text:
Speak to a consultant:
+44 (0) 207 247 4095
MiiCraft 3D printers are designed for commercial applications. They design and manufacture 3D printer utilizing Digital Light Processing (DLP) technology, and provide related solutions including printing materials and software that can bundle with our printers for better printing experience.
MiiCraft 3D printing solutions are used extensively in research, jewellery and dental industry to deliver high resolution prints.
Compatible with a wide range of resins, giving you the freedom to make what you want. This includes 3rd party resins.
High resolution DLP chip and sophisticated optics produce accurate layers that turn into accurate printed objects.
Powerful easy to use software gives the user full control of the printing parameters to ensure the best quality prints.
405nm is suitable for capturing the fine detail of any jeweller's design and also allows the use of 3rd party resins.
Being the world no.1 in pico light engine provider, MiiCraft+ allows users to print the parts with high accuracy.
Also equipped with simple browser-based user interface, MiiCraft+ helps users to operate 3D printing more smoothly.
The Miicraft+ is the world's first all-in-one machine, contains both printing and post-curing functions..
Use clear biocompatible Class IIa materials with a high strength, fracture and wear resistance. With your software, design each aligner you need for your patients.
Print your model with the tie-wings and use your vacuum forming to make your clear aligners.
With your software, select position of each bracket of your patient's bonding tray. Glue all your brackets in one go and save up chair time.
Use Class I or Class IIa clear materials. Design and print many surgical guides with high precision.
In a 2014 survey of MiiCraft jewellery customers, the printouts not only made the communication easier but greatly improved customer satisfaction.
405nm is suitable for capturing the fine detail of any jeweller's design and also allows the use of 3rd party resins.
Print multiple models in one session print a single model in the highest resolution.
Speak to an iMakr consultant:
+44 (0) 207 247 4095
iMakr offer you best-in-class 3D printers and 3D scanners thanks to our expert team of engineers who test and approve each product that hits the shelves. Our team of experts is here to handle any query you may have and will answer swiftly and efficiently.


text:
HUNTLEY – The village will soon have its first modern train station, after Gov. Pat Quinn announced Thursday a $223 million plan to restart Amtrak service between Chicago and Rockford.
Huntley, along with Elgin and Belvidere, are included as stops along the new route that would open Rockford to passenger rail service for the first time since 1981. Village officials shared the news after initially reviewing Weber Grills' expansion plan that could create nearly 500 jobs within Huntley.
They now will meet with state officials about the new Amtrak route and begin identifying a location for the train stop.
"It's a positive because it offers another mode of transportation that currently is not here," Village Manager Dave Johnson said. "If somebody wants to go to the city and sightsee for the weekend, now there is an option to do that."
In 2010, area congressmen, state representatives and village officials all lobbied the Illinois Department of Transportation to make Huntley a part of a new Amtrak line connecting Chicago to Dubuque, Iowa.
State officials ultimately agreed to connect that proposed route further south and began negotiating with the Canadian National Railway to use its tracks for the new rail line.
Those plans changed Thursday after years of failed negotiations between state officials and Canadian National. A new northern route that passes through Huntley will instead use tracks owned by Metra and Union Pacific Railroad, Quinn announced in a news release.
Service should begin in 2015 with one daily round-trip from a temporary station in Rockford to Chicago's Union Station. Officials would then expand service the following year and eventually connect the new route west to Dubuque.
During their meeting, Huntley officials said they were never told about the change in plans for the Amtrak route until seeing a news release on it earlier in the evening.
Huntley has long coveted a train route that cuts through the village, dating to the 1990s when they began planning for a Metra stop.
"We are excited about this," Village President Chuck Sass said. "We potentially have Weber, we have this and the (new) hospital. A lot of good things are happening here."
In other business, Village Board members met with representatives from Weber-Stephen Products for the first time about the company's plan to expand its operation and create nearly 500 jobs within Huntley.
The maker of Weber Grills would make its current facility behind the Jewel-Osco in Huntley a manufacturing factory and build a global distribution center next to the Huntley Outlet Center along Interstate 90.
Weber could inch closer to construction next month, when board members likely will vote on annexing 131 acres east of the outlet mall that would house the new distribution center, Johnson said.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Theater purists might not like Naked Navigation Theatre Collective's touring production of Tennessee Williams's "A Streetcar Named Desire" playing at the Onyx Theatre. While the risks that director Dana Martin takes in adapting Williams' text don't always play out, they make for an enjoyable evening of theater.
Martin subtly modernizes the play's setting with the use of a contemporary score by Tom Stillwagon as entr'acte music. When Stella offers Blanche water as a chaser for her drink, she pulls a plastic bottle out of the fridge. In the opening act, Stella wears tights. By not overtly setting the play within a contemporary time frame, Martin achieves a sense of tragic timelessness.
Although "Streetcar" is set in New Orleans, none of the actors attempt the rich Southern Gothic that has etched the play's lines indelibly upon American culture. I think Martin is attempting what some contemporary productions of Shakespeare attempt, which is to make the language more accessible by making it more natural. She doesn't want us listening for famous lines; she wants us to hear the characters talking.
I don't think it worked. Blanche manipulates those around her and creates her illusory trappings through her gestures and archaic speech, and a rich Southern accent lends itself to her melodrama.
In a Brecht-like gesture, Martin has the actors sit on the wings of the stage viewing the action. This helps to reinforce the sense that Blanche is living a life of illusion and melodrama. Likewise, transparent sheets divide Stanley and Stella's small apartment and serve as veils of illusion for Blanche.
