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Do Better Schools Lead to More Growth? Cognitive Skills, Economic Outcomes, and Causation
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1 Do Better Schools Lead to More Growth? Cognitive Skills, Economic Outcomes, and Causation ERIC A. HANUSHEK LUDGER WOESSMANN CESIFO WORKING PAPER NO CATEGORY 5: FISCAL POLICY, MACROECONOMICS AND GROWTH JANUARY 2009 An electronic version of the paper may be downloaded from the SSRN website: from the RePEc website: from the CESifo website: Twww.CESifo-group.org/wpT
2 CESifo Working Paper No Do Better Schools Lead to More Growth? Cognitive Skills, Economic Outcomes, and Causation Abstract We provide evidence that the robust association between cognitive skills and economic growth reflects a causal effect of cognitive skills and supports the economic benefits of effective school policy. We develop a new common metric that allows tracking student achievement across countries, over time, and along the within-country distribution. Extensive sensitivity analyses of cross-country growth regressions generate remarkably stable results across specifications, time periods, and country samples. In addressing causality, we find, first, significant growth effects of cognitive skills when instrumented by institutional features of school systems. Second, home-country cognitive-skill levels strongly affect the earnings of immigrants on the U.S. labor market in a difference-in-differences model that compares home-educated to U.S.-educated immigrants from the same country of origin. Third, countries that improved their cognitive skills over time experienced relative increases in their growth paths. From a policy perspective, the shares of basic literates and high performers have independent significant effects on growth that are complementary to each other, and the highperformer effect is larger in poorer countries. JEL Code: O4, I2. Eric A. Hanushek Hoover Institution Stanford University Stanford, CA USA Ludger Woessmann Center for Economic Studies and Ifo Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Poschingerstrasse 5 Germany Munich This version: January 2, 2009 We thank Mark Bils, Pete Klenow, and participants at seminars at Stanford University, the London School of Economics, and the Institute for International Economic Studies, Stockholm University. We are grateful to the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) for providing us with the microdata for the FISS, SIMS, and SISS studies. Jason Grissom and Trey Miller provided important research assistance. Support has come from CESifo and the Packard Humanities Institute.
3 Schooling and human capital investments have been a central focus of development policy, but doubts have arisen as disappointments with results grow. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the case of growth policy, where schooling investments have not appeared to return the economic outcomes promised by theoretical growth models. While prior analyses have investigated various issues in the specification of empirical cross-country growth models, a warranted scepticism about the identification of causal effects remains. We argue that the most significant problem with these analyses has been the valid measurement of skill differences across countries and that, once remedied, a strong case can be made for identification of true causal impacts in more elaborate econometric specifications. As a simple summary observation, world policy attention today focuses on the lagging fortunes of Sub-Saharan Africa and of Latin America. Considerably less attention goes to East Asia, and, if anything, East Asia is proposed as a role model for the lagging regions. Yet to somebody contemplating development policy in the 1960s, none of this would be so obvious. Latin America had average income exceeding that in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and North Africa regions, and both of these exceeded East Asia (see Appendix Table A1). 1 Further, Latin America had schooling levels that exceeded those in the others, which were roughly equal. Thus, on the basis of observed human capital investments, one might have expected Latin America to pull even farther ahead while having no strong priors on the other regions. The unmistakable failure of such expectations, coupled with a similar set of observations for separate countries in the regions, suggests scepticism about using human capital policies to foster development. But, this scepticism appears to be more an outgrowth of imperfect measurement of human capital investments than an empirical reality. The measurement issues become apparent when we introduce direct measures of cognitive skills from international tests of math and science into the growth picture. The entire picture changes. Figure 1 plots regional growth in real per capita GDP between 1960 and 2000 against average test scores after conditioning on initial GDP per capita in Regional annual 1 Japan was significantly ahead of the rest of the East Asia region, but its exclusion does not change the regional ordering (see Appendix Table A1). 2 Regional data come from averaging all countries with available data in a region. The 50 countries are not chosen to be representative but instead represent the universe of countries that participated in international tests and had available the requisite economic data. Still, Appendix A shows that the average 1960 incomes for all countries in each region are quite similar to those for our subset of countries. The division of Europe into three regions illustrates the heterogeneity within OECD countries, but a combined Europe also falls on the line in Figure 1. 1
4 Figure 1: Cognitive Skills and Growth across World Regions Notes: Added-variable plot of a regression of the average annual rate of growth (in percent) of real GDP per capita in on the initial level of real GDP per capita in 1960 and average test scores on international student achievement tests. Authors calculations. See Table A1 for a list of the countries contained in each world region. Region codes: East Asia and India (ASIA), Central Europe (C-EUR), Commonwealth OECD members (COMM), Latin America (LATAM), Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Northern Europe (N-EUR), Southern Europe (S- EUR), Sub-Saharan Africa (SSAFR).
