While discussing with two members of the Anthropological Institute the work to be undertaken by its psychological section, I made certain suggestions which they requested me to put in writing. When reminded, some months after, of the promise I had made to do this, I failed to recall the particular suggestions referred to; but in the endeavour to remember them, I was led to glance over the whole subject of comparative human psychology. Hence resulted the following paper.
That making a general survey is useful as a preliminary to deliberate study, either of a whole or of any part, scarcely needs showing. Vagueness of thought accompanies the wandering about in a region without known bounds or landmarks. Attention devoted to some portion of a subject in ignorance of its connexion with the rest, leads to untrue conceptions. The whole cannot be rightly conceived without some knowledge of the parts; and no part can be rightly conceived out of relation to the whole.
To map out the Comparative Psychology of Man must also conduce to the more methodic carrying on of inquiries. In this, as in other things, division of labour will facilitate progress; and that there may be division of labour, the work itself must be systematically divided.
We may conveniently separate the entire subject into three main divisions, and may arrange them in the order of increasing speciality.
The first division will treat of the degrees of mental evolution of different human types, generally considered: taking account of both the mass of mental manifestation and the complexity of mental manifestation. This division will include the relations of these characters to physical characters—the bodily mass and structure, and the cerebral mass and structure. It will also include inquiries concerning the time taken in completing mental evolution, and the time during which adult mental power lasts; as well as certain most general traits of mental action, such as the greater or less persistence of emotions and of intellectual processes. The connexion between the general mental type and the general social type should also be here dealt with.
In the second division may be conveniently placed apart, inquiries concerning the relative mental natures of the sexes in each race. Under it will come such questions as these:—What differences of mental mass and mental complexity, if any, existing between males and females, are common to all races? Do such differences vary in degree, or in kind, or in both? Are there reasons for thinking that they are liable to change by increase or decrease? What relations do they bear in each case to the habits of life, the domestic arrangements, and the social arrangements? This division should also include in its scope the sentiments of the sexes towards one another, considered as varying quantitatively and qualitatively; as well as their respective sentiments towards offspring, similarly varying.
For the third division of inquiries may be reserved the more special mental traits distinguishing different types of men. One class of such specialities results from differences of proportion among faculties possessed in common; and another class results from the presence in some races of faculties that are almost or quite absent from others. Each difference in each of these groups, when established by comparison, has to be studied in connexion with the stage of mental evolution reached, and has to be studied in connexion with the habits of life and the social development, regarding it as related to these both as cause and as consequence.
Such being the outlines of these several divisions, let us now consider in detail the subdivisions contained within each.
I.—Under the head of general mental evolution we may begin with the trait of—
1. Mental mass.—Daily experiences show us that human beings differ in volume of mental manifestation. Some there are whose intelligence, high though it may be, produces little impression on those around; while there are some who, when uttering even commonplaces, do it so as to affect listeners in a disproportionate degree. Comparison of two such, makes it manifest that, generally, the difference is due to the natural language of the emotions. Behind the intellectual quickness of the one there is not felt any power of character; while the other betrays a momentum capable of bearing down opposition—a potentiality of emotion that has something formidable about it. Obviously the varieties of mankind differ much in respect of this trait. Apart from kind of feeling, they are unlike in amount of feeling. The dominant races overrun the inferior races mainly in virtue of the greater quantity of energy in which this greater mental mass shows itself. Hence a series of inquiries, of which these are some:—(a) What is the relation between mental mass and bodily mass? Manifestly, the small races are deficient in it. But it also appears that races much upon a par in size—as, for instance, an Englishman and a Damara, differ considerably in mental mass. (b) What is its relation to mass of brain? and, bearing in mind the general law that in the same species, size of brain increases with size of body (though not in the same proportion), how far can we connect the extra mental mass of the higher races, with an extra mass of brain beyond that which is proper to their greater bodily mass? (c) What relation, if any, is there between mental mass and the physiological state expressed in vigour of circulation and richness of blood, as severally determined by mode of life and general nutrition? (d) What are the relations of this trait to the social state, as nomadic or settled, predatory or industrial?
2. Mental complexity.—How races differ in respect of the more or less involved structures of their minds, will best be understood on recalling the unlikeness between the juvenile mind and the adult mind among ourselves. In the child we see absorption in special facts. Generalities even of a low order are scarcely recognized, and there is no recognition of high generalities. We see interest in individuals, in personal adventures, in domestic affairs, but no interest in political or social matters. We see vanity about clothes and small achievements, but little sense of justice: witness the forcible appropriation of one another's toys. While there have come into play many of the simpler mental powers, there has not yet been reached that complication of mind which results from the addition of powers evolved out of these simpler ones. Kindred differences of complexity exist between the minds of lower and higher races; and comparisons should be made to ascertain their kinds and amounts. Here, too, there may be a subdivision of the inquiries. (a) What is the relation between mental complexity and mental mass? Do not the two habitually vary together? (b) What is the relation to the social state, as more or less complex? that is to say—Do not mental complexity and social complexity act and react on each other?
3. Rate of mental development.—In conformity with the biological law that the higher the organisms the longer they take to evolve, members of the inferior human races may be expected to complete their mental evolution sooner than members of the superior races; and we have evidence that they do this. Travellers from many regions comment, now on the great precocity of children among savage and semi-civilized peoples, and now on the early arrest of their mental progress. Though we scarcely need more proofs that this general contrast exists, there remains to be asked the question, whether it is consistently maintained throughout all groups of races, from the lowest to the highest—whether, say, the Australian differs in this respect from the Hindu, as much as the Hindu does from the European. Of secondary inquiries coming under this sub-head may be named several. (a) Is this more rapid evolution and earlier arrest always unequally shown by the two sexes; or, in other words, are there in lower types proportional differences in rate and degree of development, such as higher types show us? (b) Is there in many cases, as there appears to be in some cases, a traceable relation between the period of arrest and the period of puberty? (c) Is mental decay early in proportion as mental evolution is rapid? (d) Can we in other respects assert that where the type is low, the entire cycle of mental changes between birth and death—ascending, uniform, descending—comes within a shorter interval?
4. Relative plasticity.—Is there any relation between the degree of mental modifiability which remains in adult life, and the character of the mental evolution in respect of mass, complexity, and rapidity? The animal kingdom at large yields reasons for associating an inferior and more rapidly-completed mental structure, with a relatively automatic nature. Lowly organized creatures, guided almost entirely by reflex actions, are in but small degrees changeable by individual experiences. As the nervous structure complicates, its actions become less rigorously confined within pre-established limits; and as we approach the highest creatures, individual experiences take larger and larger shares in moulding the conduct: there is an increasing ability to take in new impressions and to profit by the acquisitions. Inferior and superior human races are contrasted in this respect. Many travellers comment on the unchangeable habits of savages. The semi-civilized nations of the East, past and present, were, or are, characterized by a greater rigidity of custom than characterizes the more civilized nations of the West. The histories of the most civilized nations show us that in their earlier times, the modifiability of ideas and habits was less than it is at present. And if we contrast classes or individuals around us, we see that the most developed in mind are the most plastic. To inquiries respecting this trait of comparative plasticity, in its relations to precocity and early completion of mental development, may fitly be added inquiries respecting its relations to the social state, which it helps to determine, and which reacts upon it.
5. Variability.—To say of a mind that its actions are extremely inconstant, and at the same time to say that it is of relatively unchangeable nature, apparently implies a contradiction. When, however, the inconstancy is understood as referring to the manifestations which follow one another from minute to minute, and the unchangeableness to the average manifestations, extending over long periods, the apparent contradiction disappears; and it becomes comprehensible that the two traits may, and ordinarily do, co-exist. An infant, quickly wearied with each kind of perception, wanting ever a new object which it soon abandons for something else, and alternating a score times a day between smiles and tears, shows us a very small persistence in each kind of mental action: all its states, intellectual and emotional, are transient. Yet at the same time its mind cannot be easily changed in character. True, it changes spontaneously in due course; but it long remains incapable of receiving ideas or emotions beyond those of simple orders. The child exhibits less rapid variations, intellectual and emotional, while its educability is greater. Inferior human races show us this combination: great rigidity of general character with great irregularity in its passing manifestations. Speaking broadly, while they resist permanent modification, they lack intellectual persistence, and they lack emotional persistence. Of various low types we read that they cannot keep the attention fixed beyond a few minutes on anything requiring thought, even of a simple kind. Similarly with their feelings: these are less enduring than those of civilized men. There are, however, qualifications to be made in this statement; and comparisons are needed to ascertain how far these qualifications go. The savage shows great persistence in the action of the lower intellectual faculties. He is untiring in minute observation. He is untiring, also, in that kind of perceptive activity which accompanies the making of his weapons and ornaments: often persevering for immense periods in carving stones, &c. Emotionally, too, he shows persistence not only in the motives prompting these small industries, but also in certain of his passions—especially in that of revenge. Hence, in studying the degrees of mental variability shown us in the daily lives of the different races, we must ask how far variability characterizes the whole mind, and how far it holds only of parts of the mind.
