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The Drug Trade in Mexico
Summary and Keywords
The drug trade in Mexico and efforts by the Mexican government—often with United States assistance—to control the cultivation, sale, and use of narcotics are largely 20th-century phenomena. Over time, U.S. drug control policies have played a large role in the scope and longevity of Mexico's drug trade. Many argue that these policies—guided by the U.S.-led global war on drugs—have been fruitless in Mexico, and are at least partially responsible for the violence and instability seen there in the early twentieth century.
A producer of Cannabis sativa and the opium poppy, Mexico emerged as a critical place of drug supply following World War II, even though domestic drug use in Mexico has remained low. Since the 1960s and 1970s, the drug trade in Mexico has reached epic proportions due to drug demand emanating from the United States. Mexico's cultivation of psychoactive raw materials and its prime location—connecting North America with Central America and the Caribbean and sharing a 2,000-mile-long border with the United States—have made it an ideal transit point for narcotics originating from other parts of the Western Hemisphere and the world. Although Mexico implemented a smaller, less organized antidrug campaign in the late 1940s, the inauguration of the global war on drugs in 1971 represents a distinctive shift in its drug control and enforcement policies. The government began utilizing U.S. supply-control models, advice, and aid to decrease the cultivation of drugs inside the country. America's fight against drug trafficking in Central America and the Caribbean in the 1980s and 1990s shifted the geographic locus of the drug trade to Mexico by the early 2000s. Mexico's powerful drug cartels proved more than capable of eluding (sometimes colluding with) the Mexican government's efforts against them in the first decade of the 21st century during the administration of President Felipe Calderón (2006–2012). Calderón's fight against the cartels brought about a drug war in Mexico, characterized by widespread violence, instability, and an estimated death toll of more than 70,000 people.
Keywords: Ayotzinapa, Cannabis sativa, cartel, Dirty War, Dr. Leopoldo Salazar Viniegra, drug control, Drug Enforcement Administration, drug policy, Enrique "Kiki" Camarena, Federal Bureau of Narcotics, Felipe Calderón, George W. Bush, Iguala, Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán, La Gran Campaña, Luis Echeverría, marijuana, Mérida Initiative, narcotics, Partido Revolucionario Institucional, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, supply control, war on drugs
Mexico and Drug Control in the Early 20th Century
Psychoactive substances such as marijuana and opium had for centuries been stigmatized in Mexican society, sometimes prohibited by local and state governments, but their official national regulation did not occur until the early 20th-century. Cannabis sativa was not indigenous to Mexico. Rather, Spanish colonists acquired the plant from Asia and eventually brought it to Mexico in the 16th and 17th centuries. After Mexico gained independence from Spain, the weed was to be found near prisons, in the possession of low-ranking military actors, and in use by peasants. Mexicans even believed that marijuana triggered madness and violence in its users.1 Similarly, Chinese immigrants began growing the opium poppy in Mexico's highlands in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Marijuana use was a mark of the lower class, of filth, and of poverty, and opium use an association with Chinese outsiders.2 Preexisting cultural attitudes toward these substances probably influenced Mexicans' relatively low addiction rates to most narcotics in the years that followed. The notion of alcoholism as a widespread social problem in Mexico also shaped popular attitudes toward intoxication from drug use.
In the early 20th-century, the United States and other Western countries controlled the use of addictive drugs through taxation. National drug prohibitions were considered outside the scope of government power. Taxation also helped governments earn revenue from the licit uses of illicit drug plants. The U.S. Harrison Narcotics Tax Act of 1914 and the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 exemplify contemporary U.S. drug control policies. The Marijuana Tax Act was not punitive and prohibitive. Rather, it was a taxable penalty at least partially intended to generate revenue from the production of hemp fiber also derived from the cannabis plant. Mexico's first legislation against drugs took place in 1916 under President Venustiano Carranza. The legislation banned opium imports, and was also intended to reduce the number of drug dealers coming into Mexico as a result of newly established antiopium regulations in the United States. In a similar way, alcohol prohibition in the United States would also impact the development of illicit trafficking routes and methods originating from Mexico. Following Mexico's revolution (1910–1920), reform-minded politicians placed the first national, punitive restriction on the weed in their bid to clean up a population they saw as degenerate and backward. The antidrug law of 1920 thrived in a Catholic, authoritarian, and class-oriented society that had already created social stigmas around Cannabis sativa and the opium poppy. Thus, Mexico's criminalization of marijuana and at least some of the pharmacy regulations enacted governing opiate distribution preceded those of the United States and other Western countries.
Outside of Mexico's first drug law, punitive, prohibitive controls over narcotics use developed slowly. The modern era of drug control had emerged only in the latter half of the 19th century alongside developments in industrial production, professionalized medicine, and global connectivity. Some in the United States recognized the dangers of marijuana use early on and saw Mexico as a critical place of drug supply. In the United States, the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, predecessor to the Drug Enforcement Administration, established itself under the Treasury Department in 1930. The bureau assumed the primary role of drug enforcement at home, and the agency's footprint eventually extended abroad under the staunch leadership of Harry J. Anslinger, its first commissioner. Anslinger, a supporter of prohibition and drug criminalization, began a crusade against marijuana, communicating with supply countries such as Mexico in the name of drug control. Indeed Anslinger's involvement with Mexico, as well as his exchanges and negotiations with his counterparts there, affected the course U.S.–Mexico narcotics diplomacy in the decades that followed. He also tried to convince America of the likelihood that marijuana would produce madness and promote criminal activity. Throughout the 1930s and 1940s, American attitudes and fears of large-scale marijuana use, especially among youths, were not as strong as they would be during the 1960s and 1970s. Important political actors, such as New York's Mayor Fiorello La Guardia, even disputed Anslinger's claims against marijuana.3 By the early 1960s, U.S. drug-control schemas were shifting to a criminalized model.
Inside Mexico, others also disputed claims against the correlation between marijuana use and madness. Mexico's secretary of public health, Dr. Leopoldo Salazar Viniegra, led a campaign to explain marijuana use and its effects from a medical perspective. In 1938, Dr. Salazar Viniegra published "The Myth of Marijuana," a study that argued that marijuana posed no risk to society, and did not promote criminal activity, as some had believed.4 Pervasive marijuana use, however, had never been a serious threat in Mexican society. Throughout the 1940s, only the occasional American tourist and some U.S. mafia organizations obtained their drug supply from Mexico.5 French smugglers supplied the vast majority of heroin originating from Turkey to the United States up through the early 1970s.
With an increasing U.S. footprint abroad and a spike in the use of addictive drugs following World War II, drug control became an important function of the U.S. government. During the 1950s, overseas drug control efforts were limited to specific operations and initiatives. Federal Bureau of Narcotics agents began working missions in Mexico to control the drug supply, but these efforts were uncoordinated, incomprehensive, and underfunded compared to the missions undertaken later by the DEA. It was during this period that Mexico conducted its first organized antidrug campaign called La Gran Campaña in states historically known for growing psychoactive substances, such as Sinaloa, Durango, and Chihuahua. These states make up Mexico's prime drug cultivation region, known as the Golden Triangle. Although the campaign did not involve a large-scale U.S. presence or its resources, La Gran Campaña ultimately revealed to U.S. counterparts—Anslinger at the top of the list—how disorganized and underresourced Mexican drug enforcement was. This would become a problem once drug control emerged as an important function of domestic and foreign policy, especially with the United States.
Mexico, the United States, and the Criminalization of Drug Control
Drug addiction in Mexico was not a problem conceptualized as an issue affecting national security, as would be the case in the United States by the late 1960s. Mexican society had long been exposed to the harm in using psychoactive substances, but the country did not, for example, stringently police the use of substances like peyote or hallucinogenic mushrooms that were associated with indigenous cultural practices. In other words, drug control in Mexico never assumed the proportions it did in the United States following World War II.
A number of factors converged on the drug trade in the late 1960s that shifted its focus to Latin America and motivated more aggressive supply-control measures in Mexico during the 1970s. The first was a sharp increase in domestic U.S. drug use, especially in conjunction with the large-scale global protest against authority figures, often by young people who used drugs. The second factor was the triumph of the prohibitive, punitive model of enforcement in the U.S. governmental bureaucracy over taxation models that ultimately facilitated increased supply-control measures abroad. The shift was led by the administration of U.S. President Richard Nixon (1969–1974). The third factor was the dismantling of the French-Turkish heroin supply route and the resulting increase in demand for Mexican brown heroin.6 According to one study of thirteen U.S. cities, by 1972 40 percent of confiscated heroin was Mexican brown. Three years later this figure increased to 90 percent.7
Operation Intercept
In September 1969, soon after coming into office, President Nixon shut down the border with Mexico for weeks in a move known as Operation Intercept for the purpose of stemming the flow of Mexican marijuana coming across the Rio Grande. Shutting down the border crippled its economy and had profound implications for Mexico and for bilateral relations. As important players in commerce on both sides of the border coalesced to try to elicit a response to Operation Intercept from the government in Mexico City, and pleaded to politicians in Washington for an end to the operation, it soon became clear that Intercept was intended to coerce the Mexican government into cooperating with newly established U.S. drug-control policies, particularly those related to drug crop destruction. What is more, a number of reports indicated that U.S. authorities at the border were not finding the drugs that they supposedly shut it down to find. As Mexico's secretary of foreign relations so eloquently put it: "Intercept's results have been negligible in stopping the traffic of marijuana and drugs, but great in harming the economy of both sides [of] the border and in creating frictions and bad publicity for the U.S."8
Mexican President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1964–1970) and his successor Luis Echeverría (1970–1976) resisted for as long as possible in accommodating Washington's demands. Operation Canador—an ineffective, lackluster, Mexican antidrug campaign of the early 1970s, which yielded marginal results—was intended to show the outside world that Mexico had become tough on drugs in the years following Intercept. However, in practice, Mexico did little to accommodate U.S. supply-control demands until 1975, Echeverría's final year in office. To be fair, Echeverría had much on his political plate, between balancing leftist threats and achieving certain social reform goals, to the extent that drug control was not necessarily a political priority. But U.S. expectations were evolving such that all drug-producing counterparts unquestioningly had to abide by U.S. drug-control policies.9
The War on Drugs and Associated Policies
The war on drugs, the U.S.-led antidrug campaign inaugurated under Nixon in 1971, represents the official triumph of the punitive, prohibitive drug-enforcement mentality within the United States thatwould drastically impact U.S. relations with drug-producing counterparts. At its essence, the antidrug campaign is characterized by a significant escalation of U.S. authority, power, and resources to reduce drug demand in the United States and control supply abroad. On the American domestic front, although Nixon himself supported treatment programs, policymakers in general privileged criminalized drug laws over prevention and treatment methods. On the international front, the United States established myriad arrangements and relationships to target drug supply. However, a relentless U.S. focus on controlling the use, transit, and sale of addictive narcotics in the years that followed had unforeseen consequences, and would ultimately complicate the U.S. antidrug campaign, especially with regard to its execution in Mexico, which had become the prime source for heroin by the 1970s. Over time, the U.S. antidrug campaign produced violence and instability in Mexico and other drug-producing nations, often at the same time that U.S. drug-control efforts became entangled with larger geopolitical objectives.
Nixon's immediate objective under the war on drugs was to use more aggressive measures to reduce domestic drug use. A rise in the use of heroin, psychedelic drugs, marijuana, and other prescription drugs (e.g. amphetamines, barbiturates), as well as an escalation in violent crime, demanded a government response. "Public enemy number one in the U.S. is drug abuse," Nixon told the American people in 1971. "In order to fight and defeat this enemy, it is necessary to wage a new, all-out offensive."10 Nixon administration officials decided to replace the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, which had replaced the Federal Bureau of Narcotics in 1968, with the Drug Enforcement Administration in 1973, under the Department of Justice. In the years that followed, the DEA and other U.S. agencies played a prominent role in responding to the shifting geographic loci of the drug trade. The DEA would play a major role in Mexico in the years that followed, especially in source control.11
