Early Life: The Wagners Flee a European Tinderbox A patchwork of sovereign states: The world into which Adolphus was born (Image courtesy of the Library of Congress)
Adolphus Wagner was born in the Grand Duchy of Baden around the year 1842 to parents, Valentine and Mary Wagner. At the time, Germany was comprised of a patchwork of sovereign states, each ruled by a hereditary monarchy. Baden was then a sovereign state in southwestern Germany, made wealthy thanks to its agricultural sector. The valley of the Rhine was a fertile land which allowed for the cultivation of a variety of crops. Two-thirds of the Duchy’s population was Catholic, while the other third was Protestant. The Wagners belonged to the latter group. Despite the religious divide, mixed marriages were common in Baden, and progressive enlightenment thought flourished in the region. The Grand Duchy was known as a progressive enclave in Central Europe before 1848. The Lower Chamber of the Baden Diet was seen as a leading forum for the airing of liberal views such as demands for freedom of press, free-election, community self-government, and so on. Despite Baden’s liberal renown, three-quarters of its population was made up of impoverished peasants who lived on the land, 300,000 of whom worked in semi-feudal subjugation to mediatized lords. The Wagner family’s choice to emigrate to America in 1847 was likely motivated by the agrarian crisis which devastated German states in the second half of the 1840s. Poor harvests in both 1845 and 1846 led to a major shortage in food and an increase in the prices of basic commodities, which hurt not only the farmers, but also wealthy artisans and landlords. Massive inflation in the first half of 1847 compounded the crisis and led to bread riots and hunger revolts in many Prussian and South German states. The crisis greatly damaged the legitimacy of conservative rulers across Germany and led to more forceful demands for liberal reforms. Talk of revolution could be heard in Biergärten and at Kaffeeklatsche across Germany, and many families fled before the powder keg was ignited.
The Wagners emigrated to the United States just before the unrest across Europe culminated in the Revolutions of 1848. Only five years old at the time, Adolphus accompanied his family to Rotterdam, where they boarded the Australia and set sail for New York City in June of 1847. The Wagners undoubtably saw significant promise in the great, democratic political experiment of the United States. The youthful nation appeared to be defined by success stories and men whose destinies were determined not by their lineage, but by their work ethic and individual achievements. The Wagner family reached the United States on June 20, 1847 and settled in Rochester, New York. In January of 1848, a revolution began in Sicily– one which would ultimately spark revolutions across Europe. The Wagners had emigrated just in time, narrowly escaping the violence and hardships of revolution. If the Wagners heard news regarding the events in Europe, they would have certainly felt justified in their decision to leave their homeland and start a new life across the Atlantic. By 1850, the Revolutions of 1848 had all ended in failure. The United States had already had its own, successful revolution seventy-five years prior, and the Wagners could enjoy its benefits, for the foreseeable future, without the sacrifice and suffering of war. For them, and for so many other immigrants and native U.S. residents, America truly represented the “last best hope for democracy” on earth.
Germans were one of the largest ethnic groups in America in the antebellum period. Of course, German speaking immigrants themselves would not have identified as “German,” as no unified German identity existed until the foundation of the German Empire in 1871. This nuance escaped most Americans; Prussians spoke the same language as Bavarians, so they were considered to belong to the same ethnicity group. However, while the German-speaking states of Europe had significant cultural differences and engaged in bitter rivalries with each other, German immigrants in America were drawn together by their common language and developed a relatively cohesive German identity, despite their cultural differences. They formed German communities mainly in the North known as Kleindeutschlands, or “little Germanies,” which permitted them to retain their culture and traditions. In fact, so significant was this self-fabricated “German” identity that in the 1850 U.S. Census, Valentine Wagner listed “Germany” as his and his entire family’s birthplace, even though a unified Germany did not yet exist. This phenomenon was not unique to the German-speaking community; despite regional variations back in Europe, immigrants in America often adopted a broader ethnic identity. A Napolitano may have differed greatly from a Sicilian, but they found much more common ground as simply Italian immigrants in a foreign land. The Wagners likely chose to settle in New York state because of its large German community. Berlin and Vienna were the two largest German-speaking communities in the world at the time; New York city’s kleindeutschland was the third largest. Rochester also hosted a sizable German community. At least two of the city’s newspapers were published in German, the Rochester Volksblatt (Rochester People’s Paper) and the Rochester Beobachter (Rochester Observer). A majority of the families amongst whom the Wagners lived in Rochester Ward 6 were also from Germany, though the community was also populated by a few Irish and Canadian families.
In 1848, even more Germans fled to the United States to escape political persecution in a revolutionary Europe. These immigrants who fled Europe were known collectively as the Forty-Eighters; a large proportion of them were educated revolutionaries, completely disillusioned by the failed European revolutions of 1848 and 1849. Many of the German revolutionaries became leaders of the kleindeutschlands across the North and became advocates for German political participation in American government and further sought to keep their culture alive. The German Forty-Eighters brought the Turnvereine to America– gymnastics clubs which promoted physical education but also served as a cultural heritage organization. They would prove to be vital for the Lincoln administration’s recruitment drive in the beginning of the Civil War. These so-called “Turners” encouraged the political participation of German immigrants. They urged fellow Germans to vote Republican, and when war broke out, they called on their respective communities to volunteer and defend the republic. German-Americans volunteered in droves and made up the largest foreign group in the Union Army. In 1860, there were around 1.3 million native-born Germans in the United States. Between 180,000 to 216,000 of them would serve in the Union Army. Some were naturally motivated by lucrative bounties and solid pay, but many also believed they were fighting for a noble cause, especially the Forty-Eighters. August Willich was one such German who fervently believed in the Union cause. Formerly a Prussian General, Willich became a revolutionary and fought in the Baden-Palatinate uprising in 1849. He was forced to flee to England after the uprising failed in 1850, but stayed politically active, even challenging Karl Marx to a duel; Marx was too conservative in Willich’s eyes. In 1853, he immigrated to America and later became the editor of a German free-labor newspaper in Cincinnati. When war broke out in 1861, August Willich wrote to the Freie Presse von Indiana and urged Germans to volunteer, stating that it would provide them the opportunity to “really prove that they are not foreigners, and that they know how to protect their new republican homeland against the aristocracy of the South.”
Most Germans who volunteered were farmers and laborers, not educated revolutionaries, but the revolutionary rhetoric of the Forty-Eighters still appealed to many. The ideology of the Forty-Eighters was inexorably tied to German American conceptions of manhood. The mid-nineteenth century was a time of revolution and migration. Forty-Eighters passionately believed that they neared a Wendepunkt in history, a turning-point of colossal proportions which required militant and decisive men to see it through. As the Turnverein motto declared, German men needed “a sound mind in a sound body,” as they stood on the cusp of history. The tense political climate Germans found in antebellum America was inexorably tied to their experiences back in Europe. The Civil War may have started for distinctly American reasons, but for many German Republicans, the war was akin to the European revolutions, representing a struggle between liberalism and illiberalism. Their manhood, then, would be defined by their willingness to fight for transcendent ideals. Like Adolphus, many Germans were only children when they immigrated to America with their families during a time of immense change in their homeland. They had left die Heimat and fled to America, motivated by the promise of economic opportunity and social mobility in a country which represented a radical break from the politics of the Old World. Yet the New World itself held vestiges of European illiberalism in the form of the aristocracy of the South, their power far too reminiscent of the mediated lords of Central Europe. For many German Americans, the Southern aristocracy was antithetical to the values of the United States. If the South were to win, it would mean death to the republican ideal not only in America, but in Europe as well. The Civil War was not just a national affair, but in fact had international implications. A German American editor of the Westliche Post expressed this sentiment in an article from 1861 titled “Der Volksturm,” literally meaning “people’s storm,” a reference to the Wars of Liberation against Napoleon:
“… for seventy years this republic has been the holy spark of hope in the hearts of patriots in Europe… America and its people are the vanguard of the great mission of the nineteenth century. On its flags are written the magic formula of the future, which is ‘Liberty and Fraternity for all Free Peoples.’ The whole European World is on the brink of casting off its old chains through an elemental upheaval.”
In the 1860 census, Valentine Wagner gave “Baden” as his and his family’s birthplace rather than “Germany.” Unlike the 1850 census, census takers for the 1860 census were instructed to record the specific place where foreign immigrants were born. A large proportion of the Wagners’ neighbors were also Baden natives; it would not be a stretch to suggest that they still had strong ties to their homeland, having integrated into a community full of Baden natives who still had relatives in the Grand Duchy. Perhaps they were proud to be from a German state which was renowned for its liberal Diet before the Baden Revolution. After the revolution had failed, liberal demands were quashed and eighty thousand Badeners had emigrated, many of whom settled in the United States. The revolution had failed to achieve its goals of popular suffrage, freedom of expression and employment for all; but many Badeners did not give up the cause of liberalism. For the Forty-Eighters, the Civil War was a battle between conservatism and liberalism. The American Revolution had already achieved many of the rights sought by European revolutionaries in the late 1840s, but there was still more to be desired. Slavery was the antithesis of free labor and represented a threat to future liberal reforms.
The Formation of the 39th New York, aka the Garibaldi Guard Photo of Giuseppe Garibaldi circa 1861. The revolutionary inspired thousands across the world in his fight for liberalism (Courtesy of LOC).
When the war began in 1861, European immigrants volunteered in droves. Undoubtebly, the pay was one of the greatest motivations for volunteers, but many simultaneously believed in fighting for the cause of free labor. Adolphus Wagner enlisted in the 39th New York Infantry Regiment in New York City on May 17, 1861. He could have enlisted in any one of the regiments which were actively being raised in and around Rochester, but he chose to travel to New York City instead. It is likely that Adolphus was drawn to the allure of the 39th, a.k.a. the “Garibaldi Guard.” The regiment took its name from the Italian revolutionary, Giuseppe Garibaldi. The Lincoln administration had attempted to recruit Garibaldi as a general, but Garibaldi was turned down when he demanded to be commander-in-chief of the Union Army and requested the immediate abolition of slavery. Instead, he gave his name to one of the most diverse regiments in the Civil War. For Adolphus, the regiment’s diversity may have reflected the international implications of the struggle, symbolizing the cooperation between men of all nations in their fight against illiberalism.
The 39th New York was a regiment made up entirely of immigrants. Its 1,086 men were divided into ten companies based on their ethnicity: Three German, three Hungarian, one Swiss, one French, one Spanish and Portuguese, and one Italian. Unlike the 140th New York, the Garibaldi Guard allowed Adolphus to serve alongside fellow Germans. Adolphus never attended school in the United States and likely never needed to master the English language in Rochester, a city in which the large German community had its own newspapers and largely conversed in German. In the Garibaldi Guard, the language barrier would not completely isolate Adolphus. Orders were given in six different languages, a practice which would lead to difficulties for the regiment, but provided the immigrants with a deeper sense of belonging. Many of the immigrant volunteers certainly sought the lucrative paycheck that came with service to the Union, but they were also drawn in by government promises of homestead land and full citizenship to immigrants who served. Furthermore, some hoped that they could prove their loyalty to the Union and possibly stem the tide of nativist sentiment held by so many native-born Americans. Unfortunately for the soldiers of the Garibaldi Guard, their service would have the opposite effect. The 39th New York would be one of the most controversial regiments in the Civil War. While a plethora of regiments experienced mutinies, less-than-respectable behavior, and sometimes even engaged in various levels of war crimes, the socio-ethnic composition of the Garibaldi Guard placed the regiment under the continuous scrutiny of the public eye which readily tallied up its various shortcomings and failures for widespread condemnation. The regiment was plagued by ethnic animosity, serial insubordination, and low morale, all compounded by its enigmatic commander, Frederick D’Utassy, who, to the detriment of Adolphus and his German comrades, also despised Germans.
The Lincoln administration was initially wary of recruiting regiments of foreign nationals for the Union Army, fearful that it would be interpreted by international powers as a sign of domestic weakness. In 1861, Britain and France still leaned towards recognition of the Confederacy over the Union, largely due to economic interests in the South’s agricultural exports. Furthermore, the recruitment of foreign nationals was bound to enrage the nativist faction of the Republican party. Even so, the Lincoln administration relented, believing that the benefits of foreign recruitment outweighed the risks. The 39th New York began organizing in April of 1861 in New York City. On May 23, six days after Adolphus had signed on, the regiment presented its colors to the city in a massive ceremony on Lafayette Place. The regiment had three battle standards: An American flag with the inscription “Garibaldi Guard,” a Hungarian standard with the words “Vivecere aut morire” and its English translation on the back, “Conquer or Die,” and finally, an Italian flag with “Dio e Popolo” (meaning “God and the People”) at its center. The Italian flag had special significance, having been carried by Garibaldi himself during the Italian unification wars of 1848 and 1849. Several days after the ceremony, Frederick D’Utassy was appointed colonel of the regiment and gave an eloquent speech to his men:
“[T]his is your native flag to which added to the emblem of the Union, and the almost sacred name of Garibaldi––let its past, present and future glory be your guiding star. Men, who have so manfully fought in the glorious cause of liberty in their own Fatherlands and who have now so nobly and generously volunteered their services to their adopted Country will not fail to gain new honors and glory.”
Adolphus and his new comrades may well have felt inspired by D’Utassy’s passionate words. Some of the men were undoubtedly Forty-Eighters who attached their revolutionary ideologies to the Union cause. The Garibaldi War Song, dedicated to D’Utassy and the soldiers of the 39th, made clear the international implications of the conflict, the lyrics making a direct connection between Europe and the Civil War:
Your native land shall glow with pride
From Hungary’s wide plains
To Italy’s blood-crimsoned fields
Your deeds shall cleanse their stains;
And every man who falls shall leave
Above the grassy sod
The name of one who fought and died
For freedom and his God.
The song would have appealed greatly to German Republicans, validating their perceived roll in the great international struggle against illiberalism. Only through the toil of principled men could the remnants of despotism be eliminated for all of mankind. Still, many of the men may have been unmoved by such transcendent ideals. Cash bounties, thirteen dollars monthly pay, and the promise of homestead land and citizenship were the only meaningful motivators for some impoverished immigrants.
The Garibaldi Guard left New York for Washington, D.C. on May 28, 1861. When they reached D.C., the regiment was reviewed by Lincoln, Secretary of State William Seward, and Lieutentant Gen. Winfield Scott as they marched past the White House in their new chasseur uniforms. A journalist for the New York Times described their flashy outfits in May 1861: “Their uniform is a suit of blue-black, the pants having a narrow red stripe, and the facing of the frockcoat being of red. Their hats are black, round, topped, wide, stiff brims, with a black feather and eagle. They have shoes with gaiters protecting the ankle and calf.” Onlookers had high expectations for the regiment, impressed by its officer corps and commander, D’Utassy. “Many of these officers have fought in Europe, Asia, South and North America; and some of them are decorated for meritorious services in the Italian and Crimean wars.” Another journalist for the Chicago Tribune similarly praised the officer corps: “Colonel D’Utassy has distinguished himself in the Hungarian, Turkish, French and Austrian armies; Lieut. Colonel Repetti was an officer under Garibaldi in 1848… Thus, it will be seen that no further comment upon the valor or efficiency of these officers is needed.” After several days in Washington, the Garibaldi Guard moved into bivouac at Camp Grinnell in Abington Farm, Virginia, positioned to defend the capital from any Confederate attack. Upon finally settling down into military camp life, the romantic façade of the regiment quickly collapsed. Ethnic animosities and language barriers were bound to pose significant problems for the regiment, but under proper leadership, these issues could have been managed. Unfortunately for the Garibaldi Guard, D’Utassy was not the experienced military man he had claimed to be.
D’Utassy was from Hungary, but he was not part of a distinguished military family. During his later court-martial in 1863, the New York Tribune published an exposé, claiming that D’Utassy was an imposter:
“The person who gives us this information was in one of the regiments, and was personally acquainted with Strasser at that time… in the spring of 1861, when the Garibaldi Guard was being formed in New York, [he] recognized in the elegant and influential D’Utassy, Strasser, the Jewish clothes-dealer of Pesth.”
D’Utassy was, in fact, born into a Jewish family as David Strasser, the article claimed. According to the exposé, Strasser was an ambitious social climber who had created a whole new identity when he arrived in America. He ingratiated himself with notable officials and wealthy citizens, such as the former congressman Moses Hicks Grinell, who was a member of the Union Defense Committee; it was through Grinell that D’Utassy came to lead the Garibaldi Guard. The exposé must be taken with a grain of salt, for few records exist that illuminate D’Utassy’s life before coming to America. Furthermore, accusations of hidden Jewish ancestry were frequently included in polemical newspaper articles and were often motivated by strong feelings of antisemitism that pervaded both America and Europe at the time.
All of that said, this exposé does seem to have been accurate, for the most part. D’Utassy never denied the charges. In 1892, the wife of D’Utassy’s brother applied for a pension, for which she needed official documentation from Austria-Hungary to prove her status as a widow. The documentation shows that they were married in a Synagogue in Warsaw in 1852. In the face of pervasive antisemitism, D’Utassy’s choice to hide his true identity was an understandable one. Nevertheless, the social climber talked his way into a position that he knew he was not qualified for, determined to wring all the benefits he could out of it. D’Utassy’s actions as the colonel of the Garibaldi Guard would cost lives and stain the legacy of immigrant soldiers in the Civil War.
At Camp Grinnell, D’Utassy’s true character became painfully obvious to the officers and enlisted men under his command. The colonel refused to drill or give military instruction to his men, a task he left to his junior officers. While his men trained, D’Utassy enjoyed his female entourage in his headquarters. The regimental chaplain, Anthony Zyla, had few pleasant words to say about D’Utassy’s engagement with “a notorious whore of Irish descent, [and] a regimental nurse,” claiming that D’Utassy “harbored at Manson’s Hill whores in Headquarters, [and] whored in Hunter’s Chapel in the hearing of his servants.” While D’Utassy remained occupied, command was left to the officers of the polyglot regiment, and major disciplinary issues soon arose. In early June, several men of the Garibaldi Guard defected to the Confederates, enticed by rebels in Maryland who had offered them cash to desert. Another group of men refused to follow orders when instructed to handle gunpowder at a Union arsenal. Animosity between the various nationalities was left unchecked, and each company refused to be led by officers who did not represent their own ethnicity. When a native-born American, Jose de Barcellos Boom was appointed captain of the Spanish company, the men mutinied and elected their own captain instead. On June 10, 1861, founding officer Major Luigi Tinelli resigned from the regiment, claiming that he had business to attend to back in Europe. In reality, Tinelli had the foresight to distance himself from the regiment, joining the 19th New York Volunteers soon after his resignation.
D’Utassy’s lack of leadership alone was enough to plunge the regiment into disorder, but ever the swindler, he compounded the problems with his clandestine dealings. Recruitment officers for the Garibaldi Guard had promised the men modern weapons and equipment. Attempts were made to follow through with these promises, as the regiment received 100 new Nealls breech-loading rifles from the Union Defense Committee before embarking on their march to D.C. in late May. Upon their arrival in the capital, however, the men were ordered to relinquish their rifles, and were later given antiquated muskets. D’Utassy had claimed that they had to return the rifles to the committee, but in reality, he had “kept and disposed” of the weapons. Based on D’Utassy’s later actions, it is likely that the imposter colonel sold the weapons for personal profit. Upon being issued inferior equipment, the French and the Spanish companies, allegedly instigated by the Germans, refused the weapons, and fighting broke out between the ethnic groups. Soldiers had not yet been paid and officers still waited on their commissions, further exacerbating the animosity and disorder.
Maintaining good order and discipline, in addition to high morale within the fledgling units of recruits who signed up to fight in the war was difficult enough with experienced leadership. However, under the leadership of D’Utassy, insubordination was endemic. A group of regimental officers and company commanders tried a democratic approach in addressing their grievances with the regiment, banding together to sign a petition. Their petition demanded that they receive the better rifles they had been promised, as well as their commissions and pay which had yet to materialize. The inevitable advance on the Confederates weighed heavily on the men, for many feared that they would die before receiving their pay. It seems that D’Utassy never responded to the petitioners, for only a few days later, he received a scathing letter of resignation from the leader of the French company, Captain Tassilier. Claiming to speak for the other officers, Tassilier called D’Utassy a menace to the regiment, accusing him of embezzlement and physical and verbal abuse. Most damning of all, Tassilier claimed that D’Utassy held anti-democratic ideas and was a Jewish imposter—claims which threatened to taint both the professional reputation and personal honor of D’Utassy irreparably. Around the same time, another French officer resigned because of his intense rivalry with some of the German officers. In only the first few months of the Garibaldi Guard’s existence, the regiment appeared to be falling apart at the seams. The sorry state of the Garibaldi Guard did not go unnoticed by the high command. D’Utassy received orders in July to restore order to his regiment or see it dissolved. D’Utassy swiftly reorganized the companies, an action which implied that the ethnically diverse soldiers were the main cause of the disorder. The reorganization saved the Garibaldi Guard from dissolution but did nothing to improve the morale and discipline of the regiment. Shortly after the reorganization, the regiment experienced a major mutiny that would permanently damage the reputation of the Garibaldi Guard.
