The world has not seen a global health crisis as devastating as COVID-19 since the 1918 flu pandemic. While adults are more likely to become physically ill, COVID-19 has profound impacts on adolescents’ mental health and emotional well-being [1,2]. According to the WHO, adolescents are defined as those who are ages 10 to 19 . During COVID-19, social distancing measures and school closures have not only led to significant educational disruptions but have also limited important opportunities for peer social connection, identity development, and independence [4,5].
Paramount to this global pandemic has also been the dissemination and use of accurate and reliable COVID-19 information to help curtail the spread of the virus [6–8]. From previous health emergencies and pandemics, we know that health information needs to be succinct, honest, valid and verifiable [6,9]. A systematic review during the 2009 H1N1 pandemic showed that for people to follow preventative practices they had to have: 1) trust in public officials and the source of information, 2) increased perceived severity about the disease, 3) knowledge about the disease, and 4) greater media exposure . In the current pandemic, people have been using social media and networks to obtain information about COVID-19, which means that the information may not always be accurate. This produces negative effects on the official national and international information. Without including the “bubble filters”, the algorithm associates the preference of a user and unites it with that of other similar users, producing a loop of similar content preventing the user from seeing other different sources to assess the validity of the claim . This affects the possible dissemination of erroneous, alarmist, and exaggerated information that can cause fear, stress, depression, and anxiety in both healthy and sick people .
Yet, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, the number of different mediums and platforms for delivering accurate health information has been overwhelming [6–8]. For adolescents who are trying to navigate how to stay safe, protect their loved ones, and cope with an uncertain future, understanding what sources of information to trust can be stressful in and of itself [12–14]. Yet, there is limited information about how adolescents receive accurate information about COVID-19, and how they decide what is or is not trustworthy. Since COVID-19 is a global disease, it is also not clear whether adolescents’ sources of COVID-19 information vary by culture or even by gender. This information is critical if we are to prevent the spread of the virus by practicing preventative behaviors, help populations cope with uncertainty and fear, and promote behavior change at the individual and community levels to make these behaviors a habit and prevent future outbreaks .
To fill in this knowledge gap, we utilized data from the Global Early Adolescent Study, a longitudinal study conducted in ten countries across five continents among adolescents living in urban poor settings . In 2020, a sub-study of GEAS was awarded to examine how adolescents were experiencing the pandemic across different cultural settings. We use the Know, Feel, Do Framework to understand the qualitative data from this sub-study and deduce the following objectives : 1) To identify the main sources of COVID-19 information among boys and girls across sites and how that contributes to knowledge about the virus; 2) To determine how adolescents feel about the sources they are receiving information from and 3) To explore the ways in which adolescents determine the trustworthiness of COVID-19 information sources. For all three objectives, we compared between sites and gender.
This study uses focus group discussion (FGD) data from urban poor communities in Kinshasa (Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)), Shanghai (China), Semarang and Denpasar (Indonesia), New Orleans (USA), and Flanders (Belgium). In all sites except one, the sampling frame was current GEAS participants, who were already part of the longitudinal study. In Shanghai, the younger group (14-15 years) were GEAS participants and older (16-18 years) adolescents were from a nearby high school since the older GEAS participants had changed schools across the city. Adolescents were eligible to participate in the FGDs if they were 14-18 years. The interviews were conducted between June and November 2020.
All sites followed a common protocol and used the same FGD guides (Table S1 in the Online Supplementary Document), but sampling and data collection procedures varied by sites. Table S2 in the Online Supplementary Document shows how sampling, recruitment and data collection occurred. Data collection for the FGDs occurred in schools, community centers or online. In Kinshasa and Shanghai, since the COVID-19 cases were relatively low during data collection, the FGDs were conducted in-person with all COVID-19 precautions and national or local regulations. In Semarang, Denpasar, New Orleans and Flanders the FGDs were conducted online using the Zoom videoconferencing platform.
A total of 4 FGDs were conducted in almost all sites, with the exception of Flanders, which only conducted two mixed-sex FGDs. Each FGD in all sites had between 6 and 10 participants. Table S3 in the Online Supplementary Document shows that stratification differed based on site.
Trained facilitators in each site conducted the interviews. All conversations were audio-recorded, transcribed and translated from the local language to English. The FGDs elicited information on knowledge, attitudes, sources of information, preventative behavior practiced, current and future impact of COVID-19 and types of support needed. For this study, we focused on the questions which asked about sources of information (including how they first heard about COVID-19), which sources were considered trustworthy/untrustworthy (and how trustworthiness was determined), knowledge about COVID-19, and attitudes about the virus. Table S4 in the Online Supplementary Document outlines the different codes by site.
All partner sites applied for and received ethical approval from their local ethical boards. Kinshasa received ethical approval from Kinshasa School of Public Health; Shanghai received approval from Shanghai Institute of Planned Parenthood Research; Indonesia received approval from Universitas Gadjah Mada in Indonesia; New Orleans received approval from Institute of Women and Ethnic Studies; and Flanders received approval from University of Ghent. The study was deemed exempt for secondary data collection by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health’s Institutional Review Board.
We used an inductive thematic analytical approach to code and analyze emerging themes across different cultural contexts and assess both similarities and differences based on the study’s objectives .
Two coders initially coded the first four transcripts to check for inter-rater reliability. Thereafter, the two coders independently coded the other 18 transcripts. Once the coding was completed, individual country and cross-site matrices were created for each code based on stratification. All analyses were conducted on Atlas.ti 9.1 . Key codes for this manuscript are outlined in the Online Supplementary Document.
WHAT ARE THE DIFFERENT SOURCES OF INFORMATION ABOUT COVID-19, AND HOW DO THEY CONTRIBUTE TOWARD KNOWLEDGE?