Operation Condor and Source Control
In late-1976, with U.S. assistance, the Mexican government began a large-scale drug crop destruction program using defoliant chemicals to degrade marijuana and opium cultivation. Since the planning of Operation Intercept, the United States had wanted to implement a large-scale antidrug program that eliminated illicit drugs at their source. The core of this source-control program became Operation Condor. With President Nixon proclaiming that the American people had turned a corner on drug addiction following a decline in drug use, a sharp increase in 1974 led to a call for more drastic actions to be taken overseas. In failing to achieve his social reform goals south of the border, Luis Echeverría, and ultimately his successor José López Portillo (1976–1982), finally gave in, and Condor began to take shape. The Mexican army executed the first iteration in January 1977. In terms of the actual campaign, Condor was fairly straightforward. It employed U.S. aid—chemicals, airplanes, and other forms of technology and techniques, especially in the drug producing states of Sinaloa, Durango, Chihuahua, Sonora, Oaxaca, and Guerrero—to destroy illicit crops.12
While the United States was more concerned with the aerial spraying aspects of Condor on the ground, it is often overlooked that Operation Condor was entangled in local counterinsurgency efforts as the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI, Mexico's ruling party) continued to hunt down perceived political dissidents using the Mexican army and sometimes violent counterinsurgency and social-control tactics. Since the late 1960s, the PRI had faced internal threats from leftists and guerillas. This period, lasting from roughly 1968 to 1982, is known as Mexico's Dirty War. Many of the Dirty War's front lines were also the places where drugs were cultivated. By 1974, for example, the Mexican secretary of defense had warned the American embassy in Mexico City that insurgents in Guerrero were exchanging narcotics for arms.13 Thus, policing Mexico's insurgents sometimes became the policing of narcotics, as both became oddly paired national-security objectives of the state.
The 1980s, Reagan's War on Drugs, and Kiki Camarena
By the 1980s, a relentless American focus on controlling the use, transit, and sale of addictive narcotics was having a number of unforeseen consequences inside the United States and abroad. One important contribution of the Ronald Reagan administration's war on drugs (1981–1989) was more aggressive supply control in Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean, including more overt DEA and American military participation. As soon became clear, Mexican counterparts in drug control often had links to local criminal organizations and the drug trade. A number of Mexican government agents and military commanders had been implicated in drug trafficking, with some even being directly on the payroll of the most notorious drug-trafficking organizations.
With the erosion of Operation Condor in the early 1980s, Mexican drug cartels regrouped, and the result has been intermittent violence ever since. The violence was not limited to Mexican government agents, soldiers, and police. In February 1985, DEA Agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena and his pilot were killed after having been kidnapped and brutally tortured.14 Camarena had been critical to a large Mexico–DEA drug bust in Chihuahua the previous year that was threatening the interests of one of Mexico's cartels. The U.S. government pursued a lengthy investigation of Camarena's murder, pressuring the government of Mexico's President Miguel de la Madrid (1982–1988) to make indictments. But the cartel members allegedly responsible for the murder were exempted from punishment. Ultimately, Camarena's murder was a pronouncement to Mexicans and Americans alike of the consequences associated with challenging Mexican drug-trafficking organizations.
NAFTA, Mexico's Drug War into the 21st Century, and the Mérida Initiative
Two critical changes in the 1990s set the stage for the extensive drug-related violence seen in 21st-century Mexico that reached its height when the government began taking on the cartels in 2006. First, by the early 1990s, the U.S. government's strict targeting of drug supply over air and water in the Caribbean created a balloon effect, which did not destroy the Latin American drug trade but shifted its geographic locus to Mexico. Specifically, the demise of Colombian cartels empowered Mexican cartels and facilitated their control of land routes in the early 2000s. Second was the promulgation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Established in 1994, NAFTA, which opened the U.S.–Mexico border for free trade, highlighted the correlation between the drug trade and local instability. As cheap U.S. agricultural goods flooded Mexican markets, the Mexican farming industry was severely hit, prompting the cultivation of drug crops. In due time, the increased flow of north–south commerce also included illegal substances from Mexico and other parts of the Americas.
Mexico's drug war in the 21st century has been an ongoing conflict between drug-trafficking organizations and the government, assisted by the United States. The arrests or killings of key cartel leaders, especially near the border region, has resulted in increased violence, often to civilians, as cartels fight for control of trafficking routes into the United States. Between 2006 and 2012, with U.S. assistance, Pesident Felipe Calderón presided over an unparalleled mobilization of Mexican resources to fight off drug cartels that led to an estimated death toll of more than 70,000. The violent impacts of Mexico's drug war are at least partially a result of the export of U.S. supply-control models and the war on drugs abroad. These results have spurred debate as to the overall efficacy of the global war on drugs. Latin American countries, such as Uruguay and Chile, top the list of countries taking more liberal stances against criminalized drug policies, given the continued failure of the U.S.-led war on drugs.
Widespread poverty, lack of public benefits like viable education systems, ineffective public security forces, and the smuggling of U.S.-manufactured arms into Mexico have all compounded the violence seen in Mexico since 2006. An ineffective social welfare system attracts poor Mexicans to the rolls of the largest cartels, which can and do provide for them and their families. Moreover, professionally trained paramilitary forces, some with histories in the Mexican military and police forces, often protect the most notorious cartels. Indeed, the rolls of these cartels have links to the Mexican government. Finally, American-manufactured weapons in Mexico end up in the hands of cartels via Central American smuggling routes, or when cartel members seize them from Mexican public-security actors.
Calderón's counterpart in the United States, George W. Bush (2001–2009), responded to Mexican calls for aid by establishing the Mérida Initiative, launched in 2007. For this security cooperation agreement by the United States, Mexico, and Central American countries, the U.S. Congress appropriated nearly $2.5 billion between 2008 to 2015 for the purposes of (1) disrupting organized criminal groups, (2) institutionalizing the rule of law, (3) creating a 21st-century border, and (4) building strong and resilient communities.15 More aid has gone to provide additional security and surveillance along Mexico's southern border, reform Mexico's justice sector, and support violence-prevention programs. While the success of the Mérida Initiative is difficult to measure, many officials believe that it is still too soon to assess its overall benefits in Mexico.
In 2012, the Partido Revolucionario Institucional and its candidate Enrique Peña Nieto retook the presidency after twelve years of Partido Acción Nacional rule. A perceived decrease in drug-related violence in the first two years of Peña Nieto's presidency, however, did not necessarily correspond to an increase in safety or effectiveness in internal security measures. This was evident in late September 2014 when forty-three student teachers of the Ayotzinapa Rural Teacher's College went missing in Iguala, Guerrero, Mexico, after participating in a peaceful protest. Allegedly, the students had been detained by local officials and then handed over to a local cartel that presumably killed them. Official investigations have done little to determine what happened to the student teachers, but the incident does serve as a reminder of the corruption and government linkages to drug cartels that continue in Mexico. Nevertheless, while Mexico-U.S. bilateral cooperation has increased since 2007, occasional setbacks such as the tragedy in Iguala do occur. Another example was the July 2015 escape of the world's most-wanted drug trafficker, Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán, his second escape from a Mexican prison. Although the Mexican military eventually captured Guzmán in early 2016, the Mexican has, in the past, been less amenable to U.S. calls for Guzmán's extradition to the United States. Some believe that parties within the Mexican government have facilitated Guzmán's endeavors at escaping law enforcement and extradition.16
Mexico's drug war is as much a product of its drug supply and the commercial aspects of the drug trade as it is of the disastrous impacts of state-sponsored efforts at control, packaged as the global war on drugs. Since 1971, the war on drugs has taken on a number of dimensions in Mexico, from simple, state-sponsored supply-control efforts to all-out societal instability. In the 21st century, the question of whether or not the United States' war on drugs-approach to drug control has been effectively cast aside has been a contentious item debated by politicians and the public worldwide, especially when the legalization of marijuana in some U.S. states and foreign countries is considered. While rhetorically, politicians have distanced themselves from the language of militarized drug control that permeated U.S. thinking and dealings with its counterparts, such as Mexico, throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, the Mexican government continues to benefit from billions of dollars of U.S. global antidrug aid each year.
Discussion of the Literature
The most influential historian of drugs in Latin America throughout the 1990s was William Walker III. His three pioneering works, Drug Control in the Americas, Drug Control Policy, and Drugs in the Western Hemisphere, established the drug historiography and chronicled the creation and development of drug-control regimes in the Western Hemisphere during the twentieth century. Walker examines the use and prohibition of drugs within the larger economic, social, and political settings of the historical period, incorporating international conflicts, technological advances, trade conflicts, and domestic and international cultural battles led by outspoken moral entrepreneurs.17
Recent works on the history of the drug trade in Mexico utilize approaches falling under what historian Paul Gootenberg has championed as the "New Drug History" in his 2008 book, Andean Cocaine.18 Although Gootenberg's work does not focus on Mexico, it is methodologically valuable to the study of the Mexican drug trade. Tracing the emergence of cocaine through "three long arcs and global processes," spanning the period from 1850 to 1975, he illustrates in Andean Cocaine that the meaning of cocaine was constructed worldwide well before its fate "passed into the hands of the infamous Colombian narcotráficos" in the 1970's.19 To support his thesis, Gootenberg posits five methodological currents that should be of interest to students and scholars of the drug trade in Mexico—a focus on new narratives, commodity studies, "constructionism," agency in the rise of cocaine, and a "glocal" perspective—enabling him to establish cocaine's trajectory from its origins as an Incan product to its role in the present global drug war in the global drug war.20 Works of the New Drug History deconstruct what it means to be a "drug" or "narcotic," producing instead social, cultural, and economic histories of the commodities that governments would choose to call drugs, beginning in the early 20th-century. These works shed light on the prohibition of psychoactive substances and interrogate the process by which states tried to eradicate substances that posed the most threat to their authority. Privileging Latin American archival documentation and taking seriously the insights of "constructionism," these more recent drug studies have insisted on the relevance of a much broader periodization of drug issues and the importance of supplementing political and economic history with social and cultural history in places such as Mexico.
One of the more emblematic works in this camp focusing on Mexico is Isaac Campos's Home Grown.21 In this history of marijuana in Mexican society from the first introduction of the cannabis plant into the country's soil to the prohibition of the plant in 1920, Campos demonstrates that the prohibition was largely a domestic affair.22 A long history in Mexico of associating marijuana with crime, violence, and madness informed U.S. conceptions of the controversial stimulant by the 20th century; thus, the meanings of marijuana in Mexico simply flowed northward, playing a critical role in the stigmatization (and subsequent criminalization) of marijuana in the United States.23
Other more recent studies are using creative and innovative methodologies to capture the social history of the development of U.S. and Mexican drug-control regimes. Elaine Carey's recent work analyzes the role of females involved in 20th-century drug trafficking in order to highlight a period of time when both Mexico and the United States became increasingly worried about marijuana and other substances as threats to national goals and authority, as well as the circumstances surrounding the construction of U.S. and Mexican drug-control regimes.24 By focusing on both sides of the border and moving into the period when U.S. and Mexican authorities constructed increasingly aggressive antidrug regimes and the interactions between their populations, Carey's work also promotes the New Drug History literature and suggests a number of ripe avenues for approach in future studies.
A number of Latin American scholars have also taken social and cultural approaches to the contemporary history of drugs in their countries.25 Mexican sociologist Luis Astorga has emerged as one of the leading scholars on drugs and culture. His succinct studies, El siglo de las drogas and Drogas sin fronteras, explore the social history of drugs in 20th-century Mexico.26 Looking at the effect of illegal substances at various levels of Mexican society—from the experiences of peasant producers to the federal agents attempting to curtail the production and distribution of opium, heroin, and marijuana—these books seek to dispel the myths that Astorga sees as obscuring contemporary drug-related issues.
