Federalist Paper 18: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union (4 of 6)
The Same Subject Continued
Topic: The Defects of the Articles of Confederation (15-22)
Newspaper: The Independent Journal
Author: Alexander Hamilton and James Madison
Date: Friday, December 7, 1787
To the People of the State of New York:
AMONG the confederacies of antiquity, the most considerable was that of the Grecian republics, associated under the Amphictyonic council. From the best accounts transmitted of this celebrated institution, it bore a very instructive analogy to the present Confederation of the American States.
The members retained the character of independent and sovereign states, and had equal votes in the federal council. This council had a general authority to propose and resolve whatever it judged necessary for the common welfare of Greece; to declare and carry on war; to decide, in the last resort, all controversies between the members; to fine the aggressing party; to employ the whole force of the confederacy against the disobedient; to admit new members. The Amphictyons were the guardians of religion, and of the immense riches belonging to the temple of Delphos, where they had the right of jurisdiction in controversies between the inhabitants and those who came to consult the oracle. As a further provision for the efficacy of the federal powers, they took an oath mutually to defend and protect the united cities, to punish the violators of this oath, and to inflict vengeance on sacrilegious despoilers of the temple.
In theory, and upon paper, this apparatus of powers seems amply sufficient for all general purposes. In several material instances, they exceed the powers enumerated in the articles of confederation. The Amphictyons had in their hands the superstition of the times, one of the principal engines by which government was then maintained; they had a declared authority to use coercion against refractory cities, and were bound by oath to exert this authority on the necessary occasions.
Very different, nevertheless, was the experiment from the theory. The powers, like those of the present Congress, were administered by deputies appointed wholly by the cities in their political capacities; and exercised over them in the same capacities. Hence the weakness, the disorders, and finally the destruction of the confederacy. The more powerful members, instead of being kept in awe and subordination, tyrannized successively over all the rest. Athens, as we learn from Demosthenes, was the arbiter of Greece seventy-three years. The Lacedaemonians next governed it twenty-nine years; at a subsequent period, after the battle of Leuctra, the Thebans had their turn of domination.
It happened but too often, according to Plutarch, that the deputies of the strongest cities awed and corrupted those of the weaker; and that judgment went in favor of the most powerful party.
Even in the midst of defensive and dangerous wars with Persia and Macedon, the members never acted in concert, and were, more or fewer of them, eternally the dupes or the hirelings of the common enemy. The intervals of foreign war were filled up by domestic vicissitudes convulsions, and carnage.
After the conclusion of the war with Xerxes, it appears that the Lacedaemonians required that a number of the cities should be turned out of the confederacy for the unfaithful part they had acted. The Athenians, finding that the Lacedaemonians would lose fewer partisans by such a measure than themselves, and would become masters of the public deliberations, vigorously opposed and defeated the attempt. This piece of history proves at once the inefficiency of the union, the ambition and jealousy of its most powerful members, and the dependent and degraded condition of the rest. The smaller members, though entitled by the theory of their system to revolve in equal pride and majesty around the common center, had become, in fact, satellites of the orbs of primary magnitude.
Had the Greeks, says the Abbe Milot, been as wise as they were courageous, they would have been admonished by experience of the necessity of a closer union, and would have availed themselves of the peace which followed their success against the Persian arms, to establish such a reformation. Instead of this obvious policy, Athens and Sparta, inflated with the victories and the glory they had acquired, became first rivals and then enemies; and did each other infinitely more mischief than they had suffered from Xerxes. Their mutual jealousies, fears, hatreds, and injuries ended in the celebrated Peloponnesian war; which itself ended in the ruin and slavery of the Athenians who had begun it.
As a weak government, when not at war, is ever agitated by internal dissentions, so these never fail to bring on fresh calamities from abroad. The Phocians having ploughed up some consecrated ground belonging to the temple of Apollo, the Amphictyonic council, according to the superstition of the age, imposed a fine on the sacrilegious offenders. The Phocians, being abetted by Athens and Sparta, refused to submit to the decree. The Thebans, with others of the cities, undertook to maintain the authority of the Amphictyons, and to avenge the violated god. The latter, being the weaker party, invited the assistance of Philip of Macedon, who had secretly fostered the contest. Philip gladly seized the opportunity of executing the designs he had long planned against the liberties of Greece. By his intrigues and bribes he won over to his interests the popular leaders of several cities; by their influence and votes, gained admission into the Amphictyonic council; and by his arts and his arms, made himself master of the confederacy.
