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Theodore Roosevelt
> XXII. The two Conventions
William Roscoe Thayer
. Theodore Roosevelt.
XXII. The two Conventions
the weeks while Roosevelt had been deliberating over throwing his hat into the ring, his opponents had been busily gathering delegates. By this delay they gained a strategic advantage. According to the unholy custom which gave to the Republicans in the Southern States a quota of delegates proportioned to the population and not to the number of Republican voters, a large Southern delegation was pledged for Mr. Taft very early. Most of the few Southern Republicans were either office-holders or negroes; the former naturally supported the Administration on which their living depended; the latter, whose votes were not counted, also supported the President from whom alone they might expect favors. The former slave States elected 216 delegates, nearly all of whom went to President Taft, making a very good start for him. In the Northern, Western, and Pacific States, however, Roosevelt secured a large proportion of the delegates. In the system of direct primaries, by which the people indicated their preference instead of having the candidates chosen in the State Conventions, which were controlled by the Machine, the Progressives came out far ahead. Thus, in North Dakota, President Taft had less than 4000 votes out of 48,000 cast, the rest going to Roosevelt and La Follette. In several of the great States he carried everything before him. In Illinois, his majority was 139,000 over Tafts; in Pennsylvania, 67 of the 76 delegates went to him. In Ohio, the Presidents own State, the Taft forces were snowed under; in California, a stronghold of Progressivism, Roosevelt had a large plurality. Nevertheless, wherever the Regulars controlled the voting, they usually brought President Taft to the front. Even when they could not produce the votes, they managed to send out contesting delegations.
On looking back, it appears indisputable that if the Republicans could then have cast their ballots they would have been overwhelmingly for Roosevelt; and if the Roosevelt delegates to the Convention had not been hampered in voting, they too would have nominated him. But the elections had been so artfully manipulated that, when the Convention met, there were 220 contests. Everybody understood that the final result hung on the way in which these should be decided.
The Convention assembled in the great Coliseum Hall at Chicago on June 18, 1912. But for ten days the hosts had been coming in, one delegation after another; the hotels were packed; each committee had its special quarters; crowds of sight-seers, shouters, and supporters swelled the multitude. The Republican National Committee met; the managers of each candidate met. The committees, which had not yet an official standing, conferred unofficially. Rumors floated from every room; there were secret conferences, attempts to win over delegates, promises to trade votes, and even efforts at conciliation. Night and day this wild torrent of excitement rushed on.
A spectator from Mars might have remarked: But for so important a business as the choice of a candidate who may become President of the United States, you ought to have quiet, deliberation, free play, not for those who can shout loudest, but for those who can speak wisest. And to this remark, the howling and whirling dervishes who attended the Convention would have replied, if they had waited long enough to hear it through, by yelling,
Hail! Hail! the gangs all here!
What the hell do we care?
What the hell do we care?
and would have darted off to catch up with their fellow Bacchanals. A smell of cocktails and of whiskey was ubiquitous; a dense pall of tobacco smoke pervaded the committee-rooms; and out of doors the clang of brass bands drowned even the incessant noise of the throngs. There was no night, for the myriads of electric lights made shadows but no darkness, and you wondered when these strange creatures slept.
Such Saturnalia did not begin with the Convention of 1912. Most of those who took part in them hardly thought it a paradox that these should be the conditions under which the Americans nominated their candidates for President.
Roosevelt had not intended to appear at the Convention, but when he discovered that the long distance telephone from Chicago to Oyster Bay, by which his managers conferred with him, was being tapped, he changed his mind. He perceived, also, that there was a lack of vigorous leadership among those managers which demanded his presence. By going, he would call down much adverse criticism, even from some of those persons whose support he needed. On the other hand, he would immensely strengthen his cause in Chicago, where the mere sight of him would stimulate enthusiasm.
So he and Mrs. Roosevelt took the five-thirty afternoon train to Chicago, on Friday, June 14th, leaving as privately as possible, and accompanied by seven or eight of their children and cousins. Late on Saturday, the train, having narrowly escaped being wrecked by an accident, reached Chicago. At the station there was an enormous crowd. Roosevelts young kinsmen kept very close to him and wedged their way to an automobile. With the greatest difficulty his car slowly proceeded to the Congress Hotel. Never was there such a furor of welcome. Everybody wore a Roosevelt button. Everybody cheered for Teddy. Here and there they passed State delegations bearing banners and mottoes. Rough Riders, who had come in their well-worn uniforms, added to the Rooseveltian exultation. Whoever judged by this demonstration must think it impossible that the Colonel could be defeated.
After he and his party had been shown to the suites reserved for them, he went out on the balcony of a second-floor room and spoke a few words to the immense multitude waiting below. He said, in substance, that he was glad to find from their cheers that Chicago did not believe in the thieves who stole delegates. Some who saw him say that his face was red with anger; others aver that he was no more vehement than usual, and simply strained himself to the utmost to make his voice carry throughout his audience. Still, if he said what they report, he was not politic.
Then followed days and nights of incessant strain.
The Colonel and Mrs. Roosevelt had their personal apartment in the northeast corner of the hotel, at some distance from the Florentine Room, which served as the official headquarters for the Progressives. He had, besides, a private office with a reception-room, and Tyree, one of the devoted detectives who had served under him in old times, carefully guarded the entrance. There was hardly a moment when one or two persons were not closeted with him. Occasionally, he would come out into the reception room and speak to the throng waiting there. No matter what the news, no matter how early or late the hour, he was always cheerful, and the mere sight of him brought joy and confidence to his followers.
The young kinsmen went everywhere and brought back reports of what they had seen or heard. One of them kept a diary of the events as they whirled past, hour by hour, and in this one can note many of the fleeting but vivid touches, which recall to the reader now the reality of those feverish days. He attended a big Taft rally at the Taft headquarters. Bell-boys ran up and down the hotel corridors announcing it. After each announcement, writes the young cousin, a group of Roosevelt men would cry out, All postmasters attend! Two Taftites spoke briefly and were greeted by a couple of hand claps apiece; and then the star performer of the evening was announced in the most glowing terms as a model of political propriety, and the foremost and most upright citizen of the United StatesWilliam Barnes, Jr., of Albany. Mr. Barnes was supposed, at that time, to lead the New York Republican Machine. We have got to save the country, he said, save the constitution, save our liberty. We are in danger of monarchy. The country must be saved!! The Roosevelt cousin thought that he spoke without fervor to a listless, sedate, and very polite audience. It was made all the more preposterous by the fact that a very ancient colored gentleman stood back of Barnes, and whenever Barnes paused, would point to the crowd and feebly begin clapping his hands. They would then slowly and very politely take up the applause, in every case waiting for his signal. It was almost pathetic. At one time the Roosevelt scouts alleged that Timothy Woodruff is wavering, with four other delegates, and will soon fall to us, and told of delegates flopping over, here and there. A still more extraordinary piece of news came from Hooker to the effect that he had in some way intercepted a telegram from Murray Crane to his nephew saying that Crane and Barnes would fight or ruin and that it was now use any means and sacrifice the Republican Party. Had it not been for the way he told us, I couldnt have believed such a thing possible.
Rumors like these were not verified at the time, and they are assuredly unverifiable now. I repeat them merely to show how suspense and excitement were constantly fed before the Convention met. Remembering how long ex-Senator Crane and Mr. Barnes had had their hands on the throttle of the Republican Machine, we are not surprised at the young Rooseveltians statement: The Taft forces control anything that has to do with machinery, but all the feeling is for Roosevelt, and the Congress Hotel, at any rate, favors the Big Noise, as you will sometimes hear him called in the lobbies or in the streets. Apparently, stump speeches were made at any moment, and without provocation, in any hall; room, or lobby of the hotel, by any one who felt the spirit move him; and, lest silence should settle down and soothe the jaded nerves, a band would strike up unexpectedly. The marching to and fro of unrestrained gangs, shouting, We-want-Teddy! completed the pandemonium.
Monday came. The young scouts were as busy as ever in following the trails which led to Taft activities. The news they had to tell was always very cheering. They found little enthusiasm among the Presidents supporters. They heard, from the most trustworthy sources, that this or that Taft leader or delegation was coming over. And, in truth, the Taft body probably did not let off a tenth of the noise which their opponents indulged in. The shallows murmur, but the deeps are dumb, does not exactly apply to the two opposing hosts. The Taft men resorted very little to shouting, because they knew that if they were to win at all it must be by other means. The Rooseveltians, on the other hand, really felt a compelling surge of enthusiasm which they must uncork.
Meanwhile Colonel Roosevelt and his lieutenants knew that the enemy was perfecting his plan to defeat them. On Monday evening his zealots packed the Auditorium and he poured himself out to them in one of his torrential speeches calculated to rouse the passions rather than the minds of his hearers. But it fitly symbolized the situation. He, the daunt less leader, stood there, the soul of sincerity and courage, impressing upon them all that they were engaged in a most solemn cause and defying the opposition as if it were a legion of evil spirits. His closing wordsWe stand at Armageddon and we battle for the Lordsummed it all up so completely that the audience burst into a roar of approval, and never doubted that he spoke the truth.
Tuesday at noon, a crowd of fifteen thousand persons, delegates and visitors, packed the vast Convention Hall of the Coliseum. Mr. Victor Rosewater, of Nebraska, presided at the opening. As it was known that the Republican National Committee intended to place on the temporary roll of delegates seventy-two names of persons whose seats were contested, Governor Hadley, of Missouri, made a motion that only those delegates, whose right was not contested, should sit and vote during the preliminary proceedings. Had he been successful, the Regulars would have lost the battle from the beginning. But he was ruled out of order on the ground that the only business before the Convention was the election of a Temporary Chairman. This took place, and Senator Root, from New York, was elected by 558 votes; McGovern, the Roosevelt candidate, received 501 votes; there were 14 scattering, and 5 persons did not vote. Senator Root, therefore, won his election by 38 votes over the combined opposition, but his plurality was secured by the votes of the 72 whose seats were contested.
During the three following days the Roosevelt men fought desperately to secure what they believed to be justice. They challenged every delegate, they demanded a roll-call on the slightest excuse, they deluged the Regulars with alternate showers of sarcasm and anger. But it availed them nothing. They soon perceived that victory lay with the Republican National Committee, which had the organization of the Convention and the framing of the rules of procedure. The Taft people, the Regulars, controlled the National Committee, and they knew that the rules would do the rest, especially since, the Chairman of the Convention, Senator Root, was the interpreter of the rules.
At no other National Convention in American history did a Chairman keep his head and his temper so admirably as did Mr. Root on this occasion. His intellect, burning with a cold, white light, illumined every point, but betrayed no heat of passion. He applied the rules as impartially as if they were theorems of algebra. Time after time the Rooseveltians protested against the holders of contested seats to vote, but he was unmoved because the rule prescribed that the person had a right to vote. When the contests were taken up, the Taft men always won, the Roosevelt men always lost. The Machine went as if by clock-work or like the guillotine. More than once some Rooseveltian leader, like Governor Hadley, stung by a particularly shocking display of overbearing injustice, taunted the majority with shouts of Robbers and Theft. Roars of passion swept through the hall. The derision of the minority was countered by the majority with equal vigor, but the majority did not always feel, in spite of its truculent manner, confident of the outcome.