Sources of information and type of information
When adolescents were asked about the sources of information for COVID-19, the most frequently-cited sources included news reports and official government reports through television, radio and social media, as well as discussions with family members/neighbors, health professionals and teachers:
“CCTV’s news channel and official reports such as Toutiao and so on.” (Shanghai older boys)
“From the news and my parents” (Semarang higher SES girl)
“Official website [governmental website]. It is the official, and information that the national governments released.” (Shanghai older girls)
In Indonesia and Kinshasa, however, boys discussed receiving COVID-19 information from health professionals and reputable health organizations (such as WHO), while girls discussed obtaining information about COVID-19 from family members and television:
“Reading from the government news, from WHO” (Denpasar higher SES boy)
“From TV and parents” (Semarang higher SES girl)
Description of the virus
“Coronavirus is a very contagious disease. When we talk about the pandemic we saw that it concerns the whole world…TV, radio [through The Minister of Health and the Chief of State]” (Kinshasa boy)
“But usually it got worse and there were more deaths… But yes, because our school sent us a lot of messages about it on smart school [online learning platform], and kept us very well informed about everything.” (Flanders, mixed)
Most participants understood that COVID-19 is spread through respiratory molecules in the air through coughing and sneezing. There was the common belief that the virus spreads through touching things on surfaces or interacting with those who are infected:
“Well, the transmission is mainly through the mucous membranes, such as the mucous membranes of mouth or eyelids. If mucous membranes contacted with the virus, he or she will be infected … Watch the news, through mobile phone.” (Shanghai younger girl)
“By greetings, hugs and also coughs… TV, radio” (Kinshasa boy)
However, there were some transmission modes mentioned by adolescents that seemed to be related to the beliefs regarding the origin of the virus. Girls in Shanghai, Indonesia, and Kinshasa said it could be transmitted by eating wild animals and uncooked food:
“Eat meals that are really cooked well. Like if it’s a chicken it can’t be cooked medium-well or rare...Uhh from social media. And from TV there are a lot of people lying around in the place. And for example the ladies around the house usually talk about it at home (laughs)” (Denpasar higher SES girl)
Overall, across all the sites, there was a high level of knowledge about COVID symptoms. Participants mentioned fever, sweating, coughing, sore throat, loss of taste, vomiting, body aches and headaches:
“It’s almost like the flu, but it’s worse. Dry cough and fever. Yes. Vomiting. Shortness of breath. Oh, chills…taste… On CNN… On most news channels.” (New Orleans lower SES girls)
Adolescents in Kinshasa were in a unique situation where the COVID-19 pandemic converged with the Ebola epidemic. This could explain some incorrect knowledge about COVID-19 symptoms (vomiting blood, making holes) at the site:
“Sweating and coughing; Respiratory difficulty and excessive fever a cold; It manifests itself by fever and cough, when you are afflicted you will start to vomit blood… I learned about it through social media and through the covid awareness campaign that was being done” (Kinshasa boys)
“The main preventive measures including not standing too close when communicating with others, taking good personal hygiene protection, and wearing a mask… I got this knowledge mainly through the Central News, and I also found it by searching on the Internet” (Shanghai older boy)
Girls in comparison to boys (in Indonesia and Kinshasa) mentioned alternative natural remedies to prevent COVID-19 such as exercising, eating fruits/vegetables, taking steam bath, sunbathing to get Vitamin D, eating Vitamin C and covering self in eucalyptus trees to prevent COVID-19. The source of this information for these natural remedies were parents, teachers or neighbors:
“Wearing a mask when going outside, then keeping our distance from other people and maintain the body immune system… From my parents, because they told me to sunbathe in the morning” (Semarang higher SES girl)
“For us, it was a neighbour who had come by the house to tell Mom to buy the kongo bololo [traditional medicinal plant] for us. She said that this is what protects against corona virus. And I assure you that we took a good amount of it almost every day.” (Kinshasa girl)
Origin of virus
“I know it first from Instagram, uhh there were a lot of accounts who posted about it, about covid 19, uh not yet… they posted about corona first… it was still called corona virus back then. And then… it’s going to be a pandemic, so on Instagram there were quite a lot who made jokes about the new Chinese virus” (Denpasar higher SES boy)
“The first time I learned about the 2019-nCoV was through a mobile browser. I understood that there was a new disease caused by someone eating bats in Wuhan. At first, I thought it was a small disease caused by eating animals.” (Shanghai older boy)
However, older girls in Shanghai mentioned that the geographical origin of the virus was in western countries and boys in Kinshasa outlined that God was upset at humankind (especially in western countries) for practicing homosexuality and sodomy:
“I knew COVID-19 in December. In December, I learned that more than 2000 people in the United States were infected with influenza through some channels. Then I began to pay attention to the information about this aspect [geographical origin]. In January, I heard that a large amount of people affected in Wuhan… Bilibili, Weibo, and the Dingxiang doctor on Wechat, as well as the real-time record. Now I only focus on the information posted by the account number of the Shanghai Communist Youth League on Bilibili. ” (Shanghai older girl)
“I immediately believed it was real because ever since I started following the news that was all they talked about and when I learned it arrived here, I thought that was true…I learned that it was all because of evil practices of sodomie and homosexuality and that it is God who is angry with mankind, especially in western countries” (Kinshasa boy)
HOW DO ADOLESCENTS FEEL ABOUT THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION, AND HOW DO THESE PERCEPTIONS VARY BY SITE AND GENDER?
Perceived severity of virus
Participants in almost all sites (except Shanghai), talked about an increase in perceived severity in relation to when they heard about the virus and when it reached their country. This was discussed to a greater extent by boys in comparison to girls:
“For me, I first heard at school that there was a new virus and that people, especially in China, suffered a lot from it, but I never thought that it would come to Europe and that it would be so big that the whole world would suffer from it so it was quite a shock when it also came to Belgium and so many people got infected.” (Flanders, mixed)
“We learned more than 600 people died every day in foreign countries and that was scary. That was what disciplined me to get used to wearing the mask… I learned that from the television and the Top congo radio” (Kinshasa, boy)
Most participants in Shanghai noted a low perceived severity, because during the four-month school lockdown, the number of new cases and mortality due to COVID-19 was low in the city. Adolescents stated they believed in their government’s controlling measures and their self-efficacy to practice the preventative measures:
“I felt a little worried when the epidemic began, for example, whether the disease would be highly infectious or would it have a great impact on my life. But I felt that the government’s controlling measures and its effects were OK, so I thought it was not so bad.” (Shanghai older boy)
“Yes, but it should not be as serious as this time. After all, we know how to protect ourselves, for example, the outbreak of epidemic in Wuhan were so serious, while that (the controlling of) this spread in Beijing recently was much better.” (Shanghai older girl)
“For me it was… in the beginning when we were in lockdown, that was also very much,… yes, I have watched the news and I always wanted to know a lot about it, so I watched the news every night. But usually it got worse and there were more deaths. And I noticed that I got a lot of stress from that so then I, yes, didn’t watch the news that much anymore ” (Flanders mixed)
“In my opinion, this covid pandemic can be over, if a lot of people start to… if everyone start to follow the protocol and… what’s it called… and uhhh and… back pedall from sharing the news that worries others you know, we’re supposed to share the news that lift our spirits up, so that the pandemic can be over, you know.” (Denpasar higher SES boy).