Such were the consequences of the fallacious principle on which this interesting establishment was founded. Had Greece, says a judicious observer on her fate, been united by a stricter confederation, and persevered in her union, she would never have worn the chains of Macedon; and might have proved a barrier to the vast projects of Rome.
The Achaean league, as it is called, was another society of Grecian republics, which supplies us with valuable instruction.
The Union here was far more intimate, and its organization much wiser, than in the preceding instance. It will accordingly appear, that though not exempt from a similar catastrophe, it by no means equally deserved it.
The cities composing this league retained their municipal jurisdiction, appointed their own officers, and enjoyed a perfect equality. The senate, in which they were represented, had the sole and exclusive right of peace and war; of sending and receiving ambassadors; of entering into treaties and alliances; of appointing a chief magistrate or praetor, as he was called, who commanded their armies, and who, with the advice and consent of ten of the senators, not only administered the government in the recess of the senate, but had a great share in its deliberations, when assembled. According to the primitive constitution, there were two praetors associated in the administration; but on trial a single one was preferred.
It appears that the cities had all the same laws and customs, the same weights and measures, and the same money. But how far this effect proceeded from the authority of the federal council is left in uncertainty. It is said only that the cities were in a manner compelled to receive the same laws and usages. When Lacedaemon was brought into the league by Philopoemen, it was attended with an abolition of the institutions and laws of Lycurgus, and an adoption of those of the Achaeans. The Amphictyonic confederacy, of which she had been a member, left her in the full exercise of her government and her legislation. This circumstance alone proves a very material difference in the genius of the two systems.
It is much to be regretted that such imperfect monuments remain of this curious political fabric. Could its interior structure and regular operation be ascertained, it is probable that more light would be thrown by it on the science of federal government, than by any of the like experiments with which we are acquainted.
One important fact seems to be witnessed by all the historians who take notice of Achaean affairs. It is, that as well after the renovation of the league by Aratus, as before its dissolution by the arts of Macedon, there was infinitely more of moderation and justice in the administration of its government, and less of violence and sedition in the people, than were to be found in any of the cities exercising SINGLY all the prerogatives of sovereignty. The Abbe Mably, in his observations on Greece, says that the popular government, which was so tempestuous elsewhere, caused no disorders in the members of the Achaean republic, BECAUSE IT WAS THERE TEMPERED BY THE GENERAL AUTHORITY AND LAWS OF THE CONFEDERACY.
We are not to conclude too hastily, however, that faction did not, in a certain degree, agitate the particular cities; much less that a due subordination and harmony reigned in the general system. The contrary is sufficiently displayed in the vicissitudes and fate of the republic.
Whilst the Amphictyonic confederacy remained, that of the Achaeans, which comprehended the less important cities only, made little figure on the theatre of Greece. When the former became a victim to Macedon, the latter was spared by the policy of Philip and Alexander. Under the successors of these princes, however, a different policy prevailed. The arts of division were practiced among the Achaeans. Each city was seduced into a separate interest; the union was dissolved. Some of the cities fell under the tyranny of Macedonian garrisons; others under that of usurpers springing out of their own confusions. Shame and oppression erelong awaken their love of liberty. A few cities reunited. Their example was followed by others, as opportunities were found of cutting off their tyrants. The league soon embraced almost the whole Peloponnesus. Macedon saw its progress; but was hindered by internal dissensions from stopping it. All Greece caught the enthusiasm and seemed ready to unite in one confederacy, when the jealousy and envy in Sparta and Athens, of the rising glory of the Achaeans, threw a fatal damp on the enterprise. The dread of the Macedonian power induced the league to court the alliance of the Kings of Egypt and Syria, who, as successors of Alexander, were rivals of the king of Macedon. This policy was defeated by Cleomenes, king of Sparta, who was led by his ambition to make an unprovoked attack on his neighbors, the Achaeans, and who, as an enemy to Macedon, had interest enough with the Egyptian and Syrian princes to effect a breach of their engagements with the league.
