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1 Should There Be Public Financing of Congressional Campaigns? Author(s): Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. Source: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 486, Regulating Campaign Finance, (Jul., 1986), pp Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and Social Science Stable URL: Accessed: 02/07/ :02 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
2 ANNALS, AAPSS, 486, July 1986 Should There Be Public Financing of Congressional Campaigns? By CHARLES McC. MATHIAS, Jr. ABSTRACT: In spite of seemingly comprehensive campaign finance reforms enacted by Congress beginning in 1971, the current system of financing congressional campaigns threatens to erode public confidence in the electoral process and in government itself. The sheer volume of money in campaigns has led to the perception that those who pay the campaign bills wield disproportionate influence in the process, or at a minimum enjoy greater access to elected representatives than do individual citizens. Public funding of congressional races is a workable means of lessening candidates' reliance on private contributions. Moreover, it is the only effective means of placing reasonable limits on overall campaign spending. Charles McC. Mathias, Jr., Republicanfrom Maryland, has been a member of the United States Congress since 1960 and has served in the Senate since He currently is chairman of the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration, which has oversight of the Federal Election Commission and laws governing campaign finance. He is a graduate of Haverford College (B.A., 1944) and the University of Maryland Law School (LL.B., 1949). 64
3 CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE 65 AMUEL Johnson once remarked that nothing is so conducive to a good conscience as the suspicion that someone may be watching. This observation reminds us of the purpose and underlying principle of campaign finance reform. In a perfect world, there would be no need to proscribe certain behavior in the setting of political campaigns, since individuals would not seek influence through their contributions, candidates would never be beholden to large donors, and the system itself would remain an open one. In the real world, campaign finance laws are necessary rules of behavior designed to protect the political process and promote certain basic democratic values. These laws and their enforcement help ensure that elections and government itself are free of abuses that would subvert democratic society. The dynamics of the electoral system have such far-reaching ramifications for how we conduct ourselves as a democratic nation that we cannot view campaign finance in isolation from other facets of the democratic process. Our understanding of the nature of representation and participatory democracy, what we mean by consent of the governed, and our view of the legitimate function of government are integral to any discussion of what we want campaign finance reform to accomplish. The way in which we conduct our elections must then defer to these broader principles and values. The role of money in elections is a troubling spectacle to this nation in The first stages of reform have given us a great wealth of information on campaign finances, but the statistics also warn that the problems of big money in the process persist. The potential for abuse lingers on because of unfinished business: the Congress's failure to provide for public financing of congressional campaigns. The concept of public financing of elections in this country is not new. In 1907, President Theodore Roosevelt supported the concept in his state-ofthe-union message. In 1907, the Progressive Republican program was seen as the only way to get corrupt money and excessive money out of elections, and that is truer than ever 79 years later. Campaign finance data of the last 14 years and the current role of money in politics demonstrate conclusively that the American public would be better served by a system of publicly funded congressional elections than by any other single campaign finance reform now under consideration. MONEY IN CAMPAIGNS The sheer volume of money in the political process should be sufficient to prove the case for limiting its influence. Campaign finance experts estimate that campaign spending for all elective offices reached $1.2 billion in The 1982 midterm elections saw campaign spending top $900 million.2 If the cost of congressional mass mailings in the amount of $100 million is added to the total, we again reach the billion-dollar figure. Another record-setting year was 1984: candidates for the House and Senate spent more than $374 million.3 1. U.S., Congress, Senate, Committee on Rules and Administration, Hearings on Campaign Finance Reform Proposals of 1983, 98th Cong., 1st sess., 26 and 27 Jan., 17 May, and 29 Sept. 1983, pp. 99, "A $900 Million Election Stirs Reform Cries," U.S. News & World Report, 20 Dec. 1982, p U.S., Federal Election Commission, FEC Reports on Financial Activity Final
4 66 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY The costs of running for federal office have increased dramatically in the past decade or so. The 1984 total compares with approximately $88 million just ten years before.4 Even discounting for inflation during this period, the overall cost of running for Congress has more than doubled since Even more striking than the totals are the growing number of House and Senate candidates who are spending astronomical sums of money. In 1974, 10 candidates for the House spent more than $200,000. By 1978, 128 candidates exceeded that amount, and in 1982, the number climbed to In 1974, no House candidate exceeded $500,000 in expenditures; 7 candidates reached that level in 1978, and 67 did in Let us go one step further. In 1978, we saw the first $1 million House candidate. There were 2 at that level in 1980 and 5 in Looking at Senate races, one finds striking expenditure increases in the elections just completed compared with the same races six years before. In 1978, 21 Senate candidates spent more than $1 million in the general election; in 1984, at least 30 candidates spent that much. In 1978,6 candidates spent more than $2 million, and in 1984, at least 16 did. Finally, there were 2 candidates who spent more than $4 million in 1978, and 7 candidates exceeded that incredible sum in The latter year, 1984, also saw one record-breaking $26 million 8 Senate race.8 There is another noteworthy development allied with these huge increases in campaign costs. The system seems to be attracting more people with vast personal wealth, who are uniquely able to bear the high cost of seeking public office. In 1982, for instance, half of the candidates for the U.S. Senate reportedly were millionaires.9 What do these figures suggest about the current state of campaign finance? The views of candidates and officeholders provide one perspective. Senator Alan Cranston, Democrat from California, testified before the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration in 1981: To raise my $3 million campaign fund in 1980, I averaged a fundraiser every 2/2 days, every 60 hours, for two straight years. The demand of such a strenuous fundraising schedule substantially decreased the amount of time I was able to spend meeting with, talking with, and listening to people who are not prospective contributors, and reduced my ability to do many other things we normally associate with a political campaign in a democratic society.10 Report. U.S. Senate and House Candidates (Washington, DC: Federal Election Commission, 1985), p. xii. 4. Common Cause, Campaign Finance Monitoring Project: 1974 Congressional Campaign Finances, vol. 1, Senate Races (Washington, DC: Common Cause, 1976), p. vi. 5. Norman J. Ornstein et al., Vital Statistics on Congress, ed. (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1984), p Ibid., p "House Seat Can Cost $1 Million," Washington Post, 25 Oct U.S., Federal Election Commission, FEC Reports on Financial Activity , interim report no. 5, U.S. Senate and House Campaigns (Washington, DC: Federal Election Commission, 1979); idem, FEC Reports on Financial Activity "Elections: It Doesn't Hurt to Be a Millionaire," U.S. News & World Report, 15 Nov. 1982, p U.S., Congress, Senate, Committee on Rules and Administration, Hearings on the Application and Administration of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as Amended, 97th Cong., 1st sess., 20 and 24 Nov. 1981, p. 96.
5 CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE 67 Senator Thomas Eagleton, Democrat from Missouri, related the following in 1983 testimony: When I ran for the Senate in the 1968 general election, I spent $200,000. By 1974, it had grown to $513,000. By 1980, it had grown to $1,456,000. By 1986, under existing trends... it will be $2 million plus... There is no way I could raise such an amount from small contributors within Missouri. What has changed... is that money, always a necessary tool of waging a campaign, has now become the be-all and end-all of the political campaign. Fundraising has gone from a campaign ingrediento an all-pervasive campaign obsession. Senators start raising their war chest sometimes three or even four years before their reelection date. l Another witness, a political consultant, commented after listening to Senator Eagleton's remarks that the senator's estimate of the cost of his next campaign was probably off by about half-it was more likely to cost $4 million.12 Concern with campaign fund-raising is not a partisan affair. Senator Barry Goldwater, Republican from Arizona, has spoken out strongly on the topic: Unlimited campaign spending eats at the heart of the democratic process. It feeds the growth of special interest groups created solely to channel money into political campaigns. It creates an impression that every candidate is bought and owned by the biggest givers. And it causes elected officials to devote more time to raising money than to their public duties.13 Senator Goldwater goes so far as to call the present state of campaign finance a "crisis of liberty." II. U.S., Congress, Senate, Committee on Rules and Administration, Hearings on Campaign Finance Reform Proposals of 1983, p Ibid., p Ibid., p These concerns cannot be lightly dismissed. When we have reached the point at which an officeholder says, "Yes, I am troubled by what I have to do to raise campaign funds; yes, the process is time consuming and detracts from my ability to perform the duties of an elected representative; and yes, the public perception of the process may undermine confidence in the system," all of us should ask whether more remains to be done. Fund-raising is as burdensome-in some respects, more so-for a challenger. It is a safe bet that many, many qualified men and women decide not to run for office solely because of the prospect of having to raise the enormous amounts of money the experts say are necessary to run a competitive race. Quite simply, the need to attract great financial resources has become a formidable barrier to those contemplating running for federal office. The price tag of campaigns, and the necessity of raising these huge amounts from private sources, should cause us to have grave doubts about how open the system remains. While the ability to attract vast sums of campaign contributions may be one means of testing a candidate's appeal, it should not be the only one, and certainly it should not be the single most important factor in determining a candidate's qualifications for higher office. Compounding a challenger's fundraising problems is the increasingly common practice of incumbents' accumulating substantial campaign war chests far in advance of the next election.14 In part an understandable response to the 14. As of 31 Dec. 1982, nine Senate incumbents up for reelection in 1984 had raised over $100,000, and three of these had raised in excess of $600,000.
6 68 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY prospect of costly campaigns, campaign war chests are also, in the candid assessment of one member of Congress, "one of the opportunities incumbents have to frighten off opponents," with the result, he remarked, of "reduc[ing] the possibility of viable choices, which is what democracy and freedom are all about. "15 While difficulty in raising money and the deterrent effect of incumbents' war chests keep many prospective challengers out of the race, they do not discourage candidates able to make substantial contributions from their personal funds. As the statistics presented before suggest, the incidence of very wealthy candidates seeking political office is on the upsurge. In 1982, 15 Senate generalelection candidates contributed $100,000 or more to their campaigns.'6 Preliminary figures for 1984 show that 12 Senate candidates lent their campaigns $100,000 or more.17 In what seemed certain to be an all-time record, a losing Senate candidate spent over $6.8 million of his personal funds in Two years later, however, 1984 proved to be another record-breaking year, when a winning Senate candidate spent $10 million on his own campaign U.S., Congress, House, Committee on House Administration, Task Force on Elections, Hearings on Campaign Finance Reform, 98th Cong., 1st sess., 9, 16, 21, and 23 June, 8 July, 22 and 23 Aug., and 12 Oct. 1983, p Richard E. Cohen, "Giving till It Hurts: 1982 Campaign Prompts New Look at Financing Races," National Journal, 18 Dec. 1982, pp U.S., Federal Election Commission, "Aggregate Loans from the Candidate as Reported by Major Party General Election Senate Campaigns, Election Cycle" (Data generated from a computerized data base, Federal Election Commission, 1985). 18. Cohen, "Giving till It Hurts," p Federal Election Commission, FEC Reports on Financial Activity , p This trend poses the danger that the voices of the affluent will be heard disproportionately on the campaign trail and in the halls of government. Fairness-not to mention the health of representative government-dictates that the political arena be open to all, irrespective of personal wealth. It is a travesty to perpetuate a system of campaign finance that permits the unlimited expenditure of a candidate's personal funds at the same time that it significantly limits sources of funding for other participants. The contributor's view There is yet another perspective from which to view campaign fund-raisingthat of the contributor. On the positive side, those who contribute may feel they have a stake in the outcome of an election and so may be motivated to greater participation. Giving may also reinforce a sense of group ties or identity, since through association or pooling of resources individuals have a greater collective impact on the process. As they reflect the attitudes and the intensity of feeling of individuals toward a candidate, contributions may also provide some indication of how broadly based support for a candidate is. Knowledge of who his or her supporters are also probably leads to a greater appreciation by a candidate of what the supporters' needs are and promotes responsiveness in meeting those needs, if there are not other countervailing interests at stake. We have seen in the evolution of campaign giving under the current law, however, an erosion of the positive character of contributions. Most noticeable is the diminution of the role of the individual small contributor. This reduction in importance occurred simply
