text:
|2009-02-19, 11:51
|Link #1522
Join Date: Dec 2008
Location: Polishing Weapons...Btw,read "Until Death Do Us Part" ^_^
Your answer is the incorrect one and only leads to further confusion.
Since the question was posed. It would seem to me, that she read the manga but got confused because of events that came outta nowhere.
If you aren't going to answer a question with factual evidence from the "Original Source" this would be the manga. Then you actually defeat the purpose of this thread.
It's a Q & A thread about Bleach. Because the Anime and Manga are different--it confuses people (some are slower than others jk.) Therefore if you aren't answering with facts, as KG and I have done.
Don't answer...because you aren't helping any and is not a discussion thread.
|2009-02-19, 12:17
|Link #1523
I desire Tomorrow!
Join Date: Dec 2005
Location: As far away from reality as possible
Age: 36
I don't see a requisite to answer Q&A based on the "original source" alone. Actually, I see THIS in the first thread post
And Kafriel actually answered pretty well.
Regarding the question at hand, the obvious answer can be summed up like this:
Based on the manga, he lost them once, and regained them once, since there's no Bounto arc in the manga.
Based on the anime, the same applies really. The Bounto arc had him use an item to be able to fight, so he hadn't actually regained and lost his powers again, it's just that the item was giving him the ability to fight, and once it broke, he couldn't fight anymore.
|2009-02-19, 12:33
|Link #1524
Hiyori Fanboy
And uh... it don't look to me like there was any confusion at all.
Except for the troll part. <3
|2009-02-19, 13:02
|Link #1525
Join Date: Dec 2008
Location: Polishing Weapons...Btw,read "Until Death Do Us Part" ^_^
This is a NOT discussion thread. I am like a mini mod when it comes to Q/A threads
I know that was an assumption.---. Never did I say it was fact. I said the questions should be answered with facts (Which was a logical one since if she'd only see one or the other, there would be no reason to ask. She'd have thought it was one time or two. There would have been no need to question it)
I answered her question with fact. The point is there is a difference between them both. Which leads to confusion. So you come the original source for the questions and answers. Please don't turn this into a debate about the validity of FILLERS
Fact...Ishida only regained his powers once.
Because like KG said...(Which is also a fact)
Last edited by hakisak; 2009-02-19 at 15:54.
|2009-03-15, 06:17
|Link #1532
Junior Member
Join Date: Dec 2008
anyone knows what song plays at 16:18 in episode 114 of bleach?its a song used before a lot in the series,and there is a longer version of it in some episodes but i dont know which,anyway is the song in a bleach OST or is it still unreleased?
|2009-03-15, 09:31
|Link #1533
Konoha's ANBU
Join Date: Dec 2005
Age: 32
He guy's and ladies,
I got a couple questions care to help me out?
I'll sort them to make things easier..
1# When Hitsugaya Toushiro told to Ichigo that the combat abilities of the Espada were above that a Captains abilities.. i was amazed. He said if there are 10 under his control it would be the end of Soul Society and it turned out to be 20 of them if i recall.
Now... from what i've seen from both the manga and most recent anime episode...i am reffering to Ichigo's battles, Mayuri, Kenpachi, Kuckiki Byakuya and those that are yet to come.. judging from those battles i really wonder if that is true. SS is winning those battles...was it a lie or is there a reason why the Espada would be weaker??
2# Yourichi and Urahara were former captains, from the most recent anime episode we've learned that to retire is not an option. But they left Soul Society along with those other ex-captains who are ex-shinigami and part hollow.
Still it seems that SS is having a good relation with them. Normally they should've been placed into that hole on the 2nd Divisions grounds right? That kind of prison. Why are they roaming free?
3# After seeing how close most of the shinigami were with eachother like for example Byakuya and Yourichi he was still trying to kill her on the bridge when she saved Ichigo.
But who is fooling who? Surely he wasnt trying to kill her right? Just like he pretended to kill Rukia... what's up with him??
Thanks in advance.. i'll be waiting for your answers...
|2009-03-15, 10:12
|Link #1534
Join Date: Feb 2009
@Mr. Johnny 5
#1) I'm not sure myself but I seem to remember that what was said was if he got 10 Vastro Lordes under his command SS would be up the creek.
#2) For one, Urahara- as I have recently been told- is operating in hiding -he's black market. And he never tries to enter SS.
Yoruichi does enter SS but it doesn't look like a normal visit. We see Soi Fon trying to kill her when she first came back, but then again we know (naughty as we are) that Soi Fon is in love with Yoruichi and couldn't kill her anyway.
We actually don't see any official contact between those expatriates and SS officials. If they talk to someone from there, those are either outlaws or renegades themselves or tend to not be as rule-lawyering themselves.
#3) And don't know where you get that Byakuya and Yoruichi were close. When we see the flashback in TBTP we see her belittling and making fun of an already proud Byakuya. And his reaction to her is more like envy and severe dislike.
Also don't forget: Byakuya was willing (or at least it looked that way) to let his sister die for some bogus law - I don't think that someone like that would have had a problem with killing a friend who commited some crime (under an equally bogus law if we know anything about SS).
As I remember it, Byakuya's set mind was swayed by Ichigo's emotional outcry about how some laws mustn't be followed because they are idiotic.(There's this scene I remember where Byakuya's eyes open wide with shock/recognition of the truth in Ichigo's words). Buzt he was still fighting Ichigo. Then Ichigo either actually beat Byakuya or B decided that he had lost enough to save his face and retreated (there's still a discussion going on about that fight and whether Ichigo truly won or Byakuya gave him the victroy when he walked away).
Now for a question of my own:
Why is it that there is a giant war on between Rukia followers and Orihime followers, but apparently noone cares enough to have a little skirmish about i.e. whether Ichigo or Renjis is cooler, or whether Matsumoto or Neliel is hotter?
Not that I care, I generally tend to think discsussions (if you can still call them such) about matters of personal taste are pretty much idiotic (like whether cherries or strawberries taste better).
(and knowing the nature of human dumbness there probabyl is some serious discussion about that)
Last edited by Meisterdieb; 2009-03-15 at 10:24.
|2009-03-15, 14:51
|Link #1535
is an example how a discussion about taste turned into a war.
|2009-03-15, 17:26
|Link #1536
Junior Member
Join Date: Dec 2008
aha,well thanks for looking into it,the song wasnt in that ost u told me but u've put me in the right direction,i never new the osts from the movies had songs which were used in the series too,i've found some OTHER songs that i like well ill search also in the osts of the other 2 movies, i hope ill find it there.
thnx again
|2009-03-16, 10:39
|Link #1537
Senior Member
Join Date: Jan 2006
|2009-03-16, 10:47
|Link #1538
Junior Member
Join Date: Dec 2008
i've checked out the osts of the 3 bleach movies sadly i didnt find that track at 16:18 of bleach 114 in any of them,but i didnt check ALL the tracks on the osts, just about 90% of them,are there any other bleach osts other than these 3 and the bleach 3 osts of the series?cuz some1 said that the song IS in some ost,i just dont know which.
|2009-03-16, 18:56
|Link #1539
Join Date: May 2007
Location: gs series
Age: 29
|2009-03-16, 20:35
|Link #1540
Join Date: Feb 2009
|Thread Tools


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subset: commoncrawl


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NEW YORK, Jan. 4, 2013 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Levi & Korsinsky notifies investors of Ameristar Casinos, Inc. ("Ameristar" or the "Company") (Nasdaq:ASCA) of claims of breaches of fiduciary duty and other violations of state law against the board of directors of the Company in connection with the sale of the Company to Pinnacle Entertainment, Inc. A complaint was filed in Nevada state court.
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If you own common stock in Ameristar and wish to obtain additional information, please contact Joseph E. Levi, Esq. either via email at email@example.com or by telephone at (212) 363-7500, toll-free: (877) 363-5972, or http://zlk.9nl.com/ameristar-casinos-asca/.
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CONTACT: Levi & Korsinsky, LLP Joseph Levi, Esq. Eduard Korsinsky, Esq. 30 Broad Street - 24th Floor New York, NY 10004 Tel: (212) 363-7500 Toll Free: (877) 363-5972 Fax: (866) 367-6510 www.zlk.comSource:Levi & Korsinsky, LLP


text:
Restaurant Review: Piri-Q in Mamaroneck
Barbecue via Lisbon in Mamaroneck
Photo by Cathy Pinsky
Piri-Q's homey interior
Wander along an outdoor alleyway in the Portuguese city of Lisbon, and you're likely to see restaurant tables dotted with bottles of piri-piri sauce, a condiment made from the eponymous fiery chili pepper.
At Piri-Q Restaurant Grill in Mamaroneck, you won't find the sauce in bottles on the tables—it is a homemade version used in the preparation of many of the dishes and served alongside others. And, to take this etymological discussion one more step, the "Q" stands for BBQ, which refers to the favored cooking method at Piri-Q.
Piri-Q is a Portuguese chicken-and-ribs joint. The menu features a few other dishes, although shrimp seems to be the only other major ingredient we could count on. We visited twice and, both times, the restaurant was out of the tuna and the "paelha" (paella) was made with extra shrimp because there were no clams or calamari. On one visit, it was out of the steak, but, on the second, happily, we were able to get the bitoque, a deeply flavorful char-grilled strip steak served with rich garlic wine sauce and topped with a fried egg. Like many dishes, the steak was served with Portuguese chips—coins of fried potato that are crisp on the outside and creamy-soft inside.
The mainstay of the menu, frango—marinated, wood-roasted chicken—is moist and tender with a crisp, savory skin. Order half or whole—or, better still, get it on a combination plate with the smoky, meaty, and tender half rack of ribs.
