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|Photo courtesy of SL Live Radio *DJ Deepert*
December 13, 2015
12 to 2PM SLT
Baby, it's cold out there! But our new rink is so cool!
This Season SL Live Radio's
'Slow Bake' is ice skating!
Sonicity Fitzroy's Slow Bake on SL LIVE radio! Sundays Noon to 2PM PST/SLT
Playing SL Music from around the grid. Truly radio for your second life!
Playing Musicians and bands including - Soul Vision (Joe Bowosky), Kyle Bronsdon, Skye Galaxy, Red Heaven, Beth Odets, Ganjo Mokeev, The Matthew Show, Pete Mroz, The Follow, Grace McDunnough, David Csiszer, James Olmos (AcousticEnergy), Harry Frychester, Kevin M. Thomas, SaraMarie Philly (her "Red" LP), Nance Brody ("Spendor" LP), Strum Diesel, Gina Stella, AMForte Clarity, Dan Russo, Don Galaga, Josie Anderton, Christopher Quan, Suzen Juel, Lindi Moo, Seth Regan (Mankind), LizAday, Phemie Alcott, TerryLynn Melody, Tone Uriza, Tristyn Homewood, Twin Ghost, Strummer Vultee, and Blair Bond...and some classic finds of Mimi Carpenter, Gina Gracemount, Max Kleene, and Clairede Dirval.
Adding music weekly....
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Keep updated - new music news!
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Catastrophe Bond Update, Fourth Quarter 2013
Influence from direct capital markets' participation in reinsurance programs, coupled with catastrophic insured losses well below historical averages in 2013, put significant pressure on global catastrophic reinsurance pricing. As a result of significantly reduced pricing (relative to recent years), approximately USD7.1 billion worth of new property/casualty (P&C) catastrophe bonds were issued in 2013 - the second largest record year for P&C issuance. The year included seven new sponsors - American Coastal, American Modern, AXIS Capital, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA), QBE, Renaissance Re and the Turkish Catastrophe Insurance Pool - who collectively secured USD1.46 billion of catastrophe bond capacity. In addition to new sponsors, another prevalent change in the market was the increasing use and acceptance of indemnity-based triggers. Given that spreads have tightened between indemnity and other trigger types, sponsors were inclined to take advantage of investors' openness to indemnity triggers to reduce coverage basis risk without a material increase in pricing relative to non-indemnity trigger pricing.
While capital markets pressured pricing through the first three quarters of 2013, traditional reinsurers responded to protect their market share and limit further pricing impact by offering attractive pricing, expanded structural features and in some cases collateralized capacity and/or limited multi-year capacity. Some insurers even started lining up capacity for their January 1, 2014 renewals before the end of the third quarter, given the desirable pricing seen in the traditional market. Despite the traditional market's response, insurance-linked securities (ILS) issuance in the fourth quarter of 2013 remained robust, as sponsors issued USD1.82 billion of capacity, a level of issuance consistent with the fourth quarters in previous years.

subset: commoncrawl


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Eli with Obama.
"We must take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere. When human lives are endangered, when human dignity is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities become irrelevant. Wherever men and women are persecuted because of their race, religion, or political views, that place must – at that moment – become the center of the universe."
― Elie Wiesel
One of the most pertinent quotes I've read, especially looking at the year 2011 in retrospect. Civil uprisings like the Egyptian revolution, the Libyan civil war and Occupy Wall Street resonated around the world, thanks to the power of social media. National borders have become meaningless and the term 'Global Village' has never made more sense than in this day and age.


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Paperwork from biological father (Malta)
Hi everyone, I move to Malta on the 30th March with my two children 10 and 11 and my partner. The children's biological father does not see them and has nothing to do with the children and hasn't done so for 8 years, he has written a letter consenting the children to move to malta, he signed it, I signed it and also a witness, I will also bring along a copy of his birth certificate. With this letter and birth certificate be enough for me to be able to enrol the children into school?
Many thanks


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Location: Mayurbhanj district, Odisha.
Nature of Initiative: Implementing
Project holder: Mr. Anil Pradhan
CRY support since: 2011 – 2012
- ICDS centres have been regularized along with attendance and retention
- CDPO has agreed to introduce a bilingual practice book in these centres
- The Gram Panchayat is giving importance towards ensuring all children are enrolled into pre-school education at ICDS centres
Sikshasandhan since its inception has been working on education. Their intervention has been at both, the grassroot level as well as policy advocacy and implementation level. In context to the RTE Act, the organization has played a pro-active role in implementation of the Act in the state and it is the first organization to have translated the RTE Act in Odia and held discussions with various stakeholders such as the education department, NGOs working on education issues and the teachers association etc. It has also organized consultations after the formulation of state rules on RTE by involving different stakeholders and is working on identifying gaps in the RTE as well as in state rules and towards implementation of the RTE. Sikshasandhan is primarily working in the Ranipokhari Gram Panchayat of Kaptipada block in the Mayurbhanj district in Odisha.


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Mayors stand together against Kinder Morgan pipeline proposal
The mayors of Vancouver, Burnaby, New Westminster, City of North Vancouver, Victoria, Squamish, and Bowen Island have signed a declaration that pushes the federal government to put the Kinder Morgan pipeline proposal on hold until the National Energy Board (NEB) addresses the significant deficiencies in its public hearing and review process.
The above cities look forward to working with other cities affected by the pipeline proposal to ensure that an appropriate review process is developed and implemented.
Resolutions that disapprove of the inadequate NEB review process have already been passed by the Union of British Columbia Municipalities (September 2014) and the Federation of Canadian Municipalities (March 2015).
Hearing process needs stakeholder input and witness cross-examination
All mayors agree that the federal government must step in and introduce a fair and rigorous public hearing process that takes into account input from all stakeholders and cross-examination of witnesses, the same standard applied previously for all other projects.
The current hearing process is deeply flawed and limits cities' abilities to represent the voices of concerned citizens, businesses, and communities in an effective way. The lack of oral cross-examination is proving to be a real weakness of the NEB's hearing process.
Mayors' Declaration on Kinder Morgan National Energy Process
On behalf of our municipalities and our citizens who face the risks of Kinder Morgan's proposed Trans Mountain pipeline, the undersigned mayors wish to declare our non-confidence in the current NEB process.
It has become apparent that the NEB process does not constitute a 'public hearing' and is completely inadequate to assess the health and safety risks of a proposed pipeline through major metropolitan areas, and the potential risks of shipping bitumen oil to Burnaby and through Burrard Inlet, the Salish Sea, and along the coastline of British Columbia.
We have serious concerns that the current NEB panel is neither independent from the oil industry proponents nor ready or able to assess the public interest of British Columbians.
It is no longer a credible process from either a scientific evidentiary basis, nor from a public policy and public interest perspective.
This is not a public hearing. It has become apparent that the evidence presented by Kinder Morgan will never be tested by cross-examination. The second and final round of intervenor requests (IR) by written questions is nearing completion and is proving to be inadequate. The proponent has failed to answer the majority of questions submitted by municipalities and other intervenors, and in IR round one the NEB panel has failed to require reasonable answers. Because of the inadequacies inherent to the review process, hundreds of questions critical to public safety and environmental impacts remain unanswered.
The loss of the standard public hearing from the application review process constitutes a significant erosion of the democratic rights of local governments, First Nations, and citizens to cross-examine evidence presented, articulate concerns, and voice opposition to applications.
The undersigned mayors therefore call on the federal government to put the current NEB process on hold until an adequate process is in place, and to call on the provincial and federal governments, through their appropriate and respective roles, to develop, in consultation with local governments, First Nations, and citizens, the restoration of a full public hearing process to be applied to the NEB's consideration of all applications for major industrial project proposals.
We also call upon the Government of British Columbia to re-assert its role in environmental assessment, and to establish a provincial process with proper public hearings to assess this very substantial private proposal.
Mayor Gregor Robertson,
City of Vancouver
Mayor Derek Corrigan,
City of Burnaby
Mayor Jonathan Coté,
City of New Westminster
Mayor Darrell Mussatto,
City of North Vancouver
Mayor Lisa Helps,
City of Victoria
Mayor Patricia Heintzman,
District of Squamish
Murray Skeels,
Municipality of Bowen Island
What the mayors say about the hearing process
Gregor Robertson, Mayor of Vancouver
"The current hearing process does not allow for consideration of some of the most damaging aspects of the proposal - the inadequacy of emergency plans; the potential for marine oil spills; the effects of the project on climate change, and the threat it poses to our local economy. We want to demonstrate to our residents and businesses that we are taking the potential risks seriously, and we want to work together with other municipalities in the region to protect our economy, our environment and our people."
Derek Corrigan, Mayor of Burnaby
"We know that our concerns are shared by communities throughout the province. This flawed hearing process disallows review of aspects of the proposal that could cause the most significant damage. It is critical for this project – and for all projects that can harm communities and the environment – that we have federal review processes that are rigorous and transparent."
Jonathan Coté, Mayor of New Westminster
"While the federal government's desire to expedite energy exports is clear, the serious potential impacts of these large-scale projects, both locally and globally, makes a rigorous and transparent review process essential. The process must include the timely disclosure of all necessary information in an easily understandable format and provide all stakeholders with an opportunity for a full cross-examination of project proponents."
Darrell Mussatto, Mayor of North Vancouver
"A comprehensive and transparent public hearing process is essential to ensuring an informed decision is reached regarding the Kinder Morgan pipeline proposal. The City of North Vancouver stands with our neighbours in calling for a hold on the review process until changes are made to respect the democratic rights of all stakeholders to ensure that health, safety, and environmental considerations are carefully examined."
Lisa Helps, Mayor of Victoria
"The City of Victoria is concerned about the impact of increased tanker traffic on our ecology and our economy. We're happy to stand with other municipalities to request a fair and rigorous process to ensure that both are safeguarded for the long term."
Patricia Heintzman, Mayor of Squamish
"It is fundamentally important for the National Energy Board to get back to its original purpose as an independent regulator and public watchdog in the protection of landowner rights, the environment and public safety. In this critically important function it has either become toothless or failed completely. Squamish proudly stands with other communities to call for the reform of the NEB and specifically the inclusion of a robust meaningful hearing process."
Murray Skeets, Mayor of Bowen Island
"As mayor of Bowen Island, I personally support this call for change in the public hearing and review process. Restricting access to the hearings and narrowing the scope of environmental assessment is not in the public interest."