7 CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE 69 because the scale of campaign expenditures has come to dwarf the resources available to most individuals. In contrast to the individual giver, the highly organized and well-funded interest group has the means not only to survive but to thrive. It is this picture of campaign giving that should concern us. Under current law, multicandidate political committees, commonly known as political action committees (PACs), are allowed to contribute up to $5000 to a candidate per election. The development of PACs in response to the law has been one of the most striking side effects of campaign finance reforms. Since 1974, the number of PACs has risen dramatically, from 608 to Not surprisingly, as campaign spending has risen, so has the amount of PAC money contributed to congressional candidates, from $34 million in 1978 to over $105 million in The percentage of PAC money as a part of overall campaign receipts also has edged steadily upward.21 Perhaps more disturbing is the pattern of PAC giving. There is, for instance, a demonstrable bias in favor of incumbents in PAC contributions. Figures for the 1984 election showed that House incumbents received $81 million in PAC funds compared to $19 million for challengers.22 In the eyes of some, PAC giving suggests an ominous trendan ever increasing dependence by officeholders on highly organized special interests for campaign funds. That groups in the private sector have an important stake in the decisions of 20. U.S., Federal Election Commission, "PAC Numbers Show Slight Drop in 1985" (Press release, Federal Election Commission, 1985). 21. U.S., Federal Election Commission, "FEC Final Report for '84 Elections Confirms Majority of PAC Money Went to Incumbents" (Press release, Federal Election Commission, 1985). 22. Ibid. government and will seek a voice in formulating governmental policy is understandable. The growing presence of PACs, however, has raised fears that these special interests have come to play a disproportionate role-a role that may carry with it the seeds of actual or potential corruption. In response to concern about PAC giving, some have called for an increase in the limits on individual contributions, an argument strengthened by the fact that no adjustment has been made since the limits were set in The $1000 limit, however, is even now beyond the reach of the vast majority of individual contributors. Raising limits on individuals might not awaken fears that candidates will once again become beholden to individual large contributors, but it would continue to shift the basis of campaign support toward those with greater financial resources. It would not solve the basic problem of how to keep the system open and fair. If campaign contributions carry their own political message, as we must acknowledge they do, the missing element in today's campaigns is the unarticulated view of those who are not well organized, who lack the financial resources and perhaps the motivation to be active participants in the process. If they are to be represented in government and their interests taken into account, their presence should be acknowledged at the stage at which the issues are framed and the agendas set for making future public policy-in campaigns for elective office. The current system of campaign finance has made it increasingly difficult to accomplish this goal.
8 70 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY CONGRESSIONAL POWER TO REGULATE MONEY IN CAMPAIGNS Congress, in attempting to regulate the role of money in campaigns, faces a difficult question: the degree to which money in politics is entitled to protection as speech under the First Amendment. The Supreme Court in Buckley v. Valeo23 reviewed the constitutionality of limits on campaign contributions and expenditures enacted by Congress in the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended in The Court's analysis began, significantly, with its observation that "virtually every means of communicating ideas in today's mass society requires the expenditure of money."24 The Court saw contribution limits as only a marginal restriction on the contributor's ability to engage in political communication, characterizing contributions as mere speech by proxy.25 While the Court found that contribution limits worked a more significant restraint on freedom of political association, it upheld the limits, citing an earlier decision that "even a 'significant interference' with protected rights of political association may be sustained if the State demonstrates a sufficiently important interest and employs means closely drawn to avoid unnecessary abridgment of associational freedoms." 26 The Court found such justification by looking to the act's primary purpose of preventing the fact or appearance of undue influence. "To the extent that large contributions are given to secure political quid pro quos from current and potential officeholders, the integrity of our system U.S. 1 (1976). 24. Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., p. 25. of representative government is undermined." 27 On the other hand, the Court found that limits on expenditures by candidates and their supporters imposed direct and substantial restraints on the quantity of political speech. Moreover, since the expenditure limits, unlike limits on contributions, did not serve the purpose of eliminating the reality or appearance of corruption, the Court found no justification for such a restriction. Following this analysis, the Court struck down a $1000 limit on expenditures by individuals that were totally independent of the candidate's campaign. The Court reasoned that such independent expenditures provided only limited assistance to a candidate and could even prove counterproductive to a candidate's campaign. Thus the Court concluded that independent expenditures did not pose the danger of eliciting improper commitments from a candidate. In reviewing the Federal Election Campaign Act's limit on a candidate's expenditures of his or her own personal funds, the Court noted that a candidate using his or her own funds would be less dependent on contributions from others and consequently more immune to the risks of undue influence. The Court specifically found that neither equalizing the relative ability of individuals and groups to influence the outcome of elections nor equalizing the relative financial resources of the candidates was a sufficient or even permissible governmental interest to justify the serious First Amendment intrusions represented by expenditure limits. Thus, the Court held, limits on overall campaign expenditures, on independent 27. Ibid., p. 26.
9 CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE 71 expenditures, and on expenditures by a candidate from personal funds were unconstitutional. The Buckley decision fails to recognize that the integrity of the electoral process is threatened if the only effective participants are those with vast financial resources. Buckley thus represents a giant step backward in the effort to reform campaign finance. As Judge J. Skelly Wright notes in a persuasive critique of the Court's ruling, congressional regulation of campaign spending can be a powerful tool to enhance, not limit, First Amendment liberties.28 Even if Congress continues to be limited by the Buckley holding, however, an important means to limit excessive campaign spending still remains. The Court also held that Congress may impose limits on overall spending and on the expenditures of personal funds by a candidate in the context of a publicly financed campaign. Why public finance? In view of the serious problems associated with money in campaigns and the legal restraints on congressional power to regulate, a system of public finance is the next essential reform. Partial public funding with realistic expenditure ceilings would enable candidates to run competitive campaigns in which private funding would continue to play an important but not a dominant role. A grant of public funds would free candidates from the incessant demands of fund-raising and offers the hope of shortening the seemingly endless campaign season. A system of public finance that includes a 28. J. Skelly Wright, "Money and the Pollution of Politics: Is the First Amendment an Obstacle to Political Equality?" Columbia Law Review, 82(4) (May 1982). limit on the amount candidates may contribute to their own campaigns would eliminate the unfair advantage enjoyed by those with great personal wealth. And most important, public financing in congressional campaigns would restore a missing equilibrium between the sources of campaign funding and give officeholders a greater measure of freedom to address issues in the broad national interest. Such results would go a long way toward renewing public belief in the integrity of the electoral process. Some will say that such further reforms will only lead to more creative means of circumventing the limits, that "special interest money has always found its way into the political system... [and] always will."29 All reform, however, is based on the notion that there are values at stake that make it worthwhile and, in some instances, imperative to control the potential for abuse in a system. That reforms at times have failed to achieve their stated goals, or that they have produced unintended and perhaps undesirable consequences, should not lead us to abandon efforts to safeguard the integrity of a process so vital to the preservation of democratic values. Perhaps as important as stating what public funding would do is stating what it would not do. The most serious concern is that publicly funded congressional campaigns, with limits on spending, would divert money into other channels-specifically, into independent expenditures. The emergence of independent expenditures in the aftermath of Buckley reasonably could 29. Committee on Rules and Administration, Campaign Finance Reform Proposals of 1983, p. 107, n. 5.
10 72 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY lead us to expect a growth, even a surge, in independent spending following enactment of public finance legislation. Witnesses in congressional hearings have been blunt in saying so. An example cited is the publicly funded 1980 presidential general election, in which individuals' circumscribed ability to contribute to the presidential campaign gave impetus to the creation of political committees operating independently of the major candidates' committees. A similar phenomenon is projected for congressional campaigns, which, we are told, will become battlegrounds for a kind of independentexpenditure guerrilla warfare in which "Terry Dolan... and anyone else with the guts, the desire, and the lists... [can] become the future political kingmakers."30 Regulating independent expenditures Even if independent expenditures increased dramatically, we do not have to accept as inevitable that they would wreak havoc on the political system. Instead, we should ask what means exist for regulating independent expenditures, if they become a problem. The Supreme Court, in striking down limits on independent expenditures in Buckley, stated, "Independent advocacy... does not presently appear to pose dangers of real or apparent corruption comparable to those identified with large campaign contributions."3' Unfortunately, in a more recent case the Supreme Court again struck down limits on independent expenditures, holding unconstitutional a $1000 limit on independent spending by political committees in support of candidates in 30. Ibid., p U.S., p. 46. presidential general elections who accepted public funding. The Court in a 7-to-2 decision held that the expenditures in question were entitled to full First Amendment protection and, absent a showing of any "tendency... to corrupt or to give the appearance of corruption,"32 the $1000 limit was constitutionally infirm. As Justice White notes in his dissent, the Court's continuing reluctance to defer to Congress in Congress's effort to regulate campaign finance remains a formidable barrier to achieving a system broadly designed, in his words, to "eliminate the danger of corruption, maintain public confidence in the integrity of federal elections, equalize the resources available to the candidates, and hold the overall amount of money devoted to political campaigning down to a reasonable level."33 Even though the Supreme Court for the present appears unconvinced that there are compelling reasons for limiting independent spending, Congress can still take steps to curb the abuses associated with such spending. First, Congress should encourage rigorous enforcement of the requirement that there be no coordination with a candidate's campaign.34 Second, Congress should consider new legislative means of counteracting the harmful effects of independent expenditures in more direct ways. A question to be considered at the outset is whether the independent expen- 32. FEC v. National Conservative Political Action Committee, 105 S.Ct (1985). 33. Ibid., p On the adequacy of the FEC, see William C. Oldaker, "Of Philosophers, Foxes, and Finances: Can the Federal Election Commission Ever Do an Adequate Job?" this issue of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.
