text:
Interviews and Interviewing in the Ethnography of Education
Summary and Keywords
Interviews are frequently used in ethnographic research, but it is argued that they pose particular difficulties in interpretation. While ethnographers are interested in understanding how people construct and interpret cultures in their natural settings, interviews are based on rules that counteract most normal interactions. Thus interviews in ethnography can only be interpreted within the context of that wider ethnography and the data generated has to be tested against other data generated by different means and data generated in other interviews.
Although some ethnographers avoid the use of interviews, others use a range of different forms of interviews. It is argued that Basil Bernstein's concepts of classification and framing can be used to clarify the range of forms and to highlight the potential relationships between the form of interview and class, gender, and ethnicity.
Keywords: ethnography, interviews, Basil Bernstein, classification, framing
We live in a world where interviews are pervasive. We are stopped in the street by people who claim to want to interview us, but who are often trying to sell us something. We watch television interviews where politicians avoid questions and present answers to alternative questions in an attempt to make their policies or activities seem more acceptable. We read magazine articles that claim to show us how to answer possible tricky questions in a job interview so that we can present our "weakest points" as being positive strengths.
Interviews in ethnography are not like any of these popular conceptions of the nature of interviews. First, they are research interviews. The aim of these interviews is not to trick the person being interviewed into saying something he or she may later regret, but to establish some kind of "truth" about his or her experiences, behaviors, interpretations, or views.
Second, with a few possible exceptions in policy research, the people interviewed are not selected because they are well-known or famous but because they belong to a particular group, or hold a particular position within an organization or group. They will usually not be identified by name in any publication related to the research. In ethnographic interviewing, the individuals selected will not be seen as representative of that group, but just as one of that group and thus having some of the possible range of experiences, behaviors, and so on that a person in that group can have.
Third, interviews in ethnography are exactly that—they are interviews that are conducted within a wider ethnography. They are just one of several ways by which ethnographers generate data about the culture of a particular group that is the focus of concern. What a person says in a particular interview will always be interpreted by the researcher taking into account the time, place, and wider situation in which the interview was conducted. What is said will not be taken as the only possible thing that might have been said about an issue and will be tested against other data generated in different ways and against what is said by the same person or others in different interviews.
The Nature of Ethnography
I wish to argue here, as elsewhere (Walford, 2009), that ethnography is not another word for qualitative research. It is a separate research strategy that has developed over the past century and entails far more than simply qualitative research. Indeed, I argue that the distinction between qualitative research and quantitative research is somewhat simplistic and unhelpful when it comes to trying to understand cultures. I advocate what might be called a traditional form of ethnography within educational research. The common idea of thinking about ethnography as being synonymous with qualitative research misrepresents traditional ethnography within education and schooling, as early practitioners used a wide variety of what are now thought of as qualitative and quantitative methods. While ethnographers were unlikely to use sophisticated statistical analysis, they often generated quantitative data as well as qualitative field notes and descriptions. Some of the classic educational ethnographies (such as Hargreaves, 1967; Lacey, 1970; Ball, 1981; or Becker, Geer, Hughes, & Strauss, 1961) present a considerable amount of quantitative data to support their arguments.
Quantitative claims, which are frequently made in ethnographies (if only in terms of "many" or "most"), require quantitative data, so the use of structured observation, time-sampling, and even surveys may be required in addition to more open-ended participant observation and more semi-structured interviewing. The methods used depend upon the research questions that the study eventually tries to answer. Thus, one very noticeable feature of early sociology of education such as Ball's (1981) study of a comprehensive school is the diversity of ways of generating data that were used. Observations were made in a multitude of contexts: in classrooms, while accompanying groups on school visits, during invigilation of examinations, while playing cricket, in the wider community, and so on. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with pupils and teachers, questionnaires were circulated (including socio-metric questionnaires), pupil diaries were kept, school records and registers were examined. The results of the research were presented in a similar variety of ways: with figures, diagrams, and charts alongside quotations from interviews and observed naturally occurring conversations.
Moreover, for a piece of research to count as ethnographic, it must rely on more than just interviews—interviews are only one of the research tools that researchers may use within an ethnography, for the very interpretation of interviews demands that other methods of generating data are available to test the interview data against. This is not to say that researchers cannot use interviews alone in their research—it is simply that this is not ethnography. There are many research questions that are not centered on culture, and far from all research questions are amenable to ethnography.
It worth trying to define what is meant by ethnography more fully. Hammersley and Atkinson (2007, p. 3), for example, start their discussion in the following way:
In terms of data collection, ethnography usually involves researcher participating, overtly or covertly, in people's daily lives for an extended period of time, watching what happens, listening to what is said, and/or asking questions through informal and formal interviews, collecting documents and artefacts—in fact, gathering whatever data are available to throw light on the issues that are the emerging focus of inquiry.
Alternatively, some writers favor lists. One example, with which I was involved, was put forward by the editors of Ethnography and Education, who listed in the first issue what they saw as the seven main features of ethnography:
The key elements of ethnographic research applied to the study of education contexts are:
• the focus on the study of cultural formation and maintenance;
• the use of multiple methods and thus the generation of rich and diverse forms of data;
• the direct involvement and long-term engagement of the researcher(s);
• the recognition that the researcher is the main research instrument;
• the high status given to the accounts of participants' perspectives and understandings;
• the engagement in a spiral of data collection, hypothesis building and theory testing—leading to further data collection; and
• the focus on a particular case in depth, but providing the basis for theoretical generalization.
(Troman, Gordon, Jeffrey, & Walford, 2006, p. 1).
While there are some differences between the description and list provided, these writers claim that there is a set of specific criteria that have to be met before a study can be considered to be ethnographic. There needs to be long-term engagement, the use of multiple research methods, and the generation of rich data. The research process also needs to be theory-led and systematic. Understanding is not achieved through chaotic or biased processes, but by systematic and well-ordered generation of data appropriate to the task.
The Nature of Interviews
Ethnography focuses on research questions that are concerned with the complexity of trying to understand cultures. The fundamental question to be answered is "How do they do things around here?" (Deal, 1985). This is a very different type of question from that which can be answered through survey or experimental research, and ethnographic research grew, in part, as a reaction to the positivistic and experimental research that once held sway. Survey research through questionnaires or interviews with representative samples might be seen as reliable and the results generalizable to a wider population, but they could generate answers only to simple research questions. Experimental methods were castigated as setting up unreal situations such that the results could not be expected to be valid or generalizable to wider circumstances. In contrast, ethnography, with its long-term involvement and desire to understand activities in their natural settings, was thought to bring greater validity, as the everyday activities being investigated would be disturbed as little as possible.
Schools and school classrooms, for example, provide a physical space in which teachers and students interact according to rules that are co-constructed. But the culture created is complex and understood somewhat differently by each of the participants. No matter how hard the teacher may try, the shared culture is not made explicit, and participants may not even be able to recognize or articulate some of its aspects. For example, some early studies of classrooms focused on interactions between participants in terms of gender or ethnicity, and found clear biases in the ways that some children from ethnic minorities were treated, alongside major differences between interactions between teachers and male and female students. But it was not that teachers necessarily deliberately treated students differently according to gender or ethnicity and, when confronted with evidence, they were often shocked by the findings. Ethnographers recognized that interviews with teachers would not have been able to uncover the disjuncture between what people think they do and what they actually do, and that observation was a fundamental necessity in generating particular data on cultures.
It is worth remembering what a strange situation an interview is. It cannot be defined as "a conversation with a purpose" as some commentators suggest—all conversations have purposes, if only to pass time amiably. In contrast, in a research interview in its most structured form, the socially accepted rules of conversation and reciprocity between people are suspended. One person takes the lead and asks a series of questions of the other. The other has agreed that this is to be a special form of verbal interaction and is prepared for his or her views to be continuously questioned without the usual ability to be able to return the question. There is no natural "turn-taking" and ability for both to control the flow of topics. Instead, the topics to be covered are under the control of the "interviewer," and the "interviewee" is expected to have opinions or information about each of the questions asked. Moreover, and most strangely, what the interviewee says in this particularly odd situation is usually taken to have lasting importance—it is recorded for future analysis. This is not a transitory conversation but one that is invested with future significance. Given that the interview is such an extraordinary situation, it is remarkable that so many researchers take the data so generated as reliable and valid.
I have argued elsewhere (Walford, 2017) that concern over the validity of interviews is far from new. How interviewees respond to questions may well depend upon the time of day or year, the weather, and external events. Crucially, the appearance, gender, ethnicity, clothing, accent, and other variables associated with the interviewer will also influence what is said.
We know that interviewers and interviewees co-construct the interview and that the replies to questions are produced for that particular occasion and circumstance. Interviewers and interviewees take part in a performative and rhetorical interchange and will select their words with care and will moderate what they have to say to the particular circumstances. If we put to one side the epistemological question of whether or not there is any ultimate "reality" to be communicated, the interviewees may have incomplete knowledge or faulty memory. They will always have subjective perceptions that will be related to their own past experiences and current conditions. At best, interviewees will give only what they are prepared to reveal about their subjective perceptions of events and opinions. These perceptions and opinions will change over time, and according to circumstance. They may be at some considerable distance from any "reality" as others might see it.
Some critics of interviews go even further and propose that researchers need to move beyond the traditional cooperative paradigm and recognize the underlying conflictual nature of society. In his typical colorful language Douglas (1976) argues that:
In its most extreme form [. . .] the cooperative paradigm of society assumed it is possible to ask members what is going on and they will tell. Yet everyone knows when he [sic] thinks about it that only the naive, the innocent, the dupe takes this position all the time in everyday life. Rather, all competent adults are assumed to know that there are at least four major problems lying in the way of getting at social reality by asking people what is going on and that these problems must be dealt with if one is to avoid being taken in, duped, deceived, used, put on, fooled, suckered, made a patsy, left holding the bag, fronted and so on.
(Douglas, 1976, p. 57)
Douglas argues that researchers should assume that people and groups are in conflict with one another, and that their aims and objectives often clash. He describes the problems that we encounter in interviews in terms of misinformation, evasion, lies, and fronts, and follows this with a detailed exposition of the problems of taken-for-granted meanings, problematic meanings, and self-deception. In places, ethical questions are not always at the forefront of his suggested strategies, but the overall point is well made: what people tell us in interviews is often not to be taken at face value. He argues that this is particularly true when the interviewer asks about aspects of experience that are of special importance to the person being interviewed—for example, issues of sex, money, and power.
But misinformation, evasion, lies, and fronts are only part of the problem. These are the more explicit and conscious ways in which researchers may be misled. There are also taken-for-granted meanings, problematic meanings, and self-deception. We do not have full control over our lives—they are not inherently coherent. They are result of chance and circumstance as much as our own activities and plans. The unexpected happens; the expected does not. We act as if we will live forever (or, at least, for a long time yet), but we may be dead tomorrow. In this uncertainty we all try to make sense of our own worlds, and the interview is one occasion when we try to do so in a semi-public forum. We try to present a reasonably rational image of our own uncertainty. People construct accounts about themselves, their activities, and beliefs that are far more coherent than the lived reality.
Yet, in interviews, and in particular in the transcribed versions of interviews, a coherent and constructed account gives the impression of permanence to something that is inherently transitory. It becomes a text that can be edited, copied, and recontextualized. The original event becomes data to be entered into a qualitative analysis package, and segments become examples drawn from the data bank at the touch of a key. In short, the transcribed interview encourages the possibility of the spoken word being taken too seriously. The phrase that someone happened to have used on a hot Monday afternoon following a double mathematics class gets wrenched out of its context and presented as if it represented the "truth" about one person's views or understandings.
Observation Within Ethnography
Participant observation is the key method that is used in ethnography—where the researcher takes on a role within the research setting and observes what is going on. In the 1970s and 1980s, before ethics committees made it almost impossible to conduct covert research, there were numerous studies of learning in sites other than schools. One of the best known of these is Patrick's (1973) study of a Glasgow gang, where he briefly took on the role of a peripheral member of one of the gangs. Edgerton (1979) provided an account of activity on an urban beach and shows how the users of the beach learn to act such that social order is constructed. The first part of the notorious book by Humphreys (1970) focuses on male public toilets as a learning location—here men learn how to engage in sexual activity with other men without any verbal communication between them. All of these studies, and more, were conducted covertly and thus no interviews were used. Instead, participant observation was the core of the fieldwork.
