As India faces the challenge of creating millions of well-paying jobs for its rapidly growing working-age population, Devashish Mitra analyses which sectors and what strategies can provide these good jobs. He posits that four factors can help the export-oriented manufacturing model succeed – further labour reforms; the signing and implementation of free trade agreements and establishing special economic zones; and participation in global supply chains. This will allow India to leverage its labour, along with advanced-country technology, to create productive jobs.
With India’s overall per capita income 2.5 to 3 times the average income in its agricultural sector, we can expect the expansion of this sector to create only low-productivity and low-wage jobs in the absence of significant technological breakthroughs. Turning to the service sector: with only 12% of India’s population holding bachelors’ degrees or higher, and with 59% in the primary-school, middle-school and illiterate categories combined, only a small proportion of the population has any chance of qualifying for good service-sector jobs.1
Thus, India must focus on manufacturing to make any significant dent in the jobs problem. As documented by NITI Aayog (2017), small firms (those with less than 20 workers) employ 75% of all manufacturing workers, but produce slightly over 10% of all manufacturing output. This implies several-fold higher labour productivity in larger firms. Besides, the average wage of a formal-sector manufacturing worker is six times the average wage in informal-sector enterprises, which are generally small, low-productivity2, unregistered, and exempt from most labour regulations (NITI Aayog, 2017). Thus, good jobs will mainly have to be created in relatively large firms, and mainly those in labour-intensive industries, since that is where output growth is bound to be accompanied by employment growth. The large scale of production is expected to reap economies of scale, leading to higher productivity and wages.
China’s labour-intensive manufacturing production (of textiles, apparel, footwear etc.) has been concentrated in firms employing 1,000 or more workers. On the other hand, India’s labour-intensive manufacturing is concentrated in firms with under 20 workers, which form a higher share of employment in India’s rigid labour market states3 than others (Hasan and Jandoc 2013). Clearly, there seems to be better exploitation of economies of scale and faster employment growth in states with relatively flexible labour markets, as confirmed by Gupta et al. (2009).
The reasons for concentration of Indian manufacturing in small-scale enterprises include labour restrictions that can be avoided by firms by remaining small; land acquisition restrictions that make it difficult to acquire several contiguous pieces of land from different owners to operate firms at large scales; and low maximum floor-space indices (FSIs)4 that restrict the vertical expansion of buildings. Poor infrastructure and financial underdevelopment have compounded these problems.
Consequently, India has failed to grasp its natural comparative advantage from labour-abundance, as evident from the recent doubling of import tariffs on entry-level labour-intensive goods5. Increases in import duties on electronics and communications devices also show India’s lack of competitiveness in low-skilled labour-intensive input processing and assembly – a sector that has propelled China’s export expansion and growth.
However, this failure does not mean that an approach to job creation based on exports of labour-intensive manufactures is not feasible for India. As discussed above, agriculture and services cannot be engines of job creation and growth. Therefore, giving up on manufactures and their exports is equivalent to giving up on growth and forsaking the creation of good jobs. I argue that there is still hope for an export-oriented manufacturing model – emphasising specifically labour-intensive exports – to succeed for India.
Progress on labour reforms
Firstly, there has been some encouraging movement on labour reforms. Andhra Pradesh, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand have raised the Industrial Disputes Act (IDA) threshold for firm-employment size6 from 100 to 300 workers. This same increase in the threshold has now also been incorporated in the countrywide Industrial Relations Code (IRC), one of four new labour codes that will be implemented soon.
Additionally, Rajasthan has raised the threshold membership for recognition of a union to 30% of a firm’s employment. Going further in that direction, the IRC requires 51% of a firm’s employees to be members in order to recognise a negotiating union, or else a ‘negotiating council’ will need to be formed.
To minimise harassment by inspectors, a unified web portal has been instituted at the central level for the self-reporting of compliance with several central acts (and now also some state acts). Within the portal, there is a built-in algorithm, which looks for inconsistencies in reporting, which, if found, triggers an inspection. The labour codes eliminate duplication of and contradiction between the numerous regulations, while also making them more transparent, as they consolidate regulations. The number of filings and compliances is, therefore, going to be vastly reduced.