WHAT ARE THE WAYS IN WHICH ADOLESCENTS DETERMINE THE TRUSTWORTHINESS OF COVID-19 INFORMATION SOURCES?
“Radio Top congo, because they provided good information and they invited the Minister of Health on their show to explain the covid situation in our country” (Kinshasa boy)
“Oh yeah, I was um I have Apple news. And I watch the news a lot too.” (New Orleans girl)
“Yes so with news sites, you can be sure they’re telling the truth but on social media you’re not sure what’s true.” (Flanders Mixed)
“Rumours on the grapevine…Screenshots of chats, websites and other sources like these.” (Shanghai, girl)
Girls in Semarang and Kinshasa reported that their most trustworthy sources of COVID-19 information were either their family members or teachers, whereas boys in Denpasar discussed health professionals/health organizations as their trustworthy source:
“…the school because at school they can’t lie to us” (Kinshasa girl)
“The trusted source is usually the sources said by doctors or experts who handle covid 19” (Denpasar boy)
These sources were considered trustworthy based on a mental ranking of priorities:
1) If the information was perceived to be logical. Regardless of the source, if adolescents perceived the information as being logical, they were more likely to perceive it as trustworthy. This was based on the information they knew about the virus, preventative practices and how the virus is transmitted from one person to another.
“The source maybe (untrustworthy). Because travelling doesn’t mean you catch covid. Because we already put a mask on, keeping our distance” (Semarang boy)
“And with what I myself had seen when we went to visit someone in a hospital, the way they wrapped corpses that died with COVID-19.” (Kinshasa, girl)
Additionally, adolescent boys and girls in all sites except Flanders found that if they could compare the information they were receiving about COVID-19 with information they received about other diseases, they were more likely to perceive it as trustworthy.
“For me, I am sure that COVID-19 will come to an end, but it will remain like other diseases: Malaria, yellow fever and others. It is necessary to respect cautionary measures, stand at one meter apart, wash your hands regularly” (Kinshasa boy)
“It’s almost like the flu, but it’s worse.” (New Orleans girl)
2) If they could cross-verify: Adolescent girls from Semarang, Kinshasa, and Shanghai were also more likely to perceive that a source was trustworthy if they could verify the information with close family members or teachers.
“If I got it from the news on TV, I usually confirm it to my parents whether it’s right or wrong, can I do it, such things” (Semarang girl)
“I got this knowledge mainly through the Central News, and I also found it by searching on the Internet, which is also credible in my mind.” (Shanghai boy)
Adolescent boys and girls in New Orleans and Flanders mentioned they received notifications on social media platforms alerting them if the information they were viewing on that platform was not factual, helping them to cross-verify their sources:
“Um, because like when you see it on the media they do like a fact check. And sometimes it’s like they say this is own this is not real the real like what’s really going on. And they give you the website to the CDC most of the time.” (New Orleans girl)
Figure 1 outlines how these priorities were ranked across the sites and by sex.
Figure 1. Decision making tree on how adolescents determine trustworthiness of sources.
This paper sought to identify the main sources of COVID-19 information and how adolescents process the messages from those sources to inform their own preventative behaviors about the disease. The findings show that although adolescents mentioned a variety of different sources of information, the most common sources were news reports (government or non-government), health professionals, family members, and teachers. Adolescents in Shanghai discussed trusting the government sources to a greater extent than adolescents in other sites. Indeed, two population-based studies from Monrovia, Liberia during the Ebola epidemic showed that Liberians who trusted the government were more likely to take precautions against Ebola, be compliant with Ebola control policies and use health services [19,20]. Other studies have also shown that trusting government leadership is predictive of compliance to policies [21,22].
This study also showed that boys and girls across sites rely on different sources of information for COVID-19. Girls in some sites relied on getting information from their family members whereas boys in some sites got their information from health professionals or other websites on the internet. This created differences in the information they believed and their perceived severity. For example, girls believed in alternative natural remedies in preventing the virus which was usually communicated by their parents, teachers or neighbors. Boys, on the other hand, demonstrated an increased perceived severity and thought the 24-hour news medium was increasing their stress. In previous literature, sources of information for girls include parents and internet [23,24]. Burnout due to information overload from social media, specifically in relation to COVID-19, has also been documented within the literature but differences by sex have not been investigated [12–14].
The findings also showed that the type of information about COVID-19 from these sources of information were primarily about the virus itself, how it is transmitted, the symptoms, how it can be prevented, and the origin of the virus. Interestingly, across the sites, our findings show that adolescents follow a mental ranking to determine the trustworthiness of the sources, which was largely based on whether the information was logical and if it could be cross-verified. Previous research has showed that a source’s credibility is based on: who is the author or publisher; the author’s/publishers’ previous knowledge, experience, and writing style; whether diverse opinions are presented; the details offered by the source; and when the article was published [25,26]. Knowledge can be information and disinformation. We see there is a combination of both in almost all sites. This is in part by the ever-evolving evidence around COVID-19 preventative behaviors, uncertainty around the origin of the virus and perceived severity [11,27,28].
No study is without limitations. This study was conducted with a purposive sample of participants who were part of an existing cohort study. Therefore, there might have been some selection bias in terms of who volunteered to participate in the study and who did not, affecting generalizability. However, the fact that these FGDs were done across different countries and the results were similar suggests that there are commonalities in terms of how the adolescents are navigating the pandemic. Second, two sites (New Orleans and Flanders) found it easier to recruit girls in comparison to boys to be part of the study. Third, translation, transcription and back translation is based on the knowledge of researchers and interpreters. Poor implementation and documentation of back translation processes in many studies indicates that alternatives to back translation may be appropriate . However, the facilitators and transcribers who conducted and translated these FGDs were trained beforehand and have conducted other FGDs for GEAS. Lastly, the data collection modalities were different between sites which could affect the type of information obtained.