The future of the field lies, I believe, in continuing to come up with innovative subjects and methodologies for understanding the history of drug production, prohibition, trafficking, enforcement, and offshoot issues, such as the formation of phenomena like cartels. Corruption, and specifically the links between the drug trade and the Mexican government, is one area ripe with possibilities. Astorga has argued that control by the Partido Revolucionario Institucional over drug traffickers prior to the PRI's fall from power in 2000 played an important role in maintaining stability. Benjamin Smith has argued that the drug trade played a critical role in helping the PRI maintain control, especially at the local and state level.27 Continuing to understand how the drug trade breeds into Mexican state formation is one area where much work remains to be done.
Nevertheless, scholars will continue to realize the possibilities of the New Drug History while continuing to scour Latin American archival documentation—as it becomes declassified, in many cases—to do so. In February 2015, Gootenberg and Campos teamed with scholars working on drug histories throughout Latin America to publish a special issue focusing on the New Drug History of the Americas, what it means, and on possibilities for future scholarship.28 In short, Gootenberg and Campos highlight than the history of the field will involve not separating but integrating drug-history analysis into the larger problems and histories of Latin America.
Outside of the New Drug History, most accounts of the drug trade in the early 2000s came from journalistic and policy-oriented accounts.29 As increasing numbers of archival materials are declassified each year, with the promise of oral histories that will reconstruct Mexico's more recent drug history, historians could and should find ways to collaborate with and incorporate sources, accounts, and methodologies that come from outside the traditional historical field into their studies.
Primary Sources
Many of the principal declassified primary sources for the history of the drug trade are found in Mexico City's Archivo General de la Nación (National Archives); Archivo Histórico del Distrito Federal (Archives of the Federal District); Archivo Histórico de la Secretaria de Salud (Secretary of Health Archives); and Acervo Histórico Diplomático, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores (Foreign Relations Archive). Likewise, the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration in College Park, Maryland, and its affiliates contain many materials relevant to the drug trade in Mexico via diplomatic correspondence and country files. Finally, online initiatives such as the Mexico Project at the National Security Archive at the George Washington University have made it possible to look at archival documents regarding U.S.–Mexico narcotics diplomacy following World War II.
Further Reading
"Antonio Carillo Flores to Nixon, Secretariat of Foreign Relations, personal letter," September 30, 1969. Document 12, National Security Archive GWU.
Astorga Almanza, Luis Alejandro. Drogas sin fronteras. México, D.F.: Grijalbo, 2003.Find this resource:
Astorga Almanza, Luis Alejandro. El siglo de las drogas: El narcotráfico, del Porfiriato al nuevo milenio. Mexico, D.F.: Plaza y Janés, 2005.Find this resource:
Bagley, Bruce M., and William O. Walker, III, eds. Drug Trafficking in the Americas. Miami, FL: University of Miami North-South Press, 1996.Find this resource:
Bertram, Eva, et al., Drug War Politics: The Price of Denial. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996.Find this resource:
Bowden, Charles. Murder City: Ciudad Juárez and the Global Economy's New Killing Fields. New York: Nation Books, 2010.Find this resource:
Brown, Lyle C. "The Politics of U.S.–Mexican Relations: Problems of the 1970s in Historical Perspective." In Contemporary Mexico: Papers of the IV International Congress of Mexican History. Edited by James W. Wilkie et al. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976.Find this resource:
Campbell, Howard. Drug War Zone: Frontline Dispatches from the Streets of El Paso and Juárez. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009.Find this resource:
Campos, Isaac. Home Grown: Marijuana and the Origins of Mexico's War on Drugs. Chapel Hill: University of North Caroline Press, 2012.Find this resource:
Carey, Elaine. Women Drug Traffickers: Mules, Bosses, and Organized Crime. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2015.Find this resource:
Córdova, Nery. La narcocultura: Simbología de la transgresión, el poder y la muerte (Sinaloa y la "leyenda negra"). Culiacán, Sinaloa: Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, 2011.Find this resource:
Courtwright, David T. Dark Paradise: Opiate Addiction in America before 1940. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982.Find this resource:
Craig, Richard B. "Human Rights and Mexico's Antidrug Campaign." Social Sciences Quarterly 60 (1980): 691–701.Find this resource:
Craig, Richard B. "La Campaña Permanente: Mexico's Antidrug Campaign." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 20 (1978): 107–131.Find this resource:
Craig, Richard B. "Mexican Narcotics Traffic: Binational Security Implications." In The Latin American Narcotics Trade and U.S. National Security. Edited by Donald J. Mabry. New York: Greenwood, 1989.Find this resource:
Craig, Richard B. "Operation Condor: Mexico's Antidrug Campaign Enters a New Era." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 22 (1980): 345–363.Find this resource:
Craig, Richard B. "U.S. Narcotics Policy towards Mexico: Consequences for the Bilateral Relationship." In The Drug Connection in U.S.–Mexican Relations. Edited by Guadalupe González and Marta Tienda. San Diego: University of California Center for U.S.–Mexican Studies, 1989.Find this resource:
Freeman, Laurie, and Jorge Luis Sierra. "Mexico: The Militarization Trap." In Drugs and Democracy in Latin America; The Impact of U.S. Policy. Edited by Coletta A. Youngers and Eileen Rosin, 263–302. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005.Find this resource:
Frydl, Kathleen J. The Drug Wars in America, 1940–1973. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013.Find this resource:
González, Guadalupe and Marta Tienda, eds. The Drug Connection in U.S.–Mexican Relations. San Diego: University of California Center for U.S.–Mexican Studies, 1989.Find this resource:
Gootenberg, Paul. Andean Cocaine: The Making of a Global Drug. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008.Find this resource:
Grayson, George W. Mexico: Narco-Violence and a Failed State? New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2010.Find this resource:
Grayson, George W. The Cartels: The Story of Mexico's Most Dangerous Criminal Organizations and Their Impact on U.S. Security. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2014.Find this resource:
Massing, Michael. The Fix. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998.Find this resource:
McAllister, William B. Drug Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century: An International History. New York: Routledge, 2000.Find this resource:
Musto, David F. The American Disease: Origins of Narcotic Control. 3d ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.Find this resource:
Nixon, Richard. "Remarks about an Intensified Program for Drug Abuse Prevention and Control, June 17, 1971." American Presidency Project, University of California, Santa Barbara, edited online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley.
Pérez Montfort, Ricardo. Yerba, Goma y Polvo: Drogas, Ambientes y Policías en México, 1900–1940. México, D.F.: Ediciones Era, 1999.Find this resource:
Salazar Viniegra, Dr. Leopoldo. "El Mito de la Marijuana." Criminalia (Mexico City), December 1938, 206–237.Find this resource:
Shirk, David A. The Drug War in Mexico: Confronting a Shared Threat. New York: Council on Foreign Relations, Center for Preventative Action, 2011.Find this resource:
Smith, Benjamin T. "The Rise and Fall of Narcopopulism in Sinaloa, 1940–1980." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 7 (2013): 125–167.Find this resource:
"Special Issue: The New Drug History of the Americas." Hispanic American Historical Review 95.1 (2015): 1–133.Find this resource:
Toro, María Celia. Mexico's "War" on Drugs: Causes and Consequences. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1995.Find this resource:
Toro, María Celia. "The Internationalization of Police: The DEA in Mexico." Journal of American History 86 (1999): 623–640.Find this resource:
Toro, María Celia. "The Political Repercussions of Drug Trafficking in Mexico." In Latin America and the Multinational Drug Trade. Edited by Elizabeth Joyce and Carlos Malamud. New York: St. Martin's, 1998.Find this resource:
U.S. Congressional Research Service. U.S.–Mexican Security Cooperation: The Mérida Initiative and Beyond. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2016.Find this resource:
Walker, William O., III. "Drug Control and National Security." Diplomatic History 12 (1988): 187–199.Find this resource:
Walker, William O., III. Drug Control in the Americas. Rev. ed. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989.Find this resource:
Walker, William O., III, ed. Drug Control Policy: Essays in Historical and Comparative Perspective. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1992.Find this resource:
Walker, William O., III, ed. Drugs in the Western Hemisphere: An Odyssey of Cultures in Conflict. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Press, 1996.Find this resource:
Weimer, Daniel. Seeing Drugs: Modernization, Counterinsurgency, and U.S. Narcotics Control in the Third World, 1969–1976. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2011.Find this resource:
(1.) See Luis Alejandro Astorga Almanza, Drogas sin fronteras (México, D.F.: Grijalbo, 2003).
(2.) See Isaac Campos, Home Grown: Marijuana and the Origins of Mexico's War on Drugs (Chapel Hill: University of North Caroline Press, 2012).
(3.) See Kathleen J. Frydl, The Drug Wars in America, 1940–1973 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013).
(4.) Dr. Leopoldo Salazar Viniegra, "El Mito de la Marijuana," Criminalia (Mexico City), December 1938, 206–237; For context, see also Isaac Campos, Home Grown; Elaine Carey, Women Drug Traffickers: Mules, Bosses, and Organized Crime (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2015); and Ricardo Pérez Montfort, Yerba, Goma y Polvo: Drogas, Ambientes y Policías en México, 1900–1940 (México, D.F.: Ediciones Era, 1999).
(5.) See Astorga Almanza, Drogas sin fronteras; and Luis Alejandro Astorga Almanza, El siglo de las drogas: El narcotráfico, del Porfiriato al nuevo Milenio. Mexico, D.F.: Plaza y Janés, 2005.
(6.) See Eva Bertramet al., Drug War Politics: The Price of Denial (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996).
(7.) See, for example, "A U.S. Study Finds Mexico the Source for Most of Heroin," New York Times, October 27, 1975.
(8.) "Antonio Carillo Flores to Nixon, Secretariat of Foreign Relations, personal letter," September 30, 1969, Document 12, National Security Archive GWU.
(9.) See Richard B. Craig, "Operation Condor: Mexico's Antidrug Campaign Enters a New Era," Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 22 (1980): 345–363.
(10.) Richard Nixon, "Remarks about an Intensified Program for Drug Abuse Prevention and Control, June 17, 1971," American Presidency Project, edited online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley.
(11.) See: María Celia Toro, "The Internationalization of Police: The DEA in Mexico," Journal of American History 86 (September 1999): 623–640.
(12.) See Astorga Almanza, Drogas sin fronteras; Richard B. Craig, "Human Rights and Mexico's Antidrug Campaign," Social Sciences Quarterly 60 (1980): 691–701; Craig, "La Campaña Permanente: Mexico's Antidrug Campaign," Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 20 (1978): 107–131; Craig, "Mexican Narcotics Traffic: Binational Security Implications," in The Latin American Narcotics Trade and U.S. National Security, ed. Donald J. Mabry (New York: Greenwood, 1989); Craig, "Operation Condor: Mexico's Antidrug Campaign Enters a New Era"; and Daniel Weimer, Seeing Drugs: Modernization, Counterinsurgency, and U.S. Narcotics Control in the Third World, 1969–1976 (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2011).
(13.) See Weimer, Seeing Drugs.
(14.) See Craig, "Mexican Narcotics Traffic."
(15.) See U.S. Congressional Research Service, U.S.–Mexican Security Cooperation: The Mérida Initiative and Beyond (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2016), Introduction.
(16.) See also David A. Shirk, The Drug War in Mexico: Confronting a Shared Threat (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, Center for Preventative Action, 2011).
(17.) See: William O. Walker, III, Drug Control in the Americas, rev. ed. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989); Walker, ed., Drug Control Policy: Essays in Historical and Comparative Perspective (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1992); and Walker, ed., Drugs in the Western Hemisphere: An Odyssey of Cultures in Conflict (Wilmington, DE.: Scholarly Resources Press, 1996).
(18.) See Paul Gootenberg, Andean Cocaine: The Making of a Global Drug (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008).
(21.) Isaac Campos, Home Grown.
(24.) Elaine Carey, Women Drug Traffickers: Mules, Bosses, and Organized Crime.
(25.) Notable accounts include Nery Córdova, La narcocultura: Simbología de la transgresión, el poder y la muerte (Sinaloa y la "leyenda negra") (Culiacán, Sinaloa: Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, 2011); and Ricardo Perez Monfort, Yerba, Goma y Polvo: Drogas, Ambientes y Policías en México, 1900–1940.
(26.) Luis Astorga, El siglo de las drogas: El narcotráfico, del Porfiriato al nuevo milenio; Astorga, Drogas sin fronteras.
(27.) Benjamin T. Smith, "The Rise and Fall of Narcopopulism in Sinaloa, 1940–1980," Journal for the Study of Radicalism 7 (2013): 125–167.
(28.) "Special Issue: The New Drug History of the Americas," Hispanic American Historical Review 95.1 (2015): 1–133.
(29.) See, for example, Howard Campbell, Drug War Zone: Frontline Dispatches from the Streets of El Paso and Juárez (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009); Alfredo Corchado, Midnight in Mexico: A Reporter's Journey Through a Country's Descent into the Darkness (New York: Penguin, 2013); George W. Grayson, The Cartels: The Story of Mexico's Most Dangerous Criminal Organizations and Their Impact on U.S. Security (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2014); Grayson, Mexico: Narco-Violence and a Failed State? (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2010); and Sylvia Longmire, Cartel: The Coming Invasion of Mexico's Drug Wars (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).