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Download EBOOK Strega Nona: Her Story PDF for free
Category: Children's Books
The author of the book: Tomie De Paola
Format files: PDF, EPUB, TXT, DOCX
The size of the: 613 KB
Language: English
Edition: Putnam Publishing Group,U.S.
Date of issue: 15 August 2002
Description of the book "Strega Nona: Her Story":Tomie dePaola serves as "biographer" to his delightful Italian sorceress, Strega Nona, in this beautifully drawn prequel. The tale begins with little Nona's birth on a dark and stormy night, and ends where the original Strega Nona picks up-with Strega Nona taking on the bumbling, knock-kneed Big Anthony as an apprentice. This winsome story is illustrated throughout with Tomie dePaola's warm and sunny watercolors! "dePaola does a splendid job of working this sparkling tale into the Strega Nona canon." -Publishers Weekly
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I'm starting week 2 of the whole30 diet tomorrow and I have to say I'm a little disappointed in myself. All last week I did really well staying strict to the diet plan and only eating what was allowed but than the weekend came. I think the hardest part about this diet is going to outings and there not being anything you can eat that is allowed. Sooooooooo, I cheated a bit. I had a little bit of cheese, french fries, a little bit of chips, little bit of rice, half a cookie, half a cup of beer....so forth. Sunday was the worst. For Mother's Day breakfast I decided to order french toast. I don't know what it was...maybe the sugar but my stomach was really hurting today after breakfast. I should have just gotten eggs, bacon, and fruit but yeah. After dealing with an upset stomach, which is what usually forces me to stop eating certain foods, I've decided that I am going to stay strict with the plan but allow myself some no nos when there is nothing available I can eat. I think my biggest accomplishment was the no alcohol part of the diet. I have tried and failed going off of beer and alcohol many of times but for some reason right now I just don't have the urge the drink. I had a half a cup of beer Saturday and today only because one was a home brew I wanted to try and the other I just wanted a taste of it because it was new to me. On the upside I have been doing really well with my water challenge and have been drink more than enough water for the past few weeks. I was going pretty strong with my hair growth vitamins but I have been skipping them a bit lately...meh.
This week I plan to get back to the gym. Last week I did not work out at all except for a 7 mile run/walk on Thursday. Due to withdrawals from my camp out weekend binge fest I was very fatigued and motivation for working out was very low. I have to say that Thursday was a good run for me. The type of energy I had felt a bit different from my normal energy level and I ran a bit more than normal. Today's run wasn't so great but I think its associated with the breakfast I had or at least I think it is.
Anywhoo, I haven't planned my meals for the week yet but I will do it tomorrow and post what I'll be eating for the week. For the most part tomorrow I plan on making chicken curry with cauliflower for a rice substitute so I'm hoping it turns out well. I'm praying this week I hold true the diet plan...maybe week 2 won't be as hard as last week.
Happy Transitioning!!!


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on 24th August 2019
On August 24th, 2019 - the historic centre of Graz will turn into a giant open air restaurant. Just imagine sitting down at a festively decorated table and enjoying a delicious dinner with matching wines and musical entertainment, with another 700 guests for company in the heart of the old town. The evening starts at the atmospheric Landhaushof, where you will enjoy a commentated beer and wine tasting accompanied by little amuse bouches.
You will then be shown to your seat at a beautifully decorated Long Table. The Chefs of the participating restaurants are planning a five course dinner, and their wine-chefs will guide you through an exclusive set of accompanying wines. Enjoy the dinner and the music. It will be, without doubt, a completely unique experience.
Tickets to the Long Table go on sale on 15 November 2018 at 9am. 86 tickets are available from our Tourist Information office at Herrengasse 16, all other tickets via www.oeticket.com
Price per ticket is € 140.00
Our partners


