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"… because… the blessings of society depend entirely on the constitutions of government… there can be no employment more agreeable to a benevolent mind, than a research after the best." John Adams, Thoughts on Government, April 1776
"Statesmen, my dear Sir, may plan and speculate for Liberty, but it is Religion and Morality alone, which can establish the Principles upon which Freedom can securely stand. . . . The only foundation of a free Constitution, is pure Virtue, and if this cannot be inspired into our People, in a greater Measure, than they have it now, They may change their Rulers, and the forms of Government, but they will not obtain a lasting Liberty.—They will only exchange Tyrants and Tyrannies.—You cannot therefore be more pleasantly, or usefully employed than in the Way of your Profession [Minister]…" John Adams, Letter to Zabdiel Adams, June 21, 1776
"… [During the Revolutionary War,] men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.
Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty." John Adams, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1797
"In this dangerous crisis [under the Articles of Confederation] the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.
Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain." John Adams, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1797
"Mr. Madison's notes of the [Constitutional] Convention of 1787, are consistent with his indefatigable character. I shall never see them, but I hope posterity will." John Adams, Letter to Thomas Jefferson, August 24, 1815
"But neither the wisest constitution nor the wisest laws will secure the liberty and happiness of a people whose manners are universally corrupt. He therefore is the truest friend to the liberty of his country who tries most to promote its virtue, and who, so far as his power and influence extend, will not suffer a man to be chosen into any office of power and trust who is not a wise and virtuous man… The sum of all is, if we would most truly enjoy this gift of Heaven [Liberty], let us become a virtuous people: then shall we both deserve and enjoy it. While, on the other hand, if we are universally vicious and debauched in our manners, though the form of our Constitution carries the face of the most exalted freedom, we shall in reality be the most abject slaves." Samuel Adams, Essay Published in the Advertiser, 1748
"… If Taxes are laid upon us in any shape without our having a legal Representation where they are laid, are we not reduced from the Character of free Subjects to the miserable State of tributary Slaves?" Samuel Adams, Instructions of the Town of Boston to its Representatives in the General Court, May 1764
"… it is an essential, unalterable right in nature, engrafted into the British constitution, as a fundamental law, and ever held sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within the realm, that what a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but cannot be taken from him without his consent…" Samuel Adams, Massachusetts Circular Letter to the Colonial Legislatures, February 11, 1768
"Our enemies would fain have us lie down on the bed of sloth and security, and persuade ourselves that there is no danger: They are daily administering the opiate with multiplied arts and delusions… But is there no danger when the very foundations of our civil Constitution tremble?" Samuel Adams, "Candidus", Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
"The liberties of our country, the freedom of our civil Constitution are worth defending at all hazards; and it is our duty to defend them against all attacks. We have received them as a fair inheritance from our worthy ancestors. They purchased them for us with toil, and danger, and expense of treasure and blood, and transmitted them to us with care and diligence. It will bring an everlasting mark of infamy on the present generation, enlightened as it is, if we should suffer them to be wrested from us by violence without a struggle, or be cheated out of them by the artifices of false and designing men." Samuel Adams, Writing as "Candidus", Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
"This subject [the U.S. Constitution], Sir, is of the greatest magnitude, and has employed the attention of every rational man in the United States…
It is essential that the people should be united in the Federal government, to withstand the common enemy, and to preserve their valuable rights and liberties." Samuel Adams, Debates and Proceedings in the Convention of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, January 31, 1788
"Another essential ingredient in the happiness we enjoy as a nation, and which arises from the principles of our revolution, is the right that every people have to govern themselves in such a manner as they best calculated for the common benefit.
It is a principle interwoven with our Constitution, and not one of the least blessings purchased by that glorious struggle… that every man has a natural right to be governed by laws of his own making, either in person or by his representative…
This, fellow-citizens! is a most important practicable principle, first carried into complete execution by the United States of America…
To you, ye citizens of America! do the inhabitants of the earth look with eager attention for the success of a measure on which their happiness and prosperity so manifestly depend.
To use the words of a famous foreigner, 'You are become the hope of human nature, and ought to become its great example. The asylum opened in your land for the oppressed of all nations must console the earth.'
On your virtue, patriotism, integrity, and submission to the laws of your own making, and the government of your own choice, do the hopes of men rest with prayers and supplications for a happy issue.
Be not therefore careless, indolent, or inattentive in the exercise of any right of citizenship. Let no duty, however small or seemingly of little importance, be neglected by you.
Ever keep in mind that it is parts that form the whole, and fractions constitute the unit. Good government generally begins in the family, and if the moral character of a people once degenerate, their political character must soon follow." Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
"Times and circumstances may change, and accidents intervene to disappoint the wisest measures. Mistaken and wicked men (who cannot live but in troubled waters) are often laboring with indefatigable zeal, which sometimes proves but too successful, to sour minds and derange the best formed systems. Plausible pretensions, censorious insinuations, are always at hand to transfer the deadly poison of jealousy, by which the best citizens may for a time be deceived.
These considerations should lead to an attentive solicitude to keep the pure, unadulterated principles of our Constitution always in view; to be religiously careful in our choice of all public officers; and as they are again in our power at very short periods, lend not too easily a patient ear to every invidious insinuation or improbable story, but prudently mark the effects of their public measures, and judge of the tree by its fruits." Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
"With a heart filled with unfeigned gratitude to the Author of all our mercies, and overflowing with the most affectionate friendship towards you, suffer me to congratulate you on this seventeenth anniversary of our happy independence. Long, long, even to the remotest ages, may the citizens of this rising empire enjoy the triumphs of this day! May they never forget the invaluable price which it cost, as well as the great purposes for which it was instituted, and may a frequent recurrence to first principles of our constitution, on this anniversary, be a constant source of security and permanence to the rising fabric! May the rights of men and purity of a free, energetic, and independent government, be continually cherished… May the remembrance of those worthy heroes, once our beloved companions, whose lives they did not hold dear, when required for their country's safety, animate us to preserve inviolate what they purchased at so high a rate! May we, by the uniform conduct of good citizens, and generous, faithful friends, show ourselves worthy of such valuable connections!" Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
"Kings or parliaments could not give the rights essential to happiness. ... We claim them from a higher source - from the King of kings, and Lord of all the earth. They are not annexed to us by parchments [constitutions] and seals. They are created in us by the decrees of Providence, which establish the laws of our nature. They are born with us; exist with us; and cannot be taken from us by any human power without taking our lives." John Dickinson, An Address to the Committee of Correspondence in Barbados, 1766
"History will also give Occasion to expatiate on the Advantage of Civil Orders and Constitutions, how Men and their Properties are protected by joining in Societies and establishing Government; their Industry encouraged and rewarded, Arts invented, and Life made more comfortable: The Advantages of Liberty, Mischiefs of Licentiousness, Benefits arising from good Laws and a due Execution of Justice, &c. Thus may the first Principles of sound Politicks be fixed in the Minds of Youth." Benjamin Franklin, Proposals Relating To The Education Of Youth In Pennsylvania, September 13, 1749
"On the whole, Sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that every member of the Convention, who may still have objections to it, would with me, on this occasion, doubt a little of his own infallibility, and to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument." Benjamin Franklin, Debates in the Federal Convention, September 17, 1787
"Whilst the last members were signing, Doctor Franklin, looking towards the President's chair, at the back of which a rising sun happened to be painted, observed to a few members near him, that painters had found it difficult to distinguish in their art, a rising, from a setting, sun." (Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, September 17, 1787)
"I have 'often and often, in the course of the session, and the vicissitudes [changes] of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that behind the President, without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting; but now at length, I have the happiness to know, that it is a rising, and not a setting sun." Benjamin Franklin, Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, September 17, 1787
"To conclude, I beg I may not be understood to infer, that our general convention was divinely inspired when it formed the new federal constitution, merely because that constitution has been unreasonably and vehemently opposed: yet, I must own, I have so much faith in the general government of the world by Providence, that I can hardly conceive a transaction of such momentous importance to the welfare of millions now existing, and to exist in the posterity of a great nation, should be suffered to pass without being in some degree influenced, guided, and governed by that omnipotent, omnipresent, and beneficent ruler, in whom all inferior spirits live, move, and have their being." Benjamin Franklin, A Comparison of the Conduct of the Ancient Jews, and of the Antifederalists in the United States of America, 1788