5 growth rates, which vary from 1.4 percent in Sub-Saharan Africa to 4.5 percent in East Asia, fall on a straight line with an R 2 = But, school attainment, when added to this regression, is unrelated to growth-rate differences. Conditional on initial income levels, regional growth over the last four decades is completely described by differences in cognitive skills! This paper builds on the motivation of Figure 1 to describe the importance of cognitive skills in explaining growth rates across nations. Using a new series of cognitive skills for 50 countries (Section III), we show that this relationship is extraordinarily robust to a variety of samples across different time periods and sets of countries and across different specifications of the skills measure and the growth relationship (Section IV). We move from the stylized facts of the strong relationship between cognitive skills and growth to the question of whether this reflects a causal relationship that can support direct policy actions. Because of the limited data and multiplicity of factors affecting observed international economic outcomes, little headway has been made in clarifying the underlying causal structure of growth. Perhaps the strongest evidence has related to the importance of fundamental economic institutions using identification through historical factors (Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson (2001)), but this has not yielded clear advice about the kinds of feasible policies that will lead to national payoffs. We attack this question from a number of angles and conclude that there is strong evidence that the influence of cognitive skills described in Figure 1 is indeed a causal one. Each of our individual approaches to the issue addresses a different set of the potential concerns about causation. While each may not be individually conclusive not least because data limitations set clear limits for analyses identified by cross-country variation the set of consistent findings provides much more persuasive evidence on the issue. A related aspect of these separate causal investigations is the pinpointing of a specific policy role for improved school quality. While variations in cognitive skills can arise from various influences families, culture, health, and ability we provide evidence that schools are one avenue for improvement available to policy makers. The causal investigation begins by instrumenting our test-score measures by characteristics of the school systems in the countries (Section V). This approach provides information on how variations in student outcomes that are related to institutional policies affect growth and strongly supports the potential for school policies to affect economic growth. 2
6 The aggregate instruments of institutional features could still be correlated with other features of economies such as cultural variations, health differences, or country-specific efficiency differences found both in the economy and in the organization of schools. Therefore, we develop two approaches in the spirit of a difference-in-differences analysis that separately factor out different potential threats to the identification of the impacts of cognitive skills. The first difference-in-differences approach focuses on U.S. labor-market outcomes for immigrants (Section VI). We consider whether schooling-based cognitive-skill differences between immigrants educated at home and educated in the U.S. are related to how well a country s immigrants will do economically, holding constant cultural and other differences by country-of-origin fixed effects. Because we consider earnings in a single economy, country differences in basic economic institutions, the structure of industry, and the like are held constant, permitting clearer identification of the economic returns to cognitive skills. The results show clearly that aggregate country differences in cognitive skills directly affect individual wages of immigrants but only if they received their schooling in their home country. The second difference-in-differences approach, using the intertemporal dimension of our newly devised database, ignores variations in levels of student achievement across countries altogether and investigates whether countries that have improved their cognitive skills have seen commensurate increases in their growth rates (Section VII). This analysis shows a close association between secular improvement in cognitive skills and increases in growth rates over time across OECD countries. Countries that have improved the cognitive skills of their population have seen rewards through improved growth rates. A final issue is that average test scores do not adequately reflect the range of policy options. Specifically, one could institute policies chiefly directed to the lower end of the cognitive distribution, such as the Education for All initiative, or one could aim more at the top end, such as the focused technological colleges of India. We investigate the impact on growth of a concentration on either end of the achievement distribution along with how these might interact with the nation s technology, enabled by the within-country-distribution dimension of our new database (Section VII). We find improving both ends of the distribution to be beneficial and both increasing basic literacy and advancing the best students to be complementary. Finally, the importance of a cadre of highly skilled individuals is even more important in developing countries that have scope for imitation than in developed countries that are innovating. 3
7 In sum, the simple premise that improving the schools can produce benefits in national growth rates is strongly supported. I. Existing Literature on Schooling and Growth Recent interest in economic growth has led to an upsurge of empirical analyses of why some nations grow faster than others. The standard method for establishing the effect of education on economic growth is to estimate cross-country growth regressions where countries average annual growth in gross domestic product (GDP) per capita over several decades is expressed as a function of measures of schooling and a set of other variables deemed to be important for economic growth. Following the seminal contributions by Barro (1991, 1997) and Mankiw, Romer, and Weil (1992), a vast literature of cross-country growth regressions, mostly using the important internationally comparable data on average years of schooling provided by Barro and Lee (1993) as the proxy for the human capital of an economy, has tended to find a significant positive association between quantitative measures of schooling and economic growth. 3 Various branches of subsequent work have attempted to distinguish among alternative mechanisms behind this association and have delved into measurement and specification issues while generally supporting a role for schooling in determining growth. 4 But, using average years of schooling as the education measure in cross-country analyses implicitly assumes that a year of schooling delivers the same increase in knowledge and skills regardless of the education system. For example, a year of schooling in Peru is assumed to create the same increase in productive human capital as a year of schooling in Japan. Equally as important, this measure assumes that formal schooling is the primary source of education and that variations in the quality of nonschool factors have a negligible effect on education outcomes. 3 For extensive reviews of the literature, see Topel (1999), Krueger and Lindahl (2001), and Pritchett (2006). The robustness of the association is highlighted by the extensive analysis by Sala-i-Martin, Doppelhofer, and Miller (2004): Of 67 explanatory variables in growth regressions on a sample of 88 countries, primary schooling turns out to be the most robust influence factor (after an East Asian dummy) on growth in GDP per capita in Hanushek and Woessmann (2008) discuss the alternative branches and their findings. These investigations are driven by varying, and contradictory, theoretical models about different mechanisms through which education may affect economic growth. First, education may increase the human capital of the labor force, which in turn increases labor productivity (as in augmented neoclassical growth theories; see, for example, Mankiw, Romer, and Weil (1992)). Second, education may increase the innovative capacity of the economy (as in theories of endogenous growth; see, for example, Lucas (1988), Romer (1990), Aghion and Howitt (1998)). Third, education may facilitate the diffusion and transmission of knowledge needed to implement new technologies (see, for example, Nelson and Phelps (1966), Welch (1970), Benhabib and Spiegel (2005)). Jamison, Jamison, and Hanushek (2007) provide some suggestive tests among these alternatives, and our estimates below relate to the predictions of the different models. 4
