On April 12, 1865, the American Civil War officially came to end when the Union Army accepted the unconditional surrender of the Confederacy on the steps of a courthouse in Appomattox, VA. The Union Army, led by two hundred thousand black soldiers, had destroyed the institution of slavery; as a result of their victory, black people were now to be no longer property but citizens of the United States.
The Civil Rights Act of 1866, the first declaration of civil rights in the United States, stated that
citizens of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, shall have the same right, in every State and Territory in the United States . . . to full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens.
There was no ambiguity that the war had buried chattel slavery once and for all. Days after the surrender of the Confederacy, Abraham Lincoln rode into Richmond, VA, the former capital of the slaveholders, where he stood upon the stairs of the former Confederate capitol building and told a large gathering crowd of black people days into their freedom,
In reference to you, colored people, let me say God has made you free. Although you have been deprived of your God-given rights by your so-called Masters, you are now as free as I am, and if those that claim to be your superiors do not know that you are free, take the sword and bayonet and teach them that you are — for God created all men free, giving to each the same rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
One hundred and fifty years later, on April 12, 2015, at nine in the morning, 217 miles north of the Appomattox courthouse, Freddie Gray, a twenty-five-year-old black man, was arrested by the Baltimore police. His only apparent crime was making eye contact with the police and then running away. Gray was loaded into a van. By the time he emerged forty-five minutes later, his neck had been snapped and 80 percent of his spinal cord severed.
The distance from the end of the Civil War, with the birth of black citizenship and civil rights, to the state-sanctioned beating and torture of Gray constitutes the gap between formal equality before the law and the self-determination and self-possession inherent in actual freedom — the right to be free from oppression, the right to make determinations about your life free from duress, coercion, or threat of harm. Freedom in the United States has been elusive, contingent, and fraught with contradictions and unattainable promises — for everyone.
Black people were not freed into an American Dream, but into what Malcolm X described as an “American nightmare” of economic inequality and unchecked injustice. The full extent of this inequality was masked by racial terrorism.
One hundred years after Emancipation, African Americans dismantled the last vestiges of legal discrimination with the Civil Rights Movement, but the excitement of the movement quickly faded as American cities combusted with black people who were angry and disillusioned at being locked out of the riches of American society. Hundreds of thousands of African Americans participated in the uprisings in search of resolutions to the problems of lead poisoning, rat infestations, hunger and malnutrition, underemployment, poor schools, and persisting poverty.
Where liberals and radicals often converged was in the demand that blacks should have greater political control over their communities. For liberals, black electoral politics was a sign of political maturity as the movement left the streets for the poll booth, urban governance, and community control. The problem was not “the system;” it was exclusion from access to all that American society had to offer.
Some radicals were also lured by the possibility of self-governance and community control. Indeed, it was a viable strategy, given that much of black life was controlled by white elected officials and white-led institutions. The question remained, however: could the machinery wielded in the oppression of blacks now be retooled in the name of black self-determination?
If freedom had in one era been imagined as inclusion in the mainstream of American society, including access to its political and financial institutions, then the last fifty years have yielded a mixed record. Indeed, since the last gasps of the black insurgency in the 1970s, there are many measures of black accomplishment and achievement in a country where black people were never intended to survive as free people.
Is there no greater symbol of a certain kind of black accomplishment than a black president? For those who consider mastery of American politics and black political representation as the highest expression of inclusion in the mainstream, we are surely in the heyday of American “race relations.” Yet, paradoxically, at a moment when African Americans have achieved what no rational person could have imagined when the Civil War ended, we have simultaneously entered a new period of black protest, black radicalization, and the birth of a new black left.
No one knows what will come of this new political development, but many know the causes of its gestation. For as much success as some African Americans have achieved, 4 million black children live in poverty, 1 million black people are incarcerated, and 240,000 black people lost their homes as a result of the foreclosure crisis — resulting in the loss of hundreds of millions of dollars in black savings.
Never before in American history has a black president presided over the misery of millions of black people, the denial of the most basic standards for health, happiness, and basic humanity. Entertainer and activist Harry Belafonte recalled his last conversation with Martin Luther King Jr, in which King lamented, “I’ve come upon something that disturbs me deeply. . . . We have fought hard and long for integration, as I believe we should have, and I know that we will win. But I’ve come to believe we’re integrating into a burning house.”