With this considerable reduction in regulatory burden on firms, effective costs of employing labour are expected to go down. Hasan et al. (2013) find that in most industries, Indian production was far more capital-intensive compared to other countries at similar stages of development, possibly driven by the higher effective costs of employing labour relative to capital. This could change at least somewhat with the new labour reforms. Flexibility in employment is also expected to be considerably enhanced through the provision of employment of fixed-term labour in the IRC.
Negotiating free trade agreements
The next factor contributing to my confidence in the export-oriented, labour-intensive manufacturing model is some recent progress with free trade agreements (FTAs). After India’s disappointing withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)7, we are now seeing the beginnings of a new strategy with FTAs that have recently been negotiated, first with the UAE and then with Australia.
The signing of the Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (ECTA) with Australia – a country of only 26 million people but one whose economic size is approximately half of India’s8 – is not insignificant. Coupled with the fact that Australia’s per capita GDP is seven-fold India’s at purchasing power parity (and 28-fold at the market exchange rate), the ECTA gives rise to a substantial market expansion for Indian producers and exporters. The doubling of India’s exports to Australia, and the consequent creation of a ‘million jobs’ that the government is aiming for through the ECTA within the next five years, will require more than just implementing this agreement. India will have to compete with countries like China and Vietnam, who also have FTAs with Australia. India has a disadvantage with respect to these countries in the form of factor-market rigidities, and lower infrastructure quality, average labour force skills and education. Clearly, those are areas India will have to work on. Competition through this FTA will put some pressure on policymakers to deliver on domestic policy reforms and bring about an improvement in infrastructure and skills.
Finally, an important feature of the ECTA is the tariff cuts on imports of Australian cotton and aluminium. Cotton is an important input in textiles and apparel, both highly labour-intensive, while aluminium is used in many other manufactured products. Clearly, lower input costs can go far in boosting labour-intensive exports.
Setting up special economic zones (SEZs) or autonomous economic zones (AEZs)
Today’s geopolitics, rising wages in China and its recent long-duration Covid-related lockdowns are changing export patterns, and providing new opportunities for countries like India. Nonetheless, it is important to note that none of India’s 250 SEZs (at an average size of 0.3 square kilometres), come close to China’s Shenzhen, which has an area of 1,950 square kilometres9. Panagariya (2020) has argued that India needs a few AEZs, each with an area of at least 500 square kilometres, under an autonomous administration.
As mentioned above, the idea of SEZs is not unfamiliar in India, but, as argued in Panagariya (2020) and Jha and Mitra (2020), this idea needs to be scaled up. This would solve the land area problem for large enterprises by relaxing land acquisition regulations and FSIs within these AEZs. Allowing for more flexibility in labour employment decisions within these AEZs would remove fears on the part of employers there that they might be compelled to retain all their workers even if they experience demand reductions in the future, or if some workers are found to be incompetent This flexibility could lead to greater initial hiring of workers and the adoption of more labour-intensive methods of production. Each AEZ will act as a coordinating mechanism for agglomeration, in the form of a cluster of related economic activities, thereby leading to higher productivity through labour market pooling and attracting nearby input suppliers. Easing of capital constraints and infrastructure development through public-private partnerships in these AEZs would be needed. The construction activity of building dorms for workers, roads, office buildings, schools, hospitals, etc. will start creating jobs way before these AEZs are operational (see Jha and Mitra 2020).
India’s role in global supply chains
Next, the current geopolitics, a result of worsening China-US relations, along with rising Chinese wages, provides India (and a few other Asian countries) the opportunity to grab some of China’s global market share of labour-intensive manufactures. There are also reports that the recent long-duration Covid lockdowns in China have prompted Western firms to look for alternative suppliers.