8 An alternative perspective, developed over the past ten years, concentrates directly on cognitive skills. This work, which forms the foundation for our current analysis, fundamentally alters the assessment of the role of education in the process of economic development. When using the data from the international student achievement tests through 1991 to build a measure of cognitive skills, Hanushek and Kimko (2000) find a statistically and economically significant positive effect of cognitive skills on economic growth in that dwarfs the association between years of schooling and growth. Their estimates stem from a statistical model that relates annual growth rates of real GDP per capita to the measure of cognitive skills, years of schooling, the initial level of income, and a variety of other control variables. They find that adding cognitive skills to a base specification including only initial income and years of schooling boosts the variance in GDP per capita among the 31 countries in their sample that can be explained by the model from 33 to 73 percent. At the same time, the effect of years of schooling is greatly reduced by including cognitive skills, leaving it mostly insignificant, while adding other factors leaves the effects of cognitive skills basically unchanged. The general pattern of results is duplicated by a series of other studies that pursue different tests and specifications along with different variations of skills measurement. 5 However, the extent to which the associations found in these studies can be interpreted as a causal effect of cognitive skills remains unclear. Questions about the identification of underlying causal effects in cross-country growth models have existed for a long time. Beginning with the analysis of Levine and Renelt (1992), evidence of the sensitivity of results to model specification has been plentiful. In terms of schooling, Bils and Klenow (2000) provide convincing evidence of the endogeneity of school attainment in growth models. Further, it is unclear to what extent prior attempts to deal with endogeneity such as the panel data approaches of Barro (1997) or Vandenbussche, Aghion, and Meghir (2006) have been successful in a setting where the dominant information is in the cross-country variation. 6 II. A Simple Growth Model with Cognitive Skills We begin with a very simple growth model: a country s growth rate (g) is a function of the skills of workers (H) and other factors (X) that include initial levels of income and technology, 5 Detailed discussion of the innovations and findings of past work is available in Hanushek and Woessmann (2008). 6 Aghion, Boustan, Hoxby, and Vandenbussche (2005) approach causality by relying on within-country variation. 5
9 economic institutions, and other systematic factors. Skills are frequently referred to simply as the workers human capital stock. For simplicity in equation (1), we assume that H is a onedimensional index and that growth rates are linear in these inputs, although these are not important for our purposes. 7 (1) g = γ H + βx + ε It is useful at this stage to understand where the skills (H) might come from. As discussed in the extensive educational production function literature (Hanushek (2002)), these skills are affected by a range of factors including family inputs (F), the quantity and quality of inputs provided by schools (qs), individual ability (A), and other relevant factors (Z) which include labor market experience, health, and so forth as in: (2) H = λf + φ( qs) + ηa+ αz + ν The schooling term combines school attainment (S) and its quality (q). Human capital is nonetheless a latent variable that is not directly observed. To be useful and verifiable, it is necessary to specify the measurement of H. The vast majority of existing theoretical and empirical work on growth begins frequently without discussion by taking the quantity of schooling of workers (S) as a direct measure of H. We concentrate on the cognitive skills component of human capital and consider measuring H with test-score measures of mathematics, science, and reading achievement. The use of measures of cognitive skills has a number of potential advantages. First, they capture variations in the knowledge and ability that schools strive to produce and thus relate the putative outputs of schooling to subsequent economic success. Second, by emphasizing total outcomes of education, they incorporate skills from any source families, schools, and ability. Third, by allowing for differences in performance among students with differing quality of schooling (but possibly the same quantity of schooling), they open the investigation of the importance of different policies designed to affect the quality aspects of schools. At the same time, recent work has introduced the possibility that noncognitive skills also enter into economic outcomes, but we do not separately identify the effects of noncognitive skills 7 The form of this relationship has been the subject of considerable debate and controversy. As we write it, it is consistent with a basic endogenous growth model. We generally keep this formulation, in part because we cannot adequately distinguish among alternative forms. 6
10 below. 8 Because evidence suggests that cognitive and noncognitive skills are correlated and are both affected by school factors, our evidence is interpreted as the effects of cognitive skills including their correlated components with noncognitive skills. III. Consistent International Measures of Cognitive Skills This analysis starts with the development of new measures of international differences of cognitive skills. The measures developed here extend those developed in Hanushek and Kimko (2000) to add new international tests, more countries, and intertemporal and within-country dimensions, while dealing with a set of problems that remained with the early calculations. Between 1964 and 2003, twelve different international tests of math, science, or reading were administered to a voluntarily participating group of countries (see Appendix Table B2). These include 36 different possible scores for year-age-test combinations (e.g., science for students of grade 8 in 1972 as part of the First International Science Study or math of 15-year-olds in 2000 as a part of the Programme on International Student Assessment). Only the United States participated in all possible tests. The assessments are designed to identify a common set of expected skills, which were then tested in the local language. It is easier to do this in math and science than in reading, and a majority of the international testing has focused on math and science. Each test is newly constructed, usually with no effort to link to any of the other tests. We wish to construct consistent measures at the national level that will allow comparing, say, math performance of 13-year-olds in 1972 to that in This would permit us to compare performance across countries, even when they did not each participate in a common assessment, as well as track performance over time. It would also provide the ability to aggregate scores across different ages, years, and even subjects as appropriate. The details of this construction along with the final data are found in Appendix B. Here we simply sketch the methodology. Test-Score Levels across Assessments. Comparisons of the difficulty of tests across time are readily possible because the United States has participated in all assessments and because there is external information on the absolute level of performance of U.S. students of different ages and 8 See importantly Bowles, Gintis, and Osborne (2001), Heckman, Stixrud, and Urzua (2006), and Cunha, Heckman, Lochner, and Masterov (2006). Hanushek and Woessmann (2008) integrate noncognitive skills into the interpretation of general models such as above and show how this affects the interpretation of the parameter on school attainment and other estimates. 7
11 across subjects. The United States began consistent testing of a random sample of students around 1970 under the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP). By using the pattern of NAEP scores for the U.S. over time, it is possible to equate the U.S. performance across each of the international tests. Test-Score Variance across Assessments. The comparison of performance of other countries to the U.S. requires a distance metric for each test. Each assessment has varying country participation and has different test construction so that the variance of scores for each assessment cannot be assumed to be constant. Our approach is built on the observed variations of country means for a group of countries that have well developed and relatively stable educational systems over the time period. 9 We create the OECD Standardization Group (OSG) by using the thirteen OECD countries that had half or more of the relevant population attaining a secondary education in the 1960s (the time of the first tests). For each assessment, we then calibrate the variance in country mean scores for the subset of the OSG participating to the variance observed on the PISA tests in 2000 (when all countries of the OSG participate). The identifying assumption of this approach is that the variance in the mean performance among a group of relatively stable education systems does not change substantially over time. By combining the adjustments in levels (based on the U.S. NAEP scores) and the adjustment in variances (based on the OECD Standardization Group), we can directly calculate standardized scores for all countries on all assessments. Each age group and subject is normalized to the PISA standard of mean 500 and individual standard deviation of 100 across OECD countries. We can then aggregate scores across time, ages, and subjects as we desire. IV. Stylized Facts about Cognitive Skills and Growth The basic growth model in equation (1) is estimated for the 50 countries with cognitive-skill and economic data over the period Cognitive skills are measured by the simple average of all observed math and science scores between 1964 and 2003 for each country. 9 The development of aggregate scores by Hanushek and Kimko (2000) and by Barro (2001) assumed that the test variances across assessments were constant, but there is no reason for this to be the case. Our approach is in the spirit of Gundlach, Woessmann, and Gmelin (2001). 10 See Appendix B for details on the country sample. The source of the income data is version 6.1 of the Penn World Tables (cf. Heston, Summers, and Aten (2002)). The data on years of schooling are an extended version of the Cohen and Soto (2007) data. Descriptive statistics are found in Appendix Table C1. 8