Melita Ann Sagar's Blanche Dubois is a strong woman despite her pretense of frailty. Sagar creates the illusion of being a faded beauty. Her Blanche seems aware that she is playing a role and is choosing her alcohol-fueled illusions over the horror of her reality. One senses that her Blanche has within her resources for survival equal to Stanley's assaults. Which makes her final retreat into unreality tragic, although even in the nadir of her defeat she is still able to manipulate "the kindness of strangers." One of Sagar's best moments is her swift transition from seducing the paperboy to playing the coquette for Mitch.
Kenric Green plays Stanley Kowalski like a controlled nuclear reaction. He asserts that he is king of his castle and he uses his physical force almost calmly to get his way. He is entirely confident of victory in his battle with Blanche. When he pulls off his wife-beater it isn't to seduce Blanche but to physically dominate her. Stella comments that Stanley's mark of superiority isn't on his forehead and Blanche likens him to an animal or a caveman. Martin's nontraditional casting of a black actor in the role of Polish Stanley Kowalski reinvigorates for the audience the viciousness of Blanche's slurs when she calls Stanley a Polack or refers to him as an ape. Stanley's final assault on Blanche is not a sexual act but a violent stripping of her pretensions.
Kama Ruby Maccioli plays Stella Kowalski with a voluptuous Earth Mother sensuality. Yet despite her likable commonness she also is prone to choose illusion over reality in her marriage. Stanley's physical violence started long before "sister Blanche" arrived on the scene. In the end she consciously chooses her illusion of Stanley over the reality of what he did to Blanche and we see the first steps of her own mental disintegration.
Perhaps the play's most tragic figure is Mitch, played by Jeremy Minagro. Blanche manipulates him into seeing himself as a gallant, and when Stanley pulls the veil of illusion from his eyes he feels he has been made unclean by Blanche's sexual manipulation. Minagro's portrayal of the socially maladroit Mitch is heart-rending.
By making Williams's overwrought melodrama more accessible Martin underplays the play's emotional impact. Nonetheless this is a "Streetcar" well worth riding, especially for the powerful performances by the four leads. A portion of the show's proceeds will be donated to organizations in Las Vegas addressing issues of violence against women.


text:
Alternatives to Incarceration
Summary and Keywords
Alternatives to incarceration are more than options, they have evolved into sentences of their own accord. Originally, probation and prison were the two major sentences; however, the concept of intermediate or graduated sanctions emerged in the 1980s and evolved throughout the 1990s. While alternatives to incarceration were considered options, they are now recognized as intermediate sanctions, graduated sanctions, and just plain sentencing options. This emergence occurred during the time that probation-plus-conditions sentences spiked, so that the average probationer now has over 17 standard conditions. With Justice Reinvestment Initiatives as a national effort to reduce the impact of mass incarceration policies, the JRI policy effort the has served to legitimize sentences that used to be considered "alternatives" by incorporating risk/need assessments, legislation to reduce sentence lengths and incarceration sentences, and changes in practices to address noncompliant probationers and parolees. Here, a new conceptual model is proposed that integrates sentencing options with results from a risk and need assessment depending on various types of liberty restrictions. Given the need to reduce prison overcrowding, there is an even further need to examine how different sentencing options can be used for different type of individuals.
Keywords: alternatives, sanctions, Justice Reinvestment Initiative, sentencing, probation, incarceration
Alternatives to incarceration is a term that signifies responses that are designed to avoid the use of incarceration at various points in the justice system—arrest, pretrial, jail, prison, and semi-incarceration facilities. For adjudicated individuals, alternatives to incarceration generally refers to sentences or sanctions that are provided in lieu of a jail or prison sentence, hence the term alternative. The alternatives could actually be considered a class of sentences justified on their own accord as fair, parsimonious, and proportional to the convicted criminal behavior. The term alternative can also signify that the system has a number of sentencing options where incarceration can be used. The distinction between a justified replacement for an incarceration sentence and an appropriate sentence in its own right depends on the state of sentencing in different jurisdictions. Probably most perplexing is that the same sentencing options can be considered both rightful sentences and alternative sentences in the same jurisdiction. In many instances, alternatives are used as sanctions for individuals on probation or parole, only adding to the many ways alternatives are being used. The term alternative can have different meanings in various contexts, both at the system level as well as at the individual sentencing level.
Essentially, the concept of alternatives to incarceration is no longer an alternative, but part of the legitimate sentencing options. First, what the sentencing options look like, as well as some of the literature behind the various forms, is examined. Then, the legitimatization of sentencing options is explored by looking at the Justice Reinvestment Initiative. Finally, the discussion turns to how these options can build on reducing recidivism, through sentencing options that meet the needs of individuals in the system.
What Do Sentencing Options Look Like?