As a result, consistent with recent export data from India, there are informal reports of shoppers in North America observing a recent growth in ‘Made in India’ brand-name cotton apparel in departmental stores. However, high tariffs (of 20-25%) on artificial fibers and fabrics are possibly adversely affecting synthetic-fabric garment exports. Eliminating these tariffs could go a long way in expanding output and employment in this sub-sector as well. So would eliminating high tariffs on final product imports (for instance, the ones in the range of 60-125% on automobiles) that have made this industry inefficient and uncompetitive in the world market.
Policy implications and conclusion
In this context, it is important to note the belief in a mercantilist approach to export promotion often held in policy circles – namely that export promotion and import substitution can go hand in hand – as in the case of Prime Minister Modi’s ‘Make in India’. The impossibility of doing this is a clear corollary of the well-known Lerner symmetry theorem10. Clearly, when a country produces more for domestic consumption, there are fewer resources left to produce for exports. Also, import barriers – through a reduction in the demand for foreign exchange and a consequent exchange rate appreciation of the domestic currency– make exports more expensive and reduce their volumes sold on the world market. This makes it important and urgent to roll back India’s tariff hikes of the last few years.
Let me end with a rebuttal to something one often hears these days, about the strategy of export promotion for development: that the new nature of production and trade makes it difficult to use exports as an engine of growth and job creation. It leads to the inference that India has missed the bus on this strategy; I strongly disagree. While automation has made considerable progress, it has far from taken over all labour-intensive production. The current method of production fragmentation and offshoring allows for prevalence of numerous labour-intensive tasks in labour-abundant countries, even within the production of goods that are overall capital-intensive. With production fragmentation less common in the case of goods considered labour-intensive overall, a country like India now has opportunities to perform a larger range of productive tasks than before, combining developing-country labour with advanced-country technology, with the potential to create productive jobs. This is what exports through input processing and assembly are all about.
This post is the first in a six-part series on 'The good jobs challenge in India'.
- This includes jobs such as information technology, IT-enabled services, finance and other business services.
- Although 75% of manufacturing labour is employed in small firms, they produce only 10% of output; the remaining 25% labour working in larger firms, produces nine times as much output.
- This classification is based on state amendments to Central labour acts and monitoring intensities.
- FSI or floor area ratio (FAR) of a building is equal to its total floor area divided by the area of the land parcel on which it is built. Lower FAR values lead to low building height and implies stricter building regulations.
- Goods such as beauty aids, watches, toys, furniture, footwear, kites and candles.
- This threshold is the upper limit on employment size for firms which are not required to seek government permission to fire workers; above this threshold, government approval is required.
- The RCEP is a free trade agreement among a number of Asia-Pacific nations, including Australia, China, Japan and South Korea.
- Australia’s GDP at the current nominal exchange rate is US$ 1.33 trillion, and India’s is US$ 2.66 trillion.
- One of the biggest Indian SEZs, Mundra, is roughly 64 square kilometres.
- In international trade theory, the Lerner symmetry theorem states that import barriers (for instance, import tariff per unit of imports or denominated as a proportion of import value) also act as export barriers.
- Gupta, Poonam, Rana Hasan and Utsav Kumar (2008), "Big Reforms but Small Payoffs: Explaining the Weak Record of Growth in Indian Manufacturing," India Policy Forum, 5(1): 59-123.
- Hasan, R and K Jandoc (2013), ‘Labor Regulations and Firm-Size Distribution in Indian Manufacturing,’ in J Bhagwati and A Panagariya (eds.), Reforms and Economic Transformation in India, Oxford University Press.
- Hasan, Rana, Devashish Mitra and Asha Sundaram (2013), “What Explains the High Capital Intensity of Indian Manufacturing?”, Indian Growth and Development Review, 6(2): 212-241.
- Jha, P and D Mitra (2020), ‘How a successful 'AEZ Model' can remove India's structural bottlenecks’, The Economic Times, May 19.
- NITI Aayog (2017), ‘Three-Year Action Agenda (2017-2020)’, NITI Aayog.
- Panagariya, A (2020), New India: Reclaiming the Lost Glory, Oxford University Press, New York.