But before you get to your dinner, order a bunch of appetizers to share. Our favorite was the hummus. We didn't get any tahini, but we did get lots of bold garlic flavor in the bean purée, and we loved the starchy dip atop cool cucumber slices. We also couldn't get enough of the toasted, seasoned, half-dollar-sized pitas with which the hummus and several other dishes were served.
Bolihnos de bacalhau—the little football-shaped dried salt cod cakes that originated in Portugal but were heartily adopted (and shaped round) by Brazil—were, in a word, flawless. The crisp crust gave way to a smooth, light filling, in which the flavor of the cod was artfully balanced against the creamy potato, allowing the fish to shine but not swagger.
Photo by Cathy Pinsky
Garlicky hummus comes with seasoned pita circles
An over-abundance of spicy piri-piri sauce on moist and tender grilled chicken cutlets, on the other hand, was like the class bully stomping out even the tiniest assertion of voice or character from the chicken. Once scraped away, the remaining thin coating of the sauce allowed for a more pleasurable, even-handed experience.
With most of the seafood missing from the paella, we found ourselves facing a lovely dish that could more aptly be called shrimp and rice. Though described on the menu as "saffron-infused rice," we decided to enjoy the seemingly saffron-less dish for its own good flavor. Shrimp were cooked to just the right degree of doneness: they had snap but were not chewy, and their sweet seafood flavor was enhanced by thin, smoky slices of cured sausage (à la chouriço).
Don't miss the terrific side dishes. As with everything else on the menu, the prices for these ($5!) are a bargain. A pyramid-shaped stack of thick zucchini slices was enough of the crisp-tender vegetable for four of us; char-grilled broccoli, also crisp-tender, and grilled string beans both had a hint of the char-wood and were cooked only to heighten their flavor.
Desserts don't live up the rest of the fare at Piri-Q. But if you feel a meal isn't complete without a sweet at the end, go for the grilled pineapple with caramel sauce. The pineapple is topped with a crisp, brûlée sugar crust and a drizzle of bottled caramel sauce. The red velvet cake was a sweet, dense mess, and the crème brûlée was cold and thick. But don't let desserts dissuade you. Piri-Q has an abundance of inexpensive, wonderfully savory dishes on the menu. You can always stop for ice cream on your way home.
Piri-Q Restaurant Grill: 3 Stars
360 Mamaroneck Ave, Mamaroneck
(914) 341-1443
Hours: lunch, Tue to Sun 11:30 am-4 pm; dinner Tue to Thur 5-9:30 pm, Fri and Sat 5-10 pm, Sun 4-9 pm
Appetizers: $6-$10; entrées: $10-$28; sides: $5; desserts: $5-$6
4 Stars—Outstanding 3 Stars—Very Good
2 Stars—Good 1 Star—Fair


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Palace Theater, Spur Texas
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Spur, Texas series.
2 responses
Jan Hoffman gave props (31 Dec 2008):
Love this shot; wonder how many like it stand empty throughout the USA? At least four like that in my hometown.
Katy Kaplan gave props (8 Jan 2009):
Love the contrast...
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|Episode Description
|Sunday, Feb 23, 2014 - 7:00 AM
"Installing A Clawfoot Tub with Shower/Installing a Permanent Fire Escape Ladder in a Bedroom"
Richard visits a historic home in Mobile, Alabama, and installs a clawfoot tub with shower. Tom installs a permanent fire escape ladder in a bedroom. Roger shows the best way to prune trees. D
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A readable modern type version of the original 1623 First Folio with thorough general introduction on Shakespeare, his theatre, his London and the story of the typesetting of the original, together with comprehensive introduction for each of the 36 plays and endnotes?including character lists.?
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All 36 plays are available as Individual First Folio Texts at a?cost of??10.00 each:????????????????????
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MoMA's Next Destination Design Country: Mexico!
You might remember the MoMA Store featuring designs from countries such as Finland, Japan, Brazil and Portugual a few years ago. Well, this time it's Mexico's turn! On April 26th, MoMA will launch the tenth edition of its Destination: Design program, featuring contemporary design from Mexico. The selection includes over 150 products including tableware, small furniture items, jewelry and paper goods, that will be available at the MoMA design store for a limited time (April-June, 2012).
The selection emphasizes the use of locally-sourced, recycled materials and waste reducing techniques, as well as the production of studios and collectives that work to create employment in villages and support local craft traditions.
Some designs that caught my eye include:
1. Dancing Dots Pitcher and Tumbler by Ana Thiel
Recycled glass, blow and carved by hand.
2. Prehispanica Molcajete Bowl by Monica Calderon
This bowl made of polyester resin is shaped like a traditional Mexican Mortar.
3. Mini MUUX Mortar and Pestle by Diana Shkurovich
A reinterpratation of the traditional molcajete (mortar). Volcanic rock and cedar.
4. Canasta Glass Bowl by Emiliano Godoy
A glass basket of sorts made of blown glass.
5. Banquitos Stool by Cecilia Leon de la Barra
A different take on the traditional seats you see throughout Latin America consisting of a metal structure and woven plastic wire.
6. Pirueta Table by Paulina Gonzalez Ortega and Andres Ocejo
Resembling a colored spinning top, this small table is sure to cheer up any interior.
7. Acapulco Chair
This classic chair is for a relaxing outdoor area.
8. Foldable Chair by Andres Lima
Made like a Mexican market bag, the shape of the chair emerges when the mesh sleeve is filled with stuff.
8. Candela Cube by Sonia Lartigue
A small table lamp that provides an interesting optical illusion. It is made with the same materials and techniques used to make traditional Mexican brass and glass boxes and vitrines.
9. Flaca LED Light by Masiosare Studio
An extremely light and compact table lamp made of bent stainless steel sheeting.
For this project, MoMA collaborated with curator Ana Elena Mallet who assisted in the design selection, and with CENTRO, a design school based in Mexico City, to create the project's graphic identity.
Read more: Mexican Embassy Press Release
See more: MoMA store (only 4 products listed so far, but check back)
(Images courtesy of the MoMA Store)


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clit is a valid word in this word list. For a definition, see the external dictionary links below.
The word "clit" uses 4 letters: C I L T.
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WASHINGTON, Dec. 20, 2012 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Franchise businesses will grow at a slightly slower pace in 2013 than in 2012, yet the franchise industry will continue to outpace growth in other business sectors according to an IHS Global Insight report prepared for the International Franchise Association Educational Foundation. Compared to 2012, The Franchise Business Economic Outlook: 2013 forecasts very similar growth rates in new franchise business formation, job creation, output and contributions to U.S. gross domestic product (GDP).
"While we are pleased the industry continues growing at faster rates than other sectors of the economy, we could be growing much faster, creating more new jobs and businesses, if Washington addressed the tax, spending and regulatory uncertainty plaguing the small business community in a meaningful way," said IFA President & CEO Steve Caldeira. "Franchise businesses emerged from the recession stronger due to the strength of the franchise business model and the strong support of franchisors working with franchisees to sustain profitability. Franchise businesses are now poised to accelerate growth plans, but industry leaders say the lack of confidence in our leaders in Washington to address the fundamental challenges facing our economy is keeping them and prospective investors on the sidelines."
According to the report, the macroeconomic outlook for 2013 is another year of only modest improvement in employment and consumer spending, with overall economic growth held back by slower growth of business investment and a bigger decline in federal government spending. The expected resolution of the fiscal cliff will eliminate some of the uncertainty that has restrained the franchise sector, but it will also bring higher taxes that create a drag on growth. The basic indicators of the health of the franchise sector will show a slight slowdown. Yet the franchise sector will continue to do well within the industries where franchise businesses are concentrated.
According to the forecast:
- The number of franchise establishments in the United States will increase by 1.4 percent in 2013, just short of the 1.5 percent growth in 2012, from 746,828 to 757,055 (an increase of 10,227).
- The number of jobs in franchise establishments will increase 2.0 percent in 2013 (following a gain of 2.1 percent in 2012) from 8.1 million to 8.262 million (an increase of 162,000).
- The output of franchise establishments in nominal dollars in 2013 will increase 4.3 percent (following a 4.9 percent increase in 2012) from $769 billion to $802 billion (an increase of $33 billion).
- The gross domestic product (GDP) of the franchise sector is projected to increase 4.1 percent in 2013 (following a 4.6 percent increase in 2012) from $454 billion to $472 billion (an increase of $18 billion). This is approximately 3.4 percent of U.S. GDP in nominal dollars.
Franchise Business Leader Sentiment
The IFA Annual Business Leader Survey, conducted Nov. 13-28 indicates that investing in franchise businesses is still a good option for aspiring entrepreneurs, and franchisors remain generally optimistic about expansion in 2013. Some 81.3 percent say they plan to increase units, with 29 percent saying they plan to increase units by 6 percent or more and 52.3 percent saying they expect a moderate increase in the number of units (less than 6 percent). A small percentage of franchisors (8.4 percent compared to 4.7 percent one year ago) expect to see a decline in units.
However, the survey confirms that franchisors and franchisees remain frustrated with the pace of the economic recovery and the uncertainty of numerous regulatory and public policy challenges. Asked to identify their top issue of concern in 2013 among a range of business and policy challenges, 27 percent of franchisors cite franchise sales and development and 20 percent cite the Affordable Care Act. Among franchisees, the Affordable Care Act was cited by 31 percent as their top concern, followed by taxes (17 percent).
Health Care
Healthcare continues to be the top concern for franchisees and is the second biggest concern for franchisors. 31 percent of franchisees and 20 percent of franchisors plan to cut jobs to get under the Affordable Care Act's 50-employee threshold. Some 64 percent of franchisors report the Affordable Care Act will create some significant uncertainty in long-term planning. Healthcare reforms will create significant uncertainty in long-term planning for 71.6 percent of franchisee respondents, and 10.4 percent agreed with the statement: "We are no longer confident that our business model is profitable."