In early July, rumors spread amongst the men that the Union Army would soon meet the Confederates in battle near Manassas Junction. The Garibaldi Guard had not yet seen their first battle, yet morale was already greatly diminished. The disgruntled soldiers had reluctantly accepted their antiquated weaponry, but now, on the eve of battle, their suppressed animosity once again bubbled to the surface. Captain Franz Takats, the leader of one of the Hungarian companies, led his men in a mutiny. Leaving Camp Grinnell, the Hungarians marched towards Washington, determined to make their grievances known to high command. As they neared the Potomac at Long Bridge, the Hungarians were met by Lieutenant James Rice and a detachment of soldiers. They were given two options: turn back, or be fired upon. During the tense exchange, Takats threatened Rice, going so far as to aim his rifle at Rice’s chest. In the end, Takats relented, unwilling to spill the blood of fellow soldiers. He was subsequently forced to resign. Despite his mutinous action, Takats’s resignation would negatively impact the entire Garibaldi Guard. Takats had been a major critic of the corrupt D’Utassy. With Takats gone, his command was given to D’Utassy’s trusted supporter, Mahlons Sanos. A silver lining came, however, with the government’s recognition of the men’s grievances that had so nearly resulted in unnecessary bloodshed. The regiment subsequently received better rifles and the men also received their late pay. After the incident, D’Utassy would still continue in his mismanagement of the regiment, but increasingly found himself under the close scrutiny of high command.
Adolphus could not have been pleased with his introduction to military life. The disorder and disgruntlement of the Garibaldi Guard was a far cry from the romanticized notion of principled citizen-soldiers selflessly fighting for the republic. Even so, Adolphus did not take part in the desertions and mutinies of June and July. Any feelings of disillusionment may actually have been paradoxically tempered by the chaos swirling around the camp. In fact, Adolphus’s motivations to fight were likely strengthened by a desire to out-perform his grousing fellow units and redeem the reputation of the Garibaldi Guard through displays of what he and his company regarded as uniquely German martial fortitude. As observed in other companies, German-American soldiers rarely interacted with their English-speaking comrades, preferring instead to mix with fellow German-speakers. In the multi-ethnic Garibaldi Guard, such self-imposed segregation was ensured by the major language barrier, which consequently fueled ethnic animosities, but simultaneously strengthened intra-group dynamics. Within their companies, German Americans continued the ethnocultural practices of their communities, engaging in Prussian military drills and gymnastics, singing songs from their homeland, and eating and drinking Sauerkraut, Bratwurst and Bier. On the eve of German unification, German cultural pride, which had been slowly nurtured through the first half of the nineteenth century by nationalist figures such as the Grimm brothers, reached a fever pitch. Mixed with the revolutionary ideologies of the Forty-eighters, the pride of many German Americans led to feelings of cultural superiority. They saw in themselves a martial spirit that was unmatched by any other ethnic group. Turner leader, Wilhelm Rapp openly stated that Germans were more prepared to fight and suffer for republican ideals. Within the echo chamber of his company, Adolphus would have been constantly exposed to the lofty ideals of German Republicans and the expressions of chauvinism which emerged from said ideals. One can imagine how the prideful German Americans reacted to the regimental disorder, grumbling to their comrades that things would be different had a German been given command—and striving to ensure that it would be the Germans who would ultimately redeem the fallen unit.
On July 16, 1861, the Garibaldi Guard marched with Brig. Gen. Irvin McDowell’s army towards Centreville, Virginia. The main engagement began on July 21 at Manassas Junction, during which the 39th, assigned to Colonel Ludwig Blenker’s First Brigade, was held in reserve at Centreville. Adolphus and his comrades may have avoided battle altogether if the Union retreat had not been so disastrous. The Union forces had failed to break through Stonewall Jackson’s line, and as Confederate reinforcements arrived, they began to withdraw at 4:00 pm. The withdrawal quickly turned into a total rout as the untested and poorly trained Union soldiers panicked, some even throwing down their arms as they fled. The Garibaldi Guard, along with the other regiments of the First Brigade, was ordered to hold back the advancing Confederates. Perhaps wisely, Blenker kept the already infamous 39th in the rear of his brigade. The Union rear-guard performed well overall, successfully protecting the bulk of the retreating Union forces. At the end of the day, two soldiers of the Garibaldi Guard lay dead, while five more were wounded. An astonishing fifty-four men were listed as missing in action; most had fled during the battle and returned to camp later. Blenker’s choice to keep the 39th away from the front lines proved to be an astute decision. The scores of men who fled the battle speak to just how ill-prepared the Garibaldi Guard was for combat. The already low morale of the regiment plummeted following their defeat at Bull Run. Adolphus, however, had had the chance to prove himself at Bull Run: On July 20, 1861, the 21-year-old was promoted to sergeant.
At least six more officers attempted to resign after Bull Run. Officer turn-over rates in immigrant regiments were often higher than that of native-born regiments. Nativists saw such turnover as proof of immigrants’ lack of loyalty to the Union. Naturally, the reasons for this occurrence are more complex. For many immigrants, joining the military was seen as the most viable way to pursue social mobility, but it was by no means a guaranteed outcome. Competent immigrants could quickly rise through the ranks, but their ambition could be squashed by a single failure. In the political fallout following an unsuccessful engagement, immigrants were often made into scapegoats. Their foreign status was frequently leveled against them, which could put an immediate end to their military careers. The fact that so many officers in the Garibaldi Guard resigned no more than two to three months after the regiment’s formation reveals that many immigrants recognized the volatility of their careers. After the fiasco at Bull Run, officers who had previously considered resignation now followed through, sending additional ripples of unrest and distrust through the ranks and fomenting additional instability within the Guard as a whole. For the enlisted soldiers like Adolphus, resignation was not an option. Whether they liked it or not, they were tied to the misfortunes of the 39th. Adolphus and many of his fellow German Americans would have likely been appalled by the defeat at Bull Run. Not only had the enemy prevailed; hundreds of men had disorderly fled the field of battle, disgracing the Union forces. To flee the battlefield and emasculate oneself was considered an affront to German-American manhood. Furthermore, they had been defeated in their first engagement by an enemy that Republican German Americans held no respect for. Confederate soldiers were seen as the ignorant and uneducated minions of the feudal system. As officer after officer produced his own letter of resignation, many of the men undoubtedly felt disillusioned by their perceived abandonment by the higher-ups.
The high turnover rate of the officer corps had a detrimental effect on the rank-and-file of the 39th. By the end of the summer of 1861, few of the original officers and commanders remained in the regiment. By the end of the year, some two-hundred enlisted men had deserted or been discharged. D’Utassy’s mismanagement undoubtedly contributed to these alarming numbers. Not all of the officers had resigned by personal choice. Many of the officers were far more experienced than D’Utassy, and these men were often the colonel’s most vocal opponents. One such officer was Captain Osnaghi, who had signed the unsuccessful officer’s petition back in July. He had attempted to resign then, but was denied. Osnaghi tried again in August, and D’Utassy finally relented, but the colonel’s petty and vindictive nature compelled him to sabotage Osnaghi’s military career in a letter to Gen. McDowell: “[Osnaghi] was compromise[d] in the mutiny of Capt. Takats of my command, 7 July 1861, to my knowledge, and to such an extent as to make it prejudicial to good discipline for him to remain in my regiment, but not sufficient for a court-martial.” Refusing to recognize his own incompetence and fearful that his illegal activities would be uncovered, D’Utassy employed this strategy of career sabotage against all of his detractors, either forcing them to resign or commencing court martial proceedings against them. Any officers who remained after D’Utassy’s purges had to either fall in line or risk career suicide by criticizing the scheming colonel. Within this toxic environment, the most competent and well-liked officers did not last long. In consequence, enlisted men like Adolphus frequently found themselves led by unpopular officers who were uncritical either out of fear or because they simply were just as ambitious and unqualified as D’Utassy. In volunteering for a war driven by such high ideological notions, Adolphus likely expected a greater sense of cooperation in the ranks of the military. In the Garibaldi Guard, he found the exact opposite. Reminiscent of the competitive marketplace of modernizing capitalism, the men of the 39th fiercely competed for higher positions during wartime, emulating the cutthroat example set by their superiors.
After Bull Run, the Garibaldi Guard remained attached to Blenker, who now commanded what became known as the German division. Their new camp was established near Roach Mills, Virginia, and they would remain there until November. Adolphus must have felt relieved to become a part of the German division. Blenker was a proud Forty-Eighter who had led troops in the South-German Palatine uprising of 1849. Like many other German Forty-Eighters, Blenker heeded Lincoln’s call to defend the Union and raised the German 8th New York. Blenker was a celebrity across New York’s kleindeutschlands, representing the revolutionary martial German spirit which defined manhood for many German-Americans.
Blenker made no efforts to suppress his or his men’s culture, giving the division a noticeably German color. One observer commented how the division’s camp was organized in “German fashion… [as] the tents stood in rows, each regiment separated from the others. The lanes between them were ornamented…with recently planted fir and cedar trees.” Unlike D’Utassy, Blenker seemed to genuinely care for his men, procuring funds to purchase ethnically German food and drinks. During their time with Blenker, Adolphus and his comrades ate black rye bread, washing down its distinctly earthy taste with the lagers and Rhine wine that could be purchased from the division’s sutlers. Blenker’s division was a mobile kleindeutschland that undoubtedly felt like a touch of home for its German American members. Such cultural familiarity and comfort amidst the enormous discomforts and unfamiliar scenes of war provided men with a reminder of the high stakes of the war, and renewed the men’s motivation to keep marching and fighting. Non-Germans, however, were less than thrilled to be surrounded by German customs and language. Many Americans associated all Germans with the radical Forty-Eighters, viewing them as foreign troublemakers. Others simply despised them for their foreignness. Edward C. Hubbard of the 13th Illinois made no attempt to conceal his hatred of Germans in a letter home: “America can curse the day that a Dutchman joined her army… I used to think that any white man was better than a negro, but I had rather sleep or eat with a negro than a Dutchman.” Germans could enjoy the company of their countrymen, but in the position of the ethnic majority, their dominance served to alienate other ethnic groups and consequently increased ethnic animosity among the soldiers.
In November of 1861, the division’s winter camp was set up near Hunter’s Chapel, in Northern Virginia. They would remain in camp until March of 1862. It was during this time that D’Utassy was arrested and received his first court martial. The scheming colonel had allegedly reached out to New York newspapers in order to publish articles critical of the division commander, Blenker. While under arrest, the silver-tongued D’Utassy was not permitted any visitation or mail and began to suffer a nervous breakdown, likely fearful that his illegal actions would be uncovered during his confinement. In the end, Blenker dropped the charges. Perhaps he was unwilling to deal with the time-consuming trial, or he simply could not find adequate evidence. Adolphus was surely annoyed to see the slippery D’Utassy walk free. While he may have been unaware of D’Utassy’s illegal dealings, the colonel’s disrespect for Germans was known to all.
By March 8, 1862, Blenker’s division broke winter camp and began marching south with McClellan’s army, reaching Manassas Junction on March 23. On the previous day, Union forces had won a tactical victory at Kernstown, Virginia, but the Confederate forces under Jackson had escaped, ensuring the continuation of the Shenandoah campaign. At Manassas Junction, the Garibaldi Guard, along with the rest of Blenker’s division, broke off from the main army and began marching west to rendezvous at Petersburg with John C. Fremont, commander of the Mountain Department. They arrived at Warrenton Junction in early April, where Blenker’s division fell under the jurisdiction of General Edwin Sumner. From Warrenton, they continued their march west. Conditions were harsh for the men. It was cold, and the men reportedly were receiving ½ rations. Animosity once again bubbled to the surface. Local farmers had gone to Sumner and claimed that their farms had been raided by troops. One German soldier recorded his anger in his diary:
“One day a farmer comes and pretends that $1000 worth of money and belongings were stolen from him. And what does our grey-headed traitor do but believe him. He ordered our entire army corps to muster, personally leading this spy around each regiment to show him our ranks and the numbers of our troops.”
While many farmers could have been untruthful, many soldiers from the German division did engage in looting on the march. The march to Petersburg took over a month to complete. During this time, the weather continued to be unusually harsh for the Spring, and with the men stranded in the middle of the Blue Ridge mountains, no food provisions could reach the already ill-equipped division. Hungry and cold, many of the men resorted to plundering farms. Such behavior proved to tarnish the reputation of the German division and provided nativists with more ammunition. Northerners and Southerners alike read about the looting on the front pages of newspapers around the country. The Philadelphia Inquirer reported that several men of Blenker’s division “…are charged with having wantonly burned and destroyed buildings, houses and barns, which even rebel atrocities had spared.” Southern newspapers were less restrained. One columnist in the Knoxville Register called for the execution of captured German soldiers:
“The national odor of Dutchmen, as distinctive of the race as that which, constantly ascending to Heaven, has distended the nostrils of the negro, is as unmistakable as that peculiar to a pole-cat, an old pipe, or a lager beer saloon. Crimes, thefts, and insults to the women of the South, invariably mark the course of these stinking bodies of animated sour-krout[sic]… we entertain a greater degree of respect for an Ethiopian in the ranks of the Northern armies than for an odoriferous Dutchman, who can have no possible interest in this revolution. Why not hang every Dutchman captured… The live masses of beer, krout, tobacco and rotten cheese, which, on two legs and four, on foot and mounted, go prowling through the South should be used to manure the sandy plains and barren hillsides of Alabama, Tennessee and Georgia.”
Whether Adolphus engaged in the looting or not, the media response certainly enraged him. Looting was an unfortunate reality of wartime perpetuated by a plethora of regiments across both the North and South, yet it made front-page news when immigrants could be blamed for it. This was not the last time that Germans were unfairly criticized by the media during the Civil War. Their portrayal in the news greatly damaged German morale, for it was a direct affront to their imagined martial prowess, and further stressed the alterity of German Americans. Any German Americans who had volunteered to hasten their assimilation and to prove their loyalty suddenly found their ideological basis for doing so challenged.
On May 10, 1863, Blenker’s division finally met up with Fremont in Petersburg. The soldiers were in a terrible condition. Many had lost articles of clothing on the march. Around 400 men were sick or too emaciated to keep up with the division, and there was only a single hospital tent that could accommodate them. Within two days, they were on the march yet again, arriving in Franklin on May 14 to reinforce General Schenck. During this time, the exhausted men were surviving on rations of crackers. They did not remain in Franklin for long. To their dismay, Jackson had suddenly pushed north, driving a Union force back to Winchester. Blenker’s division rushed back to Petersburg in a grueling march, but upon their arrival on May 25, the men were finally provided with proper meals. The march continued on the 27th, but when they reached Fabius, on Branch Mountain, the following day, it became clear to Fremont that he had to halt. Of the 10, 117 men in the Blenker division, fewer than 6,000 were still present or fit for duty.
Fremont decided to give his men a short rest, resuming the march two days later. The weather continued to work against them. Violent thunderstorms roared overhead, and torrential rainfall drenched the men and muddied the ground, slowing their march to a painful slog. Each step Adolphus took required significant effort, his feet sinking deep into the mud as he trudged along with his comrades. Perhaps Adolphus meditated on the great mission of German Republicans; he toiled now to ensure that liberalism flourished for future generations. However, the more likely and immediate motivator was his growling stomach, reminding Adolphus of the subsistence-level lifestyle he had lived the past month, pushing him forward towards his next meal as his legs threatened to give out beneath him. In a war defined by the high ideological rhetoric of its participants, it is easy to forget that it was often the small things that could keep the enlisted men going during times of hardship—or, conversely, break their wavering spirits for good.
Fremont’s army reached Cedar Creek on the 31st, still beset by demoralizing torrential rainfall. The general sent out his advance brigade and quickly learned that Jackson’s force was closer than he had initially thought. The advance brigade engaged in several skirmishes with Confederate troops as Jackson slowly fell back to a more defensible position. Fremont refused to give Jackson any breathing room, pursuing his army for the next few days. The Confederates frequently skirmished with the advancing Union troops, turning to fight, then quickly retreating once more. Jackson’s men left a trail of abandoned weapons and dead soldiers in their wake. Fremont’s army seized 500 rebel prisoners. On June 2, Stahel’s brigade (of which the Garibaldi Guard was a part) occupied Woodstock. After months of demoralizing experiences in the Mountain Department chasing after the seemingly elusive Jackson, Adolphus and his comrades rejoiced at seeing the enemy seemingly retreat in disorder before them. Their excitement may have been tempered by the realization that they would soon take part in their first major battle. At Bull Run, the 39th had hardly had the chance to participate, yet still had performed disastrously. Now, the men were under significant pressure to redeem themselves and to save the honor of their regiment.
On June 7, 1862, Fremont led his army to Cross Keys, where Jackson had halted his force and turned to face the Union army. The Garibaldi Guard was detached from Stahel’s brigade and placed in Colonel Gustave Paul Cluseret’s advance guard. Colonel Cluseret was a respected French revolutionary who had commanded the French Legion under Garibaldi in 1860. While Adolphus may have disliked being placed under the command of a Frenchman, Cluseret unquestionably commanded more respect than D’Utassy. At Cross Keys, the Garibaldians would not be placed in the back of the formation. This time, Adolphus would be in the vanguard. The battle began on the morning of June 9th. Officers shouted out orders to fix bayonets. Adolphus would have heard the command repeated down the line in six different languages as he fixed the blade to his rifle. Adolphus and his Garibaldian comrades were the first to reach the Confederate lines. The fighting was fierce. Artillery shrieked overhead as muskets filled the air with smoke, and within seconds, the sounds of men screaming in agony pervaded the entire battlefield. The Confederates were slowly pushed back until they reached an easily defensible ridge, where the Union army began to lose its momentum. After three hours of intense fighting, the Union forces had been pushed back to the woods. The 39th now held Fremont’s center, where they were vastly outnumbered by the rebels. The Confederates were attempting to encircle Fremont’s center, and attacked both of his flanks simultaneously. Rebel yells pierced the air, certainly intimidating Adolphus but also validating his prejudiced conception of Southerners as wild and ignorant relics of the past. By nightfall, Fremont was forced to withdraw. Cross Keys had been a clear victory for the Confederates, who had inflicted 684 Union casualties while suffering only 287 themselves.
Cross Keys had represented a chance for the Garibaldians to prove themselves; but once again, the regiment was showered with disgrace. No fewer than three of its officers were court martialed after the battle. 1st Lieutenant Ornesi was found hiding inside a house during the battle. After Captain Venuti had been wounded, 2nd Lieutenant Frixione failed to take command and instead hid behind the trees. Venuti reportedly yelled out to him: “Save the honor of our company; if you, an officer, behave in such a manner, what may be expected of a common soldier?” His cries fell on deaf ears, and Venuti remained hidden. Worst of all, D’Utassy’s second-in-command, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Repetti, had disappeared before the battle, not showing up until it was over. One witness reported that when he asked where Repetti had been, Repetti muttered that “he would not have been such a fool to have himself killed for such a stupid country.” Repetti was already disliked by most of the soldiers, a fact that would come out during D’Utassy’s later trial, so it is possible that this witness may have fabricated the quote. Whether it was true or not, Repetti had indisputably fired upon a sick Union soldier during their pursuit of Jackson. For these actions, he was charged with “conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman,” and was formally discharged on June 19th, 1862. D’Utassy’s purge of the Garibaldi Guard’s officer corps had, in part, caused the regiment’s disastrous performance at their first major engagement.
Following the battle, the regiment limped to Camp Jackson, where they awaited further orders. They had suffered forty-four casualties and had little to show for it. At Camp Jackson, the men found that most of the provisions they were to receive from Petersburg had never arrived. Once again, they were forced to scavenge, and the regiment survived on captured Confederate supplies while at Camp Jackson. Scandal after scandal had caused the morale of the regiment to plummet, which was further compounded by poor leadership and logistical planning. As they licked their wounds at camp Jackson, many of the enlisted men may have mulled over the same sentiment expressed by their disgraced Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Repetti: Were they such fools to die for such a stupid country?