India inakabiliwa na changamoto ya kuunda mamilioni ya kazi zinazolipa vizuri kwa idadi yake ya watu wenye umri wa kufanya kazi inayokua haraka, Devashish Mitra anachambua ni sekta gani na ni mikakati gani inayoweza kutoa kazi hizi nzuri. "Mwanahabari huyo alisema ""vitu vinne vinaweza kusaidia kufanikiwa kwa mtindo wa utengenezaji unaoelekezwa kwa usafirishaji: marekebisho zaidi ya kazi, kusaini na kutekeleza makubaliano ya biashara huru na kuanzisha maeneo maalum ya kiuchumi, na kushiriki katika minyororo ya usambazaji wa kimataifa.""" Hii itaruhusu India kutumia nguvu zake za kazi, pamoja na teknolojia ya nchi za kisasa, kuunda ajira za uzalishaji. Kwa kuwa kipato cha kila mtu nchini India ni mara 2.5 hadi 3 ya kipato cha wastani katika sekta ya kilimo, tunaweza kutarajia upanuzi wa sekta hii kuunda tu kazi za uzalishaji wa chini na za mshahara wa chini, bila mafanikio makubwa ya kiteknolojia. "Kuhusu sekta ya huduma, ambapo ni asilimia 12 tu ya idadi ya watu nchini India wana digrii ya shahada ya kwanza au zaidi, na asilimia 59 wanaendelea na masomo ya msingi, shule za kati na elimu ya msingi pamoja, ni asilimia ndogo tu ya idadi ya watu wana nafasi ya kupata kazi nzuri katika sekta ya huduma. "" - India Times" NITI Aayog, 2017: Kampuni ndogo ndogo (zile zilizo na wafanyikazi chini ya 20) zinaajiri 75% ya wafanyikazi wote wa utengenezaji, lakini zinazalisha zaidi ya 10% ya pato lote la utengenezaji. Hii ina maana mara kadhaa juu ya uzalishaji wa kazi katika makampuni makubwa. Kwa kuongezea, mshahara wa wastani wa mfanyakazi wa sekta rasmi ni mara sita ya mshahara wa wastani katika biashara za sekta isiyo rasmi, ambazo kwa ujumla ni ndogo, za uzalishaji wa chini, hazirekodiwa, na zimeondolewa kutoka kwa kanuni nyingi za kazi (NITI Aayog, 2017). Kwa hivyo, kazi nzuri zitahitaji kuundwa hasa katika makampuni makubwa, na hasa katika viwanda vya kazi-intensive, kwani ni ambapo ukuaji wa uzalishaji lazima ufuate na ukuaji wa ajira. Ukubwa wa uzalishaji unatarajiwa kuvuna uchumi wa kiwango, na kusababisha uzalishaji na mishahara ya juu. Uzalishaji wa utengenezaji wa kazi ya China (wa nguo, mavazi, viatu nk.) Hii inahusu kampuni ambazo zina wafanyikazi 1,000 au zaidi. Kwa upande mwingine, utengenezaji wa kazi ya nguvu nchini India umezingatia makampuni yenye wafanyikazi chini ya 20, ambayo huunda sehemu kubwa ya ajira katika nchi za India zenye soko la kazi ngumu kuliko nyingine (Hassan na Janduk, 2013). Ni wazi kwamba kuna inaonekana kuwa bora utumiaji wa uchumi wa ukubwa na kasi ya ukuaji wa ajira katika majimbo na masoko ya kazi kiasi rahisi, kama kuthibitishwa na Gupta et al. (2009) Sababu za mkusanyiko wa viwanda vya India katika makampuni madogo ni pamoja na vikwazo vya kazi ambavyo vinaweza kuepukwa na makampuni kwa kubaki madogo; vikwazo vya ununuzi wa ardhi vinavyofanya kuwa vigumu kupata vipande kadhaa vya ardhi kutoka kwa wamiliki tofauti ili kuendesha makampuni kwa kiwango kikubwa; na viashiria vya juu vya nafasi ya sakafu (FSI) vinavyopunguza upanuzi wa wima wa majengo. Miundombinu duni na maendeleo madogo ya kifedha