12 As a comparison to prior cross-country analyses, the first column of Table 1 presents estimates of a simple growth model with school attainment. 11 While this model explains onequarter of the variance in growth rates, adding cognitive skills increases this to three-quarters of the variance. The test score is strongly significant with a magnitude that is unchanged by excluding school attainment (col. 2), including initial attainment in 1960 (col. 3), or including average attainment over the period (col. 4). School attainment is never statistically significant in the presence of the direct cognitive-skill measure of human capital. One standard deviation in test scores (measured at the OECD student level) is associated with a two percentage points higher average annual growth rate in GDP per capita across 40 years. The remaining columns of Table 1 provide alternative perspectives on these basic results. Estimating the model with regression techniques robust to outliers yields virtually identical coefficient estimates to those including Nigeria and Botswana, the two significant outliers countries in the growth equation (col. 5). 12 Because the robust model assigns essentially zero weight to these two observations, they are dropped from the remaining models. Including fixed effects for the eight world regions depicted in Figure 1 (so that none of the between-region variation in test scores is used in the estimation) reduces the estimated test effect to (col. 6). Adding institutional differences for openness of the economy and security of property rights (col. 7) and for these plus fertility rates and location in the tropics (col. 8) does reduce the estimated test-score effect to around 1.25, 13 but the effect remains strongly statistically significant. The stock of physical capital per adult in 1960 does not enter the basic growth model significantly and does not affect the test-score coefficient. While the estimated effect of test scores varies some across these different specifications, the cognitive-skill coefficients are always very significant and the variation is quite limited: A move of one standard deviation of individual student performance translates into percentage points difference in annual growth rates, other things equal. How much is one standard deviation in performance? The difference between the U.S. average and the top performers on the PISA 11 While not the focal point of this analysis, all specifications include GDP per capita in 1960, which provides consistent evidence for conditional convergence, i.e., countries with higher initial income tend to grow more slowly. 12 The specific robust regression technique reported is Stata s rreg command, which eliminates gross outliers with Cook s distance measure greater than one and iteratively downweights observations with large absolute residuals. The OLS estimate of the test effect in the 52-country sample is (t-statistic 5.75). Nigeria and Botswana each participated only in a single international test. 13 While openness and security of property rights enter the model (jointly) significantly, fertility and tropical location do not. 9
13 Table 1: Years of Schooling vs. Cognitive Skills in Growth Regressions (1) (2) (3) (4) a (5) b (6) c (7) d (8) e Cognitive skills (10.68) (9.12) (8.28) (8.29) (5.09) (4.06) (4.12) Years of schooling (3.23) (0.34) (0.78) (0.29) (0.54) (0.05) (0.66) GDP per capita (4.24) (9.15) (5.54) (6.02) (5.04) (3.12) (6.01) (5.73) No. of countries R 2 (adj.) Notes: Dependent variable: average annual growth rate in GDP per capita, Regressions include a constant. Test scores are average of math and science, primary through end of secondary school, all years. t-statistics in parentheses. a. Measure of years of schooling refers to the average between 1960 and b. Robust regression including two outliers (using rreg robust estimation command implemented in Stata). c. Specification includes dummies for the eight world regions depicted in Figure 1. d. Specification includes additional controls for openness and property rights. e. Specification includes additional controls for openness, property rights, fertility, and tropical location.
14 tests is approximately 0.4 standard deviations, while the difference between the average Mexican student and the rest of the OECD was approximately one standard deviation. Two important questions that relate to interpretation arise, and we consider a wide range of alternative specifications that demonstrate the stability of the estimates. The first set of issues is whether the sample of countries or years of observation heavily influences the results. The second is whether the specific measure of cognitive skills drives the estimates. Table 2 provides the matrix of estimated cognitive-skill coefficients across different samples of observations. The columns consider sample sensitivity and concentrate on whether the overall results are driven by specific subsets of countries, which might indicate that the cognitive-skill measures simply proxy for other facets of the economies. The two rows consider basic sensitivity to test measurement, because the measurement may interact with the sample sensitivity. The top row focuses on the average of all observed math and science scores as presented previously while the second includes just lower-secondary-school scores. Each entry comes from a separate regression that includes GDP per capita in 1960 and school attainment. The first two comparisons (col. 2-3 and col. 4-5) present evidence on whether cognitive skills are more or less important in developed countries. The first comparison divides the estimation into the 23 OECD countries and 27 non-oecd countries, while the second comparison divides countries into above and below the median level of per-capita GDP in The statistically significant difference of high-income and lower (below median)-income countries indicates that developing countries are somewhat more affected by cognitive skills than developed countries. 14 Nonetheless, variations in math and science skills remain very important in distinguishing among growth rates of the developed countries. A portion of the influence of cognitive skills comes from the high growth of East Asian countries. As shown in column 6, excluding the ten East Asian countries lowers the estimated impact of math and science skills to 1.3, but it remains highly significant in the remaining countries. In other words, the overall estimates, while influenced by the East Asian growth experience, are not simply identifying the high growth high test-score position of East Asia, which would raise the possibility that the growth relationships might be driven by other factors that were simply correlated with East Asian test performance if true. 14 While not shown, the school attainment measures are insignificantly related to growth even among the developing countries where the levels are low and where there is considerable cross-country variance. 10
15 Table 2: Sensitivity of Estimated Effects of Cognitive Skills to the Sample of Countries and Time Periods (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) Country/year sample Full OECD Non- High- Low- W/o Score-schooling Score-schooling Test-score specification OECD income a income a East Asia b outliers c core c All math and science (9.12) (4.17) (6.10) (5.37) (6.98) (4.90) (4.29) (9.42) (2.89) (7.81) (3.47) Only lower secondary (9.22) (4.02) (6.19) (4.70) (7.44) (4.82) (4.56) (8.88) (3.49) (7.83) (3.45) No. of countries Notes: Reported numbers are the coefficient on test scores in each model specification. Dependent variable: Unless noted otherwise, average annual growth rate in GDP per capita, Control variables: Initial GDP per capita, initial years of schooling, and a constant. Test scores: Unless noted otherwise, average of math and science, primary through end of secondary school, all years. t-statistics in parentheses. a. Countries above/below sample median of GDP per capita b. Test scores refer only to tests performed until c. Countries with largest (outliers)/smallest (core) residuals when regressing years of schooling on test scores.