By what now seems shameless theft, the Credentials Committee approved the seating of two Taft delegates from California, in spite of the fact that the proper officials of that State had certified that its twenty-six delegates were all for Roosevelt, and had been elected by a majority of 76,000 votes. Chairman Root put the question to the Convention, however, and those two discredited delegates were admitted for Taft by a vote of 542 to 529. This indicates how close the Convention then stood, when a change of seven votes would have given Roosevelt a majority of one and have added to his list the two California delegates who were counted out. Had such a change taken place, those who watched the Convention believed there would have been a landslide to Roosevelt. But the Republican Committees sorely tested rules held. After that, the Rooseveltians saw no gleam of hope.
On Saturday, June 22d, the list of delegates to the Convention having been drawn up as the Republican Machine intended, Mr. Taft was nominated by a vote of 561; Roosevelt received 107, La Follette 41, Cummins 17, Hughes 2; 344 delegates did not vote. The last were all Roosevelt men, but they had been requested by Roosevelt to refuse to vote.
Through Mr. Henry J. Allen, of Kansas, he sent this message:
The Convention has now declined to purge the roll of the fraudulent delegates placed thereon by the defunct National Committee, and the majority which thus endorsed fraud was made a majority only because it included the fraudulent delegates themselves, who all sat as judges on one anothers cases. If these fraudulent votes had not thus been cast and counted the Convention would have been purged of their presence. This action makes the Convention in no proper sense any longer a Republican Convention representing the real Republican Party. Therefore, I hope the men elected as Roosevelt delegates will now decline to vote on any matter before the Convention. I do not release any delegate from his honorable obligation to vote for me if he votes at all, but under the actual conditions I hope that he will not vote at all.
The Convention as now composed has no claim to represent the voters of the Republican Party. It represents nothing but successful fraud in overriding the will of the rank and file of the party. Any man nominated by the Convention as now constituted would be merely the beneficiary of this successful fraud; it would be deeply discreditable to any man to accept the Conventions nomination under these circumstances; and any man thus accepting it would have no claim to the support of any Republican on party grounds, and would have forfeited the right to ask the support of any honest man of any party on moral grounds.
Mr. Allen concluded with these words of his own:
We do not bolt. We merely insist that you, not we, are making the record. And we refuse to be bound by it. We have pleaded with you ten days. We have fought with you five days for a square deal. We fight no more, we plead no longer. We shall sit in protest and the people who sent us here shall judge us.
Gentlemen, you accuse us of being radical. Let me tell you that no radical in the ranks of radicalism ever did so radical a thing as to come to a National Convention of the great Republican Party and secure through fraud the nomination of a man whom they knew could not be elected.
Every night during that momentous week the Roosevelt delegates met in the Congress Hotel, talked over the days proceedings, gave vent to their indignation, confirmed each others resolution, and took a decision as to their future action. The powerful Hiram Johnson, Governor of California, led them, and through his eloquence he persuaded all but 107 of them to stand by Roosevelt whether he were nominated by the Convention or not.
And this they did. For when the vote for the nomination was taken at the Convention only 107 of the Roosevelt men cast their ballots. They favored Roosevelt, but they were not prepared to quit the Republican Party. During the roll-call the Roosevelt delegates from Massachusetts refused to vote. Thereupon, Mr. Root, the Chairman, ruled that they must vote, to which Frederick Fosdick replied, when his name was read again, Present, and not voting. I defy the Convention to make me vote for any man; and seventeen other Roosevelt delegates refrained. Mr. Root then called up the alternates of these abstainers and three of them recorded their votes for Taft, but there was such a demonstration against this ruling that Mr. Root thought better of it and proceeded in it no farther. Many of his Republican associates at the time thought this action high-handed and unjustified, and many more agree in this opinion today.
Except for this grave error, Mr. Roots rulings were strictly according to the precedents and directions of the Republican National Committee, and we may believe that even he saw the sardonic humor of his unvarying application of them at the expense of the Rooseveltians. Before the first days session was over, the process was popularly called the steam roller. Late in the week, a delegate rose to a point of order, and on being recognized by the Chairman, he shouted that he wished to call the attention of the Chairman to the fact that the steam roller was exceeding its speed limit, at which Mr. Root replied, The Chairman rules that the gentlemans point of order is well taken. And everybody laughed. There was one dramatic moment which, as Dean Lewis remarks, has had no counterpart in a National Convention. When the Machine had succeeded, in spite of protests and evidence, in stealing the two delegates from California, the friends of Mr. Taft gave triumphant cheers. Then the Roosevelt men rose up as one man and sent forth a mighty cheer which astonished their opponents. It was a cheer in which were mingled indignation and scorn, and, above all, relief. Strictly interpreted, it meant that those men who had sat for four days and seen their wishes thwarted, by what they regarded as fraud, and had held on in the belief that this fraud could not continue to the end, that a sense of fairness would return and rule the Regulars, now realized that Fraud would concede nothing and that their Cause was lost. And they felt a great load lifted. No obligation bound them any longer to the Republican Party which had renounced honesty in its principles and fair play in its practice. Henceforth they could go out and take any step they chose to promote their Progressive doctrines.
Shortly after the Convention adjourned, having, by these methods, nominated Mr. Taft and James S. Sherman for President and Vice-President, the Rooseveltians held a great meeting in Orchestra Hall. Governor Johnson presided and apparently a majority of the Rooseveltians wished, then and there, to organize a new party and to nominate Roosevelt as its candidate. Several men made brief but earnest addresses. Then Roosevelt himself spoke, and although he lacked nothing of his usual vehemence, he seemed to be controlled by a sense of the solemnity of their purpose. He told them that it was no more a question of Progressivism, which he ardently believed in, but a question of fundamental honesty and right, which everybody ought to believe in and uphold. He advised them to go to their homes, to discuss the crisis with their friends; to gain what adherence and support they could, and to return in two months and formally organize their party and nominate their candidate for President. And he added: If you wish me to make the fight, I will make it, even if only one State should support me. The only condition I impose is that you shall feel entirely free, when you come together, to substitute any other man in my place, if you deem it better for the movement, and in such case, I will give him my heartiest support.
And so the defeated majority of the Republicans at Chicago, Republicans no longer, broke up. There were many earnest hand-shakings, many pledges to meet again in August, and to take up the great work. Those who intended to stay by the Republican Party, not less than those who cast their lot with the Progressives, bade farewell, with deep emotion, to the Leader whom they had wished to see at the head of the Republican Party. Chief among these was Governor Hadley, of Missouri, who at one moment, during the Convention, seemed likely to be brought forward by the Regulars as a compromise candidate. Some of the Progressives resented his defection from them; not so Roosevelt, who said: He will not be with us, but we must not blame him.
Six weeks later, the Progressives returned to Chicago. Again, Roosevelt had his headquarters at the Congress Hotel. Again, the delegates, among whom were several women, met at the Coliseum. Crowds of enthusiastic supporters and larger crowds of curiosity-seekers swarmed into the vast building. On Monday, August 5, the first session of the Progressive Partys Convention was held. Senator Albert J. Beveridge, of Indiana, made the opening address, in which he defined the principles of their party and the objects it hoped to obtain. Throughout the proceedings there was much enthusiasm, but no battle. It was rather the gathering of several thousand very earnest men and women bent on consecrating themselves to a new Cause, which they believed to be the paramount Cause for the political, economic, and social welfare of. their country. Nearly all of them were Idealists, eager to secure the victory of some special reform. And, no doubt, an impartial observer might have detected among them traces of that lunatic fringe, which Roosevelt himself had long ago humorously remarked clung to the skirts of every reform. But the whole body, judged without prejudice, probably contained the largest number of disinterested, public-spirited, and devoted persons, who had ever met for a national and political object since the group which formed the Republican Party in 1854.
The professional politician who usually preponderates in such Conventions, and, in the last, had usurped control both of the proceedings and decisions, had little place here. The chief topic of discussion turned on the admission of negro delegates from the South. Roosevelt believed that an attempt to create a negro Progressive Party, as such, would alienate the Southern whites and would certainly sharpen their hostility towards the blacks. Therefore, he advised that the negro delegates ought to be approved by the White Progressives in their several districts. In other words, the Progressive Party in the South should be a white party with such colored members as the whites found acceptable.
On Monday and Tuesday the work done in the Convention was much less important than that done by the Committee on Resolutions and by the Committee on Credentials. On Wednesday the Convention heard and adopted the Platform and then nominated Roosevelt by acclamation. Miss Jane Addams, of Hull House, Chicago, seconded the nomination, praising Roosevelt as one of the few men in our public life who has been responsive to modern movement. The program, she said, will need a leader of invincible courage, of open mind, of democratic sympathiesone endowed with power to interpret the common man, and to identify himself with the common lot. Governor Hiram Johnson, from California, was nominated for Vice-President. Over the platform, to which the candidates were escorted, hung Kiplings stanza:
For there is neither East nor West,
Border nor breed nor birth,
When two strong men stand face to face,
Though they come from the ends of the earth.
Portraits of Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, Jackson, and Hamilton, a sufficiently inclusive group of patriots, looked down upon them. After Roosevelt and Johnson addressed the audience, the trombones sounded Old Hundred and the great meeting closed to the words
Praise God from whom all blessings flow.
The Progressive Platform contained many planks which have since been made laws by the Democratic Party, which read the signs of the times more quickly than did the Republicans. Especially many of the suggestions relating to Labor, the improvement of the currency, the control of corporate wealth, and oversight over public hygiene, should be commended. In general, it promised to bring the Government nearer to the people by giving the people a more and more direct right over the Government. It declared for a rational tariff and the creation of a non-partisan Tariff Commission of experts, and it denounced alike the Republicans for the Payne-Aldrich Bill, which dishonestly revised upwards, and the Democrats, who wished to abolish protection altogether. It urged proper military and naval preparation and the building of two battleships a yeara plank which we can imagine Roosevelt wrote in with peculiar satisfaction. It advocated direct primaries; the conservation of natural resources; woman suffrage.
So rapidly has the country progressed in seven years that most of the recommendations have already been adopted, and are among the common places which nobody disputes any longer. But the Initiative, the Referendum, and the Recall of Judicial Decisions were the points, as I remarked above, over which the country debated most hotly. The Recall, in particular, created a widespread alarm, and just as Roosevelts demand for it in his Columbus speech prevented, as I believe, his nomination by the Republican Convention in June, so it deprived the Progressives at the election in November of scores of thousands of votes. The people of the United Statesevery person who owned a bit of property, a stock or a bond, or who had ten dollars or more in the savings banklooked upon it almost with consternation. For they knew that they were living in a time of flux, when old standards were melting away like snow images in the sun, when new ideals, untried and based on the negation of some of the oldest principles in our civilization, were being pushed forward. They instinctively rallied to uphold Law, the slow product of centuries of growth, the sheet anchor of Society in a time of change. Where could we look for solidity, or permanence, if judicial decisions could be recalled at the caprice of the mobthe hysterical, the uninstructed, the fickle mob? The opinion of one trained and honest judge outweighs the whims of ten thousand of the social dregs.
