Historically, most illusions have existed to disappoint. Western illusions that economic development and increased prosperity would somehow liberalize both politics and the economy in the People’s Republic of China have not fared better. The Sino-optimist in chief President Clinton envisioned in one of his frequent speeches that free enterprise would result in political freedom in the post-Mao China. Wexing almost poetic he predicted that the people “will demand a greater say.” His successor President George W. Bush also opined that China’s WTO entry would bring political benefits by enhancing “more open contacts with the world of freedom.” Not to left behind, self-described “citizen of the world” President Obama saw his mission in delivering rousing speeches about the burgeoning friendship between the two countries without ever developing a coherent China policy.
Initially, the optimism of successive American presidents appeared to be warranted. Mao Zedong, the incorrigible visionary with his belief in world revolution against Western domination and with his disastrous economic and social policies was replaced at the end of the 1970s by the cat and mouse pragmatist Deng Xiaoping. Having encouraged more economic freedom for a starter to his reforms, Deng had to quickly realize the potential political threats to the monopoly of Communist Party of China in the shape of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests. He died a disappointed and embittered man, for his reforms failed to change iota the unworkable and rigid political system. After his death, he was followed by two faceless party bureaucrats, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Their policies consisted of protecting the monopoly of the party, while taking advantage of China’s low cost manufacturing capabilities.
Enter in 2012 the new President Xi Jinping. In act one of his reign, President Xi engineered an anti-corruption campaign to eliminate his political opposition. In the ensuing purge, he reorganized the highest bodies of the Communist Party of China and the top leadership of the People’s Liberation Army. In act two, he assumed the combined role of head of state, head of the government, including the position of military commander in chief, and leader of the party, thus becoming the undisputed dictator of the People’s Republic of China. Finally, in act three, he was appointed dictator in perpetuity at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, commonly referred to in Chinese as Shijiu Da.
Held in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing between October 18 and 24, 2017, the National Congress amended the party constitution by including in it “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristic.” Hand in hand with the revision of the party constitution came the changes in the state’s constitution too. The new article 1 of the amended constitution states that “The socialist system is the fundamental system of the People’s Republic of China. The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Indeed, the party is the state and the state is the party. With this radical fusion, the dogma of collective leadership went out of the window too. Thus, the absolute dictatorship of Mao Zedong has been restored on steroids. L’Etat, c’est moi. I, President Xi, am the state. I, the dictator for life cannot do wrong.
Yet, restoration is as far away from reforms and revolution as “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” is from democracy. Reverting to Mao’s interference in the domestic affairs of foreign countries, President Xi has made an unsolicited offer to the world to export “Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach to solving the problems facing mankind.” His flagship initiative called One Belt One Road designed to demonstrate “Chinese wisdom” is already in deep trouble. Projected to cost at least between $4 and $8 trillion and beyond, this initiative is increasingly questioned for its “Chinese wisdom” both domestically as well as internationally.
Domestically, China’s spiraling debt and huge rural poverty have forced many in leadership positions to lift the veil of illusions and face reality. At the same 19th National People’s Congress, Prime Minister Li Keqiang reported that the GDP growth rate will drop from the previous 7 percent to 6.5 percent. Even if accepted that Li told the truth, this was the lowest growth rate since 1990. However, considering the utter unreliability of Chinese statistics, it is safe to assume that the Chinese economy has not grown significantly or at all between 2017 and 2018. According to several news outlets, Li also mused about the effectiveness of the economy’s ongoing transformation, conceding that it will be protracted and painful. More precisely, Li compared the Chinese economy to a butterfly fighting to emerge from its cocoon. Good luck to this endeavor.
Internationally, the People’s Republic of China has not fared better lately. Trying to resurrect the eponymous Silk Road, the One Belt One Road initiative contains a land-based as well as a sea-based concept. Going back to the early Han dynasty, the initiative has historically been characterized by its exclusive militaristic and imperialistic objectives. Believing wholeheartedly in “The Chinese Century”, Xi has in mind the total domination of East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and beyond. The recent espionage scandal across Africa and the aggressive financial penetration of Europe have only been the two most visible signs of Beijing’s real intentions, namely to replace the United States of America as the world’s only superpower. Called the “harmonious world” strategy, it intends to colonize as many countries as money can buy.
