Clean Up Your Computer
CAFOD investigated electronics assembly plants in Mexico and China
to learn first hand how they work and how their workers live.
This text summarizes that important initiative,
which concludes that our computers are very “dirty.”
The Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD)
Computers are an integral part of everyday life. Thirty years ago, it would have been hard to imagine their centrality in everyday life. Now, it’s hard to imagine life without them. Computers are not only ubiquitous; they are also well on the way to becoming disposable. With a constant stream of slimmer, lighter, faster models emerging on the market, they are no longer a long-term investment for the buyer, as they were ten or even five years ago. But while the number of computers being sold keeps growing, the dollar size of the market is static. In other words, consumers are buying many more computers than they used to, but they are paying much less for them.
Nowadays, many people make a connection between the clothes they buy and the workers who make them. Consumers have some idea of the long hours of toil and discomfort behind the labels “Made in Bangladesh” or “Made in China”. The working conditions of the people who make computers and their components are not yet so well known, but they are in many respects similar.
The 138,468,000 personal computers that left the computer factories around the world in 2003 were not produced in some Silicon Valley utopia. Much of the manufacturing of desktop and laptop PCs and the peripheral devices such as printers, monitors and mice commonly used with them is done in developing countries by poor people working in harsh conditions.
IBM, Hewlett Packard and Dell: The term “personal computer” (PC) was first coined in 1975 in an advertising campaign for one of the earliest portable computers, the Altair. A personal computer is digital, automatic, programmable, accessible and relatively small, inexpensive and simple: in short, it consists of the central processing unit (CPU), monitor, keyboard and mouse with which most people today are familiar.
Big brands, big profits
The availability of cheap personal computers has undoubtedly had positive effects. First, it has provided hundreds of thousands of jobs around the world. Second, easy access to computers in the North has provided various social goods, including better communication between communities, educational opportunities and increased efficiency.
Multinational personal computer companies are some of the biggest and most successful in the world. The largest computer companies are American and Japanese, and three US companies have the largest share of the PC market: Dell, with 17.6%; Hewlett Packard, with 16.1%; and IBM, with just under 7%. These companies are “original equipment manufacturers” (OEMs): they build their own products from components largely bought from other manufacturers.
IBM has been selling business machines since the beginning of the 20th century. It kept itself at the forefront of the computer revolution when it targeted the first business computers to a mass market in the 1960s. When it entered the personal computer market in the early 1980s, it soon set the gold standard in PCs and spawned a multitude of clones. After a recent difficult period, IBM turned profits of US$1.8 billion for the third quarter of 2003 from revenues of US$21.5 billion, up from US$1.3 billion for the same period in 2002.
Hewlett Packard (HP), one of the original Silicon Valley start-ups of the 1950s, completed the largest corporate merger ever in the information technology sector in April 2002, when it joined forces with rival Compaq, but a year later its PC division was in the red. It has traditionally positioned itself as a manufacturer of high quality products, so it remains to be seen how HP will compete with Dell’s high-volume, low-cost model.
Dell, incorporated in 1984, became the world’s number one seller of PCs in the first quarter of 2003, when it overtook rival Hewlett Packard. It has slashed its prices by selling directly to the customer, largely through the Internet, cutting out dealers and other intermediaries with their associated costs. Michael Dell started the company in his freshman dormitory at the University of Texas in Austin and is today the third highest-paid US CEO and the 24th richest person in the world, with an estimated wealth of well over US$16 billion. The company had revenues of US$31 billion in 2001.
The PC sector: A white-knuckle ride The computer business is intensely competitive and moves at high speed. As one analyst put it, “This industry is like traveling in a car at nearly 200 miles an hour and all you see is out of the back and side windows.” The sector is characterized by falling prices, rapid technological change, volatility and the absence of trade unions.
Falling prices. The price of computers has fallen dramatically in the past 20 years. The price of a PC fell by an average 27% a year from 1976 to 1999, and the rate of decrease accelerated throughout the 1990s. Recently, prices were pushed even lower by the success of Dell’s low-cost business model and aggressive price-cutting: Dell recently slashed the price of its cheapest PC by 22%. While Dell’s innovation has been to sell directly to the customer, all major companies have been able to cut prices by operating an efficient “just in time” inventory system, keeping only a few days’ supplies of components in their warehouses.
Technological change. The pace of technological change in the computer sector is hectic: the capacity of chips doubles every 18 to 24 months and computer processing power has increased by a factor of 100 over the past decade. Sociologist Manuel Castells estimates that the technological capacity of computers has grown faster than any other technology in human history. Competition between the transnational corporations focuses on the technological advantages they can offer customers, and product life cycles are short. Consumers buy only the latest technology and last year’s (and often last month’s) innovations sit abandoned on the shop floor. Computer systems also change quickly: old computers cannot run new programs. This technological dynamism places tremendous pressure on companies to develop, produce and sell new technology quickly, and to compete in providing customer support.
Volatility. Fast technology turnover and fluctuating market demand create enormous instability in the computer supply chain. Frequent crashes in demand for a product cause companies to lurch between periods of overproduction and surplus capacity. Dell hit a crisis in 1989 when chip capacity went from 256K to 1Mb practically overnight and the company was left with millions of dollars’ worth of unsaleable stock. As one Dell executive commented: “Inventory has the shelf life of lettuce.”
Absence of trade unions. Lack of unions is a general characteristic of the sector. In the US, the electronics industry has historically been one of the least organized. The words of Robert Noyce, co-founder of Intel, epitomize the industry’s attitude to trade unions: “Remaining non-union is an essential for survival for most of our companies. If we had the work rules that unionized companies have, we’d all go out of business.”
Outsourcing Because falling prices, volatility and the demands of research and development drive down revenues, companies look to their supply chains to provide the savings that allow them to stay profitable. Computer multinationals exert enormous pressure on their suppliers, in order to reduce the costs of making computers.
Until the 1990s, major computer companies manufactured most of their product “in house,” and the workers on the factory production lines were employees of those companies. Increasingly, however, companies outsource much of the manufacturing process: that is, they buy parts or services from external suppliers. Dell, while retaining some US facilities, has done this from early on in its history, and it is one factor behind its success. One estimate is that 73% of industry-wide production will be outsourced by 2004. The big brands retain some manufacturing function, but concentrate on what they have come to see as their core competencies: research and development, marketing, sales, customer services and brand management.
Outsourcing has two major benefits for the computer multinationals: lower costs and greater flexibility. OEMs reduce capital investment in production sites, and with it the risk of losing money should the site cease to be viable. Outsourcing is particularly good value when external companies have specialized skills and expertise. The money saved can be applied elsewhere—marketing and advertising, for example—to increase profit. Outsourcing to developing countries also reduces wage bills.
When they are not tied to production sites through property ownership and permanent staff contracts, OEMs can respond more quickly to market demands and slumps. If demand grows, they can commission a new production line; if demand slumps, they can simply close the line. Micromanagement of supply also reduces costly storage of large quantities of products. This flexibility is crucial, given the sector’s fluctuating demand and technological pace. In addition, it allows for fast relocation. If wages in one country rise, outsourcing makes it easier to move somewhere else, where costs are cheaper.
The most globalized industry on the planet IBM, Hewlett Packard and Dell outsource much of their manufacturing outside the United States, particularly in developing countries. Electronics was one of the first industries in which stages of the production process were outsourced to developing countries, facilitated by the ability to trade the computer’s component parts like commodities because they are increasingly standardized, easily replicable and cheap.
The electronics sector has been in the vanguard of the globalization of production processes and is now “the most globalized of all industries,” according to the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) 2002 report. More than a third of all electronics exports now come from developing countries. According to UNCTAD, electronics are also the fastest growing of all developing country exports. Between 1980 and 1998, the share of electronic products in developing country exports increased fourfold, from 5.3% to 22%.
Confounding popular preconceptions, high technology exports are now the largest foreign exchange earners for the developing world—worth $450 billion in 2000. Electronics exports are worth more than all developing country agricultural exports and nearly three times more than developing country textile exports.
This process started during the 1980s when Japanese companies, faced with appreciation of the yen and increased labor costs at home, moved production to Taiwan and Singapore. US companies followed suit and developed partnerships with Asian-based suppliers. The past two decades have seen this process increase in speed and volume. Japanese, US, Singaporean and Taiwanese companies have moved parts of their production process to lower-cost countries such as the Philippines, Malaysia and Thailand. Since then, even lower-cost countries (notably China) have emerged, precipitating another wave of relocation.
Outsourcing has had a major effect on a large cluster of developing countries in East Asia and a smaller number in Central and Latin America. Malaysia’s economy used to rely on palm oil and tin; now, 53% of its export earnings come from electronics equipment. South Korea’s main exports in the early 1960s were textiles, plywood and wigs made of human hair; by 2001, electronics dominated its exports. Costa Rica’s main exports, once bananas and coffee, are now computers and computer parts at 35% of its total exports. Electronics equipment was worth 13% of Indonesia’s total exports, 26% of Thailand’s and a huge 63% of The Philippines’ in 2000, while computers and computer parts made up 20% of Taiwan’s exports and semiconductors and computers made up more than 50% of Singapore’s in the same year. Electronics exports are now the largest single segment of Mexico’s export trade.
What stays in the exporting countries?Outsourcing is not, however, always beneficial for developing country economies. By a combination of historical factors and industrial policy, some, notably the mature Asian tigers (Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan), have been able to use export booms to upgrade facilities, increase competitiveness and achieve sustained growth. Others, however, have been less successful.
Many of the skills embodied in electronics exports are produced in technologically advanced developed countries, while developing countries engage mainly in the low-skill, low value-added assembly stages of the global production chain. Export expansion has not been accompanied by increases in value added or income earned in developing countries. Much of the value added contained in these products accrues to foreign owners of capital, knowledge and management. The benefit developing countries derive from entering such a market can decline when other, cheaper countries enter as well.
The outsourcing process goes hand in hand with relocation to low-wage economies. Wage rates have provided powerful incentives for companies looking for a “lower cost footprint” and a competitive advantage, but wages are not the only factor in deciding where to locate a computer factory. The companies also consider the skills and education level of the work force according to the product they want to manufacture; the country’s transport, energy distribution and communication services infrastructure; its political and economic stability; the incentives its government provides in tax and custom duty concessions; and the country’s distance from the key centers in the company’s supply chain, favoring countries that have preferential access to the Western markets.
Outsourcing to contract manufacturers Big computer brands have been supplanted in the production process by a new breed of “contract manufacturers.” These companies are invisible and anonymous to consumers but are very large and powerful. They have grown at phenomenal rates, averaging 20-25% a year during the 1990s. Barely existing at the beginning of the 1990s, the four largest contract manufacturers—Solectron, Flextronics, Samina-SCI and Celestica—each had revenues of over US$10 billion by 2002.
Flextronics, for example, started by “board stuffing” circuit boards in Silicon Valley during the 1980s and is now the second largest contract manufacturer in the world, with revenues of US$13.2 billion in 2002. Incorporated in Singapore with its management offices in San José, California, Flextronics has factories worldwide. Its industrial parks, which house suppliers on site, are concentrated in Brazil, China, Hungary and Mexico. Its workers are paid anywhere from US$0.70 an hour in China to US$4.50 in Brazil. Flextronics has 15 locations in China alone and exported US$0.5 billion worth of goods from there in 2000. Its Chinese workforce has grown from 500 to 28,000 in five years. According to Flextronics Asia-Pacific President Ash Bharwaj, “Our low-cost footprint is better than anyone else in the region.”
Contract suppliers manufacture for many buyers. They aim to secure the cheapest labor and supplies and to maximize economies of scale and efficiencies. Starting as little more than cheap assembly lines, they have gradually taken on a wider range of productive functions and responsibilities, including design, engineering and procurement. Many of them have also taken over the factories of the major brand names, buying them directly from their previous owners. Contract manufacturers have become global players—expanding global reach and moving en masse to low-cost production bases in developing countries. China already hosts the largest number of such plants in the world.
While contract manufacturers employ huge numbers of workers, they hire very few of them directly. They prefer to go through employment agencies, because outsourcing recruiting also reduces costs.
The third layer of the computer supply chain is made up of the manufacturers of single components such as resistors, inductors and capacitors. Most of these companies are based in Asia. For example, one Taiwanese company, which manufactures in China, is the biggest producer of microchip resistors in the world, with a production capacity of 18 billion resistors a month, accounting for 16% of the world market. Component manufacturers also use employment agencies to deal with recruitment.
Squeezing the supply chain Cutting costs in the supply chain is of great importance to big computer companies. It is a successful strategy: one report estimated that computer component prices were falling by 1% a week in 2002.
Dell has achieved massive cost cutting in its supply chain. According to the company’s website, “Dell’s goal was to squeeze 60% out of its procurement cycle and costs, but process savings were only part of the attraction … The savings from supplier consolidation could be worth ten times the process improvements.”
Dell has not been alone in cutting costs. Hewlett Packard, as part of its post-merger strategy, has slashed supply-chain costs to the tune of US$3.5 billion. IBM reports that in 2002 alone it managed to cut about US$5 billion from its supply chain though a range of initiatives, including outsourcing deals.
Cinnamon rolls and labor rightsThis cost-cutting culture is illustrated in an account in the Wall Street Journal Online: “[Michael Dell] once chastised a supplier for bringing cinnamon rolls to a meeting with Dell employees. Michael walked in and said, ‘Take those back and let’s knock the price off the next shipment of materials you bring in,’ recalls Jim Cano, a now-retired Dell manufacturing executive who attended the meeting. ‘We don’t need food. We want a better price.’”
The financial press tells the story of the cinnamon rolls to illustrate Michael Dell’s toughness and acumen; and it undoubtedly indicates the talents that have made Dell the hugely successful company it is today. But the consequences of tough negotiation with suppliers extend beyond depriving top executives of mid-morning snacks. Further down the supply chain, workers feel the effects of relentless cost cutting far more acutely; their low wages leave them on the edge of subsistence.
Labor rights are human rights derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. All workers are entitled to have their labor rights upheld. The international community has given responsibility for setting labor standards to the UN’s International Labor Organization (ILO). The ILO has a tripartite structure of governments, employers and workers’ representatives, as well as technical expertise in all matters relating to the world of work. For these reasons, the ILO is the authoritative and legitimate source of international labor standards.
Labor standards are contained in over 180 ILO Conventions. None has been ratified by all countries and only a few have been ratified by many. However, four standards are binding, notwithstanding the failure of governments to implement them: freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining; the elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor; the effective abolition of child labor and the elimination of discrimination in all forms of employment and cooperation. These four are identified as Core Labor Standards in the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work:
Many companies, as well as trade unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), also recognize other labor standards as key to decent conditions for workers. These include measures to address health and safety; payment of a living wage; regular employment and the outlawing of excessive work hours and harsh or inhumane treatment.
While PC manufacturers bear a responsibility for promoting labor standards for workers in their supply chain, the experiences of workers in the electronics sectors, as well as the manufacturers’ current policy and practice, suggest that these companies are not yet taking their responsibilities seriously. According to one organization that works closely with major companies on labor standards, the big brands are complacent on this issue. They believe that “because factories are clean, they don’t have to worry about labor standards.”
A nonprofit monitoring organization commented that “the situation in garments and footwear is still nowhere near perfect, but attention is certainly being paid to the issues. The truth is that the electronics sector is guilty of the same types of abuses, but labor practices in the industry have not been put under close scrutiny the way the garments and footwear sector have been.” Many companies find that there is a business case for improving supply-chain labor standards, because better working conditions reduce the risk of operating in some countries. The increasing interest of the financial press in working conditions in the electronics sector supports the need for companies to recognize the business significance of labor rights.
Codes of conduct and The Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD) measured the codes of conduct of Dell, Hewlett Packard and IBM against the standards included in the Base Code of the Ethical Trading Initiative (ETI), a UK tripartite organization of companies, NGOs and unions of which CAFOD is a member, using the information stated by the companies themselves.
supply-chain labor standards
HP’s code is superior in several respects to those of Dell and IBM. First, its code is specifically aimed at suppliers, while Dell and IBM build provisions on suppliers into the company’s general business code, making it harder to discern their commitment to improving labor standards in the supply chain. Second, HP’s code is clearly based on Core Labor Standards and other ILO standards, whereas Dell’s and IBM’s are generally not. For example, HP’s code has specific provisions on freedom of association, child labor and harsh or inhumane treatment, which the other two codes do not have.
In some respects, Dell’s code is superior to IBM’s Business Conduct Guidelines in relation to supply-chain labor standards. For example, Dell’s code has a specific provision on forced labor and on avoiding collaboration with entities that break laws regulating wages or working hours. The IBM Guidelines have no parallel provisions.
Such variables aside, however, the codes of all three companies, including Hewlett Packard, are deficient. First, with a few exceptions, the codes emphasize compliance with local law rather than adherence to international labor standards. While local law is crucial, it is often not implemented properly—as, for example, with overtime regulations in China. In those circumstances, codes can be a crucial means to inform workers of their rights and thus help them to enforce them. Companies should ensure that they promote workers’ rights by enshrining them in their own code of conduct. Second, none of the codes provides unequivocal freedom of association. This is a serious weakness when so many workers in the sector are unable to assert their rights. Third, none of the codes includes a commitment to providing regular employment. This is also a significant omission given that many of the problems suffered by workers in the electronics sector relate to their temporary status.
Implementation of labor standards policy Implementation standards vary widely. Again, however, Hewlett Packard demonstrates a greater commitment to improving labor standards in the supply chain than the other two companies. It has integrated labor standards more fully into its procurement practices, provides for communication of ethical expectations to suppliers as well as simply stipulating them in the contract, has made greater progress in assessing suppliers’ labor practices and integrating labor standards into management of relationships with suppliers and states specifically that the code applies to secondary suppliers.