16 The growth estimates are meant to identify long-run factors, but the sample period of includes subperiods of world stagnation, fast growth, and currency crises. Some have suggested, for example, that the observed growth rates are dominated by the early-period growth explosion of East Asia and that this changed considerably with the currency crises of the 1990s (Ramirez, Luo, Schofer, and Meyer (2006)). Our results (col. 7 and 8) indicate, however, a consistent impact of cognitive skills across the period that, if anything, has grown stronger in the second half of our observations. Indeed, the estimated impact doubles in the most recent period, consistent with various arguments that, at least for the U.S. and OECD countries, the importance of skills has increased (Murnane, Willett, and Levy (1995), Katz and Autor (1999), and Goldin and Katz (2008)). The same impact on growth is found when restricting the test scores to measures obtained before 1985 (available for only 22 countries), so that test scores nearly fully pre-date the growth period (col. 9). Finally, the level of schooling and cognitive scores are correlated across our sample (r=0.62), in part because of the differences between developed and developing countries. The separation of the impact of cognitive skills from that of school attainment in our estimation relies upon information where these two diverge, and it might be a peculiar set of countries in terms of growth where the pattern of school attainment and skills varies most. The final two columns divide countries based on deviations of cognitive scores from school attainment. Specifically, the score-schooling outliers are the 25 countries with the largest residuals when test scores are regressed on attainment, and the score-schooling core are the 25 with the smallest residuals. Interestingly, the relationship between cognitive skills and growth is virtually the same across these two samples, making it clear that the results are not driven by peculiar countries in the production of cognitive skills. The preceding results hold looking across columns, but the pattern also obtains for the alternative measures of test scores. The estimated coefficients using only lower-secondaryschool math and science scores are systematically a little smaller than those from all scores, which may reflect attenuation bias when using fewer test observations in the construction of the cognitive-skill measure, but there are no changes in patterns across any of the columnar comparisons. This test-score measure excludes any test in primary schooling or in the final year of secondary education. Test scores at the end of the secondary level, which combine the knowledge accumulated over primary and secondary schooling, may be most relevant for the 11
17 labor force, but, at the same time, the duration of secondary education differs across countries, so that tests performed in the final year of secondary schooling may not be as readily comparable across countries. Further, given differing school completion rates, tests in the final year of secondary schooling may produce samples with differential selectivity of test takers. Yet neither the primary-school tests nor the tests in the final secondary year are crucial for the results. Table 3 provides more detail on sensitivity to the measure of cognitive skills, comparing several additional plausible alternatives for the aggregation of scores, including using math, science, and reading scores separately. We also provide breakdowns by OECD and non-oecd countries, although this breakdown makes little qualitative difference and we concentrate on the variations in aggregate test information found in the table rows. Results are qualitatively the same when using only scores on tests performed since 1995 (row A). These recent tests have not been used in previously available analyses and are generally viewed as having the highest standard of sampling and quality control. Likewise, results are robust to using tests scores since 1995 for just lower secondary grades (row B). A drawback of using only the more recent tests is that such an approach requires a strong version of the assumption that test performance is reasonably constant over time, because it relates test performance measured since 1995 to the economic data for To make sure that higher previous economic growth is not driving the measured test performance, the testscore measure used in row C disregards all tests since the late 1990s. Our results turn out to be robust, with a point estimate on the test-score variable that is significantly higher (sample reduced to 34 countries). Our results are also robust to using the average early test scores as an instrument for the average of all test scores in a two-stage least-squares regression, in order to utilize only that part of the total test-score measure that can be traced back to the early test scores (row D). In sum, the results are not driven by either early or late test scores alone. The remainder of the table investigates different combinations of the math, science, and reading tests. While we were concerned about the reliability of the reading tests and thus have focused on math and science, the use of reading tests provides similar results in the growth models (rows E-G). In a specification that enters the different subjects together (panel H), the three are always jointly significant at the 1% level and higher, even though the science effect gets smaller and the reading effect loses significance in the joint model. 12
18 Table 3: Sensitivity of Estimated Effects of Cognitive Skills to the Measurement of Skills (1) (2) (3) Country sample Full OECD Non-OECD Test-score specification No. of countries (A) Only since (9.91) (3.80) (6.74) (B) Only lower secondary since (9.57) (3.49) (6.48) (C) Only until (8.31) (1.80) (7.48) (D) Early as instrument for average a (7.49) (1.85) (4.75) (E) Only math (8.98) (4.62) (5.81) (F) Only science (7.00) (3.28) (4.48) (G) Only reading (6.21) (3.33) (3.68) (H) All subjects entered jointly 41 Math (3.69) (2.97) (1.97) Science (2.34) (1.62) (1.92) Reading (1.15) (1.44) (0.94) Notes: Reported numbers are the coefficient on test scores in each model specification. Dependent variable: Average annual growth rate in GDP per capita, Control variables: GDP per capita 1960, years of schooling 1960, and a constant. Test scores: Unless noted otherwise, average of math and science, primary through end of secondary school, all years. t-statistics in parentheses. a. 2SLS with average of test scores until 1995 as instrument for average of all test scores.