Moreover, the construction and militarization of artificial islands throughout the South China Sea and beyond signal a political-military strategy of massive intervention where and when Chinese investments and assets are threatened. To wit, the more intrusive Chinese penetration abroad is, the stronger the anti-China feelings are. In Africa, where the Chinese presence is most palpable, voices about colonization and racism are growing louder by the day. The Muslim states of the former Soviet Union complain about Beijing’s treatment of its Uighur Muslim minority and the lack of adequate financial contributions to the One Belt One Road initiative in their countries. In addition, Europe has not appeared to warm up to the Chinese initiative. With the exception of the government of Hungary, no European Union member state has shown any interest in allowing the People’s Republic of China to enter their markets in a meaningful way.
Clearly, there is a People’s Republic of China that President Xi and the Communist Party of China want the rest of the world to see and then there is a country that exists behind the illusionist tricks of Beijing’s relentless and misleading propaganda campaign. The reality is that the People’s Republic of China is being torn apart by uncontrolled public and private debt, exacerbated through the corrupt official and mafia-like shadow banking system, the long-festering demographic crisis with an increasingly aging population, a diminishing younger generation that is incapable of providing a viable safety net, rural poverty that even exceeds the worst living conditions in the poorest underdeveloped countries, and close to hundred million children whose parents abandoned them for a better life in the coastal cities.
Most importantly, the dangers inherent in the murky shadow lending are well documented by the analyses of Moody’s and the IMF. According to the former, shadow lending comprises more than 80 percent of China’s GDP. To add insult to injury, the most recent IMF study on global financial stability warns that albeit “regulators (in China) have taken a number of steps to reduce risks in the financial system …..vulnerabilities remain elevated. The use of leverage and liquidity transformation in risky investment products remains widespread, with risks residing in opaque corners of the financial system.” The malady of the Chinese “debt bomb” is closely related to China’s demographic disaster, going back to the infamous “one child” policy of the Mao era. It is predicted that by 2030, the population over the age of sixty will be close to four hundred million, while the population between twenty and twenty four will decline to approximately seventy million. In sum, by 2030, a single working individual will have to support at least six aging and unemployed persons.
To wit, China’s education system outside the eastern coastal cities is abysmal beyond any imagination. The multitude of children left behind by their migrating parents are either badly educated or not educated at all, creating a functionally unemployable class of unproductive masses.
The government’s own studies stipulate that more than half of the about hundred million children have IQs lower than ninety. Indeed, the future of the “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” is extremely bleak.
However, President Xi’s most threatening nightmare is the ever present political danger of unemployment. For a starter, China’s export oriented, complex industrial system can only be maintained by the demands of the American and European markets. Most probably, President Trump’s economic policies vis-a-vis Beijing will plunge the Chinese economy into a severe and protracted recession. The newly installed personality cult of President Xi’s dictatorship has positioned the People’s Republic of China between the rock of rapid economic decline and the hard place of political uncertainties. Indeed, President Xi’s most pressing problem beyond the economic realities is the looming collapse of the one-party dictatorship.
It cannot be claimed that President Xi is completely oblivious to his country’s dire economic situation. After all, under his leadership the economy has started its precipitous decline. In spite of all the bravado, his country’s per capita income is less than half of Japan’s in the late 1980s. More importantly, to the eternal shame of his “Thought”, economic inequality in the People’s Republic of China is highest in the world. According to government estimates, the proverbial one percent accounts for almost forty percent of the nation’s wealth. His quest for centralizing the control of the rural economy has clearly been an unmitigated disaster. The truth is that the speeding train of the Chinese economy lacks a driver who might apply the breaks before the entire set will plunge into the abyss. President Xi appears to be incapable of guiding the Chinese economy from a state of rapid economic growth to the more sophisticated high-quality development. The fact that two thirds of the population live in poverty creates a horrendous political problem that cannot be solved by returning society to the failed policies of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s.
Presently, the People’s Republic of China is fighting for its very existence. President Xi and the Communist Party of China are passing through a great crisis. As before him Lenin, Stalin, Mao, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Andropov, and Chernenko, his “Thought with Chinese Characteristics” is nothing but an ideology of absolute dictatorship maintained by his newly found militarism, which is the menace to Asia and a threat to mankind. This ideology is a poor substitute for statesmanship. It lacks the legitimate principles of a government in which the political leadership is supported by the consent of the people. President Xi’s “Thought with Chinese Characteristics” does not have the support of universality and the approval of the majority of mankind. While the Chinese economy is declining, his military buildup can only have a limited range of influence. For this reason alone, his dream of Chinese supremacy will only divide the world. It will never be capable to establish universal peace that the world so urgently needs.
