Writer : Richard Stoffle
Year : 2019
The fact that Africa’s omission from cannabis histories comes from an intellectual tradition that marginalises the African contribution to world culture, is a central finding of this book. African knowledge is fundamental to the now-dominant global practices of cannabis use. African vocabulary and technology are historically documented and inseparable. Words and phrases, paraphernalia and techniques, plants and knowledge variably survived the Middle Passage. Although industrial slave plantations constituted a new form of social organisation and communal life, the ancient traditions and cultural centrality of cannabis use amongst Africans persisted. Cannabis use today thus represents a thousand years of African intangible heritage and cultural continuity.
This book stands as an iconoclastic contribution to a debate that is hundreds of years old, and one dominated by arguments for and against European colonialism and African slavery. To add a new perspective to such a well-travelled topic, a book must offer something unique and this one does. The author begins with an argument for yet another essay on cannabis and African people. A search using these terms together in our University of Arizona library documents thousands of articles and books on similar topics. However, Duvall devotes considerable space to showing that the extant literature is overwhelmingly biased either for or against a number of sub-themes that have dominated the African-cannabis debate. Perhaps this point is more important than the details of the biases and Duvall’s analysis of why they have misdirected academic and public discussions for more than three hundred years. Stepping back from the details, we are told that the arguments for and against African slavery and its role in European colonialism dominated what scholars and others could and did say about both Africa and cannabis.
The social constructions of cannabis as a mind-destroying drug linked with the perceived racial inferiority of the African people worked together to serve as an ongoing excuse for African slavery and the political suppression of both the drug and the people. This is the unique focus of the book.
Unlike many other authors, Duvall, a professor at the University of New Mexico, USA, argues that he is an objective, data-based scholar. He defines himself as a geographer and political ecologist, but based on his publications he clearly qualifies as an ethno-historian and cultural ecologist. His scholarship on this topic has consequently developed into an argument for the ancient relationship of African peoples with cannabis. His research suggests that for more than a thousand years the plant occupied a culturally central place in pre-colonial African society. Like other mind-altering natural plant products, such as those used by traditional peoples around the world, the plant had religious and spiritual roles. It was originally perceived to be a gift from the Creator designed to expand reason and open portals to other dimensions. Thus cannabis was less of an escape from the world than a means of engaging its complex dimensions. The plant (and its associated spiritual practice) is thus part of the ancient cultural heritage of African peoples and continues to be important in the heritage of Caribbean peoples today.
The book is organised into three major sections developed over 351 pages, including a very brief ‘Table of Contents’, 106 pages of useful ‘Notes’, and 10 pages of ‘Index’. The ‘End Notes’ are organised by chapter where they document a reference point; a style that precludes an alphabetically-listed bibliography of references organised by types of sources. Despite being filled with maps and historic photos there is no listing of these. Most of the maps were produced by the author so they do illustrate what is being said in the text. Figures and maps contain original data and special analysis by the author thus reflecting his expertise as a geographer. All photos are referenced as being in the Author’s Collection. This is clearly a unique and scholarly book.
Part One is an introduction where major components of the cannabis-African connection and both kinds of approaches, are criticised as biased. While some biases were caused by limited access to colonial records, Duvall argues that most were either apologies for colonialism and African slavery or pushbacks against these apologies. Chapters entitled ‘Cannabis and Africa’ and ‘Race and Plant Evolution’ lead to a recommendation for a plant-centred history of African peoples due to the long-term co-evolution of both African society and plant genetics and distribution.
Part Two is about how cannabis came to Africa, what happened to it there, and how it crossed the Atlantic. Basically this portion of the essay is the recommended plant-centred history called for earlier. Here the author talks of ‘Cannabis Cultures’ reflecting the centrality of cannabis and the resulting human/ social co-evolution. He argues for cannabis movement and cultural learning occurring over more than a thousand years of regular interactions. There were specific routes of arrival (well-mapped by the author) ultimately from the Far East but with significant stops in the Middle East (Levant) and on to north and east Africa via trade routes. The movement of cannabis and subsequent cultural learning was more from person to person (traders and seamen) rather than as an explicit export crop or a religious movement. North Africa maintained the cultural use of cannabis much as it had been in the Middle East, but south of the Sahara people primarily smoked it using a wide variety of pipes, some stylistically imported from the Middle East. Innovation occurred in the plant and its uses due to the hundreds of sub-Saharan cultural groups and environmental settings.