Both Dell and IBM have introduced programs to monitor supply-chain labor standards, indicating increasing commitment to this issue, with Dell’s monitoring program somewhat more advanced than that of IBM at present. However, there are serious weaknesses in the implementation programs of all the companies. First, no company expresses a commitment to working transparently with other stakeholders such as unions, local NGOs or any workers’ groups to ensure sustainable improvement of working conditions. Second, no company emphasizes that, for improvements to be sustainable, workers themselves must take the lead in the improvement process. There is also no meaningful commitment by companies to incorporate labor standards into core business practices, for example, to paying suppliers a price that will allow them to implement codes of conduct. As a result, ethical trade staffs are attempting to raise standards while the dynamics of the industry are driving prices down and undermining suppliers’ ability to establish decent working conditions.
CAFOD’s research shows that in any event, the companies are not meeting the commitments they do make to workers, often tolerating illegal practices.
In contrast with the reticence of Dell and IBM, in particular, to commit to responsibility for supply-chain labor standards, all three companies pride themselves on being ahead of the curve on environmental issues and other elements of corporate social responsibility. Dell, for example, has prohibited the export of its environmentally sensitive waste to developing countries, and prohibited its primary and secondary recycling suppliers to use this material as landfill. Dell, HP and IBM lead the sector in sustainability assessments, because of their activities in bridging the digital divide—making computers accessible to more areas of the community—and in environmental activities such as take-back and recycling. It is to be hoped that they will now bring the expertise they have developed in other non-financial issues to the implementation of labor standards.
Mexico: Just passing throughCAFOD and its partners conducted research in Mexico and China, interviewing workers, managers and others associated with the electronics sector, to learn about working conditions in the computer factories first hand.
Guadalajara has been dubbed the “Silicon Valley” of Mexico. Its numerous electronics factories make and assemble components for computers, mobile phones, disc drives, printers, CD players, digital cameras, washing machines and dishwashers, among other electronic products. From the mid-1970s, US and Japanese companies, including IBM, Hewlett Packard, Dell, Texas Instruments, Xerox and NEC, sourced more and more products in Mexico, attracted by its favorable investment conditions, cheap labor, and—for the US companies—the mere hop across the border to their Texan and Californian science parks. From the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s, exports from the Mexican electronics industry grew from US$18.25 million to over $60 billion, and the industry generated 28,603 jobs in 1996 alone. Investment peaked in 1997 and came crashing down when the technology market and demand for electronics products collapsed in 2001. More than 15,000 jobs were lost in the first half of 2001. Many electronics companies fled Mexico seeking the cheaper wages of China.
The wider impact of the electronics sector on the Mexican economy has been disappointing. The country’s successful export sector has failed to carry the rest of the economy along with it and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth has remained slow, sometimes even contracting. Some 45 million Mexicans remain poor and levels of inequality between rich and poor are widening. Very little value is added to electronics products in Mexico and linkages with the domestic economy are weak. The electronics factories are “maquilas”—plants where imported components are assembled for export. In the 1990s, 95% of electronics products manufactured in Mexico were exported to the United States, while 90% of the components used in this manufacturing and 85% of all components were imported from there in the same period.
The relationship between the big US brands and the electronics workers of Guadalajara is indirect and complex. Most electronics firms operating in Guadalajara are contract manufacturers, for example SCI, Flextronics, Jabil and Solectron, hired to assemble electronics goods. For example, Dell contracted manufacturing to Jabil for several years until 2001; and SCI manufactured Hewlett Packard products.
IBM is an exception to the general rule. Uniquely among the major brands, it has had its own manufacturing facility in Guadalajara since 1975, specializing in the assembly of desktop and laptop computers. The company has become one of Mexico’s main exporters and the largest in the state of Jalisco. In 1998, it assembled 800,000 computers there. Combined with the 400,000 manufactured for IBM by the contract manufacturer Acer in Ciudad Juarez, near the US border, these represented 55% of the company’s total laptop production worldwide. In 2000, its Mexican production represented around 60% of IBM’s worldwide laptop output.
Although IBM owns the factory, most manufacturing is contracted out. In the past, the company ran a tendering process, with contract manufacturers bidding for specific manufacturing processes. The winners rented factory space from IBM, which kept its focus on quality control and coordination in the plant. This allowed IBM to respond rapidly to changing needs—for example by closing down an unprofitable production line or shifting production to another product (and often to another contract manufacturer). In 2003, however, IBM announced that it would outsource its entire manufacturing operation in Guadalajara to one contract manufacturer, Sanmina SCI.
IBM pioneered the system of recruiting through employment agencies, which continues with SCI. There are currently around 7,000 workers in the IBM factory, of whom only 500 are directly employed by IBM or by SCI—generally managers, supervisors and secretarial staff. The remaining 6,500 are recruited by employment agencies. The consequence is that the brand manufacturers are shielded from workers’ concerns by two intervening layers: the contract manufacturer and the employment agency.
Low wages, extra hours and no unions Thousands of workers are employed on the assembly lines of Guadalajara’s electronics factories. Pay, though higher than that of workers in factories producing for the domestic market, is low—typically US$50-$100 a week at companies such as IBM and Jabil, and less in some factories. A worker must do excessive overtime to earn close to US$100. A basket of basic food, rent, transport and clothing for a family of four amounts to about five times the legal minimum wage, and electronics workers typically earn less than half of the cost of that basket, which amounts to US$250 a week if clothing, education and some discretionary income are added.
Also, hours are long. Workers spent far more than the legal maximum number of hours in factories, partly because overtime is compulsory, and partly because low hourly rates mean that they must work excessive hours to earn enough to live.
Electronics workers, the majority of them young women aged between 18 and 25, with few economic resources and many of them single mothers, tend to be vulnerable, prepared to accept poor conditions in the workplace because they must provide for their children. Their expectations for their own lives are often low. Sister Luz Elena Barrios Calleros of the Center for Reflection and Labor Action (CEREAL), which facilitated CAFOD’s research in Guadalajara, runs courses on self-esteem for workers because she believes that low self-esteem perpetuates poor working conditions:
“It’s terrible to say, but many workers feel that what they get is what they deserve. Their opinion of themselves is often very low. They think because they didn’t finish high school or get a degree that ending up in a maquiladora is an inevitability. The treatment they’re subjected to in the maquilas makes this situation much worse. They’re treated as if they were ignorant and stupid. They tell us they’re treated like animals, shouted and sworn at, sometimes even pushed around. It’s a fundamental worker’s right to be respected, however lowly the job they are doing.”
According to Juan Carlos Páez, CEREAL’s human rights coordinator, the companies exploit workers’ vulnerability. They know “they can push the conditions further and further down, progressively lowering pay, benefits and safety precautions, yet the women will hang on—because they have to. The company knows exactly how fragile the situation of these workers is, and they exploit that.”
Sylvia, 28, a single mother of two daughters, was involved in a dispute with IBM when the company attempted to reduce wages: “My supervisor told me to shut my mouth if I care about my two children. He said, ‘Think about how you’re going to provide for them if we sack you.’ This is how they threaten you.”
Central to the difficulty workers face in asserting their rights is the absence of effective unions in the electronics factories. As Juan Carlos Páez says: “Unions can’t even get a foothold in the electronics sector, they’re blocked out by the employment agencies. People need to be educated and trained so they can protect themselves against exploitative practices. The more they know their rights, the more they can defend their own human dignity.”
Factories are unrelenting in their efforts to anticipate and forestall collective action, even discouraging workers from talking with colleagues in a group. Lupe, 28, comments: “It’s very difficult to discuss things at work with other colleagues, to try and get anything organized. If we were ever found talking in a group the supervisors would threaten us with the idea of the plant being closed, ‘If you don’t reach the production targets then all this work will go China,’ they told us. ‘There they are better workers than you and they get less pay.’”
Discrimination in recruitingThe recruitment methods used by employment agencies show the lengths to which companies will go to ensure a pliant workforce: agencies screen out potential “troublemakers” by discriminatory and often humiliating recruitment practices. CAFOD has seen a list of reasons for refusing employment applicants used by three agencies that hire workers for the IBM production line. The list clearly shows discrimination against, among others, gay men and lesbians, pregnant women and anyone who might encourage workers to negotiate collectively for better conditions.
“Reasons for rejection” in the psychological interview include: “Has brought labor claims, homosexual, socially inadequate, does not agree with IBM policies, signs of lesbianism, more than two tattoos, doesn’t respect authority, conflictive person, belongs to a political party as an active member, not disposed to work overtime, father is a lawyer, has a qualification in law, worked for a lawyer, worked for a union, transvestite, has earrings, has long hair.”
“Reasons for rejection” in the socioeconomic interview include: “has friends who are drug dependent, has a brother who is a union inspector, was a leader in presenting a complaint before Conciliation and Arbitration Committee; uninterested in work because pregnant; has previously been in IBM and makes negative remarks about redundancy conditions.”
“Reasons for rejection due to health” include “pregnancy.” In addition, there is age discrimination: it’s very hard for anyone over 30 to get a job in an electronics factory. A common feature of the interview process for jobs in the electronics industry is a “health test,” usually including urine and blood tests. Pregnancy testing is the norm, with some employers explicit about the purpose of the test, while others are vague: it’s “to see if you have any illness.”
According to Lupe: “In the interview with Caspem, when I first went into IBM, they ran tests on me: they took X-rays and samples of urine and blood. They didn’t tell us what the tests were for, and we never saw the results. This seemed normal to me at the time—I didn’t know there was anything wrong with it. I mean, I assumed of course that they didn’t want people with any illnesses, or women who were pregnant, because they don’t want to pay for any time off. But until I met CEREAL, I didn’t realize these were violations of our rights.”
A totally humiliating experienceWomen workers interviewed by CAFOD told how they were examined naked and asked intrusive personal questions such as, “Do you have a boyfriend?” “How often do you have sex?” and “Do you have children?” Jannet, 20, reported: “I had to fill in a questionnaire; it had some really personal questions in it. They asked, ‘How many boyfriends have you had? When did you last have sex? How many times? Do you have any sexually transmitted diseases?’ I stopped filling in the answers.”
The agencies also visit potential recruits in their home, examine their possessions and interview their neighbors. Workers told CAFOD that their families and neighbors had been asked who their friends and associates were, whether they kept good company and if they have a drinking or drug problem.
According to Ramona, 24: “They came round to the house and spent half an hour looking around at our possessions. I suppose they don’t want too big a gap between how you live and your conditions in the factory. They talk to your neighbors, to find out what sort of friends you have.”
Contract manufacturer SCI recruited Monica, 26, to work on an assembly line making Hewlett Packard printers in 1999; she worked on the HP line until 2001: “They did a psychometric test on me and then asked normal questions, without all the personal stuff I had at IBM. But then came the medical exam. I was in a room with two nurses; well, they were dressed like nurses anyway. They were both very rude and really bullied me around, shouting at me to do this, do that. They asked me all these questions about drinking, smoking, illnesses in the family. Then one said, ‘Strip off, I need to check you for tattoos.’ My word wasn’t good enough. I had to take off all my clothes, including my underwear. They even touched me while I was naked, checking my breasts. I don’t know what they were really looking for.
“After that, they asked me if I was pregnant. I said no, but that wasn’t enough. They gave me a test paper and ordered me into the bathroom telling me to do the pregnancy test. They said, ‘“If you have your period then you have to show us your sanitary towel to prove that you are bleeding.’ It was a totally humiliating experience, the worst thing I’ve ever had to go through. It was completely degrading. But I didn’t know how to complain—I mean, they were doing the same thing to everyone.” CAFOD has anecdotal evidence from many other workers that these practices continue.
Recruitment agencies and workers’ rights Mexican labor law requires that employment agencies must provide exactly the same conditions as the ultimate employer. However, agencies avoid this provision by registering themselves as “manufacturing sub-contractors.” The agency then employs workers on significantly worse terms than those of direct employees of the company, cutting employment costs by 10% to 40%. This system has serious negative consequences for workers.
Short-term contracts. According to CEREAL’s Juan Carlos Páez, “about 90% of the workers who come to us for help are from the electronics sector. This is partly due to the sector’s instability, with all the hiring and firing that goes on as big orders, or even entire companies, come and go. Of all the sectors we work with, electronics is the most volatile, and this leads to many violations of people’s rights. The modus operandi of the electronics sector is what we call ‘seagull capital’—it alights here in Mexico for a little while, then flies off to China or Taiwan.”
The jobs of workers employed by agencies are constantly under threat. Workers are employed on consecutive short-term contracts of between 28 days and three months, and remain on such contracts sometimes for several years, although Mexican law bans this practice. Short contracts make it easier to “hire and fire.” If there’s a dip in demand, workers can simply be dismissed when their contracts expire. As a result, workers live in an atmosphere of constant insecurity and fear. One worker who was employed by three different agencies while working in the IBM factory said, “You never feel secure in that environment… Uncertainty is a permanent factor; you never know whether you’ll be working next week.” There’s no unemployment benefit in Mexico, and losing one’s job can mean an abrupt fall into poverty. According to CEREAL, “If you don’t earn, you don’t eat.”
Short-term contracts are particularly harmful to women, because they are used as a mechanism to avoid paying maternity benefits: when a woman becomes pregnant, her contract is simply not renewed. One worker, when asked what single change would improve her life immediately said: “Permanent contracts!”
Denial of benefits. Employment through agencies is also a means of paying workers fewer benefits. Those sacked after a string of short-term contracts do not receive the “length of service” payment to which workers are entitled on termination of direct employment.
Lupe, 28, used to work in the IBM factory. “In June 2001, IBM tried to lower all our salaries across the different agencies. Oscar [from CEREAL] left slips of paper in our lockers saying there was going to be a meeting. We had already decided individually that we weren’t going to accept the cut, so 50 of us went. It really hit me, hearing about my human rights and labor rights for the first time. It was the first I knew about all the benefits we were losing through having the one-month contracts. I thought to myself, the employers are doing exactly as they like and we don’t even know it’s wrong! I just couldn’t believe how the agencies were robbing us. CEREAL took us to see the press, we went all over the place. And we won! After the press attention, they decided not to cut our salaries. I felt so good, so satisfied when we won. Articles were published saying that because we had resisted, we had managed to beat IBM. Because of the problems we had, we ended up learning about all our other rights, not just about salaries. If I hadn’t known all this, I would have accepted the tiny payoff Caspem [the employment agency] tried to give me.
Redundancy pay. This account is from someone who worked on a conveyor belt assembling hard drives in the IBM factory and was fired in July 2003 by an employment agency after asking to be put on a permanent contract: “The director called me in when I started asking for my rights, after I’d spoken to CEREAL. She said, ‘I want to know who’s giving you advice. It’s obvious that someone is helping you, from the way you talk.’ I denied it. She was pushy and aggressive, treating me as if I were completely ignorant. She said, ‘If I want to I can sack you right now without giving you a cent.’ But I wasn’t afraid of her. I never got what I asked for; they sacked me instead, but I was already prepared so at my first redundancy interview I went through the payment details they showed me line by line. It was full of errors, showing that I was owed less than I really was. I told them to correct the errors.
When I came back the next day, I took along a page of calculations we had prepared at CEREAL, showing the liquidation payment I was due. I said, ‘This is my proposal. I know what I’m legally owed.’ She offered me 13,000 pesos [US$1,300] but I was owed 18,000. They went up to 15,000 but I was still not satisfied, and I went to the Conciliation and Arbitration Committee, but they gave me no help at all. I arrived with a lawyer, a friend of mine. ‘Personal lawyers are not permitted,’ they said. ‘We’ll provide you with one.’ Of course, the lawyer they gave me was on the company’s side. They offered the 15,000 again and said, ‘You’d better take it because it’s all you’re getting.’ So in the end I accepted it.”
Vacation rights. Many social security payments in Mexico are dependent on continuous length of service, so workers with many periods of short employment find it difficult to acquire the right to a pension or to housing benefits. Short-term contracts also force workers to forego holidays: Mexican workers must work a year’s permanent contract to earn six days’ holiday and time off does not accrue at all on monthly contracts. Ramona, who is 24, describes the effects of this system when she worked in IBM’s factory: “They even refused to give me any time off work when my dad died. The law says we should get three days’ compassionate leave. They said I couldn’t even take it as part of my holiday entitlement. I obviously had to go, so I paid someone to do one of my days, then I just took the other two anyway to go to the funeral. The personnel officer deducted two days off my pay.”
Fired for talking to CAFODCAFOD conducted its research in Guadalajara in April 2003. Days after having talked to us, three workers—Ramona, Lupe and one man—were fired. Ramona is unmarried and has no children. She lives with her mother, whom she supports, in a well-established neighborhood where many houses were built by the state for sale to low-income families. When she was fired, she had been working at IBM for four years, employed by agencies on one-month contracts throughout.
“I had the talk with CAFOD on Wednesday. Nine days later, on the Friday, I was sacked. With the pretext that I had arrived late to work, they told me to change out of my work clothes and go to personnel. As soon as they told me this, I knew I was being fired.
“I was taken from the factory in a car to the Caspem offices. On the way, they questioned me about whether Lupe was a good friend of mine. I wasn’t sure yet why I was going to be sacked. I thought it might be because I had been there long enough and they didn’t want me to accumulate length of service—they don’t like you to work there for too long even on the one-month contracts. Or it could have been because they thought I was difficult, because I didn’t like the way I got pushed around.
“But when I got to the office the personnel woman said straight away: ‘Did you know those English people who were talking to you?’ And she asked me who my lawyer was. She said a rumor had reached her that I was leaking information about the company. I said I didn’t know them and that I had just met them in the street. She accused me of being a ringleader and threatened to blacklist me. She then put up a show that she wasn’t sacking me for this but because of my length of service—basically they tell you that you’ve been there for four years or however long it is, and therefore your time is up, as if this made any sense. She offered me a check for 2,000 pesos [US$200]. I said I was owed 12,000. They try to force you to sign while you are still in there, so you don’t have time to go ask anyone for advice about whether the amount they offer is right. Eventually she gave me 11,000, which wasn’t bad. I think they wanted to pay us off and shut us up quickly because they could see we had outside contacts helping us.
“In one way, I wasn’t too sad to leave that place because the atmosphere was always so tense. The supervisors were very difficult and we weren’t allowed to talk to each other during the day. The people directly contracted by IBM then were much better off—although there aren’t many of them, only one per line. They get paid holidays and a two-day outing at Christmas for all the family, paid for by the company. They get canteen coupons, production bonuses, savings funds, medical insurance.” Ramona now works at another electronics factory, making mobile telephones.