Within the framework of sentencing options, there are two polar extremes: probation and prison. Probation is generally considered the sentence option for less serious offenses, and individuals with less serious criminal histories. Incarceration is generally reserved for those with more serious offenses and histories. In between probation and prison are a number of sentencing options that use features from both probation and incarceration to impose punishment and controls on the individual (Morris & Tonry, 1991). The placement in incarceration versus probation often depends on the sentencing culture of the jurisdiction, including guidelines and/or normative expectations. Generally, the sentence is influenced by the severity of the offense, the criminal history of the individual, and the nature of "like" sentences in the jurisdiction. The decision about what type of punishment to use also considers whether the goal is incapacitation, rehabilitation, retribution, or deterrence. Often, the sentencing goals are convoluted, with an emphasis on more than one area. However, as shown in Figure 1, while sentencing options use a variety of restraints, restrictions, and controls as punishment, they can offer a series of treatments, services, and interventions alongside these controls. More specifically, a number of sentencing options can be, and are, used as a means to reintegrate offenders back into the community, such as halfway houses, some intensive supervision probations/paroles, and electronic monitoring (Bonta & Motiuk, 1987; Hartman, Friday, & Minor, 1994; Petersilia & Turner, 1993).
Figure 1 depicts an optimal sentencing scheme that offers a number of options ranging from probation to prison. The community sanctions vary based on the number and type of restrictions that occur. Figure 1 predisposes the placement based on the risk and needs that an individual presents (discussed below). The figure integrates the use of risk for future justice involvement and needs (for factors that are changeable) in identifying the appropriate sentencing option. The degree of restriction is often viewed as a form of punishment, which is based on different application principles.
A few cautionary notes should be made regarding intermediate sanctions falling between probation and prison. First, an individual has the right to choose to participate in the programs, particularly treatment programs like problem-solving courts, that new sentencing options offer. For example, an individual may be sentenced to a residential treatment facility, but the individual has the right to refuse participation in the treatment facility. The second consideration is how individuals are selected for the sentencing options. Some of the programs/options have set eligibility criteria, while others do not. That is, a sentencing judge can determine a probation or prison/jail sentence, but many of the sentencing options that fall between probation and prison require the justice-involved individual to agree to participate in the program/sentencing option.
Setting as the Form of Structural Liberty Restrictions
The setting for the punishment determines the amount and degree of liberty restrictions imposed on an individual. Besides the setting where the person serves the sentence, the requirements of the sentence may also define the restrictions, limitations, and civic responsibilities of the individual. That is, the greater the number of restrictions imposed, the more the individual's daily activities will be monitored and/or controlled by the state. The implication is that the number of controls imposed on an individual can be determined by the public safety issues of an individual, and it may not be merely reflect the setting of a person. With the advent of controls in the community, the line between incarceration and community is often blurred, and this affects the sentencing options. It should also be noted that the length of time that the punishment is imposed—the sentence length—varies by jurisdiction, and that the longer a sentence, the more of an impact the setting (and conditions imposed) has on the person. Next, the literature on the effectiveness of incarceration and numerous alternatives that have emerged over the past few decades are discussed.
Incarceration can occur in a prison or jail setting. The imposition of an incarceration sentence punishes the person by imposing the most extreme liberty restrictions, which include total confinement (i.e., 24/7) as well as total control over daily decisions. Liberty restrictions during confinement involve a loss of the ability to make decisions about movements and activities as well as key survival decisions about food, clothing, and shelter. The "total institution" actually exercises control over every aspect of a person's life, including psychological, spatial, and financial aspects, as well as isolating the person from support systems like families and children.
With all these restrictions, a question then arises: "Is incarceration worth it?" What is the overall effectiveness of incarceration on future offending behavior? How well does incarceration prevent individuals from committing more crime? In a meta-analytic study of the relationship between incarceration and recidivism, Gendreau, Goggin, Cullen, and Andrews (2000) found that the more time an individual spends in prison, the more likely they are to recidivate. They argue that prisons are actually "schools of crime" rather than a deterrent. Simply being admitted to a super-max prison increased an individual's likelihood for committing another violent crime within three years of release (Mears and Bales, 2009). And, incarceration does not reduce recidivism and might instead increase failure rates (Nagin, Cullen, & Jonston, 2009). Since incarceration has not been proven to reduce recidivism, and it seems to increase it, alternatives are seen as suitable punishments that achieve desired goals but do not have the same negative effect on the ability of individuals to be crime- and/or drug-free (Gendreau et al., 2000; Mears & Bales, 2009; Sung & Lieb, 1993).
Shock Incarceration or Boot Camps
The rationale for "shock" incarceration is that exposure to the prison environment may serve as a deterrent. This is the premise that underlay the "scared straight" program in the early 1980s, even though research showed that it did not affect recidivism (Finckenauer et al., 2012). The concept of shock incarceration was reformulated in the 1990s as boot camps. Boots camps were designed as a short-term incarceration experience designed to reduce recidivism, but again evaluation studies found that the boot camps did not achieve that goal (see MacKenzie, 2006). It appears that adding incarceration does little to reduce recidivism, even when combined with short-term experiences. The previous literature, stemming from the 1980s to the 2000s, evaluating boot camp programs did not lead to a promising conclusion on their effectiveness in reducing recidivism. Sechrest (1989) performed a study in Florida assessing how well prison boot camps influenced offenders' return-to-prison rates, technical violation rates, and absconding rates. Those who participated in the boot camp program, compared to matched nonparticipants, were not significantly different in the number of technical violations or return-to-prison rates (Sechrest, 1989). This finding is consistent with other studies that concluded that juveniles who participated in boot camps perceived their environment more positively, and were less hostile toward others, but felt they had less freedom than juveniles in traditional facilities. This led to individuals' becoming less antisocial and less depressed (MacKenzie, Wilson, Armstrong, & Gover, 2001), but, ultimately, boot camps were ineffective in reducing recidivism. However, participants in therapeutic boot camps fared better than those in punishment-oriented boot camps (Franke et al., 2009).