Despite these limitations, this study has both research and programmatic implications. In terms of research, more research is needed to tease out whether adolescents’ who perceived their sources as more trustworthy actually have more accurate knowledge about COVID-19. Second, future research should look at the relationship between the number of trustworthy sources, perceived stress and COVID-19 preventative behaviors. In terms of programmatic implications: it is important that messaging from all trusted sources are accurate and tailored to the needs of adolescents’. Past studies have shown that using multiple social behavioral change communication mechanisms through different channels is most effective at creating sustained change . While it is important that messaging from all trusted sources are accurate and tailored to the needs of adolescents, this study did show that boys and girls received information about COVID-19 differently. For girls, communication campaigns may want to design strategies that also aim at reaching family members and teachers, whereas for boys, health organizations and government sources may be the best channel for ensuring accurate information is received.
First, we would like to thank the program staff at all of our sites: Kinshasa School of Public Health, DRC; Shanghai Institute of Planned Parenthood Research, China; Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia; Institute of Women and Ethnic Studies; and University of Ghent, who despite the varying restrictions during COVID-19, collected this data during a pandemic. Second, we would also like to thank the GEAS Hopkins Coordinating Centre who conducted the cross-site qualitative data analyses. Lastly, but most importantly, we would like to thank the participants without whom we would not have this data.
"""Ulimwengu haujawahi kuona mgogoro wa afya ya kimataifa kama mbaya kama COVID-19 tangu janga la mafua la 1918." Wakati watu wazima wana uwezekano mkubwa wa kuwa wagonjwa kimwili, COVID-19 ina athari kubwa kwa afya ya akili ya vijana na ustawi wa kihemko. Kulingana na WHO, vijana ni wale walio na umri wa miaka 10 hadi 19. Wakati wa COVID-19, hatua za kutenganisha kijamii na kufungwa kwa shule hazikusababisha tu usumbufu mkubwa wa elimu lakini pia zimepunguza fursa muhimu za uhusiano wa kijamii, maendeleo ya utambulisho na uhuru. "Kuna taarifa kwamba ""muhimu zaidi katika janga hili la kimataifa ni kueneza na kutumia habari sahihi na ya kuaminika kuhusu COVID-19 ili kusaidia kupunguza kuenea kwa virusi hivyo.""" Kutokana na hali za dharura za afya na janga la zamani, tunajua kuwa habari za afya zinahitaji kuwa fupi, za uaminifu, halali na zinazoweza kuthibitishwa [6,9]. Uchunguzi wa kimfumo wakati wa janga la H1N1 la 2009 ulionyesha kwamba kwa watu kufuata mazoea ya kuzuia walipaswa kuwa na: 1) uaminifu katika maafisa wa umma na chanzo cha habari; 2) kuongezeka kwa uzito wa ugonjwa; 3) maarifa juu ya ugonjwa; na 4) mfiduo mkubwa wa vyombo vya habari. Katika janga la sasa, watu wamekuwa wakitumia mitandao ya kijamii kupata habari kuhusu COVID-19, ambayo inamaanisha kuwa habari inaweza kuwa sio sahihi kila wakati. Hii inazalisha athari mbaya kwa habari rasmi ya kitaifa na kimataifa. Bila kujumuisha <unk>bubble filters<unk>, algorithm inashiriki upendeleo wa mtumiaji na kuunganisha na ule wa watumiaji wengine sawa, ikitoa kitanzi cha maudhui sawa ambayo huzuia mtumiaji kuona vyanzo vingine tofauti ili kutathmini uhalali wa madai. Hii huathiri uwezekano wa kuenea kwa habari zisizo sahihi, za kuogopesha, na zilizozidi kiasi ambazo zinaweza kusababisha hofu, mkazo, unyogovu, na wasiwasi katika watu wenye afya na wagonjwa. Hata hivyo, katikati ya janga la COVID-19, idadi ya vyombo tofauti na majukwaa ya kutoa habari sahihi ya afya imekuwa kubwa sana. Kwa vijana ambao wanajaribu kuendesha jinsi ya kukaa salama, kulinda wapendwa wao, na kukabiliana na siku zijazo zisizojulikana, kuelewa ni vyanzo gani vya habari vya kuamini vinaweza kuwa na mkazo yenyewe. Hata hivyo, kuna habari chache kuhusu jinsi vijana wanavyopokea habari sahihi kuhusu COVID-19 na jinsi wanavyoamua ni nini kinachostahili kuaminiwa au si cha kuaminiwa. Kwa kuwa COVID-19 ni ugonjwa wa kimataifa, haijulikani wazi ikiwa vyanzo vya habari vya vijana vya COVID-19 hutofautiana kulingana na utamaduni au hata kwa jinsia. Habari hii ni muhimu ikiwa tunataka kuzuia kuenea kwa virusi kwa kufanya tabia za kuzuia, kusaidia watu kukabiliana na kutokuwa na uhakika na hofu, na kukuza mabadiliko ya tabia katika ngazi za mtu binafsi na jamii ili kufanya tabia hizi kuwa tabia na kuzuia milipuko ya baadaye. Ili kujaza pengo hili la maarifa, tulitumia data kutoka kwa Utafiti wa Ulimwenguni wa Vijana wa Mapema, utafiti wa muda mrefu uliofanywa katika nchi kumi katika mabara matano kati ya vijana wanaoishi katika mazingira maskini ya mijini. Katika 2020, utafiti mdogo wa GEAS ulipewa kuchunguza jinsi vijana walikuwa wakipitia janga hilo katika