The aspiration of black liberation cannot be separated from what happens in the United States as a whole. Black life cannot be transformed while the country burns all around it. The fires consuming the United States are stoked by the widespread alienation of low wage and meaningless work, unaffordable rents, suffocating debt, and the boredom of poverty.
The essence of economic inequality is borne out in a simple fact: there are 400 billionaires in the United States and 45 million people living in poverty. These are not parallel facts; they are intersecting facts. There are 400 American billionaires because there are 45 million people living in poverty. Profit comes at the expense of the living wage.
Corporate executives, university presidents, and capitalists in general are living the good life — because so many others are living a life of hardship. The struggle for black liberation, then, is not an abstract idea molded in isolation from the wider phenomenon of economic exploitation and inequality that pervades all of American society; it is intimately bound up with them.
The struggle for black liberation requires going beyond the standard narrative that black people have come a long way but have a long way to go — which, of course, says nothing about where it is that we are actually trying to get to. It requires understanding the origins and nature of black oppression and racism more generally. Most importantly, it requires a strategy, some sense of how we get from the current situation to the future.
Perhaps at its most basic level, black liberation implies a world where black people can live in peace, without the constant threat of the social, economic, and political woes of a society that places almost no value on the vast majority of black lives. It would mean living in a world where black lives matter.
While it is true that when black people get free, everyone gets free, black people in America cannot “get free” alone. In that sense, black liberation is bound up with the project of human liberation and social transformation.
Mnamo Aprili 12, 1865, Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe vya Marekani vilimalizika rasmi wakati Jeshi la Muungano lilipokubali kujisalimisha bila masharti kwa Confederate kwenye hatua za mahakama huko Appomattox, Virginia. Jeshi la Muungano, lililoongozwa na askari weusi elfu mia mbili, lilikuwa limeharibu taasisi ya utumwa; kama matokeo ya ushindi wao, watu weusi sasa hawakuwa mali tena bali raia wa Marekani. Sheria ya Haki za Kiraia ya 1866 ilisema kwamba raia wa kila jamii na rangi, bila kujali hali yoyote ya utumwa au utumwa wa kimakusudi, watakuwa na haki sawa katika kila jimbo na eneo la Marekani. . . "Hii inamaanisha kwamba, ""haki ya kufurahia faida kamili na sawa ya sheria zote na taratibu kwa usalama wa mtu na mali, kama inavyofurahia raia weupe.""" Hakukuwa na shaka yoyote kwamba vita hivyo vilikuwa vimezika utumwa wa mali mara moja kwa wakati wote. "Wakati wa kuapishwa kwa Marekani, Lincoln alienda Richmond, Virginia, mji mkuu wa zamani wa watumwa, na kusimama juu ya ngazi ya jengo la zamani la Confederate Capitol na kusema, ""Kwa habari yenu, watu wenye rangi, naomba niseme kwamba Mungu amewaweka huru." Ingawa umenyimwa haki zako ulizopewa na Mungu na wale unaowaita mabwana wako, sasa wewe ni huru kama mimi, na kama wale wanaodai kuwa wakuu wako hawajui kwamba wewe ni huru, chukua upanga na bunduki na uwafundishe kwamba wewe ni huru, kwa sababu