Around the middle of July, 1862, the Garibaldians were detached from general command and sent to assist in the garrisoning of Winchester, Virginia. On June 15, as the regiment marched towards Winchester, they were attacked by a small Confederate detachment and were forced to retreat before continuing the march. After hearing about the retreat, General John Pope angrily wrote to Brigadier General A. Sanders Piatt, the commander of Winchester:
“A regiment of infantry in such a country is more than a match for a dozen regiments of cavalry, and ought never to retreat before them. Neither do I quite understand your calling an affair in which 2 men were wounded a “sharp engagement” I hope you will infuse a much bolder spirit in your men.”
The scandals and humiliations of the 39th New York repeated ad nauseam. After their first major engagement, the Garibaldians were already relegated to garrison duty. They would remain in Winchester until September, building fortifications around the Union supply depot, which was fittingly named Fort Garibaldi. Even with morale at an all-time low, most of the enlisted men remained committed to their duties. During this dark period for the Garibaldians, it is doubtful that romantic notions of republicanism upheld their sense of duty. More likely, it was the desire to keep earning a steady income that kept them going, as well as their conceptions of honorable masculinity, which judged men based on their ability to support their family. Captain Carlos Alvarez De La Mesa’s letter to his wife reflects the monetary concerns shared by many soldiers:
“You began by telling me stories about the money. That’s fine. That’s your obligation since I have spent many bad moments to earn it. But, to this I tell you, if I am not sending you enough money how much do you need? I save more than I need and the majority of the time I am without money for anything. The manner in which I am living right now is truly ridiculous… You said that you don’t have more than $12.75, which is fine. You have spent money for business but you must realize everything will decline until we are not in debt. Until then you leave me here without pants like you know I am.”
Adolphus was young and unmarried, and having spent his time surrounded by fellow Germans, he may have held on to the revolutionary notions of German republicans, as well as the sense of ethnic superiority felt by many of the German soldiers. In the wake of their repeated humiliations, however, the monetary incentive may have increasingly eclipsed his romanticized motivations to fight.
In late August 1862, General Pope’s Union army was defeated at the Second Battle of Bull Run, retreating in panic to Washington, where Pope was relieved of his command. As Lee pushed north, the Garibaldians were ordered to leave Winchester and defend the critical Union garrison at Harper’s Ferry, in now West Virginia. Colonel D’Utassy, promoted to brigade commander, led the Garibaldians and several other regiments in the defense of Maryland Heights, which overlooked the small town. The battle began on September 12, 1862. By September 15, the Confederates had positioned artillery all around the Union forces, making their situation hopeless. The commander of the Harper’s Ferry garrison, Dixon Miles, recognized his men’s position and agreed to surrender. Miles was mortally wounded by artillery shortly after, but the surrender proceeded. The Garibaldians, one of the few veteran regiments defending the garrison, had performed well, but once again were met with shameful defeat. Even worse, the Garibaldians knew that they would not have another chance to prove themselves for some time.
The Confederates did not have the capability to intern the nearly 12,000 men who had surrendered to them, and this meant that a “gentleman’s agreement” would have to be concluded between the respective commanders. It was an agreement that neutralized troops without killing or wounding them. The Garibaldians would be confined in a federal camp until they were later exchanged; only then could they rejoin the war. Newspapers ran the headline of “Harper’s Ferry Cowards,” but for once, the Garibaldians were not made the scapegoats for the disaster. By then detached from the notorious German Division, their regiment was one of the few veteran regiments present at Harper’s Ferry, and most of the blame went to the greenhorns. Even so, the headlines would have infuriated Adolphus and his comrades. They lost every single battle that they had fought in, and despite their improved performance at Harper’s Ferry, they experienced their most humiliating defeat yet.
The men were loaded into railway cars and sent westward to Camp Douglas, near Chicago. They would remain there for months as they waited to be exchanged. In the meantime, they would have to endure the terrible conditions at Camp Douglas. The land was improperly drained and swampy. Rats thrived in the barracks, crawling over the men as they slept, causing many a sleepless night for any musophobics. The men entertained themselves with rat hunts and other physical activities, but it was not enough to stymie the anger and boredom of many soldiers. Illinois recruits training at Camp Douglas mocked the paroles as the “Harper’s Ferry Cowards,” causing many fights to break out between the soldiers. Such feuding only accelerated the demoralization of the men, leading to mutinies that were, for once, not instigated by the Garibaldians themselves. Soldiers burned down the barracks of other companies and regiments. Nearly all the men in the 32nd Ohio simply left the camp and forced a train conductor to bring them back east. Attempts were made to enforce daily drill routines, but few of the demoralized men could be compelled to do anything. The Garibaldians were even forced to put down a mutiny in the camp at one point.
The fact that the 39th New York did not take part in any of the mutinies is telling. They too shared the same complaints as the mutinous soldiers–first and foremost, their illusive paychecks that had yet to materialize; but the Garibaldians were committed, more than ever, to proving themselves in the wake of all-too-frequent frequent defeats and uprisings. Many of the soldiers certainly railed at the absurdity of their confinement at the hands of their own government. Others may have been discouraged by their plight, but respected the established etiquette of nineteenth-century warfare. It seems that Adolphus was among the latter. Before they were exchanged in mid-November, Adolphus was promoted to Sergeant Major on November 12, 1862. Surrounded by the disorder and boredom of Camp Douglas, it is unlikely that Adolphus and his German-American comrades halted their ethnocultural practices. They would have continued practicing their gymnastics and Prussian military drills. While the native regiments burned down barracks and mutinied, the German Americans and their feelings of ethnic superiority and martial prowess would have been further validated. Adolphus’s promotion was one such personal validation.
The Garibaldians were sent to Washington after their exchange, once again under the command of D’Utassy, who resumed his command of the brigade he had led at Harper’s Ferry. They remained in Washington for the winter under the jurisdiction of General Silas Casey, a strict disciplinarian who held the men to a rigid itinerary and drilled them endlessly to improve unit cohesion. Adolphus seems to have thrived in this environment, being promoted to 2nd Lieutenant on December 17, 1862, only a month after his previous promotion. His quick rise through the ranks is indicative of his commitment to the war, a commitment that remained even as the Garibaldians idled away at Camp Douglas.
In the spring of 1863, the men learned that D’Utassy was facing a court martial once more. This time, D’Utassy had reached the end of his luck. He had created countless enemies within the Garibaldi Guard and in both Washington and New York, enemies who seized upon the perfect occasion to bring down D’Utassy once and for all. In early 1863, the federal government sought to streamline the army supply system and crack down on the corruption that had run rampant in the army. U.S. branded horses were frequently appropriated by officers using government funds. D’Utassy had three such horses, which immediately raised suspicions. Furthermore, D’Utassy enjoyed a rather extravagant lifestyle that, in and of itself, would not have made the upper crust of American society blink; but D’Utassy was a foreigner, which marked him for special scrutiny. The three major charges leveled against him were as follows: (1) “Advising and persuading a soldier to desert;” (2) “Unlawfully selling and disposing of Government horses for his own benefit” and (3) “Conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline.” D’Utassy was exonerated on the first charge but found guilty of multiple specifications under the other charges. He was permanently disqualified from holding office in the United States and sentenced to one year of hard labor at Sing Sing State Prison in New York. His sentence was approved by Lincoln on May 27, 1863. The Garibaldians would remain without a colonel until 1864.
Most of the men were likely happy to see D’Utassy leave, most especially the Germans, who had received the brunt of D’Utassy’s scorn, due to his hatred of German culture imparted from his homeland. His dismissal may have also been somewhat melancholic, for with the court martial of D’Utassy, nearly every original officer of the 39th New York was gone. The number of enlisted men had been greatly depleted too; by the time the Garibaldians marched to Gettysburg, they numbered around 400, making up a mere four-company battalion. However, despite their much-reduced numbers, the Garibaldians would finally get the chance to prove just how effective they could be. The men heard news of Lee’s crossing of the Potomac on June 18, 1863. They hastily struck their camp near Sugar Loaf Mountain, Maryland, and began the march north to intercept Lee.
The Garibaldians at Gettysburg The monument to the 39th New York (Courtesy of Courtesy of New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center).
In their much-reduced position, the Garibaldians were attached to the 3rd Brigade, 3rd Division of the 2nd Corps of the Army of the Potomac, led by General Winfield S. Hancock. The men reached Taneytown around the afternoon of July 1, where rumors spread that Union and Confederate forces had met in battle. The rumors were confirmed when Gen. Hancock rode ahead of his men to reach Gettysburg and take temporary command of General Reynolds’s corps. The Union general had fallen on the first day, and with Hancock’s hasty departure, a sense of foreboding spread throughout the ranks. Even the most driven Garibaldian must have allowed an element of defeatism to seep into his mind when it was conveyed that the first day of battle had ended in a Union defeat. For the entire duration of their service up until that point, the Garibaldians had only been on the losing side of the war. But Lee’s invasion of the North was different: If they failed to repel Lee’s invasion here, it could leave Washington dangerously exposed, thus threatening the fortunes and future of northerners everywhere, including that of the men’s families in New York. Such a prospect would have especially terrified Adolphus and his fellow Germans, for their tainted notions of Southerners as a mass of ignorant and uneducated peasants—perceptions that flourished even before the war–could only have been nurtured by the men’s time in the military. One of the most effective propaganda strategies used by states during times of war was the assertion that the “enemy” would rape the wives of the soldiers. If the soldiers could not protect their countrymen’s—and their own–wives, then they could not consider themselves men. For Adolphus and his German comrades, this powerful, gendered motivator was accompanied by German conceptions of martial manhood, which for all of their Prussian drilling and gymnastics, had not yet been proven on the field of battle. Gettysburg, then, more than any other battle, must have weighed heavily on Adolphus’s mind as he and his comrades marched north from Taneytown. The Garibaldians halted three miles from Gettysburg on the night of July 1.
Around 3:00 am on July 2, the Garibaldians took their position on the center-right of Cemetery Ridge. Most of the men would have had a sleepless night in anticipation of the coming battle. Both veterans and greenhorns struggled to suppress the thought that the next day may well bring their own death and the deaths of many of their comrades. As Adolphus fell in line on Cemetery Ridge, adrenaline would have left him in a state of alertness and anxious excitement. The sun rising in the East announced the beginning of the second day of battle, and the Garibaldians would see some of the first action of the day. Across the Emmitsburg Road from the men lay the Bliss Farm, where Confederate sharpshooters had occupied both the house and the barn. The sharpshooters took relentless potshots at the men from the windows, while others lay prone in the tall grass, waiting for their moment to strike, then melt away before they betrayed their position. Adolphus would have seen men suddenly collapse around him as sharpshooters hit their mark. Even a man with nerves of steel would have shuddered each time a bullet whizzed by. While keeping formation in the face of a firestorm of bullets was nerve-racking, facing sharpshooters was unique in its brand of terror. Line fire was more or less indiscriminate, while sharpshooting involved a much more personal and sinister element. To be under fire from sharpshooters meant that at any moment, a sharpshooter could be observing you behind the scope of a terrifyingly accurate rifle. For higher ranking men like Adolphus, sharpshooters presented an extra level of dread, for they actively targeted officers whenever they could. When the Garibaldians were ordered to deploy as skirmishers to the Bliss Farm, few of them would have rejoiced at the assignment.
The Garibaldians skirmished with the Confederate sharpshooters at the Bliss Farm for four hours, themselves becoming unsuspecting and sinister marksmen in their own right. Every moment was exceptionally tense. For each sharpshooter they killed or wounded, another popped up from the grass or peeked out a window to take another shot. As a Second Lieutenant, Adolphus would have needed to consistently expose himself in order to assist his company captain in guiding the men. During those four stressful hours, a Confederate sharpshooter spotted Adolphus and took aim. Adolphus was hit directly in the chest and fell where he stood. As the Garibaldians withdrew around noon, they dragged their wounded comrades back to their lines and loaded them up in ambulances bound for one of the many field hospitals established around Gettysburg. Having fallen near the Bliss Farm, Adolphus was likely taken to the Union hospital at the George Spangler Farm. As the ambulance wagon rolled to a stop near the entrance of the Spangler barn, Adolphus would have seen a line of wounded men on stretchers before the barn doors, awaiting their turn for pre-op. A little further off, near the Spangler house, he would have seen more wounded men writhing on the ground; but these men only awaited death. Their wounds judged too grievous for operation, they were placed out of the way and left with scores of mortally wounded men, each pondering his own inevitable death. The cries and death-rattles of men muffled the chirps of birds and cicadas, while the stench of death and anesthetic permeated in the air.
A chest wound could indeed be considered inoperable, depending upon where the bullet landed. Adolphus thus may initially have been placed among the dying men when he arrived; but in the end, his injury was deemed operable. Likely fading in and out of consciousness, Adolphus would have been in a state of delirium as he was lifted up and brought into the barn for pre-op. If he was still conscious, he may have turned his head and observed the blood pooling up on the barn floor. With a wound such as his, however, it is doubtful he was perceptive of anything in the moment. After all, such bloody imagery was hardly a novel sight for a veteran soldier. After his pre-op, Adolphus would have been brought into the barn cellar for operation. As the blood of comrades resting on the barn floorboards above him seeped through the cracks to the cellar floor, the surgeons wrenched the ball out of Adolphus’s chest while he was under anesthetic, cleaned up his wound, applied bandages, and called for their next patient. He would be placed off to the side and checked on periodically for the remainder of the battle.
If Adolphus was conscious for the following day, July 3, he would have seen many familiar faces. The Garibaldians had been sent to assist General Sickles near the Peach Orchard in the late afternoon of July 2. One can imagine Adolphus’s face fill with pride when he heard of the Garibaldians’ valiant performance under heavy fire. Unwavering, they pushed back the Confederates who had captured the cannons of the 5th U.S. Artillery and retook the precious weapons, even after the immediate commander of the 3rd Brigade, Colonel Willard, was killed instantly by a shell. But that pride would have been supplanted by a deep sadness when he learned of the cost. By the time the sun dipped below the horizon on July 2, more than half of the 3rd Brigade’s soldiers had fallen. When the smoke began clearing from the battlefield on the end of July 3, the already undermanned Garibaldians had lost one in four men: ninety-five enlisted men and six officers had been killed or wounded (including the 39th’s commander, Major Hugo Hillebrandt), many of them likely ending up beside Adolphus at the George Spangler farm. If those immigrant soldiers who died had a moment to reflect before their deaths, did they believe that their sacrifice would help secure the future of their newly adopted country? Were they comforted by the thought that, surely their sacrifice would conclusively prove to nativists their loyalty to the Union and ultimately help to raise the maligned status of immigrants? Or did they rail at their predicament, becoming fearful in their moment of death that it all had been for nothing, that they had been no more than a meat shield in a war no different from the power struggles of Europe that would leave their families at the mercy of xenophobic nativists?
After the battle, Adolphus was brought to the better-provisioned Camp Letterman Hospital, located one mile northeast of Gettysburg. He lingered on through the monotony of hospital life, perhaps writing home when he could to bolster his family’s spirit, as well as his own. Whenever he could, he surely asked around for information on his comrades in the 39th, though the language barrier may have inhibited much in-depth conversation beyond a simple line or two. To hear of them would have allowed him to escape, if only in thought, from his hospital bed for but a moment, permitting Adolphus to envision himself once more among the ranks of his comrades with whom he had endured so much. But such moments of brief joy were interspersed between periods of depression and agony. It would have been impossible to not observe the death and suffering around him; as many as seventeen soldiers died on one bad day at Letterman Hospital, and the conditions were less than ideal. His health slowly deteriorated through the rest of July, worsening with the coming of August. Near the end, he likely knew his death was imminent. Unlike those killed instantly on the battlefield, mortally wounded soldiers were forced to confront their own inevitable death—a lonely death which, for many like Adolphus, would take place far from home or the loving touch of family, with an undetermined final resting place.
It is impossible to know what Adolphus reflected on during his last weeks. It is consoling to think that Adolphus was proud in the end, resolute that he had proved his manhood and contributed to the cause of liberalism around the world. But the twenty-two year old, left to his own thoughts as he lay dying, could have succumbed to a deep depression as he questioned the choices he had made in his short life. Regardless of how he felt in the moment, Adolphus had made an indisputable impact. German Republicans were correct in their understanding of the implications of the Civil War, rightfully considered one of the most significant wars in history. Having made the ultimate sacrifice for the Union, and for the fate of global democracy, Adolphus Wagner died on August 25, 1863.
On July 1, 1888, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the battle, thousands of soldiers once again converged at Gettysburg, but this time for remembrance and reconciliation. The State of New York had sponsored a monument to be dedicated to the unit’s sacrifices that day. Standing twenty feet high, with simple inscriptions all four sides noting the unit’s movements during the battle and casualty figures, the simple granite marker is adorned merely with the seal of the State of New York and the Second Corps’s traditional raised trefoil symbol. No grandiose descriptions or romantic martial imagery are present, and there is no record of how the Garibaldians reacted to the event, only the mention that a native-born New Yorker, Captain Frank M. Clarke, spoke at the 39th New York monument dedication. Perhaps his speech consisted of the usual jargon that praised the immigrant soldiers for their sacrifice and spoke of bonds stronger than ethnicity—some of which certainly applied to the service of men such as Adolphus, but would have raised an eyebrow or two amongst many of the unit’s rank and file, and amongst many immigrant-wary Americans of the 1860s.
As was true of the myriad other inter-sectional and intra-sectional divisions that had plagued the Union and the Confederacy throughout the war years, desires for post-war reconciliation, reunion, and an enduring public memory of each side’s unwavering unity and devotion to the war effort could often (at least on the surface) obscure the far less romantic realities, tensions, and divisions that existed both during and after the war. Twenty-five years after the war, the tide of nativism had barely been stymied. Immigrants in America still struggled for social mobility with the odds set against them. Despite the service of thousands of immigrants in the Civil War, nativist rhetoric still questioned their loyalty to the reunited Union. The men who made up the Garibaldians were mostly first- and second-generation immigrants. Many of them would always feel like foreigners in America. But their children and grandchildren, separated from their homelands and growing up in a society that would eventually come to more fully realize for immigrants the democratic ideals for which Adolphus and his comrades had fought, had no trouble assimilating into American society. They achieved what their forebears had fought for, and while their mother language may have been replaced by English, their language and customs have made an indelible mark on American society today. Across the country, the names of roads, towns, and cities serve as a reminder of the cultural influences of America’s past and of the contributions of even the most colorful groups of immigrants, such as the Garibaldians, to democracy’s victories in America and liberalism’s triumphs across the West.
Alduino, Frank W., and Coles, David J. “‘Ye come from many a far off clime; And speak in many a tongue’: The Garibaldi Guard and Italian-American Service in the Civil War.” Italian Americana 22, no. 1 (Winter 2004): 47-63. https://www.jstor.org/stable/29776913.
Catalfamo, Catherine. “The Thorny Rose: The Americanization of an Urban, Immigrant, Working Class Regiment in The Civil War” (PhD diss., University of Texas, Austin, 1989), https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/index.php/?cID=2184.
Eichner, Caitlin. “International Man of Mystery – Colonel Frederick George D’Utassy.” Shapell, 23 November 2020. https://www.shapell.org/behind-the-scenes/international-man-of-mystery-colonel-frederick-george-dutassy/.
“GARIBALDI GUARD.” New York Times (1857-1922), May 26, 1861: 8. https://www.proquest.com/cv_1485734/docview/91628993/A4EDB3AFA0464506PQ/6?accountid=2694
“General Blenker’s Division.” Philadelphia Inquirer (1860-1934), March 4, 1862: 1.
Kamphoefner, Walter D, and Wolfgang Helbich. Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006. https://gettysburg.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01GETTYSBURG_INST/1kluq6j/cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9781469605418.
“Other Monuments.” Philadelphia Inquirer (1860-1934), July 2, 1888: 1.
“Proposition to Hang the Dutch Soldiers.” From the Knoxville Register, June 12, 1862. New York Times (1857-1922), June 22, 1862: 5.
“THE GARIBALDI GUARD.” Chicago Tribune (1860-1872), May 09, 1861: 0_2. https://www.proquest.com/cv_1485734/docview/175099911/A4EDB3AFA0464506PQ/5?accountid=2694
Wagner, Adolphus. 1850 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2022.
Wagner, Adolphus. 1860 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2022.
Wagner, Valentine. Baden, Germany, Lutheran Baptisms, Marriages, and Burials, 1783-1875 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2022.