6. Impulsiveness.—This trait is closely allied with the last: unenduring emotions are emotions which sway the conduct now this way and now that, without any consistency. The trait of impulsiveness may, however, be fitly dealt with separately, because it has other implications than mere lack of persistence. Comparisons of the lower human races with the higher, appear generally to show that, along with brevity of the passions, there goes violence. The sudden gusts of feeling which men of inferior types display, are excessive in degree as they are short in duration; and there is probably a connexion between these two traits: intensity sooner producing exhaustion. Observing that the passions of childhood illustrate this connexion, let us turn to certain interesting questions concerning the decrease of impulsiveness which accompanies advance in evolution. The nervous processes of an impulsive being, are less remote from reflex actions than are those of an unimpulsive being. In reflex actions we see a simple stimulus passing suddenly into movement: little or no control being exercised by other parts of the nervous system. As we ascend to higher actions, guided by more and more complicated combinations of stimuli, there is not the same instantaneous discharge in simple motions; but there is a comparatively deliberate and more variable adjustment of compound motions, duly restrained and proportioned. It is thus with the passions and sentiments in the less developed natures and in the more developed natures. Where there is but little emotional complexity, an emotion, when excited by some occurrence, explodes in action before the other emotions have been called into play; and each of these, from time to time, does the like. But the more complex emotional structure is one in which these simpler emotions are so co-ordinated that they do not act independently. Before excitement of any one has had time to cause action, some excitement has been communicated to others—often antagonistic ones; and the conduct becomes modified in adjustment to the combined dictates. Hence results a decreased impulsiveness, and also a greater persistence. The conduct pursued, being prompted by several emotions co-operating in degrees which do not exhaust them, acquires a greater continuity; and while spasmodic force becomes less conspicuous, there is an increase in the total energy. Examining the facts from this point of view, there are sundry questions of interest to be put respecting the different races of men. (a) To what other traits than degree of mental evolution is impulsiveness related? Apart from difference in elevation of type, the New-World races seem to be less impulsive than the Old-World races. Is this due to constitutional apathy? Can there be traced (other things equal) a relation between physical vivacity and mental impulsiveness? (b) What connexion is there between this trait and the social state? Clearly a very explosive nature—such as that of the Bushman—is unfit for social union; and, commonly, social union, when by any means established, checks impulsiveness. (c) What respective shares in checking impulsiveness are taken by the feelings which the social state fosters—such as the fear of surrounding individuals, the instinct of sociality, the desire to accumulate property, the sympathetic feelings, the sentiment of justice? These, which require a social environment for their development, all of them involve imaginations of consequences more or less distant; and thus imply checks upon the promptings of the simpler passions. Hence arise the questions—In what order, in what degrees, and in what combinations, do they come into play?
7. One further general inquiry of a different kind may be added. What effect is produced on mental nature by mixture of races? There is reason for believing that throughout the animal kingdom, the union of varieties which have become widely divergent is physically injurious; while the union of slightly divergent varieties is physically beneficial. Does the like hold with the mental nature? Some facts seem to show that mixture of human races extremely unlike, produces a worthless type of mind—a mind fitted neither for the kind of life led by the higher of the two races, for that led by the lower—a mind out of adjustment to all conditions of life. Contrariwise, we find that peoples of the same stock, slightly differentiated by lives carried on in unlike circumstances for many generations, produce by mixture a mental type having certain superiorities. In his work on The Huguenots, Mr. Smiles points out how large a number of distinguished men among us have descended from Flemish and French refugees; and M. Alphonse de Candolle, in his Histoire des Sciences et des Savants depuis deux Siècles, shows that the descendants of French refugees in Switzerland have produced an unusually great proportion of scientific men. Though, in part, this result may be ascribed to the original natures of such refugees, who must have had that independence which is a chief factor in originality, yet it is probably in part due to mixtures of races. For thinking this, we have evidence which is not open to two interpretations. Prof. Morley draws attention to the fact that, during seven hundred years of our early history "the best genius of England sprang up on the line of country in which Celts and Anglo-Saxons came together." In like manner Mr. Galton, in his English Men of Science, shows that in recent days these have mostly come from an inland region, running generally from north to south, which we may reasonably presume contains more mixed blood than do the regions east and west of it. Such a result seems probable a priori. Two natures respectively adapted to slightly unlike sets of social conditions, may be expected by their union to produce a nature somewhat more plastic than either—a nature more impressible by the new circumstances of advancing social life, and therefore more likely to originate new ideas and display modified sentiments. The Comparative Psychology of Man may, then, fitly include the mental effects of mixture; and among derivative inquiries we may ask—How far the conquest of race by race has been instrumental in advancing civilization by aiding mixture, as well as in other ways.
II.—The second of the three leading divisions named at the outset is less extensive. Still, concerning the relative mental natures of the sexes in each race, questions of much interest and importance may be raised.
1. Degree of difference between the sexes.—It is an established fact that, physically considered, the contrast between males and females is not equally great in all types of mankind. The bearded races, for instance, show us a greater unlikeness between the two than do the beardless races. Among South American tribes, men and women have a greater general resemblance in form, &c., than is usual elsewhere. The question, then, suggests itself—Do the mental natures of the sexes differ in a constant or in a variable degree? The difference is unlikely to be a constant one; and, looking for variation, we may ask what is its amount, and under what conditions does it occur?
2. Difference in mass and in complexity.—The comparisons between the sexes, of course, admit of subdivisions parallel to those made in the comparisons between races. Relative mental mass and relative mental complexity have chiefly to be observed. Assuming that the great inequality in the cost of reproduction to the two sexes, is the cause of unlikeness in mental mass, as in physical mass, this difference may be studied in connexion with reproductive differences presented by the various races, in respect of the ages at which reproduction commences, and the periods over which it lasts. An allied inquiry may be joined with this; namely, how far the mental developments of the two sexes are affected by their relative habits in respect to food and physical exertion? In many of the lower races, the women, treated with great brutality, are, physically, much inferior to the men: excess of labour and defect of nutrition being apparently the combined causes. Is any arrest of mental development simultaneously caused?
3. Variation of the differences.—If the unlikeness physical and mental, of the sexes is not constant, then, supposing all races have diverged from one original stock, it follows that there must have been transmission of accumulated differences to those of the same sex in posterity. If, for instance, the prehistoric type of man was beardless, then the production of a bearded variety implies that within that variety the males continued to transmit an increasing amount of beard to descendants of the same sex. This limitation of heredity by sex, shown us in multitudinous ways throughout the animal kingdom, probably applies to the cerebral structures as much as to other structures. Hence the question—Do not the mental natures of the sexes in alien types of Man diverge in unlike ways and degrees?
4. Causes of the differences.—Are any relations to be traced between these variable differences and the variable parts the sexes play in the business of life? Assuming the cumulative effects of habit on function and structure, as well as the limitation of heredity by sex, it is to be expected that if, in any society, the activities of one sex, generation after generation, differ from those of the other, there will arise sexual adaptations of mind. Some instances in illustration may be named. Among the Africans of Loango and other districts, as also among some of the Indian Hill-tribes, the men and women are strongly contrasted as respectively inert and energetic: the industry of the women having apparently become so natural to them that no coercion is needed. Of course, such facts suggest an extensive series of questions. Limitation of heredity by sex may account both for those sexual differences of mind which distinguish men and women in all races, and for those which distinguish them in each race, or each society. An interesting subordinate inquiry may be, how far such mental differences are inverted in cases where there is inversion of social and domestic relations; as among those Khasi Hill-tribes, whose women have so far the upper hand that they turn off their husbands in a summary way if they displease them.
5. Mental modifiability in the two sexes.—Along with comparisons of races in respect of mental plasticity may go parallel comparisons of the sexes in each race. Is it true always, as it appears to be generally true, that women are less modifiable than men? The relative conservatism of women—their greater adhesion to established ideas and practices—is manifest in many civilized and semi-civilized societies. Is it so among the uncivilized? A curious instance of stronger attachment to custom in women than in men is given by Dalton, as occurring among the Juangs, one of the lowest wild tribes of Bengal. Until recently the only dress of both sexes was something less than that which the Hebrew legend gives to Adam and Eve. Years ago the men were led to adopt a cloth bandage round the loins, in place of the bunch of leaves; but the women adhered to the aboriginal habit: a conservatism shown where it might have been least expected.
6. The sexual sentiment.—Results of value may be looked for from comparisons of races made to determine the amounts and characters of the higher feelings to which the relation of the sexes gives rise. The lowest varieties of mankind have but small endowments of these feelings. Among varieties of higher types, such as the Malayo-Polynesians, these feelings seem considerably developed: the Dyaks, for instance, sometimes display them in great strength. Speaking generally, they appear to become stronger with the advance of civilization. Several subordinate inquiries may be named. (a) How far is development of the sexual sentiment dependent upon intellectual advance—upon growth of imaginative power? (b) How far is it related to emotional advance; and especially to evolution of those emotions which originate from sympathy? What are its relations to polyandry and polygyny? (c) Does it not tend towards, and is it not fostered by, monogamy? (d) What connexion has it with maintenance of the family bond, and the consequent better rearing of children?
III.—Under the third head, to which we may now pass come the more special traits of the different races.
1. Imitativeness.—One of the characteristics in which the lower types of men show us a smaller departure from reflex action than do the higher types, is their strong tendency to mimic the motions and sounds made by others—an almost involuntary habit which travellers find it difficult to check. This meaningless repetition, which seems to imply that the idea of an observed action cannot be framed in the mind of the observer without tending forthwith to discharge itself in the action conceived (and every ideal action is a nascent form of the consciousness accompanying performance of such action), evidently diverges but little from the automatic; and decrease of it is to be expected along with increase of self-regulating power. This trait of automatic mimicry is evidently allied with that less automatic mimicry which shows itself in greater persistence of customs. For customs adopted by each generation from the last without thought or inquiry, imply a tendency to imitate which overmasters critical and sceptical tendencies: so maintaining habits for which no reasons can be given. The decrease of this irrational mimicry, strongest in the lowest savage and feeblest in the highest of the civilized, should be studied along with the successively higher stages of social life, as being at once an aid and a hindrance to civilization: an aid in so far as it gives that fixity to the social organization without which a society cannot survive; a hindrance in so far as it offers resistance to changes of social organization that have become desirable.