11 CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE 73 ditures are in compliance with existing law; that is, are they truly independent? Current law defines an independent expenditure as an expenditure by a person expressly advocating the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate which is made without cooperation or consultation with any candidate, or any authorized committee or agent of such candidate, and which is not made in concert with, or at the request or suggestion of, any candidate, or any authorized committee or agent of such candidate.35 To the extent that these guidelines are observed, it was the Court's view at least that "independent expenditures may well provide little assistance to the candidate's campaign."36 It is still far from clear whether independent expenditures may be able to influence, let alone decide, election results. One of the largest independent expenditure committees, the National Conservative Political Action Committee (NCPAC), established its reputation in 1980 when four out of the six liberal Senate incumbents it targeted in its negative campaigning lost their reelection bids. In 1982, however, of nine targeted House and Senate candidates against whom NCPAC spent amounts ranging from $127,000 to $783,000, only one was defeated. NCPAC spent over $600,000 in the U.S. Senate race in Maryland in 1982 in a negative campaign that by most accounts helped the Candidate it attacked and hurt his Republican opponent, who lost the election by a wide margin.37 That independent expenditures may be unpredictable in their effect and that in some instances they have backfired U.S.C.? 431(17) (1979) U.S., p Campaign Practice Reports (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1982), 9(21): 1. do not mean that they cannot have harmful consequences for the political process. If these occur, Congress should consider new legislation to address the problem. Public finance and political parties The discussion of the consequences of public finance would be incomplete without asking what effect it would have on the political parties. In spite of early predictions, it is obvious that campaign finance regulation has not brought about the demise of the major parties. The Republican Party, in a way now being copied by the Democrats, has adapted remarkably well to both the law and the new technologies of campaigning. Within the constraints of contribution limits, the Republican National Committee, the National Republican Senatorial Committee, and the National Republican Congressional Committee have all been enormously successful fundraisers, able to assist Republican candidates up to the maximum allowable limits under current law. Although parity does not now exist between the two major parties in fund-raising ability, it will no doubt come to pass before the decade is out. Public funding need not affect the contributions and coordinated spending efforts parties are currently able to make on behalf of candidates. Ways of further expanding the parties' role might well be explored, both in the context of publicly funded congressional races and through other legislative proposals to encourage party-building efforts. As significant as the monetary contributions of parties are, considerable advantages flow from an ongoing organizational structure and a steadily growing body of expertise on
12 74 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY effective campaign techniques. Some, in fact, see parties taking over many of the functions of political consultants in providing campaign services to candidates, a development that would further enhance the role of parties as formidable players in campaign finance. Proposals for publicly funded campaigns also have raised the conflicting concerns that the major parties will face an onslaught of third-party and independent candidacies and that such a system will altogether freeze out candidacies from other than the major parties. Both fears seem exaggerated. A system of public finance cannot constitutionally exclude independent and third-party candidates. Yet the concern that public finance would artificially bolster independent and thirdparty candidacies seems unwarranted. Virtually every public finance proposal discussed in Congress has imposed a threshold eligibility requirement. The requirement may consist of a specified amount of money that a candidate must raise in order to qualify for public funds or a certain number or percentage of signatures of qualified voters or of ballots cast in the election. To the extent that third-party candidates or independents are able to meet reasonable qualifying thresholds, they are entitled to some measure of public funding, a result that should not threaten the stability of the system. While public funding may to some extent stimulate fund-raising efforts or other activity by third-party candidates in order to qualify for public funds, it is difficult to see how a system of matching grants would radically change the amount of funds available to non-major-party candidates in the process. Incumbents and public finance Finally, a word should be said about the alleged pro-incumbent bias of public finance. This is a subject on which reasonable men and women have disagreed and probably will continue to do so. The most commonly heard argument is that expenditure limits are likely to hurt challengers more severely, since ordinarily they will need to spend more than an incumbent simply to achieve name recognition. A companion argument suggests that spending limits fail to take into account the considerable benefits accruing to an incumbent by virtue of the perquisites of office. Does a challenger have to outspend an incumbent in order to win? The figures show that some challengers who outspent incumbents won and that, conversely, some who were outspent by the incumbents won.38 What may well be as important to a competitive race by a challenger is the certainty that an adequate level of funding will be available, to enable a challenger to develop his or her campaign strategy well in advance. A lack of funds at a critical stage in a campaign can be devastating, and an abundance of funds so late in the campaign that planning opportunities have been lost can be of little use. The challenger who lacks funds early, for instance, cannot at the last minute produce and run television advertisements that may be crucial. In addition to improving 38. Figures showing relative campaign expenditures by incumbents and challengers in races in which the incumbent was defeated reveal that for the period , successful challengers were outspent by incumbents in the aggregate in three out of five of these elections. See Ornstein et al., Vital Statistics on Congress, p. 67.
13 CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE 75 opportunities for campaign management, public funding would introduce the concept of a level playing field in a large number of congressional races in which it would otherwise be absent-hardly a boon to incumbents. There still may be the fear that public funding fails to take into account the obvious value of incumbency itself. Thus, in reality, challengers will be outspent in every race. The official duties of members of Congress do encompass activities that can be factors in a member's reelection. Not the least of these is a member's voting record. The use of voting records in past campaigns suggests that this fact is not lost upon challengers or others. An incumbent's record alone may not cancel out the advantages of incumbency, but it should not be ignored when evaluating the fairness of a system of public finance. The liabilities associated with incumbency do not justify an incumbent's using the resources of his or her office in patently political ways. Reforms undertaken by both houses of Congress in recent years reflect a concern that members of Congress not be perceived as using their position of public trust for political advantage.3 Ultimately, any system of public finance must take into 39. Rule 40, Standing Rules of the Senate, currently prohibits any senator from using the frank for mass mailings in the 60 days preceding an election in which he or she is a candidate (par. 1), precludes use of Senate computer facilities for storing lists that identify individuals by any partisan political designation (par. 5), and prohibits account concerns about the advantages of incumbency and, if necessary, must include provisions to compensate challengers for such advantages. That such adjustments may be needed should not overshadow the many positive attributes of a system of publicly funded congressional elections. CONCLUSION Public funding of congressional races is a workable solution to the problems that are most troubling in the current system of campaign finance. The role money plays in elections has made it increasingly difficult for the democratic process to function properly. If we continue on our present course, eventually we will reach the day when the amassing and spending of campaign money will have fatally undermined public confidence in the process and thwarted the democratic values the system is supposed to serve. The vast sums of money in contemporary campaigns already have had a corrosive effect on participatory democracy. If unchecked, the influence of money will continue to exaggerate and exacerbate an imbalance based on unequal financial resources and will further dispossess those who already have too little say in the decisions of government. Congress 15 years ago set out to reform the role of money in politics. It is time it finished the job. use of Senate radio and television studies in the 60 days preceding an election in which the senator is a candidate (par. 6).
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Sectarian divide in Myanmar driven by radical Buddhism
After a ritual prayer atoning for past sins, Ashin Wirathu, a Buddhist monk with a rock-star following in Myanmar, sat before an overflowing crowd of thousands of followers and launched into a rant against what he called the "enemy" - the country's Muslim minority.world Updated: Jul 09, 2013 02:14 IST
After a ritual prayer atoning for past sins, Ashin Wirathu, a Buddhist monk with a rock-star following in Myanmar, sat before an overflowing crowd of thousands of followers and launched into a rant against what he called the "enemy" - the country's Muslim minority.
"You can be full of kindness and love, but you cannot sleep next to a mad dog," Wirathu said, referring to Muslims.
"I call them troublemakers, because they are troublemakers," Wirathu said after his two-hour sermon. "I am proud to be called a radical Buddhist."
The world has grown accustomed to a gentle image of Buddhism defined by the self-effacing words of the Dalai Lama, the global popularity of Buddhist-inspired meditation and postcard-perfect scenes from Southeast Asia of crimson-robed, barefoot monks receiving alms from villagers at dawn.
But over the past year, images of rampaging Burmese Buddhists carrying swords and the vituperative sermons of monks like Wirathu have underlined the rise of extreme Buddhism in Myanmar. Buddhist lynch mobs have killed more than 200 Muslims and forced more than 150,000 people, mostly Muslims, from their homes.
Wirathu denies any role in the riots. But his critics say that at least his anti-Muslim preaching is helping to inspire the violence.
What began last year on the fringes of Burmese society has grown into a nationwide fundamentalist movement whose agenda now includes boycotts of Muslim-made goods.
Its message is spreading through regular sermons across the country that draw thousands of people and through widely distributed DVDs of those talks.
Buddhist monasteries associated with the movement are also opening community centers and a Sunday school program for 60,000 Buddhist children.
The hate-filled speeches and violence have endangered Myanmar's path to democracy, raising questions about the government's ability to keep the country's towns and cities safe and its willingness to crack down or prosecute Buddhists in a Buddhist-majority country.
Ashin Sanda Wara, the head of a monastic school in Yangon, says the monks in the country are divided equally between moderates and extremists.
He considers himself in the moderate camp. But as a measure of the deeply ingrained suspicions toward Muslims in the society, he said he was "afraid of Muslims because their population is increasing so rapidly."
Wirathu has tapped into that anxiety, which some describe as "demographic pressures" coming from neighboring Bangladesh.
Many in Myanmar speculate, without offering proof, that Wirathu is allied with hard-line Buddhist elements in the country who want to harness the nationalism of his movement to rally support ahead of elections in 2015. Wirathu denies any such links.
But the government has done little to rein him in. During Wirathu's visit here in Taunggyi, traffic policemen cleared intersections for his motorcade.
Wirathu's movement calls itself 969, three digits that symbolize the virtues of the Buddha, Buddhist practices and the Buddhist community.
Stickers with the movement's logo are now ubiquitous nationwide on cars, motorcycles and shops. The movement has also begun a signature campaign calling for a ban on interfaith marriages, and pamphlets are distributed at sermons listing Muslim shops to be avoided.
In Mawlamyine, a multicultural city southeast of Yangon, a monastery linked to the 969 movement has established the courses of Buddhist instruction for children, which it calls "Sunday dhamma schools." Leaders of the monasteries there seek to portray their campaign as a sort of Buddhist revivalist movement.
Yet despite efforts at describing the movement as nonthreatening, many Muslims are worried.
Two hours before Wirathu rolled into Taunggyi in a motorcade that included 60 honking motorcycles, Tun Tun Naing, a Muslim vendor in the city's central market, spoke of the visit in a whisper. "I'm really frightened," he said, stopping in midsentence when customers entered his shop. "We tell the children not to go outside unless absolutely necessary."
New York Times
First Published: Jul 08, 2013 23:12 IST