Among the many interesting stories is that of the ‘African cough’ which derived from the smoking of cannabis (pages 106-107). The cough was apparently unique and ubiquitous. Europeans travellers were disturbed by the cough and made reference to it in their travel accounts. One observer suggested that the cough was in part an affectation designed to elicit a humorous response from Europeans.
By the historic period cannabis use in Africa, as observed by European travellers, was quickly socially constructed as being both a harmful drug and one of the reasons (along with assumptions of cannibalism and general moral corruption) why African people were better off (that is culturally improved) by being enslaved on ‘civilized’ industrial plantations in the Americas.
African people brought the cannabis plant and the culturally-associated medicinal, spiritual and religious ceremonies to the Americas. They did so alongside sailors and traders. It moved like tobacco and potatoes as part of the ‘Columbian Exchange’ (Crosby: 1972) having such an obvious purpose that it was only questioned by plantation owners and European scholars who argued for its restriction. Here again the author pushes back on most theories of its origin and movement. Cannabis now developed new uses and purposes suitable to the physical and psychological environment of suppressive plantation slavery. It, like other things African (Stoffle and Baro: 2016), was often kept sub-rosa , away from colonial observations and restrictions. Cannabis, like other formerly-suppressed African cultural practices, emerged and was further modified after slavery. While fundamentally a part of the African heritage, cannabis and its uses were creolised to fit the oppressive lives of the people in the Americas.
Part Three contains integrated discussions and some conclusions. The issue of working under the influence is addressed as part of the colonial, and later national, efforts to suppress cannabis use. But cannabis was easily grown, whereas alcohol and tobacco required more effort and were more publicly observable. The author concludes, Cannabis was a low-input environmental resource that laborers valued because it enhanced their capacities to endure marginalization and exploitation (page 161). In addition it became a form of heritage resistance against the legacy of the diaspora, slavery and the organised diminishment of African people and their cultures.
The book should be purchased by every scholar and lay student with an interest in this topic. Have it on your bookshelf because it is more like an encyclopedia than a one-time read. There are many portions of the book that will set off further debates, although much of it is designed to put aside old and false ‘truths’. The challenge is that the author comes to hundreds of conclusions about a wide range of topics. Tracking the ancient presence of cannabis, for example, is done by using archaeology to analyse the forms of excavated smoking pipes, linguistic analysis to uncover words and phrases about smoking in dozens of old African languages, and even using ethno-botanical analysis of pollen from dry caves. Despite the obvious scholarship on these key issues, the author still draws conclusions from the evidence that are difficult to check. This occurs because the author’s sources, using the End Note referencing style and a lack of an integrated bibliography, become their own labyrinth. At some level, however, the reader must largely respect the document-based authority of the book.
