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Human Capital Response to Globalization: Education. and Information Technology in India. Job Market Paper
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1 Human Capital Response to Globalization: Education and Information Technology in India Job Market Paper Gauri Kartini Shastry Harvard University January 2008 Abstract Recent studies have shown that trade liberalization increases skilled wage premiums in developing countries. This result suggests globalization may bene t elite skilled workers relatively more than poor unskilled workers, increasing inequality. This e ect may be mitigated, however, if human capital investment responds to new global opportunities. A key question is whether a country with a more elastic human capital supply is better positioned to bene t from globalization. I study how the impact of globalization varies across Indian districts with di erent costs of skill acquisition. I focus on the cost of learning English, a relevant quali cation for high-skilled export jobs. Linguistic diversity in India compels individuals to learn either English or Hindi as a lingua franca. Some districts have lower relative costs of learning English due to linguistic predispositions and psychic costs associated with past nationalistic pressure to adopt Hindi. I demonstrate that districts with a more elastic supply of English skills bene ted more from globalization: they experienced greater growth in both information technology jobs and school enrollment. Consistent with this human capital response, they experienced smaller increases in skilled wage premiums. Correspondence: I am grateful to Shawn Cole, David Cutler, Esther Du o, Caroline Hoxby, Lakshmi Iyer, Asim Khwaja, Michael Kremer, Sendhil Mullainathan and Rohini Pande for their advice and support, Petia Topalova and David Clingingsmith for help with additional data and all participants of the Labor/Public Finance and Development Economics lunch workshops at Harvard, the IZA/World Bank Conference on Employment and Development 2007 and the Federal Reserve Board of Governors International Finance workshop for their comments. In addition, I thank Elias Bruegmann, Filipe Campante, Davin Chor, Quoc-Anh Do, Eyal Dvir, Alex Gelber, Li Han, C. Kirabo Jackson, Michael Katz, Katharine Sims, Erin Strumpf and Daniel Tortorice for helpful conversations. All errors are mine.
2 Introduction Recent literature has suggested that trade liberalization in poor countries increases skilled wage premiums. It is possible that this increase bene ts only elite skilled workers, causing an increase in inequality. Alternatively, if human capital supply responds, globalization s e ect on inequality may be mitigated. This is partly because some people acquire the necessary human capital, but also because the increased supply drives down the skilled wage premium over time. I study whether human capital in India responded to the shock of trade reforms by using variation across districts in their ability to take advantage of global opportunities. Some districts have a more elastic supply of English language human capital, which is particularly relevant for export-related jobs. I show that these districts attracted more export-oriented skilled jobs, speci cally in information technology (IT), and experienced greater growth in school enrollment. Consistent with this factor supply response, these districts experienced smaller growth in skilled wage premiums. An important motivation for this paper relates to the consequences of trade. Under a simple Heckscher-Ohlin model with two goods and two countries, the labor-abundant poor country should specialize in unskilled labor intensive industries after liberalization, increasing the demand for unskilled workers and lowering skilled wage premiums. In contrast, several recent studies in Latin America found that trade liberalization increased human capital premiums. 2 There is little evidence on East Asia, but conventional wisdom suggests a smaller e ect there. 3 There are multiple explanations for this divergence from standard trade theory. 4 Nevertheless, a key factor in understanding the e ects of globalization is the supply response of human capital. If the supply of skilled workers rises (as in East Asia, but less so in Latin IT refers to both software and business process outsourcing such as call centers and data entry rms. 2 See Goldberg and Pavcnik (2004) for a review of the literature, which includes, e.g., Hanson and Harrison (999), Feenstra and Hanson (997), Feliciano (993), Cragg and Epelbaum (996) on Mexico; Robbins, Gonzales and Menendez (995) on Argentina; Robbins (995a, 995b, 996b) on Chile and Uruguay; Robbins (996a), Attanasio, Goldberg and Pavcnik (2004) on Colombia; Robbins and Gindling (997) on Costa Rica. 3 See Wood (997) for a survey, Lindert and Williamson (200) and Wei and Wu (200). 4 Two explanations focus on global outsourcing (Feenstra and Hanson 996, 997) and complementarities between skill levels (Kremer and Maskin 2006). Others are discussed in Goldberg and Pavcnik (2004).