yameongeza matatizo hayo. India imeshindwa kutumia faida yake ya asili ya kulinganisha kutokana na wingi wa kazi, kama inavyoonekana kutoka kwa marudio ya hivi karibuni ya ushuru wa uagizaji wa bidhaa za kiwango cha juu za kazi. Ongezeko la ushuru wa kuagiza vifaa vya elektroniki na mawasiliano pia linaonyesha ukosefu wa ushindani wa India katika usindikaji na mkusanyiko wa vifaa vya chini-ufanyakazi-wenye nguvu - sekta ambayo imeendesha upanuzi wa mauzo ya nje na ukuaji wa China. Hata hivyo, kushindwa hii haina maana kwamba mbinu ya kuunda ajira kulingana na mauzo ya nje ya viwanda vya kazi-intensive si uwezekano kwa ajili ya India. Kama ilivyojadiliwa hapo juu, kilimo na huduma haziwezi kuwa injini za uundaji wa ajira na ukuaji. Kwa hiyo, kuacha viwanda na mauzo yao ni sawa na kuacha ukuaji na kuacha uundaji wa ajira nzuri. Mimi wanasema kwamba bado kuna matumaini kwa ajili ya kuuza nje-oriented utengenezaji mfano - akisisitiza hasa kazi-intensive mauzo ya nje - kufanikiwa kwa ajili ya India. Maendeleo juu ya mageuzi ya kazi Kwanza, kumekuwa na harakati fulani zenye kutia moyo juu ya mageuzi ya kazi. Andhra Pradesh, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan na Uttarakhand zimeongeza kiwango cha sheria ya migogoro ya viwanda (IDA) kwa ukubwa wa kampuni ya ajira kutoka 100 hadi 300 ya wafanyakazi. Mabadiliko hayo ya sheria yatatolewa katika sheria mpya ya mahusiano ya viwanda (IRC) ambayo ni moja ya sheria nne za kazi zitakazotumika katika nchi hiyo. Rajasthan pia imependekeza kuwa kiwango cha wanachama wa chama cha wafanyakazi kiwe asilimia 30 ya wafanyakazi wote. IRC inahitaji 51% ya wafanyikazi wa kampuni kuwa wanachama ili kutambua chama cha wafanyabiashara, au vinginevyo "baraza la wafanyabiashara" litahitaji kuundwa. Ili kupunguza unyanyasaji na wakaguzi, portal ya mtandao iliyounganishwa imeanzishwa katika ngazi ya kati kwa ripoti ya kujitegemea ya kufuata sheria kadhaa za kati (na sasa pia sheria zingine za serikali). Ndani ya portal, kuna kujengwa katika algorithm, ambayo inaangalia kwa kutopatana katika kuripoti, ambayo, kama kupatikana, triggers ukaguzi. Kanuni za kazi huondoa kurudia na kutoelewana kati ya kanuni nyingi, wakati pia kuzifanya ziwe wazi zaidi, kwani zinaunganisha kanuni. Kwa hiyo, idadi ya maombi na malalamiko itapunguzwa sana. Pamoja na upungufu huu mkubwa katika mzigo wa udhibiti juu ya makampuni, gharama halisi ya kuajiri kazi inatarajiwa kushuka. Hasan et al. """Kulingana na utafiti wa utafiti wa utafiti, katika viwanda vingi, uzalishaji wa India ulikuwa na mtaji mkubwa zaidi ikilinganishwa na nchi nyingine katika hatua sawa za maendeleo, labda kwa sababu ya gharama za ufanisi za kuajiri kazi ikilinganishwa na mtaji." Hii inaweza kubadilika angalau kwa kiasi fulani na mageuzi mapya ya kazi. Uwezo wa kubadilika kwa kazi unatarajiwa pia kuongezeka kwa kiasi kikubwa kupitia utoaji wa ajira ya muda maalum katika IRC. Mkataba wa biashara huru (FTA) ni hatua ya kwanza katika kuimarisha ushirikiano wa nchi za nje na nchi za nje katika biashara ya kimataifa. Baada ya India kujiondoa katika mkataba