Caste is a form of social stratification characterized by endogamy, hereditary transmission of a lifestyle which often includes an occupation, status in a hierarchy, and customary social interaction and exclusion. Its paradigmatic ethnographic example is the division of Indian society into rigid social groups, with roots in India's ancient history and persisting until today. However, the economic significance of the caste system in India has been declining as a result of urbanization and affirmative action programs. A subject of much scholarship by sociologists and anthropologists, the Indian caste system is sometimes used as an analogical basis for the study of caste-like social divisions existing outside India. The term is also applied to non-human populations like ants and bees.
The English word caste derives from the Spanish and Portuguese casta, which the Oxford English Dictionary quotes John Minsheu's Spanish dictionary (1599) to mean "race, lineage, or breed". When the Spanish colonized the New World, they used the word to mean a "clan or lineage." However, it was the Portuguese who employed casta in the primary modern sense when they applied it to the thousands of in-marrying hereditary Indian social groups they encountered upon their arrival in India in 1498. The use of the spelling "caste," with this latter meaning, is first attested to in English in 1613.
Modern India's caste system is based on the social groupings called jāti and the theoretical varna. The system of varnas appears in Hindu texts dating back to 1000 BCE and envisages the society divided into four classes: Brahmins (teachers, scholars and priests), Kshatriyas (warriors and nobles), Vaishyas (farmers,traders and artisans) and Shudras (service providers). The texts do not mention any separate, untouchable category in varna classification. Scholars believe that the system of varnas was a theoretical classification envisioned by the Brahmins, but never truly operational in the society. The practical division of the society had always been in terms of jātis (birth groups), which are not based on any specific principle, but could vary from ethnic origins to occupations. The jātis have been endogamous groups without any fixed hierarchy but subject to vague notions of rank articulated over time based on lifestyle and social, political or economic status. In many instances, as in Bengal, historically the kings and rulers had been called upon, when required, to mediate on the ranks of jātis, which might number in thousands all over the subcontinent and vary by region. In practice, the jātis may or may not fit into the varna classes and many prominent jatis, for example the Jats and Yadavs, straddled two varnas i.e. Kshatriyas and Vaishyas, and the varna status of jātis itself was subject to articulation over time.
Starting with the British colonial Census of 1901 led by Herbert Hope Risley, all the jātis were grouped under the theoretical varnas categories. According to political scientist Lloyd Rudolph, Risley believed that varna, however ancient, could be applied to all the modern castes found in India, and "[he] meant to identify and place several hundred million Indians within it." The terms varna (conceptual classification based on occupation) and jāti (groups) are two distinct concepts: while varna is the idealised four-part division envisaged by the Twice-Borns, jāti (community) refers to the thousands of actual endogamous groups prevalent across the subcontinent. The classical authors scarcely speak of anything other than the varnas, as it provided a convenient shorthand; but a problem arises when even Indologists sometimes confuse the two.
Upon independence from Britain, the Indian Constitution listed 1,108 castes across the country as Scheduled Castes in 1950, for positive discrimination. The Untouchable communities are sometimes called Scheduled Castes, Dalit or Harijan in contemporary literature. In 2001, Dalits were 16.2% of India's population. Most of the 15 million bonded child workers are from the lowest castes.
Independent India has witnessed caste-related violence. India's National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) records crimes against scheduled castes and scheduled tribes - the most disadvantaged groups - in a separate category. In 2005, government recorded approximately 110,000 cases of reported violent acts, including rape and murder, against Dalits For 2012, the government recorded 651 murders, 3,855 injuries, 1,576 rapes, 490 kidnappings, and 214 cases of arson.
The socio-economic limitations of the caste system are reduced due to urbanization and affirmative action. Nevertheless, the caste system still exists in endogamy, patrimony, and thrives in the politics of democracy, where caste provides ready made constituencies to politicians. The globalization and economic opportunities from foreign businesses has influenced the growth of India's middle-class population. Some members of the Chhattisgarh Potter Caste Community (CPCC) are middle-class urban professionals and no longer potters unlike the remaining majority of traditional rural potter members. The co-existence of the middle-class and traditional members in the CPCC has create intersectionality between caste and class. There is persistence of caste in Indian politics. Caste associations have evolved into caste-based political parties. Political parties and the state perceive caste as an important factor for mobilization of people and policy development. It is not politics that gets caste-ridden; it is caste that gets politicized.
The Nepalese caste system resembles that of the Indian jāti system with numerous jāti divisions with a varna system superimposed for a rough equivalence. But since the culture and the society is different some of the things are different. Inscriptions attest the beginnings of a caste system during the Licchavi period. Jayasthiti Malla (1382–95) categorized Newars into 64 castes (Gellner 2001). A similar exercise was made during the reign of Mahindra Malla (1506–75). The Hindu social code was later set up in Gorkha by Ram Shah (1603–36).
Religious, historical and sociocultural factors have helped define the bounds of endogamy for Muslims in some parts of Pakistan. There is a preference for endogamous marriages based on the clan-oriented nature of the society, which values and actively seeks similarities in social group identity based on several factors, including religious, sectarian, ethnic, and tribal/clan affiliation. Religious affiliation is itself multilayered and includes religious considerations other than being Muslim, such as sectarian identity (e.g. Shia or Sunni, etc.) and religious orientation within the sect (Isnashari, Ismaili, Ahmedi, etc.).
Both ethnic affiliation (e.g. Pathan, Sindhi, Baloch, Punjabi, etc.) and membership of specific biraderis or zaat/quoms are additional integral components of social identity. Within the bounds of endogamy defined by the above parameters, close consanguineous unions are preferred due to a congruence of key features of group- and individual-level background factors as well as affinities. McKim Marriott claims a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous and hereditary is widely prevalent, particularly in western parts of Pakistan. Frederik Barth in his review of this system of social stratification in Pakistan suggested that these are castes.
The caste system in Sri Lanka is a division of society into strata, influenced by the textbook varnas and jāti system found in India. Ancient Sri Lankan texts such as the Pujavaliya, Sadharmaratnavaliya and Yogaratnakaraya and inscriptional evidence show that the above hierarchy prevailed throughout the feudal period. The repetition of the same caste hierarchy even as recently as the 18th century, in the British/Kandyan period Kadayimpoth - Boundary books as well, indicates the continuation of the tradition right up to the end of Sri Lanka's monarchy.