3 America 5 ), globalization s e ect on inequality may be mitigated. This paper also bears on the debate in many poor countries on whether to encourage people to retain diverse local languages, choose a single native language or promote a global language, such as English. Native language instruction in public schools can strengthen national identity, while instruction in a foreign language may be less accessible for poor households. If the global language is used in white-collar jobs, promoting that language may increase opportunities for the poor. 6 The ability to integrate better with the world economy may bring more trade bene ts to places that promote English. 7 This paper studies how human capital investments responded to Indian trade liberalization in the early 990s. These reforms, driven by a balance-of-payments crisis, led to an unexpected increase in global opportunities. In addition to reducing trade barriers, reforms removed most restrictions on private and foreign direct investment in telecommunications. While this shock was common across India, historical linguistic forces have created di erences in the ability of districts to take advantage of new opportunities. I examine how the impact of globalization varied with these pre-existing di erences. Speci cally, I show that the e ect of trade liberalization varies with the elasticity of human capital supply by exploiting exogenous variation in the cost of learning English. There is a serious challenge in identifying a causal e ect of lower English learning costs. State governments that care more about global opportunities may advance the teaching of English, but also pursue other policies that promote trade. I use variation driven by historical linguistic diversity that is exogenous to such outward-oriented policies and to reverse causality. In fact, this variation led people to learn English even in 96, long before trade reforms in the 990s were contemplated. In India, there is substantial local linguistic 5 See Attanasio and Szekely (2000), Sanchez-Paramo and Schady (2003). 6 See Human Development Report (2004), Angrist, Chin and Godoy (2006), Lang and Siniver (2006) and Angrist and Lavy (997). 7 Levinsohn (2004) examines how globalization in South Africa increases the returns to English. Using household data from a suburb of Mumbai, India, Munshi and Rosenzweig (2006) nd increases in the returns to English and enrollment in English-medium schools from 980 to
4 diversity that motivates individuals to learn a lingua franca. 8 The two choices are English and Hindi. Individuals whose mother tongue is linguistically further from Hindi have a lower relative opportunity cost of learning English: they nd Hindi more di cult to learn and they often su er psychic costs when speaking Hindi, since many feel Hindi was imposed on them. I rst show empirically that linguistic distance from Hindi induces some people to choose English and more schools to teach English. One could worry that variation in linguistic distance from Hindi may be correlated with unobserved regional di erences. However, due to the local linguistic diversity, I am able to rely purely on pre-existing within-region variation. The six regions each consist of 2-7 states, each of which is made up of -5 districts. 9 I also control for many other potential determinants of IT growth and education and rely on changes over time, comparing postliberalization to pre-liberalization schooling and wages. Figure maps the within-region variation in linguistic distance to Hindi that I exploit (details are provided in section 5.3). Using new data on the Indian IT sector, I show that IT rms were more likely to operate in districts with lower costs of English learning. My choice of the IT sector is driven by several factors. This industry grew primarily due to trade liberalization and technological progress; it is di cult to isolate other jobs created by trade reforms. In addition, IT rms almost exclusively hire English speakers; data on other jobs that require English is unavailable. 0 It is important to note that globalization in India consists of more than just IT, e.g. trade in other goods, foreign direct investment, tourism and migration. My IT estimates are likely to underestimate the impact of globalization on English-language opportunities; my estimates on schooling and wages are likely to be driven partly by these other opportunities. I next provide evidence that districts with native languages linguistically further from 8 A lingua franca is a language used as a common or commercial language among diverse linguistic groups. 9 Relying solely on within-state variation tells a very similar story, but there is less variation. 0 A search for English on an Indian job website (PowerJobs) delivered mostly ads in IT, but also postings for teachers, engineers, receptionists, secretaries, marketing executives and human resources professionals that required English uency. Many of these jobs are in multinational or exporting rms. See Topalova (2004, 2005) for the e ect of import competition on productivity and poverty in India. Edmonds, Pavcnik and Topalova (2007) nd that import competition reduces schooling, due to poverty. 3
5 Hindi experienced greater increases in school enrollment from 993 to 2002 relative to preexisting trends. Using individual-level data, I further nd that these districts experienced a smaller increase in the skilled wage premium. The fact that education and skilled wage premiums move in opposite directions is strong evidence that the supply response of human capital shapes the impact of globalization. Demand-driven explanations would predict an increase in both education and the skilled wage premium. The paper is organized as follows. Section 2 provides background information on trade liberalization and IT in India while section 3 develops a simple theoretical framework. Section 4 describes the Indian linguistic context. In section 5, I discuss the empirical strategy. Section 6 presents the results on IT rm presence and school enrollment growth, as well as a robustness check using variation in English literacy in 96. Finally, section 7 provides evidence on returns to education and section 8 concludes. 2 Background on trade liberalization and IT During much of the post-colonial period, India heavily controlled its economy and limited trade through strict investment licensing and import controls. In the late 970s and 980s, the government took small steps towards liberalization, but even as late as 990, numerous tari and non-tari obstacles limited trade. Policies in the 980s raised India s growth rate, but heavy borrowing led to a balance-of-payments crisis in 99, which resulted in a shift towards an open economy. Reforms ended most import licensing requirements for capital goods and slashed tari s. The March 992 Export-Import Policy reduced the number of goods that were banned for export from 85 to 6. From 439 goods subject to some control, the new regime limited only 296 exports. The government also lifted some capital controls and devalued the rupee, further reducing deterrents to trade. Exporters were allowed to sell foreign exchange in the free market or at a lower o cial price (Panagariya 2004). Prior to the early 990s, many services were heavily regulated by the government. State- 4
