The state is one of the international legal personalities which has its own elements that determines whether it is a real or artificial. In international law, the state should have a defined territory, a permanent population, has the capacity to enter into relations with others, and a government which has the capacity to control the territory it claims and provide services to its citizens.
The political scientists both classical and contemporary agreed that sovereignty is an integral part of the state and regard it as the engine room of the post-Westphalia Peace Agreement statehood. This concept has two distinct dimensions: internal and external. A range of elements determines the internal, therefore, the state should have the capacity to govern the state, make laws, provide social services and security to the citizens, and have an authority in the territory it claims. Providing those services to the citizens’ at large lead the citizens endorse and trust to the state institutions, thus ensures state legitimacy, and this in return legitimizes the internal sovereignty of the state. In a broader sense, the internal sovereignty stems from the consent of the state citizens.
Not similar to the internal, external sovereignty in international law relates to two crucial factors: the recognition which is the practices of the modern states to formally recognize each other through diplomatic means and also equality within the states in the international system, respect of other states, and policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of the other states.
Having this in mind, does Somalia has the legal claim as a genuine state let alone its foreign-imposed governments, in accordance with the above elements of the state. Does Somalia has the internal sovereignty with the assent of the Somali citizens, or does it has the external sovereignty. If the latter does exist, is it real or artificial in connection with the existing condition in the entire Somalia regions, the Somalia Italian Trusteeship?
From the ‘provisional government’ of Ali Mahdi in 1991 to ‘Salballaadh’ of Aideed in 1994, Abdikasim in 2000, Abdullahi Yusuf in 2004, Sheikh Sharif in 2009, Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud in 2012, and the recent Farmajo government in 2017. All these ‘governments’ have had and still has an illusion claiming as genuine governments representing the will of the Somali citizens.
These claims are entirely baseless fabricated by foreign actors which are beneficial to the protracted state collapse in the south. In Mogadishu for instance, the federal government has no physical presence at all as it resides only in a small highly secured area protected by Amisom. The question arises here is: does Farmajo aware what is going on in Halane, neighborhood of Villa Somalia, which is in contrary to the security and sovereignty of the Somali people, does he also aware what is going on in Balli Doogle, before he talk about other regions and towns in the south–central Somalia. These two military bases are neither in the control of the Somalia’s ‘government’ nor under the jurisdiction of their ‘authority’.
Not only in Halane and Balli Doogle, but also Balkanization of your state ‘Somalia’ into self-governing states by competing interests both from the region and beyond are undeniable facts. Doubly important, there are growing numbers of autonomous regions which claim independent administrations from the ‘federal government’ in Mogadishu, with the support of foreign governments. These regional states, including Puntland, Galmudug, Hirshabelle, Jubbaland, and the Southwest State of Somalia claim greater autonomy within the ‘Somalia’ state territory. The real Somali citizens believe that these multiple administrations in the name of federalism have not only contributed its part in endangering the existence of your state, but also derail the efforts to establish long-lasting peace and state institutions in ‘Somalia’. Do you agree Mr. Farmajo?
In contrast to this chaos in Somalia, Somaliland was known as the British Somaliland Protectorate approximately for 80 years before its merger with the Italian colony. The aim of this blinded union was a part of the Greater Somalia Ambition in which most of the Somali people anticipated. In 1991, Somaliland declared its withdrawal from the unjust union of the 1960 for political, social and economic reasons. The euphoria of the citizens who were enthusiastic about the birth of an independent, inclusive Somali State in the 1960, their exhilaration has quickly dissipated as the south occupy all state institutions without considering Somaliland as an independent state which united with the south just to realize the Greater Somalia Agenda.
The unjust practices of the Somalia’s southern-led governments (1960–1991) is as clear as the daylight. In his book “Search for a New Somali Identity” (2002), Hussein Ali Dualeh stated that since the independence in 1960, Somalia has got a total aid of 4.482 billion dollars, for 148 projects. Barefacedly, 139 projects went to the south, while only 9 projects went to Somaliland. In other words, the people of Somaliland got 142 million dollars, out of a development aid of about 4.4 billion dollars. In support of the Dualeh’s argument, I have the list of all projects, including the project name, the place where the project was implemented, and the amount allocated in each project.