President Trump is right. The United States of America must stand up to the People’s Republic of China and assert the supremacy of democracy and economic freedom over a regime that is hell-bent to keep its subjects in eternal political and economic bondage. If President Trump and his Administration do not relent, the United States of America will be joined by many countries that are opposed to Chinese “harmony.” On the other hand, President Xi and his country can hardly reckon on too many sympathizers in their bid for world domination.
Kihistoria, udanganyifu mwingi umekuwepo ili kukatisha tamaa. Dhana za Magharibi kwamba maendeleo ya kiuchumi na kuongezeka kwa ufanisi kwa njia fulani kutaachilia siasa na uchumi katika Jamhuri ya Watu wa China hazijafanikiwa vizuri zaidi. Rais Clinton, ambaye ni mfuasi wa China, alielezea katika moja ya hotuba zake za mara kwa mara kwamba biashara huru ingesababisha uhuru wa kisiasa katika China baada ya Mao. "Wexing alitabiri kuwa watu ""watahitaji kusema zaidi"" na mrithi wake, Rais George W. Bush, pia alidai kuwa kuingia kwa China katika WTO kulileta faida za kisiasa kwa kuongeza ""mawasiliano ya wazi zaidi na ulimwengu wa uhuru"" na ""kujielezea kuwa raia wa ulimwengu,"" Rais Obama aliona utume wake katika kutoa hotuba za kuchochea juu ya urafiki unaoongezeka kati ya nchi hizo mbili bila kuendeleza sera ya China." Mwanzoni, matumaini ya marais wa Marekani waliojulikana kwa mfululizo yalionekana kuwa yenye haki. Mao Zedong, mwonaji asiyeweza kurekebishwa na imani yake katika mapinduzi ya ulimwengu dhidi ya utawala wa Magharibi na sera zake mbaya za kiuchumi na kijamii, alibadilishwa mwishoni mwa miaka ya 1970 na Deng Xiaoping, pragmatist wa paka na panya. Baada ya kuendeleza uhuru wa kiuchumi, Deng alitambua haraka hatari za kisiasa kwa udhibiti wa Chama cha Kikomunisti cha China katika maandamano ya 1989 ya Tiananmen Square. Alikufa akiwa mtu mwenye kukata tamaa na uchungu, kwa sababu marekebisho yake yalishindwa kubadilisha hata kidogo mfumo wa kisiasa usioweza kutekelezwa na mgumu. Baada ya kifo chake, alifuatwa na maofisa wawili wasio na uso wa chama, Jiang Zemin na Hu Jintao. Sera zao zilitia ndani kulinda udhibiti wa chama, huku wakitumia faida ya uwezo wa China wa utengenezaji wa gharama nafuu. Mwaka 2012 Rais Xi Jinping Katika hatua moja ya utawala wake, Rais Xi alianzisha kampeni ya kupambana na ufisadi ili kuondoa upinzani wake wa kisiasa. Katika usafishaji uliofuata, alipanga upya mashirika ya juu zaidi ya Chama cha Kikomunisti cha China na uongozi wa juu wa Jeshi la Ukombozi wa Watu. Katika hatua ya pili, alichukua jukumu la pamoja la mkuu wa serikali, mkuu wa serikali, ikiwa ni pamoja na nafasi ya kamanda mkuu wa kijeshi, na kiongozi wa chama, hivyo kuwa dikteta asiye na ubishi wa Jamhuri ya Watu wa China. "Mwishowe, katika hatua ya tatu, aliteuliwa kuwa dikteta wa kudumu katika Mkutano wa Kitaifa wa 19 wa Chama cha Kikomunisti cha China, ambao kwa kawaida unajulikana kwa Kichina kama ""Shijiazhuang.""" "Kumbukumbu ya chama cha China, iliyofanyika katika ukumbi mkubwa wa watu wa Beijing kati ya Oktoba 18 na 24, 2017, ilibadilisha