"…it may essentially tend to advance the interests of the union, if the States… would… meet at Philadelphia on the second Monday in May next… to devise such further provisions as shall appear to them necessary to render the constitution of the Federal Government adequate to the exigencies of the Union…" Alexander Hamilton, Annapolis Convention, September 14, 1786
"For my own part, I sincerely esteem it a system [US Constitution], which, without the finger of God, never could have been suggested and agreed upon by such a diversity of interests." Alexander Hamilton, Writing as "Caesar" in the Daily Advertiser, (Attributed to Hamilton), October 17, 1787
"The President will have only the occasional command of such part of the militia of the nation as by legislative provision may be called into the actual service of the Union…
The President is to be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States. In this respect his authority… would amount to nothing more than the supreme command and direction of the military and naval forces, as first General and admiral of the Confederacy; while that of the British king extends to the DECLARING of war and to the RAISING and REGULATING of fleets and armies, all which, by the Constitution under consideration, would appertain to the legislature." Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 69, March 14, 1788
"… bills of rights are, in their origin, stipulations between kings and their subjects… [and] according to their primitive signification… bills of rights… are not only unnecessary in the proposed Constitution, but would even be dangerous… For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do? Why, for instance, should it be said that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed?… The truth is… the Constitution is itself, in every rational sense, and to every useful purpose, A BILL OF RIGHTS." Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 84, May 28, 1788
"If it be asked, What is the most sacred duty and the greatest source of our security in a Republic? The answer would be, An inviolable respect for the Constitution and Laws -- the first growing out of the last. ... A sacred respect for the constitutional law is the vital principle, the sustaining energy of a free government." Alexander Hamilton, American Daily Advertiser, August 28, 1794
"Those, therefore, who preach doctrines, or set examples, which undermine or subvert the authority of the laws, lead us from freedom to slavery; they incapacitate us for a Government of Laws, and consequently prepare the way for one of Force, for mankind Must have Government of One Sort or Another." Alexander Hamilton, American Daily Advertiser, August 28, 1794
"Such a resistance [to Constitutional laws] is treason against society, against liberty, against everything that ought to be dear to a free, enlightened, and prudent people. To tolerate were to abandon your most precious interests. Not to subdue it, were to tolerate it. Those who openly or covertly dissuade you from exertions adequate to the occasion are your worst enemies. They treat you either as fools or cowards, too weak to perceive your interest and your duty, or too dastardly to pursue them. They therefore merit, and will no doubt meet your contempt." Alexander Hamilton, American Daily Advertiser, August 28, 1794
"In my opinion the present Constitution is the standard to which we are to cling. Under its banners, bona fide [without deception] must we combat our political foes—rejecting all changes but through the channel itself provides for amendments." Alexander Hamilton, Letter to James Bayard, April 16-19, 1802
"The Americans are the first people whom Heaven has favored with an opportunity of deliberating upon, and choosing the forms of government under which they should live. All other constitutions have derived their existence from violence or accidental circumstances…" John Jay, Charge to the Grand Jury of Ulster Co., September 9, 1777
"Every member of the State ought diligently to read and to study the constitution of his country, and teach the rising generation to be free. By knowing their rights, they will sooner perceive when they are violated, and be the better prepared to defend and assert them." John Jay, Charge to the Grand Jury of Ulster Co., September 9, 1777
"… they who know the value of liberty, and are blessed with the enjoyment of it, ought not to subject others to slavery, is, like most other moral precepts, more generally admitted in theory than observed in practice. This will continue to be too much the case while men are impelled to action by their passions rather than their reason, and while they are more solicitous to acquire wealth than to do as they would be done by. Hence it is that India and Africa experience unmerited oppression from nations which have been long distinguished by their attachment to their civil and religious liberties, but who have expended not much less blood and treasure in violating the rights of others than in defending their own. The United States are far from being irreproachable in this respect. It undoubtedly is very inconsistent with their declarations on the subject of human rights to permit a single slave to be found within their jurisdiction, and we confess the justice of your strictures on that head.
Permit us, however, to observe, that although consequences ought not to deter us from doing what is right, yet that it is not easy to persuade men in general to act on that magnanimous and disinterested principle. It is well known that errors, either in opinion or practice, long entertained or indulged, are difficult to eradicate, and particularly so when they have become, as it were, incorporated in the civil institutions and domestic economy of a whole people.
Prior to the great revolution, the great majority or rather the great body of our people had been so long accustomed to the practice and convenience of having slaves, that very few among them even doubted the propriety and rectitude of it. Some liberal and conscientious men had, indeed, by their conduct and writings, drawn the lawfulness of slavery into question, and they made converts to that opinion; but the number of those converts compared with the people at large was then very inconsiderable. Their doctrines prevailed by almost insensible degrees, and was like the little lump of leaven which was put into three measures of meal: even at this day, the whole mass is far from being leavened, though we have good reason to hope and to believe that if the natural operations of truth are constantly watched and assisted, but not forced and precipitated, that end we all aim at will finally be attained in this country.
The Convention which formed and recommended the new Constitution had an arduous task to perform, especially as local interests, and in some measure local prejudices, were to be accommodated. Several of the States conceived that restraints on slavery might be too rapid to consist with their particular circumstances; and the importance of union rendered it necessary that their wishes on that head should, in some degree, be gratified.
It gives us pleasure to inform you, that a disposition favorable to our views and wishes prevails more and more, and that it has already had an influence on our laws. When it is considered how many of the legislators in the different States are proprietors of slaves, and what opinions and prejudices they have imbibed on the subject from their infancy, a sudden and total stop to this species of oppression is not to be expected." John Jay, Letter to the English Anti-Slavery Society, June 1788
"… my distance from the scene [Constitutional Convention] gives me too much diffidence [lack of confidence] in my views of it [U.S. Constitution] to detail them lengthily and publicly. This diffidence is increased by my high opinion of the abilities and honesty of the framers of the constitution. Yet we cannot help thinking for ourselves. I suppose I see much precious improvement in it, but some seeds of danger which might have been kept out of sight of the framers by a consciousness of their own honesty, and a presumption that all succeeding rulers would be as honest as themselves." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Uriah Forrest, December 31, 1787
"… say finally whether peace is best preserved by giving energy to the government, or information to the people. This last is the most certain and the most legitimate engine of government. Educate and inform the whole mass of the people, enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace and order, and they will preserve it, and it requires no very high degree of education to convince them of this. They are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty." Thomas Jefferson, Enclosure to Uriah Forrest, December 31, 1787
"I wish to preserve the line drawn by the federal constitution between the general and particular governments as it stands at present and to take every prudent means of preventing either from stepping over it. Tho' the experiment has not yet had a long enough course to show us from which quarter encroachments are most to be feared, yet it is easy to foresee from the nature of things that the encroachments of the state governments will tend to an excess of liberty which will correct itself (as in the late instance) while those of the general government will tend to monarchy, which will fortify itself from day to day, instead of working its own cure, as all experience shows. I would rather be exposed to the inconveniences attending too much liberty than those attending too small a degree of it.
Then it is important to strengthen the state governments: and as this cannot be done by any change in the federal constitution, (for the preservation of that is all we need contend for,) it must be done by the states themselves, erecting such barriers at the constitutional line as cannot be surmounted either by themselves or by the general government. The only barrier in their power, is a wise government. A weak one will lose ground in every contest." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Archibald Stuart, December 23, 1791
"… to take from the States all the powers of self-government and transfer them to a general and consolidated government, without regard to the special delegations and reservations solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not the for peace, happiness, or prosperity of these States; and that… [this state] is determined… to submit to undelegated, and consequently unlimited powers in no man or body of men, on earth;
that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the General Government being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the right remedy; that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact (casus non foederis), to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits;
that without this right they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whatsoever might exercise this right of judgment for them…" Thomas Jefferson, Kentucky Resolutions, 1798
"In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution." Thomas Jefferson, Kentucky Resolutions, 1798
"I do then with sincere zeal wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states, that in which it was advocated by its friends, & not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its enemies: and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President & Senate for life, & from that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, & thus to worm out the elective principle.