Narrative and map by Cole Froehlich, Gettysburg College
"Wazazi wa Wagner waliishi katika ""Tinderbox ya Ulaya"" (Wazazi wa Wagner waliishi katika ""Tinderbox ya Ulaya"" - ""Tinderbox ya Ulaya"") na waliishi katika ""Tinderbox ya Ulaya"" (Wazazi wa Wagner waliishi katika ""Tinderbox ya Ulaya"" - ""Tinderbox ya Ulaya"")." Wakati huo, Ujerumani ilikuwa na mataifa kadhaa yenye uhuru, kila moja likiongozwa na serikali ya kifalme ya urithi. Wakati huo Baden ilikuwa jimbo lenye uhuru kusini-magharibi mwa Ujerumani, lililokuwa tajiri kwa sababu ya kilimo chake. Bonde la Mto Rhine lilikuwa ardhi yenye rutuba ambayo iliruhusu kilimo cha mazao mbalimbali. Thuluthi mbili ya wakazi wa Duchy walikuwa Wakatoliki, huku thuluthi nyingine wakiwa Waprotestanti. Familia ya Wagner ilikuwa ya kikundi cha mwisho. Licha ya mgawanyiko wa kidini, ndoa za mchanganyiko zilikuwa za kawaida huko Baden, na mawazo ya maendeleo ya elimu yalienea sana katika eneo hilo. "Kabla ya 1848 Grand Duchy ilikuwa inajulikana kama ""enclave ya maendeleo"" katika Ulaya ya Kati." Chumba cha Chini cha Bunge la Baden kilionekana kama jukwaa la kuongoza la kueneza maoni ya uhuru kama vile madai ya uhuru wa vyombo vya habari, uchaguzi huru, serikali ya kibinafsi ya jamii, na kadhalika. Licha ya sifa ya Baden ya uhuru, robo tatu ya idadi ya watu wake walikuwa wakulima maskini ambao waliishi kwenye ardhi, 300,000 kati yao walifanya kazi katika ukoloni wa nusu-feudal kwa mabwana wa kati. Familia ya Wagner ilihamia Marekani mwaka 1847 kwa sababu ya mgogoro wa kilimo uliowatesa Wajerumani katika nusu ya pili ya miaka ya 1840. Kwa sababu ya mavuno mabaya ya mwaka 1845 na 1846, chakula kilikosa sana na bei ya bidhaa za msingi ikapanda, na hivyo kuwaathiri wakulima na wafanyabiashara matajiri. Mfumuko mkubwa wa bei katika nusu ya kwanza ya 1847 ulizidisha mgogoro na kusababisha ghasia za mkate na mapinduzi ya njaa katika majimbo mengi ya Prussia na Kusini mwa Ujerumani. Mgogoro huo uliharibu sana uhalali wa watawala wa kihafidhina kote Ujerumani na kusababisha madai ya nguvu zaidi ya mageuzi ya huria. Mazungumzo ya mapinduzi yalisikika katika Biergarten na Kaffeeklatsche kote Ujerumani, na familia nyingi zilikimbia kabla ya pipa la risasi kuwaka moto. Familia ya Wagner ilihamia Marekani kabla tu ya mapinduzi ya 1848 kuanzisha mapinduzi ya Ulaya. Adolphus alikuwa na umri wa miaka mitano tu wakati huo, na aliandamana na familia yake hadi Rotterdam, ambapo walipanda meli ya Australia na kusafiri kwenda New York City mnamo Juni 1847. Kwa hakika familia ya Wagner iliona ahadi kubwa katika jaribio kubwa la kisiasa la kidemokrasia la Marekani. Taifa hilo la vijana lilionekana kufafanuliwa na hadithi za mafanikio na wanaume ambao hatima zao hazikuamuliwa na ukoo wao, bali na maadili yao ya kazi na mafanikio ya mtu binafsi. Familia ya Wagner ilifika Marekani Juni 20, 1847 na kuhamia Rochester, New York. Mnamo Januari 1848, mapinduzi yalianza nchini Sicily, ambayo hatimaye yalichochea mapinduzi kote Ulaya. Familia ya Wagner ilikuwa imehamia nchi hiyo kwa wakati unaofaa, ikikimbia kwa urahisi jeuri na magumu ya mapinduzi. Ikiwa familia ya Wagner ingesikia habari kuhusu matukio ya Ulaya, bila shaka wangehisi kuwa na haki ya kuondoka katika nchi yao na kuanza maisha mapya ng'ambo ya Bahari ya Atlantiki. Kufikia mwaka 1850, mapinduzi yote ya 1848 yalikuwa yameshindwa. Marekani ilikuwa tayari imepata mapinduzi yake yenye mafanikio miaka sabini na mitano iliyopita, na familia ya Wagner iliweza kufurahia faida zake kwa muda mrefu bila kujidhabihu na kuteseka kwa sababu ya vita. Kwa wao, na kwa wahamiaji wengine wengi na wakazi wa asili wa Marekani, Amerika kwa kweli iliwakilisha "matumaini bora ya mwisho ya demokrasia" duniani. Wajerumani walikuwa mojawapo ya makundi makubwa zaidi ya kikabila nchini Marekani katika kipindi cha kabla ya vita vya dunia. "Wahamiaji wa Kijerumani waliozungumza Kijerumani walijulikana kama ""Wagiriki"" kwa sababu hakuna utambulisho wa Ujerumani uliopo hadi kuanzishwa kwa Dola ya Ujerumani mwaka 1871." Wamarekani wengi hawakutambua jambo hilo; Waprussia walizungumza lugha ileile kama Wabavaria, kwa hiyo walionwa kuwa wa kabila moja. Hata hivyo, wakati nchi za Ulaya zinazozungumza Kijerumani zilikuwa na tofauti kubwa za kitamaduni na zilikuwa na ushindani mkali kati yao, wahamiaji wa Kijerumani huko Amerika walishirikiana kwa lugha yao ya kawaida na kuendeleza utambulisho wa Kijerumani wenye mshikamano, licha ya tofauti zao za kitamaduni. Waliunda jamii za Wajerumani hasa kaskazini inayojulikana kama Kleindeutschlands, au "Jerumani ndogo", ambayo iliwaruhusu kuhifadhi utamaduni na desturi zao. "Kwa kweli, utambulisho huu wa ""Kijerumani"" uliotengenezwa na mtu mwenyewe ulikuwa muhimu sana hivi kwamba katika sensa ya 1850 ya Marekani, Valentine Wagner aliorodhesha ""Ujerumani"" kama mahali pa kuzaliwa kwake na familia yake yote, ingawa Ujerumani iliyounganishwa haikuwa bado ipo." Jambo hilo halikuonekana tu katika jamii ya watu wanaozungumza Kijerumani; licha ya tofauti za kikanda huko Ulaya, mara nyingi wahamiaji wa Marekani walianza kuwa na utambulisho wa kikabila. Napolitano alikuwa na uhusiano wa karibu na Sicily, lakini walipata uhusiano wa karibu na watu wa Italia waliohamia nchi nyingine. Yaelekea familia ya Wagner iliamua kuishi katika jimbo la New York kwa sababu ya idadi kubwa ya Wajerumani. Berlin na Vienna zilikuwa jamii mbili kubwa zaidi za watu wanaozungumza Kijerumani ulimwenguni wakati huo; Kleindeutschland ya jiji la New York ilikuwa ya tatu kwa ukubwa. Rochester pia ilikuwa na jumuiya kubwa ya Wajerumani. Angalau magazeti mawili ya jiji yalichapishwa kwa Kijerumani, Rochester Volksblatt (Rochester People's Paper) na Rochester Beobachter (Rochester Observer). Familia nyingi ambazo Wagner aliishi katika Rochester Ward 6 pia zilitoka Ujerumani, ingawa jamii hiyo pia ilikuwa na familia chache za Ireland na Canada. Mwaka 1848 Wajerumani wengi zaidi walikimbilia Marekani ili kuepuka mateso ya kisiasa katika Ulaya yenye mapinduzi. "Wahamiaji hao waliokimbia Ulaya waliitwa ""Waneaneane"" na wengi wao walikuwa wanamapinduzi wenye elimu, waliofadhaishwa kabisa na mapinduzi ya Ulaya ya 1848 na 1849."" Wafuasi wengi wa mapinduzi ya Ujerumani walipata kuwa viongozi wa kleindeutsche katika kaskazini na wakawa watetezi wa ushiriki wa kisiasa wa Ujerumani katika serikali ya Marekani na zaidi walitafuta kuweka utamaduni wao hai. Wajerumani arobaini na nane walileta Turnvereine kwa Amerika - vilabu vya mazoezi ya viungo ambavyo vilitangaza elimu ya mwili lakini pia vilitumika kama shirika la urithi wa kitamaduni. Walikuwa muhimu kwa ajili ya kampeni ya kuajiri ya utawala wa Lincoln mwanzoni mwa Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe. Wale wanaoitwa "Turners" walitia moyo wahamiaji Wajerumani kushiriki katika siasa. Wakawaomba Wajerumani wenzake wapige kura kwa ajili ya Jamhuri, na wakati vita vilipoanza, waliwaomba jamii zao kujitolea na kulinda Jamhuri. Wamarekani wenye asili ya Ujerumani walijitolea kwa wingi na wakawa kikundi kikubwa zaidi cha wageni katika Jeshi la Muungano. Mwaka 1860 kulikuwa na watu milioni 1.3 wa asili ya Ujerumani nchini Marekani. Kati ya 180,000 na 216,000 kati yao watatumikia katika Jeshi la Umoja. Baadhi yao walichochewa na zawadi za kifahari na mshahara mzuri, lakini wengi pia waliamini kwamba walikuwa wakipigana kwa ajili ya kusudi zuri, hasa wale wa miaka arobaini na minane. August Willich alikuwa mmoja wa Wajerumani hao ambao waliamini sana katika kusudi la Muungano. Baada ya kuuawa kwa askari wa jeshi la Prussia, Willich alishiriki katika mapinduzi ya Baden-Palatinate. Alihukumiwa kukimbilia Uingereza baada ya mapinduzi ya mwaka 1850 kushindwa, lakini aliendelea kuwa na shughuli za kisiasa, hata akimshambulia Karl Marx kwa duel; Marx alikuwa mhifadhi sana machoni pa Willich. Alihamia Marekani mwaka 1853 na baadaye akawa mhariri wa gazeti la Ujerumani la wafanyakazi huru huko Cincinnati. "Wakati wa vita vya kwanza vya dunia, August Wilkinson aliandika barua kwa Freie Presse von Indiana, akihimiza Wajerumani kujitolea, akisema kwamba ""itakuwa fursa kwa ajili yao kuthibitisha kwamba wao si wageni, na kwamba wanajua jinsi ya kulinda nchi yao mpya ya jamhuri dhidi ya aristocracy ya Kusini.""" Mawazo ya wanane na wanane yaliunganishwa kwa njia isiyoweza kupuuzwa na dhana za Wajerumani wa Marekani za ujana. Katikati ya karne ya kumi na tisa ilikuwa wakati wa mapinduzi na uhamiaji. "Watu wa '48 waliamini kwa shauku kwamba walikuwa karibu na hatua ya mabadiliko katika historia, hatua ya kubadilika kwa vipimo vikubwa ambavyo vilihitaji watu wenye nguvu na wenye kuamua kuiona.""" Kama ilivyosemwa katika kauli mbiu ya Turnverein, wanaume Wajerumani walihitaji "akili yenye afya katika mwili wenye afya", kwa kuwa walikuwa wamesimama kwenye kilele cha historia. Hali ya kisiasa yenye mkazo ambayo Wajerumani walipata katika Amerika kabla ya vita ya ulimwengu ilikuwa imehusiana sana na mambo waliyojionea huko Ulaya. Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe vilianza kwa sababu za kiingereza, lakini kwa wengi wa Jamhuri ya Ujerumani, vita hivyo vilikuwa sawa na mapinduzi ya Ulaya, na kuwakilisha mapambano kati ya uhuru na ukosefu wa uhuru. Kwa hiyo, ujana wao ungefafanuliwa na utayari wao wa kupigania itikadi za juu zaidi. Kama Adolphus, Wajerumani wengi walikuwa watoto tu walipohamia Marekani pamoja na familia zao wakati wa mabadiliko makubwa katika nchi yao. Walikuwa wameondoka Die Heimat na kukimbilia Amerika, wakichochewa na ahadi ya fursa za kiuchumi na uhamaji wa kijamii katika nchi ambayo iliwakilisha kuvunja kabisa kutoka kwa siasa za Ulimwengu wa Kale. Hata hivyo, Ulimwengu Mpya yenyewe ulikuwa na mabaki ya ukosefu wa uhuru wa Ulaya katika namna ya aristocracy ya Kusini, nguvu zao zikikumbusha sana mabwana wa Ulaya ya Kati. Kwa Wamarekani wengi Wajerumani, watu mashuhuri wa Kusini walikuwa kinyume na maadili ya Marekani. Kama kusini ingekuwa kushinda, ingekuwa kufa kwa matarajio ya jamhuri si tu katika Amerika, lakini katika Ulaya pia. Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe havikuwa jambo la kitaifa tu, bali kwa kweli vilikuwa na matokeo ya kimataifa. "Mhariri wa gazeti la Westliche Post la Ujerumani aliandika katika makala yake ya 1861 ""Der Volksturm"" (Mvua ya Watu) akisema: ""Kwa miaka sabini jamhuri hii imekuwa kichocheo cha tumaini katika mioyo ya wapendao nchi zao Ulaya." "Kama ilivyoandikwa kwenye bendera za Ujerumani, ""Uhuru na Urafiki kwa Watu Wote Huru"" ni ishara ya kwamba nchi zote za Ulaya zimejifungua katika mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho wa mstari wa mwisho." Wagners walikuwa pia wenyeji wa Baden; haingekuwa ngumu kusema kwamba bado walikuwa na uhusiano mkubwa na nchi yao ya asili, baada ya kuunganishwa katika jamii kamili ya wenyeji wa Baden ambao bado walikuwa na jamaa katika Grand Duchy. Labda walijivunia kuwa kutoka jimbo la Ujerumani ambalo lilijulikana kwa Bunge lake la uhuru kabla ya Mapinduzi ya Baden. Baada ya mapinduzi hayo kushindwa, madai ya uhuru yalikataliwa na watu 80,000 wa Baden walihamia nchi nyingine, wengi wao wakiishi Marekani. Mapinduzi hayo hayakuweza kufikia malengo yake ya haki ya kupiga kura, uhuru wa kujieleza na ajira kwa wote; lakini watu wengi wa Baden hawakuacha sababu ya uhuru. Kwa wale wa miaka 48, Vita vya Wenyewe kwa Wenyewe vilikuwa vita kati ya utamaduni na uhuru. Mapinduzi ya Marekani yalikuwa tayari yamepata haki nyingi zilizotafutwa na mapinduzi ya Ulaya mwishoni mwa miaka ya 1840, lakini bado kulikuwa na mengi ya kutamaniwa. Utumwa ulikuwa kinyume cha kazi ya bure na uliwakilisha tisho kwa marekebisho ya baadaye ya uhuru. "Kama ilivyoelezwa katika picha ya ""The Garibaldi Guard"" iliyochorwa na Giuseppe Garibaldi mnamo 1861." Mshindi huyo aliwachochea maelfu ya watu ulimwenguni kote katika mapambano yake kwa ajili ya uhuru (Kwa heshima ya LOC). Vita vya Kwanza vya Ulimwengu vilipoanza mwaka 1861, wahamiaji kutoka Ulaya walijitolea kwa wingi. Bila shaka, mshahara ulikuwa mojawapo ya mambo yaliyowachochea sana wajitoleaji, lakini wakati huohuo wengi waliamini katika kupigania haki ya kazi ya bure. Adolphus Wagner alijiunga na Kikosi cha 39 cha Wanajeshi wa New York mnamo Mei 17, 1861. Aliweza kujiunga na jeshi lolote ambalo lilikuwa likijengwa karibu na Rochester, lakini alichagua kwenda New York City. "Hata hivyo, inaonekana kwamba Adolphus alivutiwa na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39"" na ""mwenyeji wa 39.""" <unk>Garibaldi Guard.<unk> Kikosi hicho kilipewa jina kutokana na mwanaharakati wa mapinduzi wa Italia, Giuseppe Garibaldi. Wakati huo, serikali ya Lincoln ilijaribu kumchagua Garibaldi kuwa mkuu wa jeshi, lakini Garibaldi alikataliwa wakati aliomba kuwa kamanda mkuu wa Jeshi la Umoja na kuomba kuondolewa kwa utumwa mara moja. Badala yake, alitoa jina lake kwa mojawapo ya vikosi mbalimbali zaidi katika Vita vya Wenyewe kwa Wenyewe. Kwa Adolphus, utofauti wa kikosi hicho huenda ulionyesha athari za kimataifa za mapambano hayo, ikionyesha ushirikiano kati ya wanaume wa mataifa yote katika mapambano yao dhidi ya ukosefu wa uhuru. Kikosi cha 39 cha New York kilikuwa kikosi cha wahamiaji. Wanaume hao 1,086 waligawanywa katika vikosi kumi kulingana na kabila lao: Wajerumani watatu, Wahungaria watatu, Mfaransa mmoja, Mfaransa mmoja, Mhispania mmoja, Mreno mmoja, na Mwitaliano mmoja. Tofauti na jeshi la 140 la New York, jeshi la Garibaldi lilimruhusu Adolphus kutumikia pamoja na Wajerumani wenzake. Adolphus hakuwahi kwenda shule nchini Marekani na inaelekea hakuhitaji kujifunza Kiingereza huko Rochester, jiji ambalo jamii kubwa ya Wajerumani ilikuwa na magazeti yao wenyewe na kuzungumza kwa Kijerumani. Katika Kikosi cha Walinzi cha Garibaldi, kizuizi cha lugha hakingemwondoa kabisa Adolphus. Amri zilitolewa katika lugha sita tofauti, jambo ambalo lingeweza kusababisha matatizo kwa kikosi hicho, lakini liliwapa wahamiaji hisia ya kina zaidi ya kuwa na uhusiano. Wengi wa wahamiaji wa kujitolea kwa hakika walitafuta mshahara mzuri ambao ulikuja na huduma kwa Muungano, lakini pia walivutwa na ahadi za serikali za ardhi ya homestead na uraia kamili kwa wahamiaji waliohudumu. Zaidi ya hayo, wengine walitumaini kwamba wangeweza kuthibitisha uaminifu wao kwa Muungano na labda kuzuia wimbi la hisia za asili zilizoshikiliwa na Wamarekani wengi waliozaliwa nchini. Kwa bahati mbaya kwa askari wa Walinzi wa Garibaldi, utumishi wao ungekuwa na matokeo kinyume. 