19 V. Variations in Cognitive Skills Driven by Schools: Instrumental Variable Models The main subject of this paper is that the stylized facts from cross-sectional growth regressions using existing variation across countries may be hampered by endogeneity biases. Endogeneity of cognitive skills could arise because nations with conditions favorable to economic growth and performance also produce high test performance. This correlation could arise because of cultural factors, historically good economic institutions, variations in health status, or any other set of factors that lead to strong economic performance might also be systematically related to high cognitive skills. Indeed, it does not matter whether such relationships are causal or purely associational. If these factors are omitted from the growth estimation, they will tend to bias the coefficient on cognitive skills. Likewise, there might be reverse causality if economic growth facilitates investments in the school system or increases family resources that improve cognitive skills. Even if the cognitive skills-growth relationship is causal, it is further important to remember that cognitive skills are likely to depend not only on formal schooling but also on non-school factors such as families, peers, and ability. Therefore, the results presented so far would only be relevant for school policy if the variation in cognitive skills emanating from school policies is in fact related to economic growth. One means of addressing the set of issues is to use measures of the institutional structure of the school systems as instruments for the cognitive-skill measure, thereby using only that part of the international variation in cognitive skills that can be traced back to international differences in school systems. We use several institutional features notably the existence of external exit exam systems, the share of privately operated schools, and the centralization of decision-making that have been shown in the literature on international educational production to be associated with student achievement (see Woessmann (2007a) for a review). While other school policies such as those surrounding educational spending may well be endogenous to the growth process, these institutional features can be assumed uncorrelated with the regression disturbances of our models. First, many institutional features such as the existence and extent of private schooling reflect long standing polices embedded in constitutions and law and thus are not outcomes of the growth process per se (see, for example, the review of private schooling across countries in Glenn and De Groof (2002)). Second, while there have been some 13
20 trends in these institutions such as the slow movement toward decentralizing school decisionmaking there is no suggestion that this reflects either growth or other systematic differences in cultural and economic systems. 15 Third, there is empirical support from the literature on educational production that these institutional effects on student learning are robust to including regional fixed effects in cross-country analyses, to within-country analyses, and to the use of historical instruments (see Woessmann (2003b, 2007b), West and Woessmann (2008)). These results suggest that institutional impacts are not driven by cultural differences and do not suffer directly from reverse causality. External exit exam systems are a devise to increase accountability in the school system that has been repeatedly shown to be related to better student achievement (see Bishop (2006) for a review). 16 The first specification reported in Table 4 uses the share of students in a country who are subject to external exit exams as an instrument for our measure of cognitive skills in the growth regression. The first-stage results confirm a statistically significant association between external exit exams and cognitive skills. The effect of cognitive skills on economic growth in the second stage of the instrumental variable (IV) estimation is statistically significant and close to the OLS estimate. 17 The rule of thumb of a first stage F-statistic greater than 10 suggested by Stock, Wright, and Yogo (2002), however, indicates the possibility of a weak instrument problem. Instruments that are only weakly correlated with the endogenous explanatory variable render standard IV estimators biased in small samples and may compromise the reliability of the conventional asymptotic approximations used for hypothesis testing. Thus, we also report estimates based on the modification of the limited information maximum likelihood (LIML) estimator by Fuller (1977), but the results are hardly affected. 18 Because years of schooling are insignificant in the growth model once test scores are controlled for (both in the OLS and in the IV specification), another possibility is to include 15 Glenn and De Groof (2002), p. 267, note that there has been in most Western democracies a slow but very marked shift in the allocation of responsibility for the organization and control of education, in the public as well as the nonpublic education sector, through decentralization of various aspects of decision-making to the local school community. The cross-country details suggest no obvious political or cultural differences in these trends. 16 Data on external exit exams are available for 43 countries in Woessmann, Lüdemann, Schütz, and West (forthcoming), who update Bishop (2006) s collection from reviews of comparative-education studies, educational encyclopedia, government documents, background papers, and interviews with national representatives. 17 The Durbin-Wu-Hausman test does not reject the exogeneity of cognitive skills at conventional levels. 18 Fuller s modification of the LIML estimator is more robust than 2SLS in the presence of weak instruments and performs relatively well in the simulations by Hahn, Hausman, and Kuersteiner (2004). We set the user-specified constant (Fuller (1977) s alpha) to a value of one, but our results are hardly affected if we set alpha to four. 14
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text:
Volunteer Instructions:
To volunteer, follow the link below for the day you are interested in participating. You will need to sign up using an email and will be able to select your time and position.
If you have any questions, send an email to firstname.lastname@example.com or by calling 651-756-0754.
Volunteering with the Tapemark Pro-am is easy, simple and fun!
1. Do you like golf and would like to spend a fun weekend helping at a golf tournament?
2. Are you an individual looking for an opportunity to give back to your community?
3. Are you part of a group who would like to do a volunteer outing?
4. Do you have the time to help us plan and develop new strategies?
Over 100 volunteers are needed during Pro-Am Week (June 3-10, 2018). And we have several ongoing opportunities (listed below).
Pro-Am Week
Join us for a shift, an hour, a day, or the whole weekend, we would love to have your help! There are a variety of opportunities available throughout the entire weekend.
- Registration table – check in golfers, sell raffle tickets, answer general Tournament questions, Friday through Sunday, June 8-10.
- Starter's Assistant – Sit with the announcers on tee #1 and tee #10 and make sure all golfers in the foursome have arrived at the tee or go and track them down. Also, helps with other general things the starter may need, Friday through Sunday, June 8-10 6:15-9:30 am and 11:45 am -2:30 pm.
- Photographer – spend some time driving around the course taking action shots of golf. Must be familiar with golf and golf course etiquette days and hours vary.
- Volunteers familiar with golf and online networking resources are needed throughout the weekend.
- If you are comfortable with golf, and have knowledge about scoring, a limited number of volunteers are needed to assist with the scoreboard as well. Work with a fun crew keeping track of all the stages of golf.
Are you interested in making new friends and using your connections to help us raise resources (raffle gifts, auction items, sponsorships, golfers, goodie bag give away items and door prizes)? Give us a call!
We also have several committees who meet monthly to brainstorm, plan, and use their connections to help us raise much needed funds for our benefiting agencies.

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Sous le col une belle pente mais transfo imparfaite
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As a writing major, I have always watching TV and Film with storytelling in mind (and often nothing else) so the one thing I noticed about Mad Men is the use of verbal irony. A lot of what the characters say holds deeper meaning of which they are unaware. This is clearly used divisively by the writers, the parallel times between the viewer and the characters on the show are used strategically in this way. When Don Draper says, "there isn't some magical machine that makes copies of things" we, the audience clearly know that eventually there will be because we have knowledge of what the characters would consider "the future." More examples of this are when Joan says something to the affect of "I know this may look like a lot of technology but don't be overwhelmed," to Peggy and all that sits on the desk is a typewriter and telephone. Also when, Salvatore says (something like) "you mean people live one way, but really would like to be living the opposite way? That's ridiculous." It is implied from the start that Salvatore is a "closeted" gay, but the audience is only aware of it because only an audience of a more modern time would notice (or choose to acknowledge) the characteristics (even if at times stereotypical) of a gay man.
This technique allows the viewer to have a deeper, more omniscient understanding of what is going on without blatant exposition. The show is able to reveal the zeitgeist of the time period by alluding to the changes that have occurred after it. Furthermore, the suggestiveness of the show, through its use of verbal irony, also reflects the superficiality of the time. Nothing is supposed to be what it seems, the men of Madison Avenue are supposed to be upstanding, successful, respectable men, good husbands and fathers, when really they're adulterers, bigots, misogynists and, it is often suggested, unhappy.