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in Florida voting. A brief report.
Oliver Dawshed
2.0 2/24/05
errors in Figs. 3.1.b and 184.108.40.206 emended
The present work uses data from 1992-2004
to develop standard methodology to understand
voting trends. The focus was on crossover from
U.S. Senator to President in Florida elections,
but other races were considered. A normalized
internal standard method was found to be most
widely applicable.
stimulus for this study was a controversy arising
out of Election 2004 regarding the voting behavior
of a number of rural north Florida counties.
It was asserted that racial attitudes guide
voting patterns, with the implication that residual
white racism plays such a dominant role that
other factors are negligible. In the present
work, this is called the Dixiecrat hypothesis.
particular, it was asserted that significant
numbers of people in some counties vote for
the Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate but
cross over to vote for the Republican presidential
candidate. This assertion fails very basic tests.
As judged by the Shapiro-Wilk test, the crossover
distribution is essentially normal, with no
unambiguous outliers. To the extent it deviates
from normality, it does not seem to be consistently
due to this effect alone. The most generous
ad hoc interpretation might allow that
perhaps five counties are in some way different.
the criterion suggested by proponents of the
Dixiecrat hypothesis - disparity between registration
and voting behavior - is found to be unsuitable.
This criterion is characteristic of about half
of Florida counties. It is also distributed
in a bimodal fashion, making it difficult to
treat by many statistical measures. Crossover,
by contrast, is essentially normally distributed.
is always possible and never wise to construct
post hoc analyses to support a viewpoint.
The work presented here suggests that crossover
behavior is extremely complex, not easily characterized
by a phrase. Perhaps Dixiecrat voting does influence
crossover. That conclusion, however, is not
clear from the data, and if there is
a trend or pattern, it is not evident in recent
1.0 Preface.
It has been asserted [1]
that voting behavior of certain rural, north
Florida counties follows a clear, historical
trend or pattern, such that crossover voting
to the Republican presidential candidate
by voters who vote for Democratic senator
and other Democrats down the ballot is actually
normal. Such crossover, known also as ticket
splitting, is to be distinguished from
differences between party registration and
the observed vote, a phenomenon that is
discussed in more detail in the text.
like clear, historical, and trend (or
pattern) have precise meanings to the statistically
minded. Clear implies different by three
standard deviations from the mean on a single
measurement and somewhat less with repeated
measurements. In distributional analysis,
if a distribution is truly bimodal, one expects
a failure of the Shapiro-Wilk or similar test
of normality. Historical implies that the
observation applies to at least two time points,
and hopefully more. And trend suggests
that there is a non-zero slope to the graph
of a variable vs. time, while pattern suggests
that the slope is zero.
are, in fact, many potential explanations
for unusual crossover voting. For example,
a candidate in a given race might be much
more popular in one locality than a candidate
of the same party for another race. The assertion
that north Florida Democratic voters cross
over to vote Republican in the presidential
race, a hypothesis called the Dixiecrat hypothesis,
is just one possible explanation of many.
In brief, this is a hypothesis that racial
attitudes are the key factor in understanding
Florida voting patterns, at least in some
counties. As we have demonstrated, however,
unusual crossover voting can also be
indicative of electoral tampering. [2,
3] This is neither a supposition
nor a hypothesis, but a mathematical fact.
attitudes are, of course, an issue in voting
throughout the United States. Its unclear
why they should affect crossover, however,
at least at the federal level. Presidents
and U.S. Senators deal with a similar roster
of issues relating to race. Furthermore, getting
the proponents of the Dixiecrat hypothesis
to provide criteria to specify which counties
they believe should be called Dixiecrat
has been frustrating. Authors from Caltech
and MIT, for example, cite 10 northern counties,
based on discrepancies between registration
and presidential voting patterns.[4]
(see Box 1.1) But a Cornell
academic has suggested similar criteria that
would include seven counties, a very different
list than proposed by Caltech/MIT. The lack
of objective criteria is a warning sign that
the analysis may be post hoc, fitting
the observations to an idea, rather than letting
the data speak for themselves.
of the Dixiecrat hypothesis, quick to assert
the pre-eminence of Dixiecrat voting as an explanatory
variable, have been very slow to concede that
there might be other explanations for what they
claim to see. One simple example is that north
Florida crossover patterns at the county
level could be somewhat different than those
of the rest of the state because many of the
Democrats who sought a seat in the US Senate,
notably Bob Graham, Betty Castor, and Bill Nelson,
served in Tallahassee before running for the
Senate. Some of their Republican opponents were
either from south Florida (Martinez) or served
in Washington (McCollum). So, the Democrats
may have enjoyed an advantage in name recognition,
access to local media, and shorter travel distance
from their homes to north Florida political
the precinct level, however, very few reasons
suffice to explain unusual crossover. Regional
advantages, such as access to local media and
convenient travel for campaigning cannot be
explanatory. Within a county, demographic differences
are also substantially compressed. Although
housing segregation can certainly follow racial
and economic lines, one might expect genuine
segregation to manifest itself in the form of
clusters of precincts with high crossover and
others with low, not as a smooth, linear, normal
distribution. So, one is left in a quandary
if the pattern observed is the latter.
does the Dixiecrat hypothesis explain why the
pattern of crossover within a county should
change substantially and unpredictably from
election to election, nor can it explain why
the unusual crossover is observed in locations
far outside of rural north Florida, many of
which meet none of the criteria proposed for
qualifying as Dixiecrat. Finally, the Dixiecrat
hypothesis cannot explain why certain counties
show crossover ratios greater than 1, representing
voters who vote Republican at the senatorial
level but cross over to vote Democratic at the
presidential level.
present work investigates whether crossover
in north Florida, or in any Florida county,
can be considered to be a clear, historical
trend (or pattern). Means of analyzing voting
patterns involving crossover are explored and
objective statistical criteria by which to fairly
assess the question are presented.
2.0 Introduction.
The present work investigates whether crossover
in north Florida, or in any Florida county,
can be considered to be a clear, historical
trend (or pattern). Longitudinal studies of
voting behavior are notoriously difficult, so
discerning trends (or patterns) in voting is
particularly challenging. The candidate roster
changes, as do perceptions of individual candidates.
Consider that in 1992, an incumbent Republican
president faced a Democratic challenger in the
face of a strong third party challenge. In
1996, an incumbent Democratic president faced
a Republican challenger in the face of a weak
third party challenge. In 2000, neither presidential
candidate enjoyed the benefits of incumbency,
nor was there a serious third party challenge.
In 2004, a Republican incumbent faced a Democratic
challenger with no serious third party challenge.
While some voters will come out to vote for
the candidate of their chosen party no matter
what, many may stay home or switch between parties
depending on the circumstances.
other than those inherent in the candidates
also affect voting. Different segments of the
electorate are energized or indifferent in a
given year. The demographics of a region may
change. Voting machine technology evolves, altering
the number of miscast or spoiled ballots. A
minor factor, but one that complicates analysis,
is the fact that more votes are typically cast
for the candidates at the top of the ticket
than for candidates down the ballot. For these
and other reasons, accurately apprehending trends
in voting behavior is a remarkably difficult
are many ways to try to control for the principal
factors. One of the simplest is the use of percentages,
which controls for changes in the size of the
electorate. A further refinement is normalization,
in which all data are displayed on a fixed scale,
typically zero to 1. This is done by determining
the minimum and the maximum and calculating
for each data point the expression:
if the presidential vote percentage for a candidate
in a state ranges from 20% to 70%, and a particular
county has a value of 45%, this becomes (45-20)/(70-20)
= 0.5. This approach has the valuable effect
of diminishing the influence of third party
candidates on the resultant statistics. If
a third party takes either a given number of
percentage points or a proportional fraction
of a partys vote in each county, then both
numerator and denominator of
eq. 2.0.1 stay the same.
third means of controlling for factors involves
an internal standard. As described in
earlier work, the ratio of votes between two
candidates on the same ticket should be more
or less constant across a state. If a presidential
candidate receives 90,000 votes and a senatorial
candidate receives 100,000, the crossover
ratio is 90,000/100,000 = 0.9. Deviations
from the statewide average crossover ratio in
one county may signal that one candidate or
the other has a local preference, either positive
or negative.
it is often helpful to convert data into Z-scores.
The Z-score expresses the distance of a single
observation from the mean in units of standard
3.0 Results
3.1 Categorization
of Florida counties according to presidential
Democratic presidential performance (expressed
as a percent of total vote) in Florida counties
for the elections 1992-2004 is normalized according
to equation 2.0.1, the
slope of change taken, and the slopes rank-ordered,
11 counties are found to show increasing relative
Democratic strength by more than one standard
deviation, but less than two, from the mean.a
These are St. Lucie, Martin, Orange, Osceola,
Monroe, Indian River, Seminole, Palm Beach,
Brevard, Sarasota, and Pinellas. Thirteen counties
show the opposite trend. Twelve are more than
one standard deviation from the mean (Washington,
Nassau, Levy, Columbia, Sumter, Holmes, Baker,
Suwannee, Bradford, Union, Lafayette, and Gilchrist),
while Dixie County is more than two standard
deviations from the mean.
Republican presidential performance is
taken through the same procedure, a different
list is obtained. Relative Republican strength
increased by more than one standard deviation
in Okeechobee, Glades, Putnam, Union, Calhoun,
Taylor, Sumter, Walton, Suwannee, Levy, and
Lafayette and by more than two standard deviations
in Gilchrist and Dixie. Republican strength
waned by more than one standard deviation in
Orange, Miami-Dade, Seminole, Duval, Collier,
Martin, Palm Beach, Leon, and Clay.
the counties in which Democratic strength at
the presidential level is probably rising at
the expense of Republican strength are Martin,
Orange, Seminole, and Palm Beach. The counties
in which Republican strength at the presidential
level is probably rising at the expense of Democratic
strength are Sumter and a cluster on the eastern
side of the Panhandle: Union, Suwannee, Levy,
Lafayette, Gilchrist, and Dixie. In the others,
third party effects and defects inherent in
the calculation processb
make debatable the conclusion as to waxing or
waning political strength.
3.1.a -Dixie
Presidential trends Normalized Presidential
Performance 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004
patterns in trends are illustrated by the graphs
above. In the graph titled Dixie Presidential Trends, relative Democratic
performance has declined as Republican performance
has increased. In the graph titled Miami-Dade Presidential Trends,
relative Republican performance has fallen sharply,
while relative Democratic performance is approximately
counties may have voted more heavily Republican
in recent years. The analysis of this section
only indicates relative performance in
a single race. As described in a footnote,a
one of the virtues of using relative performance
as a measure is that it compensates to some
degree for the strength or weakness of a candidate
in any given year, not to mention shifting national
tides. Compared to the general trends, relatively
few counties show the pronounced pattern of
Democratic decline and Republican ascendance
in presidential performance that Dixie does.
The "Dixiecrat hypothesis"
conservative north
trend in relative presidential performance across
the state is, of course, only part of the story
in understanding broader electoral trends. It
has been proposed that in certain areas of Florida,
voters vote Democratic for local candidates
but Republican for presidential candidates,
an idea termed the Dixiecrat hypothesis. The
name comes from the 1948 Southern revolt under
the flag of Strom Thurmonds States Rights
Party against the civil rights agenda proposed
by Harry Truman. This is perhaps a misnomer,
since Florida was not a major player in the
Dixiecrat revolt, turning in one of the weakest
performances for the States Rights Party of
any southern state at 15% of the popular vote.
is, however, no question that north Florida
has long been intensely conservative. According
to Dave Leips Atlas of presidential elections,
as early as 1964 Barry Goldwater carried all
of north Florida except Baker, Hamilton, Union,
Bradford, Alachua, Gilchrist, Levy, and Dixie
right-wing hold on north Florida has not been
absolute. Jimmy Carter, from neighboring Georgia,
was able to carry much of the region in both
1976 and 1980, and Bill Clinton carried a number
of the central Panhandle counties in 1992 and
1996. Some counties in the central Panhandle
(Gadsden, Jefferson, Madison) have high levels
of African American participation that has helped
Democratic efforts. Leon County, while largely
white, is a strong regional Democratic contributor.
So, north Florida is highly polarized, with
most counties leaning Republican, at least at
the presidential level.
can see the shift toward voting Republican of
the last 12 years manifest in the normalized
presidential performance ratios of, for example,
Dixie County shown in Fig.
3.1.a. But are these trends
distinguishable from a general conservative
drift, as is implicitly claimed by the Dixiecrat
hypothesis, or are they part of it? Proper understanding
of this issue is critical to understanding whether
unusual values of crossover are normal or not.
statewide Democratic candidates below the presidential
level have done well in north Florida. Still,
its difficult to find evidence that there is
a greater tendency of north Florida voters to
vote for Democrats down the ballot than for
national Democrats.c
Will Kendrick, representing Dixie, Taylor, Madison,
Hamilton and parts of five other counties is
perhaps the only legislative Democrat from what
might be considered a Dixiecrat area. Even so,
it seems likely Kendrick draws much of his support
from African Americans, something that Strom
Thurmond and the Dixiecrats could never have
achieved. Based on the paucity of Democrats
at any level, it would seem that the swing away
from the FDR coalition and toward the Republicans
that began in 1948 has about run its course
and that the northern rural counties might better
be described as Republican, rather than
Applying the crossover ratio longitudinally
question comes down to whether the voting patterns
of rural north Florida are statistically unusual
or whether they simply represent the conservative
drift common to much of the South. The Dixiecrat
hypothesis can be framed as an issue of measuring
crossover between the presidential vote and
races down the ballot.
crossover ratio provides an excellent comparison