Even where research is openly conducted some researchers have found that they do not need to conduct interviews to answer their research questions. A recent study by Clerke and Hopwood (2014; Hopwood, 2016) researched professional workplace practices and learning within a residential unit in Sydney where each week up to 10 troubled families with young children were equipped with a range of strategies to help them respond to their children and eventually bring about positive changes in family life. In this fieldwork researchers observed, took photographs, collected documents, recorded naturally occurring verbal interactions, and even videoed some activities, but identifiable interviews played no part. Interviews were not seen as being able to help answer the research questions.
Similarly, Barley (2014) used an array of methods in her study of identity and social interaction in a multiethnic classroom of early years' children. This included a great deal of observation (which, as Delamont [2014, pp. 146–163] reminds us, includes smell, touch, hearing, and tasting, as well as looking), and also various activities with the children to generate data within the classroom environment. Again, interviews played little part.
So Why Use Interviews at All?
In spite of the many problems previously outlined, many ethnographers still use interviews within ethnography, and there are a variety of reasons why they do so.
One reason is simply that other people think that interviews are important. For example, those who allow initial access to the research site often feel that interviews should be part of the research. Before I was granted access to one of the major British private schools to conduct a term-long ethnographic study, the head teacher insisted that I conduct interviews with a range of staff and students. His concern was with size and representativeness, as he wanted to ensure that I obtained information from a wide range of people and did not focus on just a small group, but I was certainly glad that I agreed to his demand. I found that the head teacher was far from being alone in seeing interviews as central to research. It became clear that many of the teachers also saw it as important and were reluctant to allow me to observe until they had had their chance to be interviewed and put forward their views. Thus I found that the teaching staff and students wanted to be interviewed, and this then facilitated access to classrooms and other places for observation and other forms of data generation.
Interviewing at the start of an ethnographic research period does, however, have disadvantages. Ideally, interviews might better be conducted some way into the project when relationships have been established and those involved are comfortable in their knowledge of the researcher and what he or she is aiming to achieve. Interviewing early may help with access, but also may lead to more evasive and misleading responses to questions. With early interviews there has not been enough time for trust to have been developed, so that there is really a need for multiple interviews if these interviews are to be used as a source of factual data. Comparing what is said in early and later interviews can be revealing.
Beyond the strategic, there are several other reasons why ethnographers might use interviews in their studies. For example, it is often important to know something of the informant's history in interpreting what is seen in the classroom or other learning sites, and that is most conveniently obtained directly through an interview. Similarly, interviews can be used to try to understand what is going on during a period of observation, or to get various participants' views after an event. Interviews can give information on activities that occurred outside of the period of study, or during the period of study but when the research did not obtain access. In all cases the key is that interviews need to be seen as being potentially flawed, and they can be interpreted only through integration and challenge with other data generated in the ethnographic research process. Interviews in ethnography must be seen as a particular form of observation of a situation in which the interviewer has set up a strange theatrical performance where both participants perform only partially scripted roles.
What Type of Interviews May Be Used?
Many commentators go to considerable lengths to distinguish between such descriptors as structured, semi-structured, loosely structured, and unstructured interviews. I will not do so here, as a single interview can contain elements of all of these. At some points in an interview, explicit questions might be asked that require a yes or no answer, or a precise number. At other times the ethnographer might ask the interviewee to describe an activity that has just occurred, or ask the person to describe some of the good or bad parts of their teaching experiences. It is likely that most interviews within ethnographies will use many open questions where the interviewees are able to put forward their own views—or, at least, those views packaged for the particular circumstances of the interview. These open questions may be followed by more probing questions that respond to what has been said and ask for more details or further explanations.
Some time ago I conducted some research where I interviewed a small sample of well-known ethnographers of education (Walford, 2007). The main suggestion that I put forward then was that it was fruitful to use Basil Bernstein's ideas of classification and framing to describe and think about the nature and process of ethnographic interviewing. These two concepts were introduced in a much-quoted article (Bernstein, 1971), where they relate to the form and structure of the curriculum and the transmission of educational knowledge. Two educational knowledge codes are discussed, differing according to the underlying principles that shape curriculum, pedagogy, and evaluation. A curriculum of a collection type is characterized by strongly bounded knowledge areas with little linkage between them. On the other hand, an integrated curriculum emphasizes the interdependence of various area of knowledge and attempts to transcend traditional boundaries. Bernstein argues that any structure for the transmission of knowledge will symbolically reproduce the distribution of power in society, and introduces the concept of classification to clarify this relationship:
Where classification is strong, contents are well insulated from each other by strong boundaries. Where classification is weak, there is reduced insulation between contents, for the boundaries between contents are weak or blurred. Classification thus refers to the degree of boundary maintenance between contents.
(Bernstein, 1971, p. 49) (original emphasis)
The concept of frame refers to the strength of the boundary between what may be transmitted and what may not be transmitted in the pedagogic relationship. It indicates "the degree of control teacher and pupil possess over the selection, organization, pacing and timing of knowledge transmitted and received in the pedagogical relationship" (Bernstein, 1971, p. 50). The strength of framing thus refers to the range of options available to teacher and taught in the control of what is transmitted and received.
Bernstein's work has been applied to very many different empirical situations, and many researchers have found the general framework useful in attempting to clarify a range of educational problems. Some early examples include Walker (1983), who used Bernstein's concepts of classification and framing within a historical analysis of different social regimes in colleges of education over a century, while Aggleton and Whitty (1985) applied them to a study of the subcultural practices of a group of new middle-class students in an English college of further education. Examples of broader and more flexible usage include Rodger's (1985) study of a large public inquiry and Walford's (1981) account of problems within postgraduate research and of the curriculum in major private boarding schools (Walford, 1986).
Applying the concepts of classification and framing to interviewing within ethnography requires a little stretching, but knowledge is still being transmitted from one person to another in a specific situation. The main difference is that, for the most part, knowledge is actually being sought by the interviewer rather than information being given by a teacher. The power within the relationship is thus rather different in that, while the interviewer generally has greater power to classify and frame the situation, it is the interviewee who can (re)construct the information transmitted, and who has the ultimate sanction of withholding information.
Classification and Framing of Interviewing
Classification is thus concerned with separation. In a similar way to there being a collection or integrated code in terms of the curriculum, we can think of there being a collection or integrated code with regard to the method and nature of generating data through interviews in ethnography. There is a range of ways in which interviews are conducted such that, while some are kept deliberately separate from other activities, others hardy appear to be interviews at all, and may even not be recognized as such by participants. At various points in their studies, ethnographers may sometimes use strongly classified interviews where two people face one another over a desk and recording instrument, and at other times simply discuss events together, with the interviewer later making notes.
In Bernstein's usage the concept of frame refers to the strength of the boundary between what may be transmitted and what may not be transmitted in the pedagogic relationship. It indicates "the degree of control teacher and pupil possess over the selection, organization, pacing and timing of knowledge transmitted and received in the pedagogical relationship" (Bernstein, 1971, p. 50). By analogy, in interviewing framing refers to the degree of control that the interviewer and interviewee possess over the selection, organization, pacing, and timing of the knowledge transmitted within the interview situation.
The variability that is possible in the nature of interviews can be seen through some quotations from my interviews with ethnographers. For example, in discussing his work with Mexican children, in his interview with me, Bradley Levinson described his early stage of participant observation:
B So a lot of it was really just roaming out and observing early on especially before I got to know . . . but actually the kids didn't let me do too much of that because a lot of them very early on took an interest in me or a liking to me and they'd see me walking round and they'd go, tsh tsh, come over here and they'd call me over and they'd want to ask me who I was and what I was doing or they'd want to ask me, what did I think about what I'd just observed in class [oh yes] or they just wanted to kind of incorporate me into their friendship dynamics in ways I could bring a kind of prestige to some of these groups by association.
Here we see an example of a form of interview that is hardly distinguished as such. There is weak classification between this activity and other activities—observation, in the form of listening and interacting with the students, shades into interview. From the point of view of the researcher, framing is also weak, for the students were asking questions of the researcher as well as the other way round.
This form of interaction/interviewing is far from unusual. Sara Delamont's discussion of what she did in her capoeira research (Stephens & Delamont, 2006; Delamont, Stephens, & Campos, 2017) reveals similar weakly classified and framed interviews.
S For instance there is one woman who is basically a dancer who is fascinated by capoeira and she actually borrows books off me and, but she's equally likely to ask me if I've got a book about Alexander the Great or a book about the whirling dervishes, because she's always making up dance programmes with all sorts of cultural [. . .] and she talks to me about human movement theory and that sort of thing. But I think for her, because she's not in higher education I think actually I'm her free library. I mean she's delightful [G yeah, yeah] I like her, but I think she talks to me about things like that because she knows that if she says to me 'you don't happen to have a book about witchcraft beliefs in . . . and if so can I borrow it?' um or 'do you know anything about Santeria in Cuba and do you happen to have a book about Santeria drumming I could borrow?'
Here, not only is information being generated through everyday conversation, it is again a two-way process with Sara being asked questions as well as her asking them.
Yet both of these ethnographers also conducted interviews that were more tightly classified and framed. In the same capoeira research, Sara Delamont almost defines "an interview" by where it is conducted. I have left some of the indications of hesitation in this transcript as they indicate some of the thinking through of the question of place that happened during the interview.
S oh I do all the interviews here [in her office at the university]
G right, why do you do that?
S oh, because it's an appropriate space [G ok] and I feel very strongly about that I do all the interviews here
G tell me about what an appropriate space is
S well where else would I do them? [G yeah I agree that's obviously a problem] um I think there are three reasons why I do them here. Partly because I think it's, I could do them at the house and that would be fine and that isn't a problem. I'm not frightened of having these young men or the women, I wouldn't be frightened of having them in the house or anything like—we could sit and do interviews on my dining room table or something [G yes]. But I've gone in for doing it here because I think that signals to people that it is part of a university job [G yes] and when Ben gossips afterwards, I mean Ben will come in and say—the first time he came in here it was kind of 'hell' you know 'what a lot of books.' But as far as, I said, if I'm interviewing formally about capoeira he comes here and I would expect. I think it's three things. I think one is it's to prove that I really am a person in a university because how can they know? [G no, quite, no I agree] and secondly I think it's because for me it marks it as work [G yeah] and thirdly I think, I think I feel it's sort of more appropriate um, I wouldn't, I mean if somebody said come to my flat and interview me there I'd say no, I think I'd say I'd rather you came to me if you don't mind. Maybe I would go but. . . . When I did the interview part of the St Luke's study [of a girls' private school] I actually interviewed them all off school premises [G did you] in my flat [G did you] as a sort of, yeah, I sort of interviewed them off premises in their ordinary clothes and I organised for them to come, they came in sort of friendship groups and sat around and drank coffee and I hooked them out of the friendship group and took them to another room and interviewed them [G right, right interesting] um and I just thought that was right then.
We have already seen that Bradley Levinson generated some data using very weakly classified and framed interviews, but the following quote illustrates that he also used slightly more strongly framed interviews in asking specific follow-up questions as well as strongly classified one-to-one interviews. He indicates that, in this case, the latter were not as productive as he had hoped.
B The interviews ranged from following up on a particular event that I had witnessed in their classroom [G oh really?] so it would be, you know, sometimes there were these key incidents you might say in the fieldwork when there was a big argument that had run between a whole class and a teacher and they were very illuminating of certain, we anthropologists always love these juicy moments of confrontation because of the sort of the fissures that they reveal. So I would try to get perspectives of different groups of students on it, if I noticed what seemed to be some kind of tension in the group, social tension between different friendship cliques within the group I'd want to go round and get their different perspective on it so it wasn't really any sort of intrinsic part of what I'd call my research design initially. My research design was sort of doing focal student interviews, choosing my focal students and doing a series of so-called talking diary interviews with them, ideally at least three over the course of the school year. I would say as an aside that I think I stayed too wedded to that design even when it became clear to me relatively early on that wasn't going to be terrible fruitful especially because some of the students were not very good interviewees, they were just too immature especially the boys they were just too immature or too uncomfortable in a one-on-one situation to really articulate things very well.