The Achaeans were now reduced to the dilemma of submitting to Cleomenes, or of supplicating the aid of Macedon, its former oppressor. The latter expedient was adopted. The contests of the Greeks always afforded a pleasing opportunity to that powerful neighbor of intermeddling in their affairs. A Macedonian army quickly appeared. Cleomenes was vanquished. The Achaeans soon experienced, as often happens, that a victorious and powerful ally is but another name for a master. All that their most abject compliances could obtain from him was a toleration of the exercise of their laws. Philip, who was now on the throne of Macedon, soon provoked by his tyrannies, fresh combinations among the Greeks. The Achaeans, though weakenened by internal dissensions and by the revolt of Messene, one of its members, being joined by the AEtolians and Athenians, erected the standard of opposition. Finding themselves, though thus supported, unequal to the undertaking, they once more had recourse to the dangerous expedient of introducing the succor of foreign arms. The Romans, to whom the invitation was made, eagerly embraced it. Philip was conquered; Macedon subdued. A new crisis ensued to the league. Dissensions broke out among it members. These the Romans fostered. Callicrates and other popular leaders became mercenary instruments for inveigling their countrymen. The more effectually to nourish discord and disorder the Romans had, to the astonishment of those who confided in their sincerity, already proclaimed universal liberty throughout Greece. With the same insidious views, they now seduced the members from the league, by representing to their pride the violation it committed on their sovereignty. By these arts this union, the last hope of Greece, the last hope of ancient liberty, was torn into pieces; and such imbecility and distraction introduced, that the arms of Rome found little difficulty in completing the ruin which their arts had commenced. The Achaeans were cut to pieces, and Achaia loaded with chains, under which it is groaning at this hour.
I have thought it not superfluous to give the outlines of this important portion of history; both because it teaches more than one lesson, and because, as a supplement to the outlines of the Achaean constitution, it emphatically illustrates the tendency of federal bodies rather to anarchy among the members, than to tyranny in the head.
"Kulingana na makala ya kwanza ya gazeti la The Independent, ""Ukosefu wa Muungano wa sasa wa kuhifadhi Muungano"" (The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union, 4th of 6) ulisababisha kuharibika kwa makundi ya watu wa New York, na kuharibiwa kwa makundi ya watu wa New York, na kuharibiwa kwa makundi ya watu wa New York." Kutokana na masimulizi bora yaliyopitishwa ya taasisi hii maarufu, ilikuwa na ulinganifu wenye kufundisha sana na Muungano wa sasa wa Mataifa ya Amerika. Washiriki walihifadhi tabia ya mataifa huru na huru, na walikuwa na kura sawa katika baraza la shirikisho. Baraza hilo lilikuwa na mamlaka ya kuamua na kuamua chochote ambacho liliona kuwa muhimu kwa manufaa ya Ugiriki; kutangaza na kuendeleza vita; kuamua, katika hatua ya mwisho, mabishano yote kati ya wanachama; kumshtaki mshambuliaji; kutumia nguvu zote za muungano dhidi ya wasiotii; kukubali wanachama wapya. Amphictyons walikuwa walinzi wa dini na utajiri mkubwa wa hekalu la Delphi, ambapo walikuwa na haki ya mamlaka katika mabishano kati ya wakazi na wale waliokuja kushauriana na oracle. Kwa kuimarisha nguvu za muungano, waliapa kuwalinda na kuwalinda miji iliyoungana, kuwaadhibu wale waliovunja kiapo hicho, na kuwaadhibu wale walioharibu hekalu. Katika nadharia, na juu ya karatasi, hii mashine ya mamlaka inaonekana kutosha kwa