The Recall of Judicial Decisions, therefore, caused many of Roosevelts friends, and even Republicans who would otherwise have supported him, to balk. They not only rejected the proposal itself, but they feared that he, by making it, indicated that he had lost his judgment and was being swept into the vortex of revolution. Judges and courts and respect for law, like lighthouses on granite foundations, must be kept safe from the fluctuations of tides and the crash of tempests.
The campaign which followed is chiefly remarkable for Roosevelts amazing activity. He felt that the success of the Progressive Party at the polls depended upon him as its Leader. The desire for personal success in any contest into which he plunged would have been a great incentive, but this was a cause which dwarfed any personal considerations of his. Senator Joseph M. Dixon, of Montana, managed the campaign; Roosevelt himself gave it a dynamic impulse which never flagged. He went to the Pacific Coast, speaking at every important centre on the way, and returning through the Southern States to New York City. In September he swept through New England, and he was making a final tour through the Middle West, when, on October 14th, just as he was leaving his hotel to make a speech in the Auditorium in Milwaukee, a lunatic named John Schranck shot him with a revolver. The bullet entered his body about an inch below the right nipple and would probably have been fatal but for an eye glass-case and a roll of manuscript he had in his pocket. Before the assassin could shoot again, his hand was caught and deflected by the Colonels secretary. Dont hurt the poor creature, Roosevelt said, when Schranck was overpowered and brought before him. Not knowing the extent of his wound, and waiting only long enough to return to his hotel room and change his white shirt, as the bosom of the one he had on was soaked with blood, and disregarding the entreaties of his companions to stay quiet, he went to the Auditorium and spoke for more than an hour. Only towards the end did the audience perceive that he showed signs of fatigue. This extraordinary performance was most foolhardy, and some of his carping critics said that, as usual, Roosevelt wanted to be theatrical. But there was no such purpose in him. He felt to the depths of his soul that neither his safety nor that of any other individual counted in comparison with the triumph of the Cause he was fighting for.
After a brief examination the surgeons stated that he had better be removed to the Mercy Hospital in Chicago. They put him on his special car and by an incredible negligence they sent him off to make the night journey without any surgical attendant. On reaching the Mercy Hospital, Dr. Ryan made a further examination and reported that there seemed to be no immediate danger, although he could not be sure whether the Colonel would live or not. Roosevelt, who was advertised to make a great speech in Louisville, Kentucky, that evening, summoned Senator Beveridge and sent him off with the manuscript of the address to take his place. Mrs. Roosevelt reached Chicago by the first train possible, and stayed with him while he underwent, impatiently, nearly a fortnights convalescence. Then, much sooner than the surgeons thought wise, although his wound had healed with remarkable speed, he returned to Oyster Bay, and on October 30th he closed his campaign by addressing sixteen thousand persons in the Madison Square Garden. He spoke with unwonted calm and judicial poise; and so earnestly that the conviction which he felt carried conviction to many who heard him. I am glad beyond measure, he said, that I am one of the many who in this fight have stood ready to spend and be spent, pledged to fight, while life lasts, the great fight for righteousness and for brotherhood and for the welfare of mankind.
President Taft and the members of his Cabinet took little or no active part in the campaign. Indeed, the Republicans seemed unable to arouse enthusiasm. They relied upon their past victories and the robust campaign fund, which the Interests gladly furnished. The Democratic candidate was Woodrow Wilson, Governor of New Jersey, who had been professor at Princeton University, and then its president. As Governor, he had commended himself by fighting the Machine, and by advocating radical measures. As candidate, he asserted his independence by declaring that a party platform is not a program. He spoke effectively, and both he and his party had the self-complacency that comes to persons who believe that they are sure to win. And how could their victory be in doubt since the united Democrats had for opponents the divided Republicans? When Colonel Roosevelt was shot, Governor Wilson magnanimously announced that he would make no more speeches. Roosevelt objected to this, believing that a chance accident to him, personally, ought not to stop any one from criticising him politically. What ever could with truth and propriety have been said against me and my cause before I was shot, can, he urged, with equal truth and equal propriety, be said against me now, and it should so be said; and the things that cannot be said now are merely the things that ought not to have been said before. This is not a contest about any man; it is a contest concerning principles.
At the election on November 5th, Wilson was elected by 6,286,000 votes out of 15,310,000 votes, thus being a minority President by two million and a half votes. Roosevelt received 4,126,000 and Taft 3,483,000 votes. The combined vote of what had been the Republican Party amounted to 7,609,000 votes, or 1,323,000 more than those received by Mr. Wilson. When it came to the Electoral College, the result was even more significant. Wilson had 435, Roosevelt 88, and Taft, thanks to Vermont and Utah, secured 8 votes. Roosevelt carried Pennsylvania the rock-bound Republican State, Missouri which was usually Democratic, South Dakota, Washington, Michigan, and eleven out of the thirteen votes of California. These figures, analyzed calmly, after the issues and passions have cooled into history, indicate two things. First, the amazing personal popularity of Roosevelt, who, against the opposition of the Republican Machine and all its ramifications, had so easily defeated President Taft, the candidate of that Machine. And secondly, it proved that Roosevelt, and not Taft, really represented a large majority of what had been the Republican Party. Therefore, it was the Taft faction which, in spite of the plain evidence given at the choice of the delegates, and at the Convention itselfevidence which the Machine tried to ignore and suppressit was the Taft faction and not Roosevelt which split the Republican Party in 1912.
Had it allowed the preference of the majority to express itself by the nomination of Roosevelt, there is every reason to believe that he would have been elected. For we must remember that the Democratic Platform was hardly less progressive than that of the Progressives themselves. Counting the Wilson and the Roosevelt vote together, we find 10,412,000 votes were cast for Progressive principles against 3,483,000 votes for the reactionary Conservatives. And yet the gray wolves of the Republican Party, and its Old Guard, and its Machine, proclaimed to the country that its obsolescent doctrines represented the desires and the ideals of the United States in 1912!
Although the campaign, as conducted by the Republicans, seemed listless, it did not lack venom. Being a family fight between the Taft men and the Roosevelt men, it had the bitterness which family quarrels develop. Mr. Taft and most of his Secretaries had known the methods of Mr. Roosevelt and his Ministers. They could counter, therefore, charges of incompetence and indifference by recalling the inconsistencies, or worse, of Roosevelts regime. When the Progressives charged the Taft Administration with being easy on the Big Interests, Attorney-General Wickersham resorted to a simple sum in arithmetic in order to contradict them, showing that whereas Roosevelt began forty-four Anti-Trust suits, and concluded only four important cases during his seven and a half years in office, under Taft sixty-six new suits were begun and many of the old ones were successfully concluded. Some great cases, like that of the Standard Oil and of the Railroad Rates, had been settled, which equaled in importance any that Roosevelt had taken up. In the course of debate on the stump, each side made virulent accusations against the other, and things were said which were not true then and have long since been regretted by the sayers. That happens in all political contests.
Roosevelt himself, being the incarnation, if not indeed the cause, of the Progressive Party, had to endure an incessant volley of personal attack. They charged him with inordinate ambition. We heard how Mr. William Barnes, Jr., the would-be savior of the country, implied that Roosevelt must be defeated in order to prevent the establishment of monarchy in the United States. Probably Mr. Barnes, in his moments of reflection, admitted to himself that he did not really mean that, but many campaign orators and editors repeated the insinuation and besought free-born Americans not to elect a candidate who would assume the title of King Theodore. Many of his critics could account for his leaving the Republican Party and heading another, only on the theory that he was moved by a desire for revenge. If he could not rule he would ruin. The old allegation that he must be crazy was of course revived.
After the election, the Republican Regulars, who had stubbornly refused, to read the handwriting on the wall during the previous four years, heaped new abuse upon him. They said that he had betrayed the Party. They said that he had shown himself an ingrate towards Taft, whose achievements in the Presidency awoke his envy. And more recently, many persons who have loathed the Administration of President Wilson, blame Roosevelt for having brought down this curse upon the country.
These various opinions and charges seem to me to be mistaken; and in the foregoing chapters, if I have truly divined Theodore Roosevelts character, every reader should see that his action in entering the field for the Republican nomination in 1912, and then in founding the Progressive Party, was the perfectly natural culmination of his career. Some one said that he went off at a tangent in 1912. Some one else has said better that this tangent was a straight line leading back to 1882, when he sat in the New York Assembly. Remember that the love of Justice was from boyhood his leading principle. Remember that, after he succeeded in having a law passed relieving the miserably poor cigar-makers from the hideous conditions under which they had to work, a judge declared the law unconstitutional, thereby proving to Roosevelt that the courts, which should be the citadels of justice, might and did, in this case, care more for the financial interests of landowners than for the health, life, and soul of human beings. That example of injustice was branded on his heart, and he resolved to combat the judicial league with in humanity, wherever he met it. So Abraham Lincoln, when, at the age of twenty-two he first saw a slave auction in New Orleans, said, in indignant horror, to his companion, John Hanks: If I ever get a chance to hit that thing [meaning slavery] Ill hit it hard. Exactly thirty years later, Abraham Lincoln, as President, was hitting that thingslaveryso hard that it perished. Roosevelts experience as Assemblyman, as Civil Service Commissioner, as Police Commissioner, as Governor, and as President, had confirmed his belief that the decisions of the courts often stood between the People and Justice.
Especially in his war on the Interests was he angered at finding corporate abuses, and even criminal methods, comfortably protected by an upholstery of favoring laws. With that tact and willingness to compromise on non-essentials in order to gain his essential object, which mark him as a statesman, he used the Republican Party, naturally the party of the plutocrats who controlled the Interests, just as long as he could. Then, when the Republican Machine rose against him, he quitted it and founded the Progressive Party, to be the instrument for carrying on and completing the great reforms he had at heart. Here was no desertion, no betrayal; here was, first of all, common sense; if the road no longer leads towards your goal, you leave it and take an other. No one believed more sincerely than Roosevelt did, in fealty to party. In 1884 he would not bolt, because he hoped that the good which the Republican principles would accomplish would more than offset the harm which the nomination of Blaine would inflict. But in 1912, the Republicans cynically rejected his cause which he had tried to make the Republican cause, and then, as in 1884, he held that the cause was more important than the individual, and he followed this idea loyally, lead where it might.
In trying thus to state Roosevelts position fairly, I do not mean to imply that I should agree with his conclusions in regard to the Recall of the Judicial Decisions; and the experiments which have already been made with the Referendum and Initiative and Direct Primaries are so unsatisfactory that Roosevelt himself would probably have recognized that the doubts, which many of us felt when he first proposed those measures, have been justified. But I wish to emphasize my admiration for the large consistency of his career, and my conviction that, with out his crowning action in 1912, he would have failed to be the moral force which he was. If ambition, if envy, if a selfish desire to rule, had been the motives which guided him, he would have lain low in 1912; for all his friends and the managers of the Republican Party assured him that if he would stand aside then, he would be unanimously nominated by the Republicans in 1916. But he could not be tempted.
Note 1.
Fifteenth Republican National Convention (New York, 1912), 333, 335.
Note 2.
Lewis, 363.
· [
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World Lit