subset: commoncrawl


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I've managed to get a couple of things finished around here. The Ribby Cardi was finished last weekend and worn this week. I've got to get a good photo taken and then I will share more. I also managed to finish my brother's socks, made using the Monsoon Colorway of the Rockin' Sock Club kit from the spring. I just didn't like the original pattern with that yarn. I felt the design wouldn't show up well. And honestly, I had no desire to try to knit mediumweight STR with 2.0mm needles. Can we say 'serious hand strain'? Anyway, I used this simple pattern from Sensational Knitted Socks, the Beaded Rib, to make these socks. They came out great, if I do say so myself.
I've also scrapped my original plan for my Hogwarts Sock Swap II two partner's socks, and am starting over. I like the new design much better, but since it's a surprise and she reads my blog, no posts until they're in her hands (Hi Petunia!).
This weekend was the HeidelbergFest downtown. This is Heidelberg's version of Oktoberfest, a one-day event with good food and lots of things to see and buy. I've included a few images I took.
There's a group that comes in Renaissance period costume and puts on performances as well as selling food and period items. Let me tell you, that food is GOOD! I didn't eat any of the guy you see on the spit, though.
There were animal skins in the process of being treated at one of the booths.
And other really tasty treats. These are delicious. Kartofelpuffer (? on the spelling) are tasty fried potato cakes. I had mine with some applesauce.
This festival is one of the highlights of my time here. And in December, be on the lookout for photos of the Christmas version.