Semi-Incarceration or Half-Back Programming
Semi-incarceration facilities serve to incapacitate a person but for shorter periods of time and to provide other forms of punishment (examples are residential treatment facilities, halfway houses, work release centers, and other facilities). Such facilities tend to have smaller populations (under 200 people) than the traditional jail or prison, and the facilities typically allow for more movement and independent living under the watchful eye of the state. Furthermore, these facilities offer programs that address factors that affect involvement in the justice system. Most sentences are shorter than a prison and/or jail sentence, and sometimes placement in these programs is similar to transitional release from prison or jail to assist with reentry phase. Except for those in residential treatment programs, most individuals are involved in some type of work on or off the premises of the facility.
A plethora of literature has been published assessing the effectiveness of halfway houses throughout the United States and Canada. Generally, studies have found that halfway houses tend to have differential effects depending on the risk level of the individual. Lowenkamp and Latessa (2006) found that participants in halfway houses who were lower risk tended to have higher recidivism rates than those who were higher risk. In other words, higher-risk participants of halfway houses fared better.
Day Programming, Intensive Supervision Probation, Problem-Solving Courts, and Other Intensive Community Controls
Semi-restrictive environments exercise more control over the individual in terms of restrictions that affect the psychological, spatial, or financial resources of an individual. In day programs, for significant lengths of the 24-hour day, the movements of the individual are restricted or defined. This serves to place limits on the individual while pursuing options to address substance abuse, mental illness, criminal cognitions, or other factors that affect the individual's ability to be a productive, proactive citizen.
Intensive supervision probation/parole (ISP) is the most common type of intensive community control. ISP is sometimes used in conjunction with other forms of intermediate sanctions, such as electronic monitoring and house arrest (Marciniak, 2000), or even referrals to treatment. The effectiveness of ISP varies depending on the goal set by the program. In a review of ISP studies, Byrne (1990) found that four different goals can be identified in an ISP program: punishment, diversion, cost effectiveness, and recidivism. Petersilia and Turner (1991, 1993) studied the relationship between offenders' being sentenced to ISP and different outcome measures (depending on the goal set). The study included 14 ISP programs that served about 2,000 offenders who were randomly assigned to either ISP or routine probation. ISP increased the number of contacts with officers and the number of drug tests. ISP resulted in more face-to-face contacts between offenders and officers (average of 5 per month, compared to 1.75 per month), and offenders underwent more drug testing (1.5 per month, compared to .4 per month), received more counseling (48% compared to 22%), and had higher levels of employment (59%, compared to 38%; Turner, Petersilia, & Deschenes, 1992). ISP did not reduce recidivism and, in some sites, ISP increased technical violations (Petersilia & Turner, 1993).
In the 1990s, problem-solving courts were developed as part of an effort to better handle drug-involved offenders. The problem-solving court is generally considered a judicial alternative, since it is administered by the court (judge), including prosecutors, defenders, treatment providers, probation officers/case managers, and coordinators. Drug-treatment courts have been shown to be effective in reducing recidivism in a number of meta-analyses and systematic reviews (Mitchell, Wilson, Eggers, & MacKenzie, 2012). The court model advances comprehensive programming that includes status hearings to monitor the progress of the individual, drug testing, drug and/or other treatment, vocational training or employment options, and a myriad of approaches to assist the individual with their drug problem.
Probation is the least restrictive form of punishment in lieu of incarceration, given that individuals remain in their own residence and are responsible for the conditions of supervision. The conditions of probation may define different ways that an individual can be restricted, even as severely as the ultimate restrictions consistent with incarceration. Since a probation sentence requires the individual to report their whereabouts daily to a third party, it also imposes other conditions. A recent study found that probation can have an average of 17 conditions (Corbett, 2016), such as sometimes including house arrest, financial penalties that restrict and often consume discretionary income (which limits the individual's ability to pay for food and clothing), timely meetings with the probation officer, and other limitations. Drug and alcohol testing are often required.
Increasingly, curfews, house arrest, and electronic monitoring are being used for individuals on probation. Probationers participating in electronic monitoring (Gainey, Payne, & O'Toole, 2000) often have to pay for their equipment, pay for electricity and phone connection, and respond to computer signals. A recent study found that, as the number of days on electronic monitoring increased, the chance of re-arrest decreased (Gainey, Payne, & O'Toole, 2000), but other studies of electronic monitoring have mixed conclusions regarding the impact on recidivism (Bonta, Wallace-Capretta, & Rooney, 2000; Finn & Muirhead-Steves, 2002; Padgett, Bales, & Blomberg, 2006; Renzema & Mayo-Wilson, 2005).
Nature of Restrictions as a Form of Punishment
As shown above, there are a number of different strategies to enhance punishment and to allow the sanction to be tailored to the need to either treat or control the individual. While sentencing used to be about the setting (i.e., prison/jail or the community), the development and utilization of various forms of rehabilitative and social control techniques have altered the nature of sentences drastically. The degree of liberty restrictions depends on the setting, but it also depends on the psychological, spatial, and/or financial restrictions that can be imposed directly by the sentencing judge, or even by the probation/correctional system. These restrictions are collateral forms of punishment. (Note: these are separate and apart from collateral consequences, such as housing restrictions, voting restrictions, employment restrictions, and other forms of limitations on participation in civil society or the role of a citizen.) Sentences can be configured to be responsive to the needs of the individual, as well as to advance social control.