The treatment of these workers in factories supplying major computer companies is a vivid example of the degradation of the workers employed on electronics assembly lines. The swift action by labor contractors in ridding themselves of dissenters shows that they know their treatment of workers is unacceptable. As Ramona says: “It’s obvious from their questions that they have something to hide and don’t want anyone in authority to find out.”
Subcontracting in ThailandThailand is the world’s second largest producer of hard disk drives (HDDs). The industry grew up on the back of large-scale investments from computer multinationals attracted by low labor costs. In recent years, however, prices for HDDs have fallen and low-wage competition from China has been intense. HDD industry wages in China are estimated to be 50% of those in Thailand. The average price per megabyte for an HDD was US$11.54 in 1998; in 2002 the price hovered between US$0.05 and US$0.15. In response, companies operating in Thailand have been cutting costs by using subcontracted labor.
CAFOD interviewed subcontracted workers in the Thai HDD industry, who clearly have a rougher deal than their directly employed colleagues. Many are younger and they look tired, with old, dirty clothes rather than uniforms. The workers we spoke to were paid around half the wage of permanently contracted workers—about US$4.25 a day. This is the legal minimum wage, but it does not cover a Thai household’s average monthly expenditure on food and housing.
If subcontracted workers fall ill, they do not receive sick pay or social security payments, nor (in contravention of Thai labor law) do they receive any paid annual leave or paid leave on public holidays. The overtime pay they receive does not meet legal requirements for direct employees, so they are asked to do most of the overtime. Subcontracted workers to whom CAFOD spoke have to work overtime of “sometimes four hours a day, sometimes eight hours.” Like their Mexican counterparts, subcontracted workers in Thailand are dismissed if they become pregnant.
China: The world’s mega-computer factoryChina is now the largest developing country exporter, the world’s largest recipient of foreign direct investment (FDI) and the fourth-largest industrial producer behind the US, Japan and Germany. Its export growth has been tremendous, reverberating in markets throughout the world. In 2002, China accounted for 60% of world export growth, and in the last 20 years has emerged as the world’s leading electronics manufacturing location. While electronics factories elsewhere in Asia have been suffering, many plants in China are reportedly doubling output in 2003. In 1999-2000, China’s two top export products were telecommunications equipment and computers. In 2000, high technology products accounted for 22% of China’s total exports. In the same year, 25 out of 30 of the largest foreign transnationals to export from China were electronics or telecommunications companies.
China is becoming a “global factory” for the computer industry. Huge factory complexes, many funded by Taiwanese capital, produce the components and parts for the global electronics industry. These factories are involved in many parts of component manufacture and assembly: factories in the Pearl River Delta region produce CD and DVD ROMs, scanners, keyboards, monitors, desktop and laptop PCs, passive components (such as capacitors and resistors), printed circuit boards, power supplies and mobile phones.
Chinese success is based largely on low wages. China’s wages are a fraction of those of its main competitors—half the rate of Indonesia’s, a quarter that of Malaysia and the Philippines, an eighth of Mexico’s and around 5% of Taiwan’s manufacturing wage. Hourly manufacturing wages average US$0.60, for a labor force based on a massive pool of migrant workers from rural China.
While electronics production is concentrated in the Pearl Delta region, the workers in Chinese factories are mostly migrants from further north, often young women who seek a job in an export factory to save money to send home. Typically, workers are recruited through labor agents and vocational schools in inland provinces.
Most live in cramped conditions in dormitories on the factory site. Typically, around 10 to 15 people sleep on bunk beds in each dormitory. The dormitories vary widely in standards. Some are acceptable to workers, while others are dirty, inadequately heated and ventilated and without hot water or sufficient washing facilities, so that workers have to stand in long lines to shower after an 11-hour shift. Workers generally eat all their meals in the factory, with some providing adequate food while in others workers complain that the food is poor.
Obligatory excessive overtime and low wages Very long, compulsory overtime and wages below the legal minimum are endemic in Chinese factories, and the electronics sector is no exception. According to Chinese labor law, workers are entitled to at least one day off a week and overtime should not exceed 3 hours a day or 36 hours a month. The legal minimum wage in Dongguan, where most of CAFOD’s research was done, was around US$54 a month in 2002, calculated based on an eight-hour working day. Workers should thus not be expected to work overtime to earn it. The law also requires weekday overtime to be paid at 150% of the regular daily rate, Saturday and Sunday overtime at 200% and overtime on a statutory holiday at 300%. However, the Chinese labor authorities do not enforce the law, partly because of their weak capacity; their staff is under-resourced and lacks appropriate training.
Workers in the electronics factories that supply major brands routinely work hours far in excess of the legal maximum and without receiving the overtime stipulated in the law. One Taiwanese company with five factories in Dongguan City supplies many different components to major computer brands. During the peak season, assembly workers in these factories work 3 to 5 hours of overtime a day, an average of 100 to 120 hours a month and 7 days a week. In the slack season, workers are given days off, but without pay. These working hours are typical, although hours can be even longer in other factories: up to 15 or 16 a day in the peak season. Some workers work all night in peak periods.
Wages in these factories are well below the minimum of US$54 a month, with the basic wage US$37 (increasing to US$39 after working for one year and to US$42 after two years). To earn the minimum wage, workers must do illegal amounts of overtime. They may earn as little as US$36 in the low season. Although workers receive up to US$72 during the peak season, they can only earn this by working unacceptable amounts of overtime.
Miss C, aged 20, told us: “Everything in this factory looks nice. The only thing is the low wages. I’ve been in the factory for two years and the highest income I ever got is a little more than 500 renminbi ($60), after having worked more than 100 overtime hours.… How can that money be enough for us? At least you have to buy everyday provisions, and if I buy some clothing for myself, my income is finished. It’s even worse in the low season when we have no overtime work. Our basic wage is deducted when we’re forced to have a day off because no order is placed and we have no work to do. I don’t find it too harsh working here. The only thing is low wages. We all want to earn more.”
These excessive working hours do not boost factory profits. Recent research suggests that there is a business case for reducing overtime at supplier factories in China: cutting hours can help increase productivity. Many factories operate at 35% to 75% of their capacity and there is a clear link between high levels of overtime and low productivity. A cultural change is needed to make shorter working hours acceptable.
Indebted even before starting to workWages are often reduced further by the need to pay debts to labor agencies that charge a high fee to place workers in jobs. Often factories retain wages so that workers receive them some weeks after they are due. Workers who resign do not receive the backdated wages owed them. To prevent workers from quitting in the peak season, one factory deducts about 10% of workers’ wages in the first year of employment, returning the money after 12 months. Many workers have no written contract, so cannot hold management to account for payment of proper overtime rates and hours. In peak seasons, workers cannot even take sick leave: if they take a day off, wages are deducted.
Miss A is 18 and has been working in an electronics factory since she was 16. She finished junior high school at home in Shanxi province. When she learned that factories in Guangdong province were recruiting new workers, she went to a local labor agency to register. She paid the agency 750 renminbi ($91) and they arranged a place for her on a coach carrying young women workers from Shanxi to a factory in Dongguan City. She then paid the factory 50 renminbi ($6) as down payment for her job. In the end, she was $121 in debt before starting work. At first, she thought she would be able to return the money soon after entering the factory, but she was disappointed. In the first six months, she received the equivalent of only $36-48 a month, and after buying food and other daily provisions, had nothing left.
Physical and psychological pressureFactories have harsh penalty systems and exert strong psychological pressure over workers. In one factory, US$0.25 US cents are deducted from wages if a worker violates a factory or dormitory rule. In another, US$0.06 cents are deducted for each minute a worker is late. If workers are absent without permission, US$3 is deducted. Workers are allowed to leave the factory premises only on Wednesdays, Saturdays and Sundays; at other times, they must obtain permission. Elsewhere, workers are forbidden to talk during work, and are fined for not sitting properly. In one factory, a worker is fined US$3.60 for her first mistake in production and twice that for a second. In one plant, which makes monitors, managers have the right to fire workers who step on the grass in the factory complex. In another, workers caught littering must wear a placard saying, “I am a garbage producer.”
The need to deliver quality products on time often means that workers are under great pressure not to make mistakes and to achieve production quotas, which are set by the day or by the hour. Conveyor belts are sometimes speeded up when there is a rush to deliver on time. In one keyboard factory, the job of each worker on a conveyor belt is to insert six or seven keys into the board. Each worker must finish 300 keyboards an hour, which means inserting each set of six or seven keys and moving on to the next within 12 seconds, and continue to do so for 12 hours. Workers testing monitors must test 150 an hour—24 seconds per monitor.
Workers live in fear of criticism from supervisors and feel under intense psychological pressure. In a factory that makes components for laptop computers, workers are not allowed to talk, stretch or look around, and may not leave the production line to use the toilet or drink water. In a factory making monitors, a worker who makes a mistake must wear a red overcoat. Workers interviewed for this research consistently complain of finding the work extremely stressful: many say they have nightmares about being criticized and penalized at work.
Health, safety and insuranceUnder Chinese labor law, employers must pay for workers’ retirement and industrial injury insurance, but in many electronics factories workers are not covered by one or both of these types of insurance. Sometimes only those working in a particularly risky activity are insured for industrial injury, or only senior staff—supervisors and above—have retirement insurance.
Most people assume that electronics factories are at least clean, because of the precision required in manufacturing computers, but a clean factory is not necessarily a safe factory and many electronics workers operate in a dangerous or unhealthy environment. Many factories have no health and safety department, and fail to provide workers with health and safety training.
Some workers are exposed to dangerous chemicals, such as the solvents used to clean parts such as computer cases and the liquid and powder paints with which they are then sprayed. Because the chemicals are usually supplied in unlabelled containers and the workers are not given chemical safety training, much less appropriate protection, workers rarely know the names of the chemicals they are using, whether they are dangerous and what protection they should use. In one factory, workers dealing with solvents are given cotton gloves, to protect the components from the workers’ sweat more than to protect the workers’ hands. The workers don’t wear the gloves because they slow themup, making it harder to achieve production quotas and are ineffective in any event; they become soaked through with solvents so many workers get rashes and spots on their hands even when wearing them.
Workers who solder components onto metal boards are exposed to smoke and complain of skin irritation and breathing difficulties. Those making printed circuit boards suffer from chemicals most: their job is to dip the board into different chemicals that of course come in contact with their skin. They often suffer from rashes. Chemicals are also not properly stored. One worker joked that the factory looked more like a petrochemical plant than an electronics factory.
In December 2001, there was a fire in a factory that makes computer cases and peripherals. A machine used to mold computer cases had had an oil spill and the workers on duty, who had not received health and safety training, used a flammable thinner to clean the floor. When the thinner caught fire, eight workers were burnt, two over 30% of their body, including their faces and feet, and they now have difficulty walking. Another has difficulty using her hands. The workers in the factory were not insured for industrial accidents at that time and those injured have not been compensated according to the law. The factory had no fire drill or fire safety training.
Chemicals are not the only hazard. In some factories, workers are subjected to noise pollution because the machines that press components together are very loud. Workers are given cotton earplugs every six months, but they last only two weeks. In one factory that makes components, the grinding department grinds up metal debris, creating a great deal of metal dust. The workers do not wear protective masks. They develop dry sore throats and hoarse voices. Workers on production lines often find that their legs, backs and shoulders become stiff and sore after standing at work for up to 11 hours. Those who test monitors sit in front of them for up to 11 hours a day, looking at a flashing screen. They often have eye problems, including tired and swollen eyes, and after a while, their vision becomes blurred. The factory gives them no education about eye problems that might arise from their work. Others, whose job is to insert components into boards, work through microscopes all day. Their eyes, too, become tired, swollen and dry. These problems are exacerbated because workers feel that they cannot lift their heads to look around occasionally.
One Chinese worker told us, “Our two hands are working every minute and so are our brains. Our hands must move as fast as our brain. If you lose your concentration for even a second, you produce a defective product. They subtract points and your production bonus is sure to be reduced at the end of the month.” This pressure is exhausting, and only worsened by the Chinese manager of one electronics plant who described his solution to health problems this way: “China is full of girls with pretty eyes and strong hands. If we end up without people, we just look for more.”
But bad practice is avoidable. Workers interviewed in one factory that assembles mice and digital cameras praised its health and safety management. Their workplace is air-conditioned, cooling both machines and air temperature; workers can sit while they work; there are short breaks between work sessions; there is good ventilation which captures the chemical-laden smoke that soldering produces; and workers are provided with gloves and masks.
A country without real unionsThe problems experienced by Chinese workers are closely linked to their inability to bargain collectively to improve working conditions. Chinese workers are not represented by free, democratic trade unions. There is only one legal union, the state-controlled All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), which is not recognized by international trade union federations. Lack of representative organizations affects workers in the electronics sector as it does all other Chinese workers, making it very hard for them to assert their rights and achieve sustainable improvements in working conditions.
Nor do workers generally participate in factory decision-making in any other way: very few electronics factories consult workers on any aspect of their work, and few factory health and safety committees have worker representatives. Managers clamp down on any show of solidarity by workers. One factory, which assembles monitors, has a rule that workers who “gather together illegally and disturb production” are dismissed. The absence of effective unions or other collective action is reflected in workers’ low awareness of their rights under Chinese law. In one factory making keyboards, not one worker interviewed knew about Chinese labor laws.
CAFOD’s research on working conditions in Chinese electronics factories was conducted by the Hong Kong Christian Industrial Committee (HKCIC), which does educational and advocacy activities on workers’ rights and promotes the independent trade union movement. It is not easy for NGOs to obtain access to Chinese electronics factories and is particularly hard to have candid conversations with workers.
Agenda for changeWorkers in the electronics sector are getting a raw deal. Political will is lacking at both the international and national level, while companies lack commitment to labor rights and are reluctant to intervene in supply-chain operations that enable them to cut costs. All this combines with lack of awareness by northern consumers, and above all the undermining of workers’ ability to speak out on their own behalf to drive working conditions down.
The strategy of outsourcing to low-wage countries is not intrinsically bad for workers, but the distribution of benefits in the electronics sector is currently weighted too far in favor of northern transnational corporations and consumers. It needs to be rebalanced in favor of the poor. That requires a series of fair labor practices by the transnational computer manufacturers and institutional investors, enforcement by host governments, monitoring by trade unions and international union federations, advocacy by the international community and market pressure from individual and institutional consumers.
The Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD) is the English and Welsh arm of Caritas International, a worldwide network of Catholic relief and development organizations. It is a founding member of the Ethical Trading Initiative, a tripartite organization of UK and global retailers, trade unions and NGOs working together to improve supply-chain labor standards through the implementation of the ETI Base Code, an agreed-upon code of conduct based on ILO standards. For more information on ETI, visit www.ethicaltrade.org and to learn more about CAFOD, which has been fighting third world poverty since 1962, visit www.cafod.org.uk. This report was prepared by Catherine Astill and Matthew Griffith, and summarized by envío.