katiba ya chama kwa kuingiza ndani yake ""Mawazo ya Xi Jinping juu ya Ujamaa na Sifa za Kichina"" na ""Mabadiliko katika Katiba ya Chama"" na ""Mabadiliko katika Katiba ya Jimbo.""" Kifungu kipya cha 1 cha katiba iliyorekebishwa kinasema kwamba "Mfumo wa kisoshalisti ni mfumo wa msingi wa Jamhuri ya Watu wa China". Uongozi wa Chama cha Kikomunisti cha China ni sifa muhimu zaidi ya ujamaa na sifa za Kichina. <unk> Kwa kweli, chama ni serikali na serikali ni chama. Pamoja na muungano huu wa kimkakati, fundisho la uongozi wa pamoja lilitoweka pia. Hivyo, utawala wa kimabavu wa Mao Zedong umerudishwa kwa kutumia steroidi. L'Etat, c'est moi. (L'Etat, c'est moi) Mimi, Rais Xi, ni serikali. Mimi, dikteta wa maisha siwezi kufanya makosa. Hata hivyo, kurudishwa ni mbali sana na mageuzi na mapinduzi kama <unk>Socialism na Characteristics Kichina<unk> ni kutoka demokrasia. "Kutokana na uingiliaji wa Mao katika masuala ya ndani ya nchi za kigeni, Rais Xi ametoa toleo lisiloombwa kwa ulimwengu la kuuza nje ""hekima ya Kichina na mbinu ya Kichina ya kutatua matatizo yanayokabiliwa na ubinadamu,"" mpango wake wa ""One Belt, One Road"" uliokusudiwa kuonyesha ""hekima ya Kichina"" tayari uko katika shida kubwa." Kwa kuwa mpango huo unaokadiriwa kugharimu angalau dola za Marekani bilioni nne hadi nane na zaidi, unaulizwa kwa sababu ya "hekima ya Kichina" yake, ndani na nje ya nchi. Katika nchi, madeni ya China yanayokua na umaskini mkubwa wa vijijini wamelazimisha wengi katika nafasi za uongozi kuondoa pazia la udanganyifu na kukabiliana na ukweli. Katika mkutano huo wa 19 wa Bunge la Taifa la Watu, Waziri Mkuu Li Keqiang alitangaza kuwa kiwango cha ukuaji wa Pato la Taifa (GDP) kitashuka kutoka asilimia 7 hadi 6.5 mwaka huu. Hata kama Li alisema ukweli, hii ilikuwa kiwango cha chini zaidi cha ukuaji tangu 1990. Kwa mujibu wa takwimu za China, uchumi wa China haukuongezeka kwa kiasi kikubwa kati ya mwaka 2017 na 2018. Kulingana na vyombo kadhaa vya habari, Li pia alitafakari juu ya ufanisi wa mabadiliko ya uchumi yanayoendelea, akikiri kuwa itakuwa ya muda mrefu na chungu. Kwa usahihi zaidi, Li alilinganisha uchumi wa China na kipepeo anayepigana ili kutoka kwenye kiota chake. Bahati nzuri kwa jitihada hii. Kimataifa, Jamhuri ya Watu wa China haijafanikiwa vizuri hivi karibuni. Ili kuimarisha njia ya hariri, mpango wa One Belt One Road unajumuisha dhana ya ardhi na bahari. Kurudi nyuma hadi mwanzoni mwa nasaba ya Han, mpango huo kwa kihistoria umekuwa na sifa ya malengo yake ya kijeshi na ya kifalme. Akiamini kwa moyo wote katika "Mashariki mwa China", Xi anafikiria utawala kamili wa Asia Mashariki, Asia Kusini, Asia ya Kati, na zaidi. "Mchoro wa hivi karibuni wa ujasusi barani Afrika na uvamizi mkali wa kifedha wa Ulaya ni ishara mbili tu zinazoonekana za nia halisi ya Beijing, yaani kuchukua nafasi ya Marekani kama nguvu kubwa pekee ulimwenguni. """ Mkakati huo unaoitwa "mfumo wa ulimwengu wenye upatano", unakusudia kutawala nchi nyingi kadiri pesa zinavyoweza kununua. "Kwa kuongezea, ujenzi na utengenezaji wa visiwa vya bandia katika Bahari ya China Kusini na zaidi ya hapo, inaashiria mkakati