Clearly there is considerable variability in the framing of interviews. At one end of the spectrum within ethnographic interviewing might be the style used by Lois Weis when conducting her re-interviews more than a decade later of the young people who were part of the Working Class Without Work project (Weis, 1995, 2004). She explained her way of working at this point as:
L When I re-interviewed the Class Reunion kids, I had a page of questions. It was more than a page, two pages of questions. And I actually showed them the questions I had intended in order to get their consent. I said "these are the questions that we will be talking around, do you have any objection, here's the tape recorder button if you ever feel you want to turn it off" and so that is my way of also letting them know we were going to do and getting their permission to tape.
G So in some ways it was more of a tactic to gain access [L: yes] than what you would necessarily follow. Obviously you would follow in general those questions, but
L It's both. I did follow the questions. Sometimes the questions worked a little less well, but I knew what I was doing then. They were issues I really wanted to cover and they were issues I wanted to cover because I knew they were important by all the work I had done and from books that I had read.
Here Lois Weis is trying to use the interviews to cover particular aspects that fit with her empirical and theoretical concerns and is using a list of questions to ensure strong framing of the situation. The following extract from our interview shows both that strong framing has to be fought for, and that at the end of these same interviews Lois allowed a section that was much more weakly framed when she passed back to them the transcripts of their previous childhood interviews.
G Ok you gradually work your way through the questions and, as I'm doing, presumably you darted around a bit?
L Absolutely, I always dart, yeah. And I feed off what they say. I mean, like you, you know you get pretty good at this after a while and I feed off what they say. So I move with them.
G How do you end the interview?
L The Class Reunion ones were really fun because I gave them a typed version of their transcript from when they were sixteen and they flipped, they just freaked out.
G You gave that after you'd interviewed them did you?
L Yes I gave it to them afterwards. And then we talked about it a little bit, it was more a sort of my closing.
G With the tape recorder still on?
L Yes. It elicited a little less than I thought it would, with the tape recorder on because I think they didn't think about it.
In contrast, the interviews conducted by Paul Connolly (1998, 2004) with his primary school children were much more weakly framed.
P. I asked a child to nominate two others and I found that a group of three was probably the optimal number for me for that age [G: ok]. With four you started to create dynamics where you could have two against two [G: yeah] and with just two, you know, if one wasn't speaking much it became quite stunted. Three for most of the time actually worked pretty well. So you've got a friendship group of three, basically sat down, and there'd be opening questions that I had—just about what were you doing today in the playground or I'd have more general questions about what are you going to do tonight when you get home, or what do you like to do at home, what do you like to play, what do you watch on TV. Just to get the discussion going [G: yeah]. And then really it would take on a logic of its own. So for the most part I really just let the children talk in whatever ways they wanted to. And I had that luxury of being a PhD student where I could spend three days a week for a year in the school so I could take my time [G: sure] and just allow them to discuss whatever they wanted to. And invariably, you know, it's an inner city school in a multi-racial area, and race came into their discussions very quickly.
Here the circumstances were designed such that the children could take a large degree of control over the framing of the situation. It was deemed appropriate because the research centered on the understandings that these children gave to race and ethnicity. Allowing them considerable power to frame the situation meant that they could exhibit their own worldviews.
At first sight, it might be thought that classification and framing when applied to interviews are overlapping variables rather than being independent—but, while strong framing and strong classification often seem to go together, as do weak classification and weak framing, there are many situations where the strength of each variable is in opposition.
It is far from unusual, for example, for researchers to have to struggle if they wish to impose strong framing. Jan Nespor describes an occasion where he was invited to interview a group of people in the school committee and the framing was fought over:
J. I actually served on, like there was a site based school committee there, site based management committee, that I was a member of for a couple of years and I know one of the members of that group from the church was on it. Some way or another I hooked up with them and I went over and interviewed about ten of them simultaneously. Which really wasn't my idea but that was like, I said 'Can I come and interview you about what you're doing after school and what the school was like in the past?' and she says, 'Oh yes we'd love, we'll bring a whole bunch of people who were there.' You know, they kind of introduced themselves, and you'd try to take notes so you can reconstruct who said what because everybody sounds the same on the tape. [. . .] And of course with ten people that very quickly became them talking to each other more than me asking questions.
Or there might be particular people who are reluctant to go along with the strong framing that the interviewer might desire. Jan Nespor recounted one such woman:
J. She was very involved in opposition to the school and she would never sit down and be interviewed. She was one of those people who would grab you in the parking lot and tell you everything that had happened to her and talk for twenty or thirty minutes but just didn't want to have it on tape. And I'd say can I write about that? I mean I didn't actually because I could never remember. It was like, you know, it'd be the end of the day and you're tired, and this person just downloads you know tries to download all of this complex stuff and of course by the time I get to the typewriter I can't remember half of it.
Researching the powerful in education can also challenge both classification and framing. In an edited collection on the topic of researching the powerful (Walford, 1994) there are numerous examples where policymakers were interviewed to try to gain insights into their own role in particular policy decisions. Stephen Ball gives an example of his interview with Sir Keith Joseph where the interviewer and interviewee have somewhat different agendas and struggle to control the framing of the interview. The classification is very strong, but the framing, from the researchers' point of view, keeps slipping away. Similarly, John Fitz and David Halpin describe an interview with Kenneth Baker where official advisers sat in on the interview and "the interview that followed was dominated by Baker"(Fitz & Halpin, 1994, p. 44). Those who are powerful and used to being interviewed on-record find it easy to make sure that interviews are actually weakly framed even where the interviewer plans it to be strong.
I have argued that there are many problems with interviewing in educational research, but that this does not necessarily mean that interviews should be abandoned within ethnography. Interviews within ethnography should always be recognized as being part of the wider ethnography and must be interpreted in conjunction with data obtained through other research methods or through other interviews. Interviews can inform us of what the person interviewed is prepared to say about a topic in the social context, time, and place of that particular interview. We need to recognize that what is said will be co-constructed in that interview, and will be limited by perception, memory, evasions, self-deception, and more on the part of both interviewee and interviewer, and researchers certainly cannot uncritically take what is said in any particular interview as "the truth" for all times. Interviews have to be treated as generated accounts and performances (Atkinson, 2015, p. 96) and to be recognized as occasions when those interviewed will construct themselves as particular types of people.
This means that ethnographers need to analyze interviews with much more care than is often given to them. We need to focus on what is not said as much as what is said. We need to be cautious in interpreting the words produced in interviews, and try to generate further data about the same topics in a variety of ways and in different circumstances. This means that we need to search for misinformation, evasion, lies, and fronts, and also to look for taken-for-granted meanings, problematic meanings, and self-deception. We need to interrogate the interviews and compare what is said in one account with what is indicated by another interview or research method.
I have used Bernstein's categories of classification and framing and applied them to the variety of interview situations within ethnography. As with the original formulation of educational knowledge codes, there is a tendency for high classification to be associated with high framing and low classification to be associated with low framing, but two distinct dimensions can be identified.
The more challenging implication of using the framework of classification and framing is that, in Bernstein's original formulation, the educational success of children of differing classes (and, one might add, genders and ethnicities) will be related to the classification and framing to be found in teaching situations. "Where framing is strong [. . .] social class may play a crucial role [. . .] it often means that the images, voices and practices the school reflects make it difficult for children of marginalized classes to recognize themselves in the school" (Bernstein, 2000, p. 14). One would expect there to be similar relationships between class and other elements of marginalization in the interview process. One advantage of the use of classification and framing as a way of thinking about interviewing is that it may make researchers examine the possible differential validities and reliabilities that various approaches may have with interviewees of different social classes, genders, and ethnicities. It is an empirical question as to which type of interviewing technique is likely to generate the most valid data, and this requires a separate research investigation, but it is inevitable that this relationship between validity and method will be mediated by class, race, and gender.
Author Note
As with much of my writing, this contribution draws upon and develops some previous work, in particular, Walford, 2001, 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2017. This article largely takes a British and European viewpoint. It does so because, sadly, since the late 20th century, in the United States in particular, the two words "qualitative" and "ethnography" have become almost synonymous. Just as seriously, many in the United States use the word "ethnography" to describe studies that are based on interviews only. For example, the Ethnography in Education Research Forum held each year in Philadelphia advertises itself as the "the largest annual meeting of qualitative researchers" and has papers using a wide range of qualitative methods, but disappointingly few that use ethnography. The U.S.–based journal Anthropology and Education Quarterly has many articles that are based on interviews only rather than the traditional focus of anthropology on ethnography. But in the United Kingdom and most of Europe the distinctions remains clearer, with, for example, the European-based journal Ethnography and Education only publishing articles based on the traditional view of ethnography and the annual Ethnography and Education Conference held at Oxford not accepting interview-only papers.
Aggleton, P. J., & Whitty, G. (1985). Rebels without a cause? Socialization and subcultural style among the children of the new middle class. Sociology of Education, 58, 60–72.Find this resource:
Atkinson, P. (2006). Rescuing autoethnography. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 35(4), 400–404.Find this resource:
Atkinson, P. (2015). For ethnography. London: SAGE.Find this resource:
Ball, S. J. (1981). Beachside comprehensive: A case study of secondary schooling. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Find this resource:
Barley, R. (2014). Identity and social interaction in a multi-ethnic classroom. London: Tufnell.Find this resource:
Becker, H. S., Geer, B., Hughes, E. C., & Strauss, A. L. (1961). Boys in white: Student culture in a medical school. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Find this resource:
Bernstein, B. (1971). On the classification and framing of educational knowledge. In M. F. D. Young (Ed.), Knowledge and control (pp. 47–69). London: Collier-Macmillan.Find this resource:
Bernstein, B. (2000). Pedagogy, symbolic control and identity (rev. ed.). Boulder, CO: Rowman & Littlefield.Find this resource:
Clerke, T., & Hopwood, N. (2014). Doing ethnography in teams: A case study of asymmetries in collaborative research. London: Springer.Find this resource:
Connolly, P. (1998). Racism, gender identity and young children. London: Routledge.Find this resource:
Connolly, P. (2004). Boys and schooling in the early years. London: RoutledgeFalmer.Find this resource:
Deal T. E. (1985). The symbolism of effective schools. Elementary School Journal, 85(5), 601–620.Find this resource:
Delamont, S. (2005). No place for women among them? Reflections on the axé of fieldwork. Sport, Education and Society, 10(3), 305–320.Find this resource:
Delamont, S. (2014). Key Themes in the Ethnography of Education. Los Angeles: SAGE.Find this resource:
Delamont, S., Stephens, N., & Campos, C. (2017). Embodying Brazil: An ethnography of diasporic capoeira. London: Routledge.Find this resource:
Douglas, J. D. (1976). Investigative social research: Individual and team field research. London: SAGE.Find this resource:
Edgerton, R. B. (1979). Alone together: Social order on an urban beach. Berkeley: University of California Press.Find this resource:
Fitz, J., & Halpin, D. (1994). Ministers and mandarins: educational research in elite settings. In G. Walford (Ed.), Researching the Powerful in Education. London: UCL Press.Find this resource:
Hammersley, M., & Atkinson, P. (2007). Ethnography: Principles in practice (3rd ed.). London: Routledge.Find this resource:
Hargreaves, D. (1967). Social relations in the secondary school. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.Find this resource:
Hopwood, N. (2016). Professional practice and learning: Times, spaces, bodies, things. London: Springer.Find this resource:
Humphreys, L. (1970). Tearoom trade. London: Duckworth.Find this resource:
Lacey, C. (1970). Hightown Grammar. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press.Find this resource:
Nespor, J. (1997). Tangled up in school: Politics, space, bodies, and signs in the educational process. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.Find this resource:
Patrick, J. (1973). A Glasgow gang observed. London: Eyre Methuen.Find this resource:
Rodger, J. J. (1985). Natural justice and the big public inquiry: A sociological perspective. Sociological Review, 33, 409–429.Find this resource:
Stephens, N., & Delamont, S. (2006). Balancing the Berimbau: Embodied ethnographic understanding. Qualitative Enquiry, 12(2), 316–339.Find this resource:
Troman, G., Gordon, T., Jeffrey, B., & Walford, G. (2006). Editorial. Ethnography and Education, 1(1), 1–2.Find this resource:
Walford, G. (1981). Classification and framing in postgraduate education. Studies in Higher Education, 6(2), 147–158.Find this resource:
Walford, G. (1986). Ruling-class classification and framing. British Educational Research Journal, 12(2), 183–195.Find this resource:
Walford, G. (2001). Doing qualitative educational research: A personal guide to the research process. London: Continuum.Find this resource:
Walford, G. (2007). Classification and framing of interviews in ethnographic interviewing. Ethnography and Education, 2(2), 145–157.Find this resource:
Walford, G. (2009). For ethnography. Ethnography and Education, 4(3), 273–284.Find this resource:
Walford, G. (2017). Recognisable continuity: A defence of multiple methods. In D. Beach, C. Bagley, & S. M. de Silva (Eds.), The Wiley handbook of the ethnography of education. London: Wiley.Find this resource:
Walford, G. (Ed.). (1994). Researching the powerful in education. London: Routledge.Find this resource:
Walford, G. (Ed.). (2008). How to do educational ethnography. London: Tufnell.Find this resource:
Walker, M. (1983). Control and consciousness in the college. British Educational Research Journal, 9, 129–140.Find this resource:
Weis, L. (1995). Working class without work: High school students in a de-industrializing economy. London: Routledge.Find this resource:
Weis, L. (2004). Class reunion: The remaking of the American white working class. London: Routledge.Find this resource:


text:
New publication | Taste Snowboard Magazine #1
Taste snowboard magazine #1 is out this week. The greatest snowboard magazine in Nederland started this season with 116 pages of adventure and information about the snowboard world.
I had the chance to be featured in 2 articles in this first edition.
The 2015 board test. One week with a team in Solden, Austria, last March. We tried the newest products of the upcoming year. I was, for sure, taking care of the freeride boards.
The second article : Two Faces, is an article about a Dutch Guide, Stephan Verheij discovering the domain of Verbier, with me as the local Guide. A day shredding the Mt Gelé looking for powder, a rare thing at this time.
I am really happy to be featured in Taste and building up some reputation inside the Dutch community. Can't wait for the next issue mid December.
Watch the results of the test.
Become a member of Taste Snowboard Magazine
Taste snowboard magazine #1 // New publication
Leave a Reply

subset: commoncrawl


text:
B.S., Neuroscience, Dalhousie University
Short Biography
During my undergraduate degree at Dalhousie University I studied visual neuroscience. My honors project investigated the role of inhibitory interneurons in contrast adaptation. My passion for neuroscience started as a junior in high school when my grandmother had a stroke. I was driven to understand: What was the cause? Why did the symptoms manifest in such a way? My current project focuses on how natural compounds affect visual system development. I am very passionate about this project because of the clinical relevance and the potential to promote brain development through diet.