CAFOD ilichunguza viwanda vya kusanyiko vya vifaa vya elektroniki nchini Mexico na China ili kujifunza moja kwa moja jinsi wanavyofanya kazi na jinsi wafanyakazi wao wanavyoishi. "Kama ilivyoelezwa katika makala ya mwisho ya jarida hili, ""Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD) "" ni moja ya makampuni ya kompyuta ya kimataifa." Miaka thelathini iliyopita, ingekuwa vigumu kuwazia umuhimu wao katika maisha ya kila siku. Sasa, ni vigumu kuwazia maisha bila wao. Kompyuta hazipo kila mahali tu; pia ziko kwenye njia nzuri ya kuwa za kutumiwa mara moja. Kwa sababu ya mtiririko wa aina mpya za magari, ambayo ni nyepesi, nyepesi na ya haraka, sasa ni muhimu kwa watumiaji wa magari, na sio tu kwa ajili ya matumizi ya muda mrefu. Lakini wakati idadi ya kompyuta zinazouzwa inaendelea kuongezeka, ukubwa wa dola ya soko ni static. Kwa maneno mengine, watumiaji wananunua kompyuta nyingi zaidi kuliko zamani, lakini wanalipa pesa chache zaidi. Siku hizi, watu wengi hufanya uhusiano kati ya mavazi wanayoinunua na wafanyakazi wanaoyatengeneza. Watumiaji wana wazo fulani la masaa marefu ya kazi ngumu na usumbufu nyuma ya lebo za "Made in Bangladesh" au "Made in China". Hali za kazi za watu wanaotengeneza kompyuta na vipengele vyake bado hazijulikani vizuri, lakini zinafanana kwa mambo mengi. "Kulingana na ripoti ya Microsoft, ""kompyuta 138 468,000 zilizotoka katika viwanda vya kompyuta duniani kote mwaka 2003 hazikuzalishwa katika utopia fulani wa Silicon Valley.""" """Kazi kubwa ya kutengeneza kompyuta za desktop na laptop na vifaa vya nje kama vile printa, monitors na panya vinavyotumiwa kwa kawaida na kompyuta hizo hufanywa katika nchi zinazoendelea na watu maskini wanaofanya kazi katika hali ngumu." "Huyo ni mfano wa IBM, Hewlett-Packard na Dell, ambao walitumia neno ""PC"" kwa mara ya kwanza katika kampeni ya matangazo ya moja ya kompyuta za kwanza, Altair." Kompyuta ya kibinafsi ni digital, moja kwa moja, programu, kupatikana na kiasi kidogo, nafuu na rahisi: kwa ufupi, inajumuisha kitengo cha usindikaji wa kati (CPU), kiwambo, keyboard na panya ambayo watu wengi leo ni ukoo. Bidhaa kubwa, faida kubwa Upatikanaji wa kompyuta za kibinafsi za bei nafuu bila shaka umekuwa na matokeo mazuri. Kwanza, imetoa mamia ya maelfu ya kazi ulimwenguni pote. Kwa upande mwingine, upatikanaji wa kompyuta katika nchi za Kaskazini umetoa faida mbalimbali za kijamii, ikiwa ni pamoja na mawasiliano bora kati ya jamii, fursa za elimu na ufanisi ulioongezeka. Kampuni za kimataifa za kompyuta za kibinafsi ni baadhi ya kubwa zaidi na zenye mafanikio zaidi ulimwenguni. Kampuni tatu za Marekani na Japani zina sehemu kubwa ya soko la kompyuta: Dell na 17.6%, Hewlett-Packard na 16.1%, na IBM na chini ya 7%. Kampuni hizi ni "watengenezaji wa vifaa vya awali" (OEMs): wao kujenga bidhaa zao wenyewe kutoka vipengele kwa kiasi kikubwa kununuliwa kutoka kwa watengenezaji wengine. IBM imekuwa ikiuza mashine za biashara tangu mwanzo wa karne ya 20. Kampuni hiyo ilijishughulisha na maendeleo ya kompyuta kwa kuanzisha kompyuta za biashara katika miaka ya 1960. Wakati ilipoingia soko la kompyuta za kibinafsi mwanzoni mwa miaka ya 1980, hivi karibuni iliweka kiwango cha dhahabu katika PC na kuzaa idadi kubwa ya clones. Baada ya kipindi kigumu cha hivi karibuni, IBM ilipata faida ya dola bilioni 1.8 kwa robo ya tatu ya 2003 kutoka mapato ya dola bilioni 21.5, kutoka dola bilioni 1.3 kwa kipindi hicho hicho mwaka 2002. Hewlett-Packard (HP), moja ya kampuni za awali za Silicon Valley za miaka ya 1950, ilikamilisha muungano mkubwa zaidi wa kampuni katika sekta ya teknolojia ya habari mnamo Aprili 2002, wakati ilijiunga na mshindani wake Compaq, lakini mwaka mmoja baadaye mgawanyiko wake wa PC ulikuwa kwenye nyekundu. Kwa kawaida imekuwa ikijifanya kama mtengenezaji wa bidhaa za ubora wa juu, kwa hivyo inabaki kuonekana jinsi HP itashindana na Dell's high-volume, low-cost model. Kampuni ya Dell, iliyoanzishwa mwaka 1984, ilikuwa ni kampuni ya kwanza duniani kuuza kompyuta za mkononi, na mwaka 2003 ilishinda kampuni ya Hewlett-Packard. Kampuni hiyo imepunguza bei kwa kuuza bidhaa moja kwa moja kwa wateja, hasa kupitia mtandao, na hivyo kuwaondoa wauzaji na wawakilishi wengine na gharama zao zinazohusiana. Michael Dell alianzisha kampuni hiyo katika chumba chake cha kulala cha wanafunzi wa mwaka wa kwanza katika Chuo Kikuu cha Texas huko Austin na leo ni Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa tatu anayelipwa zaidi nchini Marekani na mtu wa 24 tajiri zaidi ulimwenguni, na utajiri wake unakadiriwa kuwa zaidi ya dola bilioni 16. Kampuni hiyo ilipata mapato ya dola bilioni 31 mwaka 2001. Sekta ya kompyuta: safari ya knuckle nyeupe Biashara ya kompyuta ni ushindani mkali na husonga kwa kasi. "Mtaalamu mmoja alisema: ""Sehemu hii ya biashara ni kama kusafiri kwa gari kwa kasi ya karibu kilomita 200 kwa saa na unachoona ni nje ya madirisha ya nyuma na ya upande.""Sehemu hii ina sifa ya kushuka kwa bei, mabadiliko ya haraka ya teknolojia, kutofautiana na kutokuwepo kwa vyama vya wafanyakazi." Kupungua kwa bei. Bei ya kompyuta imepungua sana katika miaka ya hivi karibuni. Bei ya PC ilipungua kwa wastani wa 27% kwa mwaka kutoka 1976 hadi 1999, na kiwango cha kupungua kiliongezeka katika miaka ya 1990. "Mwaka jana, kampuni ya Dell iliongeza bei ya kompyuta yake kwa asilimia 22 kwa sababu ya ""mfano wa biashara wa bei ya chini"" na ""kupunguza bei kwa nguvu"" na kuamua kupunguza bei ya kompyuta yake kwa asilimia 22." Wakati ubunifu wa Dell umekuwa kuuza moja kwa moja kwa mteja, makampuni yote makubwa yameweza kupunguza bei kwa kuendesha mfumo mzuri wa akiba ya "tu kwa wakati", na kuweka vifaa vya siku chache tu katika maghala yao. Mabadiliko ya kiteknolojia. "Mabadiliko ya teknolojia katika sekta ya kompyuta yanaendelea kwa kasi: uwezo wa chips huongezeka mara mbili kila baada ya miezi 18 hadi 24 na uwezo wa kompyuta umeongezeka kwa mara 100 katika muongo uliopita.""" Mwanasayansi wa jamii Manuel Castells anakadiria kwamba uwezo wa kiteknolojia wa kompyuta umekua haraka kuliko teknolojia nyingine yoyote katika historia ya kibinadamu. Ushindani kati ya makampuni ya kimataifa unazingatia faida za kiteknolojia ambazo zinaweza kutoa kwa wateja, na mizunguko ya maisha ya bidhaa ni fupi. Wateja kununua tu teknolojia ya karibuni na mwaka jana (na mara nyingi mwezi uliopita) ubunifu kukaa kutelekezwa juu ya sakafu ya duka. Mifumo ya kompyuta pia hubadilika haraka: kompyuta za zamani haziwezi kuendesha programu mpya. Uwezo huu wa kiteknolojia unaweka shinikizo kubwa kwa makampuni kuendeleza, kuzalisha na kuuza teknolojia mpya haraka, na kushindana katika kutoa msaada wa wateja. Uwezekano wa kubadilika-badilika. Mabadiliko ya haraka ya teknolojia na mahitaji ya soko yanayobadilika-badilika huunda ukosefu mkubwa wa utulivu katika mlolongo wa usambazaji wa kompyuta. Mshuko wa mara kwa mara wa mahitaji ya bidhaa husababisha makampuni kugeuka kati ya vipindi vya uzalishaji wa kupita kiasi na uwezo wa ziada. Mwaka 1989 kampuni ya Dell ilipata shida kubwa, wakati uwezo wa chip ulipozidi kutoka 256k hadi 1Mb, kampuni hiyo ilikosa hisa za kutosha. Kama mtendaji mmoja wa Dell alivyosema: <unk>Inventory ina maisha ya rafu ya lettuce.<unk> Ukosefu wa vyama vya wafanyakazi. Ukosefu wa vyama vya wafanyakazi ni sifa ya jumla ya sekta hiyo. Katika Marekani, sekta ya umeme imekuwa kihistoria moja ya chini ya kupangwa. "Robert Noyce, mwanzilishi mwenza wa Intel, alisema: ""Kubaki bila chama cha wafanyakazi ni muhimu kwa uokokaji wa makampuni yetu mengi." """Ikiwa tungekuwa na sheria za kazi ambazo kampuni zilizounganishwa zina, tungekuwa wote nje ya biashara."" - Outsourcing Kwa sababu bei zinazopungua, kutofautiana na mahitaji ya utafiti na maendeleo hupunguza mapato, makampuni yanaangalia minyororo yao ya usambazaji ili kutoa akiba ambayo inaruhusu wao kubaki faida." Makampuni ya kimataifa ya kompyuta huweka shinikizo kubwa juu ya wauzaji wao, ili kupunguza gharama za kutengeneza kompyuta. Hadi miaka ya 1990, makampuni makubwa ya kompyuta yalitengeneza bidhaa zao nyingi ndani ya nyumba, na wafanyakazi kwenye mistari ya uzalishaji wa kiwanda walikuwa wafanyakazi wa makampuni hayo. Hata hivyo, mara nyingi makampuni hutumia vifaa vya nje katika utengenezaji wa bidhaa, yaani, hununua sehemu au huduma kutoka kwa wauzaji wa nje. Dell, wakati kuhifadhi baadhi ya vifaa vya Marekani, imefanya hivyo tangu mapema katika historia yake, na ni moja ya sababu nyuma ya mafanikio yake. Kwa mujibu wa makadirio ya mwaka huu, asilimia 73 ya uzalishaji wa sekta hiyo utahamishwa hadi mwaka 2004. Bidhaa kubwa huhifadhi baadhi ya kazi za utengenezaji, lakini huzingatia kile wanachoona kama uwezo wao wa msingi: utafiti na maendeleo, uuzaji, mauzo, huduma za wateja na usimamizi wa chapa. Outsourcing ina faida mbili kuu kwa ajili ya kompyuta multinationals: gharama ya chini na kubadilika zaidi. OEMs kupunguza uwekezaji wa mtaji katika maeneo ya uzalishaji, na pamoja na hatari ya kupoteza fedha kama tovuti kuacha kuwa hai. Outsourcing ni hasa thamani nzuri wakati makampuni ya nje na ujuzi maalumu na utaalamu. Fedha zilizookolewa zinaweza kutumika mahali pengine - uuzaji na matangazo, kwa mfano - kuongeza faida. Uhamisho wa kazi nje ya nchi zinazoendelea pia hupunguza gharama za mshahara. Wakati wao si kushikamana na maeneo ya uzalishaji kupitia umiliki wa mali na mikataba ya wafanyakazi wa kudumu, OEMs wanaweza kujibu haraka zaidi kwa mahitaji ya soko na kushuka. Ikiwa mahitaji yanakua, wanaweza kuagiza mstari mpya wa uzalishaji; ikiwa mahitaji yanashuka, wanaweza tu kufunga mstari huo. Usimamizi mdogo wa ugavi pia hupunguza uhifadhi wa gharama kubwa wa kiasi kikubwa cha bidhaa. Uwezo huu ni muhimu, kutokana na mahitaji ya sekta ya fluctuating na kasi ya kiteknolojia. Kwa kuongezea, inaruhusu kuhamishwa haraka. Ikiwa mshahara katika nchi moja unapoongezeka, kuhamisha kazi nje hufanya iwe rahisi kuhamia mahali pengine, ambapo gharama ni nafuu zaidi. Kampuni za IBM, Hewlett-Packard na Dell zinafanya kazi nje ya Marekani, hasa katika nchi zinazoendelea. Elektroniki ilikuwa moja ya viwanda vya kwanza ambapo hatua za mchakato wa uzalishaji zilitolewa nje kwa nchi zinazoendelea, kuwezesha uwezo wa biashara ya sehemu za kompyuta kama bidhaa kwa sababu zinazidi kuwa za kawaida, rahisi kuiga na nafuu. Sekta ya elektroniki imekuwa katika mstari wa mbele wa utandawazi wa michakato ya uzalishaji na sasa ni "utawala wa kimataifa zaidi wa viwanda vyote", kulingana na ripoti ya Mkutano wa Umoja wa Mataifa juu ya Biashara na Maendeleo (UNCTAD) 2002. Zaidi ya theluthi moja ya bidhaa zote za elektroniki zinazouzwa nje sasa zinatoka katika nchi zinazoendelea. Kulingana na UNCTAD, vifaa vya elektroniki pia ni vya kukua kwa kasi zaidi kati ya mauzo ya nje ya nchi zote zinazoendelea. Kati ya mwaka wa 1980 na 1998, sehemu ya bidhaa za elektroniki katika mauzo ya nje ya nchi zinazoendelea iliongezeka mara nne, kutoka 5.3% hadi 22%. Kwa mujibu wa maoni ya watu wengi, bidhaa za teknolojia ya hali ya juu sasa ni chanzo kikuu cha mapato ya kigeni kwa nchi zinazoendelea, na thamani yake ni dola bilioni 450 mwaka 2000. Uuzaji wa vifaa vya elektroniki ni wa thamani zaidi kuliko mauzo yote ya nje ya kilimo ya nchi zinazoendelea na karibu mara tatu zaidi ya mauzo ya nje ya nguo ya nchi zinazoendelea. Mchakato huu ulianza wakati wa miaka ya 1980 wakati makampuni ya Kijapani, yakikabiliwa na thamani ya yen na kuongezeka kwa gharama za kazi nyumbani, yalihamisha uzalishaji kwenda Taiwan na Singapore. Kampuni za Marekani zilifuata mfano huo na kuendeleza ushirikiano na wauzaji wa Asia. Katika miongo miwili iliyopita, mchakato huo umeongezeka kwa kasi na kwa kiasi. Kampuni za Japan, Marekani, Singapore na Taiwan zimehamisha sehemu za mchakato wao wa uzalishaji kwenda nchi zenye gharama nafuu kama vile Ufilipino, Malaysia na Thailand. Tangu wakati huo, hata nchi zenye gharama nafuu (hususa China) zimeibuka, zikisababisha wimbi jingine la kuhamishwa. Outsourcing imekuwa na athari kubwa juu ya kundi kubwa la nchi zinazoendelea katika Asia ya Mashariki na idadi ndogo katika Amerika ya Kati na Latin. Uchumi wa Malaysia uliwahi kutegemea mafuta ya mtende na bati; sasa, 53% ya mapato yake ya mauzo ya nje yanatokana na vifaa vya elektroniki. Korea Kusini ilizalisha bidhaa nyingi za nguo, plywood na wigs zilizotengenezwa kwa nywele za binadamu, lakini mwaka 2001 bidhaa za elektroniki zilikuwa kubwa zaidi. Costa Rica ina bidhaa za nje za kawaida, kama vile kahawa na ndizi, lakini sasa inazalisha kompyuta na vifaa vya kompyuta, na inawekeza asilimia 35 ya jumla ya bidhaa zake. Vifaa vya elektroniki vilikuwa na thamani ya 13% ya jumla ya mauzo ya nje ya Indonesia, 26% ya Thailand na 63% ya Ufilipino mnamo 2000, wakati kompyuta na sehemu za kompyuta zilikuwa 20% ya mauzo ya nje ya Taiwan na semiconductors na kompyuta zilikuwa zaidi ya 50% ya Singapore mwaka huo huo. Uuzaji wa vifaa vya elektroniki sasa ni sehemu kubwa zaidi ya biashara ya kuuza nje ya Mexico. Nini inabaki katika nchi za kuuza nje? Outsourcing si, hata hivyo, daima manufaa kwa ajili ya uchumi wa nchi zinazoendelea. Kwa mchanganyiko wa mambo ya kihistoria na sera ya viwanda, baadhi, hasa tigers kukomaa Asia (Singapore, Korea Kusini na Taiwan), wamekuwa na uwezo wa kutumia mauzo ya nje booms kuboresha vifaa, kuongeza ushindani na kufikia ukuaji endelevu. Hata hivyo, wengine hawajafanikiwa sana. "Mengi ya ujuzi ulioingizwa katika usafirishaji wa vifaa vya elektroniki hutengenezwa katika nchi zilizoendelea za teknolojia, wakati nchi zinazoendelea zinafanya kazi hasa katika hatua za ""mkusanyiko"" za ""mkusanyiko wa thamani ya chini"" ya mlolongo wa uzalishaji wa kimataifa." Upanuzi wa mauzo ya nje haukuambatana na ongezeko la thamani iliyoongezwa au mapato yanayopatikana katika nchi zinazoendelea. Sehemu kubwa ya thamani iliyoongezwa iliyo katika bidhaa hizi hupatikana kwa wamiliki wa kigeni wa mtaji, maarifa na usimamizi. Faida ambazo nchi zinazoendelea hupata kutokana na kuingia katika soko kama hilo zinaweza kupungua wakati nchi nyingine, za bei nafuu zinaingia pia. Utaratibu wa kutoa huduma kwa nje unaambatana na kuhamishwa kwa uchumi wa mshahara wa chini. Viwango vya mshahara vimetoa motisha wenye nguvu kwa makampuni yanayotafuta "kiwango cha chini cha gharama" na faida ya ushindani, lakini mishahara sio sababu pekee ya kuamua mahali pa kuanzisha kiwanda cha kompyuta. Kampuni pia