of electoral performance across different precincts
or counties, but it suffers some limitations
in comparing performance longitudinally through
time. Candidates change from year to year,
and their relative strength in different areas
will depend on many factors.
with this limitation, one can calculate slopes
for crossover and determine whether there is
a trend or a stable pattern to the crossover
ratio. With only three data points, the uncertainty
in slope is high and conclusions necessarily
weak. However, Santa Rosa, Okaloosa, Collier,
Martin, Miami-Dade, Hendry, Indian River, Clay,
Osceola, Monroe, and Seminole may show a trend
by more than one standard deviation toward higher
crossover ratios, while Sumter, Suwannee, Franklin,
Holmes, Broward, Sarasota, Dixie, Gadsden, and
Lafayette may show a trend toward lower crossover
ratios. The remaining counties have to be regarded
as stable.
interesting is the result obtained by correlating
the performance of each county with counties
that reliably go for the Republican or the Democratic
presidential candidate. Selecting Alachua, Broward,
Gadsden, Jefferson, Leon, Miami, Palm Beach,
St Lucie, and Volusia as Democratic counties,
and selecting Escambia, Jackson, Lake, Lee,
Okeechobee, and St. Johns as Republican counties,
one discovers as expected that some counties
correlate with the Democratic counties and against
the Republican and some correlate with the Republican
and against the Democratic. But some counties
(Bay, Flagler, Nassau, Osceola, and Pinellas)
correlate somewhat with both parties
and one (Hardee) even anti-correlates to both.
The issue of bias by office level in the crossover
an additional point in interpretation. On average,
more voters vote for president than vote for
senate, independent of political party. As long
as this tendency is small and distributed reasonably
homogeneously, theres no significant consequence
to calculation of the crossover ratio. In the
2004 Florida election, total presidential votes
exceeded senatorial by about 2%, while in 2000,
it was about 1% and in 1992, about 3%. This
introduces a small intrinsic upward bias into
the crossover ratio but, ceterus paribus,
this bias is removed by normalization.
average vote totals, however, mask wide variations
by year and location. The dispersity has sharply
narrowed, with the standard deviation of total
presidential/senatorial votes for the 67 counties
falling from 6.4% of the mean in 1992 to 3.0%
in 2000 and just 0.7% in 2004. Individual counties
also show deviations from the mean. Bradford
County recorded only 1% greater presidential
than senatorial votes in 2004 but 4% fewer
presidential than senatorial votes in 2000 (in
1992, the average was also below the mean, but
only slightly).
assumption implicit in this is that the tendency
toward voting preferentially by office is distributed
evenly in a geographic sense. This assumption
could fail if, for example, rural voters tended
were energized mostly by races other than the
presidential. The narrow dispersity of 2004,
however, suggests that this assumption held
in that year. And, indeed, the Z-scores of only
a few counties, averaged over the three elections,
exceed 1 in magnitude (Bradford low; Broward,
Martin, Miami-Dade, Sarasota high). So, the
assumption that there is no intrinsic tendency
of any county to turn out unusually high or
unusually low values of the presidential/senatorial
ratio is probably generally true.
direction in which the assumption might fail
can be determined by looking at those counties
recording more votes for president than
for senate, on average,c
by at least one standard deviation. These were
Bay, Broward, Calhoun, Franklin, Lee, Martin,
Palm Beach, Pasco, Pinellas, Sarasota, and Sumter.
A number of counties recorded fewer votes
for president than for senate by more than one
standard deviation. These were Baker, Bradford,
Dixie, Gilchrist, Hernando, Jefferson, Madison,
and Santa Rosa. In many cases, these excursions
from the mean are the result of a single year
of unusual enthusiasm for candidates at either
the presidential or senatorial level and probably
have little importance. However, most of the
counties in the group which showed a high president/senate
ratio are urban and outside the north, while
most of the counties in the group with a low
president/senate ratio are rural and in the
this means is that if there is any bias
in the crossover ratio due to a preferential
interest in certain races over others, it is
toward northern, rural counties tending to have
slightly lower crossover ratios than other counties.
This tendency - if it exists - would be due
to failing to vote for either candidate
at the presidential level. At any rate, the
effect of bias by office level on geographic
bias in the crossover ratio would appear to
be small.
-Counties exhibiting possibly unusual
very first test to establish whether a group
of counties is in some way different than others
is a test of the normality of the distribution.
In 1992 and 2000, deviations of the crossover
ratio from normality were not statistically
significant, although in 1992, it was nearly
so. In 2004, the distribution was slightly
skew, with the Shapiro-Wilk probability marginally
significant at 0.03.d
A more detailed look shows a single low-end
near outlier in 2004. If Lafayette and Holmes
(which is nearly a near outlier) counties are
eliminated from the calculation, the distribution
becomes entirely normal. In 1992, all but one
of the outliers turn out to be at high
crossover ratios in urban counties. So, by
the basic screening test used to decide whether
there is anything unusual about a set of data,
support for the hypothesis that the crossover
ratios of some group of counties are unusual
is not at all clear.
22.214.171.124, showing counties with unusual values
of normalized crossover argues against the notion
that the voters of north Florida are markedly
different in their presidential preferences
relative to their senatorial preferences. The
counties marked yellow are one standard deviation
below the mean in crossover, while the counties
marked red are two standard deviations below.
The counties marked green are one standard deviation
above the mean, while those marked blue are
two standard deviations above.
is true that a number of rural north Florida
counties show presidential/senatorial crossover
ratios below the mean and that no urban, southern
counties show crossover ratios below the mean.
However, in order to declare a value different,
the usual requirement is that it be three standard
deviations from the mean. Only Holmes, Lafayette,
and Santa Rosa counties are more than two standard
deviations from the mean in any given year.
Of those, only Lafayette appears at greater
than two standard deviations in more than one
year. Of counties that are more than one standard
deviation from the mean, only Baker, Liberty,
and Union are present in all three. Baker,
Liberty, Holmes, Lafayette, and Union show sufficiently
unusual behavior to suggest they might be truly
different from the rest of Floridas counties
- but only possibly so.
course, there are confounding factors, especially
spoilage and local preferences for a particular
candidate. But until these are sorted out, one
cannot say with confidence that the Dixiecrat
counties, however they are defined, are obviously
different from other conservative counties in
their propensity to cross over at the senatorial
22.214.171.124 Counties
with statistically unusual normalized
marked in blue have normalized crossover
two standard deviations above the mean,
green one standard deviation above the
mean, yellow one standard deviation below
the mean and red two standard deviations
below the mean
-Longitudinal studies
of crossover e
principle, however, there may be a means of
adapting the crossover ratio to longitudinal
studies. Using a technique called correlation,
it is possible to characterize other counties
as having voting patterns that are directly
correlated or anticorrelated, weakly correlated,
or uncorrelated to those of a reference
county. In other words, the voting patterns
of the other counties could be classified as
resembling the reference county, as diametrically
opposed to those of the reference county, or
as unrelated to the reference county.
the voting patterns of the reference county
were very unstable, perhaps as a result of drastically
changing demographics, the results might not
be very meaningful. But if the voting patterns
of the reference were reasonably stable across
time, very interesting results could be obtained.
For example, suppose the only factor in voter
decisions was a candidate's political liberality
or conservativism. Further suppose that the
reference county were 60% conservative and 40%
liberal. Then, if the presidential candidate
were liberal and the senatorial candidate conservative,
the crossover ratio would be 40/60 or 0.67,
while if the presidential candidate were conservative
and the senatorial candidate liberal, the crossover
ratio would be 60/40, or 1.5. A county that
was 60% liberal and 40% conservative would show
precisely opposite crossover ratios. If their
choices were driven by conservative/liberal
preferences, and those were stable over time,
the two counties would anti-correlate,
that is, move in opposite directions.
arbitrarily nine counties in which John Kerry
received over 50% (Alachua, Broward, Gadsden,
Jefferson, Leon, Miami-Dade, Palm Beach, St
Lucie, and Volusia) to serve as a Democratic
reference, and six counties where George Bush
did well in 2004 (Escambia, Jackson, Lake, Lee,
Okeechobee, and St. Johns) to serve as a Republican
reference, the unnormalized crossover ratio
correlates to both Democratic and GOP
counties, with the minimum observed value being
0.89. Since the major contributor to significance
is presumably the difference between 1992, when
a third party candidate strongly affected the
presidential vote, this means (unsurprisingly)
that the candidate roster is a key factor in
the crossover ratio.
normalized data, in which the importance of
third party candidates is minimized, some clear
patterns emerge, and there are a number of surprises. Figure
18.104.22.168, below, shows
that a number of counties correlate to the Democratic
and/or to the Republican counties in crossover.
But a small number of counties anticorrelate
to either or both. This suggests, unsurprisingly,
that the individual candidates, not party, is
the most important factor in crossover.
Figure 188.8.131.52 -
Correlation of votes in 1992, 2000, and
2004 of individual counties to a group
of eight counties that voted for the 2004
Democratic presidential candidate (Alachua,
Broward, Gadsden, Jefferson, Leon, Miami-Dade,
Palm Beach, St Lucie, and Volusia), shown
in blue, and to six counties that voted
strongly against that candidate, shown
in red (Escambia, Jackson, Lake, Lee,
Okeechobee, and St. Johns)
the table below, Table 188.8.131.52,
the counties shown are those ten at extremes
above or below the mean.f
Blue indicates counties that voted more than
50% for Kerry, green indicates counties that
were 45-50% for Kerry, yellow indicates 35-45%
for Kerry, and red indicates less than 35% for
Kerry. Correlation with Democratic counties
means that the correlation coefficient of the
normalized crossover coefficient was near 1
for a given county vs. Democratic counties,
while correlation against Republican
counties means that the correlation coefficient
was nearer -1.
simple terms, a correlation near 1 means that
a county agreed with Democratic counties as
to whether the senatorial or the presidential
candidate were the stronger, while a correlation
near -1 means that a county agreed with Republican
counties as to which was the stronger. Table
220.127.116.11 suggests that
there are at least two kinds of rural, conservative,
northern counties. Bay, Bradford, Gulf, Union
and Washington - even though they vote Republican
- see the strength of the senatorial candidate
relative to the presidential the same way that
Democratic counties do. Dixie, Hardee, Holmes,
Lafayette, and Suwannee see the relative strengths
least like Republican counties - but not as
Democratic counties do. Sarasota, a more urban
and Democratic county, and Hardee, a small conservative
county have the distinction of being aligned
against both parties.
surprising is how many counties align reliably
neither with Democratic nor with Republican
counties. These observations suggest that models
of voting patterns such the Dixiecrat hypothesis
are overly simplistic and that voter behavior
is far more subtle and interesting than such
models would imply.
3.4 Senatorial
further check interpretation of voting patterns
is to look at senatorial trends. Using normalized
Democratic performance according to eq.
2.0.1, the slope vs. year of Union and Miami-Dade
were two standard deviations low, representing
a sharp swing toward Republican senatorial candidates.
Baker, Dixie, Gilchrist, Hendry, Nassau, Putnam,
Sumter and Walton were one standard deviation
low. Brevard, Citrus, Franklin, Hillsborough,
Indian River, Manatee, Martin, Orange, Pinellas,
Sarasota, Seminole, and St. Lucie were one standard
deviation high. No counties were two standard
deviations high. Notice that a number of the
counties swinging Republican at the senatorial
level are the same counties that are swinging
Republican at the presidential level. Such counties
should be classified as showing a general conservative
trend, not as exhibiting an unusual kind of
3.5 Races
further down the ballot
is more difficult to study races further down
the ballot. Races very far down the ballot are,
of course, run only in one or at most a few
counties. These cannot be compared statewide.
Also, since there are two separate US senatorial
races but only one race for state level offices,
the senatorial races occur with greater frequency
than other offices. The gubernatorial races
are off-cycle to the presidential. Therefore,
studies of crossover between president and other
offices are more anecdotal than systematic.
some interesting observations can be made. For
example, in 2000, there were races for Treasurer
and Education Commissioner in addition to the
presidential and senatorial races, from which
additional crossover ratios can be formed. Rank-ordering
of the deviations from the means of unnormalized
crossover ratios shows Holmes and Lafayette
two standard deviations below the mean in two
cases and one standard deviation low in one
case. Dixie is two standard deviations below
the mean in one case and one standard deviation
below in two. Counties that are one standard
deviation below the mean in all three cases
are Baker, Gilchrist, and Suwannee. Calhoun,
Gulf, Hamilton, Liberty, Taylor, and Union show
up one standard deviation below the mean in
two cases. Thus, Gilchrist and Suwannee, which
are some of the most deviant cases, do not even
show up on the Caltech/MIT list. Franklin and
Washington, which show up on the Caltech/MIT
list, cannot be considered unusual in crossover.
more formal terms, analysis of variance (ANOVA)
of these data, unnormalized, tells us that there
is a significant difference between counties,
but a far more significant difference between
races. To express it one way, the mean squares
of the difference of political office is 32
times greater than that of difference of the
counties. This ratio stays almost the same if
one looks at the 1998 race, using the governorship
as the reference race.
since we know that Lafayette tends to be an
outlier in crossover, one could ask the (post
hoc) question, Are there any counties whose
crossover is not distinctly greater than Lafayettes?
Expressed as a one-tailed paired t-test, seven
other counties (Baker, Dixie, Gilchrist, Hamilton,
Holmes, Madison, and Suwannee) meet this very
lenient test. Four of the six are not on the
Caltech/MIT list at all. When the same procedure
is applied to 1998, using the crossover to Governor,
a different list of counties that are not distinctly
different from Lafayette can be discerned. These
are Baker, Bay, Bradford, Clay, Collier, Dixie,
Nassau, Okaloosa, Santa Rosa, St. Johns, and
point here is that any reasonably unbiased test
is likely to come to different conclusions as
to which counties exhibit unusual crossover
than one might expect from the Dixiecrat hypothesis.
This is because the primary issue in voting
is - as the ANOVA reported above indicated -
the candidate. Not the party, although political
party is a useful shorthand for a set of positions