Franchise business growth could grind to a screeching halt if the nation does not extend current tax rates scheduled to expire at the end of 2012 as part of the fiscal cliff. Among respondents, 79 percent of franchisees and 73 percent of franchisors believe failure by Congress to extend current tax rates at all levels will have a negative impact on hiring and growth plans moving forward.
Credit Access
While improving slightly, limited access to credit continues to hamper the ability of franchisees to get financing, with 52.9 percent of franchisees indicating the lack of small business lending continues to have a negative impact on their business, compared to 55.5 percent one year ago.
Same Store Sales
The franchisor outlook for same store sales is almost identical to 2012. Among franchisors, 77.9 percent expect some increase in same store sales in 2013, compared to 77 percent in 2012.
November Franchise Business Index Down Due to Fiscal Cliff
In another economic indicator, the IFA monthly Franchise Business Index (FBI), an index of the economic health of the franchise sector, fell 0.3 percent in November. The index declined to 108.5 (Jan 2000=100). Compared with November 2011, the index was up 1.3 percent. The fall in the index was driven by a large decline in the small business optimism index, precipitated by the impending fiscal cliff.
These research reports were underwritten by a grant from Jani-King International to the IFA Educational Foundation.
For an infographic fact sheet about the Franchise Business Economic Forecast: 2013, click here.
CONTACT: Matt Haller 202-662-0770 firstname.lastname@example.com:International Franchise Association


text:
What is a Paradigm?
A paradigm is a lens through which Reality is viewed. A paradigm is not Reality itself, but a context, a set of assumptions, a set of predictions about how Reality may be viewed so as to navigate through it successfully.
In the past, we've made the mistake of seeing each new paradigm that emerges as (1) permanent or semi-permanent and (2) the best of all previous and even the best of all possible paradigms. However, each new paradigm shapes our way of seeing for a while and then is superseded and so will this new paradigm. In fact, it probably will have a short shelf life and that is fine with me.
You and I know that, after the disclosure of the existence of our galactic family which at present surrounds this planet in millions of cloaked vessels, and the introduction of this planet's spiritual hierarchy, which is in charge of our evolution and end-of-cycle Ascension, they themselves will introduce another new paradigm, which will shatter this one and take the benchmark another ten to a hundred yards down the field.
So please don't hear me as somehow saying that I'm holding out a new construction of Reality destined to stand the test of time, etc., etc. No, I'm just proposing changes to our old filter in a new and interim filter which itself will give way to the next.
The old paradigm had certain features which I'd like to suggest now need to give way.
(1) Empirical Materialism
The particular view of Reality that the old paradigm enshrines has been called by David Icke the "Five Senses School" and by me, following philosophy, "Empirical Materialism." A basic statement of it might be that only what we can know through our five senses is real. "Empirical" means relying on or derived from observation and experiment. "Materialism" means that only physical or material things exist.
This philosophy has never really been followed in practice because we all know that thoughts and feelings cannot be seen, touched, etc., and yet no one in society would deny their reality. Thoughts and feelings are non-material but that has never bothered empirical materialism. Descartes went so far as to say "I think; therefore I am." Here is an affirmation of our basic reality as beings that is based on a non-material phenomenon – thoughts.
Yet it has proven to be a very useful tool in creating technologies that allowed us to manipulate the material. It has also been useful in maintaining order in the ranks and providing a ready tool for the Powers That Be to deny the existence of spirits and extraterrestrials, both of which are often invisible to our sight.
These same PTB have seen it as no contradiction to have treaties with extraterrestrials since the 1950s, to have back-engineered their technology to produce the computer chip, fiber-optics, Teflon, Kevlar, and space vehicles like the TR3-B Aurora, capable of going to Mars and beyond from captured or traded ET technology. These same PTB have fought wars against extraterrestrials as Philip Schnieder described. (1) And they have accepted ET help at laboratories like Area 51, help in building such things as the below-ground high-speed railway, deep underground military bunkers, and so on.
But, while they worked with extraterrestrials, they used Empirical Materialism, ridicule, and threats to keep the mass of society convinced that only things that could be seen, touched, tasted, etc., were real.
Moreover, the same paradigm is used to keep us from knowledge of the spirit world. We pooh-pooh the existence of life after death and so are dumbed-down and kept in fear of death. If the PTB can sell us the point of view that spirits do not exist, then they can keep hidden from us a potent source of help against the dark cabal that has ruled this planet for millennia – the Spiritual Hierarchy which is the planet's real source of authority but which observes the Law of Free Will and so will not interfere with our dark or Light choices.
So Empirical Materialism is a useful paradigm for this planet's controllers. But now we declare that Empirical Materialism is insufficient for appreciating the breadth and depth of life and has been superseded as a lens through which to view reality. If we need a name for the philosophy that has replaced it, then let me call that "Spiritual Multidimensionality." It recognizes that we and life are spiritual and that life is present in many dimensions as well as other reaches of space.
Make no mistake about it. Life is a tug-of-war between views of reality. At times in our history if you believed that the sun was the center of the solar system, you could be burned at the stake. Paradigms have been used throughout history to maintain control and those who departed from them have been subjected to lethal punishment.
But we are departing from Empirical Materialism and we needn't be afraid to do so. The Empirical Materialists no longer rule our planet or our minds and will have to come along with us for ours is by far the more enduring philosophy in the tug-of-war.
Spiritual Multidimensionality, the paradigm that replaces Empirical Materialism, as far as I describe it here (which is admittedly not much at the moment), sees a little ways further down the road but not a great deal. Please don't think that what I'm proposing is anything more than a placeholder. When the masters return to the planet after disclosure, they will introduce us to many more shifts in outlook. My purpose here is merely to have us discard Empirical Materialism, which has become for us a set of blinkers.
(2) Patriarchal Thrust
I use the word "thrust" for the patriarchal paradigm advisedly because the masculine and feminine paradigms owe at least a part of their derivation to sexual roles. Women do not thrust. Men do. And men have sought to mould reality, to penetrate, to push and pull it in much the same way as they perform their sexual role.
I'll leave it to a woman to enunciate what women do. I don't feel it my place to give voice to the Divine Feminine, or the feminine point of view, or the new feminine paradigm. I only know that it probably will not be based on thrust. Perhaps one of you will describe the feminine approach to life. It's more appropriate that you take up the enunciation of this part of the paradigm than that I do.
(3) Terrestrial Myopia
The old paradigm held that the civilization on Planet Earth was all there is. But the new paradigm will have to acknowledge our brothers and sisters on other planets and stars, some of which exist in higher dimensions than ours. So, for instance, the civilization of Venus in the Fifth Dimension will need to be recognized. And the existence of Arcturus, Sirius, and the Pleiades, to choose three from among many, will have to be recognized. I know those galactic civilizations exist in the Fifth Dimension; I do not know if they exist in the Third.
Whatever proves to be the case, we shall need to cease thinking of ourselves as being alone in the universe because, if one only spends a day on Youtube, it becomes crystal clear that we are not.
(4) Lifers
The point of view of a "lifer" is that this life is all there is. Once we leave this life we go into limbo, we find ourselves in some semi-cryogenic state awaiting the last trump and the call to rise with our moldering bodies in some way to meet the Lord in the clouds. (It ain't gonna happen. Some vaguely-similar elements may occur, but not in any fashion resembling this.)
Who knows what religious body decreed that we see ourselves as living one life and then ceasing to exist. Except the part about moldering in the ground until a trumpet sounded. St. Paul, in my view, never meant for that to be the point of view arising from his famous but woefully-misunderstood description of the final trump. What he was describing was the moment of enlightenment when "the dead shall rise" – i.e., the unenlightened shall realize themselves and rise in terms of vibration, as we will in Ascension – on "the last day" – i.e., the last day of unenlightment prior to the first day of enlightenment.
But we took that and made it one plank in a view of life that saw the time between birth and death as all there is. Of course, we are eternal beings who live many lives and the belief that this life is all there is and therefore that we must eat, drink and be merry for tomorrow we die is erroneous.
Not only is it erroneous but it trivializes life. It doesn't help us to see the grand arc that life is, from God to God. It doesn't help us see that evolution from unconscious awareness of our true identity to conscious awareness is the purpose of each and all of our incarnations. It does not help us to see anything of the majesty of life as a whole. It simply keeps us stuck in believing that we'd better live it up now because we're going to be dead for a long time.
In fact we won't be dead at all. Readers of this site know that I spoke with my departed father a few days ago and heard his enthusiasm at what he had found on the other side. He was delighted. As far as he was concerned he was in heaven and he wished he had listened to me when I told him what to expect. I kind of do too. Could have saved him a lot of fear and suffering.
In fact this is the experience of all beings who arrive on the astral planes and find that the tales of continuing life were all true. They are delighted and only wish that we would change our outlook. We do not live one life. We live many and we live continuously and we live eternally.
The Declaration of Human Freedom
The Declaration of Human Freedom (DHR) offers a view of life and living that incorporates and is based on these elements of a new paradigm. It is only an interim document and will be quickly superseded – or not, as the case may be. But it allows us a lever to pry ourselves out of the old paradigm for the moment. Prying ourselves out of it will prepare us for much of what comes next, what is waiting in the wings, so to speak, like UFO/ET disclosure.
But it may not prove adequate to equip us for the situations we meet when we are introduced to our space family or travel to other galaxies.
The DHR acknowledges the divine purpose of life. It acknowledges that we are eternal beings who lead a virtually endless number of lives. It acknowledges that spiritual evolution is the process by which life proceeds, as it arcs away from God and back to God again, away from unconscious awareness to conscious awareness.