39th New York ilikuwa moja ya vikosi vya vita vya kwanza vya Marekani katika Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe. Wakati idadi kubwa ya vikosi vya jeshi vilipokuwa na maasi, tabia isiyo ya heshima, na wakati mwingine hata kushiriki katika viwango mbalimbali vya uhalifu wa vita, muundo wa kijamii na kikabila wa Walinzi wa Garibaldi uliweka kikosi hicho chini ya uchunguzi wa kuendelea wa jicho la umma ambalo lilihesabu kwa urahisi mapungufu yake mbalimbali na kushindwa kwa hukumu ya kuenea. Kikosi hicho kilikuwa na uhasama wa kikabila, uasi wa mfululizo, na maadili ya chini, yote yaliongezwa na kamanda wake wa siri, Frederick D'Utasi, ambaye, kwa hasara ya Adolphus na wenzake wa Ujerumani, pia aliwachukia Wajerumani. Serikali ya Lincoln ilitilia shaka kuajiri vikosi vya raia wa kigeni katika Jeshi la Umoja, kwa hofu kwamba hilo lingetafsiriwa na mataifa ya kimataifa kuwa ishara ya udhaifu wa ndani. Mwaka 1861, Uingereza na Ufaransa bado zilikuwa na mwelekeo wa kutambua Muungano juu ya Muungano, hasa kwa sababu ya maslahi ya kiuchumi katika mauzo ya nje ya kilimo ya Kusini. Isitoshe, kuajiri raia wa kigeni kungeweza tu kuikasirisha kikundi cha Republican kilichopenda asili ya watu. Hata hivyo, utawala wa Lincoln uliruhusu, ukidhani kwamba faida za kuajiri wafanyakazi wa kigeni zilikuwa kubwa kuliko hatari. Mwaka wa 1861 jeshi la 39 la New York lilianza kuandamana na jeshi la Marekani. Mnamo Mei 23, siku sita baada ya Adolphus kujiunga, kikosi hicho kilitoa rangi zake kwa mji katika sherehe kubwa katika Lafayette Place. "Kikosi hicho kilikuwa na bendera tatu: bendera ya Marekani yenye maandishi ""Garibaldi Guard,"" bendera ya Hungaria yenye maneno ""Vivecere aut morire"" na tafsiri yake ya Kiingereza nyuma, ""Conquer or die,"" na mwishowe bendera ya Italia yenye ""Dio e Popolo"" (maana yake ""Mungu na Watu"" katikati yake)." Bendera ya Italia ilikuwa na maana maalum, baada ya kubebwa na Garibaldi mwenyewe wakati wa vita vya kuunganisha Italia vya 1848 na 1849. "Siku kadhaa baada ya sherehe hiyo, Frederick D'Athens aliteuliwa kuwa Kanali wa kikosi hicho na kutoa hotuba ya kuvutia kwa watu wake: ""Hii ni bendera yenu ya asili ambayo imeongezwa kwenye nembo ya Umoja, na jina takriban takatifu la Garibaldi, na utukufu wake wa zamani, wa sasa na wa baadaye uwe nyota yenu inayoongoza.""" """Wanaume ambao wamepigana kwa ujasiri katika sababu ya uhuru katika nchi zao na ambao sasa wamejitolea kwa heshima na ukarimu kwa huduma zao kwa nchi yao ya kupitishwa hawatashindwa kupata heshima mpya na utukufu,"" alisema Adolf Hitler." Baadhi ya wanaume hao bila shaka walikuwa wafuasi wa kundi la Forty-Eight ambao waliunganisha itikadi zao za mapinduzi na kusudi la Muungano. "Wimbo wa Vita wa Garibaldi, uliowekwa wakfu kwa D'Ottolsi na askari wa 39th, ulionyesha wazi athari za kimataifa za mgogoro huo, maneno yake yakifanya uhusiano wa moja kwa moja kati ya Ulaya na Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe: ""Nchi yako ya asili itang'aa kwa kiburi kutoka nyanda pana za Hungaria hadi mashamba ya Italia yenye damu, matendo yako yatasafisha madoa yao, na kila mtu atakayekufa ataondoka juu ya nyasi ya nyasi, jina la yule aliyepigana na kufa kwa uhuru na Mungu wake.""" Wimbo huo ungewapendeza sana wajumbe wa chama cha Republican cha Ujerumani, na kuunga mkono jukumu lao katika mapambano makubwa ya kimataifa dhidi ya ukosefu wa uhuru. Ni kwa bidii tu ya watu wenye kanuni ambazo mabaki ya utawala wa kimabavu yangeweza kuondolewa kwa ajili ya wanadamu wote. Hata hivyo, huenda wanaume wengi hawakuvutiwa na itikadi hizo za hali ya juu. Zawadi za fedha, mshahara wa dola kumi na tatu kwa mwezi, na ahadi ya ardhi ya nyumbani na uraia zilikuwa tu vichocheo vyenye maana kwa wahamiaji fulani maskini. Kikosi cha Garibaldi kiliondoka New York na kwenda Washington, D.C. Mei 28, 1861. Wakati walipofika Washington, D.C., kikosi hicho kilitazamwa na Lincoln, Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje William Seward, na Luteni Jenerali Winfield Scott walipokuwa wakipita karibu na White House wakiwa wamevalia mavazi yao mapya ya kivita. "Mwandishi wa gazeti la New York Times alieleza hivi kuhusu mavazi yao ya kupendeza mnamo Mei 1861: ""Vazi lao ni la rangi ya bluu na nyeusi, suruali zao zina mstari mwembamba wa rangi nyekundu, na sehemu ya mbele ya koti lao ni nyekundu." Kofia zao ni nyeusi, za mviringo, zenye kilele, zenye mipaka mirefu, yenye manyoya meusi na tai. Wana viatu vyenye gaiters zinazolinda mguu na ndama. <unk> Watazamaji walikuwa na matarajio makubwa kwa kikosi hicho, wakivutiwa na kikosi chake cha maofisa na kamanda, D<unk>Utassy. "Wanajeshi wengi wamepigana Ulaya, Asia, Amerika ya Kusini na Kaskazini, na baadhi yao wamepokea tuzo za heshima katika vita vya Italia na Crimea.""Mwandishi mwingine wa Chicago Tribune pia alisifu jeshi la maofisa: ""Koloni D'Otassi amejitambulisha katika majeshi ya Hungaria, Uturuki, Ufaransa na Austria." "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""Kulingana na taarifa ya polisi, baada ya siku kadhaa huko Washington, walinzi wa Garibaldi walihamia bivouac katika kambi ya Grinnell huko Abington Farm, Virginia, na kuweka ulinzi wa mji mkuu dhidi ya mashambulizi yoyote ya Confederate.""" Mwishowe walipoanza kuishi katika kambi ya kijeshi, sura ya kimapenzi ya kikosi hicho ilivunjika upesi. Uhasama wa kikabila na vizuizi vya lugha vilikuwa vikisababisha matatizo makubwa kwa kikosi hicho, lakini chini ya uongozi sahihi, masuala haya yangeweza kusimamiwa. Kwa bahati mbaya kwa Walinzi wa Garibaldi, D'Utassy hakuwa mwanajeshi mwenye uzoefu kama alivyosema. D<unk>Utassy alikuwa kutoka Hungaria, lakini hakuwa mshiriki wa familia mashuhuri ya kijeshi. "Katika kesi yake ya mwisho ya mahakama ya kijeshi mnamo 1863, gazeti la New York Tribune lilichapisha taarifa, ikidai kwamba D'Otassi alikuwa mlaghai: ""Mtu ambaye anatuambia habari hii alikuwa katika moja ya vikosi, na alikuwa anajua kibinafsi na Strasser wakati huo... katika majira ya kuchipua ya 1861, wakati Walinzi wa Garibaldi walipoundwa huko New York, [alimtambua] D'Otassi, Strasser, mfanyabiashara wa nguo wa Kiyahudi wa Pest." Kulingana na ripoti hiyo, Strasser alikuwa mtu mwenye tamaa ya kupata umaarufu na alikuwa amebuni utambulisho mpya alipowasili Marekani. Alipata upendeleo kutoka kwa maafisa mashuhuri na raia matajiri, kama vile mbunge wa zamani Moses Hicks Grinell, ambaye alikuwa mwanachama wa Kamati ya Ulinzi ya Umoja; ilikuwa kupitia Grinell kwamba D'Utasi alikuja kuongoza Walinzi wa Garibaldi. Ufunuo huo lazima uchukuliwe kwa kiasi, kwa sababu rekodi chache zipo ambazo zinaangazia maisha ya D'Utassy kabla ya kuja Marekani. Zaidi ya hayo, mashtaka ya asili ya Kiyahudi iliyofichwa mara nyingi yaliingizwa katika makala za habari za utata na mara nyingi yalichochewa na hisia kali za upinzani dhidi ya Wayahudi ambazo zilienea Amerika na Ulaya wakati huo. Yote hayo yalisema, hii expose inaonekana kuwa sahihi, kwa sehemu kubwa. D<unk>Utassy hakukataa kamwe mashtaka hayo. Mwaka 1892, mke wa ndugu ya Dutschke aliomba pensheni, ambayo alihitaji nyaraka rasmi kutoka Austria-Hungary kuthibitisha hali yake kama mjane. Katika mwaka wa 1852, ndoa yao ilifanyika katika Sinagogi la Warsaw. Kwa sababu ya ubaguzi wa Wayahudi uliokuwa umeenea sana, uamuzi wa D'Utassy wa kuficha utambulisho wake wa kweli ulikuwa wenye kueleweka. Hata hivyo, mtu huyo aliyepanda cheo cha juu katika jamii alijiingiza katika cheo ambacho alijua hakikustahili, akiwa ameazimia kupata faida zote alizokuwa nazo. Matendo ya D'Utassy kama Kanali wa Walinzi wa Garibaldi yangegharimu maisha na kuharibu urithi wa askari wahamiaji katika Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe. Katika Kambi ya Grinnell, tabia ya kweli ya D'Utassy ikawa dhahiri kwa maofisa na wanajeshi walio chini ya amri yake. Kanali alikataa kuwazoeza au kuwafundisha askari-jeshi, kazi aliyowaachia maofisa wadogo. Wakati wanaume wake walipokuwa wakizoezwa, D'Utassy alifurahia kuwa na wanawake katika makao yake makuu. "Mwalimu wa kikosi cha jeshi Anthony Zilla, alikuwa na maneno machache mazuri ya kusema kuhusu ushiriki wa D'Otasy na ""mwanamke wa kiume maarufu wa asili ya Ireland, na muuguzi wa kikosi,"" akidai kwamba D'Otasy ""aliwakaribisha wachawi wa Manson Hill katika Makao Makuu, na akafanya ngono katika Kanisa la Hunter kwa kusikia watumishi wake.""" Mwanzoni mwa Juni, wanaume kadhaa wa Garibaldi Guard walikimbia kwa Confederates, wakishawishiwa na waasi huko Maryland ambao walikuwa wamewapa pesa za fedha ili waondoke. Kikundi kingine cha wanaume kilikataa kufuata maagizo walipoagizwa kushughulikia risasi katika ghala la silaha la Muungano. Uadui kati ya mataifa mbalimbali haukuchunguzwa, na kila kampuni ilikataa kuongozwa na maofisa ambao hawakuwakilisha kabila lao. Wakati Jose de Barcellos Boom, ambaye alikuwa Mmarekani wa asili, alipoteuliwa kuwa nahodha wa kampuni ya Kihispania, wanaume hao waliasi na kumchagua nahodha wao wenyewe badala yake. Mnamo Juni 10, 1861, afisa mkuu wa jeshi, Luigi Tinelli, alijiuzulu kutoka kwa kikosi hicho, akidai kuwa alikuwa na biashara ya kuhudhuria huko Ulaya. Kwa kweli, Tinelli alikuwa na uwezo wa kujitenga na kikosi hicho, akijiunga na Kikosi cha 19 cha Wajitoleaji wa New York muda mfupi baada ya kujiuzulu. Ukosefu wa uongozi wa D'Utassy peke yake ulikuwa wa kutosha kuingiza kikosi hicho katika machafuko, lakini akiwa mlaghai, aliongeza matatizo kwa shughuli zake za siri. Maofisa wa kuajiri wa Walinzi wa Garibaldi walikuwa wamewaahidi wanaume hao silaha na vifaa vya kisasa. Majaribio yalifanywa kufuata ahadi hizi, kwani kikosi hicho kilipokea bunduki 100 mpya za Neills kutoka kwa Kamati ya Ulinzi ya Muungano kabla ya kuanza maandamano yao kwenda D.C. mwishoni mwa Mei. Hata hivyo, walipofika katika mji mkuu, wanaume hao waliamriwa waache bunduki zao, na baadaye wakapewa bunduki za zamani. D<unk>Utassy alikuwa amedai kwamba walilazimika kurudisha bunduki hizo kwa kamati, lakini kwa kweli, alikuwa <unk>amehifadhi na kuondoa<unk> silaha hizo. Kulingana na vitendo vya baadaye vya D<unk>Utassy, inawezekana kwamba Kanali huyo wa udanganyifu aliuza silaha hizo kwa faida ya kibinafsi. Baada ya kupokea vifaa vya hali ya chini, makampuni ya Ufaransa na Hispania, yakidaiwa kuwa yalichochewa na Wajerumani, yalikataa silaha hizo, na mapigano yakaanza kati ya makundi hayo ya kikabila. Wanajeshi walikuwa bado hawajalipwa na maofisa bado walikuwa wakingojea kwa ajili ya kazi zao, jambo lililozidisha zaidi uhasama na machafuko. Kuhifadhi utaratibu na nidhamu, pamoja na hali ya juu ya kiakili ndani ya vitengo vya vijana waliojisajili kupigana katika vita, ilikuwa vigumu kutosha na uongozi wenye uzoefu. Hata hivyo, chini ya uongozi wa D<unk>Utassy, uasi ulikuwa wa kawaida. Kikundi cha maafisa wa kikosi na makamanda wa kampuni walijaribu mbinu ya kidemokrasia katika kushughulikia malalamiko yao na kikosi, wakishirikiana kusaini ombi. Walitaka kupokea bunduki bora zaidi ambazo walikuwa wameahidiwa, pamoja na tume zao na malipo ambayo bado hayakufanyika. Maendeleo ya Confederate yalionekana kuwa yenye kuleta matatizo makubwa kwa wanaume hao, kwa kuwa wengi waliogopa kwamba wangekufa kabla ya kupokea mshahara wao. Inaonekana kwamba D'Ottessy hakujibu ombi hilo, kwa kuwa siku chache tu baadaye, alipokea barua kali ya kujiuzulu kutoka kwa kiongozi wa kampuni ya Ufaransa, Kapteni Tassilier. Akidai kuzungumza kwa niaba ya maofisa wengine, Tassilier alimwita D'Utassy tishio kwa kikosi hicho, akimshtaki kwa udanganyifu na unyanyasaji wa kimwili na wa maneno. Zaidi ya yote, Tassilier alidai kwamba D'Utassy alikuwa na mawazo ya kupinga demokrasia na alikuwa mlaghai wa Kiyahudi - madai ambayo yalitishia kuharibu sifa ya kitaaluma na heshima ya kibinafsi ya D'Utassy bila kurekebisha. Karibu wakati huohuo, ofisa mwingine Mfaransa alijiuzulu kwa sababu ya ushindani wake mkali na baadhi ya maofisa Wajerumani. Katika miezi michache tu ya kwanza ya kuwepo kwa Walinzi wa Garibaldi, kikosi hicho kilionekana kuwa kinaharibika. Hali mbaya ya Walinzi wa Garibaldi haikupuuzwa na uongozi mkuu. D<unk>Utassy alipokea amri mwezi Julai kurudisha utaratibu katika kikosi chake au kuona ni kufutwa. D<unk>Utassy haraka kuandaa upya makampuni, hatua ambayo ilimaanisha kwamba askari kikabila mbalimbali walikuwa sababu kuu ya machafuko. Utaratibu huo wa kurekebisha mambo uliokoa Kikosi cha Walinzi cha Garibaldi kisivunjike lakini haukuboresha hali ya kiroho na nidhamu ya kikosi hicho. Muda mfupi baada ya marekebisho hayo, kikosi hicho kilipatwa na uasi mkubwa ambao ungeharibu sifa ya Walinzi wa Garibaldi. Katika Julai mapema, uvumi ulienea miongoni mwa wanaume kwamba Jeshi la Muungano hivi karibuni litakutana na Confederates katika vita karibu na Manassas Junction. Walinzi wa Garibaldi hawakuwa bado wameona vita vyao vya kwanza, lakini tayari hali ya kiroho ilikuwa imepungua sana. Askari hao waliokata tamaa walikuwa wamekubali kwa kusita silaha zao za zamani, lakini sasa, kabla ya vita, uadui wao uliokuwa umefichwa ulionekana tena. Kapteni Franz Takats, kiongozi wa mojawapo ya makampuni ya Wahungaria, aliwaongoza watu wake katika uasi. Baada ya kuondoka kambi ya Grinnell, Wahungaria walielekea Washington, wakiwa wameazimia kuwajulisha maafisa wakuu kuhusu malalamiko yao. Walipokuwa wakikaribia Mto Potomac kwenye Daraja refu, Wahungaria walikutana na Luteni James Rice na kikosi cha askari. Walipewa chaguzi mbili: kurudi nyuma, au kupigwa risasi. Wakati wa mazungumzo hayo yenye mkazo, Takats alimtisha Rice, na hata kumtumia bunduki yake kumwekea Rice kifua. Mwishowe, Takats alishindwa, bila kutaka kumwaga damu ya askari wenzake. Baadaye alilazimika kujiuzulu. Licha ya hatua yake ya uasi, kujiuzulu kwa Takats kungekuwa na athari mbaya kwa Walinzi wote wa Garibaldi. Takats alikuwa mkosoaji mkuu wa D<unk>Utassy aliyefisadi. Takats alipokuwa ameondoka, amri yake ilipewa Msaidizi wa D<unk>Utassy, Mahlons Sanos. Hata hivyo, jambo zuri lilitokea wakati serikali ilipokubali malalamiko ya wanaume hao ambayo yalikuwa karibu kusababisha umwagaji damu usio wa lazima. Baadaye kikosi hicho kilipata bunduki bora na wanaume hao pia walipata mshahara wao wa marehemu. Baada ya tukio hilo, D'Utassy angeendelea na usimamizi wake mbaya wa kikosi hicho, lakini alijikuta akichunguzwa kwa ukaribu na amri ya juu. Haingeweza kuwa kwamba Adolphus alifurahi sana kuwa mwanajeshi. Uharibifu na kukasirika kwa Walinzi wa Garibaldi kulikuwa mbali sana na wazo la kimapenzi la raia-jeshi wenye kanuni wakipigana bila ubinafsi kwa ajili ya jamhuri. Hata hivyo, Adolphus hakushiriki katika uhamiaji na uasi wa Juni na Julai. Huenda hisia zozote za kuvunjika moyo zilipunguzwa kwa njia ya kushangaza na machafuko yaliyokuwa yakizunguka kambi hiyo. Kwa kweli, motisha ya Adolphus ya kupigana iliongezwa na hamu ya kushinda vikosi vyake na kuokoa sifa ya Walinzi wa Garibaldi kupitia maonyesho ya kile yeye na kampuni yake waliona kama nguvu ya kivita ya kipekee ya Ujerumani. Kama ilivyoonekana katika makampuni mengine, askari wa Ujerumani-Amerika mara chache waliingiliana na wenzake wanaozungumza Kiingereza, wakipendelea badala yake kuchanganya na wenzake wanaozungumza Kijerumani. Katika Garibaldi Guard, tofauti hiyo ya kikabila ilihakikishwa na kizuizi kikubwa cha lugha, ambacho kilisababisha uhasama wa kikabila, lakini wakati huo huo kuimarisha nguvu za ndani ya kikundi. Katika makundi yao, Wamarekani wa Ujerumani waliendelea na mazoea ya kitamaduni ya jamii zao, wakishiriki katika mazoezi ya kijeshi ya Prussia na mazoezi ya viungo vya mwili, wakiimba nyimbo kutoka nchi yao, na kula na kunywa Sauerkraut, Bratwurst na Bier. Katika kipindi cha kuunganishwa kwa Ujerumani, kiburi cha utamaduni wa Ujerumani, ambacho kilikuwa kimesitawishwa polepole katika nusu ya kwanza ya karne ya kumi na tisa na watu wa kitaifa kama vile ndugu Grimm, kilifikia kilele. Pamoja na itikadi za mapinduzi za miaka ya 48, kiburi cha Wamarekani wengi Wajerumani kilisababisha hisia za ubora wa kitamaduni. Waliona ndani yao roho ya kupigana ambayo haikupatikana katika kikundi kingine chochote cha kikabila. "Kama kiongozi wa chama cha Turner, Wilhelm Rapp alisema waziwazi kwamba Wajerumani walikuwa tayari zaidi kupigana na kuteseka kwa ajili ya maadili ya jamhuri.""" Katika chumba cha echo cha kampuni yake, Adolphus angekuwa amewekwa wazi daima kwa maadili ya juu ya Jamhuri ya Ujerumani na maonyesho ya chauvinism ambayo yalitokea kutoka kwa maadili hayo. Mtu anaweza kuwazia jinsi Wajerumani wa Marekani wenye kiburi walivyotenda kwa machafuko ya kikosi, wakimnguruma kwa wenzake kwamba mambo yangekuwa tofauti kama Mjerumani angepatiwa amri na kujitahidi kuhakikisha kwamba itakuwa Wajerumani ambao hatimaye wataokoa kitengo kilichokuwa kimekufa. Mnamo Julai 16, 1861, askari wa Garibaldi waliandamana na Brig. Jeshi la Jenerali Irvin McDowell kuelekea Centreville, Virginia. Mapigano ya kwanza yalianza Julai 21 huko Manassas Junction, wakati huo 39th, iliyowekwa kwa Kikosi cha Kwanza cha Kanali Ludwig Blenker, ilifanyika katika hifadhi huko Centreville. Huenda Adolphus na wenzake wangepuuza vita kabisa ikiwa kurudi nyuma kwa Muungano hakungekuwa na msiba mkubwa hivyo. Majeshi ya Muungano yalishindwa kuvunja mstari wa Stonewall Jackson, na kama msaada wa Confederate ulipofika, walianza kujiondoa saa 4 jioni. Kuondoka kwa jeshi hilo kuligeuka kuwa kushindwa kabisa kwa sababu askari wa Muungano