2. Incuriosity.—Projecting our own natures into the circumstances of the savage, we imagine ourselves as marvelling greatly on first seeing the products and appliances of civilized life. But we err in supposing that the savage has feelings such as we should have in his place. Want of rational curiosity respecting these incomprehensible novelties, is a trait remarked of the lowest races wherever found; and the partially-civilized races are distinguished from them as exhibiting rational curiosity. The relation of this trait to the intellectual nature, to the emotional nature, and to the social state, should be studied.
3. Quality of thought.—Under this vague head may be placed many sets of inquiries, each of them extensive—(a) The degree of generality of the ideas; (b) the degree of abstractness of the ideas; (c) the degree of definiteness of the ideas; (d) the degree of coherence of the ideas; (e) the extent to which there have been developed such notions as those of class, of cause, of uniformity, of law, of truth. Many conceptions which have become so familiar to us that we assume them to be the common property of all minds, are no more possessed by the lowest savages than they are by our own children; and comparisons of types should be so made as to elucidate the processes by which such conceptions are reached. The development under each head has to be observed—(a) independently in its successive stages; (b) in connexion with the co-operative intellectual conceptions; (c) in connexion with the progress of language, of the arts, and of social organization. Already linguistic phenomena have been used in aid of such inquiries; and more systematic use of them should be made. Not only the number of general words, and the number of abstract words, in a people's vocabulary should be taken as evidence, but also their degrees of generality and abstractness; for there are generalities of the first, second, third, &c., orders, and abstractions similarly ascending. Blue is an abstraction referring to one class of impressions derived from visible objects; colour is a higher abstraction referring to many such classes of visual impressions; property is a still higher abstraction referring to classes of impressions received not through the eyes alone, but through other sense-organs. If generalities and abstractions were arranged in the order of their extensiveness and in the order of their grades, tests would be obtained which, applied to the vocabularies of the uncivilized, would yield definite evidence of the intellectual stages reached.
4. Peculiar aptitudes.—To such specialities of intelligence as mark different degrees of evolution, have to be added minor ones related to modes of life: the kinds and degrees of faculty which have become organized in adaptation to daily habits—skill in the use of weapons, powers of tracking, quick discrimination of individual objects. And under this head may fitly come inquiries concerning some race-peculiarities of the æsthetic class, not at present explicable. While the remains from the Dordogne caves show us that their inhabitants, low as we must suppose them to have been, could represent animals, both by drawing and carving, with some degree of fidelity; there are existing races, probably higher in other respects, who seem scarcely capable of recognizing pictorial representations. Similarly with the musical faculty. Almost or quite wanting in some inferior races, we find it in other races not of high grade, developed to an unexpected degree: instance the Negroes, some of whom are so innately musical, that, as I have been told by a missionary among them, the children in native schools when taught European psalm-tunes, spontaneously sing seconds to them. Whether any causes can be discovered for race peculiarities of this kind, is a question of interest.
5. Specialities of emotional nature.—These are worthy of careful study, as being intimately related to social phenomena—to the possibility of social progress, and to the nature of the social structure. Among others to be noted there are—(a) Gregariousness or sociality—a trait in the strength of which races differ widely: some, as the Mantras, being almost indifferent to social intercourse; some being unable to dispense with it. Obviously the degree of this desire for the presence of fellow-men, affects greatly the formation of social groups, and consequently influences social progress. (b) Intolerance of restraint. Men of some inferior types, as the Mapuché, are ungovernable; while those of other types, no higher in grade, not only submit to restraint, but admire the persons exercising it. These contrasted natures have to be observed in connexion with social evolution; to the early stages of which they are respectively antagonistic and favourable. (c) The desire for praise is a trait which, common to all races, high and low, varies considerably in degree. There are quite inferior races, as some of those in the Pacific States, whose members sacrifice without stint to gain the applause which lavish generosity brings; while, elsewhere, applause is sought with less eagerness. Notice should be taken of the connexion between this love of approbation and the social restraints; since it plays an important part in the maintenance of them. (d) The acquisitive propensity. This, too, is a character the degrees of which, and the relations of which to the social state, have to be especially noted. The desire for property grows along with the possibility of gratifying it; and this, extremely small among the lowest men, increases as social development goes on. With the advance from tribal property to family property and individual property, the notion of private right of possession gains definiteness, and the love of acquisition strengthens. Each step towards an orderly social state makes larger accumulations possible, and the pleasures achievable by them more sure; while the resulting encouragement to accumulate, leads to increase of capital and to further progress. This action and re-action of the sentiment and the social state, should be in every case observed.
6. The altruistic sentiments.—Coming last, these are also highest. The evolution of them in the course of civilization, shows us clearly the reciprocal influences of the social unit and the social organism. On the one hand, there can be no sympathy, nor any of the sentiments which sympathy generates, unless there are fellow-beings around. On the other hand, maintenance of union with fellow-beings depends in part on the presence of sympathy, and the resulting restraints on conduct. Gregariousness or sociality favours the growth of sympathy; increased sympathy conduces to closer sociality and a more stable social state; and so, continuously, each increment of the one makes possible a further increment of the other. Comparisons of the altruistic sentiments resulting from sympathy, as exhibited in different types of men and different social states, may be conveniently arranged under three heads—(a) Pity, which should be observed as displayed towards offspring, towards the sick and aged, and towards enemies. (b) Generosity (duly discriminated from the love of display) as shown in giving; as shown in the relinquishment of pleasures for the sake of others; as shown by active efforts on others' behalf. The manifestations of this sentiment, too, are to be noted in respect of their range—whether they are limited to relatives; whether they extend only to those of the same society; whether they extend to those of other societies; and they are also to be noted in connexion with the degree of providence—whether they result from sudden impulses obeyed without counting the cost, or go along with clear foresight of the future sacrifices entailed. (c) Justice. This most abstract of the altruistic sentiments is to be considered under aspects like those just named, as well as under many other aspects—how far it is shown in regard to the lives of others; how far in regard to their freedom; how far in regard to their property; how far in regard to their various minor claims. And comparisons concerning this highest sentiment should, beyond all others, be carried on along with comparisons of the accompanying social states, which it largely determines—the forms and actions of governments; the characters of laws; the relations of classes.
Such, stated as briefly as consists with clearness, are the leading divisions and subdivisions under which the Comparative Psychology of Man may be arranged. In going rapidly over so wide a field, I have doubtless overlooked much that should be included. Doubtless, too, various of the inquiries named will branch out into subordinate inquiries well worth pursuing. Even as it is, however, the programme is extensive enough to occupy numerous investigators, who may with advantage take separate divisions.
Though, after occupying themselves with primitive arts and products, anthropologists have devoted their attention mainly to the physical characters of the human races; it must, I think, be admitted that the study of these yields in importance to the study of their psychical characters. The general conclusions to which the first set of inquiries may lead, cannot so much affect our views respecting the highest classes of phenomena as can the general conclusions to which the second set may lead. A true theory of the human mind vitally concerns us; and systematic comparisons of human minds, differing in their kinds and grades, will help us in forming a true theory. Knowledge of the reciprocal relations between the characters of men and the characters of the societies they form, must influence profoundly our ideas of political arrangements. When the inter-dependence of individual natures and social structures is understood, our conceptions of the changes now taking place, and hereafter to take place, will be rectified. A comprehension of mental development as a process of adaptation to social conditions, which are continually remoulding the mind and are again remoulded by it, will conduce to a salutary consciousness of the remoter effects produced by institutions upon character; and will check the grave mischiefs which ignorant legislation now causes. Lastly, a right theory of mental evolution as exhibited by humanity at large, giving a key, as it does, to the evolution of the individual mind, must help to rationalize our perverse methods of education; and so to raise intellectual power and moral nature.