"Mwandishi Richard Stoffel anasema: ""Ukosefu wa Afrika katika historia ya bangi unatokana na utamaduni wa kiakili ambao unapunguza mchango wa Afrika katika utamaduni wa ulimwengu." Ujuzi wa Kiafrika ni muhimu kwa mazoea ya kimataifa ya matumizi ya bangi ambayo sasa ni makubwa. Msamiati na teknolojia ya Kiafrika imethibitishwa kihistoria na haiwezi kutenganishwa. Maneno na misemo, vifaa na mbinu, mimea na maarifa kwa njia tofauti-tofauti yaliokoka Njia ya Kati. Ingawa mashamba ya watumwa ya viwanda yalikuwa aina mpya ya shirika la kijamii na maisha ya jamii, mapokeo ya kale na umuhimu wa kitamaduni wa matumizi ya bangi kati ya Waafrika ulidumu. Kwa hivyo matumizi ya bangi leo inawakilisha miaka elfu moja ya urithi usio na maana wa Kiafrika na mwendelezo wa kitamaduni. Kitabu hiki kinasimama kama mchango wa iconoclastic kwa mjadala ambao ni mamia ya miaka ya zamani, na moja kutawaliwa na hoja kwa ajili na dhidi ya ukoloni wa Ulaya na utumwa wa Kiafrika. Ili kuongeza mtazamo mpya kwa mada kama hiyo iliyosafiri vizuri, kitabu lazima kipe kitu cha kipekee na hii inafanya. Mwandishi anaanza na hoja kwa ajili ya insha nyingine juu ya bangi na watu wa Afrika. Utafutaji wa kutumia maneno haya pamoja katika maktaba yetu ya Chuo Kikuu cha Arizona nyaraka maelfu ya makala na vitabu juu ya mada kama hizo. Hata hivyo, Duvall anatoa nafasi kubwa ya kuonyesha kwamba fasihi iliyopo ni overwhelmingly biased ama kwa au dhidi ya idadi ya sub-mitu ambayo wameshinda Afrika-mchwa mjadala. Labda hatua hii ni muhimu zaidi kuliko maelezo ya upendeleo na uchambuzi wa Duvall wa kwa nini wameelekeza vibaya majadiliano ya kitaaluma na ya umma kwa zaidi ya miaka mia tatu. "Kutoka kwa maelezo, tunaambiwa kwamba hoja kwa ajili na dhidi ya utumwa wa Kiafrika na jukumu lake katika ukoloni wa Ulaya ilitawala kile wasomi na wengine wangeweza na walisema kuhusu Afrika na bangi. """ Ujenzi wa kijamii wa bangi kama dawa ya kuharibu akili iliyounganishwa na unyenyekevu wa rangi ya watu wa Afrika ulifanya kazi pamoja kutumika kama udhuru wa kuendelea kwa utumwa wa Kiafrika na ukandamizaji wa kisiasa wa dawa na watu. Hilo ndilo jambo la pekee linalozungumziwa katika kitabu hicho. "Kulingana na waandishi wengine wengi, Duvall, profesa katika Chuo Kikuu cha New Mexico, Marekani, anasema kwamba yeye ni ""mtaalamu wa msingi, data-msingi.""" Yeye hujifafanua kama jiografia na ekolojia ya kisiasa, lakini kulingana na machapisho yake yeye wazi anastahili kama ethno-historian na ekolojia ya kitamaduni. Utafiti wake juu ya mada hii kwa hivyo umesitawi kuwa hoja ya uhusiano wa kale wa watu wa Afrika na bangi. Utafiti wake unaonyesha kwamba kwa zaidi ya miaka elfu moja mmea huo ulikuwa na fungu muhimu katika utamaduni wa jamii ya Afrika kabla ya ukoloni. Kama vile bidhaa nyingine za mimea ya asili zinazobadilisha akili, kama vile zile zinazotumiwa na watu wa jadi ulimwenguni kote, mmea huo ulikuwa na majukumu ya kidini na ya kiroho. Mwanzoni ilionwa kuwa zawadi kutoka kwa Muumba iliyoundwa kupanua sababu na kufungua milango ya vipimo vingine. Hivyo bangi haikuwa njia ya kutoroka kutoka ulimwenguni bali ilikuwa njia ya kushiriki katika vipimo vyake tata. Mti huo (na mazoezi yake ya kiroho) ni sehemu ya urithi