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User talk:Ixthis888
If you want to "talk" you can email me via this link Special:Emailuser/Ixthis888.
Vasiliki, thank you for your kind note. I tend to be history buff - so I like to look behind the fluff of tradition (small t) get a picture of what "really" happened. Bill/Basil/Vasily. Wsk 20:31, January 20, 2009 (UTC)


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Quick Reference
A particular movement attempted by using the appropriate muscle actions, but which is resisted by someone or something blocking it. Thus, a resisted movement involves a static muscle action and no movement of a joint. Resisted movements are used in the diagnosis of sports injuries to test for muscle or tendon damage.
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Saturday, June 20, 2009
11 comments:
- Lilla Jizo said...
Mall, I am sorry they are stealing your artwork :(
I'm sure it's good for you to restore your batteries, hope you to have many great moments in your garden (like I have in mine!)
Hope you had a good sleep, I am up late again, soon go to bed now - Good morning to you!
- Sunday, June 21, 2009
Thats horrible that people are taking your artwork. That's stealing. I know a Japanese comic artist that had her story used for a Taiwanese drama and she did not know anything about it until after the show was done and they had sold millions of DVDs using her story. It makes me sad.
- Sunday, June 21, 2009
Oh sweetie... so sorry that together with everything that is going on right now with you, you are having to deal with art rippers again :( some people are just scum *shakes head* hope that things will be sorted out soon and that they will remove everything from the website.
Congratulations in finishing all the paintings for the art show. Will be most definitely eagerly await to see them ♥
You do well in taking this time for yourself. The both of us will be thinking about you *hugs* please know that if you need anything we are here for you! ♥
Lots of love and many kisses. MWAH!
- Monday, June 22, 2009
- pupu said...
Awww, that is so terrible of them Mall. Hmph! They should be vanished! I mean, they shouldn't do that. do they even know what is COPYRIGHT. Grrr..
Oh Mall, cant wait to see your new artworks!! :D *teehee* Have a good rest Mall!! ;)
- Monday, June 22, 2009
- Sara said...
I am so sorry that those idiots have been stealing your work! I hope you find peace and happiness, my dear Mall!
The drawing you are working on is beautiful... I will be looking forward to seeing what you create!
- Tuesday, June 23, 2009
- Majeak Ann said...
I can't believe it, why people keep doing that >_<.
My dear May Ann, thanks for sharing this.
Congratulations on the oh-so-many- fabulous things that are happening in your life. Well deserved.:))
**Pssst! I am doing a Free Fruity Raffle tonight, if you wish to join, stop by!** ( I hope you arrive on time)
Hugs and love!
- Thursday, June 25, 2009
- Minette Rivera said...
Hi Mall!
So sad naman ito and hopefully you can get the contact information of that company or person.
Keeping in touch.
Minette (still remember me??)
- Tuesday, June 30, 2009
hey just want to know, how long do you take to finish an artwork? :D
- Tuesday, June 30, 2009
hey just want to know, how long do you take to finish an artwork? :)
- Tuesday, June 30, 2009
- Khylov said...
Thought it was a post about farting when I first read the title.
But yes, art thieves are much worse than flatulence... although they both tend to have the same funk that follows them around. (Just looking at that one emaciated fool in the pic above, shamelessly sporting stolen artwork on a shirt - I rest my case.)
Sorry to hear about folks yanking your artwork yet once again, hon. I guess that's one of the dangers of having any sort of artwork online - which sucks, since the internet is probably the only way some folks can get their art out there to the rest of the world (online portfolios, etc).
But look at it this way: If folks be snaggin your arts and making products out of it, you know you have something really worthwhile and in demand. In a way, it's a twisted sort of compliment from the scum of the earth: Your art's that good that people will go to extreme ends and means in order to get it. Kind of like those thugs who ran out of the Getty with Munch's The Scream under their arm. (They got away too, surprisingly enough - they had a minivan parked right outside sitting right next to the visitors' tram. Anyhow, I digress...)
- Friday, July 03, 2009
- Mall said...
lilla: sorry for my super late response sweetie! yeah, i believe there are a lot of rippers around the world. :( Yeah, I learned from you that you needed to take a break from your etsy last time so I did. :) hehehehe, don't stay late tee hee!
anonymous: My gosh, i am so sorry for that japanese comic artist. That's totally unfair. :( did that person call lawyer already? Eeep, I think I can't post my small stories on my blog, they might steal them for their future movies / shows / cartoons.... thanks for sharing!
pat&susana: *hugs* yeah indeed very scary. :( sure I'll take care of myself :)
pupu: Hopefully they will be out of business. *huggles* :D yeah, soon soonest!
sara: thanks sara! yeah, they are dumb lazy idiots, bweh! you will see my new works soonest! :D
majeak: >.< yeahhhh, i hate them. I wanna throw them into helllll.... sorry for my super lateness, I didn't win for your free fruity raffle, waaahhhh... in time, I'll look forward to seeing your future raffles! :D hugs hugs and love!
minette: yeahhhhhh i remember yahhhh :D hey do you have twitter?
anonymous: Hmmm, it depends on size / details / medium. For me, I easily draw my works very fast: pencil medium. :D
khylov: tee heee, wow your messages sound very very professional tsar. you must be a lawyer so you will make a new case for me against those farting people. :P <3
- Saturday, July 25, 2009


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By GUY FLETCHER
Staff Writer
A Washington County manufacturer of ready-to-assemble furniture is shutting down, putting about 100 employees out of work, a company official said Friday.
Trendlines Inc. is in the process of liquidating assets at its 100,000-square-foot warehouse on Governor Lane Boulevard near Williamsport, where production has been halted for at least a month, said company president Terry Thompson.
Thompson said about $4 million in company debt, not poor sales, were the reason for Trendlines' demise.
"We were going great guns. We were expanding and doing very, very well," he said.
Thompson said he was "in the process" of notifying employees of the closure.
He said he did not know whether the company was subject to the federal plant-closing law, which requires a business of at least 100 employees to post 60-days notice to employees before closing its doors.


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The High-Tech Future Of The Greenhouse Grower
The success of your greenhouse business over the next 30 years will require developments in multiple segments of the operation. For Greenhouse Grower's 30th anniversary look at the future, we spoke to experts in a number of different areas, including Charles Grinnell, Harvest Automation (robotics); Gary Falkenstein, ePlantSource (web technology) and Paul Pilon, Perennial Solutions Consulting (production technology) to get their opinions on what new opportunities may be in the pipeline for greenhouse growers, as well as some that may already be available.
Greenhouse Robotics Will Lead To Plant Quality And Yield Improvements
Tools from other industries — processors, cameras and batteries — are driving robotics for moving plants in the greenhouse. But as the technology develops, more complex tasks like trimming or applying chemicals to individual plants as needed could be a reality, says Harvest Automation's Charles Grinnell.
Cloud Computing Is The Next Step For Greenhouse Hardware And Software Systems
Developments in production technology have had an obvious impact in the greenhouse, but according to Gary Falkenstein of ePlantSource, advances in software tools will be the next big leap for growers and their businesses.
Softer Chemistries And Biocontrols Are The Future Of Greenhouse Pest Control
Advances in new technologies that work with existing products are coming all the time — but Perennial Solutions Consulting's Paul Pilon says more education is needed, both for growers and for consumers.


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Login to Complete An Application or to Access Judging Panel
Why Enter the Gold Medal Awards?
Recognise – let your sector know who is at the top of their game. All finalists will have their profiles raised and will receive national coverage in Hotel & Catering Review magazine.
Promote – grow your business exponentially by fully capitalising on every success. Win coveted recognition for your work and build on it with innovative marketing tools.
Differentiate– A Gold Medal Award will set you apart from your competitors.
Highlight – Showcase your expertise in hospitality.
Evaluate – Have your service/premise evaluated and benchmarked by our professional judges and seen by our sponsors.
Motivate – Gold Medal Awards recognise the hard work and achievements of your employees; winning one can help boost staff morale and improve motivation.
Network – Give your team a great night out and make valuable contacts. Network with the who's who of the industry, meeting colleagues old and new.
To Enter the 2018 Gold Medal Awards
Please click here
Who Do I Contact About the Awards?
Please contact Senior Event Manager Jacinta O'Rourke at firstname.lastname@example.com. Check out our FAQ page for a list of the most common questions.


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Beating around the bush is an exhibition programme for 2014 in which the Bonnefantenmuseum is presenting its collection in an investigative way. In four episodes, both the fixed values and the 'quiet reserve' of the collection will be brought into dialogue with new and proposed acquisitions. In addition, interventions in the form of small solo presentations will function as mirrors to reflect new content-related insights and perspectives. Each episode has a different thematic angle, through which the individual artists' practices will be explored, as well as the museum collection as a whole and associated movements.
e-flux » Announcements
// From our friends at E-Flux


text: On my way to the university I passed an allotment area called "Änggårdskolonin". The first time I noticed it I was really surprised. Who would expect to find cute little houses with well-cared gardens in the middle of town? Close to the hospital and university? Without any doubt, Gothenburg is full of surprises.