It introduces the notion that we are not alone in the universe. It weaves into its account the existence of natural laws. It introduces the notion that we must straighten out our external lives, just as we must straighten out our internal lives.
Our external lives, as a community, feature such things as crime, persecution, and oppression and it calls on these to go. No longer do we need to force ourselves on others and control them.
You and I know that we are to be the heirs of a planetary abundance program so when the DHF speaks of the community seeing to the vital needs of all its citizens, you know that I am speaking from a point of view that accepts the inevitable introduction of what we know as NESARA (the National Social and Economic Reformation Act) or the abundance program or wisdom economy. This new set of economic rules will level the playing field and rid the world of inequity, predatory forms of economic activity, debt bondage, and so on.
So the DHR provides a basis for social and economic organization that is in no way predatory or unfeeling. It is a sound basis for a phasing out of patriarchy and an introduction of a feminine perspective on the road to a future introduction, I think, of a balanced or androgynous perspective.
The DHR bows before the wisdom of universal or natural law. Natural law is the Creator's intention made manifest. Natural law forms the limits of behavior if we want to fulfil the purpose of life and realize our true identity. We cannot any longer afford as a planet to live lives that violate natural law. If we do, we continue to encounter suffering and an absence of joy. We've been there, done that. It's time now for a change.
So the DHR introduces the new paradigm of this moment, knowing full well that it may soon be replaced. It allows a basis for us to shift peacefully from one way of life to another. It provides a context for a set of planetary relationships that will support our introduction to our space family here to help us enter a Golden Age and experience a shift in vibration from the Third to the Fifth Dimensions.
It prepares the way for our dropping the old paradigm of predatory economic competition and taking up the new paradigm of empowering economic cooperation. It alerts us to the natural laws and encourages us to live the way we were always intended to live, following a path that opens up to increasing knowledge of who we truly are and increasing joy and bliss.
For me, it isn't a case of "selling" the new paradigm to anyone. It isn't even the case of bridging a gap or anything of the sort. This is the paradigm from which I intend to lead my life from here on in until it is replaced by something better, as it will in the foreseeable future. Anyone who wishes to join me is welcome. Anyone who does not is welcome not to.
But, for my part, I lay aside empirical materialism, patriarchy, terrestrial myopia, and the lifer point of view. Don't bother trying to shame me, ridicule me, or threaten me to come back. I leave it all behind. The old paradigm has lost my ear and I may not even read the criticisms of my point of view. It's time for the new. The dark, the primitive, the inadequate must now be left behind and will be. Those who have sold that view of reality to me for so many years are welcome to link up with the new itinerary but I am leaving behind the old.
(1) Phil Schnieder at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hbONIQfQmDU


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This situation, like the active part of Tendai in creating the notion of "Japan as the Land of the Superior Family of Bodhisattvas"* and Zen in the pre-WW2 rationalization of Japanese Militarism responsible for Nanking and the Kamikaze, shows that Buddhism isn't immune to co-option to National Tribalism and the justification of group persecution and murder.TAUNGGYI, Myanmar — After a ritual prayer atoning for past sins, Ashin Wirathu, a Buddhist monk with a rock-star following in Myanmar, sat before an overflowing crowd of thousands of followers and launched into a rant against what he called "the enemy" — the country's Muslim minority.
Unfortunately the Lotus Sutra and yogacara presupposition of the notion of gotra, or Bodhisattva karmic lineage makes a "join" for tribal elevation. It is bewildering to me that the Theravada sects can also join into this activity without that hook for the noose so to speak.
What "fracture points" are there in our Buddhism that lay like traps for mis-step?
* The same rational that segregated the Mahayanist from the Hinayana also, I believe, elevates the Japanese over all the other peoples of Earth, allowing a "Skillful means" killing of others to preemptively stop their earning Hell Karma. I quote: "Japan was a nation of people whose religious capabilities were perfectly matured, and so it was appropriate to dispense with taking the Hīnayāna monastic vows, taking the *Bodhisattva precepts in their stead as a more efficient path to liberation, or in Saichō's terminology, the 'direct path'." Keown, Damien (2003-03-27). A Dictionary of Buddhism (p. 244). Oxford University Press. Kindle Edition.


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This paper examines the subversive function of an anthology of Bertolt Brecht's political essays that was published in Greece at the time the student movement was emerging. The collection was launched in 1971, four years after the military coup in Greece. Drawing on the notion of frame from social movements theory, the paper focuses on the trajectory of the Greek student movement and the main frames that brought it forward as the most successful form of resistance against the junta. Then the paper illustrates how the Brecht anthology in particular captures the general climate of cultural and political opposition that created the resonance deemed necessary for the success of the student movement.
Keywords :
- frame,
- Brecht,
- Greece,
- social movement,
- sociology,
- resistance
Le présent article analyse la fonction subversive d'une anthologie des écrits politiques de Bertolt Brecht publiée en Grèce au moment de l'émergence du mouvement étudiant. La collection a été publiée en 1971, quatre ans après le coup d'État militaire en Grèce. Fondé sur la notion de cadre de la théorie des mouvements sociaux, l'article traite spécifiquement du parcours du mouvement d'étudiants grecs et des principaux cadres qui l'ont amené à être le type de résistance le plus efficace contre la junte. L'article fait en outre état de la façon dont l'anthologie de Brecht permet de mieux saisir le climat général d'opposition culturelle et politique qui a créé les conditions nécessaires au succès du mouvement étudiant.
Mots-clés :
- cadre,
- Brecht,
- Grèce,
- mouvements sociaux,
- sociologie,
- résistance
Corps de l'article
1. Introduction
Many approaches to translation have stressed the importance of seeing the act of translating as an activity that takes place in context. From the terminology and the overall register employed to reconstruct a text in a target language to the actual (and often unpredictable) effect on the readership, everything betrays the nature of translation as a social act. Translations are bound to be caught in networks of power relations simply because extratextual factors condition their creation and dissemination; yet the role of translation in social movements remains relatively uncharted territory by sociologists and translation studies scholars, with both sides often ignoring the significance of case studies and useful concepts in each field.
The starting point in this article is the student movement in Greece (1972-1973), a movement that was the catalyst for the overthrow of the Greek junta (1967-1974). The first part will illustrate that a fully-fledged opposition movement developed gradually: only certain opposition frames seemed to resonate with the masses of students and eventually the entire Greek society. Then the cultural field will be examined as it contributed to the genesis of such resistance frames. In the second part, a collection of Brecht's political essays will be seen against this backdrop. Both the selection of essays to be included as well as the way in which they were translated betray a broad concern with antidictatorship messages.
The reason why this particular historical period was chosen was the interrelation between resistance and cultural production became salient. More importantly, the role of translations was decisive. To sharpen the focus of this study the seven-year rule of the colonels must be seen in the light of the three stages it underwent (following Gregoriades [1975a]; [1975b]; [1975c]):
1967-1969, the rise of the regime allegedly in response to the danger of the country being taken over by communists; the period that represents its pinnacle of absolute control; preventive censorship was applied and all freedoms were curtailed.
1970-1973: stagnation, or the period of oscillation between sham liberalisation and a hard-line approach.
1973-1974: the downfall of the regime, which starts with the violent end of the student riots, the reimposition of censorship and martial law. This was a short-lived hard-line version of the junta.
As this division may signal, the Greek junta was not a monolithic, static entity. On an ideological level it exhibited features of fascist regimes (anti-communism, militarism, ultra-nationalism, (mild forms of) racialism, abolition of political parties and trade unions) yet unlike fascist regimes its propaganda was ineffectual, it never achieved a broad support basis, and it never redirected big capital to the national interest (Gregoriades 1975c: 347-350; Woodhouse 1985: 32). It was a regime that constantly oscillated between terror and a universalist pretension as saviours of the nation, between (intermittently applied) censorship and liberalisation. This creates a rather complex context but also points to significant transition points, the most important being the official lifting of censorship on November 15th, 1969 and what followed it.
2. Framing the student movement
A concept from general communication theory and social movement theory that can be fruitfully applied to the area of translation is the concept of frame (for a typology of framing from a narrative theory perspective in translation, see Baker 2006, chapter six). The term derives from the seminal work of Ervin Goffman Frame Analysis (1974) where "the organization of experience" is examined in a wide swath of human activity (ranging from televised wrestling matches to reader/audience participation in a novel or play). As Goffman notes:
I assume that definitions of a situation are built up in accordance with principles of organization which govern events – at least social ones – and our subjective involvement in them; frame is the word I use to refer to such of these basic elements as I am able to identify […M]y phrase "frame analysis" is a slogan to refer to the examination in these terms of the organization of experience.Goffman 1974: 10-11
Frames can be keyed (based on a model/something already meaningful for participants but transformed into something else), fabricated (set up to be used for deception, either in a benign way or for the purpose of exploitation), or used in parallel with other (discrete) frames that may or may not be the main concern of the participants (employed to lead to out of the frame activity, in an act of collusion etc.) (Goffman 1974: 44, 84, 201). Interestingly, Goffman uses translation as an example of a keyed frame; a translation of a French play into English, as he claims, can be seen as an English transformation or keying of a French pattern of expression (Goffman 1974: 79).