wa kisiasa na kijeshi wa kuingilia kati kwa wingi wakati wowote uwekezaji na mali za China zinatishiwa. """ Kwa mfano, kadiri China inavyoingia zaidi nje ya nchi, ndivyo hisia za kupinga China zinavyoongezeka. Katika Afrika, ambapo uwepo wa Wachina ni dhahiri zaidi, sauti kuhusu ukoloni na ubaguzi wa rangi zinazidi kuongezeka kila siku. Nchi za Kiislamu zilizokuwa katika Muungano wa Sovieti zimelalamika juu ya jinsi Beijing inavyowatendea Waislamu wa Uighur na ukosefu wa michango ya kifedha ya kutosha kwa mpango wa One Belt One Road katika nchi zao. Kwa kuongezea, Ulaya haionekani kuwa na mwelekeo wa kuunga mkono mpango wa China. Isipokuwa serikali ya Hungary, hakuna nchi mwanachama wa Umoja wa Ulaya imeonyesha nia yoyote ya kuruhusu Jamhuri ya Watu wa China kuingia masoko yao kwa njia yenye maana. "Hakuna shaka kwamba kuna Jamhuri ya Watu wa China ambayo Rais Xi na Chama cha Kikomunisti cha China wanataka ulimwengu wote uone, na kuna nchi ambayo iko nyuma ya ujanja wa Beijing wa kampeni ya propaganda isiyo na huruma na ya kupotosha. """ "Ukweli ni kwamba Jamhuri ya Watu wa China imevunjwa kwa deni la umma na binafsi lisiloweza kudhibitiwa, lililozidishwa na mfumo wa benki ya kivuli wa mafia na serikali, mgogoro wa muda mrefu wa idadi ya watu na idadi ya watu wanaozidi kuzeeka, kizazi kipya cha vijana ambao hawawezi kutoa mtandao wa usalama, umaskini wa vijijini ambao hata unazidi hali mbaya zaidi ya maisha katika nchi maskini za chini ya maendeleo, na karibu watoto milioni mia moja ambao wazazi wao waliwaacha kwa maisha bora katika miji ya pwani. """ "Hata hivyo, hatari za ""mkono wa shadow"" zimethibitishwa na Moody's na IMF." Kwa mujibu wa ripoti hiyo, mkopo wa kivuli unawakilisha zaidi ya asilimia 80 ya Pato la Taifa la China. "Kwa kuongezea, utafiti wa hivi karibuni wa IMF juu ya utulivu wa kifedha wa kimataifa unaonya kwamba ingawa ""wasimamizi (katika China) wamechukua hatua kadhaa za kupunguza hatari katika mfumo wa kifedha... udhaifu unabaki kuwa wa juu.""" "Utekelezaji wa fedha za uwekezaji na fedha za uwekezaji katika bidhaa za uwekezaji zenye hatari bado ni jambo la kawaida, na hatari hizo ziko katika pembe zisizo wazi za mfumo wa kifedha. ""Ugonjwa wa ""bomu la deni"" la China unahusiana sana na msiba wa idadi ya watu nchini China, ukianzia sera ya ""mtoto mmoja"" ya enzi ya Mao." Kulingana na makadirio ya mwaka wa 2030, idadi ya watu wenye umri wa miaka 60 na zaidi itakaribia milioni 400, wakati idadi ya watu wenye umri wa miaka 20 hadi 24 itashuka hadi milioni 70. Kwa jumla, kufikia 2030, mtu mmoja anayefanya kazi atahitaji kuandaa chakula kwa angalau wazee sita na watu wasio na kazi. Kwa mfano, mfumo wa elimu wa China nje ya miji ya pwani ya mashariki ni mbaya sana kuliko uwezo wowote wa kuwazia. Watoto wengi waliosalia nyuma na wazazi wao wahamiaji ni ama elimu mbaya au elimu kabisa, kuunda kazi ya kazi ya watu wasio na uzalishaji. Uchunguzi wa serikali yenyewe unasema kwamba zaidi ya nusu ya watoto wapatao milioni mia moja wana IQ ya chini ya tisini. Kwa kweli, wakati ujao wa "Ujamaa wenye sifa za Kichina" ni mbaya sana. Hata hivyo, ndoto mbaya zaidi ya Rais Xi ni