text:
What is Project Emerald? A trusted source tells our friend's at TmoNews that it is a codename for an upcoming smartphone launch on T-Mobile which is said to be a "new Nexus One-like device". Not many details are provided past that, but it fits in nicely with some other information we recently received.
T-Mobile has been telling the press their HSPA+ network is on schedule to cover more than 100 major metropolitan areas and 185 million people by the end of the year. This is more than the 120 million that Sprint plans to cover with their 4G WiMAX network. They are also touting that their HSPA+ implementation allows customers to "enjoy today's 4G speeds on existing broadband devices".
We also know that T-Mobile is planning a HSPA+ handset this year to compete with the Sprint EVO 4G. Project Emerald might very well be that device. T-Mobile has been one of the biggest supporters of Google and HTC and they are long overdue for a high-end Snapdragon type device. HTC is providing Android Snapdragon phones to all the other carriers, so it's only a question of when for T-Mobile. They do have a Snapdragon device with the HTC HD2 (WinMo 6.5) and the demand was so high it has been sold out since launch.
Finally, I was also passed a tip today that was HTC related. An old reliable source told me to expect a big HTC press event in the U.S. this June. For all we know it could be to celebrate the launch of the myTouch 3G Slide, but HTC doesn't host their own events that often. Sprint is hosting an EVO 4G event tomorrow, but that's expected for their biggest launch of the year.
Do I really think T-Mobile will announce an Android superphone next month? Maybe. I think one is needed to fill their high-end customer's needs, but it looks like the immediate future is reserved for the Slide and Garminfone. A more realistic date for a HSPA+ phone would be late 2010.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Barney Bishop, who stepped down as president and CEO of Associated Industries of Florida last year, is one of five partners in a newly formed lobbying firm. Adams St. Advocates, named after the road that connects the governor's mansion to the Capitol, will will focus on helping businesses do business with government, according to a news release today announcing its launch.
The four other partners are:
- Robert Beck, former budget director under Gov. Charlie Crist who has also has experience working for other government agencies and legislative committees;
- Claudia Davant, a former executive with AT&T and Accenture who also served as an aide to U.S. Sen. Strom Thurmond;
- David Ericks, a former police officer who also worked for the Department of Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles as its main lobbyist;
- Tanya Jackson, who was worked for the Navy, the U.S. Department of Defense and as legislative affairs director for the state's Department of Elder Affairs.
Jim Henry will serve as government affairs director, Candice Ericks will serve as vice president of government affairs and will lead the South Florida practice, and Marty Cassini will serve as the firm's general counsel, the release said.
The firm will have two offices in Tallahassee and a third in Ft. Lauderdale. Click here to visit the Adams St. Advocates website.