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How does it work?
Our programmes are based on the principles of Edgar Dale. Studies of this scholar prove that by 'digesting' information you learn it by 90%. Hence, the best way to learn Italian is to go to Italy! Our experts offer a way of studying, where you dive into the real Italian lifestyle. Let us compare the process of studying with a theatre, where the country is the stage, and students are actors. During lessons you 'learn your part' (Italian grammar, vocabulary), and during 'attività' you play this role (communicate with friendly and responsive people from the city of Imperia on the coast of the Ligurian Sea).

subset: commoncrawl


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RICHMOND, Ky. --- Both starting pitchers were in fine form Saturday afternoon as Tennessee Tech and Eastern Kentucky combined for just 12 hits as the Colonels shutout the Golden Eagles 4-0.
Despite the final score, the game remained close near the tail end of the eighth inning as the Colonels held a slim 2-0 lead. With two outs in the bottom of the eighth, Bryan Soloman added two insurance runs to give EKU the 4-0 lead.
TTU starter Matthew Shepherd and EKU starter Matt Fyffe kept both offenses in check early on as the game headed into the bottom of the third scoreless. Sean Hagen got the scoring going with an RBI-single in the third, but Shepherd managed to get out of the inning with no more damage.
After a pair of scoreless fourth and fifth innings, the Colonels managed to extend their lead to 2-0 after a wild pitch in the sixth inning.
Fyffe (8-0) earned the win as he threw a complete-game shutout, while giving up just three hits and three walks, while striking out one. Shepherd (4-4) was saddled with the loss as he gave up four runs in 7.2 innings, while posting 10 strikeouts. Zane Morton came on in relief to get the final out in the eighth.
Austin Wulf, James Abraham and Ben Burgess record TTU's three hits, with Burgess posting his eighth double of the season.
Richie Rodriguez and Dustin Dunlop led the Colonels with two hits each, with Rodriguez scoring a game-high two runs.
TTU (19-30, 9-14 OVC) wraps up its series with EKU Sunday at 11 a.m. The game time moved up one hour due to the possibility of bad weather.