Balinese caste structure has been described in early 20th-century European literature to be based on three categories – triwangsa (thrice born) or the nobility, dwijāti (twice born) in contrast to ekajāti (once born) the low folks. Four statuses were identified in these sociological studies, spelled a bit differently from the caste categories for India:
The Brahmana caste was further subdivided by these Dutch ethnographers into two: Siwa and Buda. The Siwa caste was subdivided into five – Kemenuh, Keniten, Mas, Manuba and Petapan. This classification was to accommodate the observed marriage between higher caste Brahmana men with lower caste women. The other castes were similarly further sub-classified by these 19th-century and early-20th-century ethnographers based on numerous criteria ranging from profession, endogamy or exogamy or polygamy, and a host of other factors in a manner similar to castas in Spanish colonies such as Mexico, and caste system studies in British colonies such as India.
China and Mongolia
During the period of Yuan Dynasty, ruler Kublai Khan enforced a Four Class System, which was a legal caste system. The order of four classes of people was maintained by the information of the descending order were:-
Some scholars notes that it was a kind of psychological indication that the earlier they submitted to Mongolian people, the higher social status they would have. The 'Four Class System' and its people received different treatment in political, legal, and military affairs.
Today, the Hukou system is considered by various sources as the current caste system of China.
There is also significant controversy over the social classes of Tibet, especially with regards to the serfdom in Tibet controversy.
In Japan's history, social strata based on inherited position rather than personal merit, was rigid and highly formalized in a system called mibunsei (身分制). At the top were the Emperor and Court nobles (kuge), together with the Shogun and daimyo. Below them, the population was divided into four classes: samurai, peasants, craftsmen and merchants. Only samurai were allowed to bear arms. A samurai had a right to kill any peasants, craftsman or merchant who he felt were disrespectful. Merchants were the lowest caste because they did not produce any products. The castes were further sub-divided; for example, peasants were labelled as furiuri, tanagari, mizunomi-byakusho among others. As in Europe, the castes and sub-classes were of the same race, religion and culture.
Howell, in his review of Japanese society notes that if a Western power had colonized Japan in the 19th century, they would have discovered and imposed a rigid four-caste hierarchy in Japan.
De Vos and Wagatsuma observe that Japanese society had a systematic and extensive caste system. They discuss how alleged caste impurity and alleged racial inferiority, concepts often assumed to be different, are superficial terms, and are due to identical inner psychological processes, which expressed themselves in Japan and elsewhere.
Endogamy was common because marriage across caste lines was socially unacceptable.
Japan had its own untouchable caste, shunned and ostracized, historically referred to by the insulting term Eta, now called Burakumin. While modern law has officially abolished the class hierarchy, there are reports of discrimination against the Buraku or Burakumin underclasses. The Burakumin are regarded as "ostracised." The burakumin are one of the main minority groups in Japan, along with the Ainu of Hokkaidō and those of residents of Korean and Chinese descent.
The baekjeong (백정) were an “untouchable” outcaste of Korea. The meaning today is that of butcher. It originates in the Khitan invasion of Korea in the 11th century. The defeated Khitans who surrendered were settled in isolated communities throughout Goryeo to forestall rebellion. They were valued for their skills in hunting, herding, butchering, and making of leather, common skill sets among nomads. Over time, their ethnic origin was forgotten, and they formed the bottom layer of Korean society.
In 1392, with the foundation of the Confucian Joseon dynasty, Korea systemised its own native class system. At the top were the two official classes, the Yangban, which literally means "two classes." It was composed of scholars (munban) and warriors (muban). Scholars had a significant social advantage over the warriors. Below were the jung-in (중인-中人: literally "middle people". This was a small class of specialized professions such as medicine, accounting, translators, regional bureaucrats, etc. Below that were the sangmin (상민-常民: literally 'commoner'), farmers working their own fields. Korea also had a serf population known as the nobi. The nobi population could fluctuate up to about one-third of the population, but on average the nobi made up about 10% of the total population. In 1801, the vast majority of government nobi were emancipated, and by 1858 the nobi population stood at about 1.5 percent of the total population of Korea. The hereditary nobi system was officially abolished around 1886–87 and the rest of the nobi system was abolished with the Gabo Reform of 1894, but traces remained until 1930.
The opening of Korea to foreign Christian missionary activity in the late 19th century saw some improvement in the status of the baekjeong. However, everyone was not equal under the Christian congregation, and even so protests erupted when missionaries tried to integrate baekjeong into worship, with non-baekjeong finding this attempt insensitive to traditional notions of hierarchical advantage. Around the same time, the baekjeong began to resist open social discrimination. They focused on social and economic injustices affecting them, hoping to create an egalitarian Korean society. Their efforts included attacking social discrimination by upper class, authorities, and "commoners," and the use of degrading language against children in public schools.
With the Gabo reform of 1896, the class system of Korea was officially abolished. Following the collapse of the Gabo government, the new cabinet, which became the Gwangmu government after the establishment of the Korean Empire, introduced systematic measures for abolishing the traditional class system. One measure was the new household registration system, reflecting the goals of formal social equality, which was implemented by the loyalists’ cabinet. Whereas the old registration system signified household members according to their hierarchical social status, the new system called for an occupation.
While most Koreans by then had surnames and even bongwan, although still substantial number of cheonmin, mostly consisted of serfs and slaves, and untouchables did not. According to the new system, they were then required to fill in the blanks for surname in order to be registered as constituting separate households. Instead of creating their own family name, some cheonmins appropriated their masters’ surname, while others simply took the most common surname and its bongwan in the local area. Along with this example, activists within and outside the Korean government had based their visions of a new relationship between the government and people through the concept of citizenship, employing the term inmin ("people") and later, kungmin ("citizen").
Committee for Human Rights in North Korea reported that "Every North Korean citizen is assigned a heredity-based class and socio-political rank over which the individual exercises no control but which determines all aspects of his or her life." Regarded as Songbun, Barbara Demick describes this "class structure" as an updating of the hereditary "caste system", combining Confucianism and Stalinism. She claims that a bad family background is called "tainted blood", and that by law this "tainted blood" lasts for three generations.
Heidi Fjeld has put forth the argument that pre-1950s Tibetan society was functionally a caste system, in contrast to previous scholars who defined the Tibetan social class system as similar to European feudal serfdom, as well as non-scholarly western accounts which seek to romanticize a supposedly 'egalitarian' ancient Tibetan society.
Yezidi society is hierarchical. The secular leader is a hereditary emir or prince, whereas a chief sheikh heads the religious hierarchy. The Yazidi are strictly endogamous; members of the three Yazidi castes, the murids, sheikhs and pirs, marry only within their group.
Sassanid society was immensely complex, with separate systems of social organization governing numerous different groups within the empire. Historians believe society comprised four social classes:
- Priests (Persian: Asravan)
- Warriors (Persian: Arteshtaran)
- Secretaries (Persian: Dabiran)
- Commoners (Persian: Vastryoshan)
In Yemen there exists a hereditary caste, the African-descended Al-Akhdam who are kept as perennial manual workers. Estimates put their number at over 3.5 million residents who are discriminated, out of a total Yemeni population of around 22 million.