comprising a candidates worldview. Not the
county, though counties may differ in the degree
to which polarization inhibits crossover. And
certainly not racial issues per se, although
doubtless those enter into the assessment of
the party and the candidate.
4.0 Summary
of findings.
race plays a role in Florida politics. It is
a factor in all American politics. For example,
African Americans hold only one Senate seat
and Hispanics hold just two. However, for the
term to have any meaning, Dixiecrat voting
patterns must be quantifiable. One would expect
that Dixiecrat voting would, as in 1948, be
expressed as a clear and consistent difference
in party preference between the presidential
race and races down lower on the ballot. This
means that in a longitudinal study, one must
disentangle preferences for individual personalities
and larger trends in party preference from a
shift in the crossover tendency.
Orange, Seminole, and Palm Beach are unambiguously
trending Democratic at the presidential level.
Sumter County and a cluster of counties on the
eastern side of the Panhandle (Union, Suwannee,
Levy, Lafayette, Gilchrist, and Dixie) are unambiguously
trending Republican at the presidential level.
Some of those (Dixie, Gilchrist, Sumter, and
Union) are probably also trending Republican
at the senatorial level, reducing or perhaps
reversing effects on crossover.
only a few counties can be said to show weaker
Democratic presidential performance than senatorial
performance. The Shapiro-Wilk test can be regarded
as definitive in this regard. Based on distance
from the mean in section 3.2.4,
Baker, Holmes, Lafayette Liberty, and Union
might be regarded as different, but the evidence
is painfully weak. One might as easily conclude
that the northern rural counties are entirely
normal and that it is the urban counties that
have unusually high crossover ratios. The crossover
behavior of a number of conservative northern
counties correlated well with Democratic counties.
Other such counties anticorrelated to Republican
counties. No rural northern county strongly
anti-correlated to Democratic counties.
races down the ballot in a (necessarily) anecdotal
rather than systematic way, Dixie, Baker, Gilchrist,
Holmes, Lafayette, and Suwannee might be regarded
as different from other Florida counties based
on the 2000 race. Applying an extremely lenient
(one-tailed) post hoc test, Baker, Dixie,
Gilchrist, Hamilton, Holmes, Madison, and Suwannee
can be grouped with Lafayette, the one county
most likely to be a genuine outlier. None of
these tests matched very well with the counties
claimed to be Dixiecrat counties by Caltech/MIT.
the Dixiecrat effect, if it exists, must manifest
itself even further down the ballot than at
the senatorial level. Measuring trends over
different counties, not to mention over different
election cycles, however, is difficult for offices
other than statewide offices. Having eliminated
the senatorial rung, the Dixiecrat hypothesis
appears to be either false or effectively untestable.
As was pointed out, the proximity between the
rural northern counties and Tallahassee with
the implications on media and candidate visits
is as good, if better, an explanation for unusual
crossover than the Dixiecrat hypothesis. Most
important, the Dixiecrat hypothesis cannot explain
unusual crossover within counties, especially
since unusual crossover has been found in counties
that are not regarded as Dixiecrat, such as
Hillsborough, Duval, and Escambia.
evidence runs against the Dixiecrat hypothesis
as a viable explanation of north Florida voting
patterns. As previously mentioned, there are
very few Democrats holding state or federal
office in north Florida, and of those, probably
only Will Kendrick could be considered a classic
Dixiecrat. Even he probably relies heavily on
African American support. Therefore, a better
characterization of rural north Florida may
be that it has been trending Republican at all
levels ever since at least 1992. This is unsurprising,
since it is historically a conservative area.
Perhaps it might be more correct to characterize
the Clinton years as a temporary defection of
rural north Florida toward the Democrats.
Post Hoc Analyses. Post
hoc analysis - gathering data, coming to a conclusion,
and then formulating a statistical hypothesis
for testing - is what is referred to by the
saying (often attributed to Disraeli or to Mark
Twain but probably actually from Leonard Henry
Courtney) that there are lies, d-ned lies,
and statistics.[5] However,
intellectual integrity demands that one make
the best case possible for the other side. In
the case of the Dixiecrat hypothesis, the only
way to do that is to go to post hoc analysis.
can indeed construct post hoc analyses
to show that the ten counties named by Caltech/MIT
as Dixiecrat have a mean (unnormalized) crossover
different than other counties. The significance
(two-tailed, assumed heteroscedastic) seems
to be high, at least in 2000 and 2004 where
it is in the realm of 10-5 to 10-6;
the 1992 value is marginally significant at
0.02. So, intellectual integrity also
requires one to note that there are over 1011
ways to group 67 counties in two groups, one
of 10 and one of 57. In other words, there are
so many ways to partition the counties that
one could arrive at this result by chance -
even three times running.
illustrate just how susceptible to manipulation
arbitrary partitioning can be, suppose that
an alternate hypothesis is brought forward:
that in certain counties, people cross over
much more strongly toward the Democratic
presidential candidate than in the rest of Florida.
It is noticed that crossover ratios tend to
be high in Broward, Charlotte, Collier, Flagler,
Martin, Miami-Dade, Palm Beach, St. Lucie, Sarasota,
and Volusia counties. A catchy slogan to describe
this voting behavior, say, The New Progressive
Movement, is coined. The probabilities
for the comparable t-tests say that this hypothesis
is as likely to be correct as the Dixiecrat
hypothesis in 1992, but 20 times more
likely in 2000 and 120 times more likely
in 2004! So, its in some ways a better hypothesis
than the Dixiecrat hypothesis, but ultimately
no more sound.
for completeness, suppose we examine the counties
that were deemed by the ad hoc procedures of
section 3.2.4 to be possibly
different than the rest of Florida: Baker, Liberty,
Holmes, Lafayette, and Union. These show up
with probabilities on the order of 1 in 10-3
to 10-4. With almost ten million
ways to partition 67 counties into a group of
62 and a group of 5, even this best effort falls
far short of persuading.
6.0 Conclusion. There is a rule of thumb in statistics
that if one needs statistics to prove a hypothesis,
one should get a better hypothesis. The Dixiecrat
hypothesis - at least as it applies to presidential/senatorial
crossover - is, at a minimum, not clearly evident
from the data. Nor, again in reference to presidential/senatorial
crossover, can it be said to constitute a historical
trend or pattern. Rather, the voters of Florida,
in all their wonderful variety of outlooks,
ideals, and interests, vote for candidates as
individuals. There may be areas of the state
in which crossover voting is more common but,
if so, that tendency is buried among many others.
for the deviations between registration and
voting, one correspondent made the sensible
suggestion that Democratic primaries, especially
in counties where Republicans or Republican-leaners
are an overwhelming majority, are the only interesting
local races.[6] Given what
we know, this is as good an explanation as any.
Note added in proof. g
It was pointed out [7] that
an (arbitrary) criterion had been offered
to define Dixiecrat counties, namely the disparity
between a partys share of the registration
and its share of the presidential vote. There
is certainly no disagreement that in certain
counties, the Democratic Party significantly
underperforms at the presidential relative to
its share of the registration. A logical measure
to use in examining this is:
is positive if a party captures a greater
fraction of the vote than its share of registration
and negative if it captures less of the vote
than its share of the registration. It is
arbitrarily designated here as the capture
statistic. There is no disagreement that
a number of small and midsize northern counties
seem to show a negative capture statistic.
In 1996, 2000, and 2004, Baker, Calhoun, Dixie,
Gulf, Hardee, Holmes, Lafayette, Liberty,
Suwannee, Taylor, Washington, and Union showed
a negative capture statistic of more than
one standard deviation less than the mean
in all three years.
problem arises in the interpretation. Unlike
the crossover ratio, the capture statistic is
not normally distributed. As shown in Figure
7.0.1, it is better described
as bimodal. There are approximately 34 counties
in the leftmost peak (most negative capture
statistic) of the Figure. These include a number
that are not rural, not small, not northern,
or in a couple of cases, about half African-American.
The use of nonparametric methods is strongly
indicated, and parametric methods are probably
invalid, a point that seems to have been missed
entirely by all parties to the debate. Similar
results are obtained if one uses the simple
difference between vote and registration.
7.0.1 Distribution of the capture statistic
for the 1996 election. The blue line is what
a normal distribution would show. The distribution
was non-normal (p< 0.0006), nominally due
to skewness (p<0.0001). The 2000 and 2004
distributions were similar, though not as pronounced.
No data points were outliers in any year.
which group is really unusual for Florida?
is, indeed, a strong correlation between the
crossover ratio and the capture statistic. But
due to the bimodality of the capture statistic,
this amounts to drawing a line between two data
points, and therefore means very little.
was correctly raised in criticism [8]
of papers by authors from US Count Votes [9]
(and relevant to other analyses),[10]
Florida counties are demographically clustered,
so there is distributional inhomogeneity. While
researchers have tended to focus on variables,
such as population, income and education to
describe the clustering, sometimes looking at
the facts on the ground is more helpful. In
this case a desire to have some competitive
races in an area of one-party domination may
be a better explanation for what is observed
in terms of capture. At any rate, its not really
surprising to find that one can partition some
counties into this group or that and discover
that they are different from one another.
course they are.
whats the connection to racism?
All data
and calculations are available on request by
contacting the author.
Data were received December 6, 2004 from Vincent
Lipsio, attributed to Jon M. Ausman. Helpful
comments were received from Kathy Dopp, Dr.
Gus H. Miller, Paul Lukasiak and Josh Mittledorf.
Thanks, of course, to M. E. Cowan for hosting
the webspace in which this appears and to Elizabeth
Jordan for design.
In the 1992 election, Perot took between 9.9
(Miami-Dade) and 29.0 (St. Lucie) percent of
the vote. The dispersity was very low (4.0 percentage
points on a mean of 22.3 percent). In 49 counties,
the Perot vote was within a standard deviation
of the mean. Few of the counties where Perot
support was a standard deviation greater than
or less than the mean were in the rural north,
those being Gadsden, Gilchrist, Taylor, and
Wakulla. The debate on how much of that vote
was drawn from Republican-leaning voters and
how much from Democratic-leaning voters has
been a subject of spirited debate. For this
reason, one can certainly debate what the impact
on the normalized presidential vote would be.
However, on the assumption that equal percentage
points came from both candidates, the net effect
on the normalized presidential value would be
approximately zero. Indeed, a Gallup survey
evidently showed that, had Perot been removed
as a candidate, roughly a third of Perot voters
would have voted for Clinton, a third for Bush,
and a third would have spoiled their vote.[11]
One example should suffice. Suppose that Democratic
performance ranges from 80% to 20% in years
1, 2, 3 and 4. In one county, Democratic performance
drops 10% each year. In a second county, it
drops 30% between year 1 and year 2, and then
stays constant. The first slope is -0.17. The
second is -0.15. So, equal declines in performance
lead to different results depending on the details
of when decline occurs. But also note a key
virtue of this method of calculation. Suppose
that in each of several years, Democrats nominate
candidates that are progressively less well
known, such that in each county, support drops
equally. Then the relative rankings of the counties
will remain the same. This correctly reflects
the fact that there is not really a weakening
of Democratic strength but a temporary effect
that can be reversed by nominating a candidate
with good name recognition.
To perform this calculation, take the difference
between a value in a given year and the mean
for that year. The three values are then averaged,
and the result compared to the standard deviation
for the results of all counties. In the paragraph
above, by contrast, the difference between the
value and mean is taken and divided by the standard
deviation before averaging.
The astute reader knows that if tests of significance
are done on more than one group of data, it
becomes increasingly likely that one or more
of those samples will fail a test of significance
by random chance. This is the case here. When
one case is mildly significant because it has
low outliers, a second case is almost significant
because of high outliers, and a third case is
not statistically significant, it's more likely
that case-to-case variations are more important
than variations within a single dataset.
Because data from only three elections were
used in this analysis, conclusions in this section
are necessarily tentative.
Because the distribution is
very far from normal, the standard deviation
is very large and no counties are more than
one standard deviation above the mean for the
GOP correlation. The choice of the ten most
extreme counties was purely arbitrary. Also,
as is evident from Figure 18.104.22.168,
there were few counties that actually anticorrelated
to GOP counties and very few counties that actually
anticorrelated with Democratic counties. Perhaps
half the counties listed as the ten most extreme
in anticorrelation would be better described
as not correlating.
Data for calculations of the capture statistic
are drawn from Mebane.[1]
Mebane, W. R., Jr. Letter to CommonDreams.org.
November 8, 2004.
Mebane, W. R., Jr. Letter to K. Dopp.
, November
12, 2004.
Mebane, W. R., Jr. personal communication.
December 27, 2004.
E. and O. Dawshed. "Bushs Fifth Ace:
A Crooked Panhandle." Online Journal, July 2001.
O. "A Model for Interpreting Voting Patterns
with Application to Florida" Rev. 1.0,
November 21, 2004.
Voting Technology Project. "On the Discrepancy
Between Party Registration and Presidential
Vote in Florida."
November 10, 2004.
L. H. To My Fellow-Disciples at Saratoga
Springs. The National Review [London]
26 (1895) 21-26, cited at <http://www.york.ac.uk/depts/maths/histstat/lies.htm>.
V. personal communication. December 6,
W. R., Jr. personal communication. February
17, 2005.
J. The 2004 Florida Optical Voting Machine
Controversy: A Causal Analysis Using Matching.
November 13, 2004. updated November 13,
E. untitled. <http://uscountvotes.org/index.php?option=com_
November 13, 2004.
J. untitled. <http://uscountvotes.org/index.php?option=com_
November 13, 2004.
D. 2004 Election Anomalies in Florida
- Was There a Major Panhandle Democrat
Defection? <http://www.socsci.umn.edu/~trex0003/FL2004.html>,
downloaded February 20, 2005.
Description of the data.
Data for the capture statistic
were drawn from Mebane.[1]
Voting data for 1992-2004 were obtained from
Vincent Lipsio.[6] In most
cases, percentages of the vote were used to
compute ratios. To examine simple time series
in presidential and senatorial races, however,
raw vote totals were used. The races that were
used in calculations follow.
Rodham/Mack (Senate), Chiles/Bush (Governor),
Saunders/Mortham (Secretary of State), Butterworth/Ferro
(Attorney General), Lewis/Milligan (Comptroller),
and Nelson/Ireland (Treasurer)
Kerry/Bush (Presidential) and Castor/Martinez
© 2005 Oliver T. Dawshed. All
Rights Reserved.
Permissions for reproduction or extensive quotation
may be obtained from