ajili ya madhumuni yote ya jumla. Katika visa kadhaa vya kiadili, wao kuzidi mamlaka zilizotajwa katika makala ya Confederation. Amphictyons walikuwa na katika mikono yao ushirikina wa nyakati, moja ya injini kuu ambayo serikali ilikuwa kisha kudumishwa; walikuwa na mamlaka ya kutangaza kutumia kulazimisha dhidi ya miji refractory, na walikuwa amefungwa na kiapo kutumia mamlaka hii katika matukio muhimu. Hata hivyo, jaribio hilo lilikuwa tofauti sana na nadharia hiyo. Mamlaka, kama zile za Bunge la sasa, zilitumiwa na wabunge walioteuliwa kabisa na miji katika uwezo wao wa kisiasa; na kutekelezwa juu yao katika uwezo huo huo. Kwa hiyo udhaifu, machafuko, na hatimaye uharibifu wa muungano huo. Wanachama wenye nguvu zaidi, badala ya kuhifadhiwa katika hofu na utii, waliwatawala kwa nguvu juu ya wengine wote. Athene, kama tunavyojifunza kutoka kwa Demosthenes, alikuwa mwamuzi wa Ugiriki kwa miaka sabini na mitatu. Wakasidamia walitawala kwa miaka 29 na baada ya vita vya Leuktra, Wateshba walianza kutawala tena. "Plutarch anasema, ""Mara nyingi sana, wabunge wa miji yenye nguvu waliwaogopesha na kuwachafua wale walio dhaifu, na hukumu hiyo ilikwenda kwa upande wa chama chenye nguvu zaidi.""" Hata katika vita hatari na vya kujilinda dhidi ya Uajemi na Makedonia, washiriki hawakufanya kazi kwa pamoja, na walikuwa, zaidi au chini yao, milele wapigwa au waathirika wa adui wa kawaida. Vipindi vya vita vya kigeni vilijaa misiba ya ndani, mshtuko, na mauaji. Baada ya vita vya Xerxes, inaonekana kwamba Lacedaemonians waliomba kwamba miji kadhaa inapaswa kuondolewa katika muungano kwa sababu ya sehemu isiyo ya uaminifu waliyokuwa wamefanya. Waathene walipoona kwamba kwa hatua hiyo, Wasademoni wangepoteza wafuasi wachache kuliko wao wenyewe, na hivyo kuwa wasimamizi wa mazungumzo ya umma, walipinga vikali na kushindwa. Kipande hiki cha historia kinathibitisha kwa mara moja kutokuwa na ufanisi wa Muungano, tamaa na wivu wa wanachama wake wenye nguvu zaidi, na hali ya utegemezi na kupungua kwa wengine. Ingawa sehemu ndogo za mfumo huo zilikuwa na haki ya kuzunguka kwa fahari na fahari sawa kuzunguka kituo chao cha kawaida, kwa kweli zilikuwa zimekuwa satelaiti za sayari za ukubwa wa msingi. """Kama Wagiriki wangekuwa wenye hekima kama walivyokuwa na ujasiri, wangekuwa wamekumbushwa na uzoefu wa uhitaji wa muungano wa karibu zaidi, na wangetumia amani iliyofuata mafanikio yao dhidi ya silaha za Uajemi kuanzisha marekebisho kama hayo.""" Badala ya sera hii ya wazi, Athene na Sparta, inflated na ushindi na utukufu walikuwa wanapata, akawa kwanza wapinzani na kisha maadui, na alifanya kila mmoja zaidi ya uovu kuliko walikuwa wameteseka kutoka Xerxes. Wasiwasi, hofu, chuki na maovu yao ya pamoja yaliishia katika vita maarufu vya Peloponnesia, ambavyo vilimalizika kwa uharibifu na utumwa wa Waathene waliokuwa wameanza vita hivyo. Kama vile serikali dhaifu, wakati haiko vitani, inahuzunishwa daima na mabishano ya ndani, hivyo hivyo haya hayashindwa kamwe kuleta maafa mapya kutoka nje. "Wafokia walipokuwa wamepanda ardhi iliyotakaswa iliyokuwa ya hekalu la Apolo, Baraza la Amphictyonic, kulingana na ushirikina wa wakati huo, liliwaadhibu wakosaji wa ""kuvunja ibada takatifu.""" Wafocia, wakiwa wamechochewa na Athene na Sparta, walikataa kutii amri hiyo. Thebans, pamoja na wengine wa miji, walichukua jukumu la kudumisha mamlaka ya Amphictyons, na kulipiza kisasi kwa mungu aliyevunjwa. Wawili hao, wakiwa upande dhaifu zaidi, waliomba msaada wa Filipo wa Makedonia, ambaye alikuwa amependekeza mashindano hayo kwa siri. Philip alitumia fursa hiyo kwa furaha kutekeleza mipango aliyokuwa amepanga kwa muda mrefu dhidi ya uhuru wa Ugiriki. Kwa hila zake na rushwa zake aliwashinda viongozi wa miji kadhaa; kwa