text:
TC Fine Response:
Sorry you were not pleased with our Panty. One's interpretation of "high cut" is subjective. In the panty industry, there are various degrees of how high on the thigh a particular hi-cut is.
Dawn from Pietrewicz
HerRoom Response: You share that you are petite in height. I think this is simply too much panty for your small frame.
TC Fine Shapewear Response:Panty fit is dependent upon the relationship between the upper thighs, seat, hips, and waist. That is why the four available silhouettes (hipster, hi-cut brief, brief and boyshort) all fit differently. Notwithstanding that the panties are cut full, it sounds like you might be better off with a full brief, perhaps in an XL.
Susan from Fort Collins CO


text:
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Our highly experienced installation team are on hand to ensure your new Windows are installed to the highest standards, with energy efficiency A-Rated glass as standard.
Why Choose Distinguished Windows?
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Distinguished Windows conservatories offer you a fantastic opportunity to enhance your home, increase your living space and add value to your property. Available in a wide range of styles, our conservatories are designed with you in mind.
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Distinguished Windows offer a style and design of window to suit any home,whether it's a semi-detached, down-town apartment, country cottage or large detached property.
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We offer a varied range of styles, shapes and types of Front & Back doors for your home. Browse our selection from UPVC doors to Sliding and Bi-Fold doors all made to measure and fitted with the highest possible standards.
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We are a family run business with over 40 years' experience in the Double Glazing industry, we have built our business on dealing with our customers in an honest and transparent way.
Need Help Or Assistance?
Our friendly and helpful team can arrange a free site visit to discuss a broad range of home improvement options in your Maidford area. Simply fill out the form below and a member of our team will be in contact with you in less than 24 hours.
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text:
'Just tell them if it's true': Maurice Sendak and Sesame Street
Susan Tofte is Sesame Worskhop's Archivist.
"I don't believe in children. I don't believe in childhood. I don't believe that there's a demarcation. 'Oh you mustn't tell them that. You mustn't tell them that.' You tell them anything you want. Just tell them if it's true. If it's true you tell them." – Maurice Sendak.
In June 1968, the staff of Children's Television Workshop (CTW, now known as Sesame Workshop) gathered in Cambridge, Massachusetts with a group of educators, scholars, child psychiatrists, television producers, authors, illustrators, composers, and puppeteers to determine what Sesame Street should attempt to teach in the show's first year. The seminars were designed to bring a diverse group of thinkers together to tackle a problem that no participant had tried to solve. The challenge: find a way for the creative intuition needed to create a television show to work along side a deliberate objective curriculum. The first seminar covered social, moral and affective development of children. Among the 20 participants was writer and artist Maurice Sendak. Instead of taking notes, Sendak doodled as the discussion of what four-year-olds understand conceptually drifted through his unconscious. He doodled about sibling rivalry, children challenging their parents' authority and violence on TV. The sketches are classic Sendak – irreverent, subversive and witty.
After the seminars, Sendak's involvement with Street continued. He was an early member of the National Board of Advisors for CTW and consulted with Workshop founder Joan Ganz Cooney and producers on early storyboards and outlines for the show. Some of the doodles from the seminars were used in the first promotional brochure for the Workshop. The cover image of the booklet features a drawing of a child with a television for a head holding a Children's Television Workshop banner. Sendak also drew the first logo that appeared on early CTW stationary and press releases.
In addition to his work behind the scenes, Sendak contributed two animations that aired during Sesame Street's second season. He collaborated with Jim Henson on two animated films – writing and designing stories full of mayhem and ruckus. "Seven Monsters," a subversive story about a group of seven monsters wrecking havoc on a village, was turned into a storybook in 1977. "Bumble Ardy #9", Sendak's best known short, is a tale of nine pigs showing up to celebrate a boy's 9th birthday, eating birthday cake and drinking wine. The animated short was the basis for a book that was published in 2011. It was the first book in 30 years that Sendak both wrote and illustrated and was the last book he published before his death.
It is unknown what circumstances led to Maurice Sendak's invitation to participate in the early seminars for Sesame Street but there is no doubt that Sendak's influence was felt during the early development of Sesame Street. Both Sendak and the creators of Sesame Street believed that children understand a great deal more than most adults believe; that when creating content for children, one must take children seriously as children.


