourth of July celebration in Charleston. In this
William Porcher Miles
12568000
he opposed slavery in those territories as a needless source of controversy. His major goal was sectional peace, preserving the Union through legislative compromise. As the threat of Southern secession grew, he sided increasingly with antislavery northerners such as Senator William H. Seward of New York, even suggesting that he would sign the Wilmot Proviso to ban slavery in federal territories should such a bill reach his desk. In Taylor's view, the best way forward was to admit California as a state rather than a federal territory, as it would leave the slavery question out of Congress's hands. The timing
Zachary Taylor
659482
the South had greater representation. It was reintroduced in February 1847 and again passed the House and failed in the Senate. In 1848, an attempt to make it part of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo also failed. Sectional political disputes over slavery in the Southwest continued until the Compromise of 1850. After an earlier attempt to acquire Texas by treaty had failed to receive the necessary two-thirds approval of the Senate, the United States annexed the Republic of Texas by a joint resolution of Congress that required simply a majority vote in each house of Congress. President John Tyler signed
Wilmot Proviso