ambao hawakuwa wamejaribiwa na walikuwa wamezoezwa vibaya waliogopa, na hata wengine walitupa silaha zao walipokuwa wakikimbia. Walinzi wa Garibaldi, pamoja na vikosi vingine vya Kikosi cha Kwanza, waliamriwa kuzuia Confederates zinazoendelea. Blenker aliamua kuweka kikosi cha 39 cha jeshi la Marekani nyuma ya kikosi chake. Walinzi wa nyuma wa Muungano walifanya vizuri kwa ujumla, wakilinda kwa mafanikio sehemu kubwa ya vikosi vya Muungano vilivyorudi nyuma. Mwishoni mwa siku hiyo, askari wawili wa Walinzi wa Garibaldi walikufa, huku wengine watano wakijeruhiwa. Wanaume 54 waliorodheshwa kuwa waliopotea vitani; wengi wao walikuwa wamekimbia wakati wa vita na kurudi kambini baadaye. Blenker alichagua kuweka 39th mbali na mistari ya mbele ilithibitika kuwa uamuzi wa busara. Idadi kubwa ya wanaume waliokimbia vita hiyo inaonyesha jinsi walinzi wa Garibaldi walivyokuwa hawajajitayarisha vizuri kwa ajili ya vita. Hali ya kiroho ya kikosi hicho iliyokuwa tayari ni ya chini ilipungua sana baada ya kushindwa huko Bull Run. Adolphus alikuwa na nafasi ya kujithibitisha katika vita vya Bull Run, ambapo alipandishwa cheo na kuwa na umri wa miaka 21 na kuwa kamanda. Angalau maofisa wengine sita walijaribu kujiuzulu baada ya Bull Run. Kiwango cha kubadilika kwa maofisa katika vikosi vya wahamiaji mara nyingi kilikuwa cha juu kuliko kile cha vikosi vya wenyeji. Nativists waliona mzunguko huo kama uthibitisho wa ukosefu wa uaminifu wa wahamiaji kwa Umoja. Bila shaka, sababu za hali hiyo ni tata zaidi. Kwa wahamiaji wengi, kujiunga na jeshi kulionwa kama njia bora ya kufuatilia uhamaji wa kijamii, lakini kwa njia yoyote haikuwa matokeo ya uhakika. Wahamiaji wenye uwezo wangeweza kupanda haraka katika vyeo, lakini tamaa yao ya mafanikio ingeweza kukandamizwa na kushindwa mara moja tu. Katika mvurugo wa kisiasa uliofuata uchumba usiofanikiwa, mara nyingi wahamiaji walifanywa kuwa mbuzi wa sadaka. Mara nyingi hali yao ya kuwa wageni ilitumiwa dhidi yao, jambo ambalo lingeweza kumaliza kazi-maisha yao ya kijeshi mara moja. "Ukweli kwamba maafisa wengi katika ""Garbaglia Garibaldi"" walijiuzulu miezi miwili au mitatu baada ya kuanzishwa kwa kikosi hicho, unaonyesha kwamba wahamiaji wengi walitambua kutoelewana kwa kazi zao." Baada ya kushindwa huko Bull Run, maafisa ambao hapo awali walikuwa wamefikiria kujiuzulu sasa walifuata, wakituma mawimbi ya ziada ya machafuko na kutokuwa na uaminifu kupitia safu na kuchochea ukosefu wa utulivu zaidi ndani ya Walinzi kwa ujumla. Kwa askari-jeshi waliojiunga na jeshi kama vile Adolphus, kujiuzulu hakukuwa chaguo. Kama walipenda au la, walikuwa wameunganishwa na bahati mbaya ya 39. Yaelekea Adolphus na Wajerumani wengi Wamarekani wenzake wangeshangazwa na kushindwa huko Bull Run. Si kwamba adui alikuwa ameshinda tu; mamia ya wanaume walikuwa wamekimbia bila utaratibu kutoka uwanja wa vita, wakiyafanya majeshi ya Muungano kuwa aibu. Kukimbia uwanja wa vita na kujiondoa katika ngono kulionwa kuwa kudharau ujana wa Wajerumani-Wamarekani. Zaidi ya hayo, walikuwa wameshindwa katika mapigano yao ya kwanza na adui ambaye Wamarekani Wajerumani wa Jamhuri hawakuwaheshimu. Askari-jeshi wa Muungano walionwa kuwa watumwa wasio na elimu na wasio na elimu wa mfumo wa feudal. Maafisa walipokuwa wakitoa barua zao za kujiuzulu, wengi wao walishuka moyo kwa sababu ya kuachwa na maafisa wao. Mabadiliko makubwa ya wafanyakazi wa jeshi la maofisa yaliathiri sana idadi ya askari wa jeshi la 39. Kufikia mwisho wa majira ya joto ya 1861, wachache wa maafisa wa awali na makamanda walibaki katika kikosi hicho. Kufikia mwisho wa mwaka huo, wanaume wapatao mia mbili walikuwa wametoroka au kufukuzwa kazi. Bila shaka, usimamizi mbaya wa D<unk>Utassy ulichangia idadi hiyo yenye kuogopesha. Si maofisa wote waliokuwa wamejiuzulu kwa hiari yao wenyewe. Maofisa wengi walikuwa na uzoefu zaidi kuliko D<unk>Utassy, na wanaume hawa mara nyingi walikuwa wapinzani wakubwa wa Kanali. Mmoja wa maafisa hao alikuwa Kapteni Osnaghi, ambaye alikuwa amesaini ombi la afisa huyo lisilofanikiwa mnamo Julai. Alikuwa amejaribu kujiuzulu wakati huo, lakini alikataliwa. Osnaghi alijaribu tena mnamo Agosti, na D'Utasi hatimaye alishindwa, lakini asili ya kijeshi ya Kanali na ya kisasi ilimlazimisha kuharibu kazi ya kijeshi ya Osnaghi katika barua kwa Jenerali McDowell: <unk>[Osnaghi] alikuwa maelewano katika uasi wa Capt. "Katika taarifa yake ya jenerali, D'Ottoloso alitoa taarifa hii: ""Kwa kukataa kutambua kutokuwa na uwezo wake na kuogopa kwamba shughuli zake haramu zingefichuliwa, D'Ottoloso alitumia mbinu hii ya kuharibu kazi dhidi ya wapinzani wake wote, ama kuwafanya kujiuzulu au kuanza kesi ya mahakama ya kijeshi dhidi yao." Maofisa wowote waliobaki baada ya D<unk>Utassy's purges walilazimika ama kuanguka katika mstari au hatari ya kujiua kazi kwa kukosoa Kanali scheming. Ndani ya mazingira hayo yenye sumu, maofisa wenye uwezo zaidi na waliopendwa sana hawakuendelea kwa muda mrefu. Kwa sababu hiyo, askari kama vile Adolphus mara nyingi walijikuta wakiongozwa na maofisa wasiojulikana ambao hawakuwa na ushawishi ama kwa sababu ya hofu au kwa sababu tu walikuwa na tamaa na hawakuwa na sifa kama D'Utasi. Kwa kujitolea kwa ajili ya vita vilivyoongozwa na itikadi za juu kama hizo, yaelekea Adolphus alitarajia ushirikiano mkubwa zaidi katika safu za jeshi. Katika Kikosi cha Walinzi cha Garibaldi, alipata kinyume kabisa. Kama mfano wa ushindani wa soko la kisasa la ubepari, wanaume wa 39 walishindana kwa bidii kwa nafasi za juu wakati wa vita, wakifuata mfano mkali uliowekwa na wakuu wao. Baada ya Bull Run, walinzi wa Garibaldi waliendelea kushikamana na Blenker, ambaye sasa aliongoza kile kilichojulikana kama mgawanyiko wa Ujerumani. Kambi yao mpya ilianzishwa karibu na Roach Mills, Virginia, na wangebaki huko hadi Novemba. Ni lazima Adolphus awe alihisi kitulizo kuwa sehemu ya kikosi cha Ujerumani. Blenker alikuwa mwanajeshi mwenye kiburi wa miaka ya 48 ambaye alikuwa amewatawala askari katika mapinduzi ya Palatine ya Ujerumani Kusini ya mwaka wa 1849. Kama wengine wengi wa Ujerumani, Blenker alitii wito wa Lincoln wa kulinda Muungano na kuanzisha New York ya Ujerumani ya nane. Blenker alikuwa mtu mashuhuri katika New York's kleindeutschlands, akiwakilisha roho ya mapinduzi ya kijeshi ya Ujerumani ambayo ilifafanua ujana kwa Wamarekani wengi wa Ujerumani. Blenker hakufanya jitihada yoyote ya kukandamiza utamaduni wake au wa wanaume wake, akitoa mgawanyiko rangi ya Ujerumani. Mtazamaji mmoja alitoa maoni juu ya jinsi kambi ya mgawanyiko ilivyopangwa kwa mtindo wa "Ujerumani... [kama] mahema yalivyokuwa katika safu, kila kikosi kikiwa kimejitenga na vingine. Barabara kati yao zilikuwa zimepambwa... na miti ya mwaloni na mierezi iliyopandwa hivi karibuni. Tofauti na D'Utassy, Blenker alionekana kuwa anawajali watu wake kwa kweli, akipata fedha za kununua chakula na vinywaji vya Kijerumani. Wakati wa muda wao na Blenker, Adolphus na wenzake walikula mkate mweusi wa rye, wakisafisha ladha yake ya udongo na lagers na divai ya Rhine ambayo inaweza kununuliwa kutoka kwa watengenezaji wa mgawanyiko. Idara ya Blenker ilikuwa kleindeutschland ya rununu ambayo bila shaka ilihisi kama kugusa nyumbani kwa wanachama wake wa Ujerumani wa Amerika. Ujuzi huo wa kitamaduni na faraja katikati ya usumbufu mkubwa na mandhari zisizojulikana za vita iliwapa wanaume ukumbusho wa hatari kubwa za vita, na kuimarisha motisha ya wanaume kuendelea kutembea na kupigana. Hata hivyo, watu wasio Wajerumani hawakupendezwa sana na desturi na lugha ya Wajerumani. Wamarekani wengi waliwafananisha Wajerumani wote na wanamgambo wa 48 wenye msimamo mkali, wakiwaona kuwa wasababishi wa matatizo wa kigeni. Wengine waliwadharau kwa sababu ya kuwa wageni. "Habari ya kwanza ya Edward C. Hubbard ya 13th Illinois ilisema: ""Amerika inaweza kulaani siku ambayo Mholanzi alijiunga na jeshi lake, lakini mimi nilikuwa nafikiria kwamba mtu yeyote mweupe alikuwa bora kuliko Negro, lakini ningependa kulala au kula na Negro kuliko Mholanzi." Mnamo Novemba 1861, kambi ya majira ya baridi kali ya mgawanyiko huo ilianzishwa karibu na Hunter's Chapel, kaskazini mwa Virginia. Walibaki katika kambi hiyo hadi Machi 1862. Ilikuwa ni wakati huu kwamba D<unk>Utassy alikamatwa na kupokea mahakama yake ya kwanza ya kijeshi. "Kulingana na ripoti hiyo, ""mshambuliaji huyo alikuwa amewasiliana na magazeti ya New York ili kuchapisha makala zinazomkosoa kamanda wa kikosi hicho, Blenker.""" Alipokuwa amekamatwa, D'Ottolsi hakuruhusiwa kumtembelea mtu yeyote au kumpelekea barua, na alianza kuugua ugonjwa wa akili, labda kwa sababu aliogopa kwamba matendo yake ya kinyume cha sheria yangefunuliwa wakati wa kifungo chake. Mwishowe, Blenker aliacha mashtaka hayo. Labda hakutaka kushughulika na kesi hiyo iliyotumia muda mrefu, au kwa sababu hakuweza kupata uthibitisho wa kutosha. Bila shaka Adolphus alikasirika kuona D<unk>Utassy mwenye kuteleza akitembea kwa uhuru. Ingawa huenda hakujua kuhusu shughuli haramu za D<unk>Utassy, kukosa heshima kwa Wajerumani kwa Kanali kulikuwa kwajulikana kwa wote. Mnamo Machi 8, 1862, kikosi cha Blenker kilivunja kambi ya majira ya baridi kali na kuanza kusonga kusini na jeshi la McClellan, ikifikia Manassas Junction mnamo Machi 23. Siku iliyotangulia, majeshi ya Muungano yalikuwa yameshinda vita vya Kernstown, Virginia, lakini majeshi ya Muungano chini ya Jackson yalikuwa yameponyoka, na kuhakikisha kuendelea kwa kampeni ya Shenandoah. Katika Manassas Junction, Garibaldi Guard, pamoja na sehemu iliyobaki ya mgawanyiko wa Blenker, ilivunjika kutoka kwa jeshi kuu na kuanza kusonga magharibi kukutana huko Petersburg na John C. Fremont, kamanda wa Idara ya Mlima. Walifika Warrenton Junction mwanzoni mwa Aprili, ambapo mgawanyiko wa Blenker ulikuja chini ya mamlaka ya Jenerali Edwin Sumner. Kutoka Warrenton, waliendelea na safari yao kuelekea magharibi. Hali zilikuwa ngumu kwa wanaume hao. Ilikuwa baridi, na inaripotiwa kwamba wanaume hao walikuwa wakipokea nusu ya chakula cha mchana. Mara nyingine tena uadui ulionekana waziwazi. Wakulima wa eneo hilo walikuwa wamekwenda Sumner na kudai kwamba mashamba yao yalikuwa yamevamwa na majeshi. "Mmoja wa askari wa Ujerumani aliandika hivi katika kitabu chake cha kumbukumbu: ""Siku moja mkulima mmoja alikuja na kudai kwamba pesa na vitu vyake vya thamani ya dola elfu moja viliibwa." Na msaliti wetu mwenye kichwa kijivu anafanya nini ila kumwamini. Aliamuru jeshi letu lote likusanyike, akimwongoza binafsi mpelelezi huyu kuzunguka kila kikosi ili kumwonyesha safu zetu na idadi ya askari wetu. <unk> Wakati wakulima wengi wangeweza kuwa wasio wa kweli, askari wengi kutoka mgawanyiko wa Ujerumani walijihusisha na uporaji wakati wa maandamano. Safari ya kwenda Petersburg ilichukua zaidi ya mwezi mmoja kukamilika. Wakati huo, hali ya hewa iliendelea kuwa mbaya sana kwa majira ya kuchipua, na wanaume waliokamatwa katikati ya milima ya Blue Ridge, hakuna ugavi wa chakula uliweza kufikia mgawanyiko ambao tayari ulikuwa umejengwa vibaya. Kwa sababu ya njaa na baridi kali, wanaume wengi walianza kupora mashamba. Tabia kama hiyo ilithibitika kuwa iliharibu sifa ya mgawanyiko wa Ujerumani na kuwapa waasi silaha zaidi. Watu wa Kaskazini na Kusini walisoma juu ya uporaji huo kwenye kurasa za kwanza za magazeti kotekote nchini. "Kulingana na gazeti la Philadelphia Inquirer, ""wakazi wa Wilaya ya Blenker"" waliuawa kwa kuchoma na kuharibu majengo, nyumba na maghala ambayo hata waasi walikuwa wameepuka." "Mwandishi mmoja wa gazeti la Knoxville Register aliomba kwamba askari Wajerumani waliokamatwa wauawe: ""Huyo harufu ya kitaifa ya Waholanzi, ambayo ni ya kipekee kwa jamii hiyo, kama ile ambayo, ikipanda daima mbinguni, imefungua pua za weusi, ni ya wazi kama ile ya paka wa mhimili, pipa ya zamani, au saloon ya bia ya lager." """Uhalifu, wizi, na matusi kwa wanawake wa Kusini, daima huashiria mwendo wa miili hii ya harufu mbaya ya viumbe vya sour-crout, tuna heshima kubwa kwa Mwethiopia katika safu za majeshi ya Kaskazini kuliko kwa Kiholanzi mwenye harufu mbaya, ambaye hawezi kuwa na maslahi yoyote katika mapinduzi haya.""" """Kwa nini tusimchukue kila Mholanzi aliyekamatwa, na kuwakata ngumi, tumbaku na jibini iliyooza, ambayo kwa miguu miwili na nne, kwa miguu na kupanda, inakwenda kusafiri kupitia Kusini, inapaswa kutumika kwa mbolea ya nyanda za mchanga na vilima vya Alabama, Tennessee na Georgia, kama Adolphus alihusika katika uporaji au la, majibu ya vyombo vya habari hakika alikasirishwa." Ule uporaji ulikuwa ni hali halisi ya wakati wa vita, uliodumu na idadi kubwa ya vikosi katika Kaskazini na Kusini, lakini ulifika kwenye ukurasa wa kwanza wa habari wakati wahamiaji wangeweza kulaumiwa kwa hilo. Hiyo haikuwa mara ya mwisho kwa Wajerumani kukosolewa isivyo haki na vyombo vya habari wakati wa Vita vya Wenyewe kwa Wenyewe. Ufafanuzi wao katika habari uliharibu sana maadili ya Wajerumani, kwa kuwa ilikuwa ni dharau ya moja kwa moja kwa ustadi wao wa kijeshi wa kufikiria, na zaidi alisisitiza tofauti ya Wajerumani-Wamarekani. Wamarekani wa Ujerumani ambao walikuwa wamejitolea kuharakisha kuingizwa kwao na kuthibitisha uaminifu wao ghafla walipata msingi wao wa kiitikadi wa kufanya hivyo ukishtakiwa. Mnamo Mei 10, 1863, kikosi cha Blenker kilikutana na kikosi cha Fremont huko Petersburg. Askari-jeshi walikuwa katika hali mbaya sana. Wengi walikuwa wamepoteza mavazi yao katika maandamano hayo. Wanaume 400 walikuwa wagonjwa au walikuwa wamechoka sana hivi kwamba hawangeweza kushikilia mstari wa kikosi hicho, na kulikuwa na hema moja tu la hospitali ambalo lingeweza kuwapakia. Baada ya siku mbili, walikuwa wakisafiri tena, wakiwasili Franklin Mei 14 ili kuimarisha Jenerali Schenck. Wakati huo, wanaume hao waliochoka walikuwa wakikula vipande vya biskuti. Hawakubaki Franklin kwa muda mrefu. Kwa mshangao wao, Jackson alikuwa amesonga kaskazini ghafula, akiongoza jeshi la Muungano kurudi Winchester. Kikosi cha Blenker kilirudi Petersburg kwa haraka, lakini walipofika tarehe 25 Mei, watu walipewa chakula cha kutosha. Maandamano yaliendelea siku ya 27, lakini walipofika Fabius, kwenye Mlima Branch, siku iliyofuata, ilikuja kuwa wazi kwa Fremont kwamba alikuwa na kuacha. Kati ya watu 10,117 katika mgawanyiko wa Blenker, chini ya 6,000 walikuwa bado wapo au wanafaa kwa ajili ya kazi. Fremont aliamua kuwapa watu wake mapumziko mafupi, na kuanza tena maandamano hayo siku mbili baadaye. Hali ya hewa iliendelea kuwaathiri. Dhoruba kali za radi zilikuwa zikiwaka juu ya vichwa vyao, na mvua kubwa ilinyesha wanaume hao na kuifunika ardhi, ikizidisha mwendo wao na kuwafanya wafanye kazi kwa uchungu. Kila hatua ambayo Adolphus alichukua ilihitaji jitihada kubwa, miguu yake ikiingia ndani sana ya matope alipokuwa akijitahidi pamoja na wenzake. Labda Adolphus alifikiria juu ya utume mkubwa wa Jamhuri ya Ujerumani; sasa alijitahidi kuhakikisha kwamba uhuru ulifanikiwa kwa vizazi vijavyo. Hata hivyo, kichocheo cha haraka zaidi kilikuwa tumbo lake lililokuwa likikwaruza, likimkumbusha Adolphus juu ya maisha ya hali ya chini aliyokuwa ameishi mwezi uliopita, likimsukuma mbele kuelekea mlo wake ujao huku miguu yake ikitisha kuanguka chini yake. Katika vita vinavyofafanuliwa na usemi wa juu wa kiitikadi wa washiriki wake, ni rahisi kusahau kwamba mara nyingi ilikuwa ni mambo madogo ambayo yangeweza kuwafanya wanajeshi waendelee wakati wa shida - au, kinyume chake, kuvunja roho zao zinazotetemeka kwa wema. Jeshi la Fremont lilifika Cedar Creek tarehe 31 na bado lilikuwa likikumbwa na mvua kubwa iliyokuwa ikinyesha. Jenerali alituma kikosi chake cha mbele na upesi akajifunza kwamba jeshi la Jackson lilikuwa karibu zaidi kuliko alivyodhani mwanzoni. Kikosi cha mbele kilipigana katika mapigano kadhaa na majeshi ya Confederate wakati Jackson polepole alianguka nyuma kwenye nafasi inayoweza kutetezwa zaidi. Fremont alikataa kumpa Jackson nafasi ya kupumua, akimfuatilia jeshi lake kwa siku chache zilizofuata. Confederates mara nyingi skirmished na kusonga mbele Umoja majeshi, akageuka kupigana, kisha haraka kustaafu mara nyingine tena. Wanaume wa Jackson waliacha silaha zilizokuwa zimeacha na askari waliokufa. Jeshi la Fremont lilikamata wafungwa 500 wa waasi. Mnamo Juni 2, kikosi cha Stahel (ambayo Walinzi wa Garibaldi walikuwa sehemu yake) kiliteka Woodstock. Baada ya miezi ya uzoefu wa kukatisha tamaa katika Idara ya Mlima, wakimfuatilia Jackson, Adolphus na wenzake walifurahi kuona adui akirudi nyuma mbele yao. Huenda msisimko wao ulipunguzwa na utambuzi wa kwamba punde si punde wangeshiriki katika vita vyao vya kwanza vikubwa. Katika vita vya Bull Run, jeshi la 39 lilikuwa na nafasi ya kushiriki, lakini bado lilikuwa na utendaji mbaya. Sasa, wanaume hao walikuwa chini ya mkazo mkubwa wa kujikomboa na kuokoa heshima ya kikosi chao. Mnamo Juni 7, 1862, Fremont aliongoza jeshi lake hadi Cross Keys, ambapo Jackson alikuwa amesimamisha jeshi lake na kugeuka kukabiliana na jeshi la Muungano. Walinzi wa Garibaldi walitenganishwa na kikosi cha Stahel na kuwekwa katika walinzi wa mbele wa Kanali Gustave Paul Cluseret. Clusseret alikuwa mwanajeshi wa Ufaransa aliyeheshimiwa sana na aliyekuwa amesimamia kikosi cha jeshi la Ufaransa chini ya Garibaldi mwaka 1860. Ingawa huenda Adolphus hakupenda kupewa amri na Mfaransa, bila shaka Cluseret aliheshimiwa zaidi kuliko D'Utassy. Katika Cross Keys, Garibaldians hawangewekwa nyuma ya muundo. Wakati huu, Adolphus angekuwa katika mstari wa mbele. Mapigano yalianza asubuhi ya Juni 9. Maofisa walipiga kelele amri ya kurekebisha panga. Adolphus alisikia amri hiyo ikirudia-rudia katika lugha sita tofauti alipokuwa akishikilia upanga kwenye bunduki yake. Adolphus na wenzake wa Garibaldi walikuwa wa kwanza kufikia mistari ya Confederate. Mapigano yalikuwa makali sana. Makombora ya makombora yalinyesha juu ya vichwa vyao huku risasi za bunduki zikiwa na moshi, na baada ya sekunde chache, sauti za wanaume wakipiga kelele kwa uchungu zilipenya uwanja wote wa vita. Majeshi ya Confederate yaliondolewa polepole hadi walipofika kwenye kilima ambacho kilikuwa rahisi kuitetea, ambapo jeshi la Muungano lilianza kupoteza nguvu zake. Baada ya mapigano makali ya saa tatu, majeshi ya Muungano yalikuwa yamerudishwa nyuma msituni. 