I am for preserving to the states the powers not yielded by them to the Union, & to the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the division of powers: and I am not for transferring all the powers of the states to the general government, & all those of that government to the Executive branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal & simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt: and not for a multiplication of officers & salaries merely to make partisans, & for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing.
I am for relying, for internal defense, on our militia solely till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we have experienced: and not for a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy which by its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burdens, & sink us under them.
I am for free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, & little or no diplomatic establishment: and I am not for linking ourselves, by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe, entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty.
I am for freedom of religion, & against all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another: for freedom of the press, & against all violations of the constitution to silence by force & not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents.
And I am for encouraging the progress of science in all its branches…
The first object of my heart is my own country. In that is embarked my family, my fortune, & my own existence. I have not one farthing of interest, nor one fiber of attachment out of it, nor a single motive of preference of any one nation to another but in proportion as they are more or less friendly to us." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Elbridge Gerry, January 26, 1799
"… I believe [we] shall obtain a majority in the legislature of the US attached to the preservation of the Federal constitution according to its obvious principles & those on which it was known to be received, [and] attached equally to the preservation to the states of those rights unquestionably remaining with them, friends to the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury & to economical government, opposed to standing armies, paper [money] systems, war, & all connection other than of commerce with any foreign nation…
Our country is too large to have all its affairs directed by a single government. Public servants at such a distance, & from under the eye of their constituents, will, from the circumstance of distance, be unable to administer & overlook all the details necessary for the good government of the citizen; and the same circumstance by rendering detection impossible to their constituents, will invite the public agents to corruption, plunder & waste: and I do verily believe that if the principle were to prevail of a common law being in force in the US. (which principle possesses the general government at once of all the powers of the state governments, and reduces us to a single consolidated government) it would become the most corrupt government on the face of the earth.
You have seen the practices by which the public servants have been able to cover their conduct, or, where that could not be done, the delusions by which they have varnished it for the eye of their constituents. what an augmentation of the field for jobbing, speculating, plundering, office-building & office hunting, would be produced by an assumption of all the state powers into the hands of the general government. The true theory of our constitution is surely the wisest & best, that the states are independent as to everything within themselves, & united as to everything respecting foreign nations. Let the general government be once reduced to foreign concerns only, and let our affairs be disentangled from those of all other nations, except as to commerce which the merchants will manage the better, the more they are left free to manage for themselves, and our general government may be reduced to a very simple organization, & a very inexpensive one: a few plain duties to be performed by a few servants." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Gideon Granger, August 13, 1800
"… now [that this election has been] decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all [citizens] will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good." Thomas Jefferson, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801
"Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people [the U.S. Constitution] which declared that their [U.S.] legislature should 'make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,' thus building a wall of separation between Church & State. Adhering to this expression of the supreme will of the nation in behalf of the rights of conscience, I shall see with sincere satisfaction the progress of those sentiments which tend to restore to man all his natural rights, convinced he has no natural right in opposition to his social duties.
I reciprocate your kind prayers for the protection & blessing of the common father and creator of man, and tender you for yourselves & your religious association, assurances of my high respect & esteem." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to the Danbury Baptists, January 1, 1802
"In matters of religion, I have considered that its free exercise is placed by the constitution independent of the powers of the general government. I have therefore undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the religious exercises suited to it; but have left them, as the constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of state or church authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies." Thomas Jefferson, Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1805
"… the papers tell you there are no parties now. Republicans and federalists forsooth are all amalgamated. This, my friend, is not so. The same parties exist now which existed before. But the name of Federalist was extinguished in the battle of New Orleans; and those who wore it now call themselves republicans. Like the fox pursued by the dogs, they take shelter in the midst of the sheep. They see that monarchism is a hopeless wish in this country, and are rallying anew to the next best point, a consolidated government. They are therefore endeavoring to break down the barriers of the state rights, provided by the constitution against a consolidation. Hence you will see in the debates of Congress these new republicans maintaining the most ultra doctrines of the old federalists." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Marquis de Lafayette, October 28, 1822
"There are two canons [general rules] which will guide us safely in most of the cases [as to the limit of jurisdiction].
1st. The capital and leading object of the constitution was to leave with the States all authorities which respected their own citizens only, and to transfer to the United States those which respected citizens of foreign or other States: to make us several as to ourselves, but one as to all others…
2nd. On every question of construction, carry ourselves back to the time when the Constitution was adopted, recollect the spirit manifested in the debates, and instead of trying what meaning may be squeezed out of the text, or invented against it, conform to the probable one in which it was passed." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to William Johnson, June 12, 1823
"The States supposed that by their tenth amendment, they had secured themselves against constructive powers… I ask for no straining of words against the General Government, nor yet against the States. I believe the States can best govern our home concerns, and the General Government our foreign ones. I wish, therefore, to see maintained that wholesome distribution of powers established by the constitution for the limitation of both; and never to see all offices transferred to Washington, where, further withdrawn from the eyes of the people, they may more secretly be bought and sold as at market." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to William Johnson, June 12, 1823
"The ultimate arbiter is the people of the Union, assembled by their deputies in convention, at the call of Congress, or of two-thirds of the States. Let them decide to which they mean to give an authority claimed by two of their organs. And it has been the peculiar wisdom and felicity [happiness] of our constitution, to have provided this peaceable appeal, where that of other nations is at once to force." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to William Johnson, June 12, 1823
"But our general objects are the same, to preserve the republican form and principles of our constitution and cleave to the salutary distribution of powers which that has established. These are the two sheet anchors of our Union. If driven from either, we shall be in danger of foundering. To my prayers for its safety and perpetuity, I add those for the continuation of your health, happiness, and usefulness to your country." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to William Johnson, June 12, 1823
"… you are not to believe that these two parties are amalgamated, that the lion & the lamb are lying down together… For in truth the parties of Whig and Tory are those of nature. They exist in all countries, whether called by these names, or by those of Aristocrats and democrats, coté droite [right side] or coté gauche [left side], Ultras or Radicals, Serviles or Liberals. The sickly weakly, timid man fears the people, and is a Tory by nature. The healthy strong and bold cherishes them, and is formed a Whig by nature…
The line of division now is the preservation of state rights as reserved in the constitution, or by strained constructions of that instrument, to merge all into a consolidated government. The Tories are for strengthening the Executive and General government; The Whigs cherish the representative branch, and the rights reserved by the states as the bulwark against consolidation, which must immediately, generate Monarchy. And altho' this division excites, as yet, no warmth; yet it exists, is well understood, & will be a principle of voting, at the ensuing election, with the reflecting men of both parties" Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Marquis de Lafayette, November 4, 1823
"Our revolution… presented us an Album on which we were free to write what we pleased. We had no occasion to search into musty records, to hunt up Royal parchments, or to investigate the laws & institutions of a semi-barbarous ancestry. We appealed to those of nature, and found them engraved in our hearts, yet we did not avail ourselves of all the advantages of our position. We had never been permitted to exercise self-government. When forced to assume it, we were Novices in its science. Its principles and forms had entered little into our former education. We established however some, although' not all its important principles.
The constitutions of most of our States assert, that all power is inherent in the people; that they may exercise it by themselves, in all cases to which they think themselves competent… Or they may act by representatives, freely and equally chosen; that it is their right and duty to be at all times armed; that they are entitled to freedom of person, freedom of religion, freedom of property, and freedom of the press.