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Can I customize options in the community help client?
Yes, you can customize some of the options in the CHC. Select Edit > Preferences. In the Edit Preferences dialog, customize CHC according to your requirements.
Theme: You can choose the color of gray for the community help client. Choosing Dark will provide a darker skin to the client.
Accessibility mode: When you choose "Open Help In Browser", the help launches in the web browser, and not in the CHC.
Display local help content only: All options to view online help are disabled. Ensure that you have downloaded help content at least once before you choose this option.
Select the products whose help content you want to download to your desktop.
Select "Manually Update My Locally Stored Help Content" if you do not want to be reminded when there is an update to the help content.
Use these options to download help content that is currently downloaded to your desktop.


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Are there "elementary" resources on Penrose Tilings in relation to noncommutative geometry? It's all a big blur to me. There are two transformations S and T that can grow the tilings and every tiling corresponds to a sequence of S's and T's. Somehow, there is a C* algebra related to this.
Can the elements of this algebra be interpreted as observables in a quantum mechanical system? What is the "geometry" of this noncommutative space?


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L – Oilers 0, Wings 5 – Game 15 – 2013-11-02 @ 8:00 PM MST – CBC
Tonight the Oilers will host the Detroit Red Wings. Looks like the Wings will provide backup Petr Mrazek in "Guaranteed Win Night". According to the Oilers' site, the Wings are 6-0-5 in their last 11 visits to Rexall. At first glance, that's pretty terrible. The Oilers haven't recorded a single regulation win in any of those visits.. however they do have 5 non-regulation wins to Detroit's 6 wins. At this point, we don't give a damn if points are conceded to the Wings, do we?
Ryan Hamilton will slot in tonight, he'll play on the wing with Arcobello, with Gordon centering that unit. Philip Larsen is in for Justin Schultz (apparently he has both a groin AND a rib injury of some sort). Bachman gets the start tonight.
Enjoy the game…
Continue reading 'L – Oilers 0, Wings 5 – Game 15 – 2013-11-02 @ 8:00 PM MST – CBC'»


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Isle of Muck
Isle of Muck
Ulster Wildlife
A majestic island with the third largest colony of cliff-nesting seabirds in Northern Ireland
This impressive island nature reserve, off Islandmagee in Co. Antrim, contains the third largest colony of cliff-nesting seabirds in Northern Ireland. Kittiwake, guillemot, fulmar and razorbill all breed here and peregrine falcons commonly hunt over the island. You can catch sight of puffins, otters, common and grey seals and porpoises offshore. The populations of breeding sea birds on the island are monitored by our staff on an annual basis.
Species and habitats
- Habitats
- Coastal
Nearby nature reserves
- Feystown
- 10 miles - Ulster Wildlife
- Glenarm
- 12 miles - Ulster Wildlife
- Straidkilly
- 13 miles - Ulster Wildlife


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These simple, single piece multitools seem to be the newest trend. Gerber's Artifact and Shard are going to face some serious competition now that the Raleigh Tabor designed SpareTool is out and about! This clever little multitool from Columbia River includes a small but hefty blade, an embedded screwdriver bit which can be used to turn the tool into a T-driver, a bottle opener, a nail lifter, and more. The tool locks into a secure kydex sheath with a handy belt clip.
We like this tool, and we think you will too. And at this price, why not add it to your next order?
See this knife at www.knifecenter.com
More information from Columbia River: Continue Reading


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Roger Waters Guitarist Surprised Trump Supporters Didn't Walk Out of Shows
Roger Waters guitarist Jonathan Wilson said in a new interview that he and his bandmates expected more push-back to their fiercely anti-Trump live show while touring the United States last year.
The former Pink Floyd bassist Waters could not have been more vocal about his opposition to President Trump both in the press and during each show.
Waters' Us + Them Tour even appropriated Trump's likeness in its production. The visuals during the song "Pigs (Three Different Ones)" depicted the President in women's clothing, in Klansman's garb and as a pig.
Still, Wilson told Billboard that he and the band were surprised by the lack of walk-outs during the show's more politically-charged moments.
"We were expecting more of a pushback and more of a negative vibe when we were rolling into Kansas City or into Texas or wherever this tour went. But to be honest, there was a little bit of that," he said. "You'd get some people flashing you the bird and screaming and hollering, throwing shit onstage. Like, somebody threw a pretzel at me once. But basically, that wasn't enough for them to walk out. They had to get their classic rock fix."
Waters himself stated after Trump's election that he hoped the President would be impeached, and he repeatedly attacked Trump's plan to build a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border.
Wilson also played guitar on Waters' latest solo album, 2017's Is This the Life We Really Want?, which contained several songs with politically-charged lyrics, like "The Last Refugee."
Waters has plans to tour Europe this spring and South America next fall. Get all the tour dates here.
Photo: Getty Images


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Machine Learning & Data Mining Algorithms - Automated Tests, Repeatable Experiments, Meaningful Results
jamesxli wrote:I have plotted the value density (after de-gaussian the baseline) of the three material classes. It does not
look like impossible to distinguish the three classes with an algorithm from statistical point of view:
In our laboratory we now rely on pattern recognition of images generated from the signals acquired from the sensor.
Regarding Point 3. which Mr Labella mentioned ("Have you looked at the Sigma Plots of the contest data?") I am unable to observe any within-class consistency/coherence. Can anybody on this board?
Return to Materials Identification Based on Measurements of Electromagnetic Radiation
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text:
The Best Red Carpet Lipstick Under $20
Need proof that you don't have to spend a fortune to get a Hollywood-approved red lip? You may know Zoey Deutch from Vampire Academy, Beautiful Creatures, or Who What Wear's spring trends editorial, and now she's wowing us with the classic red lip colour she wore to an event this month is Los Angeles.
It turns out, the perfect shade of red is M.A.C.'s cult classic Lipstick ($16) in Russian Red. And the secret to the shiny finish and sharp outline? Tinted lip balm and Q-tips!
Makeup artist Andre Sarmiento (he's oft responsible for Kate Bosworth's bright pout on the red carpet) made the matte texture modern by adding a thick layer of Fresh's Rose Tinted Balm ($23) on top. "It deepens the colour and is more comfortable than matte," he told us.
Sarmiento's tips for pulling off a bold hue? "Make sure your lip line is clean," he told us. "If a bold lip is perfectly applied, it looks chic and expensive. Use Q-Tips ($4) dipped in moisturizer to clean up your lip line after you apply your colour, then apply concealer around the lips for that crisp finish."


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Bottle, curved handle and nozzle.
Description: It is a bottle which is made up of ceramics.It comes under the art of pottery and is used for the decoration purpose.Bottle is of golden color and it is narrow from upper side and wider from downside.It has a curved handle which is used to hold the bottle and a nozzle to pour out liquid from the bottle which is in the shape of a small pipe.It's surface is somewhat glittery and there is a open mouth at the top of it to pour something in it.
Date: 1860


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Using the enhanced in-situ bioremediation technology Oxygen Release Compound (ORC®) and targeted contaminant source removal, remediation professionals restored and secured regulatory closure for 29 petroleum-contaminated sites across Indiana at an estimated cost saving of $75,000-$900,000 per site, according to a press release from Regenesis.
The cleanups used a closure strategy designed to achieve rapid, highly cost-effective results through a combination of accelerated in-situ bioremediation, risk-based clean-up goals and, where needed, focused source removal.
ORC® is a non-toxic, easy-to-handle powder that is typically mixed with water to form a milk-like slurry that is injected directly into contaminated soil and groundwater, where it provides a controlled-release supply of oxygen for as long as 12 months. The increased oxygen level stimulates the growth of naturally occurring aerobic microbes that actually digest the hydrocarbons in the subsurface, leaving only water, carbon dioxide and other harmless end-products.
Before treatment, the 29 sites, located at service stations and bulk storage facilities belonging to a major oil company, had concentrations of up to 26,000+ µg/L (over 26,000 milligrams per liter) of gasoline, diesel fuel, fuel additives and other hydrocarbons in soil and groundwater. Eight sites required only direct-push injection of ORC slurry for successful treatment. At the remaining sites, contaminant source areas were excavated and ORC slurry was applied into the base of the excavation and injected throughout the remainder of the treatment area. About two-thirds of the sites required only one ORC injection to reach site closure.
The remediation projects were completed between 1998 and 2008. The average treatment time was roughly three years and costs ranged from approximately $25,000 to $75,000 per site, plus monitoring expenses.
Regenesis' suite of advanced remediation technologies have been applied successfully at more than 14,000 sites worldwide.