This kind of practice and thinking of the Somalia decision-making circles made Somaliland citizens to become hostile to the Somali state institutions till it ceased to exist as a state in 1991. Given the emphasis on this argument, the unjust distribution of power and national resources between the two (British Somaliland Protectorate and Italian Trusteeship in Somalia), remains the source of the Somalia’s conflicts and the protracted civil war and its subsequent disintegration of the state. Do you agree Mr. Farmajo?
In spite of all difficulties, in the post-1991 period, Somaliland has managed to build its own state institutions without an international engagement, has a full control into its territory, and later transitioned the country from elders appointed to popularly elected presidents. Somaliland’s road to democracy and multi-party politics is an outcome of Somaliland’s successful political reconciliation, reconstruction of its economic infrastructures and the subsequent well-built state institutions. Somaliland is an island of peace and stability surrounded by a violent and a volatile region. Do you agree Mr. Farmajo?
Certainly, Somalia’s statehood is uncertain, let alone its floating ‘government’, which isn’t in control of about 1km2 in its capital. The concrete evidences acquired from the Somaliland indigenous peace and state building endeavors affirm that building governance institutions and security mechanisms work best when the people at the grassroots are part of the process, and thus elect and rally behind their leader without international interference. But nothing would work if the leader is clapping without crowd as the current situation of the Farmajo clearly states. Farmajo’s ‘government’ is just nominal and is anti-thesis of the Somalia peace and reconciliation efforts as it isn’t a genuine government representing the will and interest of the entire territory of the former Italian Trusteeship in Somalia.
Despite the illusion of the Somalia politicians, since 1991, Somalia remains in what John Burnett described in his book “where soldiers fear to tread” (2005), as a shambles, torn apart by more than [two] decades of lawlessness and near-classic anarchy. It is the only nation without some form of central government, and it is considered still to be one of the most dangerous places on earth.
Nasir M. Ali
The opinion expressed here does not necessarily reflect to any institution rather it is my personal view and impression.
Serikali ni moja ya watu wa kisheria wa kimataifa ambao wana vipengele vyake wenyewe ambavyo huamua kama ni halisi au bandia. Kwa sheria ya kimataifa, serikali inapaswa kuwa na eneo lililofafanuliwa, idadi ya watu wa kudumu, uwezo wa kuanzisha mahusiano na wengine, na serikali ambayo ina uwezo wa kudhibiti eneo linalodaiwa na kutoa huduma kwa raia wake. Wanasayansi wa siasa wa kale na wa kisasa walikubaliana kwamba uhuru ni sehemu muhimu ya serikali na kuiona kama chumba cha injini ya serikali ya baada ya Mkataba wa Amani wa Westphalia. Dhana hii ina vipimo viwili tofauti: ndani na nje. "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""nchi inapaswa kuwa na uwezo wa kuongoza, kutunga sheria, kutoa huduma za kijamii na usalama kwa raia, na kuwa na mamlaka katika eneo linalodai.""" Kutoa huduma hizo kwa wananchi - kwa ujumla kuongoza wananchi kuidhinisha na kuamini taasisi za serikali, hivyo kuhakikisha