text:
Client: Burlington
Project: Sales Materials -
< Click on image to enlarge
Burlington papers are a division, of paper distributor, Paris Business Products. Slick Ideas designed a set of collateral materials that focused on this product line and brand. It was meant to be a mini catalog that reps could use to target specific categories of products to specific retail needs.


text: The European Marine Strategy Framework Directive (hereafter MSFD) requires EU Member States to take the necessary measures to achieve a good coastal and oceanic environmental status by 2020. In Portugal, the DGRM (General-Directorate for Natural Resources, Security and Maritime Services) is one of the national agencies in charge of implementing such measures. For MSFD, 11 Descriptors have been defined for monitoring the environmental status of the oceans in terms of marine biodiversity, eutrophication, contaminants, marine litter and submarine noise. Copernicus Marine Service Ocean Colour Satellite data are key inputs for monitoring some of the 11 Descriptors, especially Descriptor number 5 dealing with eutrophication. Elisabete Dias from the DGRM has stated that "the Copernicus Marine Service Ocean Colour data are central for the MSFD, as they enable us to improve consistency in eutrophication assessments based on chlorophyll, using satellite-derived chlorophyll provided by CMEMS".


text:
Moissanite Background
More and more people are falling in love with the sparkling gem called Moissanite. Although it has gained popularity in recent years, moissanite was discovered in the 1800s. A scientist named Henri Moissan was studying samples from an Arizona meteorite and came across pretty crystals of silicon carbide, which were named for him. Although the moissanite crystals pleased the eye, it was rare to encounter this substance in nature. If one did luck out and find some, it was in small amounts. This made it impractical for use in jewelry, and it remained relatively unknown.
Moissanite in Jewelry
It wasn't until 1998 that the company Charles and Colvard developed technology to create a synthetic version of moissanite of sufficient quality for use in jewelry. The resulting gem looks so much like a diamond, that even some jewelry experts have mistaken it for a true diamond. Charles and Colvard patented the process, and thus is currently the only firm making moissanite today.
Moissanite Hardness
Moissanite measures a 9.25 on the Mohs hardness scale, a tool used to rate gemstone hardness. In comparison, diamond, the hardest known natural substance is a 10. A sapphire is a 9, aquamarine is an 8, amethyst a 7 and amber comes in at around a 2. This means that moissanite is one of the harder gems and is less likely to scratch or chip than softer stones, making it ideal for use in moissanite rings and jewelry that might be knocked around a bit.
Diamond Simulant
Moissanite's appearance, brilliance and color so closely resembles diamond that it is frequently used to achieve the look of diamond necklaces, bracelets, pins and rings, without the high price tag that often accompanies genuine diamonds. Many prefer it to cubic zirconia and other diamond look alikes.
Buy Moissanite Online
Moissanite jewelry can be purchased at jewelry websites online. This is the way to go for the best selection and variety of designs and styles. A quick online search for moissanite jewelry will yield several websites carrying this gem. As always, it is best to deal only with reputable websites when purchasing items through the internet.
Buy Moissanite at Stores
Those who have never seen moissanite jewelry before might want to take a look at a few pieces before purchasing. Many department stores and other shops sell moissanite. To find one near you, head to the Charles & Colvard website and click on "Where to buy" in the menu. It will take you to a map of your area and list the local stores that have moissanite. You can either buy there, or head online, as mentioned above.


text:
8-word poem
Nobody reads
This shit;
Can you
Blame them?
This shit;
Can you
Blame them?
Labels: 8-word poems
Adios, Kid Intricate.
Labels: 8-word poems
No, I read it. Its some kind of haiku--no?
Something like that, yes.
Thanks for reading!
I've visited and enjoyed your blog(s) as well!
Is this a cry for help? I read this at least once a week. :-)
You can always blame them.


text:
Camila Cabello Sings 'Never Be The Same' on 'Dancing On Ice' - Watch the Performance!
Camila Cabello is putting on such great performances lately!
The 20-year-old Camila pop singer performed her song "Never Be The Same" on the British TV show Dancing On Ice on Sunday (February 18).
PHOTOS: Check out the latest pics of Camila Cabello
Camila, who is currently in England promoting her new record, is gearing up for her first solo headlining tour – which already sold out after a day!
"I have no words- thank you. THE TOUR IS SOLD OUT!!!!!!!!," she wrote on her Instagram.
Watch her performance of "Never Be The Same" below!
Posted to: Camila Cabello


text:
At Current, we're leading a global lighting revolution. In developing innovative energy-efficient lighting products, systems, and solutions for today and the future – such as world-class LED, fluorescent and ceramic metal halide light sources -- GE Lighting teams around the world are dedicated to leading a global lighting revolution to deliver innovative solutions that change the way people light and think about their world.
Join us and you'll find yourself in a dynamic atmosphere working with the most talented people in the industry in an open, developmental environment with abundant opportunities to learn, grow and advance within the organization. If you're a driven, independent problem solver who brings leadership and enthusiasm to everything you do, then join GE in creating the next generation of products that will improve the lives of consumers for generations to come. Visit www.joinGELighting.com to learn more about being part of the GE Lighting team.GE offers a great work environment, professional development, challenging careers, and competitive compensation. GE is an Equal Opportunity Employer. Employment decisions are made without regard to race, color, religion, national or ethnic origin, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, age, disability, protected veteran status or other characteristics protected by law.
In addition you will :
Having technical issues with ge.com/careers or your application? We're here to help.
Stay up to date on GE and possible opportunities that open in areas that interest you.


text:
How To Use Google Keyword Planner Tool ?
How To Use Google Keyword Planner Tool | Best Keyword Research Tool
In today's article, I'll tell you about "How to use Google keyword planner tool". I'm not talking about any other tool because Google keyword planner is the best keyword research tool. I think every blogger or webmaster must know about how to use google keyword planner tool for keyword research. As we all know that keyword research is very important part of search engine optimization. Whether you are running any type of niche blog, keyword research will always help you to improve on-page SEO of your website or blog.
Main Focus Of This Article Is On Two Topics :-
1. How to use Google Keyword Planner Tool
2. What is the Best Keyword Research Tool
Google really don't know anything about you or doesn't hate you. If you are writing daily on your blog but not ranking in SERP's, then surely you are doing something wrong.
Blogging involves quality content because content is always the king. So, To rank higher in SERP's you have to optimize your website content for search engines. This is the part where on-Page SEO comes in your way. On-page SEO involves finding the main focus keyword for your content. You have to use that focus keyword which has good search volume i.e, people are searching for that focus keyword.
Even, if you are writing the high quality content and not getting traffic on your website. I'm sure you are not optimizing your site content for SEO or you are using Black Hat SEO Techniques.
Before I start explaining about how to use google keyword planner tool…You must know "What is Keyword Research ?"
What is Keyword Research ?
Keyword research is basically the process of finding out the keyword, which is getting amount of traffic from search queries. For example, keywords can be like Google keyword planner, Best keyword research tool, etc.
By using this best keyword research tool, you can easily find the focus keyword that will drive traffic to your website and will help you to earn more revenue. The another method to rank higher is to analyze competitor site and find the focus keyword for which they are ranking higher.
What is Google Keyword Planner Tool ?
Google Keyword planner tool is the best keyword research tool which is officially provided by Google. This tool helps the webmasters to find the target keyword for their content.
Few Things You Need To Know :-
– If you want to use Google Keyword Planner tool, then you have to signup for Google Adwords account. This tool is totally free.
– This tool is developed to target Advertisers, but it also gives lot of information about the target keyword.
Step By Step Guide To Create An Account On Adwords To Use Google Keyword Planner Tool :-
1. Click on this link to create an account :- Sign Up and then click on "Start Now" button on the top right corner.
2. After Clicking start now button, this window will be shown to you..
3. Enter Your Email Id and click on continue button
4. Now, this window will appear on your screen. Fill up all the required information and then click on "Next" button.
5. On the Next page, enter your mobile number (Its optional) and click on continue button.
6. Now Set your budget to lowest amount as shown in picture given below. (Don't worry, there is no need to pay anything to use Google Keyword Planner Tool)
7. Now Click on Next button.
8. On the next page, review your ads setting and click again click "Next".
9. Don't Add Your Billing Information and Click on "Go To Dashboard".
10. Now, Close the Google Adwords and reopen it by Clicking This Link, then you will be redirected to the page like this. Now click on Tools > Keyword Planner.
11. Then on the next page click "Get Search Volume And Trends".
12. In This Column, enter the keywords you selected from Google Instant Search.
Must Read : How To Use Google Instant Search For Keyword Research
In this example, I'm using two keywords that I have already picked up using Google Instant Search. First keyword is "Keyword Research Tool" and second word is "Best Keyword Research Tool". So, I entered these two keywords in the column and then I clicked "Get Search Volume" button.
Note : You can also select the specific country to get volume of searches for these keywords in particular country. For example, if you want to get volume of searches for your selected keyword in United States, then select the target country as "United States".
How To Target Country Specific Website Traffic | Increase Website Traffic
13. Now, there are four columns in the given box.
Keyword :- This column show the keywords you entered.
Avg. Monthly Searches :- It shows the average number of searches for that particular keyword.
Competition :- It shows competition in the market for that particular keyword.
Suggested Bid :- Suggested bid is calculated by looking at the CPC's that advertisers are paying for that particular keyword.
Now, You have to select the main focus keyword for your content :-
Selection of keyword is based on three columns :- Monthly Searches, Competition and Suggested Bid
Choose the focus keyword having low competition, Max number of searches and higher suggested bid
So In this example, I'll choose my focus keyword to be "Best Keyword Research Tool".
Why I used "Best Keyword Research Tool" ?
Competition :- Competition for this keyword is low in the market, So your website can rank easily using this keyword.
Avg. Monthly Searches :- Number of searches per month are high w.r.t its competition.
Suggested Bid :- Value of suggested bid is very high when compared with other keyword.
How To Do SEO And Improve Ranking
How To Choose Focus Keyword – Content Optimization
I hope after reading this whole article, you got the answer of your question "How to use Google keyword planner tool".
How To Become Tech Savvy: 8 Steps You Must Follow
If you want more Tech related updates, then you can also visit this website – Techblunt – Latest Technology Trends And Tech News