mazingira tofauti ya kitamaduni. "Kutumia ""Jua, Hisi, Fanya"" Mfumo wa Utafiti wa Utafiti wa COVID-19 ili kuelewa data ya ubora kutoka kwa utafiti huu wa sehemu na kuamua malengo yafuatayo: 1) Kutambua vyanzo kuu vya habari za COVID-19 kati ya wavulana na wasichana katika maeneo yote na jinsi hiyo inasaidia maarifa juu ya virusi; 2) Kuamua jinsi vijana wanavyohisi juu ya vyanzo wanavyopokea habari kutoka; na 3) Kuchunguza njia ambazo vijana huamua uaminifu wa vyanzo vya habari vya COVID-19." Kwa malengo yote matatu, tulilinganisha kati ya maeneo na jinsia. Utafiti huo ulitumia data za majadiliano ya kikundi cha kuzingatia kutoka kwa jamii maskini za mijini huko Kinshasa (Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Kongo), Shanghai (China), Semarang na Denpasar (Indonesia), New Orleans (USA), na Flanders (Belgium). Katika maeneo yote isipokuwa moja, muundo wa sampuli ulikuwa washiriki wa sasa wa GEAS, ambao tayari walikuwa sehemu ya utafiti wa muda mrefu. Katika Shanghai, kikundi cha vijana (miaka 14 hadi 15) walikuwa washiriki wa GEAS na vijana wakubwa (miaka 16 hadi 18) walikuwa kutoka shule ya sekondari ya karibu kwani washiriki wakubwa wa GEAS walikuwa wamebadilisha shule kote jijini. Vijana wanaweza kushiriki katika FGD ikiwa wana umri wa miaka 14-18. Mahojiano hayo yalifanywa kati ya Juni na Novemba 2020. Vituo vyote vilifuata itifaki ya kawaida na vilitumia miongozo sawa ya FGD (Jedwali S1 katika Hati ya Kuongeza ya Mtandao), lakini utaratibu wa sampuli na ukusanyaji wa data ulitofautiana na maeneo. Tafsiri ya S2 katika hati ya ziada ya mtandaoni inaonyesha jinsi sampuli, kuajiri na ukusanyaji wa data ulivyotokea. Utaratibu wa kukusanya data kwa ajili ya FGDs ulifanyika katika shule, vituo vya jamii au mtandaoni. Katika Kinshasa na Shanghai, kwa kuwa visa vya COVID-19 vilikuwa chini wakati wa ukusanyaji wa data, FGDs zilifanywa kibinafsi na tahadhari zote za COVID-19 na kanuni za kitaifa au za mitaa. Katika Semarang, Denpasar, New Orleans na Flanders FGDs zilifanywa mtandaoni kwa kutumia jukwaa la mkutano wa video wa Zoom. Kwa jumla, uchunguzi wa FGM ulifanywa katika maeneo yote, isipokuwa Flanders, ambayo ilifanya uchunguzi wa FGM mbili tu za jinsia tofauti. Kila FGD katika maeneo yote ilikuwa na kati ya washiriki 6 na 10. Tabla ya S3 katika hati ya nyongeza ya mtandaoni inaonyesha kwamba stratification ilitofautiana kulingana na tovuti. Wasimamizi waliozoezwa katika kila eneo walifanya mahojiano hayo. Mazungumzo yote yalirekodiwa kwa sauti, yakatafsiriwa na kutafsiriwa kutoka lugha ya mahali hapo hadi Kiingereza. FGDs ilipata habari juu ya maarifa, mitazamo, vyanzo vya habari, tabia ya kuzuia iliyofanywa, athari za sasa na za baadaye za COVID-19 na aina za msaada zinazohitajika. Kwa utafiti huu, tulizingatia maswali ambayo yaliuliza juu ya vyanzo vya habari (ikiwa ni pamoja na jinsi walivyoisikia kwanza juu ya COVID-19), vyanzo gani vilionwa kuwa vya kuaminika au visivyo vya kuaminika (na jinsi uaminifu ulivyoamuliwa), maarifa juu ya COVID-19 na mitazamo juu ya virusi. Kwa mfano, katika meza ya S4 ya hati ya ziada ya mtandaoni, kuna alama za kipekee za kila eneo. Maeneo yote ya washirika yaliomba na kupokea idhini ya maadili kutoka kwa bodi zao za maadili za mitaa. Kinshasa imepokea idhini ya maadili kutoka Shule ya Afya ya Umma ya Kinshasa; Shanghai imepokea idhini kutoka Taasisi ya Utafiti wa Utamaduni wa Wazazi wa Shanghai; Indonesia imepokea idhini kutoka Universitas Gadjah Mada; New Orleans imepokea idhini kutoka Taasisi ya Wanawake na Mafunzo ya Kikabila; na Flanders imepokea idhini kutoka Chuo Kikuu cha Ghent. Utafiti huo ulionwa kuwa umepunguzwa kwa ukusanyaji wa data ya sekondari na Bodi ya Mapitio ya Taasisi ya Shule ya Afya ya Umma ya Johns Hopkins Bloomberg. Tulitumia mbinu ya uchambuzi wa mandhari ya inductive kuunda na kuchambua mandhari zinazojitokeza katika muktadha tofauti wa kitamaduni na kutathmini kufanana na tofauti kulingana na malengo ya utafiti. Kodisha wawili awali coded nne kwanza transcripts kuangalia kwa ajili ya kuaminika inter-rater. Baada ya hapo, waandishi hao wawili waliandika maandishi mengine 18 kwa njia ya kibinafsi. Mara baada ya coding ilikuwa kukamilika, nchi binafsi na msalaba-sitia matrices walikuwa kuundwa kwa kila code kulingana na stratification. Uchambuzi wote ulifanywa kwenye Atlas.ti 9.1. Nambari muhimu za hati hii zimeelezwa katika Hati ya Kuongezea ya Mtandao. Ni vyanzo gani vya habari kuhusu COVID-19 na vinachangiaje maarifa? "Wakati vijana walipoulizwa juu ya vyanzo vya habari vya COVID-19, vyanzo vilivyotumiwa mara nyingi ni pamoja na ripoti za habari na ripoti rasmi za serikali kupitia televisheni, redio na vyombo vya habari vya kijamii, pamoja na majadiliano na wanafamilia, majirani, wataalamu wa afya na walimu: ""Channel ya habari ya CCTV na ripoti rasmi kama vile Toutiao na kadhalika"" (Shanghai, wavulana wakubwa) ""Kutoka kwa habari na wazazi wangu"" (Semarang, msichana wa juu)." "Kama ilivyo