serikali uhalali, na hii kwa kubadilishana legitimizes uhuru wa ndani ya serikali. Kwa maana pana, enzi kuu ya ndani hutokana na idhini ya raia wa serikali. "Utawala wa nje katika sheria ya kimataifa unahusiana na mambo mawili muhimu: utambuzi (mazoezi ya mataifa ya kisasa ya kutambuliwa rasmi kwa njia ya kidiplomasia) na usawa ndani ya mataifa katika mfumo wa kimataifa, heshima ya mataifa mengine, na sera ya kutoingilia mambo ya ndani ya mataifa mengine.""" Kwa kuzingatia hili, Somalia ina madai ya kisheria kama serikali halisi, achilia mbali serikali zake zilizowekwa na kigeni, kulingana na vipengele vya juu vya serikali. Je, Somalia ina uhuru wa ndani kwa idhini ya raia wa Somalia, au ina uhuru wa nje? Kama hii ya mwisho ipo, ni halisi au bandia katika uhusiano na hali iliyopo katika mikoa yote ya Somalia, Somalia Italia Trusteeship? "Kuanzia ""Salballa"" ya Ali Mahdi mnamo 1991 hadi ""Salballa"" ya Abdikasim mnamo 1994, ""Salballa"" ya Abdallah Yusuf mnamo 2004 na ""Salballa"" ya Sheikh Sharif mnamo 2009 na ""Salballa"" ya Farmajo mnamo 2017." "Serikali" hizi zote zimekuwa na bado zina udanganyifu wa kudai kuwa serikali halisi zinazowakilisha mapenzi ya raia wa Somalia. Madai hayo hayana msingi wowote na yametengenezwa na watendaji wa kigeni ambao wanasaidia kuanguka kwa serikali kusini. Kwa mfano, katika mji wa Mogadishu, serikali ya shirikisho haina uwepo wowote wa kimwili kwani inakaa katika eneo dogo lenye ulinzi mkali linalolindwa na Amisom. "Swali linalojitokeza hapa ni: Je, Farmajo anajua kile kinachoendelea Halane, kitongoji cha Villa Somalia, ambacho ni kinyume na usalama na uhuru wa watu wa Somalia, je, anajua pia kile kinachoendelea Balli Doogle, kabla ya kuzungumza juu ya mikoa mingine na miji katika kusini-kati mwa Somalia?""" Vituo hivi viwili vya kijeshi haviko chini ya udhibiti wa "serikali" ya Somalia wala chini ya mamlaka ya "mamlaka" yao. Si tu katika Halane na Balli Doogle, lakini pia Balkanization ya serikali yako <unk>Somalia<unk> katika nchi zenye kujitawala na maslahi ya kushindana kutoka mkoa na zaidi ni ukweli usioweza kukataliwa. Jambo muhimu zaidi, kuna idadi inayoongezeka ya mikoa ya uhuru ambayo inadai utawala huru kutoka kwa "serikali ya shirikisho" huko Mogadishu, kwa msaada wa serikali za kigeni. Mataifa haya ya kikanda, ikiwa ni pamoja na Puntland, Galmudug, Hirshabelle, Jubbaland, na Jimbo la Kusini Magharibi la Somalia wanadai uhuru mkubwa ndani ya eneo la serikali ya "Somalia". Raia wa kweli wa Somalia wanaamini kwamba utawala huu mbalimbali kwa jina la shirikisho haujaleta tu jukumu lake katika kuhatarisha kuwepo kwa serikali yako, lakini pia kuharibu juhudi za kuanzisha amani ya kudumu na taasisi za serikali katika <Somalia>. Je, unakubaliana na hilo, Mheshimiwa Farmajo? "Kulingana na msukosuko huu nchini Somalia, Somaliland ilijulikana kama ""British Somaliland Protectorate"" kwa miaka 80 hivi kabla ya kuunganishwa na koloni la Italia." Lengo la muungano huu wa kipofu lilikuwa sehemu ya tamaa ya Somalia Kubwa ambayo wengi wa watu wa Somalia walitarajia. Somaliland ilitangaza mwaka 1991 kuwa itatoa uamuzi wa kujiondoa katika muungano huo wa miaka ya 1960 kwa sababu za kisiasa, kijamii na kiuchumi. "Watu walioshangilia kuzaliwa kwa jimbo huru la Somalia mwaka 1960 walianza kufurahi, lakini furaha yao ilitoweka haraka wakati kusini mwa Somalia ilichukua taasisi zote za serikali bila kuiona Somaliland