text: Hello everyone. Does anyone know of a general formula or model for figuring a rental rate for a product? Let's say I want to rent a plasma screen. How do I come up with a rate? I know that I could look up a common rental rate with other companies and have an idea, but is there a formula that I could follow to come up with the rate? Does it varies according to the product? For example take the price of the product minus depreciation plus labor, plus administrative expenses, divide it by the time....I don't know, something like that. Thank you all in advance.


text:
castrol skin for one of the best cars in assetto corsa.
thanks to A3DR For making this great car!! and thanks to luathas for the files for car interior! And many thanks to Lily Starfox for recommending me to make this skin
gts-8 castrol 2017-06-02
castrol skin for this great car!!


text:
5e Monster Manual Pre-Orders
Greetings all.
The 5e Monster Manual is due out on September 30th.
Get it EARLY (September 19th) by pre-ordering now through Mid-South Hobbies and Games. FORGE is asking you to support our local game store. Please contact them directly and let them know FORGE sent you. They are asking for pre-orders now so they can place the initial order. Please contact them using one of these:
Email: email@example.com
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/
The Monster Manual presents a horde of classic Dungeons & Dragons creatures, including dragons, giants, mind flayers, and beholders—a monstrous feast for Dungeon Masters ready to challenge their players and populate their adventures. This 352-page book is an essential resource for Dungeon Masters to use in populating any type of challenge they might contrive for their players.


text:
We are surrounded by open fields with views to magnificent scenery.
Both our rooms are en-suite and can be double or twin rooms. Tea/coffee making facilities and TVs in the rooms.
We offer a good selection for a Traditional Scottish Breakfast, and many other choices from our menu, which we hope will satisfy most dietary requirements.
A two course evening meal is available @ �16 per person - please arrange in advance or a local taxi is available to take you to Spean Bridge to eat.
Location and supplementary information [view map]Dalcomera is situated in Gairlochy, 11 miles North of Fort William and 200mtrs from the Caledonian Canal, the Great Glen Way, and Cycle Route.
Distance from path: On route
If you have accommodation already arranged in Gairlochy, please enter the
details below so that we can arrange baggage transfer. You will not be
charged a booking fee for this stop.


text:
I have a globe on my desk. One of the tell-tale signs on such maps of the world is not the pink colour of colonies of the British Empire. That is so passé, and these maps are no longer published. Instead, the significant feature is the number of lengthy straight lines on the parts of the global map covering Africa and the Middle East. While there are straight lines elsewhere, these are the ones that stand out, the ones relating most clearly to the division of colonies in this region by the main European imperial powers.[1]
The straight lines are the product of colonial power that divided areas of influence, irrespective of the different ethnic and social groups that lived in them. The ruling groups in Arab countries were then determined by their relationship with the influential imperialist powers; Israel was, in a more complex way, established as a tool of imperialism to overlook the potentially less obedient Arabs. This means that political issues in these regions cannot be solved within the 'countries' concerned. A stable political deal between the different groups has not been established by agreement between them; rather the ascendancy of a particular group has been supported by imperialist influence. This is the basis for civil war, especially when the interests of imperialism change and the formerly leading group no longer has its previous power and support. Then a fragile peace, or a just-acceptable degree of terror or oppression, is no longer sustainable.
In this context, I recommend that you read the linked article/interview that gives an excellent account of the current situation in Syria. This shows, although implicitly, how solutions to the problems in a particular country cannot be resolved within that country, especially when these affect the balance of forces in the region and the interests of the imperialist powers.
Tony Norfield, 13 June 2012
[1] Just look on Wikipedia for the histories of the formation of African and Middle Eastern states. Britain and France are the main players, with a small role played by Italy, though many decisions on the continent were taken to limit German influence before World War 1. A topic not covered in these otherwise useful details is the way in which Britain's colonial policy exacerbated ethnic and religious tensions, often with the classic policy of backing the minority faction in a country because they would be more dependent on the external power for support. One would not expect Wikipedia to be able to give a decent account of the role of Israel as a tool of imperialism.


text:
Music Director Praful Karlekar and lyricist Manndar Cholkar came together recently for the music of Hrudayantar, which became a grand success. Now the duo comes together for celebrating the Ganesha festival. They have composed a Ganpati Stuti song 'He Gajeshwar Ganapati' sung by Adarsh Shinde.
Praful has composed this song using the Acapella music, it is a vocal music performed by one or more singers, without instrumental accompaniment.
The chorus of this acapella song is provided by Swapnil Godbole, Koushik Deshpande, Arohi Mhatre, Pragati Joshi, Umesh Joshi, Swara Marathe, Ronkini Gupta, Aditi Prabhudesai. Suneel Kedaar has directed this beautiful song. May Ganpati and viewers bless this unique song.
On a fine day, few marvelous people gathered and decided to experiment on Acapella. This Ganesh Utsav, Cheer It Loud to the brand new Acapella
Ganpati Song. One humble approach towards our beloved bappa, this Ganesh Chaturthi let's introspect the beauty of God.


text:
Meet Marsala, 2015 Pantone Color of the Year
Meet Marsala, 2015 Pantone Color of the Year
Every year since 2000, color authority Pantone has named a Color of the Year.
This is much more than "pick a color." The winning hue spends 12 months in the spotlight as a key influencer in fashion, art and design. The Color of the Year is seen everywhere from interiors to branding; from beauty products to packaging.
Enter marsala – aka Pantone 18-1438 TCX – the wine-inspired 2015 Pantone Color of the Year.
"A naturally robust and earthy wine red, Marsala enriches our minds, bodies and souls," Pantone says.
Marsala fever has already begun spreading in the fashion world (Of course it probably doesn't hurt that the color is named after wine). Magazines and news sources offer their top marsala picks, while bloggers chime in with their thoughts on the color choice. USA Today offers a budget-friendly list for the marsala-happy fashionista, while Allure offers a few beauty product selections. Philly.com offers five marsala makeup products.
A Styleite writer questions the whole hoopla, and Glamour negates that skepticism in a great interview with the Pantone Color Institute's executive director. Meanwhile, PSFK details the creation of the marsala campaign and the color's impact in retail.
"It's nice, but it surprises me," color consultant Jean Molesworth Kee, owner of the Painted Room in Alexandria, Virginia tells the Daily Herald. "We have been veering from red or burgundy wall color now for years. This has a dusky, earthy quality."
The Color of the Year's connection to the world around us is kind of a "chicken or the egg" thing; much of the selection process is driven by emerging trends, and then the chosen color becomes the official trend.
Anyway, cheers to marsala. What do you think of it?
CONTACT US VIA EMAIL: email@example.com