wa kitamaduni wa kale wa watu wa Afrika na unaendelea kuwa muhimu katika urithi wa watu wa Karibea leo. Kitabu hicho kimegawanywa katika sehemu kuu tatu zilizotengenezwa katika kurasa 351, ikiwa ni pamoja na <unk>Table of Contents<unk> fupi sana, <unk>Notes<unk> ya kurasa 106 muhimu, na <unk>Index<unk> ya kurasa 10. "Kumbuka za Mwisho" zimepangwa kwa sura ambapo zinaandika hatua ya kumbukumbu; mtindo ambao unazuia orodha ya maandishi ya alfabeti iliyoorodheshwa kwa aina za vyanzo. Licha ya kuwa imejaa ramani na picha za kihistoria hakuna orodha ya hizi. Ramani nyingi zilitengenezwa na mwandishi hivyo zinaonyesha kile kinachosemwa katika maandishi. Takwimu na ramani zina data ya awali na uchambuzi maalum na mwandishi hivyo kutafakari utaalam wake kama mtaalamu wa kijiografia. Picha zote zinatajwa kuwa katika Mkusanyiko wa Mwandishi. Ni wazi kwamba hii ni kitabu cha kipekee na cha kisayansi. Sehemu ya kwanza ni utangulizi ambapo vipengele kuu vya uhusiano wa bangi-Afrika na aina zote mbili za mbinu, zinashutumiwa kama za upendeleo. Ingawa baadhi ya upendeleo ulisababishwa na upatikanaji mdogo wa rekodi za kikoloni, Duvall anasema kwamba wengi walikuwa ama kuomba msamaha kwa ukoloni na utumwa wa Kiafrika au kushinikiza dhidi ya maombi haya. Sura zilizoitwa "Cannabis na Afrika" na "Race na Mageuzi ya Mimea" zinaongoza kwa pendekezo la historia ya watu wa Kiafrika iliyoelekezwa kwa mimea kwa sababu ya mageuzi ya muda mrefu ya jamii ya Kiafrika na maumbile ya mimea na usambazaji. Sehemu ya pili ni kuhusu jinsi bangi ilivyokuja Afrika, nini kilichotokea huko, na jinsi ilivuka Atlantiki. Kimsingi sehemu hii ya insha ni mapendekezo ya mimea-kituo historia kuitwa kwa mapema. Hapa mwandishi anazungumza juu ya "Utamaduni wa bangi" unaonyesha umuhimu wa bangi na matokeo ya binadamu / kijamii co-evolution. Yeye anadai kwa ajili ya harakati ya bangi na kujifunza kitamaduni kutokea zaidi ya miaka elfu ya mwingiliano wa kawaida. Kulikuwa na njia maalum za kuwasili (kwa vizuri ramani na mwandishi) hatimaye kutoka Mashariki ya Mbali lakini na vituo muhimu katika Mashariki ya Kati (Levant) na juu ya kaskazini na mashariki mwa Afrika kupitia njia za biashara. Uhamisho wa bangi na kujifunza baadaye kwa utamaduni ulikuwa zaidi kutoka kwa mtu hadi mtu (wafanyabiashara na baharia) badala ya kama mazao ya wazi ya kuuza nje au harakati ya kidini. Afrika Kaskazini iliendelea kutumia bangi kama ilivyokuwa katika Mashariki ya Kati, lakini kusini mwa Sahara watu waliivuta kwa kutumia mabomba mbalimbali, baadhi ya mabomba hayo yaliingizwa kutoka Mashariki ya Kati. Ubunifu ulitokea katika mmea na matumizi yake kutokana na mamia ya vikundi vya kitamaduni vya kusini mwa Jangwa la Sahara na mazingira. Miongoni mwa hadithi nyingi za kuvutia ni ile ya <unk>kibofu cha Kiafrika<unk> ambayo ilitokana na kuvuta bangi (kurasa 106-107). Yaonekana kikohozi hicho kilikuwa cha pekee na kilikuwa kotekote. Wasafiri wa Ulaya walivurugwa na kikohozi hicho na wakataja jambo hilo katika masimulizi yao ya kusafiri. Mtazamaji mmoja alidokeza kwamba kikohozi hicho kilikuwa sehemu ya uchochezi uliokusudiwa kuchochea majibu ya ucheshi kutoka kwa Wazungu. Kwa kipindi cha kihistoria matumizi ya bangi katika