The Batak’s traditional practice of honey collection dates back in history. Though it is uncertain when did they learn and started practicing honey-harvesting, honey certainly plays a vital role in their livelihood, contributing to both subsistence – as a nutritious food source – and cash income. Successful honey collection requires in-depth knowledge about bees and their behavior. The Batak people have a diverse range of bee knowledge,
including hive-making, pollen gathering, flowering seasons, and, most importantly, technical know-how of honey collection, making them experts in wild honey harvesting. Due to climatic factors, there are considerable variations of the geographic location of hives and the duration of honey season every year. Batak honey hunters can identify more than nineteen floras that contribute as pollen and nectar sources for bees. Sophisticated indigenous knowledge about honey collection, including flowering schedules of trees and structure of beehives, has been accumulated and passed on generation to generation among the aborigines. My Batak informants can also distinguish up to seven distinct species of bees, five of which are honey-bearing, while the remaining two do not produce any honey. Most of the honey-producing bees build their hives in the upper forest story, hanging from branches near treetops. The Bataks are trained with excellent eyesight ever since they were little, for what used to be an essential skill for hunting now become useful for spotting bee colonies. Apart from sharp perception, they are also equipped with superior tree-climbing skills. Upon locating a beehive, the adroit Batak honey hunter would single-handedly climb up to the treetop hive-location. The collector then opens up the comb with a bolo (machete), and blows smoke into the hive with a small torch to disorient and drive off the bees. Subsequently, the honeycomb would be wrapped up securely with a hand-made rattan rope, and lowered to ground level. After extracting and exhausting all the honey from the hive to a container, which holds up to six gallons of liquid, the remains would be saved up for later consumption. Honeycomb, as a good source of carbohydrates, is one of the staple foods for Batak breadwinners who work long days – not hours – in the forest foraging and tapping tree resin. My informant Ernesto Gambio enlightened me that, to the Bataks, eating honeycomb ‘helps you spread very quickly,’ meaning it promotes reproduction. ‘That’s why a lot of women get pregnant during honey season,’ he explained.
Among the five honey-bearing species, there is but one of which that inhabits ‘underground,’ in holes in logs or tree stumps, the notorious Kamantanek. This particular species of bees produces the renowned Palawan green honey, as rumor has it, this type of wild honey has medicinal properties – some even claim it as a miracle cancer cure. However valuable it may be, every Batak we had spoken to refused to harvest the green honey.
As the stung of the Kamantanek is deadly poisonous, the stakes are very high. They once witnessed a carabao’s life being taken in the blink of a time after being bitten by the bee, and as far as concerned, there is no venom cure for this type of bee poisoning. For Bataks who live from hand to mouth with a big family to raise and support, they could not put their lives at risk like this. Nonetheless, our informants promised to try harvesting if we gear them up with protective suits; if that is the case, we might be able to get some exclusive green honey for CERS!
In the Batak worldview, humans, and bees, along with other animals, inhabit their environment with other natural spirits. Honey is considered to be a finite resource; thus, it needs to be balanced and restored through constantly negotiating with the panya’en (caretaker spirit) Ungaw, who is responsible for honey production through controlling bee movements. Ungaw, the apo (grandfather) of the bees, takes care and protects the bees. Believing Ungaw has the power to send away the bees thus affecting honey supply, the Bataks learn to harvest honey in a conservation-oriented manner; abusing bees, exploiting honey excessively or wasting honeycombs is straightly prohibited to avoid upsetting Ungaw and inducing punishments like fall in honey supply, sickness or even death. Ill-manner and disrespectfulness towards bee would also offend the spirit; at times, Ungaw’s anger would be reified into actual bee aggression, stinging collectors harvesting honey and causing great pain. For the Bataks, the traditional remedies for bee bites is an ointment, made from mud collected after dishwashing, fried with coconut oil. While applying the ointment on the wounded part, they would make a sumpa (magical spell) to curse the bees so that the agitated spirit would leave the injured alone, and the pain would soon fade.
To restore cosmic equilibrium between humans and bees after a year-long honey collecting activity, the Bataks would carry out the Lambay kat taro ritual annually. ‘Lambay’ in Batak language can be translated as ‘to throw away’ (disperse), embodying the philosophy of the ritual – to promote the dispersal of rice seeds and bees from their cosmological place of concentration, which enhances harvest for swiddens and honey. Lambay ritual starts in March when honey gathering begins and follows by the burning of new swiddens and plantation of rice or other crops in April. During the seven-day ceremony, the Bataks are required to uphold collective ‘good conduct’ – honey collection is put on halt entirely, and interpersonal conflicts must be avoided. In the sword dance ceremony, male participants would playfully fight against one another with wood swords; nevertheless, the tips of the sword must not collide, for this symbolizes conflict and irritates the bees. After the ritual, the disturbed balance between humans and sprits would be restored, and the Bataks can proceed to a new cycle of honey collection and swidden plantation.