Goffman's metaphor of frame has been revived in social movement theory where meaning construction and the interpretation of events and conditions are essential for guiding action, individual or collective (Snow et al. 1986: 464; Snow and Benford 2000: 613). It involves
assign[ing] meaning to and interpret[ing] relevant events and conditions in ways that are intended to mobilize potential adherents and constituents, to garner bystander support and to demobilize antagonists.Snow and Benford 1988: 198
The core functions of frames are diagnosis, prognosis and motivation. Diagnostic framing involves identifying the problem and attributing blame or causality to specific agents; prognostic framing suggests solutions to the problem, identifies strategies, tactics and targets; motivational framing offers a rationale for action, or inducements for participation, be they material, status, solidarity, or moral inducements (Snow and Benford 1988: 200-202). The three aspects of framing are usually closely interwoven. When combined, they motivate participation by convincingly distinguishing "insurgents ('us') from antagonists or irrelevant others ('them'), and by clearly representing the possibility, necessity, and efficacy of collective action by deliberate actors" (Polletta 1998: 140). Frames in social movements must also have resonance, if they are to be successful, that is, they need to be consistently articulated, to correspond with events in the world, and to be articulated by individuals who are credible and persuasive (Snow and Benford 2000: 619-621). Imbuing Goffman's abstract and static view of frames with a more active agential aspect of meaning creation and concentrating on the consumption aspect of frames (resonance) sheds light on the nature of social movements, yet remains incomplete if the most obvious and influential variable, cultural context, is left out. The larger cultural environment both enables and constrains potential movement meanings, simply because cultural context provides a repertoire of already packaged symbols, rhetoric and familiar forms of organization (Williams and Kubal 1999: 231, 232). Successful movement frames must have a cultural resonance if they are to succeed, namely, they must be in tune with frames and dominant themes in the cultural repertoire (alignment) and they must dominate the debate on a particular contested issue (efficacy) (Williams and Kubal 1999: 235).
The period of the Greek junta is an ideal testbed for such core concepts of social movements. The dominant modes of resistance and the cultural matrix in which they evolved can illustrate this point. Thus, resistance to the regime took various forms, but there is now consensus that specific factors jointly hampered attempts to develop a strong opposition movement immediately after the coup (Gregoriades 1975b: 276; Dafermos 2003: 142; Notaras 1999: 191): the political world had been caught by surprise and felt defeated after the coup, the regime perfected its persecution/policing mechanisms, living standards and purchasing power across a considerable section of Greek society were improving, and both citizens and resistance organizations were not optimistic that any single resistance strategy would topple the regime unless (international) conditions were right.
A great array of small left-wing resistance groups did form immediately after the coup, but their goal was to advertise everyone's reluctance to live under an authoritarian regime and to stir foreign public opinion against the dictatorship rather than to topple it. They were also very short-lived and arrests of key members meant the end of their activities. Their opportunistic nature can be seen in the great variety of tactics they employed and which ranged from circulating leaflets on the streets and publishing illegal newspapers to planting bombs in order to damage symbols of the regime (Woodhouse 1985: 36; Murtagh 1994: 175). The lack of effectiveness and mobilizing edge of resistance groups can also be attributed to the lack of co-operation among them. They were all divided and entrenched in the positions of the various left-wing political parties and organizations they shadowed (Dafermos 2003: 194).
The real turning point came with the student movement which emerged in 1972-1973, which was more successful than individual organizations and ultimately became the focus of the resistance effort of the entire country due to its resonance. This resonance can be attributed to the projection of what Williams and Kubal call a stewardship-cum-contractual frame, that is a notion of public good built upon the belief in collective duties, a responsibility to a community that is harmoniously connected on the one hand, and the belief in individual rights/inclusion in society on the other (1999: 238, 239). The components of these frames can be seen in the following characteristics of the movement: a) accommodation of views from political parties and the resistance organizations they supported, but independent development of the movement and democratic election of members of coordinating committees; b) the projection of a broad political agenda for the sake of the entire nation (responsibility) and pan-hellenic unity; c) demands for a return to democracy and the free expression of ideas; d) sense of moral superiority/dignity; e) denigration of the junta as a fascist regime that relied on violence and US support to exploit its people.
The student movement had a general left-wing orientation and various organizations supported by the banned KKE (the Greek Communist Party) and the centrist EK (Centre Union) political parties were associated with it, but their role remained ancillary. The overall mobilizing influence of the KKE influenced Regas Feraios and Anti-EFEE ('National Antidictatorship Student Union of Greece') and the EK inspired PAK ('Panhellenic Freedom Movement') and DA ('Democratic Defence'), was intermittent or inherently weak, because such groups and their satellites disagreed on strategies and ideological agendas, or occasionally sought to impose their hierarchical view of organization, or – more significantly – they saw the developing movement as an expression of student syndicalism or class-related demands rather than as a mass antidictatorial political movement (Dafermos 2003: 195-208).
The broad popular appeal of the student movement became apparent because what initially started as a series of demands concerning academic life morphed into a more encompassing political discourse. It all started with grievances on the lack of funding for education and the strict control of syllabuses, appointments, and the language of instruction: the purist katharevousa variety was chosen instead of the demotike which had been gradually replacing it in other contexts (Woodhouse 1985: 126). The junta also dismantled virtually all representative bodies elected at the university and polytechnic level by the students themselves and appointed people who would help them control student unions (Murtagh 1994: 239). Initial demands for free student elections were followed by rhetoric focusing on the higher moral ground of the movement. Thus the mission of the student movement was "the national interests of Greece," "education," "freedom," all based on the belief in democratic processes; on the other hand, the junta was seen as an "anti-national enterprise," a regime that relied on violence and a total disregard for the law, and were singled out as fascists and agents of US interests (Regos 1999: 238; Dafermos 2003: 102, 124).
The agenda of the movement was clearly articulated and put into practice by a body that in essence represented all sectors of Greek society. Thus, in contrast to organizations that "called for resistance" and acted covertly, the student movement was democratically organized and resulted in actual initiatives and open confrontation with the authorities. In the spring of 1972, university schools, one after the other, set up their democratically elected FEAs "student struggle committees," securing a level of organization that carried the movement through the turbulent months of 1972 and 1973. First, all legal means were exhausted (student elections, class boycotts, taking cases to court) and when this failed, sit-ins, rallies, and riots were resorted to (Dafermos 2003: 196). The end of the movement came with the Athens Polytechnic sit-ins on November 17th, 1973, when the army violently quelled the movement and martial law came into effect.
The bloody ending of the student movement, and the supportive stance of all banned political parties dramatically increased its appeal. Unlike other movements in Western Europe at the time, the Greek student movement received the endorsement of all political parties in Greece, yet retained its independence from them and went on to challenge political and social values and to become the vehicle of expressing antidictatorial sentiments (Regos 1999: 228, 236, Dafermos 2003: 197). Bridging political divisions, it gained both the support and the participation of left-wing and conservative citizens. The feeling of unity that the student movement created resulted in a popular anti-dictatorship coalition of forces that ultimately destabilized and toppled the regime (Dafermos 2003: 196; Regos 1999: 246).
The overall successful framing of the student movement can be attributed to the cultural resonance it had. In order to see this, there is a need to examine the end of the first period of the junta (1967-1969) and the role of cultural activity and published translations because the very first signs of 'a' movement came from the cultural field. In June 1970 an influential organization was formed, EKIN (Helleno-European Youth Movement). This name signals Europe as a force of democracy – especially because Greece had left the Council of Europe in the face of its certain expulsion on charges of human rights violations (December 12th, 1969). The purpose of this group was to organize exhibitions and music events, to launch publications, to promote modern thought, and encourage the exchange of ideas (Dafermos 2003: 51; Regos 1999: 235). EKIN's members would later play a crucial role in the student movement and their activities found imitators (Regos 1999: 235; Dafermos 2003: 50). Given the failure of resistance organizations, this was the ground that would ideologically prepare activists for a fully-blown movement. It was the arena where an independent, new left ideology started to materialize, that is, left-wing ideas that did not necessarily emanate from the communist or the centrist party. Students and young people in general sought to project their own identity by reading translations of books on modern thought; they listened to banned popular music or music with clear political messages (such as Theodorakis) (Kouroupos 2002: 44, 45); they watched American subversive films such as Woodstock and participated in poetry nights; they attended dramatic performances such as those by the politicized ?noichto Theatro ("Open Theatre") and Theatro Technes ("Art Theatre") theatre companies, further boosting their popularity (Regos 1999: 232-235).
This "cultural spring" coincided with the end of censorship in 1969 as well as with the shift in tactics on the part of Greek authors and publishers with regard to censorship and oppression. Throughout the first period of the regime, the situation was highly unfavorable for literary and artistic production. The large majority of writers passively resisted censorship by refraining from producing any work. This "silence boycott" was legitimized by George Seferis, the 1963 Nobel Prize poet laureate, in his recorded anti-dictatorship message in Deutsche Welle in 28 March 1969 and was espoused by a considerable number of members of the Greek intelligentsia. Within a short time, however, an increasing number of writers and publishers realized that silence was convenient for the leaders of the military regime, who often advertised a broad and crude functional aesthetics in favor of art that was supposed to "serve the motherland" (Roufos 1972: 153). Publishing houses such as Kalvos and Keimena insisted that "silence was not as honourable as Seferis made it seem and that it was not fair to leave readers with the drivel and propaganda the regime's press office published" (Van Dyck 2002: 59). The culmination of this effort is the "resistance publication" Eighteen Texts ("Dekaokto Keimena" – July 1970), a collection of poems, short stories, and essays exploring issues of resistance and complicity, to which Seferis was one of the principal contributors. In this collection, which became a best seller, everything was communicated by innuendo, allegories, metaphors, and parodic attacks "hijacking" the dictators' routine patterns of speech (Van Dyck 2002: 80-97). The collective nature of the work was also intended to show that intellectuals from all political persuasions were united and that their action was not instigated by any one single political party (Papanikolaou 2002: 446). By abandoning the tactic of silence, writers asserted their sense of dignity, aesthetic autonomy and unity as well as their connection/duty to the Greek people). It was a time when freedom of speech was prioritized over any political creed (Regos 1999: 234).