Various sociologists have reported caste systems in Africa. The specifics of the caste systems have varied in ethnically and culturally diverse Africa, however the following features are common - it has been a closed system of social stratification, the social status is inherited, the castes are hierarchical, certain castes are shunned while others are merely endogamous and exclusionary. In some cases, concepts of purity and impurity by birth have been prevalent in Africa. In other cases, such as the Nupe of Nigeria, the Beni Amer of East Africa, and the Tira of Sudan, the exclusionary principle has been driven by evolving social factors.
Among the Igbo of Nigeria - especially Enugu, Anambra, Imo, Abia, Ebonyi, Edo and Delta states of the country - Obinna finds Osu caste system has been and continues to be a major social issue. The Osu caste is determined by one's birth into a particular family irrespective of the religion practised by the individual. Once born into Osu caste, this Nigerian person is an outcast, shunned and ostracized, with limited opportunities or acceptance, regardless of his or her ability or merit. Obinna discusses how this caste system-related identity and power is deployed within government, Church and indigenous communities.
The osu class systems of eastern Nigeria and southern Cameroon are derived from indigenous religious beliefs and discriminate against the "Osus" people as "owned by deities" and outcasts.
The Songhai economy was based on a caste system. The most common were metalworkers, fishermen, and carpenters. Lower caste participants consisted of mostly non-farm working immigrants, who at times were provided special privileges and held high positions in society. At the top were noblemen and direct descendants of the original Songhai people, followed by freemen and traders.
In a review of social stratification systems in Africa, Richter reports that the term caste has been used by French and American scholars to many groups of West African artisans. These groups have been described as inferior, deprived of all political power, have a specific occupation, are hereditary and sometimes despised by others. Richter illustrates caste system in Ivory Coast, with six sub-caste categories. Unlike other parts of the world, mobility is sometimes possible within sub-castes, but not across caste lines. Farmers and artisans have been, claims Richter, distinct castes. Certain sub-castes are shunned more than others. For example, exogamy is rare for women born into families of woodcarvers.
Similarly, the Mandé societies in Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Senegal and Sierra Leone have social stratification systems that divide society by ethnic ties. The Mande class system regards the jonow slaves as inferior. Similarly, the Wolof in Senegal is divided into three main groups, the geer (freeborn/nobles), jaam (slaves and slave descendants) and the underclass neeno. In various parts of West Africa, Fulani societies also have class divisions. Other castes include Griots, Forgerons, and Cordonniers.
Tamari has described endogamous castes of over fifteen West African peoples, including the Tukulor, Songhay, Dogon, Senufo, Minianka, Moors, Manding, Soninke, Wolof, Serer, Fulani, and Tuareg. Castes appeared among the Malinke people no later than 14th century, and was present among the Wolof and Soninke, as well as some Songhay and Fulani populations, no later than 16th century. Tamari claims that wars, such as the Sosso-Malinke war described in the Sunjata epic, led to the formation of blacksmith and bard castes among the people that ultimately became the Mali empire.
As West Africa evolved over time, sub-castes emerged that acquired secondary specializations or changed occupations. Endogamy was prevalent within a caste or among a limited number of castes, yet castes did not form demographic isolates according to Tamari. Social status according to caste was inherited by off-springs automatically; but this inheritance was paternal. That is, children of higher caste men and lower caste or slave concubines would have the caste status of the father.
Ethel M. Albert in 1960 claimed that the societies in Central Africa were caste-like social stratification systems. Similarly, in 1961, Maquet notes that the society in Rwanda and Burundi can be best described as castes. The Tutsi, noted Maquet, considered themselves as superior, with the more numerous Hutu and the least numerous Twa regarded, by birth, as respectively, second and third in the hierarchy of Rwandese society. These groups were largely endogamous, exclusionary and with limited mobility. Maquet's theories have been controversial.
Horn of Africa
In a review published in 1977, Todd reports that numerous scholars report a system of social stratification in different parts of Africa that resembles some or all aspects of caste system. Examples of such caste systems, he claims, are to be found in Ethiopia in communities such as the Gurage and Konso. He then presents the Dime of Southwestern Ethiopia, amongst whom there operates a system which Todd claims can be unequivocally labelled as caste system. The Dime have seven castes whose size varies considerably. Each broad caste level is a hierarchical order that is based on notions of purity, non-purity and impurity. It uses the concepts of defilement to limit contacts between caste categories and to preserve the purity of the upper castes. These caste categories have been exclusionary, endogamous and the social identity inherited. Alula Pankhurst has published a study of caste groups in SW Ethiopia.
Among the Kafa, there were also traditionally groups labeled as castes. "Based on research done before the Derg regime, these studies generally presume the existence of a social hierarchy similar to the caste system. At the top of this hierarchy were the Kafa, followed by occupational groups including blacksmiths (Qemmo), weavers (Shammano), bards (Shatto), potters, and tanners (Manno). In this hierarchy, the Manjo were commonly referred to as hunters, given the lowest status equal only to slaves."
The Borana Oromo of southern Ethiopia in the Horn of Africa also have a class system, wherein the Wata, an acculturated hunter-gatherer group, represent the lowest class. Though the Wata today speak the Oromo language, they have traditions of having previously spoken another language before adopting Oromo.
The traditionally nomadic Somali people are divided into clans, wherein the Rahanweyn agro-pastoral clans and the occupational clans such as the Madhiban were traditionally sometimes treated as outcasts. As Gabboye, the Madhiban along with the Yibir and Tumaal (collectively referred to as sab) have since obtained political representation within Somalia, and their general social status has improved with the expansion of urban centers.
France and Spain
For centuries, through the modern times, the majority regarded Cagots of western France and northern Spain as an inferior caste, the untouchables. While they had the same skin color and religion as the majority, in the churches they had to use segregated doors, drink from segregated fonts, and receive communion on the end of long wooden spoons. It was a closed social system. The socially isolated Cagots were endogamous, and chances of social mobility non-existent.
In July 2013, the UK government announced its intention to amend the Equality Act 2010 to "introduce legislation on caste, including any necessary exceptions to the caste provisions, within the framework of domestic discrimination law". Section 9(5) of the Equality Act 2010 provides that "a Minister may by order amend the statutory definition of race to include caste and may provide for exceptions in the Act to apply or not to apply to caste".