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Rosalind's Glamorous Beach House
Who Lives Here: Rosalind, two teenagers, a dog, a cat, and a bird
Location: Aptos, California, near the beach
Tell Us About This Home: "As a self professed 'beautiful home' addict, I am creating new ways to improve and simplify my abode. Recently, we downsized to a small 70's modern style beach house. Best move ever! We also became renters and had to make this house gorgeous without painting or remodeling. After a lot of editing, we learned we could live with less and be happier, calmer, more inspired..."
"I did not buy anything new for this house, and got inventive in repurposing my own furniture inspired by some great design heros. (Kelly Wearstler, Vincente Wolf, and Tony Duquette are who I always turn to for renewed inspiration in the art of being green and clever.)
As a fine artist, my own art is constantly moving from wall to wall. I paint in my kitchen or on the deck overlooking the ocean. I often incorporate recycled elements in my collages including magazines, food containers, makeup, junk mail and vintage jewelry. Finding beauty is a passion, and I am enjoying that I can see it within my own small realm."
Thanks, Rosalind!


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CUJO SPICE 3.0 pumpkin helles lager
For my annual fall pumpkin beer this year, I decided to switch up the base recipe. In 2011 I did a rye ale base and in 2010 I did just a basic amber/pale ale base. 2012 is the year of the lager for me (#2012!), so I opted to do a helles base. Thought it would set a decent, unobtrusive stage for the pumpkin to shine through. Also, pumpkin… halloween… hell-es… Sounded appropriate.
I brewed this on 8/26, back when it was still relatively warm out. It was really tough to get the wort down to lager pitching temp (low 50's). My ground water+immersion chiller only took it to 78°F, after which I transferred to the fermenter and let it cool further in the fridge. I woke up by happenstance at around 2:00am (5 hrs. after putting the fermenter in the fridge) and the temp had made it to the low 50's, so I pitched at that time. When I woke up the next morning, the temp had continued to drop all the way down to the mid-low 40's. Oops! I turned the temperature regulator up further on the fridge and brought the temp of the wort back up to the 50's over the next day. I believe this attributed to a slow start to fermentation. All in all, it took nearly 36 hrs. for visible signs of fermentation to show. Something I'll make sure to do better in the future is to calibrate the temp of my chest fridge/freezer further ahead of time when I plan to ferment in there. For this brew day, I didn't turn up the temp until I started brewing. I really should allot 48 hrs. to accurately move the temp from 37°F (where it generally sits) up to the low 50's for lager fermentation.
Here's the recipe (based on Jamil's helles in Brewing Classic Styles):


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Minimum Hiring Standards
General Information
The Classification and Compensation Office establishes the minimum hiring standards (MHS) when a position is created. The MHS is the minimum education and experience required to perform a given job. An individual with an education level and experience below the MHS for a job title is not considered minimally "qualified" for the position. This applicant will not be referred by the employment office.
The MHS is not the only factor considered when choosing a candidate. The overall quality of a candidate's application such as work history, skills and knowledge, and education level is taken into consideration too.
Hiring departments may desire specific skills and experience beyond the minimum hiring requirements for a position. Hiring departments may express preferences beyond the MHS to help identify the characteristics of the "ideal" candidate. For example, the Math Department may prefer candidates for its secretarial position who have demonstrable experience preparing documents using complex mathematical symbols, and may choose not to hire a candidate unless the individual possesses that experience in addition to the general secretarial MHS.