The emergence of the various conditions has transformed probation considerably. In the past, most of conditions were generally programmatic (i.e., substance abuse treatment, employment, education, etc.). But, as shown above, the advent of a variety of treatment and control conditions has transformed the probation sentence considerably. This has led to increases in various forms of direct and indirect punishments that are inherent in the probation sentence.
Psychological Restrictions
A number of conditions refer to improvement in the mental health and overall functioning of the individual. Special conditions may include requirements to be evaluated for, and/or participate in, treatment for mental health issues, substance abuse, and/or criminal cognitions. These conditions necessitate the person to attend to physical or mental health issues as part of their sentence. An evaluation is usually part of assessing whether the person has a preexisting condition that affects their involvement in criminal behavior, functionality as a citizen, and ability to be prosocial. Psychological treatment is considered as a means to assist the person in better understanding their own behavior (cognitions) and potential to learn new behavior, skills, or approaches to different matters (behavioral). Both evaluations and treatments are considered appropriate and are used frequently as sentencing conditions. Unless the individual is potentially a threat to him/herself, or a danger to society, sentences cannot generally require the individual to take medications (as per the due process clauses of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments). The individual must make their own independent decision to take medications for mental illness or substance use disorders, but the system can also use different incentive structures to encourage the use of medications or participation in behavioral therapies.
Other forms of psychological restrictions refer to the civil life of the individual. Usually being on supervision places pressure on a person, especially with more intensive reporting requirements and having to provide documentation of one's whereabouts to a third party. Another form of psychological strain may involve the number and type of requirements for supervision—in fact, most probationers have an average of 17 conditions (Taxman, 2012), which means that the probation supervision affects many aspects of their lives. For example, probation can involve requirements to be employed, to stay away from certain friends or family members, and to perform community service (even in a place that the person may not want to be), as well as other intrusions in a person's life. The degree of psychological strain is two-pronged: the number of requirements and the degree to which they affect daily activities, and the potential threat of being considered noncompliant and subject to revocation. The degree of psychological stress has not been measured, although there is increasing attention to this issue. In one particular example in the early years of probation programming with strict conditions, Petersilia and Deschenes (1994) found that one-third of probationers preferred jail to an intermediate sanction sentence (probation with many conditions).
Spatial Restrictions
More conditions refer to spatial constraints that limit the individual's movement. These include curfews, area restrictions, requirements to be a particular place for a set period of time (i.e., for treatment, for community service, etc.), and requirements that limit interaction with friends, colleagues, or support systems. House arrest is a specific form of spatial restriction that involves total control over the areas a person can occupy. Additionally, as discussed above, there are tools that monitor the geographical location of an individual, such as electronic monitors or Global Positioning Systems, trackers on cell phones, and other technological tools. These restrictions can create "walls" in the community by placing barriers on geographical areas that one can travel to.
Financial Restrictions
Being on probation, as compared to incarceration, can involve a number of financial obligations. These include probation fees, drug testing fees, mandated restitution or other fee payments, and other financial requirements that use the individual's resources as a form of punishment. Each type of financial restriction may have a different purpose, but collectively they impose a burden and responsibility on the individual. The various forms are: restitution for the victim, probation fees for being in the community instead of being incarcerated, program fees for services, fees for court costs, punishment-specific fees (such as paying for electronic monitoring equipment), and other financial penalties (such as transaction fees, activities fees, etc.). That is, many jurisdictions have imposed fees on those who are supervised in the community, whereas an incarceration sentence does not have that type of penalty. It is quite probable that some residential programs and day programs also impose fees. One study found that the average probationer paid $1.57 per day to be on probation (where the cost per day was $1.63 for probation services which means that the probationers were basically footing the fill for their punishment) (Alper & Ruhland, 2016). Other studies have noted that the financial burdens of being on probation contribute to further involvement in the justice system and create an unequal justice system (Human Rights Watch, 2014).
Identifying Who Should Receive What Type of Sentence
Decisions about who receives what type of sentence, and what types of restrictions are included in the sentence, are generally left to the sentencing judge. Or, it could be that certain regulations define the programs, services, and components of the program. This means that the conditions and requirements may or may not be most appropriate for the person. Twenty-one states and the federal government have sentencing guidelines that define who is be incarcerated based on the person's criminal history and offense severity. Furthermore, ten states have mandatory guidelines, while eleven states have more "voluntary" guidelines, where the judge has more discretion over the incarceration decision. The guidelines, however, are predominantly used to define the "incarcerated/not-incarcerated" decision, where the additional requirements are left to the judge, but sometimes they are used to determine the length of the sentence.
A current movement in the field is to use a risk/need assessment tool (RNA), preferably one that includes static risks and dynamic risks (needs), to inform the decisions of the sentencing judge or the probation system. That is, the RNA is promoted as an objective tool to identify which individuals need what types of controls and treatments to reduce their likelihood of participating in criminal behavior. Additionally, the RNA has the potential to identify major needs and then to relate those needs to the setting and restrictions that promote positive behavior. The risk/need framework offers the potential to consider how best to use alternatives to incarceration to promote balanced distribution of restrictions and to be sensitive to public safety.