To the State governments are reserved all legislation and administration, in affairs which concern their own citizens only, and to the federal government is given whatever concerns foreigners, or the citizens of other States; these functions alone being made federal. The one is the domestic, the other the foreign branch of the same government; neither having control over the other, but within its own department. There are one or two exceptions only to this partition of power." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Major John Cartwright, June 5, 1824
"But can they [constitutions] be made unchangeable? Can one generation bind another, and all others, in succession forever? I think not. The Creator has made the earth for the living, not the dead. Rights and powers can only belong to persons, not to things, not to mere matter, unendowed with will. The dead are not even things. The particles of matter which composed their bodies, make part now of the bodies of other animals, vegetables, or minerals, of a thousand forms. To what then are attached the rights and powers they held while in the form of men? A generation may bind itself as long as its majority continues in life; when that has disappeared, another majority is in place, holds all the rights and powers their predecessors once held, and may change their laws and institutions to suit themselves. Nothing then is unchangeable but the inherent and unalienable rights of man." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to John Cartwright, June 5, 1824
"George Washington was himself sincerely a friend to the republican principles of our constitution… He repeatedly declared to me that he was determined it should have a fair chance for success, and that he would lose the last drop of his blood in its support against any attempt which might be made to change it from its republican form." Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Martin Van Buren, July 29, 1824
"The states in N. America… entered into a compact (which is called the Constitution of the U.S. of America) by which they agreed to unite in a single government as to their relations with each other, and with foreign nations, and as to certain other articles particularly specified. They retained at the same time, each to itself, the other rights of independent government comprehending mainly their domestic interests…
This [Virginia] assembly does disavow, and declare to be most false and unfounded, the doctrine that the compact [U.S. Constitution], in authorizing its federal branch to lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense [and] general welfare of the U.S., has given them thereby a power to do whatever they may think, or pretend, would promote the general welfare, which construction would make that, of itself, a government, without limitation of powers; but that the plain sense and obvious meaning was that they might levy the taxes necessary to provide for the general welfare by the various acts of power therein specified and delegated to them, and by no others…
While the [Virginia] General assembly thus declares the rights retained by the states, rights which they have never yielded and which this state will never voluntarily yield, they do not mean to raise the banner of disaffection, or of separation from their sister-states… They know and value too highly the blessings of their union… to make every difference of construction a ground of immediate rupture. They would indeed consider such a rupture as among the greatest calamities which could befall them; but not the greatest. There is yet one greater: submission to a government of unlimited powers. It is only when the hope of avoiding this shall become absolutely desperate, that further forbearance could not be indulged…
We owe [it]… to ourselves, to our federal brethren, and to the world at large, to pursue with temper and perseverance the great experiment which shall prove that man is capable of living in society, governing itself by laws self-imposed, and securing to its members the enjoyment of life, liberty, property and peace; and further to show that even when the government of its choice shall show a tendency to degeneracy, we are not at once to despair… the will & the watchfulness of its sounder parts will reform its aberrations, recall it to original and legitimate principles, and restrain it within the rightful limits of self-government. And these are the objects of this Declaration and Protest." Thomas Jefferson, Solemn Declaration and Protest of the Commonwealth of Virginia, December 24, 1825
"… the constitution of the US is a compact of independent nations…" Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Edward Everett on April 8, 1826
"I thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea that there could be property in men." James Madison, Records of the Convention, August 25, 1787
"The real wonder [of the Constitutional Convention] is that so many difficulties should have been surmounted, and surmounted with a unanimity almost as unprecedented as it must have been unexpected. It is impossible for any man of candor to reflect on this circumstance without partaking of the astonishment. It is impossible for the man of pious reflection not to perceive in it a finger of that Almighty hand which has been so frequently and signally extended to our relief in the critical stages of the revolution.
… The history of almost all the great councils and consultations held among mankind for reconciling their discordant opinions, assuaging their mutual jealousies, and adjusting their respective interests, is a history of factions, contentions, and disappointments, and may be classed among the most dark and degraded pictures which display the infirmities and depravities of the human character.
… [Therefore,] we are necessarily led to two important conclusions. The first is, that the convention must have enjoyed, in a very singular degree, an exemption from the pestilential influence of party animosities the disease most incident to deliberative bodies, and most apt to contaminate their proceedings. The second conclusion is that all the deputations composing the convention were satisfactorily accommodated by the final act, or were induced to accede to it by a deep conviction of the necessity of sacrificing private opinions and partial interests to the public good…" James Madison, Federalist No 37, January 11, 1788
" It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate forever, within these States, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a considerable discouragement from the federal government, and may be totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few States which continue the unnatural traffic, in the prohibitory example which has been given by so great a majority of the Union. Happy would it be for the unfortunate Africans, if an equal prospect lay before them of being redeemed from the oppressions of their European brethren!" James Madison, Federalist No. 42, January 22, 1788
"The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government, are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected.
The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State. The operations of the federal government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments, in times of peace and security… If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of NEW POWERS to the Union, than in the invigoration of its ORIGINAL POWERS." James Madison, Federalist No. 45, January 26, 1788
"As the people are the only legitimate fountain of power, and it is from them that the constitutional charter, under which the several branches of government hold their power, is derived, it seems strictly consonant to the republican theory, to recur to the same original authority, not only whenever it may be necessary to enlarge, diminish, or new-model the powers of the government, but also whenever any one of the departments may commit encroachments on the chartered authorities of the others." James Madison, Federalist No. 49, February 2, 1788
"This day, Mr. Speaker, is the day assigned for taking into consideration the subject of amendments to the constitution. As I considered myself bound in honor and in duty to do what I have done on this subject, I shall proceed to bring the amendments before you as soon as possible…" James Madison, Annals of Congress, June 8, 1789
"A people therefore, who are so happy as to possess the inestimable blessing of a free and defined constitution, cannot be too watchful against the introduction, nor too critical in tracing the consequences, of new principles and new constructions, that may remove the landmarks [boundaries or limits] of power.
Every just view that can be taken of this subject [war], admonishes the public, of the necessity of a rigid adherence to the simple, the received and the fundamental doctrine of the constitution, that the power to declare war including the power of judging of the causes of war is fully and exclusively vested in the legislature: that the executive has no right, in any case to decide the question, whether there is or is not cause for declaring war: that the right of convening and informing Congress, whenever such a question seems to call for a decision, is all the right which the constitution has deemed requisite or proper…
In no part of the constitution is more wisdom to be found, than in the clause which confides the question of war or peace to the legislature, and not to the executive department.
… the executive is the department of power most distinguished by its propensity to war: hence it is the practice of all states [nations], in proportion as they are free, to disarm this propensity of its influence." James Madison (Writing as Helvidius), Gazette of the United States, September 14, 1793
"… I cannot undertake to lay my finger on that article of the Federal Constitution which granted a right to Congress of expending, on objects of benevolence, the money of their constituents. And if once Congress breaks the line laid down before them, for the direction of their conduct, it is impossible to say to what lengths Congress might go or to what extremities this practice might be carried… the people of the United States possess… generosity, and benevolence…" James Madison, Quoted in third person in the Annals of Congress, January 10, 1794
"The constitution supposes, what the History of all Governments demonstrates, that the Executive is the branch of power most interested in war, & most prone to it. It has accordingly with studied care, vested the question of war in the Legislature…" James Madison, Letter to Thomas Jefferson, April 2, 1798
"... the principles which I bring with me into [the Presidency]…
To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases, amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences, to a decision of them by an appeal to Arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all Countries, and so baneful to free ones;
to foster a spirit of independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others;
to hold the Union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of, the general system;
to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience, or the functions of religion so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy, the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press;
to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts;
to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering, that an Armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of Republics; that without standing Armies their liberty can never be in danger; nor with large ones, safe;
to promote by authorized means, improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures and to external as well as internal commerce; to favor, in like manner, the advancement of science and the diffusion of information as the best aliment to true liberty;
to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state:
As far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment of my duty, they will be a resource which cannot fail me." James Madison, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1809
"… I entirely concur in the propriety of resorting to the sense in which the Constitution was accepted and ratified by the nation. In that sense alone it is the legitimate Constitution. And if that be not the guide in expounding it, there can be no Security for a consistent and stable, more than for a faithful exercise of its powers. If the meaning of the text be sought in the changeable meaning of the words composing it, it is evident that the shape and attributes of the Government must partake of the changes to which the words and phrases of all living languages are constantly subject. What a metamorphosis would be produced in the code of law if all its ancient phraseology were to be taken in its modern sense. And that the language of our Constitution is already undergoing interpretations unknown to its founders, will I believe appear to all unbiased Enquirers into the history of its origin and adoption. Not to look further for an example, take the word "consolidate" in the address of the Convention prefixed to the Constitution. It then and there meant to give strength and solidity to the Union of the States. In its current & controversial application it means a destruction of the States, by transfusing their powers into the government of the Union." James Madison, Letter to Henry Lee, June 25, 1824
"… no doctrine can be sound that releases a Legislature from the control of a Constitution… and although' always liable to be altered by the people who formed it, is not alterable by any other authority: certainly not by those chosen by the people, to carry it into effect. This is so vital a principle, and has been so justly the pride, of our popular Governments, that a denial of it cannot possibly last long or spread far." James Madison, Letter to George Thompson, June 30, 1825
"… the Union of so many States is, in the eyes of the world, a wonder; the harmonious establishment of a common Government over them all, a miracle." James Madison, Speech in the Virginia State Convention of 1829-1830, December 2, 1829
"It is a great mistake to suppose that the paper we are to propose, will govern the United States. It is the men whom it will bring into the Government, and interest in maintaining it, that are to govern them. The paper will only mark out the mode and the form. Men are the substance and must do the business. All government must be by force or influence." John Francis Mercer, Constitutional Convention, August 14, 1787
"… it is not only necessary that we establish [liberty], but that we preserve it.