wa ushirikiano wa kiuchumi wa mkoa (RCEP), India inaanza kuanzisha mpango mpya wa ushirikiano wa kiuchumi na nchi za mkoa (FTAs) na nchi za mkoa (UAE, Australia na India). Mkataba wa ushirikiano wa kiuchumi na biashara (ECTA) na Australia - nchi yenye watu milioni 26 tu lakini ambayo ukubwa wa uchumi ni karibu nusu ya India - haujulikani. Pamoja na ukweli kwamba Pato la Taifa kwa kila mtu la Australia ni mara saba ya India kwa usawa wa nguvu ya ununuzi (na mara 28 kwa kiwango cha ubadilishaji wa soko), ECTA inatoa kuongezeka kwa soko kubwa kwa wazalishaji na wauzaji wa India. Kuongeza mara mbili ya mauzo ya nje ya India kwa Australia, na kuunda kazi milioni moja ambayo serikali inakusudia kupitia ECTA ndani ya miaka mitano ijayo, itahitaji zaidi ya kutekeleza tu makubaliano haya. India inapaswa kushindana na nchi kama vile China na Vietnam, ambazo pia zina FTA na Australia. India ina hasara kwa heshima ya nchi hizi katika fomu ya soko la sababu rigidities, na chini ya ubora wa miundombinu, wastani wa ujuzi wa nguvu za kazi na elimu. Ni wazi kwamba hizo ni maeneo ambayo India itahitaji kufanya kazi. Ushindani kupitia Mkataba huu wa Uhuru utaweka shinikizo kwa watunga sera kutekeleza mageuzi ya sera za ndani na kuleta uboreshaji katika miundombinu na ujuzi. Mkataba wa ECTA unajumuisha mapungufu ya ushuru kwa pamba na alumini ya Australia. Pamba ni kiungo muhimu katika nguo na nguo, zote mbili zinahitaji kazi nyingi, wakati alumini hutumiwa katika bidhaa nyingine nyingi zinazotengenezwa. Ni wazi, gharama za chini za pembejeo zinaweza kwenda mbali katika kuongeza mauzo ya nje ya kazi-intensive. Kuanzisha maeneo maalum ya kiuchumi (SEZs) au maeneo ya kiuchumi ya kujitegemea (AEZs) geopolitics ya leo, ongezeko la mishahara nchini China na kufungwa kwake kwa muda mrefu kwa sababu ya COVID-19 kunabadilisha mifumo ya usafirishaji, na kutoa fursa mpya kwa nchi kama India. Hata hivyo, ni muhimu kutambua kwamba hakuna moja ya India ya 250 SEZ (kwa wastani ukubwa wa kilomita 0.3 mraba), kuja karibu na Shenzhen ya China, ambayo ina eneo la kilomita za mraba 1,9509. Panagariya (2020) amedai kwamba India inahitaji maeneo machache ya kiuchumi, kila moja ikiwa na eneo la angalau kilomita 500 za mraba, chini ya utawala wa uhuru. Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, wazo la SEZs si la kawaida nchini India, lakini, kama ilivyodaiwa katika Panagariya (2020) na Jha na Mitra (2020), wazo hili linahitaji kupanuliwa. Hii itatatua tatizo la eneo la ardhi kwa ajili ya makampuni makubwa kwa kupunguza kanuni za upatikanaji wa ardhi na FSI ndani ya hizi AEZs. "Kuruhusu kubadilika zaidi katika maamuzi ya ajira ya kazi ndani ya maeneo haya ya EEZ itaondoa hofu kwa upande wa waajiri huko kwamba wanaweza kulazimika kuhifadhi wafanyakazi wao wote hata kama wanakabiliwa na kupunguzwa kwa mahitaji ya baadaye au ikiwa baadhi ya wafanyakazi wanapatikana kuwa ""wasio na uwezo"" - kubadilika kwa kazi kunaweza kusababisha kuajiri zaidi ya awali ya wafanyakazi na kupitishwa kwa mbinu za uzalishaji." Kila EEZ itafanya kazi kama utaratibu wa uratibu wa