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The Newlyweds
Prince William & Kate Middleton
Could Disney animators have drawn a more perfectly perfect royal wedding? A handsome prince in scarlet, his exquisite bride in hand-stitched lace, a horse-drawn carriage and a balcony kiss-make that two!-for the ages. Eight months after the Big Day Watched Round the World, Prince William and Princess Kate-a.k.a. the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge-both 29, have lived up to the hype, bringing their unique combo of high glamour and easy warmth everywhere from Buckingham Palace to Hollywood to their adopted home of Anglesey, Wales. "She is enjoying being with the love of her life," says a friend, "and he's enjoying being with his."
That daily comfort will soon be put to the test: a nearly two-month separation in early 2012 when William leaves for the Falklands as part of his Royal Air Force job. But no one who has seen the former Kate Middleton in action doubts her ability to step into the spotlight solo. As natural pushing a grocery cart as she is hobnobbing with President Obama and the First Lady, she made the leap from overnight royal to international icon without a single misstep in her favorite taupe L.K. Bennett pumps. (Yes, they're out of stock.) And she'll soon be in even greater demand: One Palace source signals "major changes" for both Kate and William, who are expected to take on a far greater public role when the Queen's jubilee celebration wraps up at the end of 2012. As for all the breathless baby anticipation, "news of a pregnancy would put a seal on their happiness," says royals author Judy Wade. "It's going to be a great year."
The Kate EFFECT
Number of knock-off Kenneth Jay Lane rings sold on QVC since Kate debuted her sapphire sparkler.
Time it took for Net-a-Porter.com to sell out of Kate's navy silk-jersey Issa engagement dress.
Number of U.S. outlets opened by L.K. Bennett, Kate's go-to shoe designer, in '11.
Estimated dollar amount of royal wedding memorabilia sold.
Number of visitors this summer to Buckingham Palace, where Kate's Alexander McQueen bridal gown was on exhibit.
The Superstar Sister
Savvy, sporty and the hottest bridesmaid ever, Princess Kate's sister, 28, is also one of the world's most eligible bachelorettes since breaking up with her longtime beau in November. Pippa-who reportedly plans to release a party-planning book in 2012-"is friendly and fun," says a society source. "She likes to have a drink." Fellas, the line to buy one for her starts waaaay back here …
The Dynamic Duo
Jennifer Aniston & Justin Theroux
In May the new couple were spotted at her favorite under-the-radar L.A. eatery Sunset Tower. By fall the actress had embraced his New York neighborhood and signature style-all black. "They're very much on the same page," a pal says of the actress.
Jaycee Dugard
After Phillip and Nancy Garrido were sentenced to life in prison in June, Dugard, 31, described her 18 years in their captivity in an excerpt from her memoir A Stolen Life in PEOPLE's July 18 issue. Thriving two years after her dramatic rescue, she lives with mom Terry Probyn and her daughters, now 14 and 17, in Northern California. Her recently launched JAYC Foundation helps families of abducted children. "So many can be helped," she tells PEOPLE, "if we unite."
That WAS ME!
I Married My Partner
"We can be secure together-nobody can take anything away from us now."-Cheryle Rudd (right), who wed partner of 12 years, Kitty Lambert, the minute marriage equality came to New York
I Occupied Wall St.
"At 7 p.m. we had our first consensus to occupy. There were 30 to 80 people committed to getting arrested to keep the spot."-Ted Hall, at the protest from day one (Sept. 17)
I Got a Date with JT
"There was never a dull moment! And I have to say Justin fit right in."-from the blog of Kelsey De Santis who convinced the star to take her to the Marine Corps Ball
Voice of the Year
Five Fun Facts
1 She used to be a hair model: "My cousin used me for a hair-dressing competition," says Adele, 23. "I have so much hair-it's so big!"
2 Sinead O'Connor makes her sob: One night she "got home at 2 a.m. and cried, listening to 'Nothing Compares 2 U,' and looking out the window. Such a cliche!"
3 She's been all over the style map: "I was a skater girl, a grunger, and at one point I tried to look like Anthony Kiedis from the Red Hot Chili Peppers."
4 Airplanes are not her friends: "I was going to take a boat to America because I hate flying."
5 Louis Armstrong is her BFF: "My dachshund Louie is supercute. He's the love of my life."
Heroic STARS!
When a fire broke out at Sir Richard Branson's island home Aug. 22, the actress/houseguest carried his 90-year-old mom to safety.
At a Nov. 27 screening of Moneyball, Pitt consoled a suicidal struggling actor in the crowd.
In August a woman said Paltrow saved her on 9/11 by nearly hitting her with her SUV-delaying her commute to the World Trade Center.
The actor busted up a New York City street brawl June 24. His derring-do was captured on a cell phone video and went viral.
The Fighter
Gabrielle Giffords
On Jan. 8 Jared Lee Loughner opened fire at a Giffords event in Tucson, killing 6 and wounding 13, including the congresswoman, 41, who took a bullet to the brain. With the help of her husband, retired astronaut Mark Kelly, she's made a remarkable recovery, her speech still halting but her spirit unbowed. In an excerpt from their memoir in PEOPLE's Nov. 21 issue, she vowed she'll never give up on her dream of returning to Washington. As she told constituents in a recent voice mail, "I want to get back to work."
Tennis Aces
Serena & Venus Williams
"I'm thankful for today because you never know what will happen tomorrow-we both learned that this year," says Serena (left), who bounced back from a pulmonary embolism in February, while Venus revealed in August that she has an autoimmune disease, Sjogren's syndrome. Back on the court, the sisters faced off in November-Venus won. Her goal for 2012? "Bring home an Olympic medal playing doubles with Serena."
History REWRITTEN!
Vincent van Gogh
Did the troubled painter kill himself, as was once thought? The authors of the new biography Van Gogh: The Life make a convincing case that he was actually accidentally shot to death by a teenage boy.
Coco Chanel
And you thought she was just a fashion maven! In the book Sleeping with the Enemy: Coco Chanel's Secret War, author Hal Vaughan claims Chanel was acting as a German spy during WWII.
Mona Lisa
How's this for a gender bender? Art historian Silvano Vinceti says Leonardo da Vinci's masterpiece isn't actually of a woman-it's of da Vinci apprentice (and rumored lover) Gian Giacomo Caprotti.
Jackie Kennedy Onassis
Jackie O. wasn't A-Okay with LBJ and MLK. Recently released tapes revealed the First Lady gossiping about Lyndon Johnson, and calling Martin Luther King Jr. "phony."
Hot GUYS
A side-by-side comparison of two of Hollywood's biggest heartthrobs
[This article contains a table. Please see hardcopy of magazine or PDF.]
Prince of Pop
Not a bad year for the Biebs (except for a fan's so far unsuccessful paternity claim). He and Selena Gomez recently celebrated their one-year anniversary, he sold a few records (he had two No. 1 albums), and he did his best to cultivate a mustache. "I'm growing it out, man!" he said.
Most Endearing Actress
Zooey Deschanel
• As the titular New Girl, Deschanel, 31, is making the most of TV's Year of the Woman. "I think it's so great that they're building shows around strong female characters," says Deschanel of her hit sitcom and shows like 2 Broke Girls and Whitney. For the role of Jess-the lone gal in an apartment full of guys-Deschanel drew from her experience touring with her band She & Him. "Living on a bus with 12 people is like roommates on steroids," she says. Her trick to making everyone play nice? "I make them all coffee and milk shakes."
Star REVELATIONS
The ex-Friend called her Rachel do "the ugliest haircut I've ever seen."
The actor admitted he turned down the chance to play James Bond in 2005.
Anderson Cooper
The anchor revealed he'd never tasted coffee or spinach. Finally, he tried-and hated-both.
The singer mocked the flowers given to her by a fan. Turns out, she loathes hydrangeas.
The Runaway Wife
Ode to Kim & Him
Kim walked the red carpet with her famous caboose/Trailed by siblings, and mom, and stepfather Bruce. /But what good reality stardom or deals/With no man to share in her photographed meals?
But then Kim discovered the man of her dreams: /Kris Humphries, of various basketball teams. /Tall and good-looking, he offered his heart/And proposed with rose petals (E! cameras took part).
The bride was an angel in dresses by Wang/Hearts softly cooed as they did the vow thang/(Cameras recorded the moment for E!)/"For better and worse," for … eternity?
The days passed, a total of seventy-two/Then Kim doubled back on her famous "I Do."/The marriage was over, the couple kaput./In her mouth, one might say, she'd inserted her foot.
But the marriage (thank goodness, recorded by E!) /Provided fresh grist for her show with Kourtney. /Was it all a mirage? A heartbreak? A ruse? /Kim walks the red carpet with her famous caboose.
Perfect Partners
Michael Douglas & Catherine Zeta-Jones
After battling throat cancer, Douglas began 2011 with a clean bill of health and a renewed appreciation for his loved ones, especially his wife. "It brought our family closer," he said. Meanwhile, Zeta-Jones bravely went public with her bipolar II diagnosis. After a brief stay at a mental-health facility, she was back to work, filming three movies (including Rock of Ages) while her husband took time, he said, to "smell the roses." Next up? He's playing Liberace!
Comedy Queen
Melissa McCarthy
Always a bridesmaid? Not any more. After years of playing second banana, the comedian got the last laugh in 2011 by stealing the show in the summer's run-away hit Bridesmaids. By fall she was TV comedy's alpha female-winning the Outstanding Lead Actress Emmy for her sitcom Mike & Molly.
Celebs IN DRAG
Glenn Close
She plays a woman who impersonates a man in 19th-century Ireland in the film Albert Nobbs.
Adam Sandler
The actor did double duty, playing both title characters in the movie Jack and Jill.
The diva appeared as her tough-guy alter ego, Jo Calderone, in fashion mags and at the VMAs.
Chloe Sevigny
The actress dressed as photographer Terry Richardson for his Candy magazine cover shoot.
Candid CANINES
This year a hacker was arrested for allegedly leaking naked pics of stars. Now we've unearthed nude photos of celeb pets!
Josephine with Holly Madison
Aston with Countess LuAnn de Lesseps
Baylor with Selena Gomez
Spartacus with Coco
The Breakout Star
Emma Stone
• "Having the opportunity to meet and work with people I've admired has been a great thing," says Stone, summing up the year in which she hit leading-lady status via A-list movies like The Help and Crazy, Stupid, Love. But the star's favorite moment of 2011 happened on the small screen when she hosted SNL for the second time. "It was my birthday week, and it was kind of the icing on my life."
On the STAND
Amanda Knox
The Exonerated
• After four years in an Italian prison, the 24-year-old saw her conviction for the 2007 murder of roommate Meredith Kercher overturned. Knox returned to her hometown of Seattle Oct. 4 a free woman.
Conrad Murray
The Disgraced
After dosing Michael Jackson with the powerful anesthetic propofol in his final hours, the physician, 58, was found guilty of involuntary manslaughter.
Casey Anthony
The Acquitted
• Her sensational trial on murder charges in the death of daughter Caylee, 2, gripped the nation. Acquitted July 17, the fast-living 25-year-old still faces civil suits and remains in hiding.
Jerry Sandusky
The Accused
Once a hero to hard-luck kids, the former Penn State assistant football coach faces 52 counts of molesting or raping 10 boys, all of whom he met through his charity the Second Mile. The scandal has long coattails: Beloved football coach Joe Paterno was fired.
Dancing Hero
J.R. Martinez
After winning Dancing with the Stars, the Iraqi war vet and former All My Children star's dance card is filling up with offers, including one to pen his memoir. "People tell me, 'You've taught me to be a better person,'" says Martinez. "That, to me, is the trophy."
No one turns 30 quite like Beyonce. "I would say it's one of my most defining years," she says of 2011. First she released another chart-topper, 4. Then in August she revealed at the MTV Video Music Awards that she was expecting her first child with husband Jay-Z. "I thought it was so much better to show my pregnancy," she says, "especially after so many false rumors." She adds, "It's been the best year of my life."
The Warlock
In March the Two and a Half Men star went on a bizarro spree, veering from rants against his show's co-creator to waving a machete and "Tiger Blood" on an L.A. rooftop. After getting fired, Sheen, 46, pulled himself together. Now he's on to his next TV project, fittingly called Anger Management.


text:
The following form allows you to view linux man pages.
#include <gnutls/gnutls.h>
int gnutls_certificate_set_x509_trust(gnutls_certificate_credentials_t
res, gnutls_x509_crt_t * ca_list, int ca_list_size);
gnutls_certificate_credentials_t res
is a gnutls_certificate_credentials_t structure.
gnutls_x509_crt_t * ca_list
is a list of trusted CAs
int ca_list_size
holds the size of the CA list
This function adds the trusted CAs in order to verify client or server
certificates. In case of a client this is not required to be called if
the certificates are not verified using gnutls_certificate_ver-
ify_peers2(). This function may be called multiple times.
In case of a server the CAs set here will be sent to the client if a
certificate request is sent. This can be disabled using gnutls_certifi-
the number of certificates processed or a negative error code on error.
Report bugs to <email@example.com>.
Home page: http://www.gnutls.org
Copyright (C) 2001-2014 Free Software Foundation, Inc.
Copying and distribution of this file, with or without modification,
are permitted in any medium without royalty provided the copyright
notice and this notice are preserved.
The full documentation for gnutls is maintained as a Texinfo manual.
If the /usr/share/doc/gnutls/ directory does not contain the HTML form
Copyright © 1999 - 2016 by LinuxGuruz