Developments in the publishing field were very significant for the formation of the "contractual/stewardship frame" on a cultural level. After 1969 publishing activity was revitalized, with a dramatic increase of translated books in particular. There was an unprecedented demand for serious books or "problem books" (biblia problematismou) addressing critical social issues and bringing readers closer to modern European thought; the result was publication in translation of such authors as Herbert Marcuse, Antonio Gramsci, Jean-Paul Sartre, Arnold Hauser, Eugene Ionesco, and Bertolt Brecht (Kontogiannes 1970: 28-29; Kontogiannes 1971: 118 and Chatzopoulos 1971: n.p.). A large group of publishers emerged who saw as their duty the ideological awaking of Greek readers through literature, philosophy, literary theory, art, sociology and politics (Dafermos 2003: 29, Frankopoulos 1971: 89, and Soteropoulou 1997: 4). These publishing houses consisted of independent left-wing individuals because the authorities had already banned publishing houses with traditional left affiliations. They targeted students or older readers that were politically aware and who opposed the regime in an attempt to sharpen their critical thinking (Axelos 1984: 46; Soteropoulou 1997: 4). Bookstores became the loci where ideas were exchanged freely and where books became a means of ad hoc political, cultural, and artistic expression.
Although no clear-cut causal link between the above developments can be established, especially because they ran in parallel, the impression that remains is that there were some recurring themes in the public/cultural sphere after censorship was abolished. Students asserted their political and cultural independence, authors adopted a more vocal attitude and publishers supplied readers with politically subversive books. The ultimate goal was to overcome political division and passivity.
3. Brecht's political texts reframed
As was shown above, freedom of expression, unity and a focus on the "political other" that was the source of oppression were key elements in the student movement that had great cultural resonance. Now I would like to focus on a significant translated work that can be seen to echo this broader context of cultural/political resistance, an anthology of Brecht's political texts. For this purpose I need, once more, to resort to the notions of diagnosis, prognosis and motivation.
After the lifting of preventive censorship, Brecht became a very popular choice among publishers and a massive import of his works (mainly plays) commenced in 1970 (with 19 translations in 1970 alone, Greece produced more Brecht translations than either all of the Eastern Bloc countries or all Western countries did together in their peak years, 15 in 1962 and 17 in 1968 respectively). This popularity can perhaps be seen as an echo of the "Brecht boom" that started in 1968 in West Germany and which was a manifestation of the radicalisation of political conscience, mainly among the younger generations (Schneider 1979: 27). Brecht became the centrepiece of the student movement and the New Left movement in Germany at the time (Mittenzwei 1977: 78; Schneider 1979: 26; Patterson 2001: 276). Brechtian social criticism was dominant in the German cultural field – which incidentally included intellectuals that wrote "fiery poems against the Greek junta" (Schneider 1979: 28, my translation). The German and Greek student movements coincided temporally and Greeks had also already fled to Germany to escape oppression and directly experienced the political and cultural developments there. These individuals may have served as channels that communicated political and cultural trends across borders. This, of course, includes translators. Anna Koltsidopoulou, for instance, was in Germany when she translated Mann ist Mann. She subsequently sent her manuscript to Greece and the book was published in Athens in 1971 by the politically engaged and prolific Planetes Publications.
Brecht publications in Greece (mainly plays) were immediately identified as good examples of "problem books" (see previous section) that can awaken the country (Kontogiannes 1970: 29; Frankopoulos 1971: 89). In 1971 Stochastes Publications brought out Politika Keimena ("Political Texts"). The collection exclusively consists of essays Brecht wrote during his exile period in Europe (1933-1941), that is, the period when Brecht dissected Nazism and suggested means of resistance. Nazism was, according to Brecht, the "most naked, brazen, oppressive and deceitful capitalism" (Brecht 1993: 35, my translation). Similarly, fighting the evils of fascism was seen to entail going to the root of the problem, that is, property relations as well as unraveling obscurantist fascist discourse (Knopf 2003: 264-270). Brecht also underscored the need to effectively defend culture with politico-economic means and insisted that the Nazis had no intention of minimizing violence and war-mongering in the future (Knopf 2003: 266). These diagnostic, prognostic and motivational aspects in Brecht's writing reflect a strictly Marxian perspective that emerged in a context of (imminent) war. Yet the collection of essays in Greek translation were framed differently, both because of the outlet of this publication as well as the ways in which the texts were translated.
Politika Keimena ("Political Texts," thereafter PT) was translated by Dionyses Divares under the pseudonym of Vasiles Vergotes. Divares was born in 1952 and studied law at The University of Athens. Two years after the publication of the book he was involved in the student movement (the sit-ins in the Law School February 21th, 1973) and was generally familiar with the methods of harassment employed by the authorities. Divares was drawn to Stochastes because the publishing house stood out as a place where progressive and anti-dictatorship ideas were expressed but without drawing the immediate attention of the regime (Divares, personal communication, September 20th, 2004). Divares used a pseudonym at the publisher's advice in order to minimize his visibility. He believed that a collection of texts from Brecht's political essays would constitute a bold political statement, "at a time of intellectual darkness" as he called it (personal communication, September 20th, 2004).
Stochastes was founded by a young law graduate, Loukas Axelos in 1969. For Stochastes publications were a means of political and cultural communication (Axelos 1984: 46). The choice of titles to launch at the time is indicative of this main concern. Stochastes focused on political books. The first book they published in 1969 was Keimena ("Texts") by Regas Feraios Velestinles, the ideologue of The Greek Enlightenment Movement (1770-1829) and the Greek War of Independence (1821). The fact that Stochastes, like many influential publishers (such as Kalvos Publications, Keimena Press, Epikairoteta) followed the selfsame pattern of reviving texts from the same epoch can be seen as a symbolic gesture of diagnosis (equating the obscurantism of the junta with that of a foreign occupation force, the Ottomans), prognosis (advocating intellectual awakening and militancy as means of defeating tyranny) and motivation (showing that the political situation was a matter of national survival). Generally speaking, Stochastes had two objectives (Soteropoulou 1996: n.p.): to create the conditions that would lead to the overthrow of the colonels and to disseminate the progressive leftist ideology that did not necessarily subscribe to the traditional Leninist tradition of the old Greek Communist Party. Thus, all the Stochastes publications signal rigorous political engagement: essays by prominent Greek thinkers (Dimitris Glenos, Alexandros Svolos, Serafeim Maximos), and translations of works by Herbert Marcuse (the so-called father of the New Left in Europe and a vocal supporter of the student movements throughout the 1960s), by Nazim Hikmet (the communist Turkish poet who was imprisoned, persecuted and forced to flee Turkey), by Antonio Gramsci, by Asiz Nesin (the Turkish socialist author and political activist who also confronted the authorities and was sent to prison) and, of course, Bertolt Brecht.
It is because of the abovementioned beliefs of the agents of translation as well as the general political climate of the time that Brecht's works were likely to have been recontextualised. Indeed the texts can be grouped according to their diagnosis, prognosis, and mobilizing function vis-à-vis the authoritarian context in Greece. As concerns the diagnostic aspect, essays such as "Fascism and Capitalism" (1935), "Source of Every Barbarism" (1937) and the two speeches given at the first and second "International Writers' Congress for the Defence of Culture" (1935, 1937) are good examples. These texts describe how the fascist regime in Germany (but also Italy and Spain) persecuted, physically abused and killed dissenters, suppressed freedom of speech, changed the processes of production and served dominant class interests. Fascists waged an all-out war on culture too, because culture has a material basis. Fascism, as the most abject form of capitalism, relies heavily on property ownership and therefore violence to remain in power. Such themes/frames could only resonate with readers who experienced the oppressive practices of the junta in their daily lives. For instance, in Fascism and Capitalism (1935), Brecht deplores the fact that "intellectual workers" do not resort to "a cry of wrath" when fourteen communist newspapers were banned. He concludes by saying (close/literal translations from the German and Greek are my own):
Die Polizei verbietet die Wahrheit, und die Zeitungen bezahlen die Lüge!Brecht 1993: 106
The police forbids the truth and the newspapers pay (for) the lies!
H αστυνοµία απαγορεύει την αλήθεια, κι οι εφηµερίδες πληρώνουν τα ψέµατα!Brecht 1971: 55
The police forbids truth and newspapers pay for lies!
The silencing of the press and the reluctance of cultural producers to raise their voice in protest were highly relevant issues for readers who lived in a police-controlled Greek state at the time. Very often the use of active voice in the translation accentuates this diagnostic function as is systematically done in the first "International Writers' Congress for the Defence of Culture" (1935):
Warum [ist] das Leben von Millionnen Menschen, der allermeisten Menschen so verarmt, entblößt, halb oder ganz vernichtet?Brecht 1967: 242
Why is the life of millions of people, of most people thus impoverished, bared, or annihilated by half or completely?
Γιατί φτωχαίνουν, γυµνώνουν, εκµηδενίζουν ως ένα βαθµό ή και ολότελα τις ζωές τόσων εκατοµµυρίων ανθρώπων, των πιο πολλών;Brecht 1971: 44
Why do they impoverish, strip and annihilate to a certain extent or completely the lives of so many millions of people, of the most (of them)?
Opaque agents of the ST are thus forced to the foreground of the Greek text. Oppressive regimes rely on violence and censorship to remain in power.