39th sasa ilishikilia kituo cha Fremont, ambapo walikuwa wengi zaidi ya idadi na waasi. Confederates walikuwa wakijaribu kuzunguka kituo cha Fremont, na kushambulia pande zake zote mbili kwa wakati mmoja. "Mashambulizi ya waasi yalienea sana, na kwa hakika yaliwathirisha watu, lakini pia yaliimarisha maoni yake ya kuwaona watu wa Kusini kuwa ""watu wa kale wasio na akili na wasio na akili.""" Kufikia usiku, Fremont alilazimika kujiondoa. Ushindi wa Cross Keys ulikuwa wa wazi kwa Confederates, ambao walikuwa wametoa hasara za Umoja 684 wakati wakiteseka tu 287 wenyewe. Msalaba Keys alikuwa kuwakilishwa nafasi kwa Garibaldians kuthibitisha wenyewe; lakini mara nyingine tena, kikosi ilikuwa showered na aibu. Maofisa wake watatu walipelekwa mahakamani baada ya vita. Luteni wa Kwanza Ornesi alipatikana akijificha ndani ya nyumba wakati wa vita. Baada ya Kapteni Venuti kujeruhiwa, Luteni wa Pili Frixione alishindwa kuchukua amri na badala yake akajificha nyuma ya miti. "Venuti alimwambia, ""Uokoa heshima ya kampuni yetu, ikiwa wewe, afisa, unajiendesha kwa njia kama hiyo, nini kinaweza kutarajiwa kutoka kwa askari wa kawaida?"" Kelele zake zilikuwa za viziwi, na Venuti alibaki amefichwa." Mbaya zaidi ni kwamba, naibu wa D'Utassy, Luteni Kanali Alexander Repetti, alikuwa ametoweka kabla ya vita, na hakuonekana hadi vita vilipokwisha. "Mshahidi mmoja aliripoti kwamba alipomwuliza Repetti alikuwa wapi, Repetti alibishana kwamba ""asingeweza kuwa mpumbavu kama huyo kujiua kwa nchi ya kipumbavu kama hiyo"" Repetti tayari hakupendwa na askari wengi, ukweli ambao ungetokea wakati wa kesi ya baadaye ya D'Utasi, kwa hivyo inawezekana kwamba shahidi huyu anaweza kuwa amefanyiza nukuu hiyo." Ikiwa ilikuwa kweli au la, Repetti bila shaka alikuwa amempiga risasi askari mgonjwa wa Muungano wakati wa kumfuatilia Jackson. Kwa matendo hayo, alishtakiwa kwa "mwenendo usiofaa afisa na mwanaume mwema" na kuachiliwa rasmi Juni 19, 1862. D'Utassy's purge ya Garibaldi Guard's officer corps alikuwa, kwa sehemu, kusababisha regiment's disastrous utendaji katika ushiriki wao wa kwanza mkubwa. Baada ya vita, kikosi hicho kilikimbia hadi Kambi ya Jackson, ambako kilingojea maagizo zaidi. Walikuwa wamepatwa na majeruhi arobaini na wanne na walikuwa na kidogo ya kuonyesha kwa ajili yake. Huko Kambi ya Jackson, wanaume hao waligundua kwamba chakula kingi walichohitaji kutoka Petersburg hakikuwa kimewahi kufika. Kwa mara nyingine tena, walilazimika kuchimba, na kikosi hicho kiliokoka kwa vifaa vya Confederate vilivyokamatwa wakati wa Kambi ya Jackson. Mashambulizi mengi yalifanya morale ya kikosi hicho ianguke, jambo ambalo liliongezwa na uongozi mbaya na mipango mbovu ya vifaa. "Wakati walipokuwa wakichukua nafasi ya kuondoa majeraha yao katika kambi ya Jackson, huenda wengi wa askari hao walifikiria hisia ileile iliyoonyeshwa na Luteni Kanali Alexander Repetti: ""Je, walikuwa wapumbavu sana kufa kwa ajili ya nchi hiyo ya kipumbavu?""" Mnamo Julai 1862, askari wa Garibaldi walipelekwa kusaidia katika ulinzi wa Winchester, Virginia. Juni 15, kama kikosi hicho walikwenda kuelekea Winchester, walishambuliwa na kikosi kidogo Confederate na walilazimika kurudi nyuma kabla ya kuendelea na maandamano. Baada ya kusikia juu ya kurudi nyuma, Jenerali John Pope kwa hasira aliandika kwa Brigadier Jenerali A. Sanders Piatt, kamanda wa Winchester: <unk>A regiment ya wapiganaji wa miguu katika nchi kama hiyo ni zaidi ya mechi kwa regiments kadhaa ya wapanda farasi, na haipaswi kamwe kurudi nyuma mbele yao. "Hata hivyo, sielewi vizuri jinsi unavyoita tukio ambalo wanaume wawili walijeruhiwa ""mshambuliaji mkali"" natumaini utawaingiza watu wako roho ya ujasiri zaidi. ""Mashambulizi na aibu za New York 39 ilirudia ad nauseam." Baada ya mapigano yao ya kwanza makubwa, Garibaldians walikuwa tayari wamepelekwa kwenye kazi ya kikosi cha askari. Walikuwa na kukaa katika Winchester hadi Septemba, kujenga ngome karibu na Umoja wa ugavi depo, ambayo ilikuwa fittingly aitwaye Fort Garibaldi. Hata wakati hali ya kiakili ilipokuwa mbaya sana, wengi wa askari-jeshi waliendelea kujitolea kwa kazi yao. Katika kipindi hiki chenye giza kwa ajili ya Garibaldians, ni shaka kwamba dhana za kimapenzi za jamhuri ziliendeleza hisia zao za wajibu. "Hata hivyo, ""tamaa ya kupata mapato ya kudumu ndiyo iliyowasaidia kuendelea na maisha yao, na pia mawazo yao ya kuwa wanaume wenye heshima, ambayo yaliwahukumu wanaume kulingana na uwezo wao wa kuitegemeza familia yao.""" Barua ya Kapteni Carlos Alvarez De La Mesa kwa mkewe inaonyesha wasiwasi wa kifedha ulioshirikiwa na askari wengi: "Ulianza kwa kuniambia hadithi kuhusu pesa. Hiyo ni nzuri. Hiyo ni wajibu wako tangu mimi alitumia nyakati nyingi mbaya kupata ni. "Lakini kwa hili nakuambia, ""Ikiwa mimi si kukupelekea fedha za kutosha, unahitaji kiasi gani?""" Ninaweka akiba zaidi ya ninayohitaji na wakati mwingi sina pesa za kufanya chochote. Njia ambayo ninaishi sasa hivi ni ya kipumbavu kweli... Ulisema kwamba huna zaidi ya $ 12.75, ambayo ni nzuri. """Umetumia pesa kwa biashara lakini lazima utambue kila kitu kitashuka hadi tutakapokuwa hatuna deni." "Hata hivyo, kwa sababu ya kuwa ""mwenye nguvu,"" Adolphus alikuwa kijana na mseja, na baada ya kutumia muda wake kuzungukwa na Wajerumani wenzake, anaweza kuwa ameshikilia dhana za mapinduzi ya Jamhuri ya Ujerumani, pamoja na hisia ya ubora wa kikabila uliohisiwa na askari wengi wa Ujerumani." Hata hivyo, baada ya kudhulumiwa tena na tena, huenda kichocheo cha pesa kilizidi kufunika nia yake ya kupigana. Mnamo Agosti 1862, jeshi la Umoja la Jenerali Pope lilishindwa katika Vita vya Pili vya Bull Run, likirudi kwa hofu Washington, ambapo Pope aliachiliwa kutoka kwa amri yake. Wakati Lee alipokuwa akienda kaskazini, Garibaldians waliamriwa kuondoka Winchester na kutetea kikosi muhimu cha Umoja huko Harper's Ferry, sasa West Virginia. Kanali D'Utassy, aliyepandishwa cheo kuwa kamanda wa kikosi, aliongoza Garibaldians na vikosi vingine kadhaa katika ulinzi wa Maryland Heights, ambayo ilipuuza mji mdogo. Vita hivyo vilianza Septemba 12, 1862. Kufikia Septemba 15, Confederates walikuwa wameweka makombora karibu na vikosi vya Muungano, na kufanya hali yao kuwa ya kutarajia. Kamanda wa kikosi cha Harper's Ferry, Dixon Miles, alitambua msimamo wa wanaume wake na kukubali kujisalimisha. Muda mfupi baadaye, Miles alijeruhiwa vibaya na makombora, lakini walijisalimisha. Garibaldians, mojawapo ya vikosi vichache vya maveterani vilivyolinda kikosi hicho, kilikuwa kimefanya vizuri, lakini kwa mara nyingine tena kilishindwa kwa aibu. Hata hivyo, Garibaldi alijua kwamba angekuwa na nafasi ya kuonekana kuwa mtu wa kweli. "Washirikisho hawakuwa na uwezo wa kuwashikilia karibu wanaume 12,000 ambao walikuwa wamejiuzulu kwao, na hii ilimaanisha kwamba ""mkataba wa gentleman"" ulilazimika kufanywa kati ya makamanda husika." Ilikuwa mkataba ambao ulifanya majeshi yasijihusishe bila kuwaua au kuwajeruhi. Wafuasi wa Garibaldi wangekamatwa katika kambi ya serikali hadi baadaye walipobadilishwa; ndipo tu wangeweza kujiunga tena na vita. Magazeti yalichapisha kichwa cha habari cha "Harper's Ferry Cowards", lakini kwa mara moja, Garibaldians hawakufanywa kuwa mbuzi wa sadaka kwa msiba huo. Wakati huo, kwa kujitenga na mgawanyiko wa Ujerumani, kikosi chao kilikuwa mojawapo ya vikosi vichache vya maveterani vilivyopo katika Harper's Ferry, na sehemu kubwa ya lawama ilikwenda kwa wapya. Hata hivyo, vichwa vya habari vingeweza kumkasirisha Adolphus na wenzake. Walishindwa katika vita vyote walipokuwa wamepigana, na licha ya utendaji wao ulioimarika katika Harper's Ferry, walipata kushindwa kwao kwa aibu zaidi. Wanaume hao walipakwa ndani ya magari-moshi na kupelekwa magharibi hadi Kambi ya Douglas, karibu na Chicago. Wangeendelea kukaa huko kwa miezi mingi wakingojea kubadilishana. Wakati huohuo, wangelazimika kuvumilia hali mbaya sana katika Kambi ya Douglas. Ardhi hiyo haikuwa na maji ya kutosha na ilikuwa na mabwawa. Panya waliishi katika kambi, wakiruka juu ya wanaume walipokuwa wakilala, na kusababisha usiku mwingi wa kutolala kwa watu wote waliopenda muziki. Wanaume hao walijiburudisha kwa kuwinda panya na kufanya shughuli nyingine za kimwili, lakini haikutosha kuzuia hasira na uchovu wa askari wengi. Illinois recruits mafunzo katika Camp Douglas mocked the paroles kama "Harper's Ferry Cowards", kusababisha mapigano mengi ya kuvunja kati ya askari. Mapigano hayo yaliharakisha tu kukosa tamaa ya wanaume, yakisababisha uasi ambao, kwa mara moja, haukuchochewa na Garibaldians wenyewe. Askari-jeshi walichoma majengo ya makundi na vikosi vingine. Wanaume wote wa kikosi cha 32 cha Ohio waliondoka kambi na kumlazimisha mkurugenzi wa gari-moshi awapeleke mashariki. Jitihada zilifanywa za kutekeleza mazoezi ya kila siku, lakini ni wachache kati ya wanaume waliopoteza tamaa walioweza kulazimishwa kufanya jambo lolote. Wakati mmoja, wafuasi wa Garibaldi walilazimika hata kukomesha uasi katika kambi hiyo. Kwa sababu ya kuwa New York 39th ilishiriki katika mapigano hayo, ilionekana kuwa ni ya kipekee. Walikuwa na malalamiko yaleyale kama askari waasi - kwanza na ya kwanza, malipo yao ya udanganyifu ambayo bado hayakuwa yametimizwa; lakini Garibaldians walikuwa wamejitolea, zaidi ya hapo awali, kujithibitisha wenyewe baada ya kushindwa mara kwa mara na mapinduzi. Kwa hakika, askari-jeshi wengi walikasirika kwa sababu ya hali isiyo ya kawaida ya kufungwa kwa mikono ya serikali yao wenyewe. Huenda wengine walivunjwa moyo na hali yao mbaya, lakini waliheshimu desturi za vita za karne ya kumi na tisa. Yaonekana kwamba Adolphus alikuwa miongoni mwa hao wa mwisho. Baada ya kupewa cheo cha Mwalimu Mkuu, Adolphus alipandishwa cheo na kuwa Mwalimu Mkuu mnamo Novemba 12, 1862. Kwa kuwa walikuwa wamezungukwa na machafuko na uchovu katika kambi ya Douglas, inaelekea kwamba Adolphus na wenzake Wajerumani-Wamarekani hawakuacha mazoea yao ya kitamaduni. Wangekuwa wameendelea kufanya mazoezi yao ya mazoezi ya viungo vya mwili na mazoezi ya kijeshi ya Prussia. Wakati vikosi vya wenyeji vilipokuwa vikichoma kambi na kuasi, Wajerumani Wamarekani na hisia zao za ubora wa kikabila na ustadi wa kijeshi zingethibitishwa zaidi. Kupandishwa cheo kwa Adolphus kulikuwa mojawapo ya uthibitisho huo wa kibinafsi. Garibaldians walipelekwa Washington baada ya kubadilishana, tena chini ya amri ya D'Utasi, ambaye aliendelea amri yake ya kikosi alichokuwa amesababisha katika Harper's Ferry. Walibaki Washington kwa majira ya baridi chini ya mamlaka ya Jenerali Silas Casey, mkurugenzi mkali ambaye aliwaweka wanaume kwenye njia ngumu na kuwafanya wafanye mazoezi bila kikomo ili kuboresha mshikamano wa kitengo. Adolphus alishinda katika vita hivyo na kupandishwa cheo kuwa Luteni wa Pili mnamo Desemba 17, 1862, mwezi mmoja tu baada ya kupandishwa cheo. Kuinuka kwake haraka katika cheo ni ishara ya kujitolea kwake kwa vita, kujitolea ambayo ilibaki hata wakati Garibaldians idled mbali katika Camp Douglas. Katika majira ya kuchipua ya 1863, wanaume hao walipata habari kwamba D'Utasi alikuwa anakabiliwa na mahakama ya kijeshi tena. Wakati huu, D'Utassy alikuwa amefika mwisho wa bahati yake. Alikuwa amefanya maadui wengi ndani ya Walinzi wa Garibaldi na katika Washington na New York, maadui ambao walitumia fursa hiyo nzuri kumwangusha D'Ottasey mara moja na kwa wote. Mwanzoni mwa mwaka 1863, serikali ya Marekani ilijaribu kurekebisha mfumo wa usambazaji wa silaha na kukomesha ufisadi uliokuwa umeenea sana katika jeshi. Mara nyingi farasi wa Marekani waliotambuliwa kwa jina la Marekani walichukuliwa na maofisa wakitumia fedha za serikali. DUtassy alikuwa na farasi watatu kama hao, jambo ambalo lilitokeza shaka mara moja. Kwa kuongezea, D'Ottasy alifurahia mtindo wa maisha wa kupita kiasi ambao, kwa wenyewe, haungefanya tabaka la juu la jamii ya Amerika kupumua; lakini D'Ottassy alikuwa mgeni, ambayo ilimtia alama kwa uchunguzi maalum. Mashtaka makuu matatu yaliyowasilishwa dhidi yake yalikuwa kama ifuatavyo: (1) "Kushauri na kushawishi askari kutoroka; (2) "Kuuza na kuondoa farasi wa Serikali kwa faida yake mwenyewe; na (3) "Mwenendo unaoharibu utaratibu mzuri na nidhamu ya kijeshi." Alipigwa marufuku kabisa kufanya kazi yoyote nchini Marekani na kuhukumiwa kifungo cha mwaka mmoja katika gereza la Sing Sing State huko New York. Hukumu hiyo ilikubaliwa na Lincoln tarehe 27 Mei 1863. Familia ya Garibaldi ilibaki bila Kanali hadi mwaka 1864. Wanaume wengi walifurahi kuona D'Ottaschi akiondoka, hasa Wajerumani, ambao walikuwa wamepokea mzigo wa dharau ya D'Ottaschi, kwa sababu ya chuki yake kwa utamaduni wa Ujerumani uliotolewa kutoka nchi yake. "Hata hivyo, ""mwisho wa siku"" haukuwa wa kushangaza, kwa kuwa wakati wa mahakama ya kijeshi ya D'Ottolsi, karibu maafisa wote wa awali wa New York 39 walikuwa wameondoka." Wakati wa maandamano ya Garibaldi kuelekea Gettysburg, walikuwa karibu na watu 400, wakifanya kikosi cha makampuni manne tu. Hata hivyo, licha ya idadi yao iliyopunguzwa sana, mwishowe Wa-Garibaldi wangepata nafasi ya kuthibitisha jinsi walivyo na matokeo. Mwaka 1863 Lee alivuka mto Potomac. Kwa haraka walifunga kambi yao karibu na Mlima Sugar Loaf, Maryland, na wakaanza kusonga kuelekea kaskazini ili kumkamata Lee. Garibaldi Monument, Gettysburg, New York, Marekani, ni ukumbusho wa miaka ya 39 ya vita vya Marekani na ni sehemu ya jumba la kumbukumbu la jeshi la Marekani la New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. Katika nafasi yao iliyopunguzwa sana, Garibaldians walikuwa wameunganishwa na Kikosi cha Tatu, Idara ya Tatu ya Kikosi cha Pili cha Jeshi la Potomac, iliyoongozwa na