kwa wanawake, ""Wanaume walichagua kupokea habari za COVID-19 kutoka kwa wataalamu wa afya na mashirika ya afya yenye sifa nzuri (kama vile WHO), wakati wasichana walichagua kupata habari kuhusu COVID-19 kutoka kwa wanafamilia na televisheni: ""Kusoma kutoka kwa habari za serikali, kutoka WHO, kutoka kwa TV na wazazi, kutoka kwa msichana wa Semarang, kutoka kwa msichana wa SES.""" """Tunapozungumza juu ya janga hilo, tuliona kwamba linaathiri ulimwengu wote, TV, redio, kupitia Waziri wa Afya na Mkuu wa Jimbo, lakini kwa kawaida ilizidi kuwa mbaya na kulikuwa na vifo zaidi, lakini ndio, kwa sababu shule yetu ilitupelekea ujumbe mwingi juu ya hili kwenye shule ya smart na ilitufanya tuwe na habari nzuri juu ya kila kitu,"" alisema." "Kuna imani ya kawaida kwamba virusi vinaenea kwa kugusa vitu kwenye nyuso au kuingiliana na wale walioambukizwa: ""Kwa kweli, maambukizi hutokea hasa kupitia utando wa utando, kama vile utando wa utando wa mdomo au macho." "Kama utando wa utando ukigusa virusi, ataambukizwa... Angalia habari, kupitia simu ya mkononi. "" (Msichana mdogo wa Shanghai) ""Kwa salamu, kukumbatia na pia kikohozi... TV, redio "" (Mvulana wa Kinshasa) Hata hivyo, kulikuwa na njia zingine za maambukizi zilizotajwa na vijana ambazo zilionekana kuhusiana na imani kuhusu asili ya virusi." Wasichana katika Shanghai, Indonesia, na Kinshasa walisema inaweza kupitishwa kwa kula wanyama wa porini na chakula kisichopikwa: <unk>Kula chakula ambacho kimepikwa vizuri. Kama kama ni kuku haiwezi kupikwa wastani vizuri au nadra...Uhh kutoka mitandao ya kijamii. Na kutoka TV kuna watu wengi amelala kuzunguka katika mahali. Kwa mfano, wanawake wa karibu na nyumba kwa kawaida huzungumza juu yake nyumbani (na) (Msichana wa juu wa Denpasar) Kwa ujumla, katika tovuti zote, kulikuwa na kiwango cha juu cha maarifa juu ya dalili za COVID. Washiriki walitaja homa, jasho, kikohozi, maumivu ya koo, kupoteza ladha, kutapika, maumivu ya mwili na maumivu ya kichwa: "Ni karibu kama mafua, lakini ni mbaya zaidi". Kikohozi kavu na homa. Ndio, nina hakika. Kutochoka. Kupata pumzi kwa urahisi. "Kama ilivyoelezwa katika taarifa ya CNN, ""Wavulana wa New Orleans walikuwa katika hali ya kipekee ambapo janga la COVID-19 lilijumuisha na janga la Ebola.""" "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""Kusababisha maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali, maumivu makali.""" "Mwanzo wa habari hii kwa ajili ya tiba hizi za asili walikuwa wazazi, walimu au majirani: ""Kuvaa kinyago wakati wa kwenda nje, kisha kuweka umbali wetu kutoka kwa watu wengine na kudumisha mfumo wa kinga ya mwili... Kutoka kwa wazazi wangu, kwa sababu waliniambia kuoga jua asubuhi"" (Semarang, msomaji wa juu wa SES) ""Kwa sisi, ilikuwa jirani ambaye alikuwa amekuja nyumbani kumwambia Mama kununua kongo bololo [mimea ya jadi ya dawa] kwa ajili yetu." Alisema kwamba hii ndiyo inayolinda dhidi ya virusi vya corona. "Kichwa cha habari cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili cha Kiswahili.""" "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""Instagram ilikuwa na watu wengi ambao walifanya utani juu ya virusi vipya vya Kichina"" (Denpasar, kijana wa SES ya juu) ""Nilijifunza kwa mara ya kwanza juu ya 2019-nCoV kupitia kivinjari cha rununu." "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ugonjwa huo ulisababishwa na ""mtu anayekula popo"" huko Wuhan." "Mwanamke mmoja wa Shanghai, ambaye ni mzee zaidi, alisema: ""Msichana mmoja wa Shanghai alisema kuwa chanzo cha virusi hivyo ni nchi za magharibi na wavulana wa Kinshasa walisema kwamba Mungu amemkasirisha binadamu (hasa katika nchi za magharibi) kwa kufanya ngono ya jinsia moja na ngono ya jinsia moja." Katika mwezi Desemba, watu zaidi ya 2,000 nchini Marekani waliambukizwa virusi vya mafua kupitia njia fulani. Kisha nikaanza kuzingatia habari kuhusu jambo hilo [asili ya kijiografia]. "Wakati wa mkutano wa kwanza wa serikali ya China, Daktari wa WeChat, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo, Daktari wa Weibo.""" "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""Shanghai Communist Youth League"" ni shirika la vijana la chama cha Kikomunisti cha Shanghai, ambalo linashirikiana na chama cha ""Bili-Bili.""" """Niliamini mara moja ilikuwa ya kweli kwa sababu tangu nilipanza kufuata habari hiyo ndio waliozungumza juu yake na nilipogundua ilifika hapa, nilifikiri ni kweli... nilijifunza kwamba yote ni kwa sababu ya mazoea machafu ya ngono ya jinsia moja na kwamba ni Mungu ambaye amekasirika na wanadamu, haswa katika nchi za magharibi. """ "Washiriki katika karibu maeneo yote (isipokuwa Shanghai) walizungumza juu ya ongezeko la ""mzito"" unaoonekana kuhusiana na wakati waliposikia juu ya virusi na wakati ulipofika nchi yao." "Wanaume wengi walipiga kelele za ""virusi"" na ""mwisho wa siku,"" lakini kwa sababu ya kuenea kwa virusi hivyo, watu wengi nchini Ubelgiji walipata virusi hivyo, na watu 600 walifariki kila