Afrika, kama ilivyoonekana na wasafiri wa Ulaya, ilikuwa haraka kijamii kujengwa kama kuwa wote dawa ya kulevya na moja ya sababu (pamoja na dhana ya cannibalism na uharibifu wa maadili ya jumla) kwa nini watu wa Afrika walikuwa bora (ambayo ni maendeleo ya kitamaduni) na kuwa watumwa juu ya mashamba ya viwanda katika Amerika. Watu wa Afrika walileta mmea wa bangi na sherehe za kitiba, kiroho na za kidini zinazohusiana na utamaduni huko Amerika. Walifanya hivyo pamoja na mabaharia na wafanyabiashara. "Kama tumbaku na viazi, kama sehemu ya ""Mabadiliko ya Colombia"" (Crosby, 1972) na kusudi la wazi kwamba ilikuwa tu kuhojiwa na wamiliki wa mashamba na wasomi wa Ulaya ambao walidai kwa ajili ya kizuizi chake." Hapa tena mwandishi anakataa nadharia nyingi za chanzo na mwendo wake. Sasa bangi ilitengenezwa kwa matumizi na makusudi mapya yanayofaa mazingira ya kimwili na ya kisaikolojia ya utumwa wa mashamba ya kukandamiza. Kama ilivyo kwa vitu vingine vya Kiafrika (Stoffle na Baro: 2016), mara nyingi ilihifadhiwa chini ya rangi, mbali na uchunguzi na vizuizi vya kikoloni. bangi, kama mazoea mengine ya kitamaduni ya Kiafrika yaliyokuwa yamekandamizwa hapo awali, yalitokea na kubadilishwa zaidi baada ya utumwa. Ingawa kimsingi ni sehemu ya urithi wa Kiafrika, bangi na matumizi yake yalifanywa kuwa ya kikrioli ili kuendana na maisha ya ukandamizaji ya watu katika Amerika. Sehemu ya tatu ina majadiliano ya pamoja na baadhi ya hitimisho. Suala la kufanya kazi chini ya ushawishi linashughulikiwa kama sehemu ya ukoloni, na baadaye kitaifa, juhudi za kukandamiza matumizi ya bangi. Lakini bangi ilikua kwa urahisi, ilhali pombe na tumbaku zilihitaji jitihada zaidi na zilionekana waziwazi zaidi. "Mwandishi wa kitabu hiki anasema: ""Kamba ilikuwa rasilimali ya mazingira ya chini ya pembejeo ambayo wafanyakazi waliithamini kwa sababu iliongeza uwezo wao wa kuvumilia kutengwa na unyonyaji.""" Kwa kuongezea, ikawa aina ya upinzani wa urithi dhidi ya urithi wa diaspora, utumwa na kupunguzwa kwa watu wa Kiafrika na tamaduni zao. Kitabu hicho kinapaswa kununuliwa na kila msomi na mwanafunzi wa kawaida mwenye kupendezwa na mada hii. Weka kitabu hiki kwenye rafu yako, kwa sababu ni kama ensaiklopedia kuliko kitabu cha kusoma mara moja. Kuna sehemu nyingi za kitabu hicho ambazo zitaanzisha mijadala zaidi, ingawa sehemu kubwa ya kitabu hicho imekusudiwa kuondoa "kweli" za zamani na za uwongo. Tatizo ni kwamba mwandishi hufikia mamia ya mikataba juu ya mambo mbalimbali. Utafiti wa cannabis unafanywa kwa kutumia uchimbuaji wa vitu vya kale ili kuchunguza aina ya pipa za kuvuta sigara zilizochimbuliwa, uchambuzi wa lugha ili kugundua maneno na misemo kuhusu kuvuta sigara katika lugha nyingi za zamani za Kiafrika, na hata kutumia uchambuzi wa ethnobotanical wa chavua kutoka kwa mapango kavu. Licha ya elimu ya wazi juu ya masuala haya muhimu, mwandishi bado anachukua hitimisho kutoka kwa ushahidi ambao ni vigumu kuangalia. Hii hutokea kwa sababu vyanzo vya mwandishi, kwa kutumia mtindo wa kumbukumbu ya Mwisho na ukosefu wa orodha ya vitabu iliyounganishwa, inakuwa labyrinth yao wenyewe. Hata hivyo, kwa kadiri fulani, msomaji lazima aheshimu sana mamlaka ya kitabu hicho inayotegemea hati.