hufikiria ujuzi na kiwango cha elimu ya wafanyakazi kulingana na bidhaa wanayotaka kutengeneza; miundombinu ya huduma za usafirishaji, usambazaji wa nishati na mawasiliano ya nchi; utulivu wake wa kisiasa na kiuchumi; motisha wa serikali yake hutoa katika ushuru na ushuru wa forodha; na umbali wa nchi kutoka kwa vituo muhimu katika mlolongo wa usambazaji wa kampuni, ikipendelea nchi ambazo zina upendeleo wa kuingia kwenye masoko ya Magharibi. "Wazalishaji wa makubaliano wamebadilishwa katika mchakato wa uzalishaji na aina mpya ya ""watengenezaji wa mkataba"" - makampuni haya hayaonekani na hayajulikani kwa watumiaji lakini ni makubwa na yenye nguvu." Mfano wa uchumi wa nchi hii ni ukuaji wa wastani wa asilimia 20 hadi 25 kwa mwaka katika miaka ya 1990. Kwa mfano, katika miaka ya 1990, kampuni nne kubwa za ujenzi - Solectron, Flextronics, Samina-Sci na Celestica - zilikuwa na mapato ya zaidi ya dola bilioni 10 kila moja. Flextronics, kwa mfano, ilianza na bodi za mzunguko katika Silicon Valley wakati wa miaka ya 1980 na sasa ni mtengenezaji wa mkataba wa pili kwa ukubwa ulimwenguni, na mapato ya dola za Marekani bilioni 13.2 katika 2002. Kuingizwa katika Singapore na ofisi zake za usimamizi katika San José, California, Flextronics ina viwanda duniani kote. Hifadhi zake za viwanda, ambazo zina wauzaji mahali hapo, zimejikita nchini Brazil, China, Hungary na Mexico. Wafanyakazi wake wanalipwa kuanzia dola za Marekani 0.70 kwa saa nchini China hadi dola za Marekani 4.50 nchini Brazil. Flextronics ina maeneo 15 nchini China pekee na ilisafirisha bidhaa zenye thamani ya dola bilioni 0.5 kutoka huko mnamo 2000. Idadi ya wafanyakazi wa China imekua kutoka 500 hadi 28,000 katika miaka mitano. Kulingana na Rais wa Flextronics Asia-Pacific Ash Bharwaj, <unk>Utekelezaji wetu wa gharama nafuu ni bora kuliko mtu mwingine yeyote katika mkoa. <unk> Wauzaji wa mkataba hutengeneza kwa wanunuzi wengi. Wao lengo la kupata kazi ya bei nafuu na vifaa na kuongeza uchumi wa kiwango na ufanisi. Kuanzia kama kidogo zaidi ya mstari wa kusanyiko wa bei nafuu, wamepokea hatua kwa hatua mbalimbali ya kazi za uzalishaji na majukumu, ikiwa ni pamoja na kubuni, uhandisi na ununuzi. Wengi wao pia wamechukua viwanda vya bidhaa kubwa, wakizinunua moja kwa moja kutoka kwa wamiliki wao wa awali. Watengenezaji wa mkataba wamekuwa wachezaji wa kimataifa - kupanua kufikia kimataifa na kuhamia kwa wingi kwa misingi ya uzalishaji wa gharama nafuu katika nchi zinazoendelea. Tayari China ndiyo nchi yenye idadi kubwa zaidi ya mitambo hiyo ulimwenguni. Ingawa watengenezaji wa mkataba wanawaajiri wafanyakazi wengi sana, wao huajiri wachache sana kati yao moja kwa moja. Wao hupendelea kwenda kupitia mashirika ya ajira, kwa sababu kuajiri nje pia hupunguza gharama. Kiwango cha tatu cha mlolongo wa usambazaji wa kompyuta ni pamoja na wazalishaji wa vipengele vya moja kama vile resistors, inductors na capacitors. Kampuni nyingi kati ya hizo ziko Asia. Kampuni ya Taiwan, ambayo inazalisha katika China, ni mtengenezaji mkubwa wa resistors microchip duniani, na uwezo wa uzalishaji wa resistors bilioni 18 kwa mwezi, uhasibu kwa 16% ya soko la dunia. Watengenezaji wa vipengele pia kutumia mashirika ya ajira kushughulika na kuajiri. Kupunguza gharama katika mlolongo wa usambazaji ni muhimu sana kwa makampuni makubwa ya kompyuta. "Hii ni kwa sababu ripoti moja ilisema ""bei za vifaa vya kompyuta zilikuwa zikishuka kwa asilimia 1 kwa wiki mwaka 2002.""" Dell imepata kupunguzwa kwa gharama kubwa katika mlolongo wake wa usambazaji. Kulingana na tovuti ya kampuni, lengo la Dell lilikuwa kupunguza 60% ya mzunguko wake wa ununuzi na gharama, lakini kuokoa mchakato ilikuwa sehemu tu ya kivutio... Uokoaji kutoka kwa kuunganisha wauzaji unaweza kuwa na thamani ya mara kumi ya uboreshaji wa mchakato. Hewlett-Packard imepunguza gharama za usambazaji kwa dola bilioni 3.5 IBM iliripoti kwamba mwaka 2002 pekee iliweza kupunguza karibu dola bilioni 5 kutoka kwa mlolongo wake wa usambazaji kupitia mipango mbalimbali, ikiwa ni pamoja na mikataba ya nje. Cinnamon rolls na haki za wafanyakaziUtamaduni huu wa kupunguza gharama unaonyeshwa katika akaunti katika Wall Street Journal Online: <unk> [Michael Dell] mara moja alimkemea muuzaji kwa kuleta rolls za sinamoni kwenye mkutano na wafanyikazi wa Dell. Michael aliingia na kusema, "Chukua hizo nyuma na hebu kupiga bei ya usafirishaji ujao wa vifaa unayoleta", anakumbuka Jim Cano, mtendaji wa utengenezaji wa Dell ambaye sasa amestaafu ambaye alihudhuria mkutano huo. "Hatuna haja ya chakula. """Tunataka bei bora"" - vyombo vya habari vya kifedha vinasema hadithi ya rolls ya sinamoni ili kuonyesha nguvu na busara ya Michael Dell, na bila shaka inaonyesha vipaji ambavyo vimefanya Dell kampuni yenye mafanikio sana leo." Lakini matokeo ya mazungumzo magumu na wauzaji yanaenea zaidi ya kuwazuia watendaji wakuu wasipate vitafunio vya katikati ya asubuhi. Zaidi chini ya mlolongo wa usambazaji, wafanyakazi wanahisi athari za kupunguza gharama bila kukoma kwa ukali zaidi; mishahara yao ya chini huwaacha kwenye ukingo wa kuishi. Haki za kazi ni haki za kibinadamu zinazotokana na Azimio la Ulimwengu la Haki za Binadamu. Wafanyakazi wote wana haki ya kutetewa haki zao za kazi. Jumuiya ya kimataifa imetoa jukumu la kuweka viwango vya kazi kwa Shirika la Kazi la Kimataifa la Umoja wa Mataifa (ILO). ILO ina muundo wa tatu wa serikali, waajiri na wafanyikazi, pamoja na utaalam wa kiufundi katika masuala yote yanayohusiana na ulimwengu wa kazi. Kwa sababu hizi, ILO ni chanzo chenye mamlaka na halali cha viwango vya kimataifa vya kazi. Viwango vya kazi vimejumuishwa katika Mikataba zaidi ya 180 ya ILO. Hakuna moja ambayo imekubaliwa na nchi zote na ni chache tu ambazo zimekubaliwa na nchi nyingi. Hata hivyo, viwango vinne ni vya lazima, licha ya kushindwa kwa serikali kuzipeleka: uhuru wa kuungana na kutambuliwa kwa haki ya mazungumzo ya pamoja; kuondolewa kwa aina zote za kazi ya kulazimishwa au ya lazima; kuondolewa kwa kazi ya watoto; na kuondolewa kwa ubaguzi katika aina zote za ajira na ushirikiano. "Kama ilivyoelezwa katika Azimio la ILO la kanuni za msingi na haki za kazi, ""kampuni nyingi, pamoja na vyama vya wafanyakazi na mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali (NGOs), pia zinatambua viwango vingine vya kazi kama ufunguo wa hali nzuri kwa wafanyakazi.""" Hizi ni pamoja na hatua za kushughulikia afya na usalama; malipo ya mshahara wa kuishi; ajira ya kawaida na marufuku ya masaa ya kazi ya kupita kiasi na matibabu makali au yasiyo ya kibinadamu. Wakati watengenezaji wa PC wana jukumu la kukuza viwango vya kazi kwa wafanyakazi katika mlolongo wao wa usambazaji, uzoefu wa wafanyakazi katika sekta za elektroniki, pamoja na sera ya sasa ya watengenezaji, zinaonyesha kuwa makampuni haya bado hayachukui majukumu yao kwa uzito. Kulingana na shirika moja linalofanya kazi kwa ukaribu na makampuni makubwa juu ya viwango vya kazi, bidhaa kubwa ni complacent juu ya suala hili. Wanaamini kwamba "kwa sababu viwanda ni safi, hawana wasiwasi kuhusu viwango vya kazi". Shirika lisilo la faida la ufuatiliaji lilitoa maoni kwamba "hali katika nguo na viatu bado haijafika mahali pa kamilifu, lakini hakika umakini unapewa masuala hayo. """Kweli ni kwamba sekta ya umeme ni hatia ya aina sawa ya unyanyasaji, lakini mazoea ya kazi katika sekta hiyo hayajawekwa chini ya uchunguzi wa karibu kama vile sekta ya nguo na viatu imekuwa. "" Kampuni nyingi zinapata kwamba kuna kesi ya biashara ya kuboresha viwango vya kazi vya mlolongo wa usambazaji, kwa sababu hali bora za kazi hupunguza hatari ya kufanya kazi katika nchi zingine." Kuongezeka kwa maslahi ya vyombo vya habari vya kifedha katika hali ya kazi katika sekta ya elektroniki inasaidia haja ya makampuni kutambua umuhimu wa biashara ya haki za kazi. "Kampuni ya ""Code of Conduct"" ya kampuni ya ""Hewlett-Packard"" na ""IBM"" ilichunguza kanuni za maadili za kampuni hizo kulingana na kanuni za msingi za ""Ethical Trading Initiative"" (ETI), shirika la Uingereza la makampuni, mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali na vyama vya wafanyakazi, ambalo CAFOD ni mwanachama wake." "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""HipHop Code ni bora katika mambo kadhaa kuliko wale wa Dell na IBM.""" "Kwanza, kanuni yake inakusudiwa hasa kwa wauzaji, wakati Dell na IBM kujenga masharti juu ya wauzaji katika kanuni ya jumla ya biashara ya kampuni, na kufanya kuwa vigumu kutambua ahadi yao ya kuboresha viwango vya kazi katika ""mfululizo wa usambazaji.""" Pili, kanuni ya HP ni wazi kulingana na Core Labor Standards na viwango vingine ILO, ambapo Dell na IBM kwa ujumla si. Kwa mfano, kanuni ya HP ina masharti maalum juu ya uhuru wa chama, kazi ya watoto na matibabu makali au yasiyo ya kibinadamu, ambayo kanuni nyingine mbili hazina. Katika baadhi ya mambo, Dell ya kanuni ni bora kuliko IBM ya Biashara Conduct Miongozo kuhusiana na mahitaji ya ugavi-mnyororo wa kazi. Kwa mfano, kanuni ya Dell ina kifungu maalum juu ya kazi ya kulazimishwa na juu ya kuepuka ushirikiano na vyombo ambavyo vinakiuka sheria zinazodhibiti mishahara au masaa ya kazi. Miongozo ya IBM haina masharti sawa. Hata hivyo, mbali na mambo hayo, kanuni za makampuni yote matatu, kutia ndani Hewlett Packard, hazina mambo mengi. Kwanza, isipokuwa kwa mambo machache, kanuni hizo hukazia kufuata sheria za mahali hapo badala ya kufuata viwango vya kimataifa vya kazi. Wakati sheria ya ndani ni muhimu, ni mara nyingi si kutekelezwa vizuri <unk> kama, kwa mfano, na kanuni ya muda wa ziada katika China. Katika hali hizo, kanuni zinaweza kuwa njia muhimu ya kuwajulisha wafanyakazi haki zao na hivyo kuwasaidia kutekeleza haki zao. Kampuni zinapaswa kuhakikisha kwamba zinaendeleza haki za wafanyakazi kwa kuziweka katika kanuni zao za mwenendo. Pili, hakuna kanuni yoyote inayotoa uhuru wa kuungana bila shaka. Hii ni udhaifu mkubwa wakati wafanyakazi wengi katika sekta hiyo hawawezi kutetea haki zao. Tatu, hakuna kanuni yoyote inayojumuisha ahadi ya kutoa ajira ya kawaida. Hii pia ni kutokuwepo muhimu kutokana na kwamba matatizo mengi yanayopatikana na wafanyakazi katika sekta ya elektroniki yanahusiana na hali yao ya muda. Utekelezaji wa sera ya viwango vya kazi Viwango vya utekelezaji hutofautiana sana. Hata hivyo, Hewlett-Packard inaonyesha kujitolea zaidi kwa kuboresha viwango vya kazi katika mlolongo wa usambazaji kuliko makampuni mengine mawili. "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, sheria hiyo inatoa mwongozo wa ""kuwasiliana na matarajio ya maadili kwa wauzaji na pia kuorodhesha tu katika mkataba,"" na ""imefanya maendeleo makubwa katika kutathmini mazoea ya kazi ya wauzaji na kuunganisha viwango vya kazi katika usimamizi wa mahusiano na wauzaji.""" Dell na IBM wameweka programu za kufuatilia viwango vya kazi vya mlolongo wa usambazaji, ikionyesha kujitolea kwa suala hili, na mpango wa ufuatiliaji wa Dell ni zaidi ya maendeleo kuliko ile ya IBM kwa sasa. Hata hivyo, kuna udhaifu mkubwa katika mipango ya utekelezaji wa makampuni yote. Kwanza, hakuna kampuni inayoonyesha kujitolea kufanya kazi kwa uwazi na wadau wengine kama vile vyama vya wafanyakazi, mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali ya mitaa au vikundi vyovyote vya wafanyakazi ili kuhakikisha uboreshaji endelevu wa hali za kazi. Pili, hakuna kampuni inayosisitiza kwamba, ili maboresho yawe ya kudumu, wafanyakazi wenyewe wanapaswa kuongoza katika mchakato wa uboreshaji. Pia hakuna ahadi ya maana na makampuni ya kuingiza viwango vya kazi katika mazoea ya msingi ya biashara, kwa mfano, kulipa wauzaji bei ambayo itawaruhusu kutekeleza kanuni za tabia. Matokeo yake, wafanyikazi wa biashara ya maadili wanajaribu kuongeza viwango wakati mienendo ya tasnia inashusha bei na kudhoofisha uwezo wa wauzaji wa kuanzisha hali nzuri za kazi. Utafiti wa CAFOD unaonyesha kuwa kwa hali yoyote, makampuni hayatimizi ahadi wanazotoa kwa wafanyakazi, mara nyingi wakivumilia mazoea haramu. "Kulingana na Dell na IBM, hasa, kujitolea kwa wajibu wa viwango vya kazi vya mlolongo wa usambazaji, makampuni yote matatu hujivunia kuwa mbele ya curve juu ya masuala ya mazingira na mambo mengine ya uwajibikaji wa kijamii wa ushirika. """ Kampuni ya Dell imepiga marufuku usafirishaji wa taka zake za mazingira kwa nchi zinazoendelea na pia imepiga marufuku wauzaji wake wa msingi na wa sekondari kutumia taka hizo kama mahali pa kuondoa taka. Dell, HP na IBM kuongoza sekta katika tathmini endelevu, kwa sababu ya shughuli zao katika kuunganisha mgawanyiko digital - kufanya kompyuta kupatikana kwa maeneo zaidi ya jamii - na katika shughuli za mazingira kama vile kuchukua nyuma na kuchakata. Ni matumaini kwamba sasa wataleta utaalam ambao wameendeleza katika masuala mengine yasiyo ya kifedha kwa utekelezaji wa viwango vya kazi. CAFOD na washirika wake walifanya utafiti nchini Mexico na China, wakiongea na wafanyakazi, wasimamizi na wengine wanaohusishwa na sekta ya elektroniki, kujifunza juu ya hali ya kazi katika viwanda vya kompyuta. Guadalajara imeitwa "Silicon Valley" ya Mexico. Viwanda vyake vingi vya umeme hutengeneza na kukusanya vipengele vya kompyuta, simu za mkononi, diski, printa, wachezaji wa CD, kamera za dijiti, mashine za kuosha nguo na mashine za kuosha vyombo, kati ya bidhaa nyingine za elektroniki. Kuanzia katikati ya miaka ya 1970, makampuni ya Marekani na Japan, ikiwa ni pamoja na IBM, Hewlett-Packard, Dell, Texas Instruments, Xerox na NEC, walinunua bidhaa zaidi na zaidi kutoka Mexico, wakivutiwa na hali nzuri za uwekezaji, kazi ya bei nafuu, na - kwa makampuni ya Marekani - kuruka tu kuvuka mpaka kwenda kwenye mbuga zao za sayansi za Texas na California. Kuanzia katikati ya miaka ya 1980 hadi katikati ya miaka ya 1990, mauzo ya nje kutoka kwa tasnia ya elektroniki ya Mexico yaliongezeka kutoka $ 18.25 milioni hadi zaidi ya $ 60 bilioni, na tasnia hiyo ilizalisha kazi 28,603 mnamo 1996. Uwekezaji ulifikia kilele mwaka 1997 na ulipungua wakati soko la teknolojia na mahitaji ya bidhaa za elektroniki yalipoanguka mwaka 2001. Zaidi ya kazi 15,000 zilipotea katika nusu ya kwanza ya 2001. Kampuni nyingi za vifaa vya elektroniki zilikimbia Mexico zikitafuta mishahara ya bei nafuu ya China. Athari pana ya sekta ya elektroniki juu ya uchumi wa Mexico imekuwa ya kukatisha tamaa. Sekta ya mauzo ya nje ya nchi imeshindwa kubeba uchumi wote pamoja na ukuaji wa Pato la Taifa (GDP) umebaki polepole, wakati mwingine hata kukata. Wamexico milioni 45 bado ni maskini na kiwango cha usawa kati ya matajiri na maskini kinaongezeka. Thamani ndogo sana huongezwa kwa bidhaa za elektroniki nchini Mexico na viungo na uchumi wa ndani ni dhaifu. Viwanda vya vifaa vya elektroniki ni "maquilas" viwanda ambapo vipengele vya kuagiza ni wamekusanyika kwa ajili ya kuuza nje. Katika miaka ya 1990, 95% ya bidhaa za elektroniki zinazozalishwa nchini Mexico zilisafirishwa kwenda Marekani, wakati 90% ya vipengele vilivyotumiwa katika utengenezaji huu na 85% ya vipengele vyote vilivuliwa kutoka huko katika kipindi hicho. Uhusiano kati ya bidhaa kubwa za Marekani na wafanyakazi wa umeme wa Guadalajara ni wa moja kwa moja na tata. Kampuni nyingi za umeme zinazofanya kazi huko Guadalajara ni wazalishaji wa mkataba, kwa mfano SCI, Flextronics, Jabil na Solectron, walioajiriwa kukusanya bidhaa za elektroniki. Kwa mfano, Dell ilikubaliana na Jabil kwa miaka kadhaa hadi 2001, na SCI ilitengeneza bidhaa za Hewlett-Packard. IBM ni ubaguzi kwa sheria ya jumla. Kampuni hiyo ina kiwanda cha kuunganisha vifaa vya kompyuta katika Guadalajara, Mexico, tangu mwaka 1975, na inajishughulisha na kusanyiko la kompyuta za desktop na laptop. Kampuni imekuwa moja ya Mexico ya wauzaji wa nje kuu na kubwa katika jimbo la Jalisco. Mwaka 1998, kampuni hiyo ilifanya kazi ya kusanyiko kompyuta 800,000 nchini Marekani. Pamoja na 400,000 zilizotengenezwa kwa IBM na mtengenezaji wa mkataba Acer huko Ciudad Juarez, karibu na mpaka wa Marekani, hizi ziliwakilisha 55% ya jumla ya uzalishaji wa kompyuta ndogo ulimwenguni. Mwaka 2000, uzalishaji wa Mexico ulifanyiza karibu 60% ya uzalishaji wa kompyuta ndogo za IBM ulimwenguni. Ingawa IBM inamiliki kiwanda hicho, sehemu kubwa ya utengenezaji ni ya mkataba. Katika siku za nyuma, kampuni hiyo iliendesha mchakato wa zabuni, na watengenezaji wa mkataba wakitoa zabuni kwa michakato maalum ya utengenezaji. Washindi walikodi nafasi ya kiwanda kutoka IBM, ambayo iliendelea kuzingatia udhibiti wa ubora na uratibu katika kiwanda. Hii kuruhusiwa IBM kujibu haraka kwa mabadiliko ya mahitaji - kwa mfano kwa kufunga chini ya mstari wa uzalishaji unprofitable au kuhamisha uzalishaji kwa bidhaa nyingine (na mara nyingi kwa mtengenezaji mwingine mkataba). Mwaka 2003, IBM ilitangaza kwamba itatoa shughuli zake zote za utengenezaji huko Guadalajara kwa mtengenezaji mmoja wa mkataba, Sanmina SCI. IBM ilianzisha mfumo wa kuajiri kupitia mashirika ya ajira, ambayo inaendelea na SCI. Kwa sasa kuna wafanyakazi 7,000 katika kiwanda cha IBM, ambao ni 500 tu wanaofanya kazi moja kwa moja na IBM au na SCI - kwa ujumla wasimamizi, wasimamizi na wafanyakazi wa katibu. Wengine 6,500 wanaajiriwa na mashirika ya kuajiri. Matokeo ni kwamba wazalishaji wa chapa ni ulinzi kutoka kwa wasiwasi wa wafanyakazi na tabaka mbili kati: mkataba wa mtengenezaji na shirika la ajira. Mishahara ya chini, saa za ziada na hakuna vyama vya wafanyakazi Maelfu ya wafanyakazi wanafanya kazi kwenye mistari ya kukusanya ya viwanda vya elektroni vya Guadalajara. "Mshahara, ingawa ni wa juu kuliko wa wafanyakazi katika viwanda vinavyozalisha kwa soko la ndani, ni wa chini - kwa kawaida $ 50 hadi $ 100 kwa wiki katika makampuni kama vile IBM na Jabil, na chini katika viwanda vingine. """ Mfanyakazi lazima afanye kazi ya ziada kwa muda mrefu ili kupata karibu dola 100 za Marekani. "Kipimo cha chakula cha msingi, kodi, usafiri na mavazi kwa familia ya watu wanne ni karibu mara tano ya mshahara wa chini wa kisheria, na wafanyakazi wa umeme kwa kawaida hupata chini ya nusu ya gharama ya ""kipaji cha chakula cha msingi,"" ambayo ni karibu dola 250 kwa wiki ikiwa mavazi, elimu na mapato ya hiari yanaongezwa." Pia, saa ni ndefu. Wafanyakazi walitumia zaidi ya saa zilizopendekezwa kisheria katika viwanda, kwa sababu kazi ya ziada ni ya lazima, na kwa sababu viwango vya chini vya saa vinamaanisha kwamba wanapaswa kufanya kazi kwa saa nyingi ili kupata pesa za kutosha. Wafanyakazi wa umeme, wengi wao wanawake vijana wenye umri wa miaka 18 hadi 25, na rasilimali chache za kiuchumi na wengi wao ni mama wa pekee, huwa na hatari, tayari kukubali hali mbaya kazini kwa sababu wanapaswa kuandaa watoto wao. Mara nyingi matarajio yao kwa maisha yao wenyewe ni ya chini. Dada Luz Elena Barrios Calleros wa Kituo cha Mawazo na Hatua ya Kazi (CEREAL), ambayo ilisaidia utafiti wa CAFOD huko Guadalajara, anaendesha kozi za kujithamini kwa wafanyakazi kwa sababu anaamini kwamba kujithamini chini huendeleza hali mbaya za kazi: "Ni mbaya kusema, lakini wafanyakazi wengi wanahisi kwamba wanapata kile wanachostahili. Mara nyingi wao hujiona kuwa wa hali ya chini sana. Wao kufikiri kwa sababu wao si kumaliza shule ya sekondari au kupata shahada kwamba kuishia katika maquiladora ni jambo lisiloepukika. Matibabu wanayopokea katika makampuni ya viwanda yanafanya hali hiyo iwe mbaya zaidi. Wao hutendewa kana kwamba wao ni wajinga na wapumbavu. Wanatuambia kwamba wanatendewa kama wanyama, wanapigwa kelele na kuabudiwa, na nyakati nyingine hata kusukumwa. "Ni haki ya msingi ya wafanyakazi kuheshimiwa, hata kazi wanayofanya iwe ya hali ya chini. "" Kulingana na Juan Carlos Páez, mratibu wa haki za binadamu wa CEREAL, makampuni hutumia hasara ya wafanyakazi." Wanajua <unk>wanaweza kushinikiza hali zaidi na zaidi chini, hatua kwa hatua kupunguza mshahara, faida na tahadhari za usalama, bado wanawake watashikilia <unk>kwa sababu wanalazimika. "Mwanamke mmoja mwenye umri wa miaka 28 na mama mmoja wa watoto wawili, Sylvia, alishindana na kampuni ya IBM wakati kampuni hiyo ilipojaribu kupunguza mishahara yao: ""Msimamizi wangu aliniambia nifanye kazi kwa bidii ili niweze kuwa na watoto wawili." "Alisema: ""Hebu fikiria jinsi utakavyowaandalia chakula ikiwa tutakufukuza kazi.""Hii ndiyo njia wanakutishia.""Kitu kikuu cha ugumu wa wafanyakazi katika kutetea haki zao ni ukosefu wa vyama vya wafanyakazi katika viwanda vya vifaa vya elektroniki." Kama Juan Carlos Páez anasema: "Shirika haziwezi hata kupata mguu katika sekta ya elektroniki, wao ni kuzuiwa na mashirika ya ajira. Watu wanahitaji kuelimishwa na kufundishwa ili waweze kujilinda dhidi ya mazoea ya unyonyaji. Kadiri wanavyojua haki zao, ndivyo wanavyoweza kutetea heshima yao ya kibinadamu. <unk> Viwanda havijaribu kuzuia hatua za pamoja, hata kuwakengeusha wafanyakazi wasizungumze na wenzake katika kikundi. "Lupe, 28, anasema: ""Ni vigumu sana kujadili mambo kazini na wenzangu wengine, kujaribu kupanga mambo." "Ikiwa tutapatikana tukizungumza katika kikundi, wasimamizi watatutisha kwa wazo la kiwanda kufungwa, ""Ikiwa huwezi kufikia malengo ya uzalishaji basi kazi hii yote itakwenda China,"" walituambia." """Wanafanya kazi bora kuliko wewe na wanapata mshahara mdogo"" - Utendaji wa ubaguzi katika kuajiri - Njia za kuajiri zinazotumiwa na mashirika ya ajira zinaonyesha urefu ambao makampuni yatakwenda kuhakikisha nguvu za kazi: mashirika huchunguza "watengenezaji wa shida" kwa mazoea ya kuajiri ya ubaguzi na mara nyingi ya kudhalilisha." CAFOD imeona orodha ya sababu za kukataa waombaji wa kazi zinazotumiwa na mashirika matatu ambayo huajiri wafanyakazi kwa mstari wa uzalishaji wa IBM. Orodha hiyo inaonyesha wazi ubaguzi dhidi ya, miongoni mwa wengine, mashoga na wasagaji, wanawake wajawazito na mtu yeyote ambaye anaweza kuhamasisha wafanyakazi kujadili kwa pamoja kwa hali bora. "Msingi wa kukataa ni: ""Amefanya madai ya kazi, ni mashoga, hana uwezo wa kijamii, hakubaliani na sera za IBM, ana dalili za ushoga, ana zaidi ya tatu mbili, haiheshimu mamlaka, mtu mwenye mgogoro, ni mshiriki wa chama cha kisiasa kama mwanachama hai, hana nia ya kufanya kazi ya ziada, baba yake ni mwanasheria, ana sifa ya sheria, alifanya kazi kwa mwanasheria, alifanya kazi kwa ajili ya chama, ni transvestite, ana pete, ana nywele ndefu"" - katika mahojiano ya kijamii na kiuchumi ni pamoja na: ""Ana marafiki ambao ni dawa za kulevya, ana ndugu ambaye ni mtafiti wa chama, hakuwa na hamu ya kupata mimba.""" Kipengele cha kawaida cha mchakato wa mahojiano kwa ajili ya kazi katika sekta ya umeme ni <unk>mtihani wa afya,<unk> kwa kawaida ikiwa ni pamoja na mkojo na vipimo vya damu. "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""Mafunzo ya ujauzito ni kawaida, na baadhi ya waajiri ni wazi kuhusu kusudi la mtihani, wakati wengine ni vague: ni ""kuona kama una ugonjwa wowote.""" Hawakutuambia ni kwa nini walifanya majaribio hayo, na hatukuona matokeo yake. Hii ilionekana kawaida kwangu wakati huo - sikujua kulikuwa na kitu chochote kibaya nacho. Namaanisha, nilidhani bila shaka kwamba hawakutaka watu wenye magonjwa yoyote, au wanawake waliokuwa na mimba, kwa sababu hawataki kulipa kwa ajili ya muda wowote. "Wanawake waliofanyiwa mahojiano na CAFOD waliripoti jinsi walivyochunguzwa wakiwa uchi na kuulizwa maswali ya kibinafsi kama vile, ""Je, una mpenzi?"" ""Unafanya ngono mara ngapi?"" na ""Una watoto?"" Jannet, 20, aliripoti: ""Nililazimika kujaza maswali ya kibinafsi." Walinuliza, 'Umepata wapenzi wangapi? Ni lini mara ya mwisho ulipofanya ngono? Ni mara ngapi? Je, una magonjwa yoyote yanayopitishwa kwa njia ya ngono? <unk> Niliacha kujaza majibu.<unk> Mashirika pia hutembelea waajiriwa wa uwezekano nyumbani kwao, kuchunguza mali zao na kuhoji majirani zao. Wafanyikazi hao waliwaambia CAFOD kwamba familia zao na majirani waliulizwa ni nani marafiki na washirika wao, kama wanafanya biashara nzuri na kama wana tatizo la kunywa pombe au dawa za kulevya. "Katika Ramona 24: ""Walikuja nyumbani na kutumia nusu saa kuangalia karibu mali zetu." Nadhani hawataki pengo kubwa sana kati ya jinsi unavyoishi na hali yako katika kiwanda. "Wakati wa kuajiriwa, Monica, ambaye alikuwa na umri wa miaka 26 na ambaye alikuwa na uzoefu wa kufanya kazi katika kampuni ya Hewlett-Packard, aliandika: ""Walifanya mtihani wa kisaikolojia juu yangu na kisha kuuliza maswali ya kawaida, bila vitu vyote vya kibinafsi nilivyokuwa navyo katika IBM." Lakini kisha kukaja mtihani wa kitiba. Nilikuwa katika chumba na wauguzi wawili; vizuri, walikuwa wamevalia kama wauguzi hata hivyo. Wote wawili walikuwa wakali sana na kweli waliniudhi, wakinipigia kelele nifanye hili, nifanye hilo. "Waliniuliza maswali mengi kuhusu ""kunywa, kuvuta sigara, na ugonjwa katika familia.""" Kisha mmoja akasema, "Vua nguo, ninahitaji kukuchunguza ikiwa una michoro". Neno langu halikuwa zuri vya kutosha. Ilibidi niondoke nguo zangu zote, kutia ndani nguo zangu za ndani. Hata walinigusa nilipokuwa uchi, wakichunguza matiti yangu. Sijui ni nini hasa walichokuwa wakitafuta. <unk>Baada ya hapo, waliniuliza kama nilikuwa mjamzito. Nilisema hapana, lakini haikutosha. "Walinipa karatasi ya mtihani na kuniamuru niende chumbani na kuniambia nifanye mtihani wa ujauzito. """ "Walisema, ""Ikiwa una hedhi basi lazima utujulishe kitambaa chako cha usafi ili kuthibitisha kwamba unatoa damu."" Ilikuwa uzoefu wa aibu kabisa, jambo baya zaidi ambalo nimewahi kupitia." Ilikuwa yenye kudhoofisha kabisa. Lakini sikujua jinsi ya kulalamika - Namaanisha, walikuwa wakifanya kitu kimoja kwa kila mtu. CAFOD ina ushahidi wa anecdotal kutoka kwa wafanyakazi wengine wengi kwamba mazoea haya yanaendelea. Mashirika ya kuajiri na haki za wafanyakazi Sheria ya kazi ya Mexico inahitaji kwamba mashirika ya kuajiri lazima kutoa hali sawa kabisa na mwajiri wa mwisho. "Hata hivyo, mashirika ya kuepuka masharti haya kwa kujiandikisha kama ""matengenezo subcontractors"" kisha kuajiri wafanyakazi katika masharti mbaya sana kuliko wale wa wafanyakazi wa moja kwa moja wa kampuni, kupunguza gharama za ajira kwa 10% hadi 40%." Mfumo huu una matokeo mabaya sana kwa wafanyakazi. Mikataba ya muda mfupi. Kulingana na Juan Carlos Páez wa CEREAL, <unk>karibu 90% ya wafanyakazi wanaokuja kwetu kwa msaada ni kutoka sekta ya elektroniki. Hii ni kwa sehemu kutokana na ukosefu wa utulivu wa sekta hiyo, na kuajiri na kufutwa kazi yote ambayo huendelea kama maagizo makubwa, au hata makampuni yote, kuja na kwenda. Kati ya sekta zote tunazofanya kazi nazo, umeme ndio unaosababisha msukosuko zaidi, na hii husababisha ukiukaji mwingi wa haki za watu. "Mfano wa biashara ya elektroniki ni ""mali ya seagull"" ambayo inatua hapa Mexico kwa muda mfupi, kisha inaruka kwenda China au Taiwan, na kazi za wafanyakazi wanaofanya kazi katika makampuni ya kuajiri ni hatari ya kudumu." Wafanyakazi wanaajiriwa kwa mikataba ya muda mfupi ya kati ya siku 28 na miezi mitatu, na kubaki katika mikataba hiyo wakati mwingine kwa miaka kadhaa, ingawa sheria ya Mexico inakataza zoea hili. Mikataba fupi hufanya iwe rahisi "kuajiri na kufutwa kazi". Ikiwa kuna kupungua kwa mahitaji, wafanyakazi wanaweza kufutwa kazi tu wakati mikataba yao inakapomalizika. Matokeo ni kwamba wafanyakazi huishi katika hali ya kutokuwa na usalama na hofu daima. "Mfanyakazi mmoja ambaye alikuwa akifanya kazi katika mashirika matatu tofauti wakati akifanya kazi katika kiwanda cha IBM alisema, ""Hakuna wakati wowote unaohisi salama katika mazingira hayo... kutokuwa na uhakika ni jambo la kudumu; huwezi kamwe kujua kama utafanya kazi wiki ijayo.""" Kulingana na CEREAL, <unk>Ikiwa hujipatia, huwezi kula.<unk> Mikataba ya muda mfupi ni mbaya hasa kwa wanawake, kwa sababu hutumiwa kama utaratibu wa kuepuka kulipa faida za uzazi: wakati mwanamke anapokuwa mjamzito, mkataba wake haujarekebishwa. Mfanyakazi mmoja, alipoulizwa ni mabadiliko gani ambayo yangeboresha maisha yake mara moja alisema: <unk>Mikataba ya kudumu!