… It is never to be expected in a revolution that every man is to change his opinion at the same moment. There never yet was any truth or any principle so irresistibly obvious, that all men believed it at once. Time and reason must co-operate with each other to the final establishment of any principle; and therefore those who may happen to be first convinced have not a right to persecute others, on whom conviction operates more slowly. The moral principle of revolutions is to instruct, not to destroy.
… it is the nature and intention of a constitution to prevent governing by party, by establishing a common principle that shall limit and control the power and impulse of party, and that says to all parties, THUS FAR SHALT THOU GO AND NO FARTHER. But in the absence of a constitution, men look entirely to party; and instead of principle governing party, party governs principle.
An avidity [eagerness] to punish is always dangerous to liberty. It leads men to stretch, to misinterpret, and to misapply even the best of laws. He that would make his own liberty secure, must guard even his enemy from oppression; for if he violates this duty, he establishes a precedent that will reach to himself." Thomas Paine, Dissertation on First Principles of Government, July 1795
"The American war is over; but this is far from being the case with the American revolution. On the contrary, nothing but the first act of the drama is closed. It remains yet to establish and perfect our new forms of government, and to prepare the principles, morals, and manners of our citizens for these forms of government after they are established and brought to perfection." Benjamin Rush, On Good Government, 1787
"'Tis done. We have become a nation." Benjamin Rush, Letter to Elias Bourdinot, July 9, 1788
"… it is the ardent wish of the warmest advocates for liberty, that peace and tranquility, upon constitutional grounds, may be restored, and the horrors of civil discord prevented…" George Washington, Letter to Captain Robert Mackenzie, October 9, 1774
"…the commotions & temper of numerous bodies in the Eastern States, are equally to be lamented and deprecated. They exhibit a melancholy proof of what our trans Atlantic foe have predicted; and of another thing perhaps, which is still more to be regretted, and is yet more unaccountable; mankind left to themselves are unfit for their own government. I am mortified beyond expression whenever I view the clouds which have spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon any Country. In a word, I am lost in amazement, when I behold what intriguing; the interested views of desperate characters; Jealousy; & ignorance of the Minor part, are capable of effecting as a scourge on the major part of our fellow citizens of the Union: for it is hardly to be imagined that the great body of the people tho' they will not act can be so enveloped in darkness, or short sighted as not to see the rays of a distant sun through all this mist of intoxication & folly.
You talk, my good Sir, of employing influence to appease the tumults in Massachusetts—I know not where that influence is to be found; and if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. Influence is no government. Let us have one [a government] by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions, my humble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely what the Insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them, if possible, or acknowledge the justice of their complaints and your inability of doing it, in the present moment. If they have not, employ the force of government against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world & more contemptible than we already are, is hardly possible. To delay one of the other of these, is to exasperate in one case, and to give confidence in the other; and will add to their numbers; for like Snow-balls, such bodies increase by every movement, unless there is something in the way to obstruct, & crumble them before the weight is too great & irresistible.
"These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things; let the reins of government then be braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the Constitution be reprehended [reprimanded]: if defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon whilst it has an existence." George Washington, Letter to Henry Lee, Jr., October 31, 1786
"For it is an undoubted fact, that the People of America entertain a grateful remembrance of past services as well as a favorable disposition for commercial and friendly connections with your Nation [France].
You appear to be, as might be expected from a real friend to this Country, anxiously concerned about its present political situation. So far as I am able I shall be happy in gratifying that friendly solicitude. As to my sentiments with respect to the merits of the new Constitution, I will disclose them without reserve… It appears to me, then, little short of a miracle, that the Delegates from so many different States (which States you know are also different from each other in their manners, circumstances and prejudices) should unite in forming a system of national Government, so little liable to well founded objections.
… Powers… are so distributed among the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Branches, into which the general Government is arranged, that it can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an Oligarchy, an Aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form; so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the People.
… the proposed Constitution… is provided with more checks and barriers against the introduction of Tyranny, & those of a nature less liable to be surmounted, than any Government hitherto instituted among mortals…" " George Washington, Letter to Marquis de Lafayette, February 7, 1788
"… the Convention of Maryland has ratified the federal Constitution by a majority of 63 to 11 voices. That makes the seventh State which has adopted it. Next Monday, the Convention in Virginia will assemble—we have still good hopes of its adoption here: though by no great plurality of votes. South Carolina has probably decided favorably before this time. The plot thickens fast.
A few short weeks will determine the political fate of America for the present generation and probably produce no small influence on the happiness of society through a long succession of ages to come. Should everything proceed with harmony and consent according to our actual wishes and expectations; I will confess to you sincerely, my dear Marquis; it will be so much beyond anything we had a right to imagine or expect eighteen months ago, that it will demonstrate as visibly the finger of Providence, as any possible event in the course of human affairs can ever designate it. It is impracticable for you or anyone who has not been on the spot, to realize the change in men's minds and the progress towards rectitude in thinking and acting which will then have been made." George Washington, Letter to Marquis de Lafayette, May 28, 1788
"If I could have entertained the slightest apprehension that the Constitution framed in the Convention, where I had the honor to preside, might possibly endanger the religious rights of any ecclesiastical Society, certainly I would never have placed my signature to it; and if I could now conceive that the general Government might ever be so administered as to render the liberty of conscience insecure, I beg you will be persuaded that no one would be more zealous than myself to establish effectual barriers against the horrors of spiritual tyranny, and every species of religious persecution—For you, doubtless, remember that I have often expressed my sentiment, that every man, conducting himself as a good citizen, and being accountable to God alone for his religious opinions, ought to be protected in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of his own conscience." George Washington, Letter to the United Baptist Churches of Virginia, May 1789
"The virtue, moderation, and patriotism which marked the steps of the American people in framing, adopting, and thus far carrying into effect our present system of government has excited the admiration of nations; and it only now remains for us to act up to those principles which should characterize a free and enlightened people, that we may gain respect abroad and ensure happiness to ourselves and our posterity.