siku." "Hiyo ndiyo iliyonifanya niweze kujihusisha na kuvaa kinyago... Nilijifunza hilo kutoka kwa televisheni na redio ya Top Congo. ""Washiriki wengi huko Shanghai waliona ukali mdogo, kwa sababu wakati wa kufungwa kwa shule kwa miezi minne, idadi ya kesi mpya na vifo kutokana na COVID-19 vilikuwa chini jijini." "Wale vijana walisema wanaamini katika hatua za udhibiti wa serikali yao na ufanisi wao wenyewe wa kutekeleza hatua za kuzuia: ""Nilihisi wasiwasi kidogo wakati janga hilo lilipoanza, kwa mfano, ikiwa ugonjwa huo ungekuwa na maambukizi makubwa au ungekuwa na athari kubwa kwenye maisha yangu." Lakini nilihisi kwamba hatua za kudhibiti za serikali na athari zake zilikuwa sawa, kwa hivyo nilidhani haikuwa mbaya sana. <unk> (Mvulana mkubwa wa Shanghai) <unk>Ndiyo, lakini haipaswi kuwa mbaya kama wakati huu. "Kwa mfano, ""Wuhan"" ni mji wa kwanza katika China, na ""Shanghai"" ni mji wa kwanza katika China, na ""Shanghai"" ni mji wa kwanza katika China, na ""Shanghai"" ni mji wa kwanza katika China, na ""Shanghai"" ni mji wa kwanza katika China." Lakini kwa kawaida hali ilizidi kuwa mbaya na kulikuwa na vifo vingi zaidi. "Niliona kuwa nilikuwa na wasiwasi sana na hivyo sikuangalia habari nyingi tena. ""Kwa maoni yangu, janga hili la COVID linaweza kumalizika, ikiwa watu wengi wataanza kufuata itifaki na... na... na... na... na... na kuacha kushiriki habari ambazo zinawafanya wengine kuwa na wasiwasi, tunaambiwa tugawane habari ambazo zinainua roho zetu, ili janga hilo liweze kumalizika, unajua. """ Vijana wanajuaje jinsi ya kuamini habari za COVID-19? "Radio Top Kongo, kwa sababu walitoa habari nzuri na walimwalika Waziri wa Afya kwenye kipindi chao kuelezea hali ya covid nchini mwetu. "" (Mvulana wa Kinshasa) """ """Wanawake katika Sema na Semarang waliripoti kuwa vyanzo vyao vya habari vya COVID-19 ni wanachama wa familia zao au walimu, wakati wavulana katika Denpasar walijadili wataalamu wa afya na mashirika ya afya kama vyanzo vyao vya habari vya kuaminika: shule kwa sababu shuleni wanaweza kutushughulikia,"" alisema." Bila kujali chanzo, ikiwa vijana waliona habari hiyo kuwa yenye busara, walikuwa na uwezekano mkubwa zaidi wa kuiona kuwa yenye kutegemeka. Utafiti huo ulitegemea habari waliijua kuhusu virusi hivyo, mbinu za kuzuia na jinsi virusi hivyo vinavyopitishwa kutoka kwa mtu mmoja hadi mwingine. <unk>Mtaji labda (si wa kuaminika). Kwa sababu kusafiri haimaanishi unapata COVID. """Kwa sababu tayari tumevaa kinyago, tukidumisha umbali wetu, na kwa kile nilichoona mwenyewe tulipokwenda kumtembelea mtu katika hospitali, jinsi walivyofunga maiti zilizokufa na COVID-19,"" alisema Mwalimu Mtakatifu Francisko, ambaye alielezea hali ya vijana katika maeneo yote isipokuwa Flanders, akisema: ""Ikiwa wangeweza kulinganisha habari waliyopokea kuhusu COVID-19 na habari waliyopokea juu ya magonjwa mengine, walikuwa na uwezekano mkubwa wa kuiona kuwa ya kuaminika." """Kwa ajili yangu, nina hakika kwamba COVID-19 itaisha, lakini itabaki kama magonjwa mengine: malaria, homa ya manjano na mengine." "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""Msichana wa Kinshasa, ambaye alikuwa na umri wa miaka kumi na mbili, alishiriki katika utafiti wa utafiti wa kisasa wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee wa kipekee.""" "Kama nilipata kutoka kwa habari kwenye TV, kwa kawaida ninaithibitisha kwa wazazi wangu ikiwa ni sawa au sio sahihi, naweza kufanya hivyo, vitu kama hivyo. "" (Msichana wa Semarang) ""Nilipata maarifa haya hasa kupitia Habari za Kati, na pia nilipata kwa kutafuta kwenye mtandao, ambayo pia ni ya kuaminika katika akili yangu. "" (Mvulana wa Shanghai) Wavulana na wasichana vijana huko New Orleans na Flanders walisema walipokea taarifa kwenye majukwaa ya media ya kijamii kuwaonya ikiwa habari waliyokuwa wakitazama kwenye jukwaa hilo haikuwa ya kweli, kuwasaidia kuthibitisha vyanzo vyao." Na wakati mwingine ni kama wao kusema hii ni mwenyewe hii si kweli halisi kama nini kweli ni kwenda juu. "Hii ni kwa sababu tovuti ya CDC, ""New Orleans Girl,"" inaonyesha jinsi ya kuweka vipaumbele katika maeneo yote na kwa jinsia." Picha ya 1. Mti wa kufanya maamuzi juu ya jinsi vijana huamua uaminifu wa vyanzo. Makala hii ilitafuta kutambua vyanzo kuu vya habari za COVID-19 na jinsi vijana wanavyoshughulikia ujumbe kutoka vyanzo hivyo ili kuarifu tabia zao za kuzuia ugonjwa. Utafiti huo ulionyesha kuwa ingawa vijana walitaja vyanzo mbalimbali vya habari, vyanzo vya kawaida vilikuwa ripoti za habari (za serikali au zisizo za serikali), wataalamu wa afya, wanafamilia, na walimu. Vijana huko Shanghai walijadili kuamini vyanzo vya serikali kwa kiwango kikubwa kuliko vijana katika maeneo mengine. Kwa kweli, utafiti wa watu wawili kutoka Monrovia, Liberia wakati wa janga la Ebola ulionyesha kuwa Waliberia ambao waliamini serikali walikuwa na uwezekano mkubwa wa kuchukua tahadhari dhidi ya Ebola, kufuata sera za kudhibiti Ebola na kutumia huduma za afya. Uchunguzi