ushawishi wao na kura zake, alipata kuingia katika baraza la Amphictyonic; na kwa sanaa zake na silaha zake, alijifanya mwenyewe bwana wa muungano. Hizo ndizo zilikuwa matokeo ya kanuni bandia ambayo taasisi hii yenye kupendeza ilianzishwa. """Kama Ugiriki, anasema mtazamaji mwenye busara juu ya hatima yake, ingekuwa imeunganishwa na muungano mkali zaidi, na kuendelea katika muungano wake, haingekuwa imevaa minyororo ya Makedonia, na inaweza kuwa imethibitisha kizuizi kwa miradi mikubwa ya Roma.""" "Ligi ya Achaea, kama inavyoitwa, ilikuwa ""jamii nyingine ya jamhuri za Ugiriki,"" ambayo inatupa mafundisho yenye thamani." Muungano hapa ulikuwa wa karibu zaidi, na shirika lake lilikuwa la busara zaidi, kuliko katika kisa kilichotangulia. Kwa hiyo itaonekana, kwamba ingawa si kuachiliwa kutoka msiba sawa, ni kwa njia yoyote sawa alistahili. Majiji yaliyofanyiza muungano huo yalidumisha mamlaka yao ya manispaa, wakamchagua maofisa wao wenyewe, na kufurahia usawa kamilifu. Seneti, ambayo walikuwa wakiwakilishwa, walikuwa na haki ya pekee na ya pekee ya amani na vita, ya kutuma na kupokea mabalozi, ya kuingia katika mikataba na muungano, ya kuteua mkuu wa mahakama au praetor, kama alivyoitwa, ambaye aliamuru majeshi yao, na ambaye, kwa ushauri na idhini ya kumi ya seneta, si tu alisimamia serikali katika mapumziko ya seneti, lakini alikuwa na sehemu kubwa katika majadiliano yake. Kulingana na katiba ya kale, kulikuwa na watawala wawili waliohusika katika usimamizi; lakini katika kesi moja ilipendekezwa. Inaonekana kwamba majiji hayo yote yalikuwa na sheria na desturi zilezile, vipimo na vipimo vilivyofanana, na pesa zilezile. Lakini ni kwa kadiri gani athari hii ilitoka kwa mamlaka ya baraza la shirikisho inaachwa katika kutokuwa na uhakika. "Hata hivyo, ""miji ilikuwa kwa namna fulani ikilazimika kupokea sheria na desturi zilezile.""" Lachidaemon alipopelekwa katika muungano huo na Philopoemen, ilifanyika kwa kuondolewa kwa taasisi na sheria za Lycurgus, na kupitishwa kwa zile za Achaeans. Muungano wa Amphictyonic, ambao alikuwa mshiriki wake, ulimwacha katika mazoezi kamili ya serikali yake na sheria yake. Hali hii peke yake inathibitisha tofauti kubwa sana katika kipaji cha mifumo miwili. Ni jambo la kusikitisha sana kwamba makaburi hayo yasiyo kamilifu yamebaki ya muundo huu wa kisiasa wenye kupendeza. Kama muundo wake wa ndani na utendaji wake wa kawaida ungeweza kuthibitishwa, ni uwezekano kwamba mwanga zaidi ungeangushwa na sayansi ya serikali ya shirikisho kuliko kwa majaribio yoyote kama hayo ambayo tunajua. Jambo moja muhimu laonekana kushuhudiwa na wanahistoria wote wanaochunguza mambo ya Achaea. "Hata baada ya Aratus kuanzisha upya muungano huo, kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya kuufutwa na utawala wa Makedonia, kulikuwa na ""mabadiliko makubwa ya kiasi na haki katika utawala wa serikali yake, na chini ya vurugu na uchochezi katika watu, kuliko ilivyo katika miji yoyote iliyokuwa na haki ya kutawala peke yake.""" "Mabai Mably, katika uchunguzi wake juu ya Ugiriki, anasema kwamba serikali ya watu, ambayo ilikuwa na msukosuko sana mahali pengine, haikusababisha machafuko katika wanachama wa jamhuri ya Achaea, kwa sababu ilikuwa ""iliyopunguzwa na mamlaka ya jumla na sheria za muungano.""" Hata hivyo, hatupaswi kukata kauli haraka sana kwamba kikundi hicho hakikusumbua miji fulani kwa kadiri fulani, wala hakikujirudisha chini ya utawala wa serikali kwa njia ya utaratibu. Kinyume chake kinaonyeshwa vya kutosha katika mabadiliko na hatima ya jamhuri. Wakati muungano wa Amphictyonic ulibaki, ule wa Achaeans, ambao ulijumuisha miji midogo tu, ulifanya takwimu ndogo kwenye ukumbi wa michezo wa Ugiriki. Wakati ule wa kwanza ulipokuwa mhasiriwa wa