6 owned enterprises were large players in sectors such as insurance, banking, telecommunications and infrastructure. Reforms in the 990s reduced this level of state intervention. Most importantly, these sectors were opened up to private participation and foreign investment. The 994 National Telecommunications Policy opened cellular and other telephone services, previously a state monopoly, to both private and foreign investors. Due to technological progress, this policy was revised in 999 under the New Telecom Policy which further reduced limits on foreign direct investment (FDI) in telecommunications services. FDI for Internet service providers was also allowed with few conditions. FDI in e-commerce was free of all restrictions and foreign equity in software and electronics was granted automatic approval, particularly for IT exporters (Panagariya 2004). These policy changes led to remarkable growth in Indian exports; annual growth rose 3.3 percentage points in the 990s from the 980s. Service exports grew more rapidly than manufacturing exports; even within manufacturing, capital or skilled labor intensive sectors grew faster (Panagariya 2004). Along with technological progress, this policy shift led to the growth of IT services outsourced to India. By 2004, India was the single largest destination for foreign rms seeking to purchase IT services. IT outsourcing accounted for 5% of India s GDP in 2005, forecast to contribute 7% to projected growth to 200 (Economist 2006). Employment growth has been strong: from 56,000 professionals in 990-9, the sector employed 83,500 in 2003, implying an annual growth rate of over 20%. In particular, the IT sector increased job opportunities for young, educated workers; the median IT professional is 27.5 years old and 8% have a bachelor s degree (NASSCOM 2004). An entry-level call center job pays on average Rs. 0,000 ($230), considered high for a rst job (Economist 2005). The supply of engineers is also found to have in uenced the growth of India s software industry (Arora and Gambardella 2004; Arora and Bagde 2007). IT rms are relatively free to locate based on the availability of educated, English-speaking workers, due to their young age, export focus and reliance on foreign capital. While many IT rms are concentrated in a few large cities, young rms have spread out to smaller cities to avoid congestion. Figure 5
7 2 maps IT establishments, demonstrating how new rms have spread out across districts. Trade liberalization in the early 990s was a shock prompted by external factors; the ad-hoc steps in the 980s did not re ect a systematic shift towards an open economy. An underlying assumption for my identi cation strategy is that these reforms were not implemented di erently in areas with many English speakers in order to gain from trade in services. This is unlikely since the balance-of-payments crisis that motivated the policy shift and the advances in telecommunications and information technology were unrelated and unexpected. 3 Theoretical framework Next, I describe a simple model of how the e ects of globalization vary with English learning costs. Consider two districts that di er only in this cost (LC and HC for low and high cost, respectively). In the case where most people in either district do not speak English, as in India, a lower cost will generate a higher elasticity of English human capital. 2 I specify production processes for two goods, one of which is tradeable, and a schooling decision between English- and Hindi-medium instruction. I solve the model before and after trade liberalization to compare the changes in education and the skilled wage premium. After trade reforms, the cost of transporting the traded good falls su ciently to facilitate its production and export from this economy. 3 English- and Hindi-speaking skilled workers are equally productive in the domestic sector, but only English speakers can produce the globally traded good. 4 Goods travel freely between districts, but workers do not. Trade reforms cause a positive demand shock for skills, but the impact depends on the supply elasticity of human capital. Identical shocks would cause a greater increase in human capital, but a smaller increase in the wage premium, where the supply is more elastic ( gure 3). However, more exporting rms should locate in the low cost LC since it is easier to hire English speakers. The increase in education should still be larger in LC, but the relative 2 I do not make an explicit assumption about the elasticity, but this fact aids in the discussion. 3 I abstract from why India exports goods intensive in skilled labor instead of unskilled labor. 4 We can think of this good as IT or any good or service requiring English-speaking workers. 6
8 change in the wage premium depends on the size of the shocks ( gure 4). Formally, I vary the di erence in demand shocks by changing the importance of a second factor in the production of the traded good that is xed in the short run, e.g. infrastructure. The more intensive production is in this factor, the more similar the demand shocks. Varying this factor s endowment also predicts how districts with di erent business environments respond to trade: a pro-business district should see greater growth in both education and the skilled wage premium. 3. Production processes for traded and non-traded goods The non-traded good, Y, is consumed in both districts and produced using LY Y = min ; H Y + E Y L H where L > H where L Y, H Y and E Y are quantities of unskilled, Hindi- and English-skilled labor and the s are parameters. Since Hindi- and English-skilled workers are perfect substitutes, rms hire the cheaper workers. Prior to trade liberalization, English and Hindi speakers earn the same wage. The amount of Y produced is determined by the availability of labor. After trade liberalization, rms who start producing the traded good, X, set up in either district, taking the price of X, p X, as given. The production function is X = F E X where 0 < < where E X is the amount of English-speaking skilled labor used and F is the exogenous endowment of the xed factor that earns a return r F. We can think of F as infrastructure (such as telecommunication networks) that is slow to change, immobile entrepreneurs or even the business environment more generally. 7
9 3.2 Schooling decisions Individuals live for one period and work as unskilled labor or get instantaneous education in English or Hindi and work as skilled labor. P people, born each period, di er in a parameter c i, distributed uniformly over [0; ]. A second parameter, j >, measures the cost of learning English and varies by district j: the low cost district LC has a lower j than the high cost district HC. We can interpret this parameter as the linguistic distance to Hindi of the language spoken in the district: people in LC speak a language further from Hindi. 5 That education is available only in English and Hindi corresponds to the two linguae franca. Studying in Hindi costs (t H + c i ) w U where t H is xed (0 < t H < ) and w U is the unskilled wage. Studying in English costs t E + j c i wu where t E is xed (0 < t E < ). Given this simpli ed cost structure, I assume that t E < t H, allowing education in English to be cheaper than in Hindi for some people to ensure that we have some English speakers in autarky. 6 The results are robust to assuming t E = t H but the model would then generate no English speakers in autarky. To simplify the algebra, I let t E = 0 and t H = t. Individuals maximize lifetime income. Skilled individuals earn w H or w E depending on the language of instruction they choose. Since all skilled workers are equally productive in the Y sector, w E w H. When solving the individual s problem, I ignore the unrealistic case in which there are no Hindi-skilled workers. Thus, people with low values of c i get English schooling, those in the middle study in Hindi and those with higher c i remain unskilled. Letting H and E be the number of Hindi- and English-skilled workers, respectively, I de ne two additional terms: total education, ED = H + E, and the weighted average return to skill, bq = w HH+w E E w U (H+E). 5 While linguistic distance to Hindi can vary within a district as well, this simpli cation is not unrealistic since individuals close to Hindi in the low cost district may still be in uenced by more English instruction schools and an equilibrium where most people speak English. 6 While it may seem odd that English education can be cheaper than Hindi in India, the fact that in some states more people speak English than Hindi suggests this is realistic: the absolute cost of studying English may be less than Hindi for some people. 8