text:
2-year-old dies after being hit by minivan
2-year-old dies after being hit by minivan
VINE GROVE, Ky. —
Kentucky State Police say a 2-year-old boy has died of injuries he suffered when he climbed into the back of a minivan, fell out and was hit by the vehicle.
Police said Thursday the child, Brendyn Keisler, was hit Tuesday night at a residence in Meade County. Police say 31-year-old Joseph Allison backed the van up to the residence to unload household items and didn't realize the boy had climbed into the back hatch entrance.
Police said Allison continued to back up and the boy fell out of the back and was run over by the vehicle.
A statement from police said Brendyn was flown to Kosair Children's Hospital in Louisville with critical head and neck injuries and died Wednesday night.


text:
[wingide-users] LockupKen Kinder email@example.com
12 Jun 2002 18:07:53 -0500
On Tue, 2002-06-11 at 20:01, Stephan R.A. Deibel wrote: > On 11 Jun 2002, Ken Kinder wrote: > > I have a GTK event handler that does something that raises an IndexError > > exception. When the debugger stops there, the X server wiggs out and my > > mouse becomes ineffective until I kill the process I'm debugging. :O > > It sounds like the code you're debugging has done an XGrabPointer or > XGrabButton. The grab is not released when you stop at an exception or > break point, resulting in the behaviour your describe. This is a real > pain if you run into it often. It can also happen to your keyboard with > XGrabKeyboard. > > If it makes you feel any better, I think gdb has the same problem. > > The soln would be for us to detect the state of the X server and to ungrab > when in the debugger and re-grab when continuing. From previously looking > into this, I think it's not entirely trivial to do this correctly. I > suppose we could try to blow away all grabs and ignore the possible > consequences. > > Suggestions from X experts are more than welcome. > Is there anything I can explicitly do in my code to ungrab? Just temporarily while I debug?
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Become a Homeowner
Central Oklahoma Habitat for Humanity builds homes in partnership with qualifying families and our community. We then sell these homes at no profit with a zero percent interest mortgage to low-income families. Our homes are attractive and well built, with new home prices averaging about $119,000, plus the cost of land.
Central Oklahoma Habitat homes come with high-efficiency central heating and air conditioning, excellent insulation, optional in-ground storm shelter, and plenty of closet and kitchen storage space. New homebuyers are permitted to choose their floor plan, exterior paint colors, countertops, and floor coverings from patterns available through Central Oklahoma Habitat vendors.
We're here for you every step of the way to make sure you're ready to buy a home and have the support you need to keep it.
We're glad you're interested in becoming a homeowner
through Central Oklahoma Habitat for Humanity!
At Central Oklahoma Habitat we work in partnership with families, in the spirit of the Christian principles that guide our work, to build strong communities. Our homeownership program offers people like postal workers, teachers, retail workers – people like you – the opportunity to live in and invest in their community. Together we work to combat the rising issue of substandard housing with homes priced at affordable levels for sustainable, long-term homeownership.
Find Out How to Qualify and purchase an affordable new Habitat home.
Step One
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Build A Partnership
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Understand The Process
Step Four
Attend Homeowner's College
New Construction
Application – English
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text:
we love good granola but we hate paying for it. only thing is, every time we make it, it turns into a pile of toasty oats, but no chunks! anyone got an idea about how to make my granola chunk together?
I was researching how to make chewy bars like the ones quaker makes, and I know a lot of recipes had used corn syrup, but I bet there's a better solution! But that might work?
Sounds like you need to be sweetened up. Sugar is the glue that holds granola together so that it forms clumps. You could add a tad bit more of the sweetener called for in your recipe. When you bake it, stir it only as often as you need to so that it doesn't burn, and don't stir it thoroughly--just move it around a bit. Let it cool completely on the baking sheet before storing it, and handle it as little as possible after it has cooled--like, store it in a plastic container instead of in a zipper bag.
In a large bowl, stir together 1/2 cup honey, maple syrup or corn syrup, 3 tablespoons vegetable oil and 2 tablespoons brown sugar. Stir in 2 cups old-fashioned oatmeal (not quick-cooking and not steel-cut oatmeal), 1 cup of your favorite unsalted chopped nuts, 1/2 cup coconut, 1/4 cup wheat germ, 1/2 cup shelled, unsalted sunflower or pumpkin seeds. Spread onto a rimmed baking sheet lined with foil or parchment. Bake at 300 degrees for 30 minutes or until color changes to a light golden brown, stirring gently twice during this time. Cool completely before adding raisins, dried cranberries, chopped dates or other dried fruit.
My mother uses honey, and has a moderate amount of clumps.
The granola I make has nice clumps, use honey, canola oil to bind and sweeten and I like lots of nuts use pecans and walnuts and nut flour. The nut flour clumps with the oats, honey and oil. I mix with my hands scrunching it not over mixing that way it doesn't break down. The nut flour is not actual flour its ground nuts. I use either hazelnut or toasted almond, I order it from King Arthur but you can grind your own,
Oh I forgot I also add sweetened flaked coconut it adds another layer of nuttiness.
In my experience, the trick is to use something to bind the flakes together into clumps, just like sdebrango says. I make a super-chunky chewy granola using a very similar formula - a handful of whole wheat flour, some butter (and sometimes coconut oil), and lots of honey to bind everything together.
I also press it the granola into a hard-packed mound when I first turn it out onto a cookie sheet for baking, and then very gently break it up about halfway through. It comes out much clumpier than if I'd just spread it out into an even layer and not pressed.
That sounds wonderful Izzbel I never thought of adding butter and coconut oil, Going to try this as I also like my granola chunky.
The sugar or sweetener in the granola, needs to undergo the process by which it becomes 'candified' (as in the 4 stages of soft ball, hard ball, soft crack, hard crack etc) at the same time as the oats get toasted, thus when the granolas is being made & the oats are getting nicely browned, the sugar / honey also heats up *& gets to a candy like state. as it cools, the candy incorporates the morsels of grain & nuts & hardens into clumps.
Go with Betteirenes recipe, she's explained the method very well. The honey & the brown sugar will melt, go thru the solidifying process by losing their moisture under the 300 F heat. the stirring in between will result in clumps & you'll have a granola to truly savor!
I make betteirene's granola all the time. It's really good! And has some nice chunks.
I make granola a couple times a month, and recently slightly adjusted my recipe after reading this article to get more clusters. I need to do a little more tweaking, but there was a difference after using more oat bran in my recipe (in lieu of going to the store for oat flour or quick oats).