makundi, kwa namna ya kundi la shughuli za kiuchumi zinazohusiana, na hivyo kusababisha uzalishaji wa juu kupitia kuunganisha soko la kazi na kuvutia wauzaji wa pembejeo wa karibu. Kupunguzwa kwa vikwazo vya mtaji na maendeleo ya miundombinu kupitia ushirikiano wa umma na binafsi katika maeneo haya ya kipekee itahitajika. Ujenzi wa nyumba za wafanyakazi, barabara, majengo ya ofisi, shule, hospitali, nk. "Kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu, ""Mashine ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia ya Jia.""" "Kama matokeo ya kuharibika kwa mahusiano ya China na Marekani, pamoja na ongezeko la mishahara ya Wachina, India (na nchi nyingine chache za Asia) hutoa fursa ya kuchukua sehemu ya soko la kimataifa la China la viwanda vya kazi-intensive. """ "Kulingana na ripoti, ""kufungwa kwa muda mrefu kwa sababu ya Covid-19 nchini China kumesababisha makampuni ya Magharibi kutafuta wauzaji wa mbadala.""" Kwa sababu hiyo, kulingana na takwimu za hivi karibuni za mauzo ya nje kutoka India, kuna ripoti zisizo rasmi za wanunuzi huko Amerika Kaskazini wakiona ukuaji wa hivi karibuni wa nguo za pamba za chapa ya "Made in India" katika maduka makubwa. Hata hivyo, ushuru wa juu (wa 20-25%) juu ya nyuzi za bandia na vitambaa vinaweza kuathiri vibaya mauzo ya nguo za synthetic. Kuondoa ushuru huu inaweza kwenda mbali katika kupanua uzalishaji na ajira katika sekta hii ndogo pia. "Kama vile kuondoa ushuru wa juu juu ya bidhaa za mwisho (kwa mfano, zile katika safu ya 60-125% kwenye magari) ambazo zimefanya sekta hii isiyo na ufanisi na isiyo na ushindani katika soko la dunia.""" "Kama matokeo ya sera, ni muhimu kuzingatia imani katika mbinu ya biashara ya kukuza mauzo ya nje ambayo mara nyingi hufanyika katika duru za sera, yaani, kukuza mauzo ya nje na uingizwaji wa uagizaji unaweza kwenda mkono kwa mkono, kama ilivyo katika kesi ya ""Fanya nchini India.""" Uwezekano wa kufanya hivyo ni wazi corollary ya maarufu Lerner symmetry theorem10. Ni wazi kwamba nchi inapozalisha zaidi kwa ajili ya matumizi ya ndani, inakuwa na rasilimali chache zaidi za kuzalisha kwa ajili ya mauzo ya nje. Pia, vizuizi vya uagizaji - kupitia kupunguzwa kwa mahitaji ya fedha za kigeni na kuongezeka kwa kiwango cha ubadilishaji wa sarafu ya ndani - hufanya mauzo ya nje yawe ghali zaidi na kupunguza kiasi chao kinachouzwa kwenye soko la ulimwengu. Hii inafanya iwe muhimu na ya haraka kurudisha nyuma ongezeko la ushuru wa India wa miaka michache iliyopita. "Nataka kumaliza kwa kukataa kitu ambacho mara nyingi tunasikia siku hizi, kuhusu mkakati wa kukuza mauzo ya nje kwa ajili ya maendeleo: kwamba asili mpya ya uzalishaji na biashara inafanya kuwa vigumu kutumia mauzo ya nje kama injini ya ukuaji na uundaji wa ajira. """ "Hii inaongoza kwa hitimisho kwamba India imekosa basi kwenye mkakati huu; sikubaliani kabisa. """ Ingawa automatisering imefanya maendeleo makubwa, ni mbali na kuchukua juu ya uzalishaji wote kazi-intensive. Njia ya sasa ya kugawanyika kwa uzalishaji na offshoring inaruhusu kuenea kwa kazi nyingi za kazi katika nchi zenye kazi