The RNA framework includes the necessity to consider risk for future criminal justice involvement as a major premise as well as the needs of the individual. Needs can be divided into areas that affect criminal behavior and should guide the nature and type of sentencing system to respond to these needs. That is, as risk increases, so does the need for more restrictions, including the use of confinement as a tool to address risk behaviors; but, as needs increase, so should the use of psychological restrictions or semi-incarceration facilities to assist with handling risky need behaviors. Also, the type of restrictions can be tied to the risk/need profile of the individual. In Table 1 shows the application of the setting and restrictions to the risk/need profile of the individual. The conceptual model is that, the higher the risk level, the more there is a need to use confinement or semi-incarceration for the individual. Similarly, the greater the need, the greater the requirement for psychological interventions (restrictions) as part of the effort to minimize the needs of the individual.
A key to this utilization is that the type of needs of the individual has to be discerned. This means that it is important for the needs to be identified based on areas that are linked to criminal behavior, or that affect stability in the community and the completion of supervision conditions. The simplistic version of this application is that as the risk level increases, so should the number of restrictions, with more spatial restrictions for moderate- and high-risk offenders. There needs to be a cap on the restrictions, given that there is a limited human capacity to manage multiple restrictions simultaneously, and those that are devoted to cognitive or behavioral change have an even greater impact, since implicitly they require the person to make changes in related facets of their lives, such as social support networks, living arrangements, travel routes, and so on. More importantly, the focus of the attention is on obtaining gains in criminogenic needs.
Table 1. Imposition of Setting and Restrictions Based on Risk and Needs
Confinement or semi-incarceration setting tailored to psychological restrictions and spatial restrictions
Confinement or semi-incarceration setting tailored to psychological restrictions and limited spatial restrictions
Semi-incarceration or probation with tailored psychological and limited spatial restrictions
Semi-incarceration or probation with tailored psychological conditions
Probation with financial penalties
Probation with tailored psychological conditions and limited spatial restrictions
Probation with tailored psychological conditions
Probation with financial penalties
Notes: *High risk is defined as those who are a threat to public safety. This definition may require reducing the number of criminal convictions for low-level offenses (i.e., public disorder, petty theft, etc.) that may be included in some risk-assessment tools.
This framework reframes sentencing guidelines and/or practices that focus only on the incarceration-or-not dilemma. Instead, the focus should be on transforming risk/need information into a grid that redefines the incarceration dilemma. As shown in Table 1, incarceration is recommended for individuals who are high risk according to a standardized risk/need assessment tool, and this generally amounts to 20 to 25% of the offender population. The majority of the individuals are placed in community settings. Semi-confinement facilities for specialized programming (i.e., residential treatment) may be useful to assist individuals who have behavioral health problems or criminal cognitions to support the recovery process. In the end, prison or incarceration is then used only for individuals who are considered a threat to public safety or to themselves.
Justice Reinvestment Initiative
In 2010, the Bureau of Justice Assistance, with the PEW Foundation Public Safety Performance Project, launched an approach to tackle problems in the criminal justice realm. The approach, appropriately titled Justice Reinvestment Initiative (JRI), provides states with numerous means to accomplish the goal of reducing the demand for incarceration by reducing correctional spending and reinvesting through known recidivism-reducing strategies. Another, related goal is to strengthen neighborhoods with concentrations of criminal justice populations by addressing the factors that are correlated with criminal behavior, while at the same time increasing public safety.
JRI is a data-driven process to facilitate system change. Beginning with an interagency team (typically including all political perspectives), the emphasis is on using data to understand how the system works and areas where policy enhancements are needed. The process has two phases. Phase 1 includes:
– Data analysis: Sites receive intensive, on-site assistance to analyze crime, arrest, conviction, jail, prison, probation, and parole data for the preceding 5 to 10 years, including the cost effectiveness of the systems' policies, practices, and programs.
– Policy option development: Practical, data-driven, consensus-based policies are developed to reduce spending on corrections and to focus on public safety.
– Adoption of new policies: Legislative bodies transform initiatives into active policies.1
Phase 2 includes:
– Implementation of new policies: Implementation should proceed as a deliberative change process.
– Reinvestment: The estimated money saved is reallocated to public safety strategies and programs in the community.
– Performance measurement: All sites monitor their performance and outcome measures to make sure they achieve projected outcomes and goals. The performance reports are provided to oversight communities that assess how well the initiative is doing.2
The states that are currently participating in the JRI framework include: Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Delaware, Georgia, Idaho, Hawaii, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Utah, Washington, and West Virginia. Those who have used JRI, or JRI policies, also include: Arizona, Connecticut, Nevada, Texas, Vermont, and Wisconsin. Collectively, 33 of the 50 states are using, or have used, some kind of JRI framework to actively affect their sentencing and justice systems.3
The common issues addressed are the factors behind prison growth and corrections spending, including: parole/probation revocations, sentencing policies sending low-risk offenders to incarceration, inefficient community supervision, and parole system processing delays and denials.4 States have responded to these policy options by implementing changes in the legislation for sentencing, as well as altering eligibility for different programs. These policies differ depending on where they're targeted. Many sites started integrating risk and needs assessments, accountability measures, incentives for community compliance, sentencing changes, swift and certain responses to technical violations, mandatory supervision after incarceration, conflict-resolving courts, quicker and more expansive parole processes, and more inclusive reentry programs.5
Impact of JRI
A few studies have evaluated the influence that JRI and JRI policies have on the issues of the criminal justice system. The VERA Institute of Justice concluded that the judicial and probation systems are the reason for Delaware's prison overcrowding. A majority of Delaware's prison population consisted of those who were awaiting trial, people who were oversupervised on probation, and prisoners with long sentences without an opportunity for reduction (James & Agha, 2013). In response to these issues, Delaware drafted Senate Bill 226, requiring risk assessments to be performed and to be available to judges, and creating incentives for those who are incarcerated to complete evidence-based programs (James & Agha, 2013). The legislation allowed magistrates and judges to make precise risk-assessment decisions in sentencing people and/or selecting people for parole, and it aimed to decrease the likelihood of recidivism for those who completed the scientifically proven programs.