Nilipokuwa nikizungumzia na wanachama wawili wa Taasisi ya Anthropolojia kazi itakayopaswa kufanywa na sehemu yake ya kisaikolojia, nilifanya mapendekezo fulani ambayo waliniomba niandike. Nilipokumbushwa, miezi michache baadaye, juu ya ahadi niliyokuwa nimefanya ya kufanya hivyo, nilishindwa kukumbuka mapendekezo maalum yaliyotajwa; lakini katika jitihada ya kuyakumbuka, nilielekezwa kutazama juu ya somo lote la saikolojia ya binadamu ya kulinganisha. Kwa hiyo makala ifuatayo ilitokana. Kwamba kufanya uchunguzi wa jumla ni muhimu kama awali kwa utafiti wa makusudi, ama ya jumla au ya sehemu yoyote, ni vigumu haja ya kuonyesha. Mawazo yasiyoeleweka huambatana na kutangatanga katika eneo lisilo na mipaka au alama zinazojulikana. Uangalifu unaowekwa kwa sehemu fulani ya somo bila kujua uhusiano wake na mengine, huongoza kwenye dhana zisizo za kweli. """Kila kitu haki haiwezi kufasiriwa bila baadhi ya maarifa ya sehemu, na hakuna sehemu haki inaweza kufasiriwa nje ya uhusiano na wote.""" Ili kuchora ramani ya Saikolojia ya Ulinganisho ya Mtu lazima pia iongozwe kwa uendeshaji wa utaratibu zaidi wa uchunguzi. Katika hili, kama ilivyo katika mambo mengine, mgawanyiko wa kazi utawezesha maendeleo; na ili kuwe na mgawanyiko wa kazi, kazi yenyewe lazima igawanywe kwa utaratibu. Tunaweza kwa urahisi kutenganisha somo lote katika mgawanyiko kuu tatu, na tunaweza kupanga yao katika utaratibu wa kuongezeka kwa utaalam. Sehemu ya kwanza itashughulikia viwango vya mageuzi ya kiakili ya aina tofauti za binadamu, kwa ujumla kuchukuliwa: kuzingatia wote wingi wa maonyesho ya kiakili na utata wa maonyesho ya kiakili. Mgawanyiko huu utajumuisha mahusiano ya wahusika hawa na wahusika wa kimwili - wingi wa mwili na muundo, na wingi wa ubongo na muundo. Pia itajumuisha uchunguzi kuhusu muda unaotumiwa kukamilisha mageuzi ya akili, na wakati ambao nguvu za akili za watu wazima huendelea; pamoja na sifa fulani za jumla za hatua za akili, kama vile kudumu zaidi au chini ya hisia na mchakato wa akili. Uhusiano kati ya aina ya jumla ya akili na aina ya jumla ya kijamii inapaswa pia kushughulikiwa hapa. Katika mgawanyiko wa pili, huenda ikawa rahisi kuweka mbali, uchunguzi kuhusu asili ya kiakili ya jinsia katika kila jamii. "Kwa mfano, swali la kwanza ni: ""Ni tofauti gani za akili na utata wa akili, ikiwa zipo, kati ya wanaume na wanawake, ni za kawaida kwa jamii zote?""" Je, tofauti hizo hutofautiana kwa kiwango, au kwa aina, au kwa mambo yote mawili? Je, kuna sababu za kufikiri kwamba zinaweza kubadilika kwa kuongezeka au kupungua? Katika kila kisa, mambo hayo yanahusianaje na mazoea ya maisha, mipango ya nyumbani, na mipango ya kijamii? Hii mgawanyiko lazima pia ni pamoja na katika wigo wake hisia za jinsia kwa kila mmoja, kuchukuliwa kama tofauti kwa kiasi na ubora, kama vile hisia zao kwa ajili ya watoto, sawa tofauti. Kwa ajili ya mgawanyiko wa tatu wa uchunguzi inaweza kuwa zimehifadhiwa zaidi maalum tabia ya akili kutofautisha aina tofauti ya watu. Jamii moja ya sifa hizo hutokana na tofauti za uwiano kati ya uwezo wa kawaida; na jamii nyingine hutokana na uwepo katika jamii fulani wa uwezo ambao ni karibu au kabisa haupo katika nyingine. Kila tofauti katika kila moja ya makundi haya, wakati imara kwa kulinganisha, lazima kuchunguzwa katika uhusiano na hatua ya mageuzi ya akili kufikiwa, na lazima kuchunguzwa katika uhusiano na tabia ya maisha na maendeleo ya kijamii, kwa kuzingatia kama kuhusiana na haya wote kama sababu na kama matokeo. Kwa kuwa hizo ndizo sehemu kuu za sehemu hizo, sasa hebu tuchunguze kwa undani sehemu ndogo zilizo ndani ya kila sehemu. I. Chini ya kichwa cha mageuzi ya jumla ya akili tunaweza kuanza na tabia ya <unk> 1. Misa ya akili. <unk> Majaribio ya kila siku yanatuonyesha kwamba wanadamu hutofautiana katika kiasi cha maonyesho ya akili. Kuna watu ambao akili zao, ingawa ni za juu, hazivutii sana wale walio karibu nao, lakini kuna wengine ambao, wanaposema mambo ya kawaida, wanafanya hivyo ili kuwaathiri wasikilizaji kwa kiwango kisicho na kiasi. Kulinganisha mbili kama hizo, hufanya iwe wazi kwamba, kwa ujumla, tofauti ni kwa sababu ya lugha ya asili ya hisia. Nyuma ya ujasiri wa akili wa mmoja hakuna nguvu yoyote ya tabia inayohisiwa; wakati mwingine anajidhihirisha kasi inayoweza kubeba upinzani - uwezo wa hisia ambayo ina kitu cha kutisha juu yake. Ni wazi kwamba aina mbalimbali za wanadamu hutofautiana sana kuhusiana na sifa hiyo. Mbali na aina ya hisia, wao ni tofauti katika kiasi cha hisia. "Mapinduzi ya jamii ya watu huwashinda jamii za watu wa hali ya chini, hasa kwa sababu ya kiasi kikubwa cha nishati ambayo ""mzito"" huu wa akili unaonekana." Kwa hiyo mfululizo wa uchunguzi, ambayo haya ni baadhi: a) Ni nini uhusiano kati ya wingi wa akili na wingi wa mwili? Ni wazi kwamba jamii ndogo-ndogo hazina uwezo huo. Lakini pia inaonekana kwamba jamii nyingi juu ya par katika ukubwa - kama, kwa mfano, Kiingereza na Damara - tofauti sana katika uzito wa akili. (b) Uhusiano wake na uzito wa ubongo ni nini? Na tukikumbuka sheria ya jumla ya kwamba katika spishi moja ukubwa wa ubongo huongezeka pamoja na ukubwa wa mwili (ingawa si kwa uwiano uleule), ni kwa kadiri gani tunaweza kuunganisha wingi wa akili wa rassi za juu zaidi na wingi wa ubongo zaidi ya ule unaolingana na wingi wao wa mwili? (c) Ni uhusiano gani, kama kuna, kati ya uzito wa akili na hali ya kisaikolojia iliyoonyeshwa katika nguvu ya mzunguko na utajiri wa damu, kama ilivyoamuliwa kwa njia ya maisha na lishe ya jumla? (d) Ni nini mahusiano ya tabia hii kwa hali ya kijamii, kama nomadic au kukaa, predatory au viwanda? 2. Uwezekano wa kupata """Jinsi jamii zinavyotofautiana kuhusiana na miundo iliyohusika zaidi au chini ya akili zao, itaeleweka vizuri zaidi kwa kukumbuka kutofanana kati ya akili ya vijana na akili ya watu wazima kati yetu.""" Katika mtoto tunaona uchangamfu katika mambo ya pekee. Ujumla hata wa utaratibu wa chini hautambuliwi sana, na hakuna utambuzi wa jumla ya juu. Tunaona kupendezwa na watu binafsi, katika vituko vya kibinafsi, katika mambo ya nyumbani, lakini hakuna kupendezwa na masuala ya kisiasa au ya kijamii. Tunaona ubatili kuhusu nguo na mafanikio madogo, lakini hisia kidogo ya haki: shahidi wa kumiliki kwa nguvu ya toys ya kila mmoja. Ingawa nguvu nyingi za akili zilizo rahisi zaidi zimeingia, bado hazijafikia ugumu huo wa akili ambao hutokana na kuongezwa kwa nguvu zilizobadilika kutoka kwa hizi rahisi. Tofauti za namna hiyo ya utata zipo kati ya akili za jamii za chini na za juu; na kulinganishwa kunapaswa kufanywa ili kujua aina na kiasi chao. Hapa, pia, kunaweza kuwa na mgawanyiko wa maswali. (a) Ni uhusiano gani kati ya utata wa kiakili na wingi wa kiakili? Je, si kawaida hizo mbili kutofautiana pamoja? (b) Ni nini uhusiano na hali ya kijamii, kama zaidi au chini ya tata? ambayo ni kusema <unk>Je, si akili utata na kijamii utata kutenda na kuitikia juu ya kila mmoja? 