nyingi, hata ndani ya uzalishaji wa bidhaa ambazo kwa ujumla ni mtaji-intensive. Kwa kuwa kutenganishwa kwa uzalishaji ni jambo la kawaida katika kesi ya bidhaa zinazotambuliwa kuwa zina nguvu za kazi, nchi kama India sasa ina fursa za kufanya kazi nyingi zaidi kuliko hapo awali, ikijumuisha kazi ya nchi zinazoendelea na teknolojia ya nchi za kisasa, na uwezo wa kuunda ajira za uzalishaji. Hii ni nini mauzo ya nje kupitia usindikaji wa pembejeo na mkusanyiko ni wote kuhusu. Hii ni chapisho la kwanza katika mfululizo wa sehemu sita juu ya 'The changamoto ya kazi nzuri nchini India'. Hii inajumuisha kazi kama vile teknolojia ya habari, huduma za IT, fedha na huduma nyingine za biashara. Ingawa asilimia 75 ya wafanyakazi wa viwanda ni wafanyakazi wa makampuni madogo, makampuni madogo hutengeneza asilimia 10 tu ya bidhaa, huku asilimia 25 ya wafanyakazi wa makampuni makubwa wakitoa bidhaa nyingi zaidi ya mara tisa. - Uainishaji huu unategemea marekebisho ya serikali kwa sheria za kazi za Kati na nguvu za ufuatiliaji. FSI (Floor Area Ratio) ni kiwango cha jumla ya eneo la sakafu ya jengo, kugawanywa na eneo la ardhi ambayo ni kujengwa juu yake. Kiwango cha chini cha FAR husababisha urefu wa chini wa jengo na ina maana ya kanuni kali za ujenzi. -Bidhaa kama vile vifaa vya urembo, saa, vitu vya kuchezea, fanicha, viatu, kites na mishumaa. Kiwango hiki ni kikomo cha juu cha ukubwa wa wafanyikazi kwa makampuni ambayo hayahitaji kutafuta ruhusa ya serikali ya kufukuza wafanyakazi; juu ya kiwango hiki, idhini ya serikali inahitajika. Mkataba wa RCEP ni mkataba wa biashara huru kati ya nchi kadhaa za Asia-Pacific, ikiwa ni pamoja na Australia, China, Japan na Korea Kusini. - Pato la Australia kwa kiwango cha sasa cha kubadilishana ni US $ 1.33 trillion, na India ni US $ 2.66 trillion. Sehemu kubwa ya eneo hilo la kipekee la kiuchumi nchini India, Mundra, ina ukubwa wa kilomita 64 za mraba. Katika nadharia ya biashara ya kimataifa, Lerner symmetry theorem inasema kwamba vizuizi vya uagizaji (kwa mfano, ushuru wa uagizaji kwa kitengo cha uagizaji au uliowekwa kama uwiano wa thamani ya uagizaji) pia hufanya kazi kama vizuizi vya uagizaji. "Gupta, Poonam, Rana Hasan na Utsav Kumar, ""Mabadiliko makubwa lakini Matokeo madogo: Kuelezea Rekodi dhaifu ya Ukuaji katika Utengenezaji wa India,"" India Sera Forum, 5 (1): 59-123." - Hasan, R na K Jandoc (2013), <unk>Masharti ya Kazi na Usambazaji wa Ukubwa wa Kampuni katika Utengenezaji wa India,<unk> katika J Bhagwati na A Panagariya (eds. ), Marekebisho na Mabadiliko ya Kiuchumi nchini India, Oxford University Press. "Hassan, Rana, Devashish Mitra na Asha Sundaram (2013): ""Ni nini kinachohusiana na mwelekeo wa juu wa mtaji wa utengenezaji wa India?"" Indian Growth and Development Review, 6 (2): 212-241. "J. P. Mitra, ""Jinsi ya kufanikiwa kwa mfano wa A-Z inaweza kuondoa vizuizi vya muundo wa India,"" The Economic Times, Mei 19, 2020" - NITI Aayog (2017), "Agenda ya Hatua ya Miaka mitatu (2017-2020) "NITI Aayog. Panagariya, A (2020), New India: Reclaiming the Lost Glory, Oxford University Press, New York.