Other essays in the collection fulfil mainly a prognostic framing function: "Five Difficulties in Writing the Truth" (1934), "In Times of Weakness" (date uncertain), "On Restoring the Truth" (1934) and "In the Fight Against Injustice Even Weak Weapons are of Use" (1934). Brecht argues that even "weak" means of resistance, as he calls them, such as protesting injustice, raising one's voice against oppressors and participating in small or large organisations that fight injustice, can have a significant effect. The entire collection offers ways of addressing one of the main concerns of Brecht's thought and art, namely, the exercise of critical thinking. The most powerful form of prognostic framing occurs in the longest essay in the collection, "Five Difficulties in Writing the Truth." The text was initially published in an émigré journal in 1934 and was clandestinely distributed to as broad a readership as possible in Germany (Crick 2000: 123). According to Knopf, it constitutes the highest achievement of all exile literature written in German; it had a massive appeal for antifascist authors in Germany and abroad (and was translated into Polish and Danish in 1935) (2003: 273, 274). The text constitutes a classic Marxist contribution to the development of an aesthetic of resistance; it is concerned with the truth of literature, with the capacity of art to contribute to political struggle (Kuhn and Giles 2003: 119). A good example from "Five Difficulties in Writing the Truth" that promotes critical thinking is the following:
Eine Betrachtugsweise, die das Vergängliche besonders hervorhebt, ist ein gutes Mittel, die Unterdrückten zu ermutigen… Die Abhängigkeit jedes Dings von vielen andern, sich ständig ändernden, ist ein den Diktaturen gefährlicher Gedanke, und er kann in vielerlei Arten auftreten, ohne der Polizei eine Handhabe zu bieten.Brecht 1993: 86-87
An observation manner, that stresses the transient, is a good means to courage the oppressed… the dependence of everything on many others, which constantly change, is a dangerous thought to dictatorships, and can be found in many forms, without giving the police a lever.
Ένας τρόπος παρατήρησης που τονίζει ιδιαίτερα το παροδικό, είναι καλό µέσο για να δώσει κανείς κουράγιο στους καταπιεσµένους… H εξάρτηση κάθε πράγµατος από πολλά άλλα, που αδιάκοπα αλλάζουν, είναι µια σκέψη επικίνδυνη για διχτατορίες, και µπορεί να εµφανιστεί µε διάφορους τρόπους χωρίς να δώσει λαβή στην αστυνοµία.Brecht 1971: 24
A way of observing things that shows the ephemeral in particular is a good means of giving courage to the oppressed… the dependence of everything on other things that are constantly changing is a dangerous thought for dictatorships and can manifest itself in many ways, without giving the police a lever.
This excerpt suggests the tactical use of discourse that undermines the worldview of a dictatorship. Brecht notes that dictatorships favour a static and dogmatic perception of reality, and it is change and progress that they fear the most. Such themes must have struck a chord with Greek citizens and intellectuals at the time; this was a period when passive consumerism prevailed and the media were turned into mouthpieces of the regime, but it was also the period when grievances started to be expressed in various areas: new translations of ancient Greek drama foregrounded the idea of tyrannicide (Van Steen 2001: 151-171), Greek cinema was intensely anti-neorealist and politically subversive (Katsounake 2002: 35) and the publishing industry gravitated around the "ideological awakening" of Greek readers with translated political books (Soteropoulou 1997: 4).
The prognostic function is occasionally brought to the fore by means of more salient changes on the Greek version, with the strategic use of inclusive we's as can be seen in the concluding statement from "Five Difficulties in Writing the Truth" and the first speech at the "International Writers' Congress for the Defence of Culture":
Soviel wird verlangt, wenn verlangt wird, der Schriftsteller soll die Wahrheit schreiben.Brecht 1993: 89
So much is demanded, when (it) is demanded that writers should write the truth.
Tέτοιες είναι οι απαιτήσεις µας, όταν ζητάµε από τους συγγραφείς να γράφουν την αλήθεια.Brecht 1971: 26
Such are our requirements, when we ask authors to write the truth.
Man wird aufspringen und den Peinigern in den Arm fallen.Brecht 1967: 241
One will jump up and grapple with the torturers.
Θα ξεσηκωθούµε και θα 'ρθούµε στα χέρια µε τους βασανιστές.Brecht 1971: 43
We will rise and we will grapple with the torturers/tormentors.
Such shifts – which can be found in many of the collection's essays – focus on the steps that need to be taken in the fight against oppression, but also project a fused plural-self. In the original, passives and impersonal constructions imply Brecht and his readers/listeners. In the TT the author's voice clearly merges with that of the translator and the Greek readers in inclusive we's. Thus rhetorical participation in the argument is enacted in a more direct way, admonitions become more forceful, and common ground is established.
This brings us to the last framing task, motivation. Motivational framing in the book has authors in general as its target and indirectly, of course, generic readers. Certain passages present authors with the challenge of arriving at a thorough understanding of the core of fascism, that is, dominant class interests and property ownership – as is noted in the concluding section of "The Five Difficulties in Writing the Truth." Once they achieve this understanding and take on the task of spreading truth among those who suffer the most under fascism, they can begin to initiate change in society. In his "Speech at the Second International Writers' Congress for the Defence of Culture" (1937), Brecht underscores the moral duty of intellectuals to dismiss fascism and wage their war on it. The urgency of declaring this sort of war is justified on the grounds that fascist wars that serve the privileges of the few show no signs of abatement. Another essay, "The Basic Duty of Anti-Fascist Writers" (1937), makes an appeal to all anti-fascist writers to intensify their fight against fascism:
In dieser Zeit zunehmender Verwirrung ist es eine Hauptaufgabe der antifaschistischen Schriftsteller, den Sinn für die Trennung des Wichtigen vom Unwichtigen zu schärfen. Wichtig aber ist allein der umfassende, mit allen Mitteln geführte, unermüdliche Kampf gegen den Faschismus auf breitester Grunglage.Brecht 1993: 332
In this time of increasing confusion it is the primary duty of the antifascist authors to sharpen the sense of separating the important from the unimportant. Important is only the all-encompassing, led-with-every-means, unrelenting struggle against fascism, in its broadest base.
Σ' αυτούς τους καιρούς της όλο και µεγαλύτερης σύγχισης είναι βασικό καθήκον των αντιφασιστών συγγραφέων να οξύνουν την αίσθηση διάκρισης του σηµαντικού από το ασήµαντο. Σηµαντικό όµως είναι µονάχα ο καθολικός, µε όλα τα µέσα ακούραστος αγώνας ενάντια στο φασισµό, στην πιό πλατιά δυνατή βάση.Brecht 1971: 53
In these times of increasing confusion it is the basic duty of antifascist writers to sharpen the sense of separating important from unimportant things. What is important is the all-encompassing unrelenting struggle with every means against fascism with the broadest base (of support) possible.
Again the essay elaborates issues that are highly topical in the Greek context: the role of intellectuals as a force that can awaken society and the need to participate in the fight against fascism irrespective of political persuasion. The wider the base of antifascist/antidictatorial forces, the more effective the struggle will be.
Perhaps a more indirect way of mobilizing readers is the employment of shifts in style. There are certain features in the translation that increase the accessibility of the texts. Thus, all essays exhibit a very frequent use of contractions (το 'χουν, θα 'θελα, να 'ναι), or less standard spelling variations (πραχτικό instead of πρακτικό – 'practical'; ιδιοχτησία instead of ιδιοκτησία – 'property'). In a similar vein, the already down-to-earth style of Brecht's writing is accentuated in the TT with the use of more colloquial words (die Habe (possessions)>το βιος (possessions[+coll.]); die Methoden (methods)>µέθοδες (methods[+coll.]); kümmerte sich um (dealt with)>ασχολιόταν (dealt with[+inf.]); ungleichmäßig (disproportionately)>ανισόµερα (disproportionately[+coll.])). The cumulative effect of such shifts is the increase of the tone of directness or the 'speakability' of the text. Brecht is in a sense brought closer to the reader and speaks their everyday language, that is, spoken demotike. This strategy of signalling in-groupness can be seen to sharply contrast with the translator's code-switching technique in Brecht's critical (and mocking) deconstruction of the discourse of Nazi officials, such as the Nazionalzeitung article on the triumph over communism in Germany by Hermann Göring (December 12th, 1934). The translator employs katharevousa, the purist variety of Greek championed by the junta for Göring's speech (katharevousa structures marked in the Greek version):
Die deutsche Regierung muß sich vorbehalten, in völliger Freiheit die Mittel anzuwenden, die sie für richtig hält, und sie kann dabei auf fremde Ratschläge keine Rücksicht nehmen.Brecht 1993: 91
The German government must reserve for itself (the right) in total freedom to use the means, that it considers appropriate, and, in that it, it can take no consideration of the advice of others.
Η γερµανική κυβερνησις διατηρεί το δικαίωµα, εν απολύτω ελευθερία να χρησιµοποιήσει τα µέσα τα οποία θεωρεί αναγκαία και δεν δύναται να λάβει υπ' όψιν συµβουλές άλλων επ' αυτού.Brecht 1971: 38-39
The German government reserves the right, in full freedom [inflection, prepositional phrase] to use the means that it considers (to be) necessary and cannot take into account the advice on others on this [verb+prepositional phrase, prepositional phrase].
Speeches and addresses to the people were very common when the book was published in Greece, especially because the media were under government control. The translator seems to mimic such publicity forays. By using katharevousa he equates Nazi officials with the colonels in Greece, a common denigration/mobilising strategy at the time. The implicit message conveyed through this technique is that the Greek regime is comparable to Nazism and will have a similar fate, that is, it will fall and its enormities will be exposed by the oppressed and morally superior Greek citizens and by the international community in general.