<unk> Kukataa faida. Kazi kupitia mashirika pia ni njia ya kulipa wafanyakazi faida chache. Wale waliofutwa kazi baada ya mfululizo wa mikataba ya muda mfupi hawapati malipo ya "urefu wa huduma" ambayo wafanyakazi wana haki ya kumaliza kazi ya moja kwa moja. Lupe, mwenye umri wa miaka 28, alikuwa akifanya kazi katika kiwanda cha IBM. "Mwezi Juni 2001, IBM ilijaribu kupunguza mishahara yetu yote katika mashirika tofauti.""" Oscar [kutoka CEREAL] aliacha vipande vya karatasi katika locker zetu akisema kwamba kutakuwa na mkutano. Tulikuwa tayari tumeamua kibinafsi kwamba hatungekubali kupunguzwa, kwa hiyo 50 kati yetu tukaenda. "Nilikuwa na wasiwasi sana niliposikia kwa mara ya kwanza kuhusu haki za binadamu na haki za wafanyakazi.""" Ilikuwa mara yangu ya kwanza kujua juu ya faida zote tulizokuwa tukipoteza kwa kuwa na mikataba ya mwezi mmoja. Nilifikiri, waajiri wanafanya kile wanachotaka na hata hatujui ni kosa! Sikuweza kuamini jinsi mashirika hayo yalivyokuwa yakituibia. """CERC ilitupa taarifa kwa waandishi wa habari na sisi tulikuwa na wasiwasi." Na tulishinda! Baada ya uangalifu wa waandishi wa habari, waliamua kutotupunguza mishahara. Nilihisi vizuri sana, nilikubaliwa sana tuliposhinda. "Makala zilitolewa zikisema kwamba kwa sababu tulipinga, tulikuwa tumeweza kushinda IBM.""" Kwa sababu ya matatizo tuliyokuwa nayo, tulimaliza kujifunza kuhusu haki zetu nyingine zote, si kuhusu mishahara tu. Kama nisingalijua yote haya, ningalikubali malipo madogo ambayo Caspem [shirika la ajira] lilijaribu kunipa. Malipo ya kuondolewa kazi. "Mwanamke huyo ambaye alikuwa akifanya kazi kwenye mkanda wa kusafirisha na kusanyiko la diski ngumu katika kiwanda cha IBM, alifutwa kazi na shirika la ajira mnamo Julai 2003 baada ya kuomba kupewa mkataba wa kudumu: ""Mkurugenzi aliniita wakati nilianza kuuliza haki zangu, baada ya kuzungumza na CEREAL." Alisema, 'Nataka kujua ni nani anayekupa ushauri. Ni wazi kwamba mtu fulani anakusaidia, kutokana na jinsi unavyosema. Nilikataa. Alikuwa mwenye kusisitiza na mkali, akinitendea kana kwamba sikujua lolote. Alisema, <unk>Kama ningependa naweza kukufukuza sasa hivi bila kukupa senti moja.<unk> Lakini sikumwogopa. """Sikuwahi kupata kile nilichoomba; badala yake waliniondoa, lakini nilikuwa tayari nimejitayarisha kwa hivyo kwenye mahojiano yangu ya kwanza ya kuondolewa nilipitia maelezo ya malipo waliyonionyesha mstari kwa mstari." Ilikuwa imejaa makosa, ikionyesha kwamba nilipewa kiasi kidogo kuliko nilivyokuwa kwa kweli. Niliwaambia warekebishe makosa hayo. Niliporudi siku iliyofuata, nilichukua ukurasa wa hesabu tulizoziandaa katika CEREAL, kuonyesha malipo ya kufilisika niliyopaswa kulipa. Nilisema, 'Hii ndiyo pendekezo langu. "Nilikuwa na wasiwasi sana na pesa ambazo nilipewa, lakini nilijitolea pesa 13,000 za Marekani, lakini nililazimika kulipa 18,000 za Marekani.""" """Walifikia 15,000 lakini bado sikuridhika, nikaenda kwa Kamati ya Usalama na Uamuzi lakini hawakunisaidia hata kidogo." Niliwasili pamoja na mwanasheria, rafiki yangu. "Washauri wa kibinafsi hawaruhusiwi", wakasema. <unk>Tutakupa moja.<unk> Bila shaka, mwanasheria waliyenipa alikuwa upande wa kampuni. "Walinipa tena dola 15,000 na kuniambia, ""Ni bora uichukue kwa sababu hiyo ndiyo yote unayopata"" na mwishowe nikaikubali." Malipo mengi ya usalama wa kijamii nchini Mexico yanategemea urefu wa huduma ya kuendelea, kwa hivyo wafanyakazi wenye vipindi vingi vya ajira fupi wanapata shida kupata haki ya pensheni au faida za makazi. Mikataba ya muda mfupi pia huwafanya wafanyakazi waondoke likizo: wafanyakazi wa Mexico lazima wafanye kazi kwa mkataba wa kudumu wa mwaka mmoja kupata likizo ya siku sita na wakati wa kupumzika haupatikani kabisa kwenye mikataba ya kila mwezi. Ramona, ambaye ana umri wa miaka 24, anaelezea athari za mfumo huu alipokuwa akifanya kazi katika kiwanda cha IBM: "Walikataa hata kunipa likizo wakati baba yangu alipokufa. Sheria inasema tunapaswa kupata likizo ya siku tatu ya huruma. Walisema kwamba singeweza hata kuichukua kama sehemu ya haki yangu ya likizo. """Ni wazi nililazimika kwenda, kwa hiyo nilimlipa mtu kufanya moja ya siku zangu, kisha nilichukua zile nyingine mbili kwenda mazishi." "Mfanyakazi huyo wa idara ya wafanyakazi alikatwa kazi kwa siku mbili kwa sababu ya kuzungumza na shirika la CAFOD, ambalo lilifanya utafiti wake huko Guadalajara mwezi Aprili mwaka 2003.""" Siku chache baada ya kuzungumza nasi, wafanyakazi watatu - Ramona, Lupe na mwanamume mmoja - walifutwa kazi. Ramona hajawahi kuolewa na hana watoto. Anaishi na mama yake, ambaye anamutegemeza, katika kitongoji kilichojengwa vizuri ambapo nyumba nyingi zilijengwa na serikali kwa ajili ya kuuza kwa familia zenye mapato ya chini. Alipoachishwa kazi, alikuwa amekuwa akifanya kazi katika IBM kwa miaka minne, akifanya kazi na mashirika kwa mikataba ya mwezi mmoja. "Nilikuwa na mazungumzo na CAFOD Jumatano. Siku tisa baadaye, siku ya Ijumaa, niliachiliwa kazi. Kwa udhuru wa kwamba nilikuwa nimefika kazini kuchelewa, waliniambia nibatilishe mavazi yangu ya kazi na kwenda kwenye idara ya wafanyakazi. Mara tu waliponiambia jambo hilo, nilijua kwamba ningefukuzwa kazi. <unk>Nilichukuliwa kutoka kiwanda katika gari hadi ofisi za Caspem. Njiani, waliniuliza ikiwa Lupe alikuwa rafiki yangu wa karibu. Sikuwa na uhakika bado kwa nini nilikuwa nina kwenda kuwa kufukuzwa. Nilifikiri inaweza kuwa kwa sababu nilikuwa huko kwa muda mrefu wa kutosha na hawakutaka mimi kukusanya urefu wa huduma - hawapendi ufanye kazi huko kwa muda mrefu sana hata kwenye mikataba ya mwezi mmoja. Au inaweza kuwa ni kwa sababu walidhani nilikuwa mgumu, kwa sababu sikupenda jinsi nilivyoongozwa. <unk>Lakini nilipofika ofisini mwanamke wa wafanyakazi alisema mara moja: <unk>Je, unawajua wale watu wa Kiingereza ambao walikuwa wakizungumza nawe?<unk> Na aliniuliza ni nani mwanasheria wangu. Alisema kwamba uvumi ulikuwa umemfikia kwamba nilikuwa nikitoa habari kuhusu kampuni hiyo. Nilisema kwamba sikuwajua na kwamba nilikuwa tu nimekutana nao barabarani. Alinishtaki kuwa kiongozi wa genge hilo na kutishia kunitia kwenye orodha nyeusi. Kisha akaweka show kwamba hakuwa akinifukuza kwa hili lakini kwa sababu ya muda wangu wa huduma - kimsingi wanakuambia kwamba umekuwa huko kwa miaka minne au muda wowote ni, na kwa hivyo wakati wako umekwisha, kana kwamba hii ina maana yoyote. Alinipa hundi ya pesa ya pesos 2,000 (Dola za Marekani). """Nilikuwa na deni la 12,000." Wao kujaribu kulazimisha kusaini wakati wewe bado ni huko, hivyo huna muda wa kwenda kuuliza mtu yeyote kwa ushauri kuhusu kama kiasi wao kutoa ni haki. Mwishowe alinipa elfu kumi na moja, ambayo haikuwa mbaya. """Nadhani walitaka kutulipa na kutufunga haraka kwa sababu wangeweza kuona kwamba tulikuwa na mawasiliano ya nje ya kutusaidia." Kwa njia moja, sikuwa na huzuni sana kuondoka mahali hapo kwa sababu hali ilikuwa ngumu sana. Wasimamizi walikuwa wagumu sana na hatukuwaruhusiwa kuongea kila mmoja siku nzima. Watu walioandikishwa moja kwa moja na IBM wakati huo walikuwa bora zaidi - ingawa hakuna wengi wao, mmoja tu kwa kila mstari. Wanaweza kupata likizo ya kulipwa na safari ya siku mbili ya Krismasi kwa familia nzima, inayolipwa na kampuni. Wanapata kuponi za mkahawa, bonasi za uzalishaji, fedha za akiba, bima ya matibabu. <unk> Ramona sasa anafanya kazi katika kiwanda kingine cha vifaa vya elektroniki, akifanya simu za mkononi. Mtazamo wa wafanyakazi hawa katika viwanda vinavyotoa vifaa kwa makampuni makubwa ya kompyuta ni mfano wa wazi wa hali ya chini ya wafanyakazi wanaofanya kazi kwenye mistari ya kusanyiko ya vifaa vya elektroniki. Hatua ya haraka ya wakandarasi wa kazi katika kujiondoa wenyewe kwa wapinzani inaonyesha kwamba wanajua matibabu yao ya wafanyakazi ni ya kukataliwa. Kama Ramona anasema: <unk>Ni dhahiri kutoka kwa maswali yao kwamba wana kitu cha kuficha na hawataki mtu yeyote katika mamlaka kugundua.<unk> Subcontracting nchini ThailandThailand ni mtengenezaji wa pili kwa ukubwa ulimwenguni wa diski ngumu (HDDs). Sekta hiyo ilikua kwa sababu ya uwekezaji mkubwa kutoka kwa makampuni ya kimataifa ya kompyuta yaliyovutiwa na gharama za chini za kazi. Katika miaka ya hivi karibuni, hata hivyo, bei za HDDs zimeshuka na ushindani wa mshahara wa chini kutoka China umekuwa mkali. Kwa mujibu wa ripoti ya kampuni ya HDD, China ina mshahara wa karibu asilimia 50 ya mshahara wa Thailand. Kiwango cha bei ya kila megabyte ya HDD ilikuwa $ 11.54 mnamo 1998 na $ 0.05 hadi $ 0.15 mnamo 2002. Kwa sababu hiyo, makampuni yanayofanya kazi nchini Thailand yamekuwa yakipunguza gharama kwa kutumia wafanyakazi wa nje. CAFOD ilifanya mahojiano na wafanyakazi wa chini katika sekta ya Thai ya HDD, ambao ni wazi kuwa na mpango mbaya zaidi kuliko wenzake walioajiriwa moja kwa moja. Wengi ni wachanga na wanaonekana wamechoka, wakiwa wamevaa nguo za zamani, chafu badala ya sare. Wafanyakazi waliozungumza nao walipata nusu ya mshahara wa wafanyakazi wa kudumu, karibu dola 4.25 kwa siku. Hii ni mshahara wa chini wa kisheria, lakini haifai gharama za wastani za kila mwezi za kaya ya Thai kwa chakula na makazi. Kama wafanyakazi subcontracted kuanguka mgonjwa, wao si kupokea malipo ya ugonjwa au malipo ya usalama wa kijamii, wala (katika kinyume cha sheria ya kazi ya Thai) hawana kupokea yoyote kulipwa likizo ya kila mwaka au kulipwa likizo juu ya sikukuu za umma. Kwa sababu ya malipo ya saa za ziada ambayo wanapata, wanalazimika kufanya kazi zaidi ya saa za ziada. Wafanyakazi wa chini ambao CAFOD ilizungumza nao wanapaswa kufanya kazi ya ziada ya <unk> wakati mwingine saa nne kwa siku, wakati mwingine saa nane.<unk> Kama wenzao wa Mexico, wafanyakazi wa chini nchini Thailand wanafukuzwa kazi ikiwa wanakuwa na mimba. China ni nchi ya kwanza duniani kuagiza kompyuta kubwa, nchi ya kwanza duniani kupokea uwekezaji wa moja kwa moja kutoka nje ya nchi na nchi ya nne kwa ukubwa wa viwanda baada ya Marekani, Japan na Ujerumani. Ukuzi wa mauzo yake ya nje umekuwa mkubwa sana, ukienea katika masoko ulimwenguni pote. China ilichukua asilimia 60 ya ukuaji wa mauzo ya nje ya dunia mwaka 2002 na imekuwa nchi inayoongoza duniani katika utengenezaji wa vifaa vya elektroniki. Wakati viwanda vya vifaa vya elektroniki katika sehemu nyingine za Asia vimekuwa vikipatwa na matatizo, viwanda vingi nchini China vinaripotiwa kuwa vimeongeza uzalishaji mara mbili katika mwaka wa 2003. Katika miaka ya 1990 na 2000, China ilikuwa na bidhaa mbili za juu za kuuza nje, vifaa vya mawasiliano ya simu na kompyuta. Mwaka 2000, bidhaa za teknolojia ya juu zilikuwa asilimia 22 ya jumla ya mauzo ya nje ya China. Katika mwaka huo huo, 25 kati ya 30 ya kubwa ya kigeni transnational makampuni ya kuuza nje kutoka China walikuwa umeme au mawasiliano ya simu makampuni. China inakuwa "kiwanda cha ulimwengu" kwa ajili ya sekta ya kompyuta. Viwanda vikubwa, vingi vimefadhiliwa na mtaji wa Taiwan, hutengeneza vipengele na sehemu za viwanda vya elektroniki vya ulimwengu. Viwanda vya kutengeneza vifaa vya umeme katika eneo la Delta ya Mto Pearl vinazalisha CD na DVD, scanner, keyboard, monitors, desktop na laptops, vifaa vya passiv (kama vile capacitors na resistors), mabamba ya mzunguko, vifaa vya umeme na simu za mkononi. Mafanikio ya Wachina yanategemea sana mishahara ya chini. China ina mshahara mdogo sana ikilinganishwa na washindani wake wakuu, nusu ya mshahara wa Indonesia, robo ya mshahara wa Malaysia na Ufilipino, nane ya mshahara wa Mexico na asilimia tano ya mshahara wa Taiwan. Kiwango cha mshahara wa saa kwa wafanyakazi wa viwanda ni dola 0.60 kwa kila saa, kwa sababu ya idadi kubwa ya wafanyakazi wahamiaji kutoka vijijini nchini China. Ingawa uzalishaji wa vifaa vya elektroniki umekazia eneo la Pearl Delta, wafanyakazi katika viwanda vya China ni wahamiaji kutoka kaskazini zaidi, mara nyingi wanawake vijana wanaotafuta kazi katika kiwanda cha kuuza nje ili kuokoa pesa za kutuma nyumbani. Kwa kawaida, wafanyakazi huchaguliwa kupitia mawakala wa kazi na shule za ufundi katika majimbo ya ndani ya nchi. Wengi wao huishi katika vyumba vya kulala vilivyo na watu wachache sana katika eneo la kiwanda hicho. Kwa kawaida, watu 10 hadi 15 hulala kwenye vitanda vya ghorofa katika kila chumba cha kulala. Vyumba vya kulala hutofautiana sana katika viwango. Baadhi ya maeneo hayo yanakubaliwa na wafanyakazi, wakati mengine ni machafu, hayana joto na hewa ya kutosha, na hayana maji ya moto au vifaa vya kutosha vya kuosha, hivyo wafanyakazi wanalazimika kusimama katika foleni ndefu ili kuoga baada ya zamu ya saa 11. Wafanyakazi kwa ujumla hula chakula chao chote katika kiwanda, na baadhi ya kutoa chakula cha kutosha wakati katika wengine wafanyakazi kulalamika kwamba chakula ni duni. Kazi ya ziada ya lazima na mshahara wa chini ni ya kawaida katika viwanda vya China, na sekta ya elektroniki si ubaguzi. Kulingana na sheria za kazi za China, wafanyakazi wana haki ya siku moja ya likizo kwa wiki na kazi ya ziada haipaswi kuzidi saa tatu kwa siku au saa 36 kwa mwezi. Kiwango cha chini cha mshahara wa kisheria huko Dongguan, ambapo utafiti mwingi wa CAFOD ulifanywa, ulikuwa karibu dola 54 kwa mwezi mnamo 2002, kulingana na siku ya kazi ya saa nane. Kwa hiyo, wafanyakazi hawapaswi kutarajiwa kufanya kazi ya ziada ili kupata pesa hizo. Sheria hiyo pia inahitaji kazi ya ziada ya siku za wiki kulipwa kwa asilimia 150 ya kiwango cha kawaida cha kila siku, Jumamosi na Jumapili kazi ya ziada kwa asilimia 200 na kazi ya ziada siku ya sikukuu kwa asilimia 300. Hata hivyo, mamlaka za kazi za China hazifanyi sheria hiyo kutekelezwa, kwa sehemu kwa sababu ya uwezo wao dhaifu; wafanyakazi wao hawana rasilimali na hawana mafunzo sahihi. Wafanyakazi katika viwanda vya vifaa vya elektroniki vinavyotoa bidhaa kubwa hufanya kazi kwa muda mrefu zaidi ya muda ulioruhusiwa na sheria na bila kupata mshahara wa saa za ziada. Kampuni moja ya Taiwan yenye viwanda vitano katika Jiji la Dongguan hutoa vipengele vingi tofauti kwa bidhaa kubwa za kompyuta. Wakati wa msimu wa kilele, wafanyakazi wa viwanda vya kusanyiko hufanya kazi ya ziada ya masaa 3 hadi 5 kwa siku, wastani wa masaa 100 hadi 120 kwa mwezi na siku 7 kwa wiki. Katika majira ya kupumzika, wafanyakazi hupewa siku za kupumzika, lakini bila mshahara. Saa hizi za kazi ni za kawaida, ingawa saa zinaweza kuwa ndefu zaidi katika viwanda vingine: hadi 15 au 16 kwa siku katika msimu wa kilele. Wafanyakazi fulani hufanya kazi usiku kucha katika vipindi vya msongamano. Kiwango cha chini cha mshahara katika viwanda hivyo ni dola 54 kwa mwezi, na mshahara wa msingi ni dola 37 (unaongezeka hadi dola 39 baada ya kufanya kazi kwa mwaka mmoja na hadi dola 42 baada ya miaka miwili). Ili kupata mshahara wa chini, wafanyakazi lazima wafanye kazi za ziada zisizo halali. Wanaweza kupata mapato ya chini ya dola 36 za Marekani katika msimu wa chini. Ingawa wafanyakazi hupokea hadi dola za Marekani 72 wakati wa msimu wa kilele, wanaweza tu kupata hii kwa kufanya kiasi cha kukubalika cha saa za ziada. "Mwanamke mmoja mwenye umri wa miaka 20 alituambia hivi: ""Kila kitu katika kiwanda hiki kinaonekana kuwa kizuri." Jambo pekee ni mishahara ya chini. """Nimekuwa katika kiwanda kwa miaka miwili na mapato ya juu zaidi niliyowahi kupata ni kidogo zaidi ya 500 renminbi (Dola 60), baada ya kufanya kazi zaidi ya saa 100 za ziada... Jinsi gani pesa hizo zinaweza kututosha?" """Kama ni lazima