10 3.3 Characterizing the equilibrium In equilibrium, all labor markets must clear. Skilled labor market clearing depends on whether the demand for English speakers exceeds their initial supply. Recall that even when w E = w H, some individuals choose to study in English. If, in equilibrium, the demand for English speakers is less than this initial supply (case A), then w E = w H because the remaining English speakers work in the Y sector. The market clearing condition is H Y + F w E (p X ( )) wh w U tw U = P w U () If the demand for English speakers exceeds the natural supply, then w E > w H and no English speakers work in the Y industry (case B). The labor market clearing conditions are H Y = P w H w U tw U w U w U t + w E w H w U j! (2) F w E (p X ( )) = P w U t + w E w H w U j (3) In both cases, the labor market clearing condition for unskilled workers is L Y = P w H w U tw U w U (4) These labor market clearing conditions, zero pro t conditions for each sector and the production function for X close the model. Good Y is the numeraire. The equilibrium without any trade is a special case of A when F = 0. Since the demand for English-skilled workers rises after trade liberalization, the wage for English speakers has to rise. Now that fewer English speakers are working in the Y industry, the wage for Hindi-skilled workers rises as well to keep the ratio of skilled to unskilled workers in Y production constant. To compare how these changes di er in districts with di erent levels of j, we have to rst solve the equilibrium in both cases A and B. 9
11 Proposition Case A. If, in equilibrium, we = w H, i.e. the demand for English-skilled workers is less than or equal to the natural supply, then E is falling and H is rising in the cost of learning English, j. Total education, ED, the amount of X produced and the average return to education, bq, are independent of j. Proof. All proofs are found in the appendix. If the two districts LC and HC are both in this case, they will have identical wages, production of X and returns to education. They will also have identical total education, but the low cost district will have a higher proportion of English speakers. I next solve case B. Proposition 2 Case B. If, in equilibrium, we > w H, i.e. the demand for English-skilled workers is greater than the natural supply, then E is falling and H is rising in the cost of learning English, j. Total education, ED, and the amount of X produced are both falling in j, but the e ect of an increase in j on the average return to education, bq, is ambiguous. Proposition 3 (in the appendix) provides the necessary and su cient condition for whether a district is in case A or B. Intuitively, a district is no longer in case A when the demand for English speakers exceeds the natural supply: the high cost district, with fewer initial English speakers, will leave case A at a lower value of F. The intuition behind the e ect of j on returns to education is simple. English-skilled workers are less elastic in HC since the cost of English is higher and most people do not speak English in either district; therefore their wage must rise more. Similarly, the greater relative elasticity of Hindi-skilled workers in HC results in a smaller increase in the Hindi wage. These changes are constrained, however, by the constant skilled-unskilled labor ratio in Y production and the relative size of the demand shocks for English speakers. When X production is intensive in F (a high ), the amount of X that can be produced is more constrained by the amount of F available: the demand for English speakers in the two districts cannot be too di erent. Thus, the return to education increases by more in HC ( gure 4a). 0
12 If X production is less intensive in F, the demand shock for skilled labor in LC can be much bigger than in HC, increasing the return to education by more in LC ( gure 4b). I test two predictions of this model, assuming districts in India are in case B (since there is evidence of a return to speaking English 7 ). First, the district with a lower English learning cost should produce more X and second, school enrollment in the low cost district should grow faster after liberalization. Finally, I provide evidence that the average return to education rises by more in higher cost districts. Using this simple model, it is straightforward to examine the e ect of di erences in the endowment of F, the xed factor (proposition 4 in the appendix). A district with more F would produce more X and experience a larger increase in both education and skilled wage premiums. Thus, the fact that returns to skill move in the opposite direction from educational attainment is evidence against the possibility that these results are driven by improvements in the business environment, such as from state level economic reforms. 4 Linguistic distance from Hindi 4. Language of government and media of instruction The 96 Census of India documented 652 mother tongues from ve distinct language families, many of which are quite dissimilar. Linguists classify languages such as English and Hindi into the same family (Indo-European), but are unwilling to connect some languages native to India, such as Hindi and Kannada (spoken in Karnataka). As of 99, 22 languages were native to more than a million people and 4 languages native to 0,000. Much of this diversity is local. One measure of diversity is the probability that two randomly chosen district residents speak di erent native languages, calculated as one minus the Her ndahl index (the sum of squared population shares of ethnic groups). On average, this probability is 25.6%, ranging from % to 89%. A district s primary language is native to 83% of residents 7 See Munshi and Rosenzweig (2006).
13 on average, ranging from 22% to 00%. Due to this local diversity, many individuals need to learn a lingua franca (Clingingsmith 2006). Of all multilingual individuals who were not native speakers, 60% chose to learn Hindi and 56% chose to learn English 8. These are clearly the two linguae franca: at only 6%, Kannada was the next most common second language. The choice of whether to learn Hindi or English depends on an individual s mother tongue. Someone whose mother tongue is similar to Hindi will nd Hindi easier to learn, giving them a greater opportunity cost of learning English, relative to someone whose mother tongue is more di erent. Historical forces have ampli ed this tendency. During British occupation, English was established as the language of government and instruction. After Independence in 947, a nationalist movement to choose an indigenous o cial language favored Hindi, the native lingua franca. Despite opposition from non Hindi speakers, the o cial status of Hindi was written into the constitution. This led to riots in non Hindi-speaking areas, the most violent of which occurred in Tamil Nadu in 963. Speakers of other languages felt at a disadvantage speaking Hindi. In 967, the central government made Hindi and English joint o cial languages (Hohenthal 2003): this status reinforces their dominance as the two linguae franca. This history explains greater English literacy among speakers of languages linguistically distant to Hindi. In fact, in some states more people speak English than Hindi. Over time, this relationship became institutionalized through media of instruction. Early growth in formal education, in the early nineteenth century, was driven by the British who sought to foster an elite class to govern the country (Nurullah and Naik 949, Kamat 985). By Independence, missionary societies and princely states had set up many schools in native languages. In 993, English was still the main medium of tertiary instruction, but there were over 28 media of instruction in urban primary schools. Hindi was most common with 38% of schools and English was second with 9%. At the secondary level, this di erence was smaller: instruction was in Hindi in 29% of schools and English in 20%. I examine the linguistic choices of native Hindi speakers empirically, since these are 8 More than three hundred million people speak Hindi as a rst language, while only 80,000 are native English speakers; thus, many more people speak Hindi than English. 2