mwingine pia umeonyesha kwamba kuamini uongozi wa serikali ni utabiri wa kufuata sera [22,22]. Utafiti huo pia ulionyesha kuwa wavulana na wasichana katika maeneo mbalimbali hutegemea vyanzo tofauti vya habari kwa COVID-19. Wasichana katika baadhi ya maeneo hutegemea kupata habari kutoka kwa wanafamilia wao, wakati wavulana katika maeneo mengine hupata habari kutoka kwa wataalamu wa afya au tovuti zingine kwenye mtandao. Hii iliunda tofauti katika habari waliyomwamini na ukali wao ulioonekana. Kwa mfano, wasichana waliamini katika tiba mbadala za asili katika kuzuia virusi ambavyo kwa kawaida viliwasiliana na wazazi wao, walimu au majirani. Wanaume, kwa upande mwingine, walionyesha kuongezeka kwa ukali na walidhani vyombo vya habari vya saa 24 vilikuwa vikiongeza mkazo wao. Katika fasihi ya awali, vyanzo vya habari kwa ajili ya wasichana ni pamoja na wazazi na mtandao [23,24]. Burnout kutokana na habari kupita kiasi kutoka kwa media ya kijamii, haswa kuhusiana na COVID-19, pia imeandikwa katika fasihi lakini tofauti kulingana na jinsia hazijachunguzwa. Utafiti huo pia ulionyesha kuwa aina ya habari kuhusu COVID-19 kutoka vyanzo hivi vya habari zilikuwa hasa kuhusu virusi vyake, jinsi inavyoambukizwa, dalili, jinsi inavyoweza kuzuiwa, na chanzo cha virusi. Kwa kuvutia, katika tovuti zote, matokeo yetu yanaonyesha kuwa vijana hufuata safu ya akili ili kuamua uaminifu wa vyanzo, ambayo ilitegemea sana ikiwa habari ilikuwa ya mantiki na ikiwa inaweza kuthibitishwa. Utafiti wa awali umeonyesha kwamba uaminifu wa chanzo unategemea: ni nani mwandishi au mchapishaji; ujuzi wa awali wa mwandishi, uzoefu, na mtindo wa kuandika; ikiwa maoni tofauti yanawasilishwa; maelezo yaliyotolewa na chanzo; na wakati makala ilichapishwa [25,26]. Ujuzi unaweza kuwa habari na habari bandia. Tunaona kuna mchanganyiko wa wote katika karibu maeneo yote. Hii ni kwa sehemu kwa sababu ya ushahidi unaobadilika kila wakati kuhusu tabia za kuzuia COVID-19, kutokuwa na uhakika kuhusu asili ya virusi na ukali unaoonekana. Hakuna funzo lisilo na mipaka. Utafiti huu ulifanywa na sampuli ya kusudi la washiriki ambao walikuwa sehemu ya utafiti wa kundi uliopo. Kwa hiyo, kunaweza kuwa na baadhi ya upendeleo uteuzi katika suala la nani kujitolea kushiriki katika utafiti na ambaye hakuwa, kuathiri generalizability. Hata hivyo, ukweli kwamba uchunguzi huo ulifanywa katika nchi tofauti na matokeo yalikuwa sawa unaonyesha kuwa kuna mambo yanayofanana kuhusu jinsi vijana wanavyoshughulika na janga hilo. Kwa upande mwingine, maeneo mawili (New Orleans na Flanders) yaligundua kuwa ni rahisi kuajiri wasichana ikilinganishwa na wavulana kuwa sehemu ya utafiti. Tatu, tafsiri, transcription na tafsiri nyuma ni msingi wa maarifa ya watafiti na watafsiri. Utekelezaji duni na nyaraka ya taratibu za tafsiri nyuma katika masomo mengi inaonyesha kwamba mbadala wa tafsiri nyuma inaweza kuwa sahihi. Hata hivyo, wasimamizi na transcribers ambao uliofanywa na kutafsiriwa hizi FGDs walikuwa mafunzo ya awali na wamefanya FGDs nyingine kwa GEAS. Mwishowe, njia za kukusanya data zilitofautiana kati ya maeneo ambayo yanaweza kuathiri aina ya habari iliyopatikana. Licha ya mapungufu haya, utafiti huu una athari za utafiti na programu. Kwa upande wa utafiti, utafiti zaidi unahitajika kugundua ikiwa vijana ambao waliona vyanzo vyao kuwa vya kuaminika zaidi kwa kweli wana maarifa sahihi zaidi juu ya COVID-19. Utafiti wa baadaye unapaswa kuangalia uhusiano kati ya idadi ya vyanzo vya kuaminika, mkazo unaotambuliwa na tabia za kuzuia COVID-19. Kwa suala la athari za programu: ni muhimu kwamba ujumbe kutoka vyanzo vyote vya kuaminika ni sahihi na umeboreshwa kwa mahitaji ya vijana <unk>. Uchunguzi wa zamani umeonyesha kwamba kutumia mifumo mingi ya mawasiliano ya mabadiliko ya tabia ya kijamii kupitia njia tofauti ni ufanisi zaidi katika kuunda mabadiliko ya kudumu. Ingawa ni muhimu kwamba ujumbe kutoka vyanzo vyote vya kuaminika ni sahihi na umeboreshwa kwa mahitaji ya vijana, utafiti huu ulionyesha kuwa wavulana na wasichana walipokea habari kuhusu COVID-19 tofauti. Kwa wasichana, kampeni za mawasiliano zinaweza kutaka kubuni mikakati ambayo pia inakusudia kufikia wanafamilia na walimu, wakati kwa wavulana, mashirika ya afya na vyanzo vya serikali vinaweza kuwa njia bora ya kuhakikisha habari sahihi inapatikana. "Kwanza, tungependa kuwashukuru wafanyakazi wa programu katika maeneo yetu yote: Shule ya Afya ya Umma ya Kinshasa, DRC; Taasisi ya Utafiti wa Utamaduni wa Wazazi ya Shanghai, China; Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia; Taasisi ya Wanawake na Mafunzo ya Kikabila; na Chuo Kikuu cha Ghent, ambao licha ya vizuizi tofauti wakati wa COVID-19, walikusanya data hii wakati wa janga. """ Kwa upande mwingine, tunashukuru kwa msaada wa GIS na GIS, ambao wamekuwa wakifanya kazi kwa bidii katika utafiti wa data ya msingi. Mwishowe, lakini muhimu zaidi, tungependa kuwashukuru washiriki bila ambao hatungekuwa na data hii.