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by Alaina Mabaso
Brothers Joel and Jeff Eckel are always on the lookout for something that would send most folks running in the other direction: a seething glob of crawling, humming honeybees, swarming to look for a new home.
On one occasion, Jeff, one-half of Germantown's We Bee Brothers, got a call from a Kensington homeowner who saw a swarm of honeybees in a small tree, about eight feet off the ground.
Pleased at the prospect of such an easy catch for a new hive, Jeff drove over immediately. By the time he arrived, the bees had already flown away.
"That's kind of heartbreaking, when you get there and they're already gone," he says. But as he was driving out of the neighborhood, he happened to look up when he came to a stop sign, and there was the swarm…resting in a 40-foot tree.
Jeff is a tenacious beekeeper, and honeybees are an increasingly precious resource, as the U.S. loses a significant percentage of its hives to the mysterious ravages of colony collapse disorder. (Just last week, The New York Times reported on another massive die-off.) Jeff parked his car and strolled the block, trying to think of a way he could bring the swarm home to an empty hive.
He turned a corner and noticed a trio of bucket-trucks working on a power line. "Sure, no problem," said a friendly operator when Jeff explained his mission. Jeff already knew how to operate a forklift from his work at a beer distributor, so after a successful crash course in the bucket truck's controls, up he went with his bee box and veil.
"Bees are flying around, it's kinda crazy," recalls Jeff. "People are coming out in the street and looking at it. Seems like quite a sight, I guess."
Joel promises that while a honeybee swarm might look frightening, without a hive to defend, they are not likely to sting. Plus, they've just had a Thanksgiving-sized dinner of all the honey they could hold before flying away, so they're plump and drowsy. "I've definitely stuck my bare hand inside a swarm and not gotten stung," he explains.
A second-grade teacher at William Penn Charter School, Joel founded We Bee Brothers with Jeff after receiving his first hives in 2007, just as Colony Collapse Disorder was beginning to make headlines and drive the urban beekeeping trend.
Now, in addition to capturing wayward colonies, the Glenside-born brothers maintain about 30 hives throughout Germantown (including a colony at the historic Wyck House), act as a resource for others interested in beekeeping and sell customized batches of local raw honey.
Part of Joel's personal mission is educating people on the myriad varieties of honey and its uses. He explains that every hive's honey has a unique taste depending on what time of year it's harvested and what kind of flowers the bees are alighting on. Honey can be naturally flavored by buckwheat, alfalfa, wildflowers or orange blossoms — or Philadelphia's linden and tulip poplar trees. Joel also enjoys infusing gathered honey with herbs like thyme, rosemary, lavender and mint.
We Bee Brothers offers occasional tastings that incorporate Philadelphia-area honeys alongside national and international samples. In Joel's experience, honey from Germantown definitely stacks up.
"Oftentimes people comment on how much they enjoy the ones from Germantown, not knowing beforehand that it's from Germantown," he says.
Joel explains that the area is a great place for bees, and not just because many environmentally-conscious residents are supportive of hives' role in the local ecosystem.
The trees of the Wissahickon are a short flight away (bees can fly up to a few miles from the hive in search of nectar and pollen), and bees in the modern urban environment often fare better than their rural counterparts.
"But we definitely have lost some hives to pesticides," says Joel. He asks people to remember that if you spray a weed with chemicals while it's flowering, "the bees feed off it and bring it back to the hive and die."
The local landscape — including nearby Weavers Way farm and Awbury Arboretum — isn't the only reason bees thrive in Germantown. Beekeeping is a local tradition.
Properties like Wyck House and Grumblethorpe "want hives for educational purposes," Joel notes, and it's "historically accurate, because in those days most homes had hives, so the Germantown area is really good for us that way."
We Bee Brothers has been maintaining hives in the Wyck House gardens since 2008. Wyck horticulturalist Elizabeth Belk recently welcomed this reporter for a visit, as the early March sun melted the last traces of a small snowstorm. The resident chickens stretched in the dirt like ecstatic sunbathers, and the hive's entrance teemed with bees enjoying the spring-like day.
"The bees are crazy in here in the summer," says Belk of Wyck's 80 rose plants. The blooms lend their flavor to the Wyck honey.
For his part, Jeff is anxious to educate people who are dismayed when a swarm alights in their trees or when a honeybee colony takes up residence in the walls of their house.
"A lot of people don't know that federal law prevents you from exterminating honeybees [even if they're living in your house]," explains Jeff. So homeowners who call an exterminator to rout the colony get charged for the visit, but learn that, by law, the exterminator can't help.
Fortunately, there is usually somebody a phone call away who would be thrilled to remove the bees without harming them. "Know your local beekeeper," says Jeff.
More information at 215-298-2365, email@example.com or www.webeebrothers.com.
Reprinted, with permission, from www.flyingkitemedia.com


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Pedro Oliva talks about his 127-foot huck
Chris Korbulic
In March, 26-year-old Brazilian Pedro Oliva sent shockwaves through the whitewater world when he dropped a 127-foot waterfall on Brazil's Rio Sacre. Since then, his run has been cheered and chastised on message boards everywhere. "He's pushing the sport," some said, "This drop makes kayakers look crazy," pined others. To date, Tyler Bradt holds the freefall waterfall record at 107 feet off Canada's Aldexandria Falls (Guinness just recently approved his line) while Sean Baker holds the waterfall world record in the freefall category for his 65-foot, 1996 Iceland plunge. Despite a number of successful–and higher– descents since, both of these names are still etched in the record book because, as Baker puts it, no other kayakers "have submitted to official witnessing and guidelines." According to Ben Stookesberry, Oliva's partner during the Brazil World Record Attempt Expedition, Oliva will submit his paperwork after the release of the new Hotel Charlie video. Regardless of where you stand, Pedro's plop into history did one important thing: create excitement in a sport otherwise itching for it.
–Joe Carberry
What were you feeling that told you you could run this beast?
Most of my confidence came from Ben´s technique. He did all the calculations, had the precision with the measurements and he is also a very experienced canoista and he transmitted to me security. Beside this, the practice of this intense expedition of 25 days: looking for different [world record-sized] falls, carrying the kayaks, exploring the rivers put me, Ben and Chris Korbulic in a perfect synchronicity. I had an impressive, good feeling when I saw Salto Belo. I had to do that. I also think that all the support that I had this time was essential too. A lot of important people for me, like my mom, some special friends were sending good vibrations, to me.
Had you been looking at the drop for a while?
When we stopped the car, I was the first to take the kayak off the rack. I had seen the waterfall a day before, by photo, and it was exactly what I imagined. I was so excited that I just wanted to do that! Then, I realized that I should be calm to have success. Ben began to measure the height of the waterfall and I helped him with that. When we figured out that it was bigger than the 2008 record, Ben started to prepare the cameras and I began the scout. It took me three hours. I walked to the top of Salto Belo, with water up to my waist, just to see all the lines of water, to know all possibilities that I had. I also just keep looking down. It was necessary to learn how to keep calm and concentrate from 40 meters above. I just looked down and thought: "It´s not so high. It´s ok for me".
Before the falls, I also paddled trough the little rapids and stopped before the jump. I didn´t want to fail at the beginning. It was very important for the rest and I could repeat exactly the same movements that I did at the "training time."
Style-wise, were you bummed you landed upside down?
No, I wasn't. Ben, Chris and me were traveling for 25 days to rivers and waterfalls and we got some experience during this time with ourselves. We watched each other falling every time and then talked about the fall, discussed the position of the kayak entering the water and talked about other possibilities. Two days before Salto Belo, Ben falled exactly up side down, and we said that this was our perfect plan B, and that´s what happened. I think it's possible to do the drop perfectly and I'm going to try and do it again in the next year. Now we know a kayaker can do a cascade of 39 meters. We have ended a myth.
So this is a pretty big deal for the sport and brought a lot of attention to whitewater kayaking? You and Ben even appeared on the Today Show. Do you think the way you dropped this waterfall will make people more or less inclined to try whitewater kayaking?
I think that those who are already in xtreme kayak/creeking might feel stimulated, especially if they want to beat this new record. I think that this mark also pushes the limits of the sport. People didn't think that it was possible to fall down almost 3 seconds, for almost 40 meters . But it´s important to say that it´s a sport with much risks. I am a kayaker for 13 years. I did a lot of expeditions, and all the team (me, Ben and Chris) were experienced kayakers. Even then I had some security equipment like a special helmet, a life jacket [able to withstand a] car crash that probably protected my abdominal area. We are still adapting technology for safety. What I know is that the entire world is going to enjoy the photos and video of this incredible drop, and when somebody sees this it's going to be with their heart beating like crazy. So I'm content with the thought that someone dropping a waterfall is doing more than kayaking. He's sending a message to the world, and the message is, "you can do this too." There are no limits in life. Many more people are going to start paddling in Brazil. After this many people here are looking to buy a kayak, not to drop giant waterfalls but to enjoy this incredible sport.
For more on the waterfall debate, check out the June issue of Canoe and Kayak magazine.