14 governed by two opposing forces. While they may not need another lingua franca, English allows them to interact with more additional people than any other second language. Since schools often require a second language, we might expect Hindi natives to learn English. 4.2 Measuring linguistic distance My main measure of linguistic distance from Hindi was developed in consultation with an expert on Indo-European languages, Jay Jasano, the Diebold Professor of Indo-European Linguistics and Philology at Harvard University. This measure is based on classifying languages into ve degrees of distance from Hindi (see gure 5). For example, Punjabi is one degree from Hindi, while Bengali is three degrees away. From the 99 Census of India, I calculate a district s linguistic distance from Hindi in two ways: ) the population-weighted average distance of all native languages and 2) the population share speaking languages at least 3 degrees away ( distant speakers ). Table 2 provides summary statistics. To ensure that my measure captures linguistic similarity, I calculate two logically independent measures which turn out to be highly correlated with my preferred measure. The rst measure is based on language family trees from the Ethnologue database. Figure 6 provides an extract that includes Indo-European languages found in India. I de ne distance as the number of nodes between two languages: Punjabi is ve nodes from Hindi, while Bengali is seven nodes away. I assume there is a node connecting di erent families. The second measure is the percent of cognates between each language and Hindi from a list of 20 core words. 9 Expert judgments on which words are cognates are from the Dyen et al. (997) dataset of 95 Indo-European languages. 20 Table a provides examples of cognates; table b lists the percent of cognates for some languages spoken in India. While Punjabi has 74.5% cognates with Hindi, Bengali has 64.%. Reassuringly, the correlation between 9 This measure is used in glottochronology, a method to estimate the time of divergence between languages (Swadesh 972). The formula converting the percent of cognates into a time of divergence is currently out of favor among linguists, but the percent of cognates is still an acceptable measure of similarity. 20 I assume other languages have 5% of words in common with Hindi. Linguists use 5% as a threshold to determine whether languages are related. For Indo-European languages not in Dyen s list or on Jasano s chart, I use the value of the closest language in the tree. 3
15 these measures is remarkably high: between my preferred measure and the number of nodes, and respectively between these and the percent cognates. 5 Identi cation and empirical speci cations My identi cation strategy - using within-region variation in the cost of learning English driven by linguistic diversity - depends on two assumptions. First, linguistic distance from Hindi must predict the cost of learning English and second, it must not be correlated with omitted factors that a ect schooling or exports conditional on region xed e ects and control variables. If a good measure of English learning costs were available, I would instrument for the cost of English with linguistic distance to Hindi. However, a comprehensive district-level measure of this cost is unavailable, partly due to data limitations and partly because the cost of English is multi-dimensional. We would want to include how many schools teach English and how many adults speak English at the very least, both unavailable at the district level. Instead, I present reduced form results using the weighted average and percent distant speakers measures of linguistic distance. I also proxy for the cost of learning English with the percent of schools teaching in the regional mother tongue, the only data available by district. Since English is not a regional mother tongue, this proxy is a lower bound for schools that do not teach in English. In the next subsection, I provide evidence for the rst assumption by demonstrating that linguistic distance from Hindi predicts English literacy using data on second languages spoken by state and mother tongue. After that, I describe the speci cations to test the e ects of globalization and in the following two subsections, I discuss support for the second assumption. 4
16 5. Linguistic distance and learning English Using data from the Census of India (96 and 99), I estimate E lkt = D l + 0 X lk + t + g + lkt where E lkt is the percent of native speakers of language l in state k, region g and year t who choose to learn English (conditional on being multilingual), D l is the distance of language l from Hindi, and t is a year xed e ect. I include region xed e ects, g, (for north, northeast, east, south, west and central India), taking out regional variation in the probability of learning English. X lk includes the share of language l speakers in state k and an indicator for whether language l is the state s primary language. I weight observations by the number of native speakers and cluster the standard errors by state. The results con rm the relationship between learning English and linguistic distance to Hindi (table 3). In column, I include dummy variables for each distance from Hindi. Languages degree away from Hindi are the omitted group. Two points are worth making. First, individuals at a linguistic distance of zero (native speakers of Hindi and Urdu 2 ) tend to learn English. Recall that the prediction on their behavior was ambiguous since they already speak a lingua franca: they have less need of a second language, but English gives them access to more additional people. This creates a non-monotonicity in the relationship between linguistic distance and English learning. In gure 7, I plot the coe cient on each distance from Hindi with a 95% con dence interval to convey this result graphically. The propensity to learn English dips signi cantly when we move away from native Hindi speakers and then rises as native tongues get further. In my regressions, I account for the non-monotonicity by controlling for the percent of native Hindi speakers and calculating the weighted average linguistic distance only among non Hindi speakers. The percent of distant speakers measure is not a ected by this non-monotonicity. I can also exploit this non-monotonicity since 2 Hindi and Urdu are often considered the same language. Separating them gives similar results. 5
17 districts with more Hindi speakers, all else equal, are likely to have more English speakers. 22 Second, linguistic distance from Hindi signi cantly predicts how many multilingual individuals learn English. The p-value at the bottom of column tests whether the dummy variables are jointly di erent from zero. The individual dummy variables are not strictly increasing, but the deviation is small. Thus, it is important to examine both the weighted average and percent distant speakers, since the latter does not impose a linear structure. Columns 2-3 in table 3 test both reduced form measures of linguistic distance. One linguistic degree increases the percent of multilinguals who learn English by 8.9 percentage points. Speaking a language 3 or more degrees from Hindi increases the percent of English speakers by 42 points relative to speakers of languages and 2 degrees away. Columns 3-7 con rm these ndings for 96 and 99 separately. The relationship between linguistic distance from Hindi and learning English existed even in 96; this supports the fact that this relationship is exogenous to recent trade reforms. 