3. Uwe na mtazamo wa kweli "Kwa mujibu wa sheria ya kibiolojia kwamba ""kwa kadiri viumbe wanavyokuwa na uwezo mkubwa zaidi, ndivyo wanavyopunguza muda wa kuendeleza maendeleo yao,"" watu wa jamii ya chini wanaweza kukamilisha maendeleo yao ya kiakili mapema kuliko watu wa jamii ya juu zaidi, na tuna uthibitisho kwamba wanafanya hivyo." "Wasafiri kutoka maeneo mengi wanasema, ""Sasa juu ya mapema sana ya watoto miongoni mwa watu wa mwituni na nusu-kijijini, na sasa juu ya kukomeshwa mapema kwa maendeleo yao ya akili.""" Ingawa hatuna haja ya uthibitisho zaidi kwamba tofauti hii ya jumla ipo, bado kuna swali la kuuliza, ikiwa inahifadhiwa kwa mfululizo katika makundi yote ya jamii, kutoka chini hadi juu - ikiwa, tuseme, Australia inatofautiana katika jambo hili na Kihindu, kama vile Kihindu kinavyofanya na Ulaya. Ya uchunguzi wa sekondari kuja chini ya kichwa hiki kidogo inaweza kuitwa kadhaa. (a) Je, mageuzi haya ya haraka zaidi na kukomeshwa mapema huonyeshwa sikuzote kwa njia isiyo sawa na jinsia mbili; au, kwa maneno mengine, je, kuna tofauti za uwiano katika kiwango na kiwango cha maendeleo katika aina za chini, kama vile aina za juu zinavyotuonyesha? (b) Je, katika visa vingi, kama inavyoonekana kuwa katika visa fulani, kuna uhusiano unaoweza kufuatiliwa kati ya kipindi cha kukamatwa na kipindi cha kubalehe? (c) Je, uharibifu wa kiakili ni wa mapema kadiri mageuzi ya kiakili yanavyokuwa ya haraka? (d) Je, tunaweza katika mambo mengine kuthibitisha kwamba ambapo aina ni ya chini, mzunguko mzima wa mabadiliko ya akili kati ya kuzaliwa na kifo - kupanda, sawa, kushuka - huja ndani ya muda mfupi? 4. Uwe na uhakika Relative plasticity: Je, kuna uhusiano wowote kati ya kiwango cha mabadiliko ya akili ambayo inabaki katika maisha ya watu wazima, na tabia ya mageuzi ya akili kuhusiana na wingi, utata, na kasi? Ufalme wa wanyama kwa ujumla hutoa sababu za kuhusisha muundo wa akili wa chini na uliokamilika haraka zaidi, na asili ya moja kwa moja. Viumbe vilivyo na utaratibu mdogo, vinavyoongozwa karibu kabisa na vitendo vya mwitikio, vinaweza kubadilishwa kwa kiwango kidogo tu na uzoefu wa mtu binafsi. Kadiri mfumo wa neva unavyozidi kuwa mgumu, ndivyo vitendo vyake vinavyopungua katika mipaka iliyowekwa kimbele; na kadiri tunavyokaribia viumbe wa hali ya juu zaidi, ndivyo uzoefu wa mtu binafsi unavyokuwa na sehemu kubwa zaidi na zaidi katika kuunda mwenendo: kuna uwezo unaoongezeka wa kuchukua hisia mpya na kupata faida kutokana na upatikanaji. Jamii za wanadamu za chini na za juu zinatofautiana katika jambo hili. Wasafiri wengi husema juu ya mazoea yasiyoweza kubadilika ya watu wa mwituni. Mataifa ya mashariki ya zamani na ya sasa, yalikuwa na tabia ya ukali zaidi ya desturi kuliko mataifa ya magharibi. Historia ya mataifa yenye ustaarabu zaidi inatuonyesha kwamba katika nyakati zao za mapema, kubadilika kwa mawazo na mazoea kulikuwa chini kuliko ilivyo sasa. Na tukilinganisha madarasa au watu walio karibu nasi, tunaona kwamba wale walio na akili zilizoendelea zaidi ndio walio na uwezo zaidi wa kubadilika. Kwa uchunguzi kuhusu tabia hii ya ulinganifu wa kulinganisha, katika uhusiano wake na mapema na kukamilika mapema kwa maendeleo ya akili, inaweza kuunganishwa kwa haki uchunguzi kuhusu uhusiano wake na hali ya kijamii, ambayo inasaidia kuamua na ambayo inashughulikia. 5. Uwe na mtazamo mzuri. "Kusema juu ya akili kwamba matendo yake ni ya mara kwa mara sana, na wakati huo huo kusema kwamba ni ya asili ya kubadilika, inaonekana ina maana ya kinyume.""" Hata hivyo, wakati unconstantness ni kueleweka kama kuhusiana na maonyesho ambayo kufuata moja kwa dakika, na unchangeability kwa wastani maonyesho, kupanua juu ya vipindi virefu, kinyume dhahiri kutoweka, na inakuwa kueleweka kwamba sifa mbili inaweza, na kawaida kufanya, coexist. Mtoto, ambaye huchoka upesi na kila aina ya utambuzi, akitaka kitu kipya ambacho mara nyingi huacha kwa kitu kingine, na kubadilishana mara ishirini kwa siku kati ya tabasamu na machozi, anatuonyesha uthabiti mdogo sana katika kila aina ya hatua ya akili: hali zake zote, akili na hisia, ni za muda mfupi. Hata hivyo, wakati huohuo, akili yake haiwezi kubadilishwa kwa urahisi. Ni kweli, hubadilika kwa ghafula wakati unaofaa; lakini kwa muda mrefu inabaki kuwa haiwezi kupokea mawazo au hisia zaidi ya zile za amri rahisi. Mtoto huonyesha tofauti ndogo za haraka, za kiakili na za kihisia-moyo, huku uwezo wake wa kujifunza ukiwa mkubwa zaidi. Jamii za chini za kibinadamu zinatuonyesha mchanganyiko huu: ukali mkubwa wa tabia ya jumla na ukosefu mkubwa wa utaratibu katika maonyesho yake ya kupita. Kwa ujumla, ingawa wao hupinga marekebisho ya kudumu, wanakosa uvumilivu wa kiakili, na wanakosa uvumilivu wa kihisia-moyo. Kuhusu watu wa aina mbalimbali tunasoma kwamba hawawezi kuweka fikira zaidi ya dakika chache juu ya kitu chochote kinachohitaji kufikiriwa, hata kama ni cha aina rahisi. Vivyo hivyo na hisia zao: hizi ni chini ya kudumu kuliko wale wa watu wenye ustaarabu. Hata hivyo, kuna sifa za kufanywa katika taarifa hii; na kulinganisha ni muhimu ili kujua jinsi mbali sifa hizi kwenda. Mnyama-mwitu huonyesha uvumilivu mkubwa katika utendaji wa uwezo wa chini wa kiakili. Yeye ni untiring katika uchunguzi dakika. Yeye ni untiring, pia, katika aina hiyo ya shughuli ya utambuzi ambayo huandamana na kutengeneza silaha zake na mapambo: mara nyingi persevering kwa vipindi kubwa katika kuchonga mawe, na kadhalika. hisia, pia, yeye inaonyesha uvumilivu si tu katika nia ya kuchochea viwanda hivi vidogo, lakini pia katika baadhi ya shauku yake, hasa katika kwamba ya kisasi. Kwa hiyo, katika kujifunza viwango vya kubadilika kwa akili vinavyoonyeshwa katika maisha ya kila siku ya jamii tofauti, ni lazima tuulize ni kwa kadiri gani kubadilika kuna sifa ya akili nzima, na ni kwa kadiri gani kuna sifa ya sehemu za akili tu. 6. Uwe na uhakika Impulsiveness: Hii tabia ni karibu allied na mwisho: hisia unenduring ni hisia ambayo kutikisa mwenendo sasa hii njia na sasa kwamba, bila mfuatano wowote. Hata hivyo, huenda ikawa jambo la kufaa kushughulikia tabia ya kukimbilia kando, kwa sababu ina maana nyingine zaidi ya kukosa uvumilivu tu. Ulinganisho wa jamii za chini na za juu za wanadamu, kwa ujumla huonekana kuonyesha kwamba, pamoja na ufupi wa shauku, kuna vurugu. "Mashambulio ya ghafla ya hisia ambayo watu wa aina ya chini huonyesha, ni ya kupita kiasi katika kiwango kama wao ni mfupi katika muda; na kuna uwezekano wa uhusiano kati ya sifa hizi mbili: ""Nzito"" mapema kuzalisha uchovu." Kwa kuwa tunatambua kwamba tamaa za utotoni zinaonyesha uhusiano huu, hebu tuangalie maswali fulani ya kupendeza kuhusu kupungua kwa msukumo ambao huambatana na maendeleo. Mchakato wa neva wa kiumbe impulsive, ni chini ya mbali kutoka vitendo reflex kuliko wale wa kiumbe unimpulsive. Katika vitendo vya reflex tunaona kichocheo rahisi kupita ghafla katika harakati: udhibiti mdogo au hakuna unaofanywa na sehemu nyingine za mfumo wa neva. Tunapopanda kwenye hatua za juu zaidi, tukiongozwa na mchanganyiko wa vichocheo unaozidi kuwa tata, hakuna mtiririko wa papo hapo katika harakati rahisi; lakini kuna marekebisho ya makusudi na ya kubadilika zaidi ya harakati za mchanganyiko, zilizozuiwa na kupangwa kwa usahihi. Ndivyo ilivyo na shauku na hisia katika asili zisizoendelea sana na katika asili zilizoendelea zaidi. """Wapo lakini kidogo hisia tata, hisia, wakati msisimko na baadhi ya tukio, explodes katika hatua kabla ya hisia nyingine wamekuwa kuitwa katika kucheza; na kila moja ya haya, mara kwa mara, hufanya sawa." Lakini muundo wa hisia tata zaidi ni moja ambayo hisia hizi rahisi ni hivyo kuratibu kwamba wao si kutenda kwa kujitegemea. Kabla ya msisimko wa mtu yeyote kuwa na wakati wa kusababisha hatua, msisimko fulani umesambazwa kwa wengine - mara nyingi wapinzani; na mwenendo unabadilishwa katika marekebisho ya amri za pamoja. Kwa hiyo matokeo ya kupungua impulsivity, na pia uvumilivu mkubwa. Mwenendo unaofuatwa, ukichochewa na hisia kadhaa