text:
Unless otherwise noted, information contained in each edition of the Kansas School Naturalist reflects the knowledge of the subject as of the original date of publication.
Cover Photo: The three editors are shown with their 30 years of issues of the Kansas School
Volume 31, Number 1 -
October 1984
30 Years
Published by EMPORIA STATE UNIVERSITY
Prepared and Issued by THE DIVISION OF BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES
Editor: Robert F. Clarke
Editorial Committee: Tom Eddy, Gilbert A. Leisman, Gaylen Neufeld, John Parrish, John Ransom
Online edition formatted by: Terri Weast
The Kansas School Naturalist is sent upon request, free of charge, to Kansas teachers, school board members and administrators, librarians, conservationists, youth leaders, and other adults interested in nature education. Back numbers are sent free as long as supply lasts. Send requests to The Kansas School Naturalist, Division of Biological Sciences, Emporia State University, Emporia, Kansas, 66801.
The Kansas School Naturalist is published in October, December, February, and April of each year by Emporia State University, 1200 Commercial Street, Kansas 66801. Second-class postage at Emporia,
"Statement required the Act of August 12, 1970, Section 3685, Title 34, United States Code, showing Ownership, Management, and Circulation." The Kansas School Naturalist is published in October, December, February, and April. Editorial Office and Publication Office at 1200 Commercial Street, Emporia, Kansas 66801. The Naturalist is edited and published by Emporia State University, Kansas. Editor, Robert F. Clarke, Division of Biological Sciences.
30 Years
by Robert F. Clarke
The Kansas School Naturalist began its life 30 years ago through the efforts and initiative of Dr. John Breukelman. It seems a long time ago when he asked me to illustrate the first issue of the fledgling journal. The years since its inception have witnessed a series of 120 issues that have been supplied to the
citizens of Kansas and a substantial number of "outsiders" at no charge. Responses received have indicated that the original concept had a foundation in need, as stated in Volume 1, No.1:
It is the hope of the editorial committee that The Kansas School Naturalist may be of special help to teachers in at least three ways. First, we that the information provided in the articles, tables, and illustrations may be useful in teaching about Kansas and its natural interests. Second, we hope teachers will find methods, devices, activities, and tricks-of-the-trade to help them find something for the students to do, as well as something to study about. And third, we hope that the magazine may serve as a clearing house for both information and activities, so that teachers may use its columns to help each other.
An issue of this sort must be dedicated to those persons most important to the continued production and quality of the Naturalist. To the past two editor, Drs. John Breukelman and Robert Boles, therefore, this 30-year commemorative issue is dedicated. These two handled the editorship as a labor of love; not as a task - and the "proof is in the pudding," as is said.
Plans for the Naturalist series were drawn up at a long breakfast meeting attended by Dr. Breukelman, President John E. King, and Dr. E. Laurence Palmer, during the summer of 1954. Dr. Palmer, of Cornell University, was the long-time editor of the Cornell Rural School Leaflet, which became the Cornell Science Leaflet, the concept of which was used as a model for the Kansas School Naturalist.
Dr. Boles took over the reins in 1968 and for the next 12 years guided the Naturalist on a steady course, writing and illustrating many of the issues. When Dr. Boles retired from the university in 1980, I inherited the editorship.
The present issue intends to present a retrospective scan of the entire series, and will give the reader an idea of the topics covered. Some of the titles, particularly those of the most recent years, are still available and will be sent upon request. It will be necessary to write first in order to ascertain availability. Those that are out of print will be photocopied for one dollar per copy.
No. 1 WINDOW NATURE STUDY Oct. 1954 - The content explained ecological concepts that could be explained around a school building by examining "ordinary" things: the window and what comes through it, erosion, frost patterns, birds, aquaria and terraria.
No. 2 WILDLIFE IN WINTER Dec. 1954 - What winter is like in Kansas, how animals survive the winter, weeds above the snow, snow as cover, winter fur bearers, winter birds, and snow clues make up this issue.
No. 3 CHILDREN'S BOOKS FOR NATURE STUDY Feb. 1955 - Somewhat dated now, this is an annotated list of books useful for children to understand nature.
No. 4 LET'S GO OUTDOORS April 1955 - What there is to see "outdoors" in Kansas, plus wild foods, lakes and parks in Kansas.
No. 1 FALL WILDFLOWERS Oct. 1955 - A pictured group of typical wildflowers, with "playing with wildflowers," "seed travelers," etc.
No. 2 SNOW Dec. 1955 - A description of what snow is, snowflakes, tracks in the snow, and what you can do
with snow.
No. 3 SPRING WILDFLOWERS Feb. 1956 - Like the Fall Wildflowers, but this is a description of the spring flora.
No. 4 TURTLES IN KANSAS Apr. 1956 - Descriptions, keys, illustrations, and natural history of all of the turtle species that occur in Kansas.
No. 1 HAWKS IN KANSAS Oct. 1956 - Descriptions and accounts of the various hawks, along with a plea for conservation of these raptors.
No. 2 CHILDREN'S BOOKS FOR NATURE STUDY Dec 1956 - More annotated lists of good books, arranged by content into natural areas.
No. 3 LIFE IN A POND Feb. 1957 - Describes the pond ecosystem, its organization, members, and energy flow.
No. 4 SPIDERS Apr. 1957 - A general account, with specific forms illustrated and described, of the common
Kansas spiders.
No. 1 ALONG THE ROADSIDE Oct. 1957 - Things to see and do in roadside parks, ditches, weed patches, and the like.
No.2 AN OUTLINE FOR CONSERVATION TEACHING IN KANSAS Dec. 1957 - For elementary grades, this was made up by a group of elementary teachers attending a summer conservation workshop.
No. 3 TREES Feb. 1958 - An illustrated account of the common trees of Kansas.
No. 4 SUMMER WILD FLOWERS Apr. 1958 - As in preceding issues, this illustrated booklet details with a specific nora of the year.
No. 1 WATERSHEDS IN KANSAS Oct. 1958 - Describes what a watershed is and the steps to develop these in Kansas. A map shows where development has occurred.
No. 2 LET'S BUILD EQUIPMENT Dec. 1958 - A description of science devices that can be constructed easily and used in elementary grades.
No. 3 POISONOUS SNAKES IN KANSAS Feb. 1959 - An illustrated description of all of the poisonous snakes that may occur in Kansas, along with generalizations about nonpoisonous snakes. This is the only issue
produced in color.
No. 4 LIFE IN A STREAM Apr. 1959 - What occurs in a stream and how to study it.
No. 1 FIELD TRIPS Oct. 1959 - The "Do-s and Don't·s" of field tripping, either as a couple or as a class. Also included is a list of necessary items.
No. 2 CONSERVATION ARITHMETIC Dec. 1959 - A series of arithmetic problems arranged by categories; water, precipitation, land and people, erosion, grass, forests, etc.
No. 3 THE SPARROW FAMILY Feb. 1960 - An illustrated bird guide for the sparrows. Includes, too, migration routes, plumage changes, distribution, behavior, and more.
No. 4 MEASURES AND WEIGHTS Apr. 1960 - Explains systems of measurements and gives sizes of such items as wire, shot, nails, game areas, and the like.
No. 1 LET'S EXPERIMENT Nov. 1960 - A group of exciting experiments that students can perform, using common items for equipment.
No. 2 RECENT SCIENCE BOOKS FOR CHILDREN Jan. 1961 - Categorized lists of recent books, primarily intended for elementary levels.
No. 3 THE GREATEST SHOW ON EARTH Mar. 1961 - No, not the circus! A booklet on how to "bird watch," with hints on how to locate birds and a Kansas "finding chart."
No. 4 THE F.B. AND RENA G. ROSS NATURAL HISTORY RESERVATION May 1961 - A description of the KSTC Reservation in Lyon County, with biological uses pictured and described.
No. 1 RHYTHMS IN NATURE Nov. 1961 - Physical and biological rhythms are described, such as temperature, humidity, and animal vocalizations.
No. 2 THE CACTI OF KANSAS Jan. 1962 - An illustrated guide to eight cacti that may be found in the state, along with general information.
No. 3 THE FORMATION OF THE SOIL Mar. 1962 - Description of the soil, its makeup and uses.
No.4 LET'S BUILD EQUIPMENT May 1962 - How to make all sorts of useful things for studying nature.
No. 1 THE TERNS OF KANSAS Nov. 1962 - Descriptions of these graceful birds includes nesting and other habits.
No. 2 KANSAS NATURAL HISTORY IN 1863 Jan. 1963 - What it was like in Kansas one hundred years ago. Maps and old photos are included.
No. 3 ATTRACTING WILDLIFE FOR OBSERVATION Mar. 1963 - How to get mammals, birds, and other creatures closer for study.
No. 4 THE WATER TABLE May 1963 - What and where water is - and why it is important to know about it.
No. 1 MICROCLIMATE Oct. 1963 - The "climate near the ground" and how it is measured, as well as the importance of understanding how creatures are affected by it.
No. 2 INSECTS Dec. 1963 - Life histories, how to collect and study, and selected groups of Kansas insects are described.
No. 3 THE GEOLOGY OF KANSAS Feb. 1964 - A description of the rocks which underlie and outcrop in Kansas. How to understand what you see in rocks.
No. 4 CAMPING IN KANSAS Apr. 1964 - What to take and where to go. A map shows important camping spots.
No. 1 ECOLOGY Oct. 1964 - Describes general aspects of the study of interdependence, including effects of
No. 2 UNWANTED PARTNERS Dec. 1964 - A description of parasites and their histories.
No. 3 WHAT ISCONSERVATlON? Feb, 1965 - The result of the Conservation Workshop, this issue describes what conservation is and how to approach its teaching at the elementary level.
No. 4 LIZARDS IN KANSAS Apr. 1965 - Illustrated descriptions and relevant data on the 14 naturally occurring species and one introduced form.
No. 1 DINOSAURS Oct. 1965 - Written by two eighth grade students, reptiles of the Mesozoic Era are described.
No. 2 YOUR SCIENCE PROJECT Dec. 1965 - How to prepare and present a project for a Science Fair.