23 The control variables matter as expected: individuals are more likely to learn English in 99 and they are more likely to learn English the more other people in their state share their mother tongue (minorities are likely to learn the regional language rst). I reject the hypothesis that speaking any language other than Hindi has a uniform e ect on learning English by testing the equality of all linguistic distance xed e ects. Recall that these regressions include region xed e ects: the tendency to learn English is stronger for people further from Hindi even within a region. The results in table 4 lend further credence to the use of linguistic distance. Columns -2 show linguistic distance to Hindi does not in uence the decision to become multilingual. Columns 3-4 demonstrate that linguistic distance to Hindi is measured sensibly since individuals further from Hindi are less likely to learn Hindi. All results in tables 3 and 4 are robust to including state xed e ects and clustering by native language, to account for 22 Hindi speakers are not explicitly in the theoretical model, but we would expect that for them, education in English costs more than in Hindi but the economic return to English outweighs the cost. The predictions would not change if I modelled the non-monotonic relationship between linguistic distance to Hindi and j. 23 These results are robust to using the overall share of English learners or the number of English speakers as the dependent variable instead. 6
18 correlated errors between speakers of the same language. I next explore how distance from Hindi of languages spoken in a state predicts whether schools teach English by estimating M ij = D j + P j + 0 2Z j + i + g + ij (5) where M ij measures language instruction at school level i (primary, upper primary, secondary or higher secondary) in state j, D j is the linguistic distance from Hindi of languages spoken in state j, and P j is child population (aged 5-9, in millions). 24 Z j includes average household wage income, average income for educated individuals, the percent of adults with regular jobs, the percent of households with electricity, and the percent of people who: have graduated from college, have completed high school, are literate, are Muslim, or regularly use a train. These are measured for urban areas in 987. I focus on urban areas since the e ects of globalization, such as growth in IT rms, are likely to be concentrated in cities. I include the percent native English speakers, the distance to the closest of the 0 most populous cities and whether the district is on the coast to account for potential trade routes. 25 The vector Z j includes the percent native Hindi speakers to account for the non-monotonicity described above. To ensure that these results are not driven by native Hindi populations in the "Hindi Belt" states with high levels of corruption and government ine ciency, I include an indicator variable for the following states: Bihar, Uttar Pradesh (and Uttaranchal), Madhya Pradesh (and Chhattisgarh), Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chandigarh and Delhi. In addition, I include region and level (primary, secondary...) xed e ects. The data appendix describes the sources. The results show that linguistic distance from Hindi predicts the percent of schools that teach in English (columns -2 of table 5) or teach English as a second language (columns 3-4). An increase in degree in the average distance from Hindi increases the percent of 24 These regressions are at the state-level since district-level data is unavailable. 25 All results are also robust to including a dummy variable for bordering a foreign country. 7
19 schools teaching in English by about 20 percentage points and the percent of schools teaching English by 33 points. More Hindi speakers also increases the teaching of English, but only when linguistic distance is measured by the percent distant speakers. It is not surprising that not all of these columns yield a signi cant result since the data is aggregated to the state level, leaving little within-region variation. 5.2 Empirical speci cations Using this strategy, I rst test whether globalization has had a larger impact in districts with lower costs of learning English by studying the IT sector. Growth in IT is one potential bene t of promoting English, since IT rms hire mostly educated English speakers. I estimate IT jt = D j + 0 Z j + 0 2W j + t + g + jt (6) where IT jt is a measure of IT presence in district j in year t and D j measures linguistic distance. Z j is as in equation (5) and W j includes other potential predictors of IT rm location such as log population, the number of elite engineering colleges, the distance to the closest airport, and the percent of non-migrant engineers in 987. As before I cluster the standard errors by district. The measures of IT presence include the existence of any headquarters or branches, the age of the oldest rm, the log number of headquarters and branches and the log number of employees. 26 The data, described in the appendix, contains only rm-level, not branch-level, employment; I assign employees evenly across branches to estimate employment by district. Summary statistics can be found in table 6. To study how schooling responds in districts with di erent costs of learning English, I 26 I add one before taking the natural log to avoid dropping districts with no IT presence. 8
20 use enrollment from three years (987,993, and 2002) to estimate log (S ijt ) log(s ijt ) = D j I (t = 2002) + log (S ijt ) + 0 2P jt (7) + 0 3Z j I (t = 2002) + 4 B jt + j + t + gt + it + ijt where S ijt is enrollment in grade i in district j, region g and time t, I () is an indicator function, D j and Z j are as above 27 and P jt includes log child population at time t and t. j controls for district trends and it is a cohort e ect. Region xed e ects are interacted with time, allowing for region-speci c changes in trend. As before, I use only data from urban areas 28 and cluster by district. I also include B jt, a proxy for skilled labor demand growth, to control for other factors that may in uence demand for education. B jt measures predictable changes in skilled labor demand. This variable, calculated along the lines of Bartik (99), is an average of national industry employment growth rates weighted by pre-liberalization industrial composition of district employment. B jt should not be correlated with local labor supply shocks but may pick up some of the e ect of reforms through national employment growth. Details are in the appendix. Since the data consist of the number of students enrolled, not enrollment rates, I control for population among 5-9 year-olds from the 99 and 200 Census - I cannot use a more precise population for each grade since children start school at di erent ages and often fail to be promoted. Enrollment increased dramatically, by 32%, between 993 and 2002 (see table 7), but the increases were greater in the highest grades. 5.3 Origins of linguistic distance variation It is important to pinpoint the source of within-region variation in linguistic distance. Figure 8 maps the raw variation in percent distant speakers, demonstrating that linguistic 27 Since I already include district xed e ects, Z j is interacted with I (t = 2002), allowing pre-liberalization di erences to have a di erent e ect post reform. The results are robust to not including these controls. 28 The results are robust to using total school enrollment in the district; rural areas show no signi cant di erences in enrollment. 9
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It has been really good and I thoroughly recommend it. Especially if you are in a wheelchair and never been on a cruise, it's a great way to travel.
|Me at the start of the cruise in Ocean Terminal
Also the gangplank situation is hair raising if you are in a wheelchair. Seriously, if the able bodied passengers had to put up with that every time they had to get off the ship, there probably wouldn't be any port stops at all. What's the answer? Hmm, I don't know but I'm sure it will involve money and therefore it won't get done anytime soon. If anyone at P&O would like to experience it for themselves and then work out a solution, that would be my first suggestion.