zinazoshirikiana katika viwango ambavyo havijapoteza, hupata mwendelezo mkubwa; na wakati nguvu ya spasmodic inakuwa chini ya kuonekana, kuna ongezeko la nishati ya jumla. Kwa kuchunguza mambo ya hakika kutoka kwa mtazamo huu, kuna maswali mbalimbali ya kupendeza yanayopaswa kuulizwa kuhusiana na jamii tofauti za watu. (a) Ni sifa zipi nyingine ziwezazo kuhusiana na mwelekeo wa kukimbilia mbali na kiwango cha mageuzi ya kiakili? Mbali na tofauti katika urefu wa aina, jamii za Ulimwengu Mpya zinaonekana kuwa zisizo na msukumo kama jamii za Ulimwengu wa Kale. Je, hilo ni kwa sababu ya kutojali kwa katiba? Je, kunaweza kufuatiliwa (vitu vingine sawa) uhusiano kati ya vivacity kimwili na akili impulsiveness? (b) Kuna uhusiano gani kati ya sifa hii na hali ya kijamii? Ni wazi asili ya mlipuko sana - kama ile ya Bushman - ni unfit kwa ajili ya muungano wa kijamii; na, kwa kawaida, muungano wa kijamii, wakati kwa njia yoyote imara, checks impulsiveness. (c) Ni sehemu gani zinazohusika katika kudhibiti msukumo zinazochukuliwa na hisia ambazo hali ya kijamii huendeleza - kama vile hofu ya watu wanaozunguka, kichocheo cha kijamii, hamu ya kukusanya mali, hisia za huruma, hisia za haki? Hizi, ambazo zinahitaji mazingira ya kijamii kwa ajili ya maendeleo yao, zote zinahusisha mawazo ya matokeo ya mbali zaidi au chini, na hivyo zina maana ya kudhibiti juu ya kuchochea ya tamaa rahisi. Kwa hiyo maswali yanatokea - Ni kwa utaratibu gani, kwa viwango gani, na katika mchanganyiko gani, zinatumiwa? 7. Uwe na mtazamo gani? Ulizo moja ya jumla ya aina tofauti inaweza kuongezwa. Ni athari gani inayotokezwa juu ya asili ya kiakili na mchanganyiko wa jamii? Kuna sababu ya kuamini kwamba katika ufalme wote wa wanyama, muungano wa aina ambazo zimekuwa tofauti sana ni mbaya kimwili, wakati muungano wa aina tofauti kidogo ni muhimu kimwili. Je, jambo kama hilo linapatana na asili ya kiakili? """Hata hivyo, kuna mambo yanayoonekana kuonyesha kwamba mchanganyiko wa jamii za wanadamu tofauti sana hutokeza aina ya akili isiyo na thamani, akili ambayo haifai kwa aina ya maisha inayoongozwa na jamii ya juu zaidi ya jamii hizo mbili, au ile inayoongozwa na jamii ya chini zaidi, akili ambayo haifai hali zote za maisha." Kinyume chake, tunaona kwamba watu wa jamii moja, tofauti kidogo na maisha yaliyofanywa katika hali tofauti kwa vizazi vingi, hutokeza kwa mchanganyiko aina ya akili yenye ubora fulani. Katika kazi yake juu ya The Huguenots, Mheshimiwa "Smeils anasema kwamba ""watu wengi mashuhuri miongoni mwetu wametokana na wakimbizi wa Flanders na Ufaransa,"" na M. Alphonse de Candolle, katika kitabu chake Histoire des sciences et des savants depuis deux siècles, anaonyesha kwamba wazao wa wakimbizi wa Ufaransa nchini Uswisi wamezalisha idadi kubwa sana ya wanasayansi." Ingawa kwa sehemu matokeo haya yaweza kupewa asili ya awali ya wakimbizi hao, ambao lazima wawe walikuwa na uhuru huo, ambao ni jambo kuu katika asili, bado yaelekea ni kwa sehemu kwa sababu ya mchanganyiko wa jamii. Kwa kufikiri hivyo, tuna uthibitisho ambao haufunguki kwa tafsiri mbili. "Mwanahistoria Morley anasema kwamba ""katika miaka 700 ya historia yetu ya mapema, watu bora zaidi wa Uingereza walikuja katika eneo ambalo Wacelti na Waanglosaksi waliungana.""" "Kwa njia kama hiyo, Galton, katika kitabu chake cha Kiingereza ""Wanaume wa Sayansi,"" anaonyesha kwamba katika siku za hivi karibuni hawa wametoka hasa katika eneo la ndani, kwa ujumla kutoka kaskazini hadi kusini, ambayo tunaweza kudhani kwa busara ina damu mchanganyiko zaidi kuliko maeneo ya mashariki na magharibi." Matokeo kama hayo yaonekana kuwa ya uwezekano a priori. Asili mbili zilizobadilishwa kwa seti tofauti kidogo za hali za kijamii, zinaweza kutarajiwa kwa muungano wao kutokeza asili ya plastiki zaidi kuliko yoyote ya asili ya kuvutia zaidi na hali mpya za maisha ya kijamii, na kwa hivyo uwezekano mkubwa wa kuanzisha mawazo mapya na kuonyesha hisia zilizobadilishwa. "Kwa hiyo, ""The Comparative Psychology of Man"" inaweza kujumuisha kwa usahihi athari za kiakili za mchanganyiko; na kati ya uchunguzi wa derivative tunaweza kuuliza ""Ni kwa kiasi gani ushindi wa jamii kwa jamii umekuwa muhimu katika kuendeleza ustaarabu kwa kusaidia mchanganyiko, pamoja na njia nyingine.""" II. <unk> Sehemu ya pili ya tatu kuu zilizotajwa mwanzoni ni ndogo. Hata hivyo, kuhusu asili za kiakili za jinsia katika kila jamii, maswali ya kupendeza na ya maana sana yaweza kuanzishwa. 1. Uwe na mtazamo wa kweli Kiasi cha tofauti kati ya jinsia. Ni ukweli uliowekwa kwamba, kimwili kuchukuliwa, tofauti kati ya wanaume na wanawake si sawa kubwa katika aina zote za binadamu. Kwa mfano, jamii zenye ndevu zinaonyesha tofauti kubwa zaidi kati ya jamii hizo mbili kuliko jamii zisizo na ndevu. Katika makabila ya Amerika Kusini, wanaume na wanawake wana kufanana zaidi kwa ujumla katika fomu, na kadhalika, kuliko ilivyo kawaida mahali pengine. Swali, basi, linajitokeza lenyewe <unk>Je, asili za kiakili za jinsia hutofautiana kwa kiwango cha mara kwa mara au kwa kiwango cha kubadilika? Tofauti hiyo haitaweza kuwa ya kudumu; na, tukitafuta tofauti, twaweza kuuliza ni kiasi gani cha tofauti hiyo, na inatokea chini ya hali gani? 2. Uwezekano wa kupata Tofauti katika wingi na katika utata. <unk> Ulinganisho kati ya jinsia, bila shaka, kukubali ya mgawanyiko sambamba na wale kufanywa katika kulinganisha kati ya jamii. Kiasi cha akili ya jamaa na utata wa akili ya jamaa ni hasa kuwa kuchunguzwa. Kwa kuamini kwamba ukosefu mkubwa wa usawa katika gharama za uzazi kwa jinsia mbili ni sababu ya kutofanana katika uzito wa akili kama ilivyo katika uzito wa kimwili, tofauti hii inaweza kuchunguzwa kuhusiana na tofauti za uzazi zinazotolewa na jamii mbalimbali, kuhusiana na umri ambao uzazi huanza na vipindi ambavyo huendelea. "Utafiti wa kiungo unaweza kuunganishwa na hii, yaani, ""Ni kwa kiasi gani maendeleo ya akili ya jinsia mbili huathiriwa na tabia zao za jamaa kuhusiana na chakula na juhudi za kimwili?""" Katika jamii nyingi za chini, wanawake, wanatendewa kwa ukatili mkubwa, ni, kimwili, chini sana kuliko wanaume: kazi ya ziada na upungufu wa lishe ni wazi sababu za pamoja. Je, kuna kusimamishwa kwa ukuzi wa kiakili wakati huohuo? 3. Uwe na mtazamo wa kweli """Ikiwa tofauti ya kimwili na kiakili ya jinsia si ya kudumu, basi, tukidhani kwamba jamii zote zimetoka kwenye jamii moja ya awali, inafuata kwamba lazima kuwe na usambazaji wa tofauti zilizokusanywa kwa wale wa jinsia moja katika kizazi.""" Kwa mfano, kama mtu wa kale hakuwa na ndevu, basi kutokezwa kwa aina ya ndevu kunamaanisha kwamba ndani ya aina hiyo wanaume waliendelea kupitisha ndevu nyingi kwa wazao wa jinsia moja. """Ukomo huu wa urithi kwa jinsia, unaoonyeshwa kwa njia nyingi katika ufalme wa wanyama, labda unatumika kwa miundo ya ubongo kama vile kwa miundo mingine." Kwa hiyo swali <unk>Je, asili za kiakili za jinsia katika aina za kigeni za Mwanadamu hazitofautiani kwa njia na viwango tofauti? 