Here's the link:
You need a little fat (oil) and a little sweetener (brown sugar, maple syrup, honey, agave, etc.) to bind clumps. I try to use as little as possible because I don't like it to be very sweet. Also don't add the dried fruits until after granola is baked. Baking the fruits will both inhibit clumping and risk burning the fruits.
A little molasses adds great flavor and will help it clump up. Also, try adding 1-2Tbls chia seeds to your granola mixture before baking. These will become kind of gooey when exposed to or soaked in liquid--you can use it as an egg replacer in some recipes. Anyway, in granola it helps create more clumps and gives an added nutritional "multi-grain" aspect.
For that matter, my aunt's granola recipe uses egg in it. She took an oatmeal cookie recipe and granolified it. It's wonderfully clumpy!


text:
The Mets have designated outfielder Kirk Nieuwenhuis for assignment to make room for Darrell Ceciliani, New York announced on Tuesday.
The Mets have designated outfielder Kirk Nieuwenhuis for assignment, the team announced on Tuesday. The move made room for outfielder Darrell Ceciliani, who was promoted from Triple A Las Vegas ahead of New York's game against the Cardinals on Tuesday.
Nieuwenhuis, a fourth-year pro, has batted 3-for-38 (.079) this season, striking out 17 times.
The Mets announced they would promote Ceciliani, 24, following Monday's game. The left-handed hitter, whom New York drafted in the fourth round of the 2009 MLB draft, was batting .336 with five home runs and 17 RBIs in 113 at-bats with Triple A Las Vegas.
Ceciliani will wear No. 1.
• Power Rankings: Mets fall, remain in top 10
Entering Tuesday's game, the Mets are 23-16, a game ahead of the Washington Nationals for first place in the National League East.
Darrell Ceciliani has arrived! Welcome to the big leagues. #Mets pic.twitter.com/o7f2UX5Hj7— New York Mets (@Mets) May 19, 2015
- Jake Fischer


text:
E-books on the rise
E-books bigger than hardbacks in the US
In the US, e-books are now selling better than hardcovers, according to Swedish trade organisation Svensk bokhandel. The numbers derive from a survey made by the Association of American Publishers.
For the first time, the sale of e-books have surpassed that of hardcovers in the US, at least when it comes to adult fiction. Where children's and adolescent literature is concerned, the hardback versions are still selling the most.
The e-book market is not only growing in the US, however. In India, Australia and Britain there are also many e-book readers, according to the Monday Note newsletter.
Since publishers in Sweden do not specifically report their e-book sales numbers, there are no accounts of exactly how large the sales are here.
But in the report "Läsarnas marknad, marknadens läsare" (The readers' market, the market's readers, SOU 2012:10) the Ministry of Culture has studied numbers from the leading e-book distributor, Elib, and finds that the turnover in e-books has increased by 75 per cent in two years.
It still only a question of ca. 5000 titles a year (2011), though, just a fraction of the total book sales in Sweden.
Translation: Lisa Hartzell


text:
Scientists funded by The Prostate Cancer Charity and the Medical Research Council have taken a step forward in understanding how prostate cancer grows, with the discovery of several genes that play an unexpected role in controlling the development of the disease, according to new research published today (Monday) in Oncogene.
The research, which was carried out at The Queen's Medical Research Institute in Edinburgh, used next-generation DNA sequencing, to establish which genes become active or inactive as prostate cancer develops.
The research focussed on the role of stromal cells in the prostate gland - cells which are present in tumours but are not cancerous - that are key in controlling how cancer cells behave and grow.
Lead author, Dr Axel Thomson, explains: "Stromal cells are in effect like the 'puppet masters' of cancer growth and, although not cancerous themselves, they can have a big effect on how tumours grow. The new DNA sequencing technology enabled us to look at these cells in the prostate in great detail and identify genes active in the stromal cells which merit further investigation."
The researchers used a new DNA sequencing technique known as Tag profiling and compared genes that became active in an embryonic prostate, an adult prostate gland and in prostate cancer itself. This determined that the ASPN, CAV1, CFH, CTSK, DCN, FBLN1, FHL1, FN, NKTR, OGN, PARVA, S100A6, SPARC, STC1 and ZEB1 genes were all found to be active when prostate cancer begins to grow.
When the prostate forms inside a developing embryo, there are many powerful regulatory pathways turned on which control the growth of the prostate gland. By finding out which of these genes were active in both the cancer stromal cells and in the embryonic prostate, the team were able to identify those likely to play an important role in controlling cell growth. These could, eventually, be used to slow down the growth of prostate cancer.
Owen Sharp, Chief Executive at The Prostate Cancer Charity, said: "This new basic level research has provided us with some important genetic clues about how prostate cancer grows. Through looking at the similarities in cells found in adult prostate tumours with the cells in an embryonic prostate, the researchers have found that it is actually the normal cells of the prostate which are driving and regulating the growth of prostate cancer. These results are particularly exciting as they could potentially be used as a target for the development of new drugs and treatments which could help to slow down, or even stop, the progress of the disease in men."


text:
Clone of [login to view URL]
Budget $300-1000 USD
Our company seeks the development a magazine website. The website will have a video display, and video streaming, the website will also need to have java script. We basically need a clone of [url removed, login to view] with a video display like the one on [url removed, login to view] . The website will also need a CMS Content Management System to control everything from text to links, to images, to video, to news and etc. We need development of this website to go under one month. We also need a design with in 2 – 3 days. We seek someone one who can be creative and have strong design skills. We only seek strong design and great programming and skills. Please Note the following terms below:
***************Payment at End of Project***************************
***************Your Bid is what we will accept, please do not give a new quote once you are selected****************
*************We need a fast and efficient designer daily progress is desired****************
**********The listed Prices is Our Budget************


text:
fullfaces is a valid word in this word list. For a definition, see the external dictionary links below.
The word "fullfaces" uses 9 letters: A C E F F L L S U.
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Broke struggling musician IZZY is at rock bottom when she learns her ex & her former best friend got engaged. To stop it, she's gotta Get the F Across Town!
Official Site: www.izzythemovie.com
Director: Christian Papierniak
Writer: Christian Papierniak
Cast: Carrie Coon, Haley Joel Osment, Alia Shawkat, Mackenzie Davis and Lakeith Stanfield
Sorry there are no upcoming showtimes for Izzy Gets the F*ck Across Town