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Inborn errors of metabolism in man: first International Symposium on Inborn Errors of Metabolism in Man, Tel Aviv, June 19-25, 1977, Volume 9
Karger, 1978 - Metabolism, Inborn errors of
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Lundqvist, Rangers blank Caps to win series
Washington, DC – The home team had won every game in this series, except for the last one.
Backed by Henrik Lundqvist's second straight shutout and an offense that finally came alive on the road, the New York Rangers took a 5-0 win over the Washington Capitals in Game 7 of this Eastern Conference quarterfinal series at Verizon Center.
The sixth-seeded Rangers had dropped all three games in Washington, scoring just two goals there coming into Monday's contest. New York, though, got goals from Arron Asham, Michael Del Zotto, Taylor Pyatt, Ryan Callahan and Mats Zuccarello to give the team the series victory.
"I think this was our best game of the series," said New York head coach John Tortorella. "Henrik was really good early to give us a chance and then I thought we played really well the rest of the way in front of him, right on through our lineup."
Lundqvist turned aside 35 shots in this game after stopping all 27 shots in Sunday's Game 6 to force the deciding contest.
It was the second straight year that the Rangers and Capitals had played a Game 7, with the Rangers taking a 2-1 win at home in last year's semifinal matchup.
New York will travel to face Boston in the semifinals as the Bruins rallied from a 4-1 deficit in the third period then won in overtime on Monday to take their series against the Toronto Maple Leafs in seven games. Game 1 is set for Thursday night in Boston.
Braden Holtby was tagged with all five goals on 27 shots for the third-seeded Capitals, who were in the playoffs for a sixth straight season, but have bowed out after one series in three of those appearances and haven't made it out of the semifinals during that run.
"This is tough to explain," said Washington head coach Adam Oates. "It's funny how over the years a seventh game turns into some kind of blowout. I wish I had an answer for that. We pushed really hard in the first period and Lundqvist made some great saves, they got a lucky one and every bounce seemed to go their way after that."
Washington had taken Games 1, 2, and 5 at home, with Games 2 and 5 being decided in overtime, while the Rangers took a pair of 4-3 wins at Madison Square Garden in Games 3 and 4 before the 1-0 win in Game 6.
Washington was controlling play in the latter half of the first period and was peppering Lundqvist, who made 13 saves in the frame, but it was the Rangers who walked away with a 1-0 lead.
Skating the other way after the Caps had a chance in the Rangers end, Chris Kreider gained the zone along the right wing and left a drop pass for Asham, who blasted a slap shot through a Washington defender and past Holtby for a 1-0 lead with 6:41 to play in the period.
Lundqvist made the lead hold up by stopping a Jay Beagle shot from the right wing and swallowing the rebound with Mathieu Perreault in front inside of two minutes to play.
The Caps skated the final 1:18 of the first on the power play and began the second with the man advantage, but were unable to capitalize.
The Rangers made it a 2-0 game at 3:24 on Pyatt's first of the playoffs. Derek Dorsett had hit the post on a shot from the left circle, but play continued in the Washington end. Steve Eminger blasted a shot on net from the right point that Dorsett tipped. Holtby made the stop, but Pyatt was at the right side to slam home the rebound.
Just over two minutes later, it was a 3-0 contest as Del Zotto's shot from the left point hit off the skate of Troy Brouwer and made it between the pads of Holtby.
Only 13 seconds came off the third period clock before the Rangers to made it a four goal game. Callahan stole a soft pass from John Erskine in the neutral zone and skated down the right wing before turning his back to the goal and lifting in a backhand.
Zuccarello's goal just over six minutes later put the cap on the rout and Lundqvist finished off his eighth career playoff shutout with nine saves in the final frame.
Game Notes
New York improved to 6-5 in Game 7s, while the Capitals fell to 3-9 ... Washington forward Alex Ovechkin, who led the NHL in goals during the regular season with 32, scored just once in the series, in Game 1, and finished the series with two points ... New York's Derick Brassard had two assists in the game and led all skaters in the series with 11 points (2G, 9A) ... Rangers forward Brad Richards is 5-0 in Game 7s in his career ... The Rangers were without defenseman Marc Staal and forwards Ryane Clowe and Darroll Powe, while Washington forward Martin Erat missed the game with an arm injury sustained in Game 4 ... This was the eighth playoff matchup between these two clubs, with each squad winning four times.


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Watch or listen to the book launch.
This reader, compiled by renowned Solzhenitsyn scholars Edward E. Ericson, Jr., and Daniel J. Mahoney in collaboration with the Solzhenitsyn family, provides in one volume a rich and representative selection of Solzhenitsyn's voluminous works. Reproduced in their entirety are early poems, early and late short stories, early and late "miniatures" (or prose poems), and many of Solzhenitsyn's famous—and not-so-famous—essays and speeches. The volume also includes excerpts from Solzhenitsyn's great novels, memoirs, books of political analysis and historical scholarship, and the literary and historical masterpieces The Gulag Archipelago and The Red Wheel. More than one-quarter of the material has never before appeared in English (the author's sons prepared many of the new translations themselves).
The Solzhenitsyn Reader reveals a writer of genius, an intransigent opponent of ideological tyranny and moral relativism, and a thinker and moral witness who is acutely sensitive to the great drama of good and evil that takes place within every human soul. It will be for many years the definitive Solzhenitsyn collection.
Additional Information
|ISI Books
|What They're Saying...
"If a single figure summarizes the meaning of the twentieth century—in its magnificent highs no less than its miserable lows—it is Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Like all masters of culture both ancient and modern, his work transcends academic categories. As the editors make clear, Solzhenitsyn embraces the empirical and the ethical, the national culture of Russia and the global condition of Western civilization. The cloth of heroism is woven in respect for everyday life. Solzhenitsyn knows this, and this fine collection is a stark testament to the precious gift of his life and the enrichment he has given to ours."
"I was, I should admit, at first doubtful that the drama and intensity of Solzhenitsyn's longer works would come across as powerfully in excerpted form, but I need not have worried. Whichever one you start with, whether it's The First Circle, Cancer Ward, The Gulag Archipelago, or The Red Wheel, you are immediately absorbed into Solzhenitsyn's world."
"As a compilation, The Solzhenitsyn ReadeR is perhaps most useful for its inclusion of Solzhenitsyn's public statements…The Solzhenitsyn Reader is thus a significant volume that presents perhaps a better overview of the total range of the author's work than any previous compilation."
"The Reader comes along at a good time, reminding ou of Russia's violent, chaotic history, of a past that is not past but which endures and is actively shaping its ongoing struggles, while showing us an engaged and committed mind and spirit at work. It is an excellent book, comprehensive and reasonably priced, and it includes extracts from Solzhenitsyn's verse, short stories, novels, non-fiction, and speeches."
"Finally, we have a reader that includes many of Solzhenitsyn's well-known works as well as previously unpublished writings that reveal new dimensions of his thought. Edward Ericson and Daniel Mahoney have done a great service for Western civilization and for the conscience of mankind by making available the inspiring prose and poetry of a great hero of the twentieth century."
"This book is a remarkable effort at clarifying and presenting a great oeuvre. In gathering together and choosing wisely from texts of different genres (poems, short stories, novels, essays, speeches, etc.), Edward Ericson and Daniel Mahoney give readers the means to appreciate the extraordinary amplitude of Solzhenitsyn's art and thought. In addition, they provide masterly introductions that go to the heart of the matter and clear up many misunderstandings. This work is an exercice d'admiration that is also a considerable scholarly achievement."
"You want a Solzhenitsyn reader, because he is one of the greatest writers, and greatest men, of our times. And you want Edward Ericson and Daniel Mahoney to edit this reader, because no one has been more devoted to Solzhenitsyn, or is more knowledgeable about him, than they. This book is a perfect happening. It inspires deep gratitude."
"This handsomely produced volume includes a judicious selection from the great Russian writer's works and a handy gathering of essays and speeches. Moreover, it includes some previously untranslated material....The introduction by editors Ericson and Mahoney is not a perfunctory bit of business but rather a clear-headed assessment of Solzhenitsyn's standing today and a penetrating summary of his outlook."
"This thoughtfully edited volume succeeds in reflecting the richness of Solzhenitsyn's writings; it offers an excellent sampling of both his fiction and his nonfiction, as well as an informative introductory essay and short introductions for each selection. It goes a long way to make the prolific author accessible to readers unable or unwilling to read his entire output, and helps us assess his place in 20th century literature and social-political debates."
"Solzhenitsyn is revealed as a man whose deep humanity was forged under the pressure of imprisonment and police harassment. He is not, as his critics claim, calling for return to the past. Rather, he advocates a society based on the best wisdom of the past and present, grounded on transcendent values…"
"This volume, with a comprehensive preface and informative introduction to each part, was compiled with the full approval and cooperation of Solzhenitsyn and his family. Its aim is clearly to correct what they see as the gross misrepresentation of Solzhenitsyn's views, especially in the West."
"Ericson and Mahoney are to be congratulated in assembling this collection of Solzhenitsyn's corpus. Their introductions to the various offerings provide the reader with an understnading of the focus of the work, its genesis, and outline. I am personally grateful that they included his Harvard Address that illustrates Isaevich as the true Platonic philosopher/prophet, where he fearlessly engages the academy in questions they have no desire to hear let alone answer."
"In The Solzhenitsyn Reader, two experts on [his] work (Ericson was the editor of the abridged Gulag Archipelago) offer a sweeping selection from his writings, and also provide a long and helpful introduction describing his life and summarizing his basic convictions."
"ISI Books is a house devoted to conservative books and writers. The editors do little to hide their bias toward Solzhenitsyn and his iron-clad thinking, and they have edited a superb volume with a terrific introduction that places Solzhenitsyn's life and thought in clear context."
"A fine antidote to such simple-minded pigeonholing of Solzhenitsyn--as the brave anti-communist who later went off the deep end--is, as the author suggested, to read his work, particularly his later writings, which are not remotely as one-note as shibboleths about him suggest. A good place to start might be The Solzhenitsyn Reader. [It is] compiled with the cooperation of both Solzhenitsyn and his three sons, it provides a far more textured picture of the writer as an unrelenting artist…a flexible and theologically minded philosopher;…an often daring stylist; and a political and nationalist 'ideologue' only in the eyes of predisposed critics."
"The Reader comes along at a good time, reminding us of Russia's violent, chaotic history, of a past that is not past but which endures and is actively shaping its ongoing struggles, while showing us an engaged and committed mind and spirit at work. It is an excellent, book, comprehensive and reasonably priced, and it includes extracts from Solzhenitsyn's verse, short stories, novels, non-fiction, and speeches. Some of the contents have never before been accessible to those who don't speak Russian. "
"The Solzhenitsyn Reader is a seminal contribution to academic library collections and especially recommended reading for students of Political Science, Russian Studies, European History, and Russian Literature."
"[C]omes as a very welcome relief. This expansive, convenient 'greatest hits' fills a gaping void on the shelves for those interested in dipping further into Solzhenitsyn."
"Solzhenitsyn, now eighty-eight and for a
long time back in his native land, understands
this. If he had only written history,
his contribution to our understanding of
political terror and totalitarianism would
be incalculably great. But he also gave us
the artist's moral vision. And that is something
that Russia—and the West—need
now more than ever."
"Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's life and works are a testimony to moral, political and literary courage. His short stories, novels, speeches and his own experiences convey, perhaps more than any other author, the drama, terror and heroism that manifested themselves throughout one of humanity's most violent and decisive periods. By collecting excerpts from these works together in one volume, the editors have performed a valuable service for English readers seeking to understand the forces and ideas that gave birth to and continued to support totalitarianism long after its bankruptcy was realized."
"Fittingly, The Solzhenitsyn Reader ends as it began, with poetry. Solzhenitsyn may be as austere as a monk, as stern as a prophet, as astute as a sage, as indefatigable as an athlete, and as mighty as a warrior, but his soul is that of a poet. It is here, in the prosodic depths, that the essential Solzhenitsyn is to be discovered."
"The selections in The Solzhenitsyn Reader confirm what the editors suggest in the opening pages: the author's life almost defies belief. Born in Russia one year after the Bolshevik seizure of power, he outlived the political system that persecuted him, surviving its horrible network of labor camps while documenting its myriad crimes. Solzhenitsyn's writings are indispensable for understanding the 20th century. For those who would like to sample that corpus generously, the Reader is an excellent place to begin."
|Eligible for Readers Club Discount