4. Uwe na uhakika Sababu za tofauti. Je, kuna uhusiano wowote wa kufuatiliwa kati ya tofauti hizi za kutofautiana na sehemu tofauti za jinsia kucheza katika biashara ya maisha? Kwa kuzingatia athari za jumla za tabia juu ya kazi na muundo, na pia kikomo cha urithi kwa jinsia, inatarajiwa kwamba ikiwa katika jamii yoyote, shughuli za jinsia moja, kizazi baada ya kizazi, hutofautiana na zile za nyingine, kutatokea marekebisho ya kijinsia ya akili. Baadhi ya mifano ya mfano yaweza kutajwa. Miongoni mwa Waafrika wa Loango na wilaya nyingine, kama vile miongoni mwa baadhi ya makabila ya Wahindi wa Milima, wanaume na wanawake ni tofauti sana kama kwa mtiririko huo inert na nguvu: kazi ya wanawake inaonekana kuwa hivyo asili kwao kwamba hakuna kulazimishwa inahitajika. Bila shaka, mambo hayo yanafanya tujiulize maswali mengi. """Ukingo wa urithi kwa jinsia unaweza kuelezea tofauti hizo za kijinsia za akili ambazo zinawatenganisha wanaume na wanawake katika jamii zote, na zile ambazo zinawatenganisha katika kila jamii au jamii." "Hata hivyo, uchunguzi wa chini unaovutia ni jinsi tofauti hizo za kiakili zinavyoweza kubadilika katika visa ambavyo kuna kubadilika kwa mahusiano ya kijamii na ya nyumbani, kama ilivyo katika makabila ya Khasi Hill, ambapo wanawake wana nguvu sana hivi kwamba wanamfukuza mume wao kwa njia ya muhtasari ikiwa hawafurahii.""" 5. Uwe na mtazamo mzuri. Uwezo wa kubadilisha akili katika jinsia mbili. Pamoja na kulinganisha jamii kuhusiana na plasticity ya akili inaweza kwenda kulinganisha sambamba ya jinsia katika kila jamii. Je, ni kweli daima, kama inavyoonekana kuwa kweli kwa ujumla, kwamba wanawake ni chini ya kubadilishwa kuliko wanaume? Uhifadhi wa jamaa wa wanawake - kushikamana kwao zaidi na mawazo na mazoea yaliyowekwa - huonekana katika jamii nyingi za ustaarabu na nusu-ustaarabu. Je, ndivyo ilivyo miongoni mwa watu wasio na ustaarabu? Mfano wa ajabu wa kushikamana kwa nguvu na desturi kwa wanawake kuliko kwa wanaume unapatikana na Dalton, kama inavyotokea miongoni mwa Juangs, moja ya makabila ya chini ya Bengal. Hadi hivi karibuni, mavazi ya wanaume na wanawake yalikuwa tofauti na yale ya Adamu na Hawa katika hadithi ya Kiebrania. Miaka mingi iliyopita wanaume waliongozwa kuanzisha bandage ya kitambaa kuzunguka viuno, badala ya rundo la majani; lakini wanawake walishikilia tabia ya asili: conservatism iliyoonyeshwa ambapo inaweza kuwa inatarajiwa kidogo. 6. Uwe na uhakika Matokeo ya thamani yaweza kutafutwa kutokana na kulinganisha jamii zilizofanywa ili kuamua kiasi na tabia za hisia za juu ambazo uhusiano wa jinsia huchochea. Aina za chini zaidi za wanadamu zina vipawa vichache tu vya hisia hizi. Katika aina za aina za juu, kama vile Malayo-Polynesians, hisia hizi zinaonekana kuwa zimesitawi sana: kwa mfano, Dyaks, wakati mwingine huonyesha nguvu kubwa. Kwa ujumla, zinaonekana kuwa na nguvu zaidi kadiri ustaarabu unavyoendelea. Mafunzo kadhaa ya chini yanaweza kutajwa. (a) Ni kwa kadiri gani ukuzi wa hisia za kingono hutegemea maendeleo ya kiakili - juu ya ukuzi wa nguvu ya kuwazia? (b) Ni kiasi gani ni kuhusiana na maendeleo ya kihisia; na hasa kwa mageuzi ya wale hisia ambayo hutokana na huruma? Kuna uhusiano gani kati ya ndoa ya wenzi wengi na ndoa ya wake wengi? (c) Je, haipendekezi, na je, haipendelezi, ndoa ya wake mmoja? (d) Kuna uhusiano gani na kudumisha uhusiano wa familia, na kwa hiyo kulea watoto vizuri zaidi? Chini ya kichwa cha tatu, ambacho sasa tunaweza kupita, kuna sifa za pekee zaidi za jamii tofauti. 1. Uwe na mtazamo wa kweli Mfano: Moja ya sifa ambazo aina ya chini ya watu inaonyesha sisi kuondoka kidogo kutoka kwa hatua ya reflex kuliko aina ya juu, ni mwelekeo wao mkubwa wa kuiga harakati na sauti zilizofanywa na wengine - tabia karibu isiyo ya hiari ambayo wasafiri hupata shida kudhibiti. Kurudia-rudia huku bila maana, kunakoonekana kunamaanisha kwamba wazo la tendo linaloonekana haliwezi kuundwa katika akili ya mtazamaji bila ya kujihusisha mara moja na tendo lililofikiriwa (na kila tendo la kawaida ni fomu ya ufahamu inayositawi inayoambatana na utendaji wa tendo kama hilo), ni dhahiri kuwa hutofautiana kidogo na moja kwa moja; na kupungua kwake kunatarajiwa pamoja na kuongezeka kwa nguvu ya kujidhibiti. "Hii tabia ya kuiga moja kwa moja ni dhahiri allied na kwamba ""mali ya chini ya moja kwa moja"" ambayo inaonekana katika kudumu zaidi ya desturi." Kwa desturi zilizopitishwa na kila kizazi kutoka kwa kizazi cha mwisho bila kufikiri au uchunguzi, zinaonyesha mwelekeo wa kuiga ambayo inashinda mwelekeo wa kukosoa na kutilia shaka: hivyo kudumisha tabia ambazo hakuna sababu zinazoweza kutolewa. Kupungua kwa uigizaji huu usio na busara, wenye nguvu zaidi katika watu wa hali ya chini na dhaifu zaidi katika watu wa hali ya juu, kunapaswa kuchunguzwa pamoja na hatua za juu zaidi za maisha ya kijamii, kama msaada na kizuizi kwa ustaarabu: msaada kwa kadiri inavyotoa uthabiti kwa shirika la kijamii ambalo bila hiyo jamii haiwezi kuishi; kizuizi kwa kadiri inavyopinga mabadiliko ya shirika la kijamii ambayo yamekuwa ya kupendeza. 2. Uwezekano wa kupata "Kutaka kujua: ""Kujitambulisha katika hali ya watu wa asili, tunajifikiria kuwa tunajifurahisha sana kwa kuona kwa mara ya kwanza bidhaa na vifaa vya maisha ya ustaarabu.""" Lakini tunakosea kwa kudhani kwamba mwitu ana hisia kama vile tunapaswa kuwa katika nafasi yake. Ukosefu wa udadisi wa kiakili kuhusu mambo haya mapya yasiyoeleweka ni tabia inayoonekana katika jamii za chini zaidi, na jamii ambazo hazijasaidiwa sana zina tofauti na jamii hizo kwa sababu zina udadisi wa kiakili. Uhusiano wa tabia hii na asili ya kiakili, kwa asili ya kihisia, na kwa hali ya kijamii, inapaswa kuchunguzwa. 3. Uwe na mtazamo wa kweli "Chini ya kichwa hiki cha wazi, kuna seti nyingi za uchunguzi, kila moja yao ni kubwa: "" (a) kiwango cha jumla ya mawazo; (b) kiwango cha abstractness ya mawazo; (c) kiwango cha uhakika wa mawazo; (d) kiwango cha mshikamano wa mawazo; (e) kiwango ambacho kuna maendeleo kama vile dhana ya darasa, sababu ya, ya umoja, ya sheria, ya ukweli." Mawazo mengi ambayo yamekuwa ya kawaida kwetu hivi kwamba tunafikiri kuwa ni mali ya kawaida ya akili zote, hayana zaidi ya kuwa na wakali wa chini kuliko watoto wetu wenyewe; na kulinganisha aina lazima kufanywa ili kueleza taratibu ambazo kwa njia hiyo mawazo hayo yanafikiwa. Maendeleo chini ya kila kichwa lazima kuchunguzwa (a) kwa kujitegemea katika hatua zake mfululizo; (b) katika uhusiano na ushirikiano wa dhana za kiakili; (c) katika uhusiano na maendeleo ya lugha, sanaa, na shirika la kijamii. Tayari matukio ya lugha yametumiwa kusaidia uchunguzi kama huo; na matumizi ya utaratibu zaidi ya hayo yanapaswa kufanywa. Si idadi tu ya maneno ya jumla, na idadi ya maneno ya abstract, katika msamiati wa watu, lazima kuchukuliwa kama ushahidi, lakini pia ngazi yao ya generality na abstractness; kwa sababu kuna generalities ya kwanza, ya pili, ya tatu, na kadhalika, amri, na abstractions sawa kupanda. Rangi ya bluu ni abstraction inayohusu darasa moja la hisia zinazotokana na vitu vinavyoonekana; rangi ni abstraction ya juu zaidi inayohusu darasa nyingi za hisia za kuona; mali ni abstraction ya juu zaidi inayohusu darasa la hisia zinazopokelewa sio kupitia macho pekee, lakini kupitia viungo vingine vya hisia. Kama mambo ya jumla na ya kijuujuu yangepangwa kwa utaratibu wa upana wao na kwa utaratibu wa viwango vyao, majaribio yangepatikana ambayo, yakitumiwa kwa msamiati wa wasio na ustaarabu, yangetoa ushahidi wa uhakika wa hatua za kiakili zilizofikiwa. 