Today was spent reading (cakes galore!) and eating and last minute packing.
This afternoon Andy and I went to the Footlights Theatre for Andy to listen to a piano player playing classical music. I read my kindle as it's not really my thing, but it was good from a technical point of view.
No photos of our last meal as I didn't take any. Be assured, it was delish!!
Southampton - 16 March 2013
The next day we arrived in Southampton. Andy opened the curtain and we had arrived. The sky was grey and cloudy ..... no mistaking we had arrived in the United Kingdom.
We got up super early and was up in the Plaza buffet for our last delicious breakfast. Everyone else was up early too and it was the busiest we'd seen it up there.
Then we went back to the cabin to pick our hand luggage and we had to be out of the cabin before 8am. So we were out by 7.45am and had to go to Le Club on the 7th deck where all the other disabled passengers were congregated.
There was quite a queue for the lifts what with everyone needing to use them. Did everyone NEED to use the lifts? Yes if they were elderly with lots of suitcases but NO if they were fit and younger. But, of course me and a lot of older people seemed to be left waiting while the younger and fitter squeezed into the available lifts .......
We went there incase we might need assistance getting off the ship. We didn't so luckily didn't have to wait too long and disembarked by around 9.15am.
We went down with the rest of the passengers back into Ocean Terminal to find the rest of our luggage.
We were so lucky because we didn't have to wait long before Drew, our taxi driver, arrived to take us back home.
I will be back for more tales to tell soon but that is my cruise diary finished with.
Until the next time. Thanks for stopping by.

subset: commoncrawl


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International customers experience IPEX innovations at Heidelberg
Wednesday, October 27, 2010
Press release from the issuing company
The three Commercial Print Information Days took place at the Print Media Center (PMC) in Heidelberg at the start of October. Almost 250 participants from all over the world gathered information about the entire process chain in the small and medium formats, from prepress and press to postpress. Exhibits included the Suprasetter A75, Speedmaster SM 52, SM 52 Anicolor, SM 74, Stahlfolder TH 56, and Eurobind EB 600. All the units are integrated along the process chain using the Prinect print shop workflow. The IPEX innovations Prinect-S and Easy Control generated considerable interest - they help small- and medium-sized print shops in particular to target their portfolios even more successfully in terms of cost-effectiveness and quality and harness the benefits of integrated production for the first time. Prinect-S enables a quick and reliable introduction to lean print production. Users benefit from all the key basic functions required to combine prepress and pressroom management in a single print shop workflow. Prinect-S offers automated prepress with PDF processing, layout creation, and proof/plate output plus management of all print jobs, including color presetting. Prinect Easy Control is an entry-level color measuring system for the Speedmaster SM 52 and SM 74 presses that is integrated into the Prinect Press Center press control station.
A further highlight during the PMC Commercial Print Information Days was the Speedmaster XL 75 with the Prinect Inpress Control inline measuring system. This system automatically measures and controls color and register inline, doing so on the fly and ensuring fast setup and continuous production monitoring, which cuts paper waste signify-cantly. Presentations on Heidelberg services such as Remote Service and eCall and on Saphira consumables rounded off the event.
The second event, which was held at the Print Media Center in Wiesloch-Walldorf in mid-October, was devoted to the IPEX innovation Speedmaster SM 52 Anicolor with new coating unit, high-pile delivery, and new DryStar Coating dryer. The some 50 visitors from Germany were impressed by this entry-level coating solution and its outstanding productivity, made possible by Anicolor technology. The Speedmaster SM 52 Anicolor generates 90 percent less paper waste, which particularly benefits the environment as well as offering fast makeready times. It is aimed at small- to medium-sized commercial print shops that can use it to enhance their added value through additional coating applications and get to the postpress stage faster. In addition to a purely protective coating, matt, gloss, and drip-off coatings are also possible. The event also featured a Speedmaster SM 52-2P equipped with a creasing and die-cutting solution from Cito, offering a fast and cost-effective alternative to conventional postpress technology. Print shops can stand out from the crowd through short delivery times, high quality, and cost-effective production, particularly in small-format printing.
Industry News
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Having a coffee everyday is an energizing staple for many consumers that can quickly add up when constantly purchased at cafes, making the La Colombe canned foam lattes an ideal alternative for consumers looking to have the same cafe quality beverage at home. The drink is pre-made and packaged in a drinking can format for quick drinking and maximum portability.
La Colombe Draft Latte is a nine ounce can filled with cold pressed espresso topped with frothed milk. The beverage is meant to recreate the same luxurious taste of a freshly made latte at a bistro or cafe without the need to wait in line. The grab-and-go design is ideal for busy consumers looking to enjoy the caffeinated drink while on-the-go or at home. Due to the format, the latte is served as a cold pressed beverage rather than hot.