Jenerali Winfield S. Hancock. Wanaume hao walifika Taneytown karibu alasiri ya Julai 1, ambapo uvumi ulienea kwamba vikosi vya Muungano na Confederate vilikutana katika vita. Uvumi huo ulithibitishwa wakati Jenerali Hancock alipokuwa akiendesha mbele ya watu wake ili kufika Gettysburg na kuchukua amri ya muda ya jeshi la Jenerali Reynolds. Jenerali wa Muungano alikuwa ameanguka siku ya kwanza, na kwa kuondoka kwa haraka kwa Hancock, hisia ya kutabiri ilieneza katika safu zote. Hata Garibaldi aliyejitahidi sana lazima awe aliruhusu kipengele cha kushindwa kuingia akilini mwake wakati ilipopelekwa kwamba siku ya kwanza ya vita ilikuwa imemalizika kwa kushindwa kwa Muungano. Kwa muda wote wa utumishi wao hadi wakati huo, Garibaldians walikuwa tu katika upande wa kushindwa wa vita. Lakini uvamizi wa Lee wa Kaskazini ulikuwa tofauti: Ikiwa walishindwa kukabiliana na uvamizi wa Lee hapa, inaweza kuondoka Washington hatari wazi, hivyo kutishia bahati na siku zijazo za watu wa kaskazini kila mahali, ikiwa ni pamoja na ile ya familia za wanaume huko New York. Utaratibu kama huo ungemwogopesha sana Adolphus na Wajerumani wenzake, kwa sababu maoni yao machafu ya Kusini kama wingi wa wakulima wasio na elimu - maoni ambayo yalifanikiwa hata kabla ya vita - yangeweza tu kulishwa na wakati wa wanaume katika jeshi. Mojawapo ya mbinu zenye matokeo zaidi za propaganda zilizotumiwa na mataifa wakati wa vita ilikuwa madai kwamba "adui" angewatendea vibaya wake za askari-jeshi. Ikiwa askari hawangeweza kuwalinda wananchi wao na wake zao, basi hawangeweza kujiona kuwa wanaume. Kwa Adolphus na wenzake wa Ujerumani, msukumo huu wenye nguvu wa kijinsia ulifuatana na dhana za Ujerumani za ujana wa kijeshi, ambazo kwa ajili ya uchimbaji wao wote wa Prussia na mazoezi ya viungo vya mwili, bado hazikuwa zimethibitishwa kwenye uwanja wa vita. Gettysburg, basi, zaidi ya vita vingine vyote, lazima iwe ilikuwa na uzito mkubwa katika akili ya Adolphus wakati yeye na wenzake walipokuwa wakisafiri kaskazini kutoka Taneytown. Garibaldi alishinda vita vya Gettysburg usiku wa Julai 1. Karibu saa tatu asubuhi, Julai 2, Garibaldians walichukua nafasi yao katikati-kulia ya Cemetery Ridge. Wanaume wengi wangekuwa na usiku usio na usingizi wakitarajia vita vilivyokuja. "Wale waliokuwa wamepigana vita na wale waliokuwa wapya walijitahidi kukandamiza wazo kwamba siku iliyofuata huenda ikawa ni siku ya kifo chao wenyewe na ya wengi wa wenzake.""" Adolphus alipokuwa akijipanga kwenye Mlima Cemetery, adrenalini ingemfanya awe macho na mwenye wasiwasi. Jua lilipokuwa likichomoza mashariki, siku ya pili ya vita ilianza, na askari wa Garibaldi wakaanza kupigana. Kando ya barabara ya Emmitsburg kutoka kwa wanaume walikuwa Bliss Farm, ambapo Confederate sharpshooters walikuwa wameshika nyumba na ghala. Wapiganaji wa makombora waliwapiga risasi bila kukoma kutoka madirisha, huku wengine wakiwa wamelala kwenye nyasi ndefu, wakisubiri wakati wao wa kushambulia, kisha wakafifia kabla ya kufunua msimamo wao. Adolphus angekuwa ameona wanaume wakiporomoka ghafula kumzunguka huku wapiganaji wakifika mahali pao. Hata mtu mwenye mishipa ya chuma angetetemeka kila mara risasi ilipopita. Ingawa kudumisha utaratibu wa kupigana huku ukipatwa na dhoruba ya risasi kulifanya mtu awe na wasiwasi sana, kupigana na wapiganaji wenye uwezo wa kupiga risasi kulikuwa jambo la pekee kwa sababu ya hofu waliyokuwa nayo. Mlipuko wa risasi ulikuwa wa kawaida, ilhali risasi za risasi za risasi zilihusisha mambo ya kibinafsi na yenye kuogopesha zaidi. Kuanguka chini ya risasi ya wapiganaji wa makombora kulimaanisha kwamba wakati wowote, mpiganaji wa makombora angeweza kukutazama kwa kutumia bunduki yenye usahihi wa kutisha. Kwa wanaume wenye cheo cha juu kama vile Adolphus, wapiganaji wa risasi walileta hofu ya ziada, kwa sababu waliwaua maofisa mara tu walipoweza. Wakati Garibaldians waliamriwa kupelekwa kama skirmishers kwa Bliss Farm, wachache wao ingekuwa alishangilia juu ya mgawo. Garibaldians walishindana na Confederate sharpshooters katika Bliss Farm kwa saa nne, wenyewe kuwa unsuspecting na shadowy marksmen katika haki yao wenyewe. Kila wakati ulikuwa na mkazo sana. Kwa kila mshambuliaji walioua au kujeruhiwa, mwingine aliibuka kutoka kwenye nyasi au akatazama nje ya dirisha ili kupiga risasi nyingine. Akiwa Luteni wa Pili, Adolphus angehitaji kujidhihirisha daima ili kumsaidia nahodha wa kampuni yake kuwaongoza wanaume hao. Wakati wa saa hizo nne zenye mkazo, mpiganaji wa Confederate alimwona Adolphus na kumtumia kama shabaha. Adolphus alipigwa moja kwa moja kifuani na kuanguka mahali alipokuwa amesimama. Wakati askari wa Garibaldi walipokuwa wakiondoka karibu saa sita mchana, waliwavuta wenzake waliojeruhiwa nyuma kwenye safu zao na kuwapakia kwenye magari ya wagonjwa ya dharura yaliyokuwa yakienda kwenye mojawapo ya hospitali nyingi za shambani zilizokuwa karibu na Gettysburg. Baada ya kuanguka karibu na Shamba la Bliss, Adolphus labda alipelekwa kwenye hospitali ya Union katika Shamba la George Spangler. Ambulance ilipokuwa ikisimama karibu na mlango wa ghala la Spangler, Adolphus angekuwa ameona mstari wa watu waliojeruhiwa kwenye magurudumu mbele ya milango ya ghala, wakisubiri zamu yao ya kufanya upasuaji. Karibu na nyumba ya Spangler, angekuwa ameona watu wengine waliojeruhiwa wakikwaruza chini, lakini watu hao walikuwa wakingojea kifo tu. Majeraha yao yalionwa kuwa mabaya sana kwa upasuaji, wakawekwa mbali na njia na kuachwa na idadi ya watu waliojeruhiwa vibaya, kila mmoja akitafakari juu ya kifo chake kisichoweza kuepukika. Kilio na sauti ya watu waliokufa ilizuia sauti ya ndege na vipepeo, huku harufu mbaya ya kifo na dawa ya kulevya ikitawala hewani. Kwa kweli, jeraha la kifuani halingeweza kufanyiwa upasuaji, ikitegemea mahali ambapo risasi iligonga. Hivyo, huenda mwanzoni Adolphus aliwekwa miongoni mwa watu waliokuwa wanakufa alipowasili; lakini mwishowe, jeraha lake lilionwa kuwa linaweza kufanyiwa upasuaji. Adolphus alikuwa akipoteza fahamu na alikuwa katika hali ya kukosa fahamu alipopandishwa na kuletwa kwenye ghala kwa ajili ya upasuaji. Ikiwa bado alikuwa na fahamu, huenda aligeuza kichwa chake na kuona damu ikijikusanya kwenye sakafu ya ghala. Hata hivyo, kwa sababu ya jeraha kama lake, ni vigumu kufikiri kwamba aliona jambo lolote wakati huo. Baada ya yote, picha hizo zenye umwagaji-damu hazikuwa jambo jipya kwa askari-jeshi mzee. Baada ya upasuaji wake wa kabla ya upasuaji, Adolphus angeletawa ndani ya chumba cha chini cha ghala kwa ajili ya upasuaji. Damu ya wenzake waliokuwa wamelala kwenye sakafu ya ghala juu yake ilipopenya kupitia nyufa hadi kwenye sakafu ya chumba cha chini ya ardhi, madaktari wa upasuaji walimtoa Adolphus mpira kutoka kifuani mwake alipokuwa amepumzika, wakasafisha jeraha lake, wakamfunga, na kumwita mgonjwa wao wa pili. Angewekwa kando na kuchunguzwa kwa ukawaida kwa muda uliobaki wa vita. Ikiwa Adolphus alikuwa na fahamu siku iliyofuata, Julai 3, angekuwa ameona nyuso nyingi za kawaida. Jeshi la Garibaldi lilitumwa kumsaidia Jenerali Sickles karibu na Peach Orchard mwishoni mwa alasiri ya Julai 2. Mtu aweza kuwazia uso wa Adolphus ukijaa fahari aliposikia juu ya utendaji wa ujasiri wa Garibaldians chini ya moto mkali. Kwa hiyo, kwa sababu ya kukosa ujasiri, walijaribu kuwazuia wanajeshi wa Confederate ambao walikuwa wameteka makombora ya jeshi la 5th U.S. Army. Majeshi ya jeshi yalianza kupigana na kuvamia maeneo ya karibu na eneo hilo, na hata kamanda wa kikosi cha tatu, Kanali Willard, aliuawa mara moja na risasi. Lakini kiburi hicho kingebadilishwa na huzuni kubwa alipogundua gharama. Jua lilipozama Julai 2, zaidi ya nusu ya askari wa Kikosi cha Tatu walikuwa wamekufa. Wakati moshi ulipoanza kutoweka kutoka uwanja wa vita mwishoni mwa Julai 3, askari wa Garibaldi walikuwa wamepoteza mtu mmoja kati ya wanne: askari 95 na maafisa sita walikuwa wameuawa au kujeruhiwa (ikiwa ni pamoja na kamanda wa 39th, Meja Hugo Hillebrand), wengi wao waliishia karibu na Adolphus katika shamba la George Spangler. Ikiwa askari hao wahamiaji waliokufa walikuwa na wakati wa kutafakari kabla ya kifo chao, je, waliamini kwamba dhabihu yao ingesaidia kuhakikisha siku zijazo za nchi yao mpya? Je, walifarijiwa na wazo kwamba, bila shaka, dhabihu yao ingethibitisha kwa uhakika kwa nativists uaminifu wao kwa Umoja na hatimaye kusaidia kuinua hali ya wahamiaji? Au walichukizwa na hali yao mbaya, wakishtuka katika wakati wa kifo chao kwamba yote yalikuwa ni bure, kwamba walikuwa ni ngao ya nyama tu katika vita ambavyo havikuwa tofauti na mapambano ya nguvu ya Ulaya ambayo yangeacha familia zao kwa rehema ya wenyeji wa xenophobic? Baada ya vita, Adolphus alipelekwa kwenye Hospitali ya Camp Letterman iliyokuwa na vifaa vizuri zaidi, iliyokuwa kilometa moja kaskazini-mashariki mwa Gettysburg. Aliendelea kuishi maisha ya kawaida ya hospitali, labda akiandika nyumbani wakati angeweza kuimarisha roho ya familia yake, na pia roho yake mwenyewe. Wakati wowote alipopata nafasi, aliuliza habari kuhusu wenzake katika kikosi cha 39, ingawa pengo la lugha lilimzuia kuzungumza kwa kina zaidi ya mstari mmoja au mbili. Kusikia habari zao kungemruhusu kutoroka, hata kama ni kwa mawazo tu, kutoka kitandani mwake hospitalini kwa muda mfupi tu, na kumruhusu Adolphus kujiona tena katika safu ya wenzake ambao alikuwa amevumilia mengi pamoja nao. Lakini nyakati hizo za furaha fupi zilikuwa zimegawanywa na vipindi vya kushuka moyo na uchungu. "Hata hivyo, ""haikuwezekana kutoona mauti na mateso yaliyokuwa karibu naye; askari kumi na saba walikufa siku moja mbaya katika Hospitali ya Letterman, na hali zilikuwa chini ya bora.""" Afya yake ilizorota polepole katika miezi iliyobaki ya Julai, na ilizorota zaidi wakati wa Agosti. Karibu na mwisho, yaelekea alijua kwamba kifo chake kilikuwa karibu. Tofauti na wale waliouawa mara moja kwenye uwanja wa vita, askari waliojeruhiwa vibaya walilazimika kukabiliana na kifo chao wenyewe kisichoweza kuepukika - kifo cha upweke ambacho, kwa wengi kama Adolphus, kingefanyika mbali na nyumbani au kugusa kwa upendo wa familia, na mahali pa kupumzika pa mwisho usiojulikana. Haiwezekani kujua kile ambacho Adolphus alifikiria katika majuma yake ya mwisho. Ni faraja kufikiria kwamba mwishowe Adolphus alikuwa na kiburi, akijitahidi kwamba alikuwa amethibitisha ujana wake na kuchangia sababu ya uhuru duniani kote. Lakini kijana huyo mwenye umri wa miaka ishirini na mbili, akiwa ameachwa na mawazo yake mwenyewe alipokuwa akifa, angeweza kuanguka katika mshuko mkubwa wa moyo alipokuwa akijiuliza juu ya maamuzi aliyofanya katika maisha yake mafupi. Bila kujali jinsi alivyohisi wakati huo, Adolphus alikuwa amefanya uvutano usioweza kupingwa. Wajerumani wa Jamhuri walikuwa sahihi katika uelewa wao wa athari za Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, kwa haki kuchukuliwa moja ya vita muhimu zaidi katika historia. Baada ya kutoa dhabihu kubwa kwa ajili ya Umoja wa Ulaya na hatima ya demokrasia ya dunia, Adolphus Wagner alikufa Agosti 25, 1863. Julai 1, 1888, miaka 25 baada ya vita vya Gettysburg, maelfu ya askari walikusanyika tena huko Gettysburg, lakini wakati huu kwa ajili ya kukumbuka na upatanisho. Jimbo la New York lilikuwa limedhamini mnara wa ukumbusho ambao ungewekwa wakfu kwa dhabihu za kitengo hicho siku hiyo. Kwa urefu wa futi ishirini, na maandishi rahisi pande zote nne, akibainisha harakati za kitengo wakati wa vita na takwimu za majeruhi, alama rahisi ya graniti imepambwa tu na muhuri wa Jimbo la New York na alama ya jadi ya kijani cha kijani cha kijani cha kijani cha kijani cha kijani cha kijani cha kijani cha kijani. Hakuna maelezo ya kipekee au picha za kijeshi za kimapenzi, na hakuna rekodi ya jinsi Garibaldians walivyoitikia tukio hilo, tu kutaja kwamba New Yorker mzaliwa wa asili, Kapteni Frank M. Clarke, alizungumza katika kujitolea kwa ukumbusho wa 39 wa New York. "Huenda hotuba yake ilikuwa ya kawaida ya kijargon ambayo ilipongeza askari wahamiaji kwa dhabihu yao na ilizungumza juu ya vifungo vyenye nguvu kuliko ukabila, baadhi ya ambayo kwa hakika ilitumika kwa huduma ya wanaume kama vile Adolphus, lakini ingekuwa imeinua eyebrow au mbili kati ya wengi wa safu ya kitengo na faili, na kati ya Wamarekani wengi wa wahamiaji wa 1860.""" Kama ilivyo kwa mgawanyiko mwingine mwingi wa kati na ndani ya sehemu ambazo zilikuwa zimesababisha Union na Confederation katika miaka ya vita, matakwa ya upatanisho wa baada ya vita, kuungana tena, na kumbukumbu ya umma ya kila upande ya umoja wa kudumu na kujitolea kwa juhudi za vita mara nyingi (angalau juu ya uso) inaweza kuficha hali halisi, mvutano, na mgawanyiko ambao ulikuwepo wakati na baada ya vita. Miaka ishirini na mitano baada ya vita, wimbi la nativism lilikuwa limechimbuliwa kwa urahisi. Wahamiaji nchini Marekani bado walijitahidi kupata uhamaji wa kijamii licha ya hali mbaya. Licha ya huduma ya maelfu ya wahamiaji katika Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, matamshi ya nativist bado yalihoji uaminifu wao kwa Umoja uliounganishwa tena. Wanaume waliofanyiza familia ya Garibaldi walikuwa hasa wahamiaji wa kizazi cha kwanza na cha pili. Wengi wao wangehisi kuwa wageni katika Marekani. Lakini watoto wao na wajukuu, waliotengwa na nchi zao na kukua katika jamii ambayo hatimaye ingekuja kutambua zaidi kwa wahamiaji maadili ya kidemokrasia ambayo Adolphus na wenzake walikuwa wamepigana, hawakuwa na shida ya kuingizwa katika jamii ya Marekani. Walikuwa wamefanikiwa katika yale ambayo mababu zao walikuwa wamepigania, na ingawa lugha yao ya asili huenda ikawa imebadilishwa na Kiingereza, lugha yao na desturi zao zimefanya alama isiyoweza kufuta katika jamii ya Marekani leo. Majina ya barabara, miji na vijiji nchini kote yanatumika kama ukumbusho wa ushawishi wa kitamaduni wa Amerika ya zamani na michango ya hata vikundi vya wahamiaji wenye rangi nyingi, kama vile Garibaldians, kwa ushindi wa demokrasia nchini Marekani na ushindi wa uhuru katika Magharibi. Alduino, Frank W., na Coles, David J. <unk>Yeye huja kutoka maeneo mengi ya mbali; Na huzungumza katika lugha nyingi<unk>: Walinzi wa Garibaldi na Huduma ya Kiitaliano-Amerika katika Vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe. <unk> Kiitaliano Americana 22, no. (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004) na (Winter 2004). Catalfamo, Catherine. "The Thorn Rose: The Americanization of an Urban, Immigrant, Working Class Regiment in the Civil War"" (PhD diss, Chuo Kikuu cha Texas, Austin, 1989), ni kitabu cha kihistoria kilichochapishwa na William C. Kennedy." Eichner, Caitlin. "Mwanamume wa Kimataifa wa Siri ""Koloni Frederick George Duttassy"" Shapell, 23 Novemba 2020" "Kama ilivyoelezwa katika makala ya kwanza ya gazeti la New York Times, ""Garipedia"" ilichapishwa katika gazeti la Philadelphia Inquirer la tarehe 4 Machi, 1862." Kamphoefner, Walter D, na Wolfgang Helbich. Wajerumani katika Vita vya Wenyewe kwa Wenyewe: Barua Walizoandika Nyumbani. "Kama ilivyoelezwa katika chapter ya ""Uchunguzi wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti." "Mambo mengine ya ukumbusho." - Philadelphia Inquirer (1860-1934) Julai 2, 1888: 1. "Upendeleo wa kuwashika askari wa Uholanzi"" kutoka kwa Knoxville Register, Juni 12, 1862" New York Times, tarehe 22 Juni 1862: "The Garibaldi Guard" (Chicago Tribune, 1860-1872) ni gazeti la Marekani la habari la Marekani lililochapishwa mnamo Mei 9, 1861." "Kama ilivyoelezwa katika makala ya ""Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa Utafiti.""" 1850 Marekani sensa ya shirikisho [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2022. Wagner, Adolphus. 1860 Marekani sensa ya shirikisho [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2022. Wagner, Valentine. Baden, Ujerumani, ubatizo wa Kilutheri, ndoa, na mazishi, 1783-1875 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2022. Maelezo na ramani na Cole Froehlich, Chuo cha Gettysburg