4. Uwe na uhakika "Kwa sifa za kipekee za akili, ambazo zinaonyesha viwango tofauti vya mageuzi, lazima ziongezwe zile ndogo zinazohusiana na njia za maisha: aina na viwango vya kitivo ambavyo vimepangwa kwa kukabiliana na tabia za kila siku, ustadi katika matumizi ya silaha, nguvu za kufuatilia, utambuzi wa haraka wa vitu vya mtu binafsi.""" Na chini ya kichwa hiki inaweza fitly kuja maswali kuhusu baadhi ya jamii-peculiarities ya darasa esthetic, si kwa sasa explainable. """Wakati mabaki kutoka mapango ya Dordogne yanaonyesha kwamba wakazi wao, chini kama sisi lazima kudhani wao kuwa, inaweza kuwakilisha wanyama, wote kwa kuchora na kuchonga, na kiwango fulani cha uaminifu, kuna mbio zilizopo, pengine juu katika mambo mengine, ambao kuonekana vigumu uwezo wa kutambua picha." Vivyo hivyo na kitivo cha muziki. "Hata kama ni kidogo au haipo kabisa katika jamii fulani za chini, tunapata katika jamii nyingine zisizo za hali ya juu, zilizoendelea kwa kiwango kisichotarajiwa: kwa mfano, weusi, ambao wengine wao ni wa asili ya muziki, kwamba, kama nilivyosemwa na mjumbe mmoja kati yao, watoto katika shule za asili, wakati wa kufundishwa nyimbo za zaburi za Ulaya, huimba kwa ghafula ""seconds"" kwao." Ikiwa sababu yoyote yaweza kugunduliwa kwa ajili ya sifa za jamii za aina hii, ni swali la kupendeza. 5. Uwe na mtazamo mzuri. Specialties ya asili ya kihisia. <unk>Hizi ni anastahili utafiti wa makini, kama kuwa karibu kuhusiana na matukio ya kijamii <unk>kwa uwezekano wa maendeleo ya kijamii, na kwa asili ya muundo wa kijamii. Miongoni mwa wengine wanaopaswa kutajwa ni <unk> (a) Gregariousness au sociality <unk> sifa ambayo nguvu ya mbio hutofautiana sana: baadhi, kama Mantras, kuwa karibu indifferent kwa mahusiano ya kijamii; baadhi kuwa haiwezi kuondoa na hayo. Ni wazi kwamba kiwango cha tamaa hii ya kuwapo kwa wenzake huathiri sana kuundwa kwa vikundi vya kijamii, na kwa hivyo huathiri maendeleo ya kijamii. (b) Kutovumilia vizuizi. Watu wa aina fulani za chini, kama vile Wamapuche, hawawezi kutawaliwa; huku wale wa aina nyingine, ambao hawana cheo cha juu, si tu kwamba hutii vizuizi, bali pia wanawapenda wale wanaovitumia. Asili hizi tofauti lazima kuchunguzwa katika uhusiano na mageuzi ya kijamii; kwa hatua za mapema ambayo wao ni kwa mtiririko huo antagonistic na mazuri. Tamaa ya sifa ni tabia ambayo ni ya kawaida kwa jamii zote, za juu na za chini, na inatofautiana sana katika kiwango. Kuna jamii za watu wa hali ya chini sana, kama vile zile za baadhi ya mataifa ya Pasifiki, ambao wanachama wao hujitoa bila kujinyima ili kupata makofi ambayo ukarimu mwingi huleta; wakati, mahali pengine, makofi yanatafutwa kwa shauku kidogo. Ni lazima tuangalie uhusiano uliopo kati ya upendo huu wa kukubaliwa na vizuizi vya kijamii; kwa kuwa hutimiza sehemu muhimu katika kuhifadhiwa kwa vizuizi hivyo. (d) Uwezo wa kupata. Hii, pia, ni tabia ambayo digrii zake, na mahusiano yake na hali ya kijamii, lazima hasa kumbukumbu. Tamaa ya mali hukua pamoja na uwezekano wa kuifurahisha; na hii, ndogo sana miongoni mwa watu wa chini, huongezeka kadiri maendeleo ya kijamii yanavyoendelea. Kwa kuendeleza kutoka mali ya kikabila hadi mali ya familia na mali ya mtu binafsi, dhana ya haki ya kibinafsi ya kumiliki inapata uthibitisho, na upendo wa ununuzi unaongezeka. Kila hatua kuelekea hali ya kijamii ya utaratibu hufanya mkusanyiko mkubwa iwezekane, na raha zinazopatikana kwa njia hiyo ziwe za uhakika zaidi, wakati msukumo unaotokana na mkusanyiko huo unaongoza kwa ongezeko la mtaji na maendeleo zaidi. Hii hatua na athari ya hisia na hali ya kijamii, inapaswa kuwa katika kila kesi kuchunguzwa. 6. Uwe na uhakika Hisia za kujitolea. <unk>Kujia mwisho, hizi pia ni za juu zaidi. Mageuzi yao katika mwendo wa ustaarabu, inatuonyesha wazi ushawishi wa pande zote za kitengo cha kijamii na kiumbe cha kijamii. Kwa upande mmoja, hakuna huruma, wala hisia zozote ambazo huruma huzalisha, isipokuwa kuna wenzetu karibu. Kwa upande mwingine, kudumisha muungano na wenzetu hutegemea kwa sehemu uwepo wa huruma, na vizuizi vinavyotokana na hilo juu ya mwenendo. Urafiki au ushirika huendeleza ukuaji wa huruma; huruma iliyoongezeka huongoza kwenye ushirika wa karibu na hali ya kijamii thabiti zaidi; na hivyo, kwa kuendelea, kila ongezeko la moja hufanya uwezekano wa ongezeko la nyingine. Ulinganisho wa hisia za kujitolea zinazotokana na huruma, kama inavyoonyeshwa katika aina tofauti za watu na hali tofauti za kijamii, inaweza kupangwa kwa urahisi chini ya vichwa vitatu: (a) Huruma, ambayo inapaswa kuzingatiwa kama inavyoonyeshwa kwa watoto, kwa wagonjwa na wazee, na kwa maadui. (b) Ukarimu (unaotenganishwa vizuri na upendo wa kuonyesha) unaonyeshwa katika kutoa; unaonyeshwa katika kuachana na raha kwa ajili ya wengine; unaonyeshwa kwa juhudi za kazi kwa niaba ya wengine. Maonyesho ya hisia hii pia yanapaswa kutajwa kwa heshima ya wigo wao - kama wao ni mdogo kwa jamaa; kama wao kupanua tu kwa wale wa jamii moja; kama wao kupanua kwa wale wa jamii nyingine; na wao pia ni kutajwa katika uhusiano na kiwango cha providence - kama wao ni matokeo ya msukumo ghafla kutii bila kuhesabu gharama, au kwenda pamoja na maono ya wazi ya dhabihu ya baadaye kuhusisha. (c) Haki. Hili la abstract zaidi la hisia za altruistic ni lazima kuzingatiwa chini ya mambo kama yale yaliyotajwa tu, kama vile chini ya mambo mengine mengi - ni kiasi gani inaonyeshwa kuhusiana na maisha ya wengine; ni kiasi gani kuhusiana na uhuru wao; ni kiasi gani kuhusiana na mali yao; ni kiasi gani kuhusiana na madai yao mbalimbali madogo. Na kulinganisha kuhusu hisia hii ya juu zaidi, zaidi ya yote mengine, inapaswa kufanywa pamoja na kulinganisha hali za kijamii zinazoambatana, ambazo kwa kiasi kikubwa huamua - fomu na vitendo vya serikali; tabia za sheria; mahusiano ya madarasa. Kama ilivyoelezwa kwa ufupi kama inavyokuwa na uwazi, ni mgawanyiko wa kuongoza na mgawanyiko wa chini ambayo Saikolojia ya Kulinganisha ya Mtu inaweza kupangwa. Kwa kuchunguza kwa haraka uwanja mkubwa hivyo, bila shaka nimepuuza mambo mengi ambayo yanapaswa kuingizwa. Bila shaka, pia, uchunguzi mbalimbali uliotajwa utaenea katika uchunguzi mdogo unaostahili kufuatiliwa. Hata hivyo, hata kama ni hivyo, mpango ni pana kutosha kuchukua wachunguzi wengi, ambao wanaweza kwa faida kuchukua mgawanyiko tofauti. Ingawa baada ya kujishughulisha na sanaa na bidhaa za kale, wananthropolojia wameweka fikira zao hasa kwa tabia za kimwili za jamii za kibinadamu, ni lazima, nadhani, ikubaliwe kwamba utafiti wa hizi hutoa umuhimu kwa utafiti wa tabia zao za kisaikolojia. "Mafundisho ya jumla ambayo seti ya kwanza ya uchunguzi inaweza kusababisha, haiwezi sana kuathiri maoni yetu kuhusu madarasa ya juu ya matukio kama inaweza matokeo ya jumla ambayo seti ya pili inaweza kusababisha. """ Nadharia ya kweli ya akili ya binadamu inatuhusu sana; na kulinganisha kwa utaratibu akili za binadamu, tofauti katika aina zao na madarasa, kutatuwezesha kutengeneza nadharia ya kweli. Ujuzi wa mahusiano ya kuingiliana kati ya tabia za watu na tabia za jamii wanazounda lazima uathiri sana mawazo yetu ya mipango ya kisiasa. Wakati utegemezi wa asili ya mtu binafsi na muundo wa kijamii unapoeleweka, dhana zetu za mabadiliko yanayotokea sasa na yanayotokea baadaye zitarekebishwa. Kuelewa maendeleo ya akili kama mchakato wa kukabiliana na hali za kijamii, ambazo daima kuunda upya akili na ni tena kuundwa upya na, itasababisha ufahamu salamu ya athari za mbali zinazozalishwa na taasisi juu ya tabia, na kudhibiti madhara makubwa ambayo sheria ujinga sasa husababisha. Mwishowe, nadharia sahihi ya mageuzi ya akili, kama inavyoonyeshwa na wanadamu kwa ujumla, ikitoa ufunguo, kama inavyofanya, kwa mageuzi ya akili ya mtu binafsi, lazima itusaidie kuhalalisha mbinu zetu za elimu; na hivyo kuinua nguvu ya kiakili na asili ya maadili.