ununue chakula cha kila siku, na kama ninunue nguo, mapato yangu yamekoma." Ni hata mbaya zaidi katika msimu wa chini wakati hatuna kazi ya ziada. Mshahara wetu wa msingi hupunguzwa tunapolazimika kuwa na siku ya mapumziko kwa sababu hakuna agizo linalowekwa na hatuna kazi ya kufanya. Sioni ni vigumu sana kufanya kazi hapa. Jambo pekee ni mishahara ya chini. Sote tunataka kupata mapato zaidi. <unk> Saa hizi za kazi kupita kiasi haziongezi faida za kiwanda. Utafiti wa hivi karibuni unaonyesha kuwa kuna kesi ya biashara ya kupunguza muda wa ziada katika viwanda vya wauzaji nchini China: kupunguza masaa inaweza kusaidia kuongeza uzalishaji. Viwanda vingi vinafanya kazi kwa 35% hadi 75% ya uwezo wao na kuna uhusiano dhahiri kati ya viwango vya juu vya kazi ya ziada na uzalishaji wa chini. Mabadiliko ya kitamaduni yanahitajika ili kufanya muda mfupi wa kufanya kazi ukubaliwe. Mshahara wa wafanyakazi wa kawaida hupunguzwa zaidi na haja ya kulipa madeni kwa mashirika ya ajira ambayo hulipa ada ya juu ya kuweka wafanyakazi katika kazi. Mara nyingi viwanda huhifadhi mishahara ili wafanyakazi wapate mishahara hiyo majuma machache baada ya tarehe yao ya kustahili. Wafanyakazi wanaostaafu hawapati mshahara ambao wanadaiwa. Ili kuzuia wafanyakazi wasiwaachie kazi wakati wa msimu wa kilele, kiwanda kimoja huondoa asilimia 10 ya mshahara wa wafanyakazi katika mwaka wa kwanza wa kazi, na kurudisha pesa hizo baada ya miezi 12. Wafanyakazi wengi hawana mkataba ulioandikwa, kwa hiyo hawawezi kumlazimisha usimamizi uwajibike kwa kulipa viwango vya saa za ziada na saa za ziada. Katika misimu ya kilele, wafanyakazi hawawezi hata kuchukua likizo ya ugonjwa: ikiwa wanachukua siku ya likizo, mishahara hupunguzwa. Msichana huyo ana umri wa miaka 18 na amekuwa akifanya kazi katika kiwanda cha vifaa vya elektroniki tangu alipokuwa na umri wa miaka 16. Alimaliza shule ya sekondari nyumbani katika mkoa wa Shanxi. Alipojua kwamba viwanda katika mkoa wa Guangdong vilikuwa vikichukua wafanyakazi wapya, alienda kwenye shirika la kazi la mahali hapo kujiandikisha. Alipa kampuni hiyo dola za Kimarekani 750 na wakamfanyia nafasi ya kusafiri kwenye gari lililokuwa likisafirisha wafanyakazi vijana kutoka Shanxi hadi kwenye kiwanda katika mji wa Dongguan. Alifanya kazi katika kiwanda hicho kwa kutumia dola za Kimarekani 50 (RMB 50) na akatoa pesa za kwanza kwa ajili ya kazi yake. Mwishowe, alikuwa na deni la dola 121 kabla ya kuanza kazi. Mwanzoni, alifikiri kwamba angeweza kurudisha pesa hizo muda mfupi baada ya kuingia kiwanda hicho, lakini alivunjika moyo. Katika miezi sita ya kwanza, alipokea kiasi cha dola 36 hadi 48 tu kwa mwezi, na baada ya kununua chakula na mahitaji mengine ya kila siku, hakukuwa na chochote kilichobaki. Shinikizo la kimwili na la kisaikolojia Viwanda vina mifumo mikali ya adhabu na hutumia shinikizo kubwa la kisaikolojia juu ya wafanyakazi. Katika kiwanda kimoja, senti 0.25 za Marekani zinakatwa kutoka kwa mshahara ikiwa mfanyakazi anavunja sheria ya kiwanda au ya chumba cha kulala. Katika nchi nyingine, senti 0.06 za Marekani zinakombolewa kwa kila dakika mfanyakazi anapochelewa. Ikiwa wafanyakazi hawapo bila ruhusa, US $ 3 hupunguzwa. Wafanyakazi wanaruhusiwa kuondoka kwenye kiwanda siku za Jumatano, Jumamosi na Jumapili tu; wakati mwingine, lazima wapate ruhusa. Mahali pengine, wafanyakazi wanakatazwa kuzungumza wakati wa kazi, na wanatozwa faini kwa kutoketi vizuri. Katika kiwanda kimoja, mfanyakazi anapewa faini ya dola 3.60 kwa kosa lake la kwanza katika uzalishaji na mara mbili kwa kosa la pili. Katika kiwanda kimoja, ambacho hutengeneza viwambo vya kuangazia, wasimamizi wana haki ya kuwafukuza kazi wafanyakazi wanaotembea kwenye nyasi katika jengo la kiwanda. "Wafanyakazi wanaokamatwa wakitupa takwimu za ""Mimi ni mtengenezaji wa taka"" lazima wavalie bango la kueleza kuwa ""Wafanyakazi wanaohitajika kutoa bidhaa zenye ubora kwa wakati mara nyingi wanakabiliwa na shinikizo kubwa la kutofanya makosa na kufikia viwango vya uzalishaji, ambavyo vimewekwa kwa siku au kwa saa." Nyakati nyingine mikanda ya kusafirisha mizigo huongeza mwendo wakati kuna haraka ya kusafirisha mizigo kwa wakati. Katika kiwanda kimoja cha kubuni kibodi, kazi ya kila mfanyakazi kwenye mkanda wa kusafirisha ni kuingiza funguo sita au saba ndani ya ubao. Kila mfanyakazi lazima amalize kibodi 300 kwa saa, ambayo inamaanisha kuingiza kila seti ya funguo sita au saba na kuendelea na inayofuata ndani ya sekunde 12 na kuendelea kufanya hivyo kwa masaa 12. Kwa mfano, wafanyakazi wa uchunguzi wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani wa mtihani. Wafanyakazi huishi kwa hofu ya kukosolewa na wasimamizi wao na huhisi wamekabili mkazo mkubwa wa kiakili. Katika kiwanda cha kutengeneza vifaa vya kompyuta, wafanyakazi hawawezi kuzungumza, kunyoosha, au kutazama, na hawawezi kuondoka kwenye mstari wa uzalishaji ili kutumia choo au kunywa maji. Katika kiwanda cha kutengeneza viwambo, mfanyakazi anayefanya kosa lazima avale koti nyekundu. Wafanyakazi waliohudumiwa kwa ajili ya utafiti huu mara kwa mara wanalalamika kuwa wanaona kazi hiyo kuwa yenye mkazo sana: wengi wanasema wana ndoto mbaya kuhusu kukosolewa na kuadhibiwa kazini. Kulingana na sheria za kazi za China, waajiri wanapaswa kulipa kwa ajili ya wafanyakazi kustaafu na uharibifu wa viwanda bima, lakini katika viwanda vingi vya umeme wafanyakazi si kufunikwa na moja au zote mbili za aina hii ya bima. Wakati mwingine tu wale wanaofanya kazi katika shughuli hatari hasa ni bima kwa ajili ya ajali ya viwanda, au tu wafanyakazi wa juu <unk> wasimamizi na juu <unk> kuwa na bima ya kustaafu. Watu wengi wanadhani kwamba viwanda vya umeme ni angalau safi, kwa sababu ya usahihi required katika viwanda kompyuta, lakini kiwanda safi si lazima kiwanda salama na wengi wafanya kazi wa umeme kazi katika mazingira hatari au yasiyo ya afya. Viwanda vingi havina idara ya afya na usalama, na hushindwa kuwapa wafanyakazi mafunzo ya afya na usalama. Baadhi ya wafanyakazi huathiriwa na kemikali hatari, kama vile vimumunyifu vinavyotumiwa kusafisha sehemu kama vile kesi za kompyuta na rangi za kioevu na poda ambazo kisha huchapwa. Kwa sababu kemikali hizo kwa kawaida hutolewa katika vyombo visivyo na alama na wafanyakazi hawapati mafunzo ya usalama wa kemikali, hata zaidi ulinzi unaofaa, wafanyakazi mara chache wanajua majina ya kemikali wanazotumia, ikiwa ni hatari au sio na ni ulinzi gani wanaopaswa kutumia. Katika kiwanda kimoja, wafanyakazi wanaoshughulika na vimumunyifu wanapewa glavu za pamba, ili kulinda vipengele kutoka kwa jasho la wafanyakazi zaidi kuliko kulinda mikono ya wafanyakazi. Wafanyakazi hawavaa glavu kwa sababu zinazidisha kasi, na hivyo kufanya iwe vigumu kufikia viwango vya uzalishaji na hazina ufanisi kwa hali yoyote; zinajaa visumari, kwa hivyo wafanyakazi wengi hupata mivunjiko na madoa mikononi mwao hata wanapozivaa. Wafanyakazi wanaochanganya vipengele kwenye bodi za chuma huathiriwa na moshi na kulalamika juu ya kuchochea ngozi na matatizo ya kupumua. Kwa wale wanaotengeneza bodi za mzunguko zilizochapishwa, kazi yao ni kuzamisha bodi katika kemikali tofauti ambazo zinagusa ngozi yao. Mara nyingi wao hupatwa na maambukizo ya ngozi. Pia, kemikali hazifanyiwi kuhifadhiwa vizuri. Mfanyakazi mmoja alidhihaki kwamba kiwanda hicho kilionekana kama kiwanda cha kutengeneza mafuta na kemikali kuliko kiwanda cha kutengeneza vifaa vya elektroniki. Mnamo Desemba 2001, moto ulizuka katika kiwanda cha kutengeneza vifaa vya kompyuta. Mashine iliyotumiwa kutengeneza mashine za kompyuta ilikuwa imevunjika mafuta na wafanyakazi waliokuwa wakifanya kazi, ambao hawakuwa wamepokea mafunzo ya afya na usalama, walitumia dawa ya kuharibu moto kusafisha sakafu. Wakati wa moto huo, wafanyakazi wanane walichomwa moto, wawili zaidi ya asilimia 30 ya mwili wao, ikiwa ni pamoja na nyuso na miguu, na sasa wana shida ya kutembea. Mwingine ana matatizo ya kutumia mikono yake. Wafanyakazi wa kiwanda hicho hawakuwa na bima ya ajali za viwanda wakati huo na waliojeruhiwa hawajapewa fidia kulingana na sheria. Kiwanda hicho hakikuwa na mazoezi ya kuzima moto wala mafunzo ya usalama dhidi ya moto. Si kemikali tu zinazohatarisha. Katika viwanda fulani, wafanyakazi husababisha uchafuzi wa kelele kwa sababu mashine zinazokusanya vipengele kwa sauti kubwa sana. Wafanyakazi hupewa vifuniko vya masikio vya pamba kila baada ya miezi sita, lakini vinadumu kwa majuma mawili tu. Katika kiwanda kimoja cha kutengeneza vifaa, idara ya kusaga husaga vipande vya chuma, na kutokeza vumbi kubwa la chuma. Wafanyakazi hao hawavaa vinyago vya kinga. Wao hupata maumivu ya koo kavu na sauti zenye kelele. Wafanyakazi wa viwanda vya kutengeneza bidhaa mara nyingi hupata miguu, mgongo na mabega kuwa magumu baada ya kusimama kwa saa 11 kazini. Kwa mfano, watu wanaotumia vifaa vya uchunguzi wa kompyuta hukaa mbele ya vifaa hivyo kwa saa 11 kila siku na kutazama picha za kwenye skrini. Mara nyingi wana matatizo ya macho, kutia ndani macho yaliyochoka na kuvimba, na baada ya muda, uwezo wao wa kuona unakuwa dhaifu. Kiwanda hicho hakiwafundisha kuhusu matatizo ya macho ambayo yanaweza kutokea kutokana na kazi yao. Wengine, ambao kazi yao ni kuingiza vipengele katika bodi, hufanya kazi kupitia darubini siku nzima. Macho yao, pia, huchoka, huvimba na kukauka. Matatizo hayo yanazidi kuwa mabaya kwa sababu wafanyakazi wanahisi kwamba hawawezi kuinua vichwa vyao ili kutazama-tazama mara kwa mara. Mfanyakazi mmoja Mchina alituambia, <unk>Mikono yetu miwili inafanya kazi kila dakika na hivyo ndivyo ubongo wetu. Mikono yetu inapaswa kusonga haraka kama ubongo wetu. Ukipoteza mkusanyiko wako hata kwa sekunde moja, unatengeneza bidhaa isiyofaa. "Wakati huo huo, ""mfumo wa uzalishaji wa China umepunguzwa na kuondolewa kwa kiwango cha juu cha malipo ya kila mwezi, na kwa sababu ya kuonekana kwa nguvu kwa kampuni ya umeme, ambayo inaonekana kuwa na uwezo wa kuimarisha afya ya watoto wake, na kuimarisha afya ya watoto.""" Kama sisi kuishia bila watu, sisi tu kuangalia kwa zaidi. <unk> Lakini mazoezi mabaya ni kuepukika. Wafanyakazi waliohojiwa katika kiwanda kimoja kinachokusanya panya na kamera za dijiti walisifu jinsi kiwanda hicho kinavyoshughulikia afya na usalama. Vituo vyao vya kazi vimewekwa na kiyoyozi, vinavyofanya mashine na hewa iwe baridi; wafanyakazi wanaweza kukaa wakati wa kufanya kazi; kuna mapumziko mafupi kati ya vikao vya kazi; kuna uingizaji hewa mzuri ambao huchukua moshi wenye kemikali unaotokana na soldering; na wafanyakazi wanapewa glavu na vinyago. Nchi bila vyama vya wafanyakazi halisi Matatizo yanayopatikana na wafanyakazi wa China yanahusiana sana na kutoweza kwao kujadiliana kwa pamoja ili kuboresha hali za kazi. Wafanyakazi wa China hawawakilishwa na vyama vya wafanyakazi vya bure, vya kidemokrasia. Shirikisho la wafanyakazi la China linajulikana kama All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) na linajulikana kama All China Trade Union Federation (ACFTU). Ukosefu wa mashirika ya uwakilishi unawaathiri wafanyakazi katika sekta ya umeme kama inavyofanya wafanyakazi wengine wote wa China, na kufanya iwe vigumu sana kwao kutetea haki zao na kufikia maboresho endelevu katika hali za kazi. Kwa ujumla, wafanyakazi hawajihusishi katika maamuzi ya kiwanda kwa njia nyingine yoyote: viwanda vichache sana vya vifaa vya elektroniki huwashauri wafanyakazi juu ya sehemu yoyote ya kazi yao, na kamati chache za afya na usalama wa kiwanda zina wawakilishi wa wafanyakazi. Wasimamizi hupinga maonyesho yoyote ya mshikamano ya wafanyakazi. Kiwanda kimoja, ambacho hutengeneza viwambo vya kuangazia, kina sheria ya kuwafukuza kazi wafanyakazi ambao "hujikusanya pamoja kinyume cha sheria na kuvuruga uzalishaji". Ukosefu wa vyama vya wafanyakazi vyenye ufanisi au hatua nyingine za pamoja huonyeshwa katika ufahamu mdogo wa wafanyakazi wa haki zao chini ya sheria ya China. Katika kiwanda kimoja cha kutengeneza kibodi, hakuna mfanyakazi yeyote aliyehojiwa aliyejua kuhusu sheria za kazi za Kichina. Utafiti wa CAFOD juu ya hali ya kazi katika viwanda vya umeme vya China ulifanywa na Kamati ya Viwanda ya Kikristo ya Hong Kong (HKCCIC), ambayo inafanya shughuli za elimu na utetezi juu ya haki za wafanyakazi na kukuza harakati huru ya vyama vya wafanyakazi. Ni vigumu kwa mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali kupata upatikanaji wa viwanda vya kielektroniki vya China na ni vigumu hasa kuwa na mazungumzo ya wazi na wafanyakazi. Ajenda ya mabadiliko Wafanyakazi katika sekta ya elektroniki wanapata mpango mbaya. "Hakuna nia ya kisiasa katika ngazi ya kimataifa na ya kitaifa, wakati makampuni hayana kujitolea kwa haki za wafanyakazi na hayako tayari kuingilia shughuli za mlolongo wa usambazaji ambazo zinawawezesha kupunguza gharama. """ Hii yote inaambatana na ukosefu wa ufahamu wa watumiaji wa kaskazini, na juu ya yote, kudhoofisha uwezo wa wafanyakazi wa kusema kwa niaba yao wenyewe ili kupunguza hali za kazi. Mkakati wa kuhamisha kazi kwa nchi zenye mishahara ya chini sio mbaya kwa wafanyakazi, lakini usambazaji wa faida katika sekta ya elektroniki kwa sasa umepunguzwa sana kwa faida ya mashirika ya kimataifa ya kaskazini na watumiaji. Inahitaji kusawazishwa upya kwa niaba ya maskini. Hii inahitaji mfululizo wa mazoea ya haki ya kazi na watengenezaji wa kompyuta wa kimataifa na wawekezaji wa taasisi, utekelezaji na serikali za mwenyeji, ufuatiliaji na vyama vya wafanyakazi na mashirika ya kimataifa ya vyama vya wafanyakazi, utetezi na jamii ya kimataifa na shinikizo la soko kutoka kwa watumiaji wa kibinafsi na wa taasisi. Shirika la Katoliki la Maendeleo ya Ng'ambo (CAFOD) ni tawi la Kiingereza na Welsh la Caritas International, mtandao wa kimataifa wa misaada ya Katoliki na mashirika ya maendeleo. ETI ni shirika la kimataifa linalojumuisha wafanyabiashara wa Uingereza na wa kimataifa, vyama vya wafanyakazi na mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali, ambayo hufanya kazi pamoja ili kuboresha viwango vya kazi katika mlolongo wa usambazaji kupitia utekelezaji wa kanuni ya msingi ya ETI, kanuni ya tabia iliyokubaliwa kulingana na viwango vya ILO. Kwa habari zaidi kuhusu ETI, tembelea www.ethicaltrade.org na kujifunza zaidi kuhusu CAFOD, ambayo imekuwa ikipigana na umaskini wa ulimwengu wa tatu tangu 1962, tembelea www.cafod.org.uk. Ripoti hii ilitayarishwa na Catherine Astill na Matthew Griffith, na kufupishwa na envío.