text:
Get an alert when new The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring) dates are announced
Based on the book by Julia Donaldson and Axel Scheffler, creators of The Gruffalo.
Betty O'Barley and Harry O'Hay are excellent scarecrows (they scare a lot of crows). Harry loves Betty, and Betty loves Harry, so they decide to get married and Harry sets off to search for their wedding day essentials, including a dress of feathers, a bunch of flowers and a necklace made from shells.
However, when the farmer notices he is missing a scarecrow, he replaces Harry with the devilishly smooth but dangerous Reginald Rake. Dashing, daring and ever so cool, can Reginald persuade Betty that he is the scarecrow for her? Will Harry make it back in the nick of time before Reginald ruins their special day?
This truly heart-warming adaptation of Julia Donaldson and Axel Scheffler's bestselling book is bursting at the seams with Scamp Theatre's inimitable style (Stick Man, Tiddler and Other Terrific Tales) and promises wit, drama, and wedding bells!
Suitable for ages 3 and over.
See more info at scamptheatre.com/production/the-scarecrows-wedding
The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring) tour dates listed on Ents24.com since Feb 2017.
The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring) Tour Dates
Track The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring)
- You are tracking The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring)
Fans of this artist also track:
- Receive email as soon as new tour dates are announced
- 1,382,365 fans now rely on Ents24 alerts
- Alerts are free and always will be!
- We never share details with 3rd parties
No current UK tour dates for The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring)
Alert me when new The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring) tour dates are announced...
You are tracking The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring).
We will email you as soon as UK tour dates are announced.
- Be the first to know about new The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring) tour dates
- Alerts are free always will be
- We hate spam and will never share your email address with anyone else
- 1,382,365 fans now rely on Ents24 to track their favourite artists and venues
Puttour dates on your web site
- Customisable, flexible tour date widget
- Super quick set-up, get the code here
News and Announcements RSS feed
No current news or announcements.
Fans who like 'The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring)' also like:
The Very Hungry Caterpillar Show…
The Very Hungry Caterpillar Show (Touring): 1 UK Tour Date
Do you represent The Scarecrows' Wedding (Touring), or are you a member of their promotional team? Click here to claim this page


text:
Yesterday, the news dropped that Rian Johnson's time inside the Star Wars universe wouldn't end with all the Last Jedi. Alternatively, Disney CEO Bob Iger announced that Johnson could be operating on a brand new trilogy of films, separate in the principal Saga films, that would "introduce new characters from a corner in the galaxy that Star Wars lore has in no way before explored."
It really is massive news that raises a great deal of SWTOR credits inquiries. A single is if this new trilogy indicates that the saga stories – the ones with "Episode" in their title – will probably be ending soon after J.J. Abrams' Episode IX, or if this separate trilogy will take the place in the standalone movies – Rogue A single, Solo, as well as the probable Obi-Wan Kenobi movie – as soon as they are all completed. A further query is what "a corner from the galaxy that Star Wars lore has in no way before explored" indicates. The old Star Wars EU left extremely tiny unexplored, so if Iger meant "never" actually, then that will be some thing extremely far inside the previous, extremely far in the future, or from a location so far away from something we'd recognize as Star Wars.
If Iger meant "unexplored" as "left alone by the new canon," that opens issues up significantly. Disney has locked the new canon into stories set just before or simply immediately after the extant movies. That leaves open issues mentioned but not "explored" by the new canon. This feels slightly a lot more probably than films set within the Star Wars universe but barely recognizable as such.
If that is the case, then you will find a handful of solutions that would make sense, offered what we currently know, inside the type of "unexplored" stories from the vast history in the old Expanded Universe – components of which have currently been borrowed for the new canon over the course of Rebels, the comics, and also the films. buy SWTOR credits on the internet.


text:
Well, today Elder Denton's call came in the mail! He's not home yet, but I took some pre-pictures. I'll be keeping this updated with his preparations and then letters as he goes out.
The envelope! It's $1.51. From what we've heard, that means state-side. We'll see!
It's from the Office of the First Presidency!
Elder Kyle Christopher Denton....awesome!
It's about an hour until countdown!
3/19/12- Letter to the World
6 years ago


text:
Cross-border mobility in the Alpine Region
ARPAF Project "Cross-border"
Since the launch of the Strategy, the Action Groups as well as the Executive Board of the Strategy have identified a number of themes and issues that need further and deeper investigation and preparatory activities in order to achieve the set goals. To support this, the Alpine Region Preparatory Action Fund (ARPAF) was developed. Five projects, which start in 2018, were selected by the EUSALP Executive Board; amongst them the project "Cross-border".
Tyrol as AG4 Leader joins the AG5 co-Leader, the Swiss Center for Mountain Regions as well as CIPRA International in the project CrossBorder on cross-border commuter mobility.
Transport networks have for a long time been planned in a purely national context. These transport networks therefore are no longer in coherence with the increasing passenger flows across borders. This holds particularly true for public transport systems. Most of the commuter's transport flows across borders are by car. Congested roads with a negative impact on economy, society and the environment are the consequence.
The aims of the project are:
- To establish an overview of cross-border mobility across the Alpine Region with a focus on daily commuting;
- To identify gaps of cross-border mobility with respect to infrastructure and soft factors;
- To identify solutions for facilitating daily cross-border passenger flows by sustainable transport modes through new opportunities offered by digitalisation;
- To provide a basis for future activities of AG4 and AG5 of EUSALP;
- To implement the findings in several hotspots for cross-border-commuting in the Alpine Region.
Project information
Programme: Alpine Region Preparatory Fund (ARPAF)
Lead partner: Swiss Center for Mountain Regions (BAG)
Project partners: Office of the Tyrolean Government, CIPRA International
Project length: 24 months, January 2018 to December 2019
Total project budget: 698.742 Euro
EU financial contribution: 628.868 Euro
A collection of existing solution models for cross-border mobility has been identified. The following Story Map will guide you through pre-selected best practice examples of cross-border commuter cooperation models in the Alpine Region.
START EXPLORING: CBM CCommuter Cooperation Models


text:
Celebrities and amateur golfers alike return to The Preserve at Boulder Hills as the Greatest Day in Golf comes back to New England, September 15-16, 2016. The Preserve 18 is unlike any other event, participants have a chance to win over $18 Million in cash and prizes [...]
Bubba Watson To Play The 2016 Travelers Championship
HARTFORD, CT. – The Travelers Championship announced that 2015 winner Bubba Watson will be playing the 2016 tournament. At the TPC River Highlands Media Day on June 20, Bubba will hold a press conference and interview recounting last year's Travelers Championship victory. [...] Read More
Putt Like A Pro At The Jane Frost Golf Performance Center
The perfect drive can be ruined by a missed putt. Do you want fewer 3-putts? Want to make more 4 footers? Then AimPoint Express is the answer. Come on down to the to learn all about the best green reading system in golf today. You ABSOLUTELY [...] Read More
Team New England
Altomare heads to LPGA Tour after Symetra Win while Werenski, Andrade, and Curran have Top 10 Week
A win and three Top-10 finishes made for a solid week in golf for Team New England. Brittany Altomare, Richy Werenski, Billy Andrade, Jon Curran [...] Read More
Local News
Submit Your News FREE to Northeast Golf Weekly
NEGW is sent every Thursday to our subscribers with local news, events to play in, event results, memberships, specials and more. You do not need to be a client to submit or have your news featured. If we have questions we will contact you. Submit Now