Makedonia, ule wa pili uliokolewa na sera ya Filipo na Aleksanda. Hata hivyo, chini ya wafalme hao waliochukua mahali pao, kulikuwa na sera tofauti. Sanaa ya kugawanya ilifanywa miongoni mwa Waakaya. Kila jiji lilivutwa na mapendezi tofauti; muungano huo ulivunjwa. Baadhi ya miji hiyo ilishambuliwa na majeshi ya Makedonia, na nyingine zilishambuliwa na watu waliojitenga na mamlaka yao. Aibu na ukandamizaji huamsha upesi upendo wao wa uhuru. Majiji machache yaliungana tena. Mfano wao ulifuatwa na wengine, kwa kuwa fursa zilipatikana za kuwaangamiza wakandamizaji wao. Punde si punde, muungano huo ulitia ndani karibu eneo lote la Peloponnesus. Makedonia iliona maendeleo yake; lakini ilizuiliwa na mabishano ya ndani ya kuizuia. Ugiriki yote ilishikilia shauku hiyo na ilionekana tayari kuungana katika muungano mmoja, wakati wivu na wivu katika Sparta na Athene, wa utukufu unaoongezeka wa Achaeans, ulipiga mvua mbaya kwenye mradi huo. Hofu ya nguvu ya Makedonia ilisababisha ligi hiyo kuunda muungano na wafalme wa Misri na Siria, ambao, kama warithi wa Aleksanda, walikuwa wapinzani wa mfalme wa Makedonia. Msimamo huo ulishindwa na Cleomenes, mfalme wa Sparta, ambaye aliongozwa na tamaa yake ya kufanya shambulio lisilo na sababu dhidi ya majirani zake, Waakayo, na ambaye, kama adui wa Makedonia, alikuwa na maslahi ya kutosha na wakuu wa Misri na Syria kufanya ukiukaji wa ushirikiano wao na ligi. Sasa Waakaya walikuwa na tatizo la kujitiisha kwa Cleomenes, au kuomba msaada wa Makedonia, mdhalimu wao wa zamani. Njia hiyo ya mwisho ilichukuliwa. Mashindano ya Wagiriki sikuzote yaliwapa jirani huyo mwenye nguvu fursa nzuri ya kuingilia mambo yao. Upesi jeshi la Makedonia lilionekana. Cleomenes alishindwa. "Wakati huo, Waakayo walipata uzoefu, kama mara nyingi hutokea, kwamba mshirika mwenye ushindi na mwenye nguvu ni jina jingine tu kwa bwana.""" Yote ambayo utii wao wa hali ya chini zaidi ungeweza kupata kutoka kwake ilikuwa uvumilivu wa utekelezaji wa sheria zao. Philip, ambaye sasa alikuwa kwenye kiti cha enzi cha Makedonia, hivi karibuni alichochewa na udhalimu wake, mchanganyiko mpya kati ya Wagiriki. Waakaya, ingawa walikuwa wamechoka kwa sababu ya ugomvi wa ndani na uasi wa Messene, mmoja wa washiriki wao, akijiunga na Waetolia na Waathene, waliinua bendera ya upinzani. Wakiwa wamejikuta, ingawa kwa njia hiyo waliungwa mkono, hawana uwezo wa kufanikisha mradi huo, walihitaji tena kutumia njia hatari ya kuingiza msaada wa silaha za kigeni. Waroma, ambao walialikwa, waliikubali kwa hamu. Filipo alishindwa; Makedonia ilishindwa. Msiba mpya ulikuja katika ligi hiyo. Kulikuwa na ugomvi kati ya washiriki wake. Waroma waliwatunza. Callicrates na viongozi wengine maarufu wakawa vyombo vya kulipwa ili kuwachochea wananchi wao. Ili kuendeleza zaidi mvurugo na machafuko, Waroma walikuwa tayari wametangaza uhuru wa ulimwengu katika Ugiriki yote, kwa mshangao wa wale waliotumaini uaminifu wao. Kwa maoni hayo ya hila, sasa waliwapotosha washiriki wa Muungano, kwa kuwakilisha kwa kiburi chao uvunjaji uliotendwa juu ya enzi yao. Kwa njia ya sanaa hii, muungano huu, tumaini la mwisho la Ugiriki, tumaini la mwisho la uhuru wa kale, ulivunjwa vipande vipande; na upumbavu na usumbufu kama huo ulifanywa, kwamba silaha za Roma zilipata ugumu mdogo katika kukamilisha uharibifu ambao sanaa zao zilikuwa zimeanza. Waakaya wamekatwa vipande vipande, na Akaya imefungwa kwa minyororo, ambayo chini yake inalia saa hii. """Nimeona ni muhimu kutoa muhtasari wa sehemu hii muhimu ya historia, kwa sababu inafundisha zaidi ya somo moja, na kwa sababu, kama nyongeza ya muhtasari wa katiba ya Achaean, inaonyesha kwa nguvu mwelekeo wa mashirika ya shirikisho badala ya anarchy kati ya wanachama, kuliko udhalimu katika kichwa."