Mungu aliumba watu wote kuwa huru, akipa kila mmoja haki sawa ya maisha, uhuru na kufuatilia furaha. Aprili 12, 2015 - saa tisa asubuhi, maili 217 kaskazini mwa mahakama ya Appomattox, Freddie Gray, mtu mweusi mwenye umri wa miaka ishirini na tano, alikamatwa na polisi wa Baltimore. Uhalifu wake pekee ulioonekana ulikuwa kumtazama polisi kwa macho na kisha kukimbia. Gray alipakiwa ndani ya gari la kubebea mizigo. Alipofika baada ya dakika 45 alikuwa amevunjika shingo na asilimia 80 ya uti wake wa mgongo. """Mafara kati ya mwisho wa Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, na kuzaliwa kwa uraia mweusi na haki za kiraia, hadi kupigwa na kuteswa kwa Gray na serikali, huunda pengo kati ya usawa rasmi mbele ya sheria na kujitegemea na kujitegemea, ambayo ni asili ya uhuru halisi, haki ya kuwa huru kutoka kwa ukandamizaji, haki ya kufanya maamuzi juu ya maisha yako bila kulazimishwa, kulazimishwa, au tishio la madhara." Uhuru nchini Marekani umekuwa wa kukosa, wa kawaida, na umejaa utata na ahadi zisizoweza kupatikana <unk> kwa kila mtu. Watu weusi hawakuwekwa huru katika Ndoto ya Marekani, lakini katika kile ambacho Malcolm X alifafanua kama "ndoto mbaya ya Marekani" ya ukosefu wa usawa wa kiuchumi na ukosefu wa haki usiochunguzwa. Ukubwa kamili wa ukosefu huo wa usawa ulifichwa na ugaidi wa rangi. Miaka mia moja baada ya uhuru, Waafrika Wamarekani waliondoa mabaki ya mwisho ya ubaguzi wa kisheria na Harakati ya Haki za Kiraia, lakini msisimko wa harakati hiyo ulipotea haraka wakati miji ya Amerika ilipowaka na watu weusi ambao walikuwa na hasira na kukata tamaa kwa kufungwa nje ya utajiri wa jamii ya Amerika. Mamia ya maelfu ya Waafrika walihusika katika mapinduzi hayo wakitafuta suluhisho la matatizo ya sumu ya risasi, maambukizi ya panya, njaa na utapiamlo, ukosefu wa ajira, shule duni, na umaskini unaoendelea. Wakati wa uhuru na wakali mara nyingi walikusanyika katika madai kwamba weusi wanapaswa kuwa na udhibiti mkubwa wa kisiasa juu ya jamii zao. Kwa wanaharakati wa uhuru, siasa za uchaguzi za weusi zilikuwa ishara ya ukomavu wa kisiasa wakati harakati zilipoondoka barabarani kwenda kwenye kibanda cha kupiga kura, utawala wa mijini, na udhibiti wa jamii. Tatizo halikuwa "mfumo"; ilikuwa ni kutengwa kutoka upatikanaji wa yote ambayo jamii ya Marekani alikuwa na kutoa. Baadhi ya watu wenye msimamo mkali walivutiwa pia na uwezekano wa kujitawala na kudhibitiwa na jumuiya. Kwa kweli, ilikuwa mkakati unaoweza kutekelezwa, kwa kuzingatia kwamba maisha mengi ya weusi yalidhibitiwa na maafisa weupe waliochaguliwa na taasisi zinazoongozwa na weupe. Hata hivyo, swali lilibaki: je, mashine iliyotumiwa katika ukandamizaji wa weusi sasa ingeweza kutumiwa tena kwa jina la uhuru wa weusi? """Ikiwa uhuru ulikuwa umedhaniwa kama kuingizwa katika jamii ya kawaida ya Marekani, ikiwa ni pamoja na upatikanaji wa taasisi zake za kisiasa na kifedha, basi miaka hamsini iliyopita imetoa rekodi mchanganyiko." "Kwa kweli, tangu kupumua kwa mwisho kwa uasi wa weusi katika miaka ya 1970, kuna vipimo vingi vya mafanikio ya weusi katika nchi ambayo watu weusi hawakuwahi kulengwa kuishi kama watu huru. """ Je, hakuna ishara kubwa zaidi ya aina fulani ya mafanikio ya weusi kuliko rais mweusi? "Kwa wale wanaochukulia udhibiti wa siasa za Marekani na uwakilishi wa kisiasa wa weusi kama ""maonyesho ya juu zaidi ya kujumuishwa katika mainstream,"" hakika tuko katika wakati wa upeo wa mahusiano ya rangi ya Marekani, lakini kwa