text:
The Wolfpack are already planning for life in the Championship, as the signing of Warrington prop Ashton Sims shows – but coach Paul Rowley has some unfinished business in League 1.
The visit of Doncaster marks the final match of a memorable debut campaign for Toronto's players, staff and fans alike.
The Wolfpack might have been promoted thanks to last weekend's win over Barrow Raiders, but will still want to wave goodbye to the third tier of Rugby League with a victory.
Doncaster also need to win to be sure of claiming the last play-off place up for grabs, because if they are defeated, both Keighley Cougars and Newcastle Thunder could overhaul them.
The timing of the matches mean Keighley, who visit Barrow, and Newcastle, who go to York City Knights, will know the outcome of the Toronto-Doncaster meeting by the time they play on Sunday afternoon British Summer Time.
Toronto recorded their biggest-ever win, 82-6, at Doncaster back in April, but know it's unlikely to be as straightforward this time.
The visitors are now coached by former Hull and Great Britain back Richard Horne, having parted company with Gary Thornton in May, not long after the Wolfpack came calling.
For Toronto, the target is a 20th win in 22 league games, for Doncaster, a certain top-five place.
It's got all the makings of a tasty match-up.
Doncaster's roots go right back to the First Century, when the Romans built a fort at a crossing of the River Don, which also flows through the sprawling city of Sheffield, 20 miles away.
But the Yorkshire market town, which now has a population of 110,000, owes its growth to its location on a line between London, 175 miles to the South, and Edinburgh, 235 to the North.
It became a stopping-off point on the Great North Road (later the A1) which in the days before motorways, was the primary route for all traffic between the capitals of England and Scotland, and also on the main railway line between the two countries (the proximity of steel, as well as coal production, made it a centre for locomotive and carriage building).
Both Doncaster and Sheffield are served by the Robin Hood Airport, which opened in 2005.
Nowadays, the town has a number of major distribution centres, including the Doncaster International Railport, which dispatches goods to Europe, and also hosts one of the largest signalling centres on the United Kingdom's railway network.
Doncaster was once noted for the production of confectionary, in particular butterscotch and the building of farm tractors, and during the both World Wars, manufactured munitions on a large scale.
It is also noted as a manufacturer of wire rope, supplying the product to the stadium built in London to stage the 2012 Olympic Games.
Sports fans in the town have plenty of choice, because as well as the Rugby League team, it also has clubs playing Rugby Union (Doncaster Knights) and both men's and women's soccer (Doncaster Rovers), as well as a renowned horse racing course.
The Doncaster Cup, first competed for in 1766, is the oldest continuing regulated horse race in the world.
The Rugby League and soccer clubs both play at the 15,000-capacity Keepmoat Stadium, which opened in 2007.
They had shared the soccer club's Belle Vue base since the 1990s, when the Rugby League club's Tattersfield ground was sold for housing development during one of a series of financial crises (the club has twice been re-formed since the original foundation in 1951).
The preceding 1994-95 season was the only time Doncaster, formed in 1951, played in the top flight, following a memorable promotion campaign under coach Tony Fisher.
Before that, the club had largely struggled, and in 1980, featured in a memorable TV documentary 'Another Bloody Sunday', which followed the eventually successful bid to avoid finishing the season without winning a single game (the now-defunct Huyton were beaten 6-3 for the only victory).
In more recent times, Doncaster have flitted between the second and third tiers, twice winning promotion from League 1 (in 2008, under the guidance of former Wigan, Leeds and Great Britain star Ellery Hanley, and in 2012) and twice suffering relegation from the Championship (2009 and 2015).
Fellow New Zealand forwards Fuifui Moimoi and Iafeta Palea'aesina will face up to each other on the pitch – but are good friends off it.
And at the end of the game, Wolfpack favourite Moimoi will surely be one of the first to shake hands with his Palea'aesina, who is about to hang up his boots.
As well as the 34-year-old former New Zealand Warriors, Wigan, Salford and Hull prop, Doncaster have experience in the shape of loose-forward Pete Green.
He has had two spells at Doncaster, sandwiched around a stint with Sheffield Eagles, and is assistant to coach Richard Horne.
Second row Jason Muranka is a Serbian international while prop Brad England has played for Salford and halfback Jack Miller for Huddersfield.
Jason Tali played for Papua New Guinea at the 2013 World Cup while his fellow centre Nick Rawsthorne is on dual registration from Hull, as is impressive French fullback Hakim Miloudi.
Doncaster have an injury worry over former Castleford second row Charlie Martin.
There's no doubt Wolfpack skipper Craig Hall will be League 1's leading points scorer – he currently has 414, but he and teammate Liam Kay are both aiming to finish with the most tries of any player in the division. Both have 24 so far, with Jonny Pownall third in the list on 21 and Quentin Laulu-Togagae fourth on 19.


text:
I hope you enjoyed your long weekend. I certainly had myself a nice little Saturday.
An old friend came to visit, and we spent the morning and early afternoon touring the better part of the Aspen-Snowmass wilderness on our mountain bikes:
where we ran into this little guy:
Don't be fooled, he's smarter than the av-er-age bear. While we were riding, he stole our pic-a-nic basket!
After 4 hours and 4,000 feet of climbing, there was just enough time for a celebratory beer and a late lunch before heading off to the Mumford and Sons show, as they were headlining the annual three-day long Jazzfest festival. Sadly, we didn't have enough time for Bed Bath and Beyond.
On to the tax stuff:
George Clinton owes the IRS. In fairness, having to keep your band members in wedding dresses and diapers ain't cheap.
Tax Vox has the update to Mitt Romney's tax proposals arising from the RNC. The most notable item: the Republican presidential candidate vowed to protect and preserve the deduction for charitable contributions, making his promise to lower tax rates by 20% while keeping the plan revenue neutral even more difficult to achieve (if you ever believed it was possible in the first place.)
Feel free to take Section 179 on that vineyard of yours.


text:
The United States attorney's office for the Southern District of New York and the F.B.I. said yesterday that they had become involved in the investigation of winning bets worth $3 million on the Breeders' Cup pick six last month.
Federal investigators have already frozen the personal bank account of Glen DaSilva of New York, one of the three men being investigated. DaSilva placed winning bets at two other racetracks early last month that were configured similarly to the disputed Breeders' Cup tickets. Investigators have said the bets may have been a dry run for the Breeders' Cup.
''Until Autotote shows that somebody tampered with these bets and a crime was committed, what we have is a situation occurring with long odds,'' said Edward Hayes, a lawyer for DaSilva. ''But all these esoteric bets have long odds and that's why people play them.''
The investigation was initially handled by the New York State Racing and Wagering Board, but it does not have the authority to prosecute. The board said last week that it had asked for help from the New York State Police, which is now being assisted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the United States attorney's office.
Mike Saltz, a spokesman for the Baltimore field office of the F.B.I., said its satellite office in Dover, Del., was aiding the investigation. Two of the men being investigated live in Baltimore and Newark, Del.Continue reading the main story
Also yesterday, the National Thoroughbred Racing Association announced that it had asked for changes in the way bets involving multiple races were processed and how suspicious wagers would be dealt with.
The investigation began shortly after the Oct. 26 Breeders' Cup, when it was discovered that the only six winning tickets on the pick six were purchased by one person, Derrick Davis of Baltimore, through a telephone account at Catskill Off-Track Betting in upstate New York. Davis's bets were so unusual in their structure -- they picked one horse in each of the first four races and the entire field in each of the final two races -- that they raised racing officials' suspicions.
Officials are investigating whether the computer system that handled the wagers was manipulated so that a bet made before the races in question had been run was later changed to reflect which horses had won.
Investigators have also been focusing on Chris Harn of Newark, Del., who was fired last week from his job with Autotote, the company that processed the wagers, and DaSilva. All three men were members of a fraternity at Drexel University in Philadelphia.
Payouts have not been made on the Breeders' Cup bets.
Lawyers for Harn and Davis have maintained their innocence. None of the three men have been charged.
The changes announced yesterday dealing with wagering security issues were the strongest yet from the National Thoroughbred Racing Association since the pick six investigation began.
Within 21 days of yesterday's announcement, the tote companies must have in place the necessary software to transmit betting information immediately after the bet in question has closed. Currently, fearing a computer overload, the tote companies do not transmit full information on some multiple-race wagers until after several races in the bet have been run.
Officials are investigating whether Harn, a computer programmer, altered Davis's pick six bet after four of the races had been run because the information concerning the numbers of the horses on the tickets had yet to be sent to Arlington Park, where the Breeders' Cup was run.
Tim Smith, commissioner of the National Thoroughbred Racing Association, said the three major United States tote companies -- Autotote, Amtote International Inc. and United Tote Company -- had agreed to the new standards.
The association is expecting member racetracks to no longer do business with account wagering outlets that do not have the equipment to record wagers made with interactive voice response systems, which allow a customer to make bets by hitting touch-tone keys on the phone. Catskill OTB did not have the mechanism, which records the actual touch-tones in case of later disputes, making it more difficult for investigators to determine the exact bets when they were placed.
The association is also asking racing organizations to look at winning bets involving multiple races. Any wagers found to be irregular will be subject to further review by the tracks involved, and the tote company that processed the bet will be asked to provide further information supporting the wagers' legitimacy.
The New York Racing Association, Churchill Downs Inc. and Magna Entertainment, the nation's three largest racetrack owners, said in a joint announcement that they approved of the measures.
The National Thoroughbred Racing Association did not make any proposals about odds fluctuations after a race has started, a source of contention to many fans. The odds sometimes change drastically from the time a race begins until the payoffs are posted, raising suspicions that some bets were made after a race had begun. Racing officials say posted odds can change well into a race because it takes time to process bets coming in from off-track locations.
Some critics have suggested that races should be delayed until all bets are processed. Smith said that issue was still on the table.Continue reading the main story


text:
a new hope, andy fairhurst, Art, Posters, Return of the Jedi, Sci Fi, star wars, the empire strikes back
Hey Densters and Star Wars fans alike!
Here are 3 killer Star Wars Posters by Artist Andy Fairhurst from the Original Trilogy.
You can view and purchase his amazing work at his Website HERE
Andy's Work is also on Deviant Art Here
– Vic
Hope you enjoyed the poster art! There are more to come , so stay tuned to Vic's Movie Den!
Thanks for stopping by, gang!