text:
I don't much feel like writing about phones this weekend. Instead, I'll paraphrase a Facebook post from an old friend of mine from high school who leads a congregation in Nebraska:
It's so easy to say, "My heart/prayers goes out." How about this: Here's the address for Sandy Hook Elementary School: 12 Dickenson Drive, Sandy Hook, CT 06482.
Take five minutes. Sit down with your kid. Write a letter. Draw a picture. Make a card. Send it to them. Tell them you're praying for them. Tell them you're so sorry they're hurting. Tell them you love them. Don't just say you love them on Facebook. LOVE them for real. ... Make your love tangible.
Wise words. Hug your kids, remember the victims. And don't ever stop trying to make this world a little better.
Other recent columns ...


text:
Texas Explosion Kills At Least Five, and More
What's News: A blast at a fertilizer plant in West, Texas kills at least five people and injures many more. Morgan Stanley posts a first quarter profit event as fixed-income trading revenue declined. Pervez Musharraf flees an arrest order. Photo: AP
This transcript has been automatically generated and may not be 100% accurate.
... the the the the ... an explosion at a fertilizer plant in West Texas kills five to fifteen this is what's news at this hour I'm WS J live unto Lanco ... the class at West fertilizer company injuring at least one hundred sixty other heavily damaging fifty to seventy five homes ... in an apartment building in the area ... explosion of red ink to the plan following a fire Wednesday night western town of about ... twenty eight hundred people eighty miles south of Dallas ... police say a search and rescue operation remains underway ... there is no indication right now that the last was anything other than industrial accident and Morgan Stanley sees its core earnings weekend investment bank swinging to a first-quarter profit even ... if the decline in fixed income trading revenue ... for the quarter that they purport to profit of nine hundred eighty four million dollars compared with a year earlier loss of ninety four million dollars ... results show that the three year-old turnaround effort ... by CEO James Gorman continues to be a tough slog ... and a former president of Pakistan prevent Sharp fleece the armrests order ... a Pakistani judge ordering the arrest of Mr Musharraf ... who once ruled the country as a military dictator ... after hearing the rest ordered Mr. Scharf led the courtroom with the help of a security detail speeding SUV it is heavily protected mansion on the outskirts of the capital ... Mr. were shot is standing trial over is actually the country's ruler from nineteen ninety nine to two thousand ate ... he returned to Pakistan after a self imposed exile to run in next month's parliamentary elections bookie keep us


text:
I came to the soul-tingling realization yesterday in New Seasons, that if I allow myself to buy quality curry pastes for Thai cooking, I could try the same, just once, for Indian cuisine. Perhaps it would prove handy and delicious over lazy and under-spiced, right?
Ridiculously, I had stocked up on various curry-related spices earlier in the day, but knowing my curries never quite taste how I want them to and that I didn't have quick access to a few unique ingredients I had yet, and intended to incorporate, I rationalized the whim and picked up a jar of Patak's Madras Curry paste. My dedication to making nearly everything from scratch be damned, I made a satisfying and spicy Madras curry for dinner and the teaspoons stayed hidden. Plus, the sweet and golden diced potatoes helped counter the heat of the curry. I loosely followed the recipe on the back of the jar (which was a hoot to do), substituted cooked chickpeas, red pepper and carrots for beef [using extra vegetables], and pureed Muir Glen tomatoes for diced.
So, there ya go. Sometimes I'm a little bit lazy. Or normal.


text:
Defendguin is a clone of the arcade game "Defender," but with a Linux
theme. Your mission is to defend little penguinoids from being captured
and mutated.
Maintained by: B. Watson
Keywords: defender,penguin
ChangeLog: defendguin
Download SlackBuild:
defendguin.tar.gz.asc (FAQ)
(the SlackBuild does not include the source)
|Individual Files:
| defendguin.SlackBuild
| defendguin.desktop
| defendguin.info
| defendguin.png
| doinst.sh
| install_paths.diff
| man.diff
| slack-desc
© 2006-2018 SlackBuilds.org Project. All rights reserved.
Slackware® is a registered trademark of Patrick Volkerding
Linux® is a registered trademark of Linus Torvalds
Web Design by WebSight Designs | Managed Hosting by OnyxLight Communications


text:
Carlos Delgado, if he comes back from a hip injury, won't return until mid to late August.
The Mets need both pitching and hitting help, and the primetime names are Roy Halladay, Matt Holliday and Adam Dunn. The Mets aren't likely get any of them because of their preference to hold on to top prospects Brad Holt, Jennry Mejia, Fernando Martinez and Ike Davis.
The Phillies, meanwhile, according to reports, are willing to deal top pitching prospects Kyle Drabek and Jason Knapp.
Philadelphia appears the frontrunner because of its willingness to part with young talent and being in the National League. The Blue Jays don't want to trade Halladay within the division to the Yankees or Red Sox.
The Nationals say they won't deal Dunn for the two-part reason or needing some gate attraction and having a reasonable salary of $10 million for next year. Vernon Wells can be had for a song, but nobody wants him because he has close to a $100 million balance on his contract.
It will be interesting to see what kind of game the Mets get out of Fernando Nieve tonight. After three strong starts after being called up, Nieve has hit the skids.