No. 3 WHAT GOOD ARE INSECTS Feb. 1966 - Surprising descriptions of useful insects.
No. 4 LET'S EXPERIMENT Mar. 1966 - Lists experiments that can be performed with minimum equipment to demonstrate various principles.
No. 1 YOUR NATURE IQ Oct. 1966 - A series of silhouettes with questions pertaining to them on facing page. Answers are at end of booklet.
No. 2 TIME AND VELOCITY Dec. 1966 - Apsects of counting time and its effects on organisms.
No. 3 FERNS IN KANSAS Feb. 1967 - Although Kansas is not thought of as a place one would seek ferns, 15 are described, along with distribution maps.
No. 4 RECENT SCIENCE BOOKS FOR CHILDREN Apr. 1967 - This is the fourth in a series intended to provide titles of suitable elementary reading.
No. 1 YOUR ECOLOGY IQ Oct. 1967 - A variety of organisms and concepts is presented, with questions that pertain to them.
No. 2 WINTER NATURE STUDY Dec. 1967 - Things to look at and do in the snow.
No. 3 DOOMED FOR EXTINCTION? Feb. 1968 - Animals that could become extinct if steps are not taken to prevent it.
No. 4 THE FIRST 14 YEARS Apr. 1968 - A review of the first years of the Naturalist under Dr. Breukelman; Dr. Boles begins.
No. 1 ALL SMALL FISH AREN'T MINNOWS Oct. 1968 - Drawings and descriptions of a number of small fresh water fish.
No. 2 PLANTS OF THE HOLIDAY SEASONS Dec. 1968 - Types of plants and their uses in decoration at certain seasons.
No. 3 AMERICA THE BEAUTIFUL Feb. 1969 - Pollution of various sorts is described along with an appeal for caring.
No. 4 COMMON SPRING WEEDS June 1969 - What are those things growing in the yard in place of grass? This tells you.
No. 1 BEES Oct. 1969 - Bees, hives, honey - and how to raise them.
No. 2 WHAT BIOLOGISTS DO Dec. 1969 - The first of two booklets devoted to describing the duties of the biology faculty at KSTC.
No. 3 FUN WITH WINTER TWIGS Feb. 1970 - A key to winter twigs and identification photos of the whole trees.
No. 4 SALAMANDERS OF KANSAS AND VICINITY Apr. 1970 - Illustrated descriptions of these amphibians from Kansas and nearby.
No. 1 MORE ABOUT BIOLOGISTS AND THEIR WORK Oct. 1970 - The second series about KSTC biologists.
No. 2 THE MOON Dec. 1970 - Phases, characteristics, and character in folklore.
No. 3 ALABASTER Feb. 1971 - The albino rattlesnake that was a pet for some 13 years.
No. 4 SHADOWS IN THE NIGHT Apr. 1971 - All about owls. with silhouettes of different kinds.
No. 1 NO LICENSE REQUIRED Oct. 1971 - A booklet on Kansas birdwatching with a list of Kansas birds.
No. 2 THERE'S A FUNGUS AMONG US Dec. 1971 - Toadstools and mushrooms are described.
No. 3 ENVIRONMENTAL INVESTIGATIONS Feb. 1972 - What to see and how to study pollution.
No. 4 FIELDS TRIPS FOR THE 70's Apr. 1972 - Shorter and longer field trips in Kansas.
No. 1 MAMMAL SILHOUETTES NO. 1 Oct. 1972 - Various mammals of the world are shown in silhouette and described.
No. 2 TIGER HUNTING IN KANSAS Dec. 1972 - A description of Tiger Beetles, with a key to Kansas species.
No. 3 SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT WILDLIFE Feb. 1973 - This is an illustrated quiz about wildlife.
No. 4 PESTICIDES AND THE ENVIRONMENT Apr. 1973 - A booklet about effects of pesticides, with specific facts on Kansas use and misuse.
No. 1 A BIT OF KANSAS HISTORY Oct. 1973 - An issue devoted to the geology and natural history of Doniphan County.
No. 2 NATURE POETRY Dec. 1973 - Dr. John Breukelman has written some extremely expressive and feeling poetry.
No. 3 PROTECTIVE COLORATION Feb. 1974 - What is meant by "cryptic" , "mimicry", and other terms utilized to describe ways that animals are concealed.
No. 4 WITH THESE TWO HANDS Apr. 1974 - The story of Richard Schmidt, our taxidermist for two decades. A most remarkable man.
No. 1 MAMMAL SILHOUETTES NO. 2 Oct. 1974 - A continuation of a previous issue. Shows silhouettes of world animals and has questions and discussion.
No. 2 FENCES Dec. 1974 - There are many types of fences in Kansas. They are described and discussed.
No. 3 WHOSE ENVIRONMENT? Feb. 1975 - At issue is "What is happening to my environment?", "What can I do?"
No. 4 FOSSILS IN KANSAS Apr. 1975 - This issue describes again the geology of Kansas and its fossils.
No. 1 MAMMAL SILHOUETTES NO. 3 Oct. 1975 - A continuation of the mammals of the world in silhouette, with information.
No. 2 NATURE POETRY II Dec. 1975 - Dr . Breukelman again shows his talent with this group of poems.
No. 3 THE CARP Feb. 1976 - This is a manual stressing observation.
No. 4 ENERGY Apr. 1976 - As subtitled, this is an "unappreciated commodity." All about energy sources.
No. 1 YOU CAN BE INFORMED Oct. 1976 - An annotated list of papers and books that is a sequel to "Whose Environment?"
No. 2 AN ECOLOGICAL LOOK AT WEEDS Dec. 1976 - All about "weeds" - the problem and solutions.
No. 3 KEY TO SOME COMMON WOODY PLANTS Feb. 1977 - How to know some of the more common big bushes and trees.
No. 4 FRESHWATER ZOOPLANKTON Apr. 1977 - A description of the small animals found in ponds and streams.
No. 1 THE METRIC SYSTEM Oct. 1977 - An explanation of a system of measurement in use by most countries of the world, except USA.
No. 2 NATURE POETRY III Dec. 1977 - Again, Dr. Breukelman has delighted everyone with his rhymes.
No. 3 FRESHWATER BENTHOS Feb. 1978 - A description of those organisms that live on the bottom of aquatic systems.
No. 4 BIOLOGICAL BASEBALL Apr. 1978 - How to play the game, with suggested questions.
No. 1 THE METRIC SYSTEM Oct. 1978 - Again, the metric system is described and gives ways in which it can be taught.
No. 2 ANIMALS IN THE CLASSROOM Dec. 1978 - How to get and maintain animals in your classroom.
No. 3 I DIDN'T KNOW THAT (FISHES) Feb. 1979 - Many odd, unusual facts about fishes.
No. 4 I DIDN'T KNOW THAT (INSECTS) Apr. 1979 - Same as above - about insects.
No. 1 I DIDN'T KNOW THAT: BIRDS Oct. 1979 - Many odd, unknown bits of information about birds.
No. 2 MICROBIOLOGY LABORATORIES MADE EASY Dec. 1979 - All kinds of things that can be done to make the teaching of microbiology easier.
No. 3 SNAKES IN KANSAS Feb. 1980 - How to identify any snake in Kansas.
No. 4 I DIDN'T KNOW THAT: MAMMALS Apr. 1980 - Lots of what you wanted to know about mammals.
No. 1 I DIDN'T KNOW THAT: AMPHIBIANS AND REPTILES Oct. 1980 - Many facts about these creatures that people believe - but are wrong; and many that are true.
No. 2 KEY TO WOODY PLANTS Dec. 1980 - Illustrated method of identification for common woody plants.
No. 3 KANSAS NONGAME & ENDANGERED WILDLIFE Feb. 1981 - A description of the Nongame program in
Kansas and what it is attempting to do.
No. 4 LET'S GO HIKING Apr. 1981 - Where to go and how to go hiking in Kansas - trails are illustrated.
No. 1 KANSAS SUNFLOWERS Oct. 1981 - The various kind of sunflowers that exist in Kansas - some are forms that are usually not known as sunflowers.
No. 2 D.O.R. Dec. 1981 - D.O.R. means Dead on Road. Many animals are killed on roads in Kansas. Here is a message.
No. 3 ZOO BEHAVIOR Feb. 1982 - The purpose in visiting a zoo is explained - and a list of things to observe is included.
No. 4 UNDERSTANDING SOILS Apr. 1982 - What are soil types? How are they formed? What is in Kansas? Answers are here.
No. 1 I DIDN'T KNOW THAT: HUMANS Oct. 1982 - Odd items that you may not know about humans.
No. 2 GEOLOGY MUSEUM, ESU Dec. 1982 - A fine description of the displays in the excellent Geology Museum.
No. 3 MICROBIOLOGY RESEARCH MADE EASY Feb. 1983 - Many methods and sources for setting up experiments in Microbiology.
No. 4 BIRD WATCHING Apr. 1983 - A handy guide to attracting and watching birds in Kansas. Contains a check list of Kansas birds.
No. 1 KANSAS MICE Oct. 1983 - An illustrated account of the many mice that most Kansans do not know exist.
No. 2 COAL BALLS Dec. 1983 - This is an account of the peculiar fossilization of plants in "coal balls", with an explanation of the utilization of the information gained from a study of these fossils.
No. 3 FROGS AND TOADS IN KANSAS Feb. 1984 - An illustrated booklet of the species of frogs and toads that inhabit Kansas.
No. 4 CARNIVOROUS PLANTS Apr. 1984 - A description of the several USA species of plants that utilize animals as food.
SAFARI: The East African Diaries of a Wildlife Photographer, photographs by Gunter Ziesler and diary notes by Angelika Hofer, is a book as dazzling as the subject it describes (Publication date: September 7, 1984; Price: $24.95).
There are many books containing photographs of African wildlife, but few, if any, demonstrate the extraordinary results of so many hours, days and months spend waiting patiently to get the perfect shot. Patience, as consulting editor Nigel Sitwell says in the introduction, is probably the most important attribute of a wildlife photographer.
Insects make up well over three-quarters of all the world's living creatures. From arctic tundra to steamy jungles, from arid deserts to grassy meadows, they display a remarkable ability to exist in almost every conceivable habitat and an incredible diversity of fonns and behaviors.
Naturalist Anthony Wootton paints readers a colorful collage of this infinitely varied universe in INSECTS OF THE WORLD (Publication date: September 1984; Price: $17.95, hardbound). Using examples from all over the world, the author describes what insects are, how they originated and how they are distributed in myriad habitats.
Often associated with witches, poisonous appetites, and bad luck, spiders are, in fact, very seldom
dangerous to man.
The highly individual lifestyles of these frequently misrepresented creatures are vividly illustrated in SPIDERS OF THE WORLD, By Rod and Ken Preston-Mafham (Publication date: September 1984; Price: $17.95, hardbound).
The book offers an easy-to-read introduction to arachnoids (sic) around the world by discussing a number of representative spider families most likely to be noticed by the casual observer. Designed for amateur naturalists, the work gives a fascinating glimpse into structure, environment, and habits of these little known octopeds, with intriguing facts.
Lavishly illustrated with 64 color and 45 black and white photographs, as well as 29 line drawings, SPIDERS OF THE WORLD is certain to delight readers with the unusual beauty and variety of spiders on this planet.
|The Kansas School Naturalist
|Department of Biology
|College of Liberal Arts & Sciences
|Send questions / comments to
Kansas School Naturalist.
|Emporia State University