text:
Damage to recreational boats could have been much worse, say TowBoatU.S. salvors who credit most Florida boaters with taking the proper precautions to protect their boats from Hurricane Wilma.
TowBoatU.S. Palm Beach owner Chris Shafner said, "While we did have boats fall out of lifts, we didn't have nearly as many losses as last year's hurricanes. Most boaters prepared. Even cases of 'dock rash' - scratched gel-coat caused by vessels rubbing against docks - were minimal." Shafner said the lull in the middle of the storm allowed many boaters to adjust lines to help keep boats off docks.
Mike and Judy Stewart of TowBoatU.S. North Miami report that boaters in their area also did pretty well. "Even the boats that we find washed up on shore show evidence of having been double lined and canvas removed," said Judy Stewart.
Todd Seeds of TowBoatU.S. South Dade says most of the work he's focusing on now is with environmental and navigational hazards. The company just retrieved two large sailboats that had sunk and were blocking a ship loading pier at the Port of Miami. Seeds reports that he saw a high incidence of damage to vessels that attempted to weather the storm at the end of exposed T-docks. Without windward pilings to help the vessels fend off, they were driven into the docks.
A bigger problem the industry is experiencing now, Seeds says, is the lack of repair yard space for salvaged vessels. "Some boat owners are walking away from salvaged but repairable vessels because they can't find a yard to take the work. Our repair facilities are already at capacity with work on Katrina affected boats," he added.
Barrie McCune of TowBoatU.S. Islamorada believes that most of the "old-timers" from the area did fairly well in protecting their vessels. A slightly higher than expected storm surge resulted in many cases of dock rash according to McCune, but she also said reports of sunken vessels in local anchorages were few.
In Miami, Cory Offutt of TowBoatU.S. Miami reports some complacency issues. "Our hurricane hole on the Miami River was not nearly as full as it could have been. Perhaps boaters are tired of storms," says Offutt. He says a lot of damages occurred in the "crash & smash" style where vessels broke loose and struck other vessels or fixed objects.
Larry Acheson of TowBoatU.S. Ft. Lauderdale also agrees that better precautions could have been made. "I think some boaters thought this would be a weak storm," he said.
And on the state's west coast, TowBoatU.S. Charlotte Harbor operators Jerry and Cheryl Smith report plenty of canvas and accessory damage but very few total losses as the storm largely spared the area. "However," said Jerry Smith, "I believe that we had even fewer boaters prepare for Wilma than last year's storms. For those who did take advantage of the advance warning and made basic storm preparations, this didn't harm them at all."
Some lessons learned from the TowBoatU.S. salvors are that basic preparations such as doubling of dock lines and removal of all biminis, dinghies and sails make a big difference. Boats at the end of T-docks can be significantly more exposed than boats in a slip, and boaters should take advantage of long-range forecasting information. Above all, treat every hurricane as though it were the first of the season and don't get complacent in your storm preparations.
TowBoatU.S. companies provide recreational boaters towing and on-the-water assistance as well as post-hurricane salvage recovery services for boaters, insurance companies, local governments and marinas. For more information, go to BoatUS.com/towing


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- [j2]Ken Cai, Rongqian Yang, Huazhou Chen, Hai Ning, Amin Ma, Jing Zhou, Wenhua Huang, Shanxing Ou:
Simulation and Visualization of Liver Cancer Ablation Focus in Optical Surgical Navigation. J. Medical Systems 40(1): 19:1-19:7 (2016)
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- [j1]Hai Ning, Rongqian Yang, Amin Ma, Xiaoming Wu:
Interactive 3D medical data cutting using closed curve with arbitrary shape. Comp. Med. Imag. and Graph. 40: 120-127 (2015)
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text:
Tales of Star City
Tom Blank
17 year old kid with too much on his plate
Tom's story is the same story told a thousand different ways with the same ending. Born into a poor family his deadbeat dad left when his baby sister Abby was born, Tom was 7 at the time. Mom worked 2 jobs to provide for him and his sister and his grandma, all living in a tiny apartment on the wrong side of the tracks. Tom worked any odd job he could after school to help out, but it was never enough. He spent what time he could with his sister and his grandma who's health was never what you would call good. When Tom was 12, after making a few extra dollars at an odd job, he decided he would take the train instead of walking the 20 or so blocks home. After the incident in the subway, in quarantine, He found out that is mother was killed in a car wreck a few days after the incident. Distraught all he could think about was his little sister and his grandma. He paced the floor back and forth worrying himself to death, all while listening to some rich entitled douche-bag go on about his "first world problems" and some weird psycho stare at the wall the whole time. After being released from quarantine Tom had too work all the odd jobs he could find, along with his grandma's pension they were barely able to scrape by. Now 5 years later, few days after his 17th birthday his grandma died, as old folks tend to do. He has had to get his G.E.D. and quit high school and get a full time job to support him and his sister. Now juggling a full time job making time for his sister and starting to attend college to better himself. Strange things are beginning to happen to Tom. He wakes up in places he did not go to sleep, strange nightmares and a sudden insatiable hunger that he can not account for, what will become of poor Tom?


text:
About The Benefits To Train For A Half Marathon - part 4
It was a beautiful day last Friday in Berlin. The sun was shining and it was really warm. It was the warmest March 16 in history as I learned later. So I officially closed my office at 3 p.m., donned my running gear and left for a training session. I planned to run as long as possible. In the end it was around 16 kilometers but with breaks to take pictures, I posted on the PGD facebook page in the album 'What Berliners do...' It was quite hard this time to run. Maybe because it was the third time this week, maybe I had done other forms of training as well. Therefore I appreciated the excuse of taking pictures during the last part of the training. I am now away for a week in which I will not be able to do any running training. The half marathon will be in two weeks but I am confident that it will work just as fine, as last year. Last year I had the same situation: being away the week before the week of the half marathon and it worked out great. So, there is absolutely no reason to stick slavishly to a fixed plan. That basically means that for taking up running you do not need anything but the time to actually do it on a loose basis. You alone decide when it would be best, how long you run and how often. There are only minimum requirements. You should do not leave to much time between the individual runs - seven days are the longest, better is five days - and you should go at least for 20 to 30 minutes. Otherwise you will have no positive effect. On the contrary. It will be a real drag to go running again because you basically start anew every time. But the idea is that each consecutive training builds on the previous one.
What is the right speed? Well, the right speed is, when you still can talk to your running mate without getting out of air. After a while of training you might run faster than that, if only it is for a short time. That is okay too. The great thing with running not only is, that it is good for your health and is uplifting your spirit, you can just start doing it without preparing for it and find out how and what works out for you while you are going, sorry, running. Warming up is not necessary because you do it automatically while you are running. But start slowly. When the muscles are still cold you can hurt yourself. For that reason you should sprint - if you like to - after the warming up period and not at the end of the training. At the end you are tired and it is more likely to get hurt in a sprint by twisting ones ankle or foot. This I read in an article a couple of days ago and was wondering about this advice. Because if you take part in a competition, you should not waste your strength in the beginning but try to evenly hold ones strength over the whole distance. And then in the end you gather all the strength that is left inside you and run as fast as you can for the last one or two kilometers.
That is the moment when another strength comes in handy. The strength of the upper body. You should train it to. Either separately in a fitness studio or while you consciously run with an upright and tense upper body and firm abs. Try it out. You will be astonished how much it alerts and helps you to gain running power and speed.
In next weeks blog I will tell you how I spend the last week before the half-marathon in preparation for it.


text:
K-12 Census: Making the effort
While the fight to address school nutrition standards and increase funding drags on in Washington, school foodservice directors are struggling to hold off challenges at home in their districts. To get an update on the scope of the issue, FoodService Director magazine enlisted market research firm (and sister company) Technomic to survey our readers for the 2016 K-12 Census.
Students' needs are great, and the pressure to deliver higher-quality, better-for-you options is multiplying—and not only from regulators. More than half of school foodservice operators expect to increase the amount of locally sourced items on their menus in the next two years. Nearly half expect gluten-free items to rise, while the same number expect to do more scratch cooking.
That's all while budgets continue to be squeezed by rising costs and greater food waste, the result of regulations that lawmakers continue to debate in Congress. Read on for our 2016 K-12 Census report, a current snapshot of what school operators are facing.
At a glance
72% of respondents say food waste has increased since implementing the fruit requirement at breakfast.
86% say their overall breakfast costs have gone up.
43% have seen their lunch participation rates go down this year, compared to last year.
58% find it extremely or very challenging meeting sodium reduction requirements.
Yet very few operators are dropping out of the National School Lunch Program.
In addition, many school FSDs are feeding students beyond the bell via catering, as well as after-school, supper or summer-feeding programs.
Who we surveyed
207 Number of school foodservice directors.
82% self-operated.
17% contract-managed.
1% partly self-operated and partly contract-managed.
26 Average number of schools in these districts.
49% Average percentage of students who qualify for free and/or reduced-price meals.


text:
The Digital Reader - It looks like my fears that Sony was getting out of ereaders were unfounded; a new Sony Reader appeared on the FCC website Sunday.
That image at right shows the backside of the new PRS-T2 ereader, an that image is about all I have to show you. Eeverything else is either permanently concealed or won't be revealed to the public until 29 September.


text:
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