This is our first time revisiting a Batak village after participating in the Lambay ceremony earlier this March. As told by our informants, thanks to the ritual, there is abundant honey this year for everyone to harvest and sell. The sudden rise in honey supply, unfortunately, lowered the price and profit of honey sale; originally priced at 700 pesos per gallon, some families could only sell the same amount for 200 pesos this honey season. As part of our social development project for the Batak tribe, in the future, CERS could contribute to stabilizing the market price of honey by setting a price baseline, assuring that the honey hunters would be paid fairly for their hard work. We are also planning to collaborate with Batak ladies, commissioning them to tailor-make traditional basketry for repackaging the honey for sale. Through value-adding process as such, the honey business would become much more lucrative than it is now, hopefully improving the living standard of the indigenous community.
Zoea la kitamaduni la Batak la kukusanya asali linatokana na historia. Ingawa haijulikani ni lini walipoanza kuvuna asali, ni wazi kwamba asali ni muhimu sana katika maisha yao, kwa kuwa ni chanzo cha chakula chenye lishe na pia ni chanzo cha mapato. Ili kukusanya asali kwa mafanikio, ni lazima mtu awe na ujuzi wa kina kuhusu nyuki na tabia zao. Watu wa Batak wana ujuzi mbalimbali wa nyuki, ikiwa ni pamoja na utengenezaji wa nyuki, kukusanya chavua, misimu ya maua, na, muhimu zaidi, ujuzi wa kiufundi wa kukusanya asali, na kuwafanya wataalamu katika kuvuna asali ya mwituni. Kwa sababu ya hali ya hewa, kuna tofauti kubwa za eneo la kijiografia la nyuki na muda wa msimu wa asali kila mwaka. Windaji wa asali wa Batak wanaweza kutambua zaidi ya mimea kumi na tisa ambayo huchangia kama vyanzo vya chavua na asali kwa nyuki. Ujuzi wa asili wa hali ya juu kuhusu kukusanya asali, ikiwa ni pamoja na ratiba za maua ya miti na muundo wa nyuki, umekusanywa na kupitishwa kutoka kizazi hadi kizazi miongoni mwa wenyeji. Wataalamu wa Batak wanaweza kutofautisha aina saba za nyuki, tano kati ya hizo ni nyuki, na nyingine mbili hazitokezi asali. Nyuki wengi wanaozalisha asali hujenga nyuki zao katika sehemu ya juu ya msitu, wakining'inia kwenye matawi karibu na vilele vya miti. Wabataki wana uwezo wa kuona vizuri tangu utotoni, kwa kuwa kile kilichokuwa kipaumbele cha kuwinda sasa kinakuwa muhimu kwa ajili ya kugundua makundi ya nyuki. Mbali na uwezo wao wa kuona mambo kwa makini, wana uwezo mkubwa wa kupanda miti. Baada ya kupata kiota cha nyuki, mwindaji stadi wa asali wa Batak angepanda peke yake hadi kwenye kilele cha mti. Kisha mkusanyaji hufungua kijiti hicho kwa kutumia bolo (mchwa), na kupulizia moshi ndani ya kiota hicho kwa kutumia tochi ndogo ili kuwadanganya na kuwafukuza nyuki. Baadaye, kifuniko cha asali kilifungwa kwa uaminifu kwa kamba ya rattan iliyotengenezwa kwa mikono, na kushushwa kwenye usawa wa ardhi. Baada ya asali yote kutoka kwenye nyuki kuingizwa ndani ya chupa yenye uwezo wa lita sita za maji, mabaki ya asali hayo yangewekwa akiba ili yatumiwe baadaye. Mchuzi wa asali, kama chanzo kizuri cha wanga, ni moja ya vyakula vya msingi kwa wafugaji wa Batak ambao hufanya kazi kwa siku nyingi - sio masaa - katika msitu kutafuta chakula na kugonga resini ya miti. Mjulizaji wangu Ernesto Gambio alinielimisha kwamba, kwa Bataks, kula nyuki "husaidia kuenea haraka sana", ikimaanisha huendeleza uzazi. "Hiyo ndiyo sababu wanawake wengi wanakuwa na mimba wakati wa msimu wa asali", alielezea. Miongoni mwa spishi tano zinazozalisha asali, kuna moja tu ambayo huishi "chini ya ardhi", katika mashimo katika magogo au vichaka vya miti, Kamantanek maarufu. "Kama vile aina ya asali ya Palawan, ambayo ni ""mchanga wa kijani,"" ambayo ni aina ya asali ya mwituni, ambayo ina sifa za dawa, baadhi ya watu hata wanadai kuwa ni tiba ya ajabu ya kansa." Hata ingawa ni ya thamani, kila Mbatak tuliyezungumza naye alikataa kuvuna asali hiyo ya kijani