Jamii ni aina ya utamaduni wa kijamii unaojulikana kwa endogamy, usambazaji wa urithi wa mtindo wa maisha ambao mara nyingi unatia ndani kazi, hadhi katika uongozi, na mwingiliano wa kawaida wa kijamii na kutengwa. Mfano wake wa mfano wa etnographic ni mgawanyiko wa jamii ya Kihindi katika vikundi vya kijamii visivyo na utaratibu, na mizizi katika historia ya kale ya India na kuendelea hadi leo. Hata hivyo, umuhimu wa kiuchumi wa mfumo wa tabaka nchini India umekuwa ukipungua kama matokeo ya mijini na mipango ya hatua nzuri. Mfumo wa jamii wa India ni suala la masomo mengi na wanasaikolojia na wananthropolojia, wakati mwingine hutumiwa kama msingi wa analogi kwa ajili ya utafiti wa mgawanyiko wa kijamii kama jamii uliopo nje ya India. Neno hilo pia hutumiwa kwa idadi ya watu wasio wanadamu kama vile chungu na nyuki. "Jina la Kiingereza la ""caste"" linatokana na neno la Kihispania na Kireno ""casta,"" ambalo kamusi ya Kiingereza ya Oxford inataja katika kamusi ya Kihispania ya John Minshew (1599) kuwa linamaanisha ""mbio, ukoo, au jamii.""" Wahispania walipokoloni Ulimwengu Mpya, walitumia neno hilo kumaanisha "kabila au ukoo". "Lakini, ni Wareno ambao walitumia neno ""casta"" katika maana ya kisasa ya msingi walipoitumia kwa maelfu ya watu wa jamii ya Wahindi waliopatikana katika ndoa za kiukoo walipofika India mwaka 1498."" "Kutumia neno ""caste"" katika Kiingereza ni jambo la kwanza katika historia ya Kiingereza." Mfumo wa tabaka wa kisasa wa India unategemea vikundi vya kijamii vinavyoitwa jāti na varna ya nadharia. Varna ni mfumo wa kihistoria wa kihindi ambao unapatikana katika maandishi ya Kihindu ya 1000 KK, na unaonyesha jamii imegawanywa katika madarasa manne: Brahmins (walimu, wasomi na makuhani), Kshatriyas (wapiganaji na wakuu), Vaishyas (wakulima, wafanyabiashara na wasanii) na Shudras (watoa huduma). Maandishi hayo hayataji jamii yoyote tofauti, isiyoweza kuguswa katika uainishaji wa varna. Wasomi wanaamini kwamba mfumo wa varnas ulikuwa uainishaji wa nadharia uliotarajiwa na Brahmins, lakini haukuwahi kufanya kazi kweli katika jamii. Sehemu ya kawaida ya jamii ilikuwa ni jatis (vikundi vya kuzaliwa), ambazo hazitegemei kanuni yoyote maalum, lakini zinaweza kutofautiana kutoka kwa asili ya kikabila hadi kazi. Jamii za Jatis zimekuwa vikundi vya endogamous bila utaratibu wowote wa juu lakini chini ya dhana zisizo wazi za cheo zilizoelezwa kwa muda kulingana na mtindo wa maisha na hali ya kijamii, kisiasa au kiuchumi. Katika matukio mengi, kama vile Bengal, kihistoria wafalme na watawala walikuwa wameitwa, wakati walihitajika, kuingilia kati katika safu za jatis, ambazo zinaweza kuwa maelfu kote katika bara na kutofautiana kulingana na mkoa. Katika mazoezi, jatis inaweza au haiwezi kufaa katika madarasa varna na jatis wengi mashuhuri, kwa mfano Jats na Yadavs, straddled varnas mbili yaani. Kshatriyas na Vaishyas, na hali ya varna ya jātis yenyewe ilikuwa chini ya articulation kwa muda. Kuanzia na sensa ya kikoloni ya Uingereza ya 1901 iliyoongozwa na Herbert Hope Risley, jati zote zilikusanywa chini ya makundi ya nadharia ya varnas. Kulingana na mwanasayansi wa siasa Lloyd Rudolph, Risley aliamini kwamba varna, hata iwe ya kale, ingeweza kutumiwa kwa jamii zote za kisasa zinazopatikana nchini India, na "[alikuwa] na nia ya kutambua na kuweka Wahindi mamia kadhaa ya milioni ndani yake." Varna (uainishaji wa dhana kulingana na kazi) na Jati (vikundi) ni dhana mbili tofauti: wakati Varna ni mgawanyiko wa sehemu nne uliofikiriwa na Twice-Born, Jati (jamii) inahusu maelfu ya vikundi vya endogamous halisi vilivyoenea katika bara. Waandishi wa kale hawazungumzi juu ya kitu kingine chochote isipokuwa Varna, kwani ilitoa kifupi rahisi; lakini tatizo linatokea wakati hata wataalamu wa Kihindi wakati mwingine huchanganya hizo mbili. Baada ya uhuru kutoka Uingereza, Katiba ya India iliorodhesha jamii 1,108 nchini kote kama jamii zilizopangwa mnamo 1950, kwa ubaguzi mzuri. Jamii zisizoweza kuguswa wakati mwingine huitwa Scheduled Castes, Dalit au Harijan katika fasihi ya kisasa. Katika mwaka wa 2001, Dalit walikuwa asilimia 16.2 ya idadi ya watu nchini India. Watoto milioni 15 wanaofanya kazi ya utumwa ni wa tabaka la chini zaidi. India huru imeshuhudia jeuri inayohusiana na tabaka. Ofisi ya Taifa ya Rekodi za Uhalifu (NCRB) nchini India, imeweka katika orodha tofauti makosa ya uhalifu dhidi ya makabila na makabila yaliyoorodheshwa - makundi yaliyo chini ya hali nzuri zaidi. Mwaka 2005 serikali ilirekodi takriban visa 110,000 vya mauaji ya kikatili dhidi ya watu wa kabila la Dalits, ikiwa ni pamoja na mauaji ya kikatili na mauaji ya kikatili. Vizuizi vya kijamii na kiuchumi vya mfumo wa tabaka hupunguzwa kwa sababu ya mijini na hatua nzuri. Hata hivyo, mfumo wa tabaka bado upo katika endogamy, urithi, na hufanikiwa katika siasa za demokrasia, ambapo tabaka hutoa vyama vya tayari kwa wanasiasa. Utajiri wa biashara na biashara za kigeni zimesababisha ongezeko la idadi ya watu wa tabaka la kati nchini India. Chhattisgarh Pottery