text:
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text:
ghelas Titan E X C A L I B U R Monday 29/10/2012, 23:56
I hear a lot of complaints about ELO mode these days, what with cards like Kalindra and Askai roaming free.
I think these come from people focusing too much on cards that are individually strong and not enough on which cards have good synergy. Right now, building a good ELO deck is a fun puzzle. Which cards are banned this week? What can I do to counter the strong cards that aren't banned? While everyone is busy complaining, I am having the time of my life.
Let's take a look at Kalindra (the card people complain about most) and then take a look at some possible half-decks in two different clans, FPC and Pussycats. Think about using Fei, Chan, Shifou, and Zhu Tang -- three of those cards can easily beat Kalindra pill-for-pill, and the forth lets you threaten a fairly big life-per-damage gap of your own. Think about using Clover, Charlie, Lucy, and Ella in a Pussycats half-deck... All of these reduce Kalindra's damage so hard, that it's impossible for her to be the huge threat she usually is.
I think the definition of "OP" in this game is starting to change. When most players say a card is "OP" they now mean "I have to work to counter this card, and I don't wanna." A card that forces you right out of your comfort zone and into a creative deck you would have never tried otherwise is *good,* both for you and for UR. IMO, you can complain, or you can step up your deck-building game. The choice is yours.
14/4 with an Ulu/Vortex deck so far this week.
subclavianHoA Imperator Friday 02/11/2012, 03:30
I don't think it's the 14 life per se. They changed elo from 12 to 14 life to combat the rampant abuse of second round 2hkos, and the thinking was by stretching the game out across 4 rounds it's more possible for strategy to win over random guessing.
I think it worked, for a while. 14 life introduced a new clan into elo (freaks), and stupid gappers like askai, coby and avola were held in check by mono-GHEIST on one end and the classic 11* roots half on the other. But then UR banned Draheera, Arkn, and Arno, introduced ridiculous stop cards like flinch and victoria, and raised the base stats for 4*s from 7/5 to 8/5 and 7/6, creating a host of solid 4*s to shore up SOA-vulnerable clans like sentinel, junkz and vortex.
The result was the decline of SOA which, coupled with the 14-life change, caused an increased popularity in using cards with powerful life gap abilities, which the UR staff continues to release in truckloads (kalindra, hilly billy, moses to name a few of the recent ones).
The staff has also been releasing more SOA abilities lately, probably attempting to shift the emphasis from exclusively using SOA clans to incorporating more SOA elements per deck. So far the experiment has failed horribly. An SOA card in your opponent's hand is merely an annoyance to most people, and any good elo player worth his salt can work around it with minor inconvenience.
My point is: Bring back the SOA clans, and these stupid life gappers will disappear
ghelas Titan E X C A L I B U R Friday 02/11/2012, 05:03
I think JO3 nailed it. We can keep banning strong cards, but the only place that will get us is a meta that exploits the next strongest card in line.
I partially agree with subclavian -- SoA clans could stand to get a bit stronger... But that is a very, very difficult line to draw, since they have the advantage of going though most DR, and they themselves have DR which is immune to any gapping abilities that usually slip through DR (unless it's on a SoB clan or Skeelz.)
All things considered, I still believe that the meta is on the right track. I just feel that focus should keep shifting away from individual cards and more toward synergy. The reason Jungo/Nighmare works so well this week is that Nightmare still helps control the opponent's Jungo/SoA clan/Kalindra, while Jungo brings high gap and round-winning ability... But realistically, there are many possible solid decks that can thrive this week. Consider a defensive NM/Pussycats deck, which neutralizes Askai somewhat while offering its own powerful threats... Consider a Freaks/Frozn pill manip deck, where pill gain alone might enable you to sneak in 3-round wins, if you're careful... Or try a GHEIST/Vortex deck, where Vortex's high power and attack manipulation can be used to try to call the opponent's bluffs with low risk, and activate powerful Revenge abilities if that wasn't the right call.
Think outside the bunny. Whether it brings you great success or not, you may enjoy the game just a little more.
subclavianHoA Imperator Friday 02/11/2012, 05:24
Here's an example of how much elo has shifted:
Go back a year or two on the message boards, and you'll see multiple threads debating whether Ongh or askai was the best jungo 5*. At that point in time, Ongh was actually considered on par with askai due to his superior resistance to SOAs! Nowadays, resistance to SOA is an afterthought, and Askai is becoming borderline overpowered with frequent appearances on the banlist while Ongh has slid into obscurity (although he *is* an excellent counter to kalindra).
If we bring back the SOA clans, many of the cards we consider "overpowered" will be much less so. People hate SOAs because they're a buzzkill, but I believe they're a stabilizing force and a necessary evil in elo.
wasteroftime Titan Open Casket Friday 02/11/2012, 05:32
Imho those who have played in the different phases of ELO development are the ones best able to give the most meaningful comments.
i can only go so far back to the time when the most popular clans were banned on a weekly basis. others have been around far longer and would have more insight.
i think some people may be doing some revisionist history by talking about the rampant 2HKO of the past.... sorry that was never really the case. Only a handful of clans had cards that were able to threaten 2hkos on a regular basis (La Junta, FPC - both of which always ran the risk of losing rounds and being at a pill disadvantage, Bangers + AS. Beyond that, the threat of constant 2hkos was not really as common as people are suggesting. Unfuried 2hkos were not that common, and furied 2hkos was a really risky move.
what has changed is how games tend to unfold.... i prefer the old balance where getting a "SURE" win due to pill advantage was a bit harder to secure that it is now. The certain win is more often secured now due to more nasty cards and the amount of high powered cards that magnify even a tiny pill advantage.
the positive change has definitely been the increase in the variety and playability of the clans. this is good. however they accomplished this by giving a lot of the clans some nasty game changing card that make certain draws more decisive
ghelas Titan E X C A L I B U R Friday 02/11/2012, 06:04
@Waster: Why do you feel the people most qualified to have an opinion on this are the ones who have been playing longest? I'm by no means a longtime player, but I am having no trouble making many different setups work equally well in ELO. What part of the past could possibly invalidate these observations?
I think a lot of the older players are simply hesitant to adapt to new styles and try new combinations. I feel that Vortex has arguably the strongest bonus in the game, for example, but most players are hesitant to run them. (Although, the antithesis of Rescue, you almost *have to* run them in a half-deck.) FPC has also become a very solid, mono-playable clan, but I barely see them either.
@subclavian: I would rate Ongh about on par with Askai. He may do 1 less damage, but he's better at high-pill battles, in addition to being more SoA resistant. I often run him in a Jungo half with Vortex, with very good and consistent results.
Definitely agree that SoA is a huge stabilizing force in ELO, though, and that there's some unfair bias against it. I still have no idea why Draheera was banned -- I felt that she was a very fair card; weak against SoA herself and not playable in a half-deck that could help make up for some of the GHEIST's inadequacies.
subclavianHoA Imperator Friday 02/11/2012, 06:09
I'm not gonna debate the merits of 12 vs 14 life elo, though I've played in both and I'm slightly partial to 14 life due to how much it has helped the freaks. What I'm saying is, 14 life isn't the only reason elo is in such sorry state nowadays. For me, the decline of SOA is just as important.
I think it's great that there are still enthusiastic players who think elo is awesome. elo participation has fallen steadily and has been struggling to break 10k recently. The format is dying and it needs your help!
0 Anderson Imperator Time Conquers All Friday 02/11/2012, 06:34
Most top 100 ELO players are the experienced players with more than a year in this game having partaken in ELO changes and have adapted
wasteroftime Titan Open Casket Friday 02/11/2012, 06:40
Who is best able to compare the enjoyment of how enjoyable something is? those who have played it across the different phases of change it has undergone or those who have to imagine what it was like and compare it to how it is now.
if we are talking about observations of the current system, then when older players bring up the past.... then those observations would not be up for dispute either, they are just observations... and they are entitled to their perspective on how the format has evolved. it has changed, whether it is more enjoyable for them or not is their opinion, but they at least have the ability to make real comparisons.
@sub... yep its not just 14 life, it is power creep and the ability to lock up wins at an earlier stage of the match.
past -
low variety, generally repetitive decks
present -
high variety, this is good
past -
opening rounds are rarely decisive
present -
more games are decided immediately after the opening round (and some times even before a single round is played)
this is bad in my opinion
past -
third round was often some 50-50 guess work (annoying) but perfect pilling meant a comeback was possible
present -
third round is more often (compared to the past) a formality since the life gap can no longer be closed
past - more enjoyable matches (in my opinion)
present - more variety in decks (also a good thing, but quality of matches has dropped)
As for what can be done to improve participation in ELO... change the available pool of cards in some drastic manner... sooner or later this will have to happen. eventually there will be enough "newer" cards out there that old ones can be removed from the ELO environment. Balancing this will be challenging. This is good for new and future players, and this is potentially good for veteran players who might regain interest, this will not go well for content players --- so exactly what happens in this community every single time change happens
ghelas Titan E X C A L I B U R Friday 02/11/2012, 06:46
@Anderson: Yes, it stands to reason that the successful guys are the guys that adapted. But I'm talking about the many old, die-hard players that seem to think ELO is a 50/50 game these days... And yet, the strategy ELO mode offers keeps me entertained for many hours every single week. I'd love to convince some of these people to give ELO another try, and to dig deep enough to see past the initial impression of "If I don't run the temp-banned cards when they're unbanned, I can't win."
ghelas Titan E X C A L I B U R Friday 02/11/2012, 06:55
Waster, fair enough, several very good points there, but I did not say anything about comparing. Just trying to share my personal experience and shatter what I feel are inaccurate ideas.
"past -
low variety, generally repetitive decks
present -
high variety, this is good"
100% agreed
"past -
opening rounds are rarely decisive
present -
more games are decided immediately after the opening round (and some times even before a single round is played)
this is bad in my opinion"
Also strongly agree, although I maintain that a well rounded deck is less susceptible to this.
"past -
third round was often some 50-50 guess work (annoying) but perfect pilling meant a comeback was possible
present -
third round is more often (compared to the past) a formality since the life gap can no longer be closed"
Don't know about this one, I often have pivotal 3rd rounds. Quite frankly 50-50 guess work in the 3rd is what I find frustrating about the game; it's possible to draw a weaker hand, play 2 perfect rounds, and be destroyed by a 50/50 guess on the third... That's no fun.
"past - more enjoyable matches (in my opinion)
present - more variety in decks (also a good thing, but quality of matches has dropped)"
As you said, I don't have the experience to compare, but I do find the current matches enjoyable. I assume this means they *are* enjoyable. ELO is a great, challenging, thought-provoking mode. That's the important part to me.


text:
Here's the instructions.txt:
"What it does:
CHRtoCRE removes a few leftover flags that are part of a .chr file, for easier editing.
These are:
- Export Allowed flag is deleted
- Sounds are blanked
- Portraits are blanked
- Script fields are blanked
- Dialog field is blanked
- Morale break is set to 5 (a default for many humanoids)
- Morale recovery is set to 60 (a default for many humanoids)
How to do it:
1) Convert any newly made .chr files you want as .cre's with NearInfinity.
2) Copy the newly converted .cre files into the CHRtoCRE "Start" folder.
3) Run the setup.exe WeiDU file.
4) Copy the newly super-converted .cre files from the "End" folder to wherever you want in your mod."
So anyways, he suggested I upload it, and here it is.
Okay, so I can't attach files here. Here's a link to the PPG post: http://forums.pocket...php?topic=17670
EDIT: I'll shove it here, too. Two sites are better than one.
Attached Files
Edited by Andyr, 27 December 2004 - 03:39 PM.


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skip navigation
The 21st Indonesia International Motor Show 2013 will be held from Friday, September 20 to Sunday, September 29.
* Booth design is an artist's image
Clarion plans to exhibit diverse Retail and OEM products including Smart Access-ready NX603, 3 models of the world-first full digital speaker system 01DRIVE (for in-vehicle, portable and built-in uses) and Android ™ compatible AX1.
Indonesian automobile market has been growing rapidly and it has renewed highest numbers of vehicles sold for 3 years till 2012.
The number of visitors to the Indonesia Motor Show 2013 is expected to be 400,000, an increase of 14.2 % from last year. Please pay keen attention to Clarion's activities in this growing Indonesian market.
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We are committed to supporting you throughout your career. Whether you're an experienced alum or recent graduate, we offer expert career coaching and advice.
Explore the numerous programs and services designed especially for you.
Give back to Suffolk Law by sharing your knowledge and advice with current students.
We are here to assist and support you as you enter the profession.