Another assessment was performed by the Urban Institute in their review of 17 JRI-using states. Consistent with the assessment of Delaware, they found that the largest factors driving prison population size and cost include parole and probation revocations, sentencing policies, ineffective community alternatives, and parole system delays/denials (LaVigne et al., 2014). Across the 17 states, however, a wide array of policies were put into action to target the different factors each state faced. A majority of the policies focused on performance and use of risk and needs assessments, accountability measures, credit earnings, increased use of intermediate sanctions, community-based treatment, sentencing policy changes, problem-solving courts, and revised parole system processes (LaVigne et al., 2014). Similarities exist across systems regarding the drivers of incarceration and the facilitators for changing practices.
The estimated monetary savings for the 17 states is $4.6 billion, ranging from savings of $7.7 million to $398 million over 5 years per state (LaVigne et al., 2014). All of the costs stem from the averted operating and construction costs of prisons. Additionally, as stated before, JRI policies reinvest the money saved. The Urban Institute report discusses two different types of reinvestment that occur. The first is reinvesting money that has already been saved from previous years; the second is investing money that is anticipated to be saved in future years. So far, from all 17 states, $23.7 million have been invested from previous savings and $142.1 million have been invested in anticipation of future savings (LaVigne et al., 2014). In addition to the monetary benefits, 8 of the 17 states (Arkansas, Hawaii, Louisiana, Kentucky, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Ohio, and South Carolina) reduced their prison populations within one year, and all states anticipate their prison population reductions will range from .6% to 19% (LaVigne et al., 2014).
In a similar effort, a case study of prison reductions in New York, New Jersey, Michigan, and Kansas from 1999 to 2009 revealed interesting changes in sentencing. From 1999 to 2009, New York and New Jersey experienced a 20% and 19% reduction, respectively, while Michigan experienced a 12% reduction from 2006 to 2009 and Kansas experienced a 5% reduction from 2003 to 2009 (Greene & Mauer, 2010). The different drivers of change were:
– New York
○ Revision of Rockefeller drug laws to reduce mandatory sentences and use more community-based options.
○ Identification of individuals who can be involved in drug-treatment alternatives.
○ Good time credit incentives for inmates for participating in educational and vocational training and treatment.
– Michigan
○ Revision of 650 Lifer Law,6 elimination of mandatory minimums for drug offenses, and restructuring of community corrections to create incentives to target "straddle-cell" cases with intermediate sanctions.7
○ Identification of lower-risk individuals for intermediate sanctions and designation of two reentry prisons to help plan for future releases.
○ Establishment of Michigan prisoner reentry initiative, which implemented local services targeting aspects that make it difficult to reenter society.
– Kansas
○ Revision of sentencing guidelines to use treatment for drug possession, rather than prison, and elimination of sentence enhancements for prior convictions.
○ Provision of services in community setting to reduce rule violations.
○ Allocation of funds to community programs that strengthen neighborhoods, substance abuse and mental health treatments, and housing services.
– New Jersey
○ Allowance for "open pleas" in lower-level drug-free-zone cases.8
○ Use of risk assessments for individuals going onto parole, as well as use of daily reports and electronic monitoring for parolees.
○ Establishment of regional assessment centers that allow information to be given to parole boards on whether violators should be allowed to continue on parole. (For details on all four states, see Greene & Mauer, 2010.)
The common approaches used by the four states in targeting prison overcrowding and cost include using risk assessments, revising sentencing guidelines, and expanding sentencing options.
Taxman, Pattavina, and Caudy (2014) performed hypothetical simulations using the RNR methodology9 to assess how JRI treatment policies would affect individual offenders within a prison system. Their four measures included the availability rate, the participation rate, the access rate, and the responsivity rate (percentage of offenders with a specific need who can access services for that need) for each prison. In order to assess how the measures influenced recidivism, two different analyses were performed, an outcome-oriented analysis, which tested how re-arrest was influenced by expanding access to, and effectiveness of, treatment, and a process-oriented analysis, which tested how re-incarceration was affected by improving the quality of treatments and using risk/need assessments. The outcome-oriented analysis found that the more people who are treated, the stronger the effects are going to be (for example, increasing the percentage of inmates receiving treatment from 10% to 50% decreases the recidivism rate by 8%; Taxman et al., 2014). Additionally, as more people are exposed to treatment, it becomes more frequent within the prison, leading to an increase in the quality of treatment. In conjunction with the findings for the outcome-oriented analysis, the process-oriented analysis found that using the RNR tool, alone, reduced re-incarceration by 3.4% in 9 years (Taxman et al., 2014). If the quality of treatments improved, the reduction became 6.7% (Taxman et al., 2014). Overall, the results suggest that, as part of sentencing, making treatment options more available, coupled with matching the treatment to the specific needs of the individual, not only will enhance the reduction in recidivism, but also will accelerate the time it takes for the treatment to be effective. The analyses found that applying the risk/need framework eliminated one recidivist event for every five people, whereas the incarceration model eliminated one recidivist event for every 33 people. The JRI framework enhances change in recidivism.