Caste Community (CPCC) ni jamii ya watu wa tabaka la kati ambao ni wataalamu wa kazi za udongo na ambao ni wachache sana katika jamii ya watu wa tabaka la kati. Kuwepo kwa jamii ya kati na ya kitamaduni katika chama cha CPC kumesababisha kuingiliana kati ya tabaka na tabaka. Kuna kuendelea kwa jamii katika siasa za India. Mashirika ya tabaka yamegeuka kuwa vyama vya kisiasa vinavyotegemea tabaka. Vyama vya kisiasa na serikali huona tabaka kama sababu muhimu ya kuhamasisha watu na maendeleo ya sera. Si siasa inayopigwa na tabaka; ni tabaka linalopigwa na siasa. Mfumo wa tabaka wa Nepal unafanana na ule wa mfumo wa India wa jāti na mgawanyiko mwingi wa jāti na mfumo wa varna uliowekwa juu ya usawa wa karibu. Lakini kwa kuwa utamaduni na jamii ni tofauti baadhi ya mambo ni tofauti. Maandishi ya kale yanathibitisha kwamba mfumo wa tabaka ulianza wakati wa utawala wa Licchavi. Jayasthiti Malla (1382-1395) aliwaweka Newars katika makundi 64 (Gellner 2001). Utafiti kama huo ulifanywa wakati wa utawala wa Mahindra Malla (1506-1575). Kanuni za kijamii za Kihindu zilianzishwa baadaye huko Gorkha na Ram Shah (1603-1666). Mambo ya kidini, kihistoria na kijamii na kitamaduni yamechangia kuamua mipaka ya ndoa ya kiume kwa Waislamu katika sehemu fulani za Pakistan. Kuna upendeleo kwa ndoa za endogamous kulingana na asili ya jamii ya ukoo, ambayo inathamini na inatafuta kwa bidii kufanana katika utambulisho wa kikundi cha kijamii kulingana na sababu kadhaa, pamoja na dini, madhehebu, kikabila, na ushirika wa kikabila. Ushiriki wa kidini ni yenyewe multilayered na ni pamoja na kuzingatia kidini mbali na kuwa Mwislamu, kama vile utambulisho wa madhehebu (kwa mfano. Shia au Sunni, nk.) na mwelekeo wa kidini ndani ya madhehebu (Isnashari, Ismaili, Ahmedi, nk). Wote ushirika wa kikabila (kwa mfano Pathan, Sindhi, Baloch, Punjabi, nk.) Uanachama wa jamii fulani (biraderis) au zaat (quoms) ni sehemu ya utambulisho wa kijamii. Ndani ya mipaka ya endogamy iliyofafanuliwa na vigezo hapo juu, vyama vya karibu vya ukoo hupendekezwa kwa sababu ya usawa wa sifa muhimu za sababu za msingi za kikundi na kiwango cha mtu binafsi, pamoja na uhusiano. McKim Marriott anadai kuwa jamii ya watu ni ya kidesturi, imefungwa, endogamous na ya urithi, na ni ya kawaida hasa katika sehemu za magharibi mwa Pakistan. Frederik Barth katika ukaguzi wake wa mfumo huu wa tabaka la kijamii nchini Pakistan alipendekeza kwamba hizi ni tabaka. Mfumo wa tabaka la watu nchini Sri Lanka ni mgawanyiko wa jamii katika tabaka, ulioathiriwa na vitabu vya masomo vya varnas na mfumo wa jāti uliopatikana nchini India. Maandishi ya kale ya Sri Lanka kama vile Pujavaliya, Sadharmaratnaviya na Yogaratnakaraya na ushahidi wa maandishi yanaonyesha kwamba utaratibu wa juu ulitawala katika kipindi chote cha feudal. Kuonekana kwa utaratibu huo wa tabaka hata katika karne ya 18, katika vitabu vya kipindi cha Uingereza na Kandyan, Kadayampoth - Boundary, pia, inaonyesha mwendelezo wa utamaduni huo hadi mwisho wa utawala wa kifalme wa Sri Lanka. Mfumo wa tabaka la watu wa Bali umeelezwa katika fasihi ya Ulaya ya mapema karne ya 20 kuwa unategemea makundi matatu - triwangsa (kuzaliwa mara tatu) au watu mashuhuri, dwijati (kuzaliwa mara mbili) kinyume na ekjati (kuzaliwa mara moja) watu wa chini. Katika masomo haya ya kijamii, hali nne zilitambuliwa, zilizoandikwa tofauti kidogo na makundi ya jamii kwa India: Jamii ya Brahmana iligawanywa zaidi na wataalamu hawa wa etnography wa Uholanzi katika mbili: Siwa na Buda. Jamii ya Siwa iligawanywa katika tano <unk> Kemenuh, Keniten, Mas, Manuba na Petapan. Uainishaji huu ulikuwa ili kukidhi ndoa zilizotambuliwa kati ya wanaume wa Brahmana wa tabaka la juu na wanawake wa tabaka la chini. Jamii nyingine za kifalme pia ziligawanywa na wataalamu wa karne ya 19 na mapema ya 20 kulingana na vigezo vingi kuanzia taaluma, endogamy au exogamy au polygamy, na idadi ya mambo mengine kwa njia sawa na jamii katika koloni za Kihispania kama vile Mexico na masomo ya mfumo wa jamii katika koloni za Uingereza kama vile India. Wakati wa utawala wa Yuan Dynasty, Kublai Khan alianzisha mfumo wa makundi manne. "Hii ni kwa sababu ya ""mfano wa watu wa jamii nne"" ambao ni ""mfano wa watu wa jamii nne"" ambao ni ""mfano wa watu wa jamii nne"" ambao ni ""mfano wa watu wa jamii nne"" ambao ni ""mfano wa watu wa jamii nne"" ambao ni ""mfano wa watu wa jamii nne.""" 