kibichi. Kwa kuwa mdomo wa Kamantanek ni wenye sumu yenye kuua, kuna hatari kubwa sana. Karibu na miaka 50 iliyopita, karabao mmoja aliuawa kwa kuumwa na nyuki, na hakuna dawa ya kutibu sumu hiyo. Kwa wale wa Batak ambao wanaishi kwa mikono na kinywa na familia kubwa ya kulea na kuunga mkono, hawangeweza kuweka maisha yao hatarini kama hii. Hata hivyo, waandishi wetu waliahidi kujaribu kuvuna ikiwa tutawapa mavazi ya kinga; ikiwa ndivyo ilivyo, huenda tukaweza kupata asali ya kijani ya kipekee kwa ajili ya CERS! Katika maoni ya Batak ya ulimwengu, wanadamu, na nyuki, pamoja na wanyama wengine, huishi katika mazingira yao pamoja na roho nyingine za asili. "Mchanga ni rasilimali ya mwisho, na kwa hivyo inahitaji kusawazishwa na kurudishwa kupitia mazungumzo ya mara kwa mara na ""panya"" (roho mlinzi) Unga, ambaye ni wajibu wa uzalishaji wa asali kupitia udhibiti wa harakati za nyuki." Ungaw, apo (babu) wa nyuki, huwatunza na kuwalinda nyuki. Kwa kuamini kwamba Unkawa ana nguvu ya kuwafukuza nyuki, na hivyo kuathiri ugavi wa asali, Batak wanajifunza kuvuna asali kwa njia ya kuhifadhi; kutumia nyuki vibaya, kutumia asali kupita kiasi au kupoteza nyuki ni marufuku kabisa ili kuepuka kukasirisha Unkawa na kusababisha adhabu kama vile kuanguka kwa ugavi wa asali, ugonjwa au hata kifo. Uovu na ukosefu wa heshima kwa nyuki pia ungechukiza roho; wakati mwingine, hasira ya Ungaw ingefanywa kuwa uhasama halisi wa nyuki, kuuma wakusanyaji wa asali na kusababisha maumivu makubwa. Kwa Wabataq, dawa ya kitamaduni ya kuumwa na nyuki ni mafuta ya kunyonya, yanayotengenezwa kutokana na matope yanayokusanywa baada ya kuosha vyombo, yakichemshwa kwa mafuta ya kokoni. Wakati wa kutumia mafuta juu ya sehemu iliyojeruhiwa, walifanya sumpa (mchawi wa kichawi) kuwalaani nyuki ili roho iliyofadhaika iweze kumwacha aliyejeruhiwa peke yake, na maumivu yaweze kupungua. Baada ya mwaka mmoja wa kukusanya asali, watu wa kabila la Batak walifanya ibada ya kila mwaka ya Lambay kataro ili kurudisha usawaziko kati ya wanadamu na nyuki. "Lambay"" katika lugha ya Batak inaweza kutafsiriwa kama ""kutupa mbali"" (kuenea), ikiwakilisha falsafa ya desturi ya ""kuendeleza kutawanyika kwa mbegu za mchele na nyuki kutoka mahali pao pa mkusanyiko wa ulimwengu, ambayo huongeza mavuno kwa swiddens na asali." Maadhimisho ya harusi huanza mwezi Machi wakati wa kukusanya asali na hufuatiwa na kuchomwa kwa mianzi mpya na kupandwa kwa mchele au mazao mengine mwezi Aprili. Wakati wa sherehe ya siku saba, Bataks wanatakiwa kudumisha "mwenendo mzuri" wa pamoja - ukusanyaji wa asali unasimamishwa kabisa, na migogoro ya kati ya watu lazima iepukwe. Katika sherehe ya kucheza upanga, washiriki wa kiume walipigana kwa upanga wa mbao, lakini ncha za upanga hazikupaswa kugongana, kwa sababu hilo linaonyesha ugomvi na huwasumbua nyuki. Baada ya ibada hiyo, usawa uliovurugwa kati ya wanadamu na roho ungerejeshwa, na Bataks wangeweza kuendelea na mzunguko mpya wa kukusanya asali na kupanda swidden. Hii ni mara yetu ya kwanza kutembelea kijiji cha Batak baada ya kushiriki katika sherehe ya Lambay mapema Machi. Kama ilivyoelezwa na waandishi wetu, shukrani kwa desturi hiyo, kuna asali nyingi mwaka huu kwa kila mtu kuvuna na kuuza. Kwa bahati mbaya, ongezeko la ghafla la ugavi wa asali lilipunguza bei na faida ya kuuza asali; awali bei ya 700 pesos kwa galoni, baadhi ya familia zingeweza kuuza kiasi hicho kwa 200 pesos msimu huu wa asali. Kama sehemu ya mradi wetu wa maendeleo ya kijamii kwa kabila la Batak, katika siku zijazo, CERS inaweza kuchangia kuimarisha bei ya soko la asali kwa kuweka msingi wa bei, kuhakikisha kuwa wawindaji wa asali watalipwa kwa haki kwa kazi yao ngumu. Pia, tuna mpango wa kushirikiana na wanawake wa Batak, kuwaagiza kutengeneza vikapu vya jadi vya kupakia asali kwa ajili ya kuuza. Kwa njia ya mchakato wa kuongeza thamani kama hiyo, biashara ya asali ingekuwa na faida zaidi kuliko ilivyo sasa, tukitumaini kuboresha kiwango cha maisha cha jamii ya wenyeji.