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Hey all, I'm a Yellowstone employee in Mammoth this winter and I was wondering if anyone was in the area climbing at all this winter. The Northern Rockies board kind of dies in the winter I have noticed. I am not looking to do anything crazy, just maybe climb some stuff around 10,000-10,500 feet. This is my first winter in the mountains and I want to learn more about avoiding avalanche terrain and safely climbing in the winter. I have read Staying Alive in Avalanche Terrain but reading and doing are completely different. I am off on Mondays and Tuesdays and I may have a 3-day weekend or two throughout the winter (which would be a Wednesday).
I am planning on heading up toward Barronette Peak, near the NE entrance of the park, this Monday to get a taste of what things look like higher up. The south ridge looks pretty heavily forested until treeline, where I am guessing I will turn back since from the photos on the page for Barronette it looks like the wind blows from the north over the summit and windloads the south side of the summit. Either way I want to get up there and see what it looks like. Let me know if you are interested in joining me for any adventures.


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Escapees' SmartWeigh RV Program Underway
December 14, 2010 by RVBusiness · Comments Off on Escapees' SmartWeigh RV Program Underway
Escapees SmartWeigh is an educational RV program created by the Escapees RV Club for the exclusive purpose of enhancing safety, enjoymentand the overall success of the RV lifestyle.
Angie Carr, executive director of the Escapees RV Club, stated in a news release, "A long-standing mission of the club is to educate RVers, both new and experienced, on the aspects of RVing safely. There's a big difference between what you can do and what you should do for the safety of yourself and your family. The new SmartWeigh program will be operated within the highly praised RVers' Boot Camp program since both focus on preparing RVers for this wonderful lifestyle. Really, the Smart Weigh tag says it all: 'Escape with Peace of Mind.'"
SmartWeigh provides critical RV weight safety and load management information in a highly accurate and usable format. In order to produce the most accurate information, Escapees SmartWeigh uses quality scales, which are annually tested. Highly trained weighing teams will also use only the most suitable weighing sites, like the one specifically designed and installed at Escapees headquarters for this purpose.
Neil LeKander, SmartWeigh program administrator, explained, "This is a comprehensive program that addresses all the major weight and load management issues. Once your RV is weighed, you will be provided with the resources that allow you to understand your weight control options in order to help you make the necessary changes to correct any weight or loading issues. It also provides the essential data for RV trailer hitch analysis and adjustment, as well as the information needed to correctly set your tire pressures for longer tire life and a better ride."
The Escapees SmartWeigh program will be introduced in phases as rapidly as possible. The first scheduled weighing event took place at Rainbow's End during the Escapees Octoberfest and the RVers' Boot Camp program in Livingston, Texas. The next weighing event will take place at Escapees North Ranch RV Park in Congress, Ariz., Jan. 31 to Feb. 3, during Escapees RVers' Boot Camp.
In the future, SmartWeigh will be offered at many other club and RV events! Weighing will also be available at Rainbow's End on a weekly basis when event schedules permit. Please check www.escapees.com/smartweigh for a list of times and places.


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Global Rating: 5.00 from 1 reviews.
Add your own review for this product
|city state/province country
|For the Red Sox fan (5/5)
|Oct 24, 2011
|Boston Girl
|Boston MA US
|Boxers look and feel nicer than the photograph... it came with "official" tag. Pretty much as expected with regard to size, quality, and feel. It's a little on the pricey side, but I guess that's the price of authenticity! Nice gift for the Red Sox fan.
Boston Red Sox Classic Logo...


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Roundcube extension for BoxBilling
Бюджет $10-30 USD
You must create a roundcube extension for BoxBilling in order clients could order roundcube email products. It must have the same functions as the roundcube whmcs extension.
5 фрилансеров(-а) в среднем готовы выполнить эту работу за $26
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MBA Programs Welcome New Cohorts
The MBA innovation and information security programs welcomed new student groups in mid-August 2013.
Information Security MBA
The InfoSec group recently met in Reston, Va., and had the opportunity to meet several of the faculty. InfoSec graduate and faculty member Henry Bromley shared some of his experiences with the program.
The 23 incoming students represent a broad variety of different industries and professions. They chose to participate in the MBA program for a myriad of different reasons:
"It's accredited, and falls in line with what we're doing at Coast Guard headquarters."
"I want to own my own business in the future, and I want more technical information."
"It ties my background together and gives me the chance to learn more about the technical side of things."
"This program pulls together the gaps between the public and private sectors."
"This is the best program to allow me to fit in school with family and work."
"The concept and structure of this program appealed to me."
"I like the online aspect of this program. If my company does transfer me, I can still complete the program."
The first class for the InfoSec program was held on Saturday, Aug. 17.
iMBA Program
The Innovation MBA program also kicked off on Saturday, Aug. 17, on the JMU campus in Harrisonburg. The campus orientation emphasized Leadership and Innovation as the cornerstones of the program. In its 5th year, the iMBA blends on-line and in person learning into a two-year program that also focuses on developing the leadership and innovation skills of the students throughout. Over 120 students have been involved in the program since its redesign.
College of Business Dean Dr. Mary A. Gowan keynoted the luncheon. She says, "Knowing how you can be at your best, and sharing that with your teams as you start to work together will make your school and work teams much more productive." Having been a proponent of leadership development throughout her career, she emphasized this portion of the program is something that differentiates the iMBA program, and mentioned she would love to teach a class in the program soon.
The iMBA students also heard from recent graduate Dr. Jamin Engel, who shared his perspective on how the Leadership Development Portfolio (LDP) was a critical differentiator in the journey, and continues to help him develop as a more effective leader. Chris Foster, Anthony Hess, and Tamara Hatch from the current Cohort 4 group of leaders shared their own perspectives on how to make the iMBA experience even better.
To set the foundation for the Leadership component of the program, the group discussed the book "Give and Take" by Adam Grant and how their leadership will be developed and tested throughout the MBA program. Also presenting that day were faculty members Mark House and Maureen Blackwell (EmpoweringLEADERS, LLC). They debriefed students on the "StrengthsFinder 2.0" assessment, conducted several group exercises and introduced the students to the Leadership Development Portfolio co-curricular portion of the MBA Program.
Published: Monday, August 26, 2013
Last Updated: Wednesday, June 8, 2016


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Ferguson expects Rio to sign
Manchester United manager Sir Alex Ferguson believes Rio
Ferdinand will be the next long-serving member of his squad to sign
a contract extension.
Ryan Giggs signed a new one-year deal on Friday and Ferguson is
confident Ferdinand will also remain at Old Trafford even though
the 34-year-old centre-back has yet to commit himself, amid rumours
of interest from the US, China and the cash-rich Far East.
When asked if Ferdinand would sign a new deal, Ferguson replied:
"That is a strong possibility. It would have to happen before the
end of the season."
Ferdinand is managing a long-standing back complaint but has
still produced some impressive performances for United this
"I think he has had a great season," said Ferguson.
"He has managed himself the right way and we have contributed to
that in the preparation we give him.
"He doesn't play every game in the same way that Ryan doesn't
play every game. But in terms of key matches he has been absolutely
"Two weeks ago, against Real Madrid, he was excellent so we need
to get him ready for the big one on Tuesday."


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Crystal Clay™ is a two part epoxy clay that is easily mixed and formed into any shape. Working time is approximately 1-1/2 hours after mixed and clay is fully hardened in 24 hours. Simply mix and knead both parts of the epoxy clay together for several minutes. Add Swarovski Elements fancy stones and bling out anything!
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Fast Market Research recommends "Civil Engineering in Spain" from MarketLine, now available
Boston, MA -- (SBWIRE) -- 07/30/2014 -- Civil Engineering in Spain industry profile provides top-line qualitative and quantitative summary information including: market size (value 2009-13, and forecast to 2018). The profile also contains descriptions of the leading players including key financial metrics and analysis of competitive pressures within the market. Essential resource for top-line data and analysis covering the Spain civil engineering market. Includes market size data, textual and graphical analysis of market growth trends, leading companies and macroeconomic information.
- The civil engineering industry is composed of civil engineering companies and large-scale contractors, but excludes companies involved in home-building.
- The Spanish civil engineering sector had total revenues of $22.5bn in 2013, representing a compound annual rate of change (CARC) of -18.4% between 2009 and 2013.
- The performance of the sector is forecast to decline further but at a slower pace, with an anticipated CARC of -0.1% for the five-year period 2013 - 2018, which is expected to drive the sector to a value of $22.4bn by the end of 2018.
View Full Report Details and Table of Contents
Save time carrying out entry-level research by identifying the size, growth, and leading players in the civil engineering market in Spain
Use the Five Forces analysis to determine the competitive intensity and therefore attractiveness of the civil engineering market in Spain
Leading company profiles reveal details of key civil engineering market players' global operations and financial performance
Add weight to presentations and pitches by understanding the future growth prospects of the Spain civil engineering market with five year forecasts
Macroeconomic indicators provide insight into general trends within the Spain economy
Key Questions Answered
What was the size of the Spain civil engineering market by value in 2013?
What will be the size of the Spain civil engineering market in 2018?
What factors are affecting the strength of competition in the Spain civil engineering market?
How has the market performed over the last five years?
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