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What Do One Direction Want to Bring on Tour With Them?
Woof woof. One Direction are going to be on the road for the foreseeable future and with most of the guys in long distance relationships with their lady loves (more on that in a second), they are looking for some comfort and companionship on the road. No, that's not an open invite to rabid Directioners to get really up close and personal. Turns out the boys are lobbying their management to bring a dog on the road with them.
In a recent video chat, Niall Horan is answering questions about the band's style and clothing, confirming that "we choose what wear, but we have stylists who work with us and who know what we like. They get us options and colors." The ladies who style the boys are named Carolina and Lydia, for the all the Directioners encyclopedically logging trivia questions and answers regarding every aspect of the boys' lives.
Seemingly out of nowhere, Louis Tomlinson says, "We are going to get a dog on tour. It has no relevance to the question, but we are trying to persuade our management, woof, woof."
A 1D dog? What should they name the canine? Tell us your suggestions, PopCrush readers.
Now, about the boys and their girlfriends? Well, Zayn Malik has won the approval of Perrie Edwards' mother, Debbie.
She told The Sun (via STV), "They make a lovely couple. I think they're really good for each other." Even though the pair are often on different sides of the world and far away from each other, they stay in contact via phone. Mom said, "Zayn is still on tour, so most of the relationship is being conducted over texts, calls and emails." Aw, how sweet.
Zayn gushed upon admitting the relationship, having said, "We're incredible, everything's going great. We're buzzing," while Edwards, whom he met on 'X Factor,' said, "I'm really happy. When you both do the same kind of thing, there's more understanding because you both get it ... and it's more exciting when you see each other."
Watch One Direction Reveal They Want a Dog on Tour


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Corvus corax (common raven)
These raven tracks show the structure of the foot. The bottom of the foot has a granular or pebbly texture, similar to that of turkeys and other birds. This probably gives them some traction for gripping branches. Their toes have joints and are very flexible to allow them to grip things. The middle toe doesn't point exactly forward. It points inward slightly.
Kim Cabrera (photographer; copyright holder; identification)
This resource may not be downloaded and used without permission of the copyright holder except for educational fair use.
The Animal Diversity Web team is excited to announce ADW Pocket Guides!
Help us improve the site by taking our survey.
To cite this page: Myers, P., R. Espinosa, C. S. Parr, T. Jones, G. S. Hammond, and T. A. Dewey. 2019. The Animal Diversity Web (online). Accessed at https://animaldiversity.org.
Disclaimer: The Animal Diversity Web is an educational resource written largely by and for college students. ADW doesn't cover all species in the world, nor does it include all the latest scientific information about organisms we describe. Though we edit our accounts for accuracy, we cannot guarantee all information in those accounts. While ADW staff and contributors provide references to books and websites that we believe are reputable, we cannot necessarily endorse the contents of references beyond our control.
This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation Grants DRL 0089283, DRL 0628151, DUE 0633095, DRL 0918590, and DUE 1122742. Additional support has come from the Marisla Foundation, UM College of Literature, Science, and the Arts, Museum of Zoology, and Information and Technology Services.
The ADW Team gratefully acknowledges their support.


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Chris and I wish you all a very Merry Christmas and a wonderful 2012.
And may I extend my sincere thanks to each and every one of you for your interest and participation in my blog this year. 2011 has been the best year ever at "This Gay Relationship," and I couldn't have done it without you.
You mean more to me than you know.


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Learning Index >> Pioneers and their practice: a reference guide
Born in Luton, Bedfordshire, Susan Bosence became connected with the crafts at Dartington Hall School, Devon in 1939, where she worked as the headmaster's secretary. Here she was introduced to Barron and Larcher's hand-blockprinted textiles by the Elmhirsts, the owners of the Dartington Estate.
Bosence married and raised a family at Dartington, and began producing printed and dyed fabrics for domestic use. In 1950, aged 37, a visit to Phyllis Barron* and Dorothy Larcher* provided great encouragement. Her earliest experiments were in resist-dyed cotton, using indigo. Her printed designs developed from simple block patterns to combinations of resist and print, always abstract and on a variety of cotton grounds.
In the 1960s Susan Bosence ran a class in printing and dyeing at the Adult Education Centre, Dartington. In 1966, she moved to Oxenham Farm, Sigford, Devon where she converted outbuildings into a print workshop with indigo vat. Her solo exhibition at the Ceylon Tea Centre, London (1961) had brought many orders and invitations to teach and these defined the pattern of her life for the next 15 years. As well as making textiles, Bosence was a visiting tutor at Camberwell and West Surrey colleges of art. Her book Hand Block Printing and Resist Dyeing was published in 1985 and she continued working and exhibiting until the early 1990s.
*Denotes included in the Crafts Study Centre Collection
(All prints are by linoblock unless otherwise stated.)


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