hatari ya kisiasa ya ukosefu wa ajira. Kwa mwanzoni, mfumo tata wa viwanda wa China ulioelekezwa kwa usafirishaji unaweza tu kudumishwa na mahitaji ya masoko ya Marekani na Ulaya. """Hakika sera za kiuchumi za Rais Trump dhidi ya Beijing zitaingiza uchumi wa China katika hali mbaya ya uchumi na ya muda mrefu." Uabudu wa utu wa dikteta wa Rais Xi umeweka Jamhuri ya Watu wa China kati ya mwamba wa kupungua kwa uchumi na mahali pa ngumu ya kutokuwa na uhakika wa kisiasa. Kwa kweli, tatizo la haraka zaidi la Rais Xi zaidi ya hali halisi ya kiuchumi ni kuanguka kwa udikteta wa chama kimoja. Haiwezekani kudai kwamba Rais Xi hajui kabisa hali mbaya ya kiuchumi ya nchi yake. Baada ya yote, chini ya uongozi wake uchumi umeanza kupungua kwa kasi. Licha ya ujasiri wote, mapato ya kila mtu nchini mwake ni chini ya nusu ya Japan mwishoni mwa miaka ya 1980. Jambo muhimu zaidi, kwa aibu ya milele ya "Mawazo" yake, ukosefu wa usawa wa kiuchumi katika Jamhuri ya Watu wa China ni wa juu zaidi ulimwenguni. Kulingana na makadirio ya serikali, asilimia moja ya watu wanaofanya kazi kwa bidii hufanyiza karibu asilimia 40 ya utajiri wa taifa. Jaribio lake la kuunganisha udhibiti wa uchumi wa vijijini kwa wazi limekuwa msiba kamili. Ukweli ni kwamba gari-moshi la uchumi wa China linakosa dereva ambaye anaweza kutumia breki kabla ya seti nzima kuanguka ndani ya abyss. Rais Xi anaonekana kuwa hawezi kuongoza uchumi wa China kutoka hali ya ukuaji wa haraka wa kiuchumi hadi maendeleo ya hali ya juu ya hali ya juu. """Ukweli kwamba theluthi mbili ya watu wanaishi katika umaskini huunda tatizo kubwa la kisiasa ambalo haliwezi kutatuliwa kwa kurudisha jamii kwenye sera zilizoshindwa za miaka ya 1950, 1960 na 1970." Kwa sasa, Jamhuri ya Watu wa China inapigana kwa ajili ya kuwepo kwake. Rais Xi na Chama cha Kikomunisti cha China vinapitia mgogoro mkubwa. Kama Lenin, Stalin, Mao, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Andropov, na Chernenko, mawazo yake ya Kichina ni kitu kingine ila ni ideolojia ya udikteta wa kipekee uliohifadhiwa na militarism yake mpya, ambayo ni tishio kwa Asia na tishio kwa ubinadamu. Mawazo hayo ni mbadala duni wa ustadi wa kisiasa. Inakosa kanuni halali za serikali ambayo uongozi wa kisiasa unasaidiwa na idhini ya watu. Rais Xi <unk> 'Thoughts with Chinese Characteristics<unk> hana msaada wa ulimwengu na idhini ya wengi wa ubinadamu. Wakati uchumi wa China unashuka, ujenzi wake wa kijeshi unaweza kuwa na ushawishi mdogo tu. Kwa sababu hii pekee, ndoto yake ya utawala wa Kichina itagawanya tu ulimwengu. Haitaweza kamwe kuanzisha amani ya ulimwengu wote mzima ambayo ulimwengu unahitaji kwa haraka sana. Rais Trump ni sahihi. """Mashirika ya Marekani lazima yaunge mkono Jamhuri ya Watu wa China na kudai utawala wa demokrasia na uhuru wa kiuchumi dhidi ya utawala ambao umejitahidi kuweka raia wake katika utumwa wa milele wa kisiasa na kiuchumi." "Ikiwa Rais Trump na utawala wake hawatabadilika, Marekani itajiunga na nchi nyingi zinazopinga ""mapatano"" ya China, kwa upande mwingine, Rais Xi na nchi yake hawawezi kuhesabu kwa watu wengi sana katika jitihada zao za kutawala dunia."