text:
been a bit busy lately...
Conference posting is about to take a nosedive as I gave birth to my first child on Friday April 6th. I had in fact planned to go to the Montana Library Association conference this week with baby in tow but decided last Monday that that would be madness. I am also scrapping ALA Annual this summer. I do plan to present at the Pacific Northwest Library Assn conference in August, however, so look forward to some conference blogging then, and perhaps some retrospective blogging of other events I've attended lately.
Great pic!
Sam--congratulations! Way better use of your time than ALA or any other professional development. Aside from the poopy diapers and sleepless nights, it's one of the sweetest times of life.
Lunatic :)
ALA with a baby. Heck I wouldn't get out of bed for a year. I have a new nephew as of 30 January and I stayed in bed for a week after that!
Congratulations on your wonderful miracle.
Such a cute little baby! Congratulations!
That is the cutest baby in the world- great picture! Kudos to you and your family.


text:
A true story AND what could it possibly have to do with Word Analysis?
I couldn't have seized that teachable moment if I hadn't known that the morphemes "quad and quart" mean 4. The time you spend with your child is full of teachable moments. If you learn even the first 50 of these high frequency morphemes, you will never think of words the same way again. You will be able to seize many, many teachable moments, which will greatly enrich your child's life.
This is a systematic, EASY way of learning these morphemes. The more of them you know, the more teachable moments you can seize. Even if your children are older - high school or even college age, you can help them if YOU know these morphemes. Feel free to let your children ages 9 - adult learn them with you!
You should hear what I can do with the morpheme "tain"! Email me and I'll tell you.
Why do YOU as a teacher or parent also need to know the most frequently seen morphemes? If YOU know the word parts and their meanings, your teaching will be greatly enhanced as you can recognize and seize countless "teachable moments" throughout your day.
Practice and repetition are very important when memorizing. These electronic flashcards can be used as part of any word analysis study. They were strategically created to be a systematic way of learning and practicing the most common morphemes. They will help your students learn the morphemes and commit them to memory.
The electronic flashcards are actually 12 separate slide shows with each slide transitioning automatically. An individual morpheme appears first, then after waiting several seconds to allow the students to say its meaning, the answer is shown. You may either project the slide shows on a screen for whole class practice or download onto multiple computers for individual practice. Each set introduces at least 8 morphemes and reviews previously learned morphemes, giving students spaced-review. Begin with Set#1, then go to Set #2, etc.
They also are organized to reinforce the lessons in the book, Word Analysis: Unlocking the Meaning of Words. So, Set #1 flashcards go with Set #1 in the book, etc. There are also 2 review sets, one after Set #5 in the book and the other after Set #10.
|Download the book and the flashcards for one great price.
A $23 value for $18.95
What do experts say about teaching vocabulary?
- Vocabulary should be taught in context. In this book, each new morpheme is taught in the context of a word and a sentence.
- Vocabulary instruction should include activating new knowledge. This book provides three opportunities to activate each morpheme. (Two in each set and 4-Square Activation activity (template provided).
- Vocabulary should be revisited. Many morphemes are repeated throughout this book. PLUS, there are two formal cumulative reviews (one after set #5 and one after set #10). Reviewing with flashcards is strongly suggested and is mandatory for success. Electronic flashcards are sold separately. It is also recommended that the student(s) also make their own flashcards using index cards and markers.
GREAT NEWS: This book is now interactive. You can give your students even more practice using these 110 morphemes on your touchboard, smartboard, mimio, computer, or tablet! For a sample interactive lesson, Go to TBLessons.com and click on the last picture at the top.
Helping teachers and parents create better readers.
Children's Literacy Publications
This page last updated 06/22/2016


text:
As with Tim Burton's prior protagonists Pee-Wee, Beetlejuice, and Batman, Jack Skellington, the misguided hero of 1993's The Nightmare Before Christmas (which receives an IMAX 3-D re-release this month), is a creature whose idiosyncratic personality consigns him to being something of an outsider in his own creepy-crawly community. The Pumpkin King of Halloweentown, Skellington rules his native soil of monsters and mutants with a despondency wrought from boredom—until, that is, a morose midnight stroll leads him to Christmas Town, where his heart is set ablaze by the merry sights and sounds of the Yuletide season. Determined to have his minions supervise Christmas rather than Halloween this year, Skellington comes to learn the foolishness of striving to be what one is not, a mistake never made by director Henry Selick's unique stop-motion animated horror fantasia, which is narratively slight but never less than aesthetically inspired. Based on a Burton story full of his trademark ghoulishness and mordant wit, The Nightmare Before Christmas is a veritable bounty of visual delights, its distinctive character models (often giant rotund bodies with slender appendages and tiny hands and feet), environments (both the gray, oblique angle-infested Halloweentown and warm, cheery Christmas Town) and animation style (graceful in a slightly unreal way) giving the film an eccentric haunted-house beauty. The tall, twiggy Skellington's stilt-like spider movements lend the many choreographed sequences an eerie elegance, and Selick's knack for cluttering his frame with gags is impressive, never more so than during the Pumpkin King's Christmas Eve impersonation of Santa, who's been kidnapped and left to the devices of burlap sack ghost Oogie Boogie, and his delivery of sinister toys to innocent boys and girls. Yet whereas the film is a marvel to look at, it's unfortunately not much in the song or story department, as Danny Elfman's musical numbers are—save for the opening's boisterous "This Is Halloween"—generally banal and unmemorable, and the plot, despite only having to fill out a paltry 76 minutes, ultimately as emaciated and insubstantial as its leading bags of bones.
Having not seen the previous DVD editions of The Nightmare Before Christmas, I can't say how this new 2-Disc Collector's Edition compares in the image and sound department, but Disney claims that the film has been digitally restored and remastered with state-of-the-art technology. Danny Elfman's musical numbers pop, as do the children's screams when they discover the horrors left for them under their Christmas trees by Jack Skellington. The surround work is nice, with doors and floorboards creaking appropriately. On the image front, the filmmakers' detailed stop-motion animation isn't lost here. Blacks are rich and deep, which is a good thing considering that most of the scenes that take place in Halloween Land are relatively dark; the colors in Christmas Land are bright and saturated. "Deeper, darker and more brilliant than ever," indeed.
Many of the same extras available on the 2000 Special Edition are repeated on this 2-Disc Collector's Edition, including two Tim Burton shorts from the '80s (Frankenweenie-with a new intro by the director, who mentions that a feature-length stop-motion film version is currently in production-and Vincent, about a seven-year-old boy who wants to be like Vincent Price, who narrates the film), deleted storyboards and scenes, and character designs and animation tests with director commentary. A new feature, "What's This? Jack's Haunted Mansion Holiday Tour," is a bizarre and pointless tour of the Disney ride that reveals lots of blacklights and cotton snow and is quite possibly the most boring DVD extra I've ever had to sit through-three times. There are two different versions of the seven-minute tour (one with narration and one with narration accompanied by useless bits of pop-up trivia) as well as a longer version intercut with behind-the-scenes footage and interviews. It's a total waste of disc space. More valuable is the previously available "Behind-the-Scenes Making Of," an in-depth look at the creation of the film that even delves into the psychology of the animators (and Burton's ever-growing mop), and an animated reading of the original poem by Burton that served as the impetus for the film, narrated by Christopher Lee and featuring an introduction by Burton. Also new: a spliced-together commentary by Burton, director Henry Selick and Danny Elfman, storyboard-to-film comparisons, posters and trailers for the film, and lots of shilling for other Disney products. The Collector's Edition includes a digital copy of the film on a third disc.
Leave it to Disney to bring a film back to life over and over again just to make a buck. Fortunately, Nightmare Before Christmas is good enough to withstand all of the reanimation.


text:
A look at the venue for London's newest Curzon Cinema: The Mondrian Hotel/
The recently opened, ultra-stylish Mondrian Hotel occupies the site of the riverside Sea Containers House, sitting between the Oxo Tower and Blackfriars Bridge. The building was once a 1970s office block, and its new interior design, the work of architect Tom Dixon, nods towards its nautical heritage. Sea Containers House was actually originally designed as a hotel by the celebrated American architect and designer Warren Platner in the 1970s, but the idea got shelved due to a recession.
The new hotel also contains, in the basement level, the newest Curzon Cinema in London. A 56-seat auditorium will show films to both public and guests, though only at weekends as presumably the screening room must be shared with the hotel and its clients. The cinema opened 31 October and is currently showing new releases like Gone Girl.
You can see pictures from a recent excursion into the hotel below. Apart from the striking lighting and general finery, the giant, copper clad wall visible at various points in the interior, inspired by the hull of a ship, is the feature that really catches the eye. Apparently it runs from outside the building, through to the lobby and on to the river side of the hotel.
The Daily Mail also has this feature on the hotel, and Curzon have a web page up for their new cinema already. Curzon are promising no less than that: "Curzon Mondrian London will have an extensive range of food and drink for you to enjoy with delicious selection of food and drink options. You can enhance your visit with a choice of two bars, a riverside restaurant and a luxury spa."
Ticket prices for such luxury do not come cheap at peak times:
Saturday, Sunday from opening to 5pm
Adults: £8.00
Curzon Cineaste members: £6.80
Children (under 15): £5.00
Friday after 5pm to close, Saturday Sunday after 5pm to close
Adult: £14.50
Curzon Cineaste members: £12.30
Children (under 15): £7.00
Mondrian Lobby


text: In OS 9, you could assign an F key to launch an application or open a file. I can't find where to do that in OS X. Has this ability been dropped, or am I just not able to see it because I'm using an iBook at the moment? If anyone knows how to invoke this very useful ability, please let me know, M