kushangaza, wakati ambapo Wamarekani wa Kiafrika wamefanikiwa kile ambacho hakuna mtu mwenye busara angeweza kufikiria wakati Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe vilipomalizika, kwa wakati mmoja tumeingia katika kipindi kipya cha maandamano ya weusi, ukatili wa weusi, na kuzaliwa kwa kushoto mpya." Hakuna anayejua nini kitakuja kutokana na maendeleo haya mapya ya kisiasa, lakini wengi wanajua sababu za kuzaliwa kwake. Kwa mafanikio mengi ambayo baadhi ya Wamarekani wa Kiafrika wamefanikiwa, watoto weusi milioni 4 wanaishi katika umaskini, watu weusi milioni 1 wamefungwa, na watu weusi 240,000 walipoteza nyumba zao kama matokeo ya mgogoro wa kufungwa kwa nyumba - na kusababisha hasara ya mamia ya mamilioni ya dola katika akiba ya weusi. """Hakuna wakati mwingine katika historia ya Marekani ambapo rais mweusi amesimamia hali ya kuteseka kwa mamilioni ya watu weusi, kukataliwa kwa viwango vya msingi vya afya, furaha na ubinadamu wa msingi." "Mchekeshaji na mwanaharakati Harry Belafonte alikumbuka mazungumzo yake ya mwisho na Martin Luther King Jr., ambapo King alilalamika, ""Nimepata kitu kinachonisumbua sana.""" . . . """Tumepigana kwa bidii na kwa muda mrefu kwa ajili ya ushirikiano, kama ninavyoamini tunapaswa kuwa, na najua tutashinda." Lakini nimekuja kuamini kwamba tunaunganisha katika nyumba inayowaka moto. Tamaa ya ukombozi wa weusi haiwezi kutenganishwa na kile kinachotokea nchini Marekani kwa ujumla. Maisha ya weusi hayawezi kubadilishwa wakati nchi ikiwaka moto kuzunguka. Moto unaoteketeza Marekani unachochewa na kujitenga kwa wingi kwa sababu ya mshahara wa chini na kazi isiyo na maana, kodi za nyumba zisizoweza kulipwa, madeni yenye kuzidisha, na uchovu wa umaskini. """Ukosefu wa usawa wa kiuchumi unaonekana katika ukweli rahisi: kuna bilionea 400 nchini Marekani na watu milioni 45 wanaoishi katika umaskini." Hizi si mambo ya hakika yanayofanana; ni mambo ya hakika yanayopingana. Mamilionea 400 wa Marekani wanaishi katika umaskini Faida huja kwa gharama ya mshahara wa kuishi. Wasimamizi wa makampuni, wakuu wa vyuo vikuu, na wakuu wa mali kwa ujumla wanaishi maisha mazuri <unk> kwa sababu wengine wengi wanaishi maisha magumu. """Pambano la uhuru wa weusi si wazo lisilo na maana lililoundwa kwa kujitenga na hali kubwa ya unyonyaji wa kiuchumi na ukosefu wa usawa ambao unaenea katika jamii nzima ya Marekani; ni uhusiano wa karibu na jamii hiyo." """Pambano la ukombozi wa weusi linahitaji kwenda zaidi ya hadithi ya kawaida kwamba weusi wamekuja kwa njia ndefu lakini wana njia ndefu ya kwenda, ambayo, bila shaka, haisemi chochote kuhusu ni wapi sisi kwa kweli kujaribu kupata." Inahitaji kuelewa asili na asili ya ukandamizaji wa weusi na ubaguzi wa rangi kwa ujumla. Jambo la muhimu zaidi ni kwamba inahitaji mkakati, hisia fulani ya jinsi tunavyopita kutoka hali ya sasa hadi siku zijazo. "Huenda katika kiwango chake cha msingi, ukombozi wa weusi unamaanisha ulimwengu ambapo watu weusi wanaweza kuishi kwa amani, bila tishio la mara kwa mara la matatizo ya kijamii, kiuchumi, na kisiasa ya jamii ambayo haipati thamani yoyote kwa idadi kubwa ya maisha ya weusi.""" Ni lazima tuwe na maisha ya kawaida katika nchi ambayo maisha ya watu weusi yana umuhimu. Ingawa ni kweli kwamba wakati watu weusi wanapopewa uhuru, kila mtu hupata uhuru, watu weusi nchini Marekani hawawezi "kupata uhuru" peke yao. Kwa maana hiyo, ukombozi wa weusi unahusishwa na mradi wa ukombozi wa binadamu na mabadiliko ya kijamii.