Canned Foam Lattes
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Stadium-Style Cafes
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Protein Cake Bars
Clinical Cold Brew Branding
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Software development is a challenging and chaotic endeavor and in the fight for survival and success it is all too easy to lose focus of your development process. However, while software development and 'chopping wood' is your business, perfecting development processes and 'sharpening axes' is ours. We help you identify, prioritize and remove bottlenecks from your software development process. We help our clients:
We hire and train the best in the field of Continuous Delivery and DevOps. People that love to fix things, automate everything and improve the world of software development. Then we direct them at tough problems in your organization.
We will never just sell you a body or a named resource. The Continuous Delivery ecosystem requires an ever-expanding skill set that is not available in a single person. So when you enter into an consulting engagement with us, you don't have to choose between a strategic consulting expert, a Jenkins ninja, an IT infrastructure automation guru or a top trainer. You get them all. We use our pool of experts to get you exactly the skills you need, where and when you need them.


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Oh, how I used to love the 'Choose your own adventure' (CYOA) books as a child! I had a whole shelf full of them and spent hours on end reading then, scribbling notes for myself, throwing dice, getting frustrated when dying, cheating a bit… I still have a few of these books, but rarely do I pick them up nowadays, since modern gaming has brought us all them graphics and fancy things where I don't even have to use my imagination anymore. So when I stumbled upon Magium in the play store, I was just about to go on a short trip away from the city and as the wave of nostalgia hit me, I figured I'd give it a shot. And boy, was it worth it!
I don't really want to spoil anything for anyone, so I will not write anything about it's content, but trust me on this one: This 'game' is amazing! The writing style is not too complicated, it fits the style of the CYOA genre well, since it doesn't spent too much time on descriptions and keeps the story fast-paced and exciting. What makes Magium special though are the characters you get to know along the story. I fell in love with each and every one of them! Not to mention the story itself. I could barely stop playing it and whenever I stopped, I was craving more instantly. Also, this 'game' has an insanely high replay value, since some of your choices change the story entirely. This is one of the most addicting games since anything that Bioware made (okay, not anything, but we don't talk about Dragon Age 2 and Mass Effect 3 – that ending still haunts me).
The 'game' consists of several books, not all of them actually written yet, so far I've finished the first one which you can access for free if you can tolerate all them ads popping up during your playthrough. You can also get the available parts of book 2 for free if you complete 25 out of 35 achievements, which I might do, since I am already curious what a different playthrough would be like. If I understand it correctly, the game is still sort of in the making with new chapters and books coming out as time passes, which can be a bit discouraging for an addict like me. Still, I will most likely end up buying the game, because it is more than worth its price (which is approximately 3 Euros currently).
I'd say this game is a must for every CYOA fan out there.


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Event and floral design
Paris, France
Personnalised scenography concept Personnalised floral decor design Decorative items selection Floral arrangements creation Decor set up Floral arrangements set up Option : Personalized stationary and printing (seating plan, table name, escort cards) Here is Valerie de Taillac wedding decorator vision: "I attach great importance to the aesthetics of my designs. Creating a wedding decor is not limited to a simple accumulation of pretty pieces, it is necessary that each piece find its place, integrates, bring into light ... I think each decoration is unique, and what I am interested in, is to stick to the tastes and personality of each couple and build with them a setting that resembles their personalities. I try to bring out what characterizes them through a scenography with the atmosphere, the style, the colors. I design my decorations as if they were paintings, each piece has its place, accurate, useful, but I also create "accidents" to break the regularity of the set and bring her depth. The idea is to create a kind of uproar mastered. Floral decoration plays an essential role because it is what helps give life to a setting and especially provoke emotions. In contact with the flowers, the effect is immediate: the newlyweds and their guests feel positive and happy emotions. Not having any floral training, I consider the floral design in a totally uninhibited way. Without shackles or imposed methods, I work flowers my own way I love that them to move freely, so they echo the setting details, and blend naturally in the atmosphere. To create wedding decorations is extremely pleasant, I am sensitive to the beauty of the marriages and I like the idea of contributing to sublimate them."


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What's THE ONE THING about your town… that made you stay? That made you leave? That made you… return?
Share your story on the website Cowbird, and your town could be featured on the award-winning NPR program State of the Re:Union in 2014!
People keep leaving rural America. According to U.S. Census figures from 2010, just 16% of the country's population lives in rural areas, down from 20% in 2000, and down dramatically from 72% about a hundred years ago. Behind those statistics, though, is a whole collection of stories, both of the people who left their rural hometowns— and of those who've stayed, that small percentage of Americans who still live in the hollers, backwoods, and ranches of this nation. There are stories, too, of people who've returned, drawn back to the small towns they left for myriad reasons. We want to know those reasons, and the story of rural life that they tell.
In this partnership, State of the Re:Union, Cowbird, and the interactive documentary Hollow are working together to gather stories of small town America, and the narratives behind both the exodus and the forces that keep people from leaving.
There are so many things we love and hate about where we're from…. Share THE ONE THING that made you decide to stay or go.


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Paul Hollywood 10-inch Non-Stick Brownie Pan
Item number KP4FV
Paul Hollywood 10-inch Non-Stick Brownie PanWell-loved celebrity chef Paul Hollywood knows a thing or two about the art of home baking. That's why he's teamed up with Kitchen Craft, designing and creating a fantastic range of cookware that will help anyone reach their potential to become a star baker.
A great all-rounder, this carbon steel brownie tin is ideal for everything from nutty, crunchy biscotti to rustic bakewell slices and of course the classic – gooey, warm brownies.
Crafted from carbon steel, it's made to be really durable, so there's no warping or corrosion, and as there are two layers of non-stick coating, food pops out quickly and easily, without losing its shape.
And, if you're stuck for ideas on what to make, Paul has even included the recipe for one of his showstoppers – chocolate brownies with dried cranberries – so you can get your baking off to a delicious start!
Search Paul Hollywood to see the whole collection.