kama jimbo huru ambalo liliungana na kusini ili kutimiza ""Ajenda ya Somalia Kubwa.""" Mazoea yasiyo ya haki ya serikali za kusini za Somalia (1960 - 1991) ni wazi kama mwanga wa mchana. Katika kitabu chake cha 'Search for a New Somali Identity' (Utafutaji wa Utambulisho Mpya wa Somalia) mwaka 2002, Hussein Ali Duleh alisema kuwa tangu kupata uhuru mwaka 1960, Somalia imepata misaada ya jumla ya dola bilioni 4.482 kwa miradi 148. Kwa mujibu wa ripoti hiyo, miradi 139 ilitolewa kusini mwa nchi hiyo, huku miradi 9 tu ikitolewa Somaliland. Kwa mujibu wa ripoti hiyo, Somaliland imepokea dola milioni 142 kutoka kwa misaada ya maendeleo ya dola bilioni 4.4. Ili kuunga mkono hoja ya Dualeh, nina orodha ya miradi yote, ikiwa ni pamoja na jina la mradi, mahali ambapo mradi huo ulitekelezwa, na kiasi kilichotengwa katika kila mradi. "Hiyo ndiyo sababu ya kuwa na ""mtazamo wa kinyume"" na ""mtazamo wa kinyume"" katika serikali za Somalia, na hivyo kuwafanya wananchi wa Somaliland kuwa na uhasama dhidi ya taasisi za serikali za Somalia hadi nchi hiyo ilipokoma kuwepo kama serikali mwaka 1991." Kwa kuzingatia hoja hii, usambazaji usio wa haki wa nguvu na rasilimali za kitaifa kati ya mbili (British Somaliland Protectorate na Italian Trusteeship katika Somalia) unabaki kuwa chanzo cha migogoro ya Somalia na vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe vya muda mrefu na kuvunjika kwa serikali. Je, unakubaliana na hilo, Mheshimiwa Farmajo? Licha ya matatizo yote, katika kipindi cha baada ya 1991, Somaliland imeweza kujenga taasisi zake za serikali bila ushiriki wa kimataifa, ina udhibiti kamili katika eneo lake, na baadaye ilibadilisha nchi kutoka kwa wazee walioteuliwa kuwa marais waliochaguliwa na watu. Njia ya Somaliland kuelekea demokrasia na siasa za vyama vingi ni matokeo ya upatanisho wa kisiasa wa Somaliland uliofanikiwa, ujenzi wa miundombinu yake ya kiuchumi na taasisi za serikali zilizojengwa vizuri. Somaliland ni kisiwa cha amani na utulivu kilichozungukwa na eneo lenye vurugu na lisilo na utulivu. Je, unakubaliana na hilo, Mheshimiwa Farmajo? Bila shaka, serikali ya Somalia haijulikani, acheni tu "serikali" yake inayoelea, ambayo haidhibiti karibu kilomita moja ya mraba katika mji mkuu wake. """Ushahidi halisi uliopatikana kutoka kwa juhudi za amani na ujenzi wa serikali ya asili ya Somaliland unathibitisha kwamba kujenga taasisi za utawala na mifumo ya usalama hufanya kazi vizuri wakati watu wa msingi ni sehemu ya mchakato, na hivyo kuchagua na kukusanyika nyuma ya kiongozi wao bila kuingiliwa na kimataifa." Lakini hakuna kitu kingefanya kazi ikiwa kiongozi anapiga makofi bila umati kama hali ya sasa ya Farmajo inavyosema wazi. "Serikali" ya Farmajo ni ya jina tu na ni kinyume cha jitihada za amani na upatanisho wa Somalia kwani si serikali halisi inayowakilisha mapenzi na maslahi ya eneo lote la Usimamizi wa zamani wa Italia nchini Somalia. "Kupitia maandishi yake ya kwanza, John Burnett, mwanasiasa wa Somalia, alitoa maelezo ya kuvutia kuhusu hali ya Somalia, ""ambayo askari wanaogopa kutembea"" (2005), na ""kama shambles, iliyokatwa kwa zaidi ya miongo miwili ya ukosefu wa sheria na karibu anarchy ya kawaida.""" Ni taifa pekee la dunia lisilo na serikali kuu, na bado linaonwa kuwa mojawapo ya maeneo hatari zaidi duniani. Nasir M. Ali maoni yaliyoonyeshwa hapa hayaonyeshi lazima kwa taasisi yoyote bali ni maoni yangu binafsi na hisia.