It should be the highest ambition of every American to extend his views beyond himself, and to bear in mind that his conduct will not only affect himself, his country, and his immediate posterity; but that its influence may be co-extensive with the world, and stamp political happiness or misery on ages yet unborn. To obtain this desirable end—and to establish the government of laws, the union of these States is absolutely necessary; therefore in every proceeding, this great, this important object should ever be kept in view; and so long as our measures tend to this; and are marked with the wisdom of a well informed and enlightened people, we may reasonably hope, under the smiles of Heaven, to convince the world that the happiness of nations can be accomplished by pacific revolutions in their political systems, without the destructive intervention of the sword." George Washington, Letter to the Pennsylvania Legislature, September 12, 1789
"For, as the Constitution of the United States, and the Laws made under it, must mark the line of my official conduct, I could not justify my taking a single step in any matter, which appeared to me to require their agency, without its being first obtained…" George Washington, Letter to Edmund Randolph, February 11, 1790
"… the Constitution of the United States, and the Laws made under it, must mark the line of my official conduct, I could not justify my taking a single step in any matter, which appeared to me to require their agency, without its being first obtained…" George Washington, Letter to Edmund Randolph, February 11, 1790
"Without a predilection [preconceived preference] for my own judgment, I have weighed with attention every argument, which has at any time been brought into view. But the constitution is the guide, which I never will abandon." George Washington, Letter to Boston Citizens, July 28, 1795
"… I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue…" George Washington, Farewell Address, September 19, 1796
"Toward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property." George Washington, Farewell Address, September 19, 1796
"… the great mass of the citizens of this state [Virginia] are well affected [inclined]… to the general government, and the Union… but how is this to be reconciled with their suffrages [voting] at the Elections of Representatives… who are men opposed to the first, and… would destroy the latter? Some among us have endeavored to account for this inconsistency, and though convinced themselves of its truth, they are unable to convince others…
One of the reasons assigned is, that the most respectable and best qualified characters among us will not come forward. Easy and happy in their circumstances at home, and believing themselves secure in their liberties and property, they will not forsake them, or their occupations, and engage in the turmoil of public business, or expose themselves to the calumnies of their opponents, whose weapons are detraction.
But at such a crisis as this, when everything dear & valuable to us is assailed… [with] attempts to infringe & trample upon the Constitution with a view to introduce Monarchy… When measures are systematically, and pertinaciously [obstinately] pursued, which must eventually dissolve the Union or produce coercion. I say, when these things have become so obvious, ought characters who are best able to rescue their Country from the pending evil to remain at home? Rather, ought they not to come forward, and by their talents and influence, stand in the breach which such conduct has made on the Peace and happiness of this Country, and oppose the widening of it?
Vain will it be to look for Peace and happiness, or for the security of liberty or property, if Civil discord should ensue; and what else can result from the policy of those among us, who, by all the means in their power, are driving matters to extremity, if they cannot be counteracted effectually? The views of Men can only be known, or guessed at, by their words or actions. Can those of the Leaders of Opposition be mistaken then, if judged by this Rule? That they are followed by numbers who are unacquainted with their designs, and suspect as little, the tendency of their principles…" George Washington, Letter to Patrick Henry, January 15, 1799
"If to please the people, we offer what we ourselves disapprove, how can we afterwards defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which the wise and the honest can repair. The event is in the hand of God." George Washington, Spoken at the Opening of the Constitutional Convention in1787, As quoted by Gouverneur Morris, Oration on the Death of George Washington, December 31, 1799
"Every person, capable of reading, must discover, that the [Constitutional] convention have labored to draw the line between the federal and provincial powers—to define the powers of Congress, and limit them to those general concerns which must come under federal jurisdiction, and which cannot be managed in the separate legislatures—that in all internal regulations, whether of civil or criminal nature, the states retain their sovereignty, and have it guaranteed to them by this very constitution." Noah Webster, An Examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution, October 10, 1787
"It is alleged that the liberty of the press is not guaranteed by the new constitution. But this objection is wholly unfounded. The liberty of the press does not come within the jurisdiction of federal government. It is firmly established in all the states either by law, or positive declarations in bills of right; and not being mentioned in the federal constitution, is not—and cannot be abridged by Congress. It stands on the basis of the respective state-constitutions." Noah Webster, An Examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution, October 10, 1787
"The constitution defines the powers of Congress; and every power not expressly delegated to that body, remains in the several state-legislatures. The sovereignty and the republican form of government of each state is guaranteed by the constitution; and the bounds of jurisdiction between the federal and respective state governments, are marked with precision… the Americans must cease to contend, to fear, and to hate, before they can realize the benefits of independence and government, or enjoy the blessings, which heaven has lavished, in rich profusion, upon this western world.." Noah Webster, An Examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution, October 10, 1787
"This little volume, intended for the use of American youth… follows an account of the peopling of America... discoveries of various parts of America made by European navigators… the history of these [first] settlements, of their progress, of the Indian wars, of the forms of government in the several colonies, of the revolutionary war, and of the measures which were pursued for obtaining the present constitution of the United States…
The brief exposition of the constitution of the United States, will unfold to young persons the principles of republican government; and it is the sincere desire of the writer that our citizens should early understand that the genuine source of correct republican principles is the Bible, particularly the New Testament or the Christian religion." Noah Webster, History of the United States, 1832
"In Convention- The engrossed Constitution being read… [and] On the motion of Doctor Franklin [passed]… The members then proceeded to sign the Constitution, as finally amended, as follows:
We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America…
Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the 17th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of the independence of the United States of America, the twelfth. In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names." U.S. Constitution, Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, September 17, 1787
"Before he [the President] enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:
'I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.'" U.S. Constitution, Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, September 17, 1787
Article 1, Section 8: "The Congress shall have power…
To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water:
To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years:
To provide and maintain a navy:
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces:
To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions:
To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress:
To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings: And,
To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." Journals of Congress, U.S. Constitution (Article 1, Section 8), September 17, 1787
Congress received the U.S. Constitution, included in the Report of the Convention of the States, on September 20, 1787. Journals of Congress, U.S. Constitution, September 20, 1787
"Congress having received the report of the Convention, lately assembled in Philadelphia, in the words following,
We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure Domestic Tranquility, provide for the common Defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for the United States of America...
Resolved unanimously, That the said report [U.S. Constitution], with the resolutions and letter accompanying the same, be transmitted to the several legislatures in order to be submitted to a Convention of Delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof, in conformity to the resolves of the Convention made and provided in that case." Journals of Congress, U.S. Constitution, September 28, 1787
"… whereas the constitution so reported by the convention, and by Congress transmitted to the several legislatures, has been ratified in the manner therein declared to be sufficient for the establishment of the same, and such ratifications duly authenticated have been received by Congress, and are filed in the office of the secretary; therefore,
Resolved, That the first Wednesday in January [1789]… be the day for appointing electors in the several states… that the first Wednesday in February [4, 1789]… be the day for the electors [First Electoral College] to assemble in their respective states, and vote for a president; and that the first Wednesday in March [4, 1789]… be the time, and the present seat of Congress the place for commencing proceedings under the said constitution." Journals of Congress, U.S. Constitution, September 13, 1788
"… the House of Representatives, preceded by their Speaker, came into the Senate Chamber, and took the seats assigned them, and the joint committee, preceded by their chairman, agreeably to order, introduced the President of the United States to the Senate Chamber, where he was received by the Vice President, who conducted him to the chair, when the Vice President informed him, that
'the Senate, and House of Representatives of the United States, were ready to attend him to take the oath required by the Constitution, and that it would be administered by the Chancellor of the State of New York.'
To which the President replied, he was ready to proceed: and being attended to the gallery in front of the Senate Chamber, by the Vice President and Senators, the Speaker and Representatives, and the other public characters present, the oath was administered." Annals of Congress, April 30, 1789
"Resolved, That a joint committee of both Houses be appointed to wait on the President of the United States, to request that he would recommend to the people of the United States, a day of public thanksgiving and prayer to be observed, by acknowledging, with grateful hearts, the many and signal favors of Almighty God, especially by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a constitution of government for their safety and happiness." 1st Congress, September 25, 1789
"In New England, every citizen receives the elementary notions of human knowledge; he is moreover taught the doctrines and the evidences of his religion, the history of his country, and the leading features of its Constitution. In the States of Connecticut and Massachusetts, it is extremely rare to find a man imperfectly acquainted with all these things, and a person wholly ignorant of them is a sort of phenomenon." Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy In America, 1831
"The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men… I cannot contemplate their great deeds with less than admiration… With them, justice, liberty and humanity were "final;" not slavery and oppression… Their statesmanship looked beyond the passing moment, and stretched away in strength into the distant future. They seized upon eternal principles, and set a glorious example in their defense. Mark them!