4. Conclusion
This paper has focused on the complex relation between translation and social change in an authoritarian context. One of the main reasons why the Greek junta collapsed in July 1974 was the mounting hostile attitude of Greek citizens of every persuasion. The catalyst of this development was the student movement, a movement to which all Greek citizens could relate (and more so than to the agendas of individual resistance organizations). It was a movement that was democratically organized, stressed the importance of collective duty to society and advocated the right to free expression/dignity vis-à-vis a ruthless dictatorship. These were resistance frames that resonated with the Greek population, irrespective of political persuasion. They were also frames that were the result of a transformative fusion of forces after the official lifting of censorship in 1969. Indeed this was a period during which authors, publishers and students developed homologous activity that underscored the need for unity before the common enemy of Greek society, the regime. Authors abandoned their tactic of silence; students pursued their rights to free student elections and asserted their cultural values; publishers inundated the book market with subversive political books in translation.
Continuities of this sort are crucial if translation activity is to be studied in depth in a situation where social groups have dissimilar access to power. Frames focusing on the source of oppression (diagnosis), the means/agents to counter it (prognosis) and the urgency/duty to resist it (motivation) were articulated in the field of cultural production in the first instance and subsequently within the remit of a fully-fledged social movement. As was argued in this paper, it was the dynamics of cultural resonance the post-1969 situation created that allowed the student movement to be so popular. Translation played an indispensable part in this ideological preparation of resistance. It was translations of the so-called serious problem books that became the vehicles of resistance frames.
A prime example of such resistance publications is the anthology of political essays by Bertolt Brecht launched by Stochastes. As was argued, the notion of framing can be used as a means of seeing the (re)contextualization of the essays contained in the anthology with respect to the translator's/publisher's new left ideals and overall political engagement. It can also be used as a tool of analysis to shed light both on the very selection of text thematics, as well as on the shifts in the final product according to their diagnostic, prognostic and motivational function.
The tentative application of this model for the Greek context can perhaps be extended to other situations where social movements were facilitated by translation action, contexts where translation can be seen as a social act that can materialize in such diverse behaviors as the sheer opening of publishing houses or the promotion of a particular political view by discursive – although not exclusively textual – activity. The abundance of movements (student, environmentalist, feminist, gay rights etc.) as well as the invisible contribution of translations of various kinds (political texts, philosophy, sociology, journalistic texts and – the more extensively studied – literary texts) lay bare the methodological and historical importance of further work along these lines.
Parties annexes
- Axelos, Loukas (1984): Ekdotike drasterioteta kai kinese ton ideon sten Hellada [Publishing activity and circulation of ideas in Greece]. Athens: Stochastes.
- Benford, Robert D. and Snow, David A. (2000): Framing processes and social movements: an overview and assessment. Annual Review of Sociology. 26: 611-639.
- Baker, Mona (2006): Translation and Conflict. A Narrative Account. London: Routledge.
- Brecht, Bertolt (1967): Gesammelte Werke in 20 Bänden. Band 18. Frankfurt am Main: Suhkamp Verlag.
- Brecht, Bertolt (1971): Politika Keimena [Political Texts] (Translated by Vasiles Vergotes). Athens: Stochastes.
- Brecht, Bertolt (1993): Werke: Bertolt Brecht. Große kommentierte Berliner und Frankfurter Ausgabe (Edited by Werner Hecht et al.), Berlin: Aufbau Verlag.
- Chatzopoulos, Giorgos (1971): Ti diabazei he semerine neolaia. Protase gia te dimeourgia hellenikou kentrou bibliou [What today's youth read. Suggestion for the creation of a Greek Book Centre]. To Vima: n.p. July 29, 1971.
- Crick, Joyce (2000): Difficulties with the truth in the Svendborg Poems. In: Roland Speirs, ed. Brecht's Poetry of Political Exile. Cambridge: CUP, 114-134.
- Dafermos, Olympios (2003): To antidiktatoriko foitetiko kinema 1972-1973 [The Anti-Dictatorship Student Movement 1972-1973]. Athens: Gabrielides.
- Frankopoulos, Theodoros (1971): Biblia 1970: mia apotimese [Books 1970: an overview] Chroniko 1971: 88-91.
- Goffman, Ervin (1974): Frame Analysis. Middlesex: Penguin.
- Gregoriades, Solon (1975a): Historia tes diktatorias 1967-1974. Tomos 1os Epivole kai akme [History of the Dictatorship 1967-1974. Vol. 1. Establishment and heyday]. Athens: Ekdoseis Kapopoulos.
- Gregoriades, Solon (1975b): Historia tes diktatorias 1967-1974. Tomos 2os Apotelmatosis [History of the Dictatorship 1967-1974. Vol. 2. Stagnation]. Athens: Ekdoseis Kapopoulos.
- Gregoriades, Solon (1975c): Historia tes diktatorias 1967-1974. Tomos 3os He katarreusis [History of the Dictatorship 1967-1974. Vol. 3. Collapse]. Athens: Ekdoseis Kapopoulos.
- Katsounake, Maria (2002): To festival Thessalonikes kai he anthese tou neou hellenikou kinematografou [The Thessalonike Film Festival and the Burgeoning of New Greek Cinema]. Polites. 99: 34-36.
- Knopf, Jan (2003): Zu Politik und Gesellshaft. In: Jan Knopf, ed. Brecht Handbuch. Band 4: Schriften, Journale, Briefe. Stuttgart: Verlag J. B. Metzler, 262-272.
- Kontogiannes, Giorgos (1970): Biblia problematismou sten prote gramme tes ekdodikes kineses [Problem books on the lead of publications]. Chroniko 1970: 118-119.
- Kontogiannes, Giorgos (1971): He ekdotike kinese tes chronias [Publications report of the year]. Chroniko 1971: 118-119.
- Kouroupos, Giorgos (2002): He protoporiake mousike sten Hellada sta chronia tes diktatorias [Avant-Garde Music in Greece in the Junta Years]. Polites. 99: 44-47.
- Kuhn, Tom and Giles, Steve, eds. (2003): Brecht on Art and Politics. London: Methuen.
- Mittenzwei, Werner (1977): Wer war Brecht? Aufbau: Berlin.
- Murtagh, Peter (1994): The Rape of Greece. The King, the Colonels and the Resistance. London: Simon and Schuster.
- Notaras, Gerasimos (1999): Diktatoria kai organomene antistase [Dictatorship and organised resistance]. In: Gianna Athanasatou, Alkes Regos and Serafeim Seferiades, eds., He Diktatoria 1967-1974. Politikes Praktikes, Ideologikos Logos, Antistase [The Dictatorship 1967-1974: Political Practices. Ideological Discourse. Resistance]. Athens: Kastaniotes, 187-198.
- Papanikolaou, Dimitris (2002): He techne tes cheronomias: ksanadiavazontas ta Dekaokto Keimena [The art of gesturing: rereading the anti-dictatorship Collection 18 Texts]. Nea Hestia. 1743: 444-460.
- Patterson, Michael (2001): Brecht's legacy. In: Peter Thomson and Glendyr Sachs, eds. The Cambridge Companion to Brecht. Cambridge: CUP, 273-287.
- Polletta, Francesca (1998): "It Was like a Fever…" Narrative and identity in social protest. Social Problems. 45(2): 137-159.
- Regos, Alkes (1999): Foitetiko kinema kai diktatoria [The Student Movement and the Dictatorship]. In Gianna Athanasatou, Alkes Regos and Serafeim Seferiades (eds), He Diktatoria 1967-1974. Politikes Praktikes, Ideologikos Logos, Antistase [The Dictatorship 1967-1974: Political Practices. Ideological Discourse. Resistance]. Athens: Kastaniotes, 224-251.
- Roufos, Rodis (1972): Culture and the military. In: Richard Clogg and Giorgos Yannopoulos, eds. Greece Under Military Rule, London: Secker and Warburg, 146-162.
- Schneider, Michael (1979): Bertolt Brecht – Ein abgebrochener Riese. Zur ästhetischen Emanzipation von einem Klassiker. Literaturmagazin 10: Vorbilder. 10: 25-64.
- Snow, David A. et al. (1986): Frame alignment processes, micromobilization, and movement participation. American Sociological Review Vol. 51: 464-481.
- Snow, David A. and Robert D. Benford (1988): Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization. International Social Movement Research. 1: 197-217.
- Soteropoulou, Mariana (1996): Diadromes tou politikou bibliou sten Hellada 1967-1974. [The course of political books in Greece 1967-1974]. Athens: Ethniko Kentro Vivliou.
- Soteropoulou, Mariana (1997): To politiko biblio ste diarkeia tes diktatorias 1967-1974. Erevna kai bibliografike katagrafe [Political books during the dictatorship 1967-1974. Study and bibliographic record]. Athens: Ethniko Kentro Vivliou.
- Van Dyck, Karen (2002): He Kassandra kai oi logokrites sten hellinike poise 1967-1990 [?assandra and the Censors in Greek Poetry 1967-1990] (Translated by Palmyra Ismyridou). Athens: Agra.
- Van Steen, Gonda (2001): Playing by the Censors' Rules? Classical Drama Revived under the Greek Junta (1967-1974). Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora. 27(1-2): 133-194.
- Williams, Rhys H. and Kubal, Timothy J. (1999): Movement frames and the cultural environment. Resonance, failure, and the boundaries of the legitimate. Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change. 21: 225-248.
- Woodhouse, Christopher Montague (1985): The Rise and the Fall of the Colonels, London: Granada.


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I'm calling a halt to Beautiful Skies for the moment. My brain needs some time to relax; I've spent a long time getting things done as close to a regular schedule as possible, and it's driven my creativity into the ground.
In other words, I'm having an artist's block. The story is there! Honest. I just can't get the wretched thing onto the paper with as much ease as I used to.
Am I done? Hell no: I'm still drawing the pages. Just much slower. I'll accrue a backlog before I start posting pages again. I'm at 2 and a half as of this writing, and will have time to draw more over the coming weeks. With no schedule to keep me down, my drawing hand will hopefully pick itself up.