Case Study: Texas
Fabelo (2010) compared California to Texas in terms of how prison overcrowding is addressed. California and Texas are extremely similar in terms of the size of their prison system: as of 2008, California had 173,320 inmates, whereas Texas had 173,232 inmates. Both states were operating at or over their limit; however, California spent four times the amount that Texas spent.
Texas had problems with prison overcrowding due to long sentences and increasing intakes into the system. Consistent with the previous literature discussed, the 300% increase in Texas's prison population from 1980 to 2005 was a direct result of probation revocations, lack of treatment and diversion programs, and low parole rates. In 2007, the state's political officials debated on spending half a billion dollars to build and operate new prisons. However, they decided against it, and instead decided to launch the Public Safety Performance Project. Texas allocated $241 million specifically for the use of diversion and treatment programs. This amount, plus the reductions spent on the construction and operation of prisons, resulted in net savings of $443.9 million (Fabelo, 2010). The legislation Texas implemented consisted of:
– Establishing maximum caseloads of 60 probationers/parolees per officer.10
– Reducing maximum probation terms from 10 years to 5 years for drug and property offenders.
– Providing funding for counties who use progressive sanctions for violators, which included the development of semi-incarceration and residential treatment programs for those who have difficulties on probation/parole.
– Expansion of drug and specialty courts to ensure that lower-risk offenders receive treatment instead of prison.
Aside from the monetary savings, the results of the legislation primarily affected lower-risk individuals. Fabelo (2010) compared recidivism rates for offenders before the legislation went into effect, during the transition period when the legislation was being put into effect, and after the legislation went into effect. He found the recidivism rates, overall, were 29%, 26%, and 24% for the three groups, respectively; however, when he specifically looked at lower-risk offenders, the numbers differed significantly: recidivism among lower-risk offenders was 26%, 10%, and 6% for the three periods, respectively (Fabelo, 2010).
Case Study: California
In May of 2011, the Supreme Court stated that California was in violation of the Eighth Amendment, with their prisons effectively being cruel and unusual punishment. The huge overcrowding in the California prison systems resulted in the lack of proper health care for the confined individuals. In response, California passed Assembly Bills 109 and 117, referred to as the realignment policy initiative. The legislation authorized California to divert and relocate thousands of low-level, nonserious, nonviolent offenders from state prisons to local jails and probation/parole programs, to allow local authorities to manage the individuals.11 The main goal of realignment is to decrease the use of state administered prisons and reduce the size of the prison population. In 2014, the citizens of California passed a ballot initiative, Proposition 47, which downgraded the sentencing of drug possession to a misdemeanor and authorized misdemeanor sentencing for petty theft. As a result of the realignment initiative, funding from the state was provided for local communities to enhance probation and parole services to manage the individuals released early from prison, as well as enhance treatment programs. Each county could exercise its own efforts to manage the population in the community and in the county, instead of a state prison.
Turner, Fain, and Hunt (2015) examined the impact of realignment on whether individual counties made changes to their corrections systems or if they continued to rely on state prisons. Twelve counties were studied: Alameda, Fresno, Kern, Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, Sacramento, San Bernardino, San Diego, San Francisco, Santa Clara, and Stanislaus counties. California's prison population decreased by 20.4% from FY 2009–2010 to FY 2012–2013.12 All 12 counties experienced decreased sentences to incarceration and decreases in standing prison populations from their counties. San Francisco experienced the biggest reductions, 52.1% and 33.7%, respectively, with the smallest reductions being in Fresno—20.3% for prison admissions—and Riverside—12.8% for standing prison population (Turner et al., 2015). Turner et al. noted that the local jail population for California increased by a total of 12% from June 2011 to June 2012. Funding from realignment was also used to enhance county services for education, employment, drug treatment, and mental health treatment for those in the community setting (Turner et al., 2015). Therefore, in the early years, realignment led to larger local jail populations, but after the passage of Proposition 47 (which reduced the sentencing of drug possession and petty theft to a misdemeanor), the jail populations declined.
Did realignment affect recidivism and crime rates? It was expected that realignment would influence recidivism rates by making available more resources from the state to expand local criminal justice services and to implement effective interventions. It was also anticipated that the local communities would be more vested in addressing individual needs to reduce recidivism.13 The percentage of persons on early release from state prison (referred to as AB 109) who committed a crime and returned to prison dropped 25 points (Bird & Grattet, 2016). The decrease also resulted in a 7% reduction in new intakes to prison from parole revocations (Bird & Grattet, 2016). The overall decreases in re-arrest and reconviction rates were not as substantial, with only a 2% reduction in recidivism, while the reconviction rate decreased by 1% for felonies and .2% for misdemeanors. These results suggest that the primary objective of realignment was accomplished, with the reduced numbers of people in state prisons. And, early release from prison reduced incarceration rate; the use of a variety of local sentencing options had no impact on violent or property crimes (Sundt, Salisbury, & Harmon, 2016); in the first year after realignment there was a minor impact on auto theft, but there were no long-term effects (Sundt, Salisbury, & Harmon, 2016).
Justice Reinvestment Initiatives Internationally
Internationally, there has not been nearly as much of an effort with JRI as there has been in the United States (Fox, Albertson, & Warburton, 2011), but the effort is growing. In