Fully appreciating the hardship to be encountered, firmly believing in the right of their cause, honorably inviting the scrutiny of an on-looking world, reverently appealing to heaven to attest their sincerity, soundly comprehending the solemn responsibility they were about to assume, wisely measuring the terrible odds against them, your fathers, the fathers of this republic, did, most deliberately, under the inspiration of a glorious patriotism, and with a sublime faith in the great principles of justice and freedom, lay deep the corner-stone of the national superstructure, which has risen and still rises in grandeur around you…
Let me ask… 'if the Constitution were intended to be, by its framers and adopters, a slave-holding instrument, why neither slavery, slave-holding, nor slave can anywhere be found in it.'
Fellow-citizens! there is no matter in respect to which, the people of the North have allowed themselves to be so ruinously imposed upon, as that of the pro-slavery character of the Constitution. In that instrument I hold there is neither warrant, license, nor sanction of the hateful thing; but, interpreted as it ought to be interpreted, the Constitution is a GLORIOUS LIBERTY DOCUMENT." Frederick Douglass, Former Slave, What to the Slave is the Fourth of July, July 5, 1852
"In a sense we have come to our nation's capitol to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., I Have A Dream, August 28, 1963
Constitution Day and Citizenship Day "Each educational institution that receives Federal funds for a fiscal year shall hold an educational program on the United States Constitution on September 17 of such year for the students served by the educational institution." Constitution Day and Citizenship Day, PUBLIC LAW 108–447, December 8, 2004
Constitution Week "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States is authorized and requested to designate the period beginning September 17 and ending September 23 of each year as Constitution Week, and to issue annually a proclamation inviting the people of the United States to observe such week in schools, churches, and other suitable places with appropriate ceremonies and activities." Constitution Week, PUBLIC LAW 915, Chapter 875, August 2, 1956
Note: Constitution Week was started by the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR).


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Unlike her Suicide Squads appearance, Harley Quinn's look in the Batman comic books and animes is this one inspired from a joker card. Cosplay Mate model Tanya is pleased to bring to life the DC Comics character. While getting nude from her Harley Quinn cosplay suit, the beautiful cosplay girl doesn't forget to express some funny poses issued from the comic universe.
© 2017 cosplayhotgirls.com

subset: commoncrawl


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|All Web Links Web Directory » Science » Biology
Find PCR protocols and methods for PCR-related research. Also includes news and the latest published polymerase chain reaction research. Discuss PCR in the forum.
We serve the Catfish industry as suppliers of diagnostic products for disease detection. Our product offers Catfish farms a simple, affordable, and effective monitoring system that will decrease their losses and increase their profitability.


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BAMAKO, Nov 20 (Reuters) - A doctor in Mali, who treated the patient that sparked a second wave of Ebola in the West African nation, has died, Samba Sow, who head's Mali's Ebola response, said on Thursday, making him the eighth person to die of the disease there.
Oussa Koita, a 70-year-old, imam from neighbouring Guinea travelled to Mali last month where he died, exposing others to the disease. The doctor, whose name was not released, worked at the Bamako clinic where Koita was admitted and wrongly diagnosed with kidney problems. He tested positive for Ebola on Nov. 12. (Reporting by Tiemoko Diallo; Writing by Joe Bavier; Editing by Emma Farge)


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Destroyed jeans and choker necklaces are two trends that are so hot right now. Finding the perfect pair of ripped jeans that fit great length wise, but also had enough holes was a doozy. Like Glamour Magazine said, "The jeans at Zara rock." Zara's mid-rise cigarette jean are some of the most comfortable, great fitting jeans I have ever bought. The boot cut style is also great for showing off some killer Dolce Vita booties. Throw on a graphic tee, cardigan, and Urban Outfitter's Bombay Velvet choker necklace for a perfect spring trend look. If you like this style let me know in the comments below.
Muah! Ashley
Graphic Tee: similar style
Ring: Sold out (similar styles here)


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Home - in English
En Castellano
View the Galleries
Press Releases
Exhibitions and Viewings
February 3, 2005 February 17, 2005
Venta de Taller
also featuring Alejandro Escribano
Galeria: Plaza Yungay
Street: Rafael Sotomayor 685
Santiago, Chile - [681.7078]
July 23, 2004 August 6, 2004
The Pendulum's Root
Series: "Morphosis; the Erosion of Residual Equilibrium"]
Galeria: Posada del Corregidor
Street: Esmeralda - #749
Santiago, Chile - [633.5573]
2003 - Included Entries at the Exposition of Collection at the Quilicura Art Project
2001 - Expo at the Audiovisual Salon, Quilicura Municipal Library: "Vendavales"
Works in the Works
The following images represent partial, incomplete, and/or experimental pieces from Mr. Romero's personal collection. These works may not be purchased at present however, selected pieces may be moved into the galleries for future purchase and display.
Dedication, Evolution, Desire
An artist is not born, nor made an artist is grown from both. While not yet thirty, Adolfo Javier has honed his talents from the time he could hold a brush or pen... imitating those he admired at first, then applying "reality" to canvas, cloth, paper the subject was all, the medium was merely a device upon which to capture the subject. In his mid-twenties, Adolfo moved beyond still life and into dynamic life: emotion, expression, mood.
The colors changed, the subject demanded it, for humanity was not in children at play or a portrait of the beach, but in swirls of hidden interaction and invisible stance and suggestion. Faces of those in thought, in pain, in love the faces remained, but only as points about which the unseen became real, a stroke of brilliant oils above, around, through them. No longer mimickry, the first of Adolfo's collections had begun to form...
© 2004 - All Rights Reserved. Design & Engine by
The Chiron Group
, Inc.


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Ekkadiki Pothavu Chinnavada Full Movie Download
Ekkadiki Pothavu Chinnavada is a Full Movie Download In 2017
Story opens with Arjun (Nikhil Siddhartha) geared up to marry his lover Ayesha, World Health Organization fails to show up to the register workplace. four years later, Arjun so as to urge 'bhootavaidyam' done on his friend (Vennela Kishore) makes thanks to a temple in Kerala for on his insistance, though Arjun doesn't believe the supernatural.
Cast: Nikhil Siddhartha, Hebah Patel, Nanditha Swetha.
Direction: Vi Anand
Arjun possibilities upon Amala (Hebah Patel) once he stays there and falls crazy together with her. once she leaves unheralded he sets call at search of her and finds that she died years agone, and appears nothing just like the lady he met. however once he spots Nithya World Health Organization appearance precisely like Amala, she has no recollection of what happened. he's told that Nithya was possessed by a spirit known as Amala and was at Kerala to urge treated. in an exceedingly series of twists and turns, Arjun finds out World Health Organization Amala extremely is and wherever his heart lies.
Ekkadiki Pothavu Chinnavada New Movie HD Trailer
Right from the gap credits, Ekkadiki Pothavu Chinnavada leaves you desperate to understand a lot of – causes you to sit up for "what's next". and therefore the entire film carries a similar mood. on every occasion you are feeling just like the narrative is deceleration down, a replacement twist or AN advancement keeps you hooked.Gun Shy Full Movie Download In Hindi What was unsatisfying but, was the very fact that whereas the trailer contend up the mystic angle of the film such a lot, the film itself didn't have a lot of to supply to those craving for a supernatural fix. alittle backstory on the method of the vaidyulu, and therefore the 'well of souls' (a pool of water wherever souls captured in lamps were dumped) would have fed the audience's intrigue. The story on the opposite hand was well-taken care of. For the foremost half, characterisations, the story-arch and therefore the logic were in situ with this one.


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The 2019
Canadian Pole Fitness
National Competition
Hosted by The Canadian Pole Fitness Association at the Toronto Pro SuperShow
June 1-2, 2019
We are also VERY excited to announce we are adding a Doubles Aerial Hoop division to 2019! Stay tuned for more details!
Contact us at: firstname.lastname@example.com
The following is how to qualify to compete in the 2019 Canadian Pole Fitness Championship:
2018 Toronto Pro SuperShow Pole and Aerial Hoop competition first place division winners will be invited to compete in their respective divisions in the 2019 CPFC.
Second place may be invited if a) First place declines their spot or b) there was a point spread difference of 1 or under.