'Mfumo wa Darasa Nne' na watu wake walipata matibabu tofauti katika mambo ya kisiasa, ya kisheria, na ya kijeshi. Leo, mfumo wa Hukou unaonwa na vyanzo mbalimbali kuwa mfumo wa sasa wa tabaka la watu wa China. Pia kuna utata mkubwa juu ya tabaka za kijamii za Tibet, haswa kuhusiana na utata wa utumwa huko Tibet. Katika historia ya Japani, tabaka la kijamii kulingana na nafasi iliyorithiwa badala ya sifa ya kibinafsi, ilikuwa ngumu na rasmi sana katika mfumo unaoitwa mibunsei (mfumo wa kugawanya mwili). Juu ya cheo hicho kulikuwa na Maliki na wakuu wa makao ya mfalme (kuge), pamoja na Shogun na daimyo. Chini yao, watu waligawanywa katika tabaka nne: samurai, wakulima, mafundi na wafanyabiashara. Ni samurai tu walioruhusiwa kubeba silaha. Samurai alikuwa na haki ya kuwaua wakulima, mafundi, au wafanyabiashara waliohisi kwamba hawakuwa na heshima. Wafanyabiashara walikuwa wa tabaka la chini zaidi kwa sababu hawakuzalisha bidhaa zozote. Makabila yaligawanywa zaidi; kwa mfano, wakulima walipewa lebo kama furiuri, tanagari, mizunomi-byakusho miongoni mwa wengine. Kama ilivyo katika Ulaya, tabaka na tabaka ndogo zilikuwa za jamii, dini na utamaduni uleule. "Hawell, katika kitabu chake cha ""Review of Japanese Society,"" anasema kwamba kama nchi ya Magharibi ingekuwa imekitawala Japani katika karne ya 19, ingekuwa imegundua na kuanzisha mfumo mkali wa jamii nne nchini Japani." De Vos na Wagatsuma wanasema kwamba jamii ya Japani ilikuwa na mfumo wa tabaka wa tabaka uliokuwa na utaratibu na ulienea sana. "Wanajadili jinsi ""uchafu wa jamii"" na ""uchafu wa rangi"" unaodhaniwa, dhana ambazo mara nyingi huchukuliwa kuwa tofauti, ni maneno ya juu, na ni kwa sababu ya michakato sawa ya kisaikolojia ya ndani, ambayo ilijitokeza nchini Japani na kwingineko." Ndoa ya ndoa ya wenzi wa ndoa ilikuwa ya kawaida kwa sababu ndoa kati ya watu wa tabaka tofauti-tofauti hazikukubaliwa na jamii. "Hata hivyo, watu wa kabila la ""Intouchables"" waliopigwa marufuku na kutengwa na jamii, na kwa wakati huo waliitwa kwa jina la kikatili la ""eta"" (burakumin)." Ingawa sheria ya kisasa imefutilia mbali rasmi utaratibu wa tabaka, kuna ripoti za ubaguzi dhidi ya tabaka la chini la Buraku au Burakumin. Watu wa Burakumin huonwa kuwa "wenye kutengwa na jamii". Burakumin ni moja ya makundi makuu ya wachache nchini Japani, pamoja na Ainu wa Hokkaidō na wale wa wakazi wa asili ya Kikorea na Kichina. Baekjeong (백정) walikuwa <unk>untouchable<unk> outcaste ya Korea. Maana yake leo ni ya mwuaji. Mfano wa hili ni uvamizi wa Korea na Kitan katika karne ya 11. Wakitan walioshindwa ambao walijisalimisha walihamishwa katika jamii zilizojitenga kotekote Goryeo ili kuzuia uasi. Walithaminiwa kwa sababu ya ustadi wao wa kuwinda, kuchunga mifugo, kuchinja nyama, na kutengeneza ngozi, ustadi ambao ulikuwa wa kawaida miongoni mwa watu wa makabila. Baada ya muda, asili yao ya kikabila ilisahaulika, nao wakawa tabaka la chini la jamii ya Korea. Mwaka 1392 utawala wa Confucius ulianza, na Korea ikawa na jamii ya watu wa asili. Juu zaidi kulikuwa na madarasa mawili rasmi, Yangban, ambayo kihalisi humaanisha "madarasa mawili". Kikundi hicho kilikuwa na wasomi (munban) na wapiganaji (muban). Wasomi walikuwa na faida kubwa ya kijamii kuliko wapiganaji. Chini walikuwa jung-in (중인-中人: kihalisi "watu wa kati". Hii ilikuwa darasa dogo la taaluma maalumu kama vile dawa, uhasibu, watafsiri, maofisa wa kikanda, nk. Chini ya hilo kulikuwa na sangmin (상민-常民: kihalisi'mtu wa kawaida'), wakulima waliofanya kazi katika mashamba yao wenyewe. Korea pia ilikuwa na watu wa ukoo waliojulikana kama nobi. Idadi ya watu wa Nobi inaweza kuwa karibu theluthi moja ya idadi ya watu, lakini kwa wastani, Nobi hufanyiza karibu 10% ya idadi ya watu. Mwaka 1801 idadi kubwa ya watu wa kabila la Nobi walipewa uhuru na kufikia mwaka 1858 idadi ya watu wa kabila la Nobi ilikuwa asilimia 1.5 ya idadi ya watu wote nchini Korea. Mfumo wa nobi uliondolewa rasmi karibu 1886 na sehemu iliyobaki ya mfumo wa nobi ilifutwa na Marekebisho ya Gabo ya 1894, lakini alama zilibaki hadi 1930. Kufunguliwa kwa Korea kwa shughuli za kimisionari wa Kikristo wa kigeni mwishoni mwa karne ya 19 kuliona uboreshaji fulani katika hadhi ya baekjeong. Hata hivyo, kila mtu hakuwa sawa chini ya kutaniko la Kikristo, na hata hivyo maandamano yalitokea wakati wamishonari walijaribu kuunganisha baekjeong katika ibada, na wasio-baekjeong wakipata jaribio hili lisilo na hisia kwa dhana za jadi za faida ya kidesturi. Karibu na wakati huohuo, baekjeong walianza kupinga ubaguzi wa kijamii. Walikazia fikira ukosefu wa haki wa kijamii na kiuchumi uliowaathiri, wakitumaini kuunda jamii ya Korea yenye usawa. Jitihada zao zilitia ndani kushambulia ubaguzi wa kijamii uliotendwa na watu wa tabaka la juu, wenye mamlaka, na "watu wa kawaida", na kutumia lugha yenye kudharau dhidi ya watoto katika shule za umma. Mabadiliko ya Gabo ya 1896, yaliondoa mfumo wa madarasa katika Korea. Baada ya kuanguka kwa serikali ya Gabo, baraza jipya la mawaziri, ambalo likawa serikali ya Gwangmu baada ya kuanzishwa kwa Milki ya Korea, lilianzisha hatua za utaratibu za kuondoa mfumo wa jadi wa darasa. Hatua moja ilikuwa mfumo mpya wa usajili wa kaya, unaonyesha malengo ya usawa rasmi wa kijamii, ambao ulianzishwa na baraza la mawaziri la waaminifu. Ingawa mfumo wa zamani wa usajili ulionyesha washiriki wa familia kulingana na cheo chao cha kijamii, mfumo mpya ulihitaji kazi. Wakati wengi wa Wakorea wakati huo walikuwa na majina ya familia na hata bongwan, ingawa bado idadi kubwa ya cheonmin, zaidi ilijumuisha serfs na watumwa, na wasioweza kuguswa hawakuwa. Kwa mujibu wa mfumo mpya, walihitaji kujaza nafasi tupu kwa jina la familia ili kuandikishwa kama nyumba tofauti. Badala ya kuunda jina la familia yao wenyewe, baadhi ya cheonmin walichukua jina la familia ya mabwana wao, wakati wengine walichukua tu jina la familia la kawaida na bongwan yake katika eneo hilo. "Wakati huo huo, wanaharakati wa ndani na nje ya serikali ya Korea walikuwa wameweka msingi wa maono yao ya uhusiano mpya kati ya serikali na watu kupitia dhana ya uraia, wakitumia neno ""inmin"" (""watu"") na baadaye ""kungmin"" (""raia")."" "Kulingana na ripoti ya Kamati ya Haki za Binadamu ya Korea Kaskazini, ""kila raia wa Korea Kaskazini ana daraja la kijamii na kisiasa linalotegemea urithi, ambalo mtu binafsi hawezi kudhibiti, lakini huamua nyanja zote za maisha yake.""" Barbara Demick anaelezea "muundo wa darasa" huu kama sasisho la "mfumo wa tabaka" wa urithi, ukichanganya Confucianism na Stalinism. "Mwanamke huyo anasema kwamba ""damu iliyotiwa unajisi"" huenea katika familia kwa vizazi vitatu." Heidi Feld ameweka hoja kwamba jamii ya kabla ya miaka ya 1950 ilikuwa na mfumo wa tabaka, kinyume na wasomi wa awali ambao walifafanua mfumo wa tabaka la kijamii la Tibet kama sawa na utumwa wa feudal wa Ulaya, na vile vile akaunti za magharibi zisizo za kisayansi ambazo zinatafuta kufurahisha jamii ya kale ya Tibet. Jamii ya Yezidi ina utaratibu wa cheo. Kiongozi wa kidini ni emir au mkuu wa urithi, ilhali sheikh mkuu ndiye kiongozi wa madhehebu ya kidini. Wazidi ni endogamous kabisa; wanachama wa makabila matatu ya Yazidi, murids, sheikhs na pirs, huoa tu ndani ya kikundi chao. Jamii ya Sassanid ilikuwa tata sana, ikiwa na mifumo tofauti ya shirika la kijamii inayoongoza vikundi vingi tofauti ndani ya milki. "Wanafalsafa wa Yemen wanaamini jamii ilikuwa na tabaka nne: ""Makasisi"" (Persian: Asravan) ""Wapiganaji"" (Persian: Arteshtaran) ""Wakilishaji"" (Persian: Dabiran) ""Watu wa kawaida"" (Persian: Vastryoshan) ""Hakuna jamii ya urithi, Al-Akhdam wa asili ya Kiafrika ambao huhifadhiwa kama wafanyakazi wa mikono wa kudumu." Takwimu zinaonyesha idadi ya watu wanaotendewa vibaya ni zaidi ya milioni 3.5 kati ya idadi ya watu milioni 22 nchini Yemen. Wataalamu mbalimbali wa jamii wameripoti mifumo ya tabaka katika Afrika. Mfumo wa tabaka za watu ni tofauti katika Afrika, lakini sifa zifuatazo ni za kawaida: ni mfumo uliofungwa wa tabaka za kijamii, hali ya kijamii ni urithi, tabaka ni ya cheo, baadhi ya tabaka ni shunned wakati wengine ni tu endogamous na exclusionary. Katika visa fulani, dhana za usafi na uchafu kwa kuzaliwa zimekuwa za kawaida katika Afrika. Katika maeneo mengine kama vile Nupe wa Nigeria, Beni Amer wa Afrika Mashariki, na Tira wa Sudan, kanuni ya kutengwa imesukumwa na mabadiliko ya kijamii. Miongoni mwa Waigbo wa Nigeria - hasa Enugu, Anambra, Imo, Abia, Ebonyi, Edo na Delta majimbo ya nchi - Obinna anapata Osu mfumo wa tabaka imekuwa na inaendelea kuwa suala kubwa la kijamii. Jamii ya Osu huamuliwa na kuzaliwa kwa mtu katika familia fulani bila kujali dini inayofuatwa na mtu huyo. Baada ya kuzaliwa katika jamii ya Osu, mtu huyu wa Nigeria ni mtu aliyefukuzwa, kuepukwa na kutengwa, na fursa ndogo au kukubalika, bila kujali uwezo wake au sifa. Obinna anazungumzia jinsi utambulisho huu unaohusiana na mfumo wa tabaka na nguvu unavyotumiwa ndani ya serikali, Kanisa na jamii za wenyeji. Mfumo wa tabaka wa Osu wa mashariki mwa Nigeria na kusini mwa Kamerun unatokana na imani za kidini za wenyeji na unabaguzi dhidi ya watu wa "Osus" kama "wenyewe na miungu" na waliotengwa. Uchumi wa Songhai ulitegemea mfumo wa tabaka. Watu wa kawaida walikuwa watengenezaji wa chuma, wavuvi, na wakataji. Washiriki wa tabaka la chini walikuwa hasa wahamiaji wasio wakulima, ambao nyakati nyingine walipewa mapendeleo ya pekee na walikuwa na vyeo vya juu katika jamii. Juu ya cheo hicho kulikuwa na watu mashuhuri na wazao wa moja kwa moja wa watu wa awali wa Songhai, wakifuatwa na watu huru na wafanyabiashara. Katika ukaguzi wa mifumo ya tabaka za kijamii katika Afrika, Richter anaripoti kwamba neno jamii limetumiwa na wasomi wa Ufaransa na Marekani kwa makundi mengi ya mafundi wa Afrika Magharibi. "Kundi hili limeelezwa kuwa ""la chini,"" limeondolewa nguvu zote za kisiasa, lina kazi maalum, ni la urithi na wakati mwingine linatukanwa na wengine." Richter anaonyesha mfumo wa tabaka katika Ivory Coast, na makundi sita ya tabaka ndogo. Tofauti na sehemu nyingine za ulimwengu, wakati mwingine uhamaji unawezekana ndani ya tabaka ndogo, lakini si katika mistari ya tabaka. Richter anadai kwamba wakulima na mafundi wamekuwa watu wa tabaka tofauti. Jamii fulani za chini zinakataliwa zaidi kuliko nyingine. Kwa mfano, ni nadra kwa wanawake waliozaliwa katika familia za wachongaji wa mbao kuwa na ndoa ya nje. Kwa mfano, jamii za Mandé nchini Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Senegal na Sierra Leone zina mifumo ya jamii iliyogawanywa kulingana na makabila. Mfumo wa tabaka la Mande huona watumwa wa Jonow kuwa wa hali ya chini. Kwa mfano, Wolof nchini Senegal wamegawanywa katika makundi matatu: Geer (watu wa asili huru), Ja'ar (watumwa na wazao wa watumwa) na Neeno. Katika sehemu mbalimbali za Afrika Magharibi, jamii za Wafulani pia zina mgawanyiko wa tabaka. Makabila mengine yanatia ndani Griots, Forgerons, na Cordonniers. Tamari ameelezea jamii za watu wa Afrika Magharibi zaidi ya kumi na tano, ikiwa ni pamoja na Tukulor, Songhay, Dogon, Senufo, Minianka, Moors, Manding, Soninke, Wolof, Serer, Fulani, na Tuareg. Jamii ya Malinke ilitokea katika karne ya 14 na ilikuwapo katika Wolof na Soninke, pamoja na baadhi ya Songhai na Fulani. Tamari anasema vita kama vile vita vya Sosso-Malinke vilivyoelezwa katika hadithi ya Sunjata, viliongoza kwenye kuundwa kwa jamii za mashujaa na waimbaji miongoni mwa watu ambao hatimaye wakawa milki ya Mali. Kadiri Afrika Magharibi ilivyobadilika kwa muda, makabila madogo yalionekana ambayo yalipata utaalam wa sekondari au kubadilisha kazi. Endogamy ilikuwa imeenea ndani ya jamii au kati ya idadi ndogo ya jamii, lakini jamii hazikuunda vitengo vya idadi ya watu kulingana na Tamari. Hali ya kijamii kulingana na tabaka ilirithiwa na watoto kwa moja kwa moja; lakini urithi huu ulikuwa wa baba. Yaani, watoto wa wanaume wa tabaka la juu na wa tabaka la chini au wajakazi watumwa wangekuwa na hadhi ya tabaka la baba. Ethel M. Albert, mwanasayansi wa Afrika ya Kati, aliwahi kusema kuwa jamii za Afrika ya Kati zilikuwa na mfumo wa tabaka za kijamii. "Mwaka 1961 Maquet aliandika kwamba jamii ya Rwanda na Burundi inaweza kuelezwa kama ""caste.""" "Makete alisema, ""Watuzi wanajiona kuwa bora, huku Wahutu walio wengi zaidi na Watwa walio wachache zaidi wakionwa, kwa kuzaliwa, kuwa wa pili na wa tatu katika jamii ya Rwanda.""" Vikundi hivyo vilikuwa vya ndoa ya ndani, vilikuwa na watu wa pekee na vilikuwa na uwezo mdogo wa kusafiri. Nadharia za Maquet zimekuwa zenye ubishi. Katika kitabu chake cha mwaka wa 1977, Todd aliripoti kwamba wasomi wengi wanaripoti juu ya mfumo wa tabaka za kijamii katika sehemu mbalimbali za Afrika ambao unafanana na sehemu fulani au sehemu zote za mfumo wa tabaka. Mifano ya mifumo hiyo ya tabaka, anadai, hupatikana nchini Ethiopia katika jamii kama vile Gurage na Konso. "Kisha anawasilisha Dime wa Kusini Magharibi mwa Ethiopia, miongoni mwao kuna mfumo ambao Todd anadai unaweza kuwa wazi kama mfumo wa tabaka. """ Dime wana makabila saba ambayo ukubwa wao hutofautiana sana. Kila ngazi pana ya tabaka ni utaratibu wa cheo ambao unategemea dhana za usafi, kutokuwa safi na uchafu. Inatumia dhana za uchafu ili kupunguza mawasiliano kati ya makundi ya tabaka na kuhifadhi usafi wa tabaka za juu. Makundi haya ya tabaka yamekuwa ya kutengwa, endogamous na utambulisho wa kijamii uliorithiwa. Alula Pankhurst amechapisha utafiti wa vikundi vya tabaka katika Kusini Magharibi mwa Ethiopia. Miongoni mwa Kafa, pia kulikuwa na vikundi vilivyoitwa jamii. "Kwa kuzingatia utafiti uliofanywa kabla ya utawala wa Derg, masomo haya kwa ujumla hufikiria kuwepo kwa utaratibu wa kijamii sawa na mfumo wa tabaka. Juu ya safu hiyo ya cheo kulikuwa na Kafa, wakifuatwa na vikundi vya kazi-maisha kutia ndani wasagaji (Qemmo), waokaji (Shammano), waimbaji (Shatto), watengenezaji wa sufuria, na watengenezaji wa ngozi (Manno). Katika utaratibu huo, kwa kawaida Manjo waliitwa wawindaji, wakipewa cheo cha chini zaidi kilicho sawa tu na cha watumwa". Wa Oromo wa Borana wa kusini mwa Ethiopia katika Pembe ya Afrika pia wana mfumo wa tabaka, ambapo Wata, kikundi cha wawindaji-wakusanyaji wenye utamaduni, huwakilisha tabaka la chini zaidi. Ingawa Wata leo huzungumza lugha ya Oromo, wana mapokeo ya kuwa wamesema lugha nyingine kabla ya kupitisha lugha ya Oromo. Kwa kawaida watu wa Somalia wanaishi katika makabila, ambapo makabila ya Rahanweyn ya kilimo na mifugo na makabila ya kazi kama vile Madhiban mara kwa mara walitendewa kama watu waliotengwa. Madhiba, Yibiri na Tumal (wenye jina la pamoja Sab) wamepata uwakilishi wa kisiasa ndani ya Somalia, na hali yao ya jumla ya kijamii imeboresha na upanuzi wa vituo vya mijini. Kwa karne nyingi, hadi nyakati za kisasa, wengi waliwaona Wakagothi wa magharibi mwa Ufaransa na kaskazini mwa Hispania kuwa jamii ya chini, wasioweza kuguswa. Ingawa walikuwa na rangi ya ngozi na dini sawa na wengi, katika makanisa walilazimika kutumia milango tofauti, kunywa kutoka kwa fonti tofauti, na kupokea ushirika kwenye mwisho wa vijiko virefu vya mbao. Ilikuwa mfumo wa kijamii uliofungwa. Cagots waliotengwa kijamii walikuwa wa ndoa ya ndani, na nafasi za uhamaji wa kijamii hazikuwepo. "Mnamo Julai 2013, serikali ya Uingereza ilitangaza nia yake ya kurekebisha Sheria ya Usawa ya 2010 ili ""kuanzisha sheria juu ya jamii, ikiwa ni pamoja na ubaguzi wowote unaohitajika kwa masharti ya jamii, ndani ya mfumo wa sheria ya ubaguzi wa ndani.""" "Katika kifungu cha 9 (5) cha Sheria ya Usawa ya 2010, Waziri anaweza ""kufanya marekebisho kwa ufafanuzi wa kisheria wa jamii ili kujumuisha jamii na kuandaa mapungufu katika Sheria ambayo yanatumika au hayafanyi kazi kwa jamii."""