* Formal invitations will be sent out once 2019 CPFC regionals are complete – an admin fee will apply upon confirmation of attendance.
* Please note that if you apply for CPFA regionals but win your division in either PSO event in the accepted categories, we will refund your application fee minus the admin fee for the 2019 CPFC.


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Happy Wednesday crafters! I like to think that every photo tells a story it's why I try to journal something on each and every layout. Journaling can be short and sweet, long and sentimental or somewhere in between. Once upon a time I stressed out about every word on my layouts but some where along the line the words started coming easier.
This layout started with a photo I loved. It was one of those spontaneous shots I'd like to refer to as a happy accident. So when I went to scrapbook this I focused on the story of how I caught this unbelievably wonderful moment.
Please remember every photo tells a story, record your words and happy crafting.


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Slow Down.
- By Beka Burke
- 3 Comments
Let's go back in time and I'll hit on all the highlights.
Humane Society
I took the group photos and it was just as bad as I thought it might be. I don't think that I'm made for human photography because ALL THE FACES! And personalities. But I did make this:
..Which appears to be going backwards. Fail.
You know what? I'm pushing that little Bugger forward and it's working. Squeeze, squeeze, squeeze. Forward, forward, forward. Friday, since I had a little bit of time, was a little conditioning ride. And, dudes, seriously, either my horse has a breathing problem or I'm too fat for him. I'm probably too fat for him. But around lap three or so, I swear to god that he is swallowing air. If this continues, if it isn't just a poor conditioning thing, I'm calling the vet ASAP.
Also? I walked him to the road and back and while I was doing all that, a guy with a big ass truck backed up and down the road. Then he got out of the truck and started barking at me. He wanted to inquire about some wood BO had and I ripped him a new one.
Saturday, we did our downward transitions and he felt very, very good. Until I asked for a little right lead canter and the pony exploded. I think it hurts, but I can't figure out why. He explodes, crow hopping and bucking. We walk for a second and I ask again. Then I can push him forward into a little canter, but its tight and springy and up. I wonder if it's just because we haven't focused on cantering as much since he was adjusted last.
|Don't let the innocence fool you.
|Good mother. Horrible equestrian.
|I should probably clean this.
|Guess what's back! FLIES!
|..And ticks.
The week before last, I ran zero miles. This week, I ran six. But I got very distracted on my second run.
|I need my teeth whitened. Don't let it distract you from the bird!
And soccer. We had our asses handed to us. It was horrible. D came to watch and took photos. Another incentive to lose some weight.
|Playing offense. She was much, much better than me.
|I will catch you, slender long-legged woman in better shape..
|I boxed up about fifteen Trail of Painted Ponies. I have a ton.


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Directed Energy Systems
The Slim Gem Motor Starter
Shipping is USA only
International shipping is not allowed
The Slim Gem motor starters sell for $2.75 each.
The Slim Gem is designed for use in "H" through mid "J" RMS or single use high-power motors. They must have 12 volts to start. The pyrogen is 1 inch long by 9/64 inch (.140) OD with 24-inch leads and made to fit those smaller nozzles. Using 12 volts, the Slim Gem will burst into flames at 1,600 degrees F, producing much smoke and sparks. Rapid combustion then consumes the remaining pyrogen similar to a sparkler. They will reliably start sugar motors, composites, black powder or anything that will burn. Moisture and shock resistant. Slim Gem starters are most commonly used with club type 12 volt Launch Controls. Usually three can be clustered at once, ground test to be sure your launch control is up to the task.
Call Customer Service 979-373-6601
or E-Mail
© 2009 David Bachelder DBA QuickBurst


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- Description
The Thule Raceway PRO 3 bike rack attaches securely to the trunk of your vehicle so you can safely and confidently carry up to three bicycles at a time. The rack locks directly to the vehicle to ensure security.
Ratcheting cables enable you quickly attach the rack to your vehicle and ensure that it stays securely in place. The "fold down" rack arms have integrated cradles that prevent bike-to-bike contact and dampen "bounce" to protect your bikes. Included locks secure bikes to the rack itself. The entire rack folds up flat when not in use.
Capable of carrying up to 105 pounds (35 pounds per bike), the Thule Raceway PRO 3 bike rack is carbon frame compatible.
NOTE: On some vehicle models, the rear lights and license plate are NOT visible when vehicles are mounted on the Raceway PRO 3. Please consult the Thule Buyer's Guide to make sure that the rack is compatible with your vehicle's make, model, and year.
- Maximum security and quick vechicle install with Sure-Tight ratcheting cables
- Bike-to-bike contact prevented by no-sway cages
- Soft cradles secure the bikes to the rack and absorb road shock and vibrations
- Locks the bikes to the bike rack and the bike rack to the car (locks included)
- Bike rack arms can be narrowed to easily fit a variety of bike frame shapes
- Bike rack arms can fold down when not in use
- Folds up flat for convenient storage
- Specs
Best Use Cycling Warranty Limited Lifetime Type Trunk Bike Rack Max Number of Bikes 3 Load Capacity 105 lbs Max Bike Weigh 35 lbs Dimensions 23" x 24" x 41" Folded Dimensions 26" x 24" x 21" Item Weight 23.4 lbs Bike Lock Included Yes
- Reviews
Real Customer Reviews
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- brickmoversAsked on July 02, 2013 at 08:34 PM
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This is a re-post of a comment on About Us
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- Welcome Guest
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X-Doria Scene Plus Case for Apple iPhone 5/5S - Blurry Dots Blue
Scene Plus is fantastic protection accented by new 3D patterns. Designed to look great no matter which color iPhone you have. Scene Plus features three unique pattern that are exclusive to X-Doria. Each pattern is created by a multi-layer printing process. The result is a subtle but eye-catching effect caused by the depth of the prints and brightness of the colors. The case includes a wrap around rubber bumper that features a front raised bezel to protect your screen from table tops and other potential hazards. Scene Plus is a slim-fitting case that keeps you iPhone protected yet pocketable.
Compatible With:
- Apple iPhone 5/5S


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Here are the week's nonprofit headlines:
* The newest Blue Cross plan to become a for-profit business has raised $417.5 million in its initial share of stock to the public, the Associated Press reported Nov. 8. WellChoice, parent holding company of Empire Blue Cross and Blue Shield in New York, raised sold 16.7 million shares on Nov. 8, or 20.3 percent of common stock, at $25 a share, which surged nearly 10 percent, AP said.
* The U.S. Supreme Court has agreed to a request by Illinois and 18 other states to review previous rulings that held charitable solicitation is a form of speech protected by the First Amendment, The New York Times reported Nov. 5. Illinois wants to be able to pursue consumer fraud actions against a telemarketer that pocketed 85 percent of funds it raised for a Vietnam veterans charity.
* U.S. universities lost an average of 3.6 percent on their investments in the year ended June 2001 and likely will suffer losses as larger or larger in 2002, according to a report by the National Association of College and University Business Officers, The New York Times reported Nov. 5. The losses snapped a streak of investment gains that began in 1984.
* Princeton University asked a judge to throw out a claim by a family that wants to take back a $550 million endowment and give it to another school, the Associated Press reported Nov. 6. Descendants of the endowment's creators says the school is mismanaging funds and wants to mix with its own endowment assets of the Robertson Foundation, which provides most of the funding for Princeton's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs.
* A Gallup Poll finds that Roman Catholic parishioners throughout the U.S. fear the church is using their donations for legal fees in sexual-abuse lawsuits or to keep victims quiet, with one in every five Catholics surveyed saying they have stopped contributing to their local diocese because of the scandal, The New York Times reported Nov. 9.
* The Center on Philanthropy at Indiana University will launch a new Institute on Faith and Giving to study the links between religion and philanthropy and how spiritual values influence philanthropic action, thanks to a $5 million gift from the family of the late president of the Lilly Endowment who previously served as president of Eli Lilly and Co.


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How can we help?
How to change your employee's S-Corp owner status
It is important to accurately enter an employee-owner's 2% shareholder status because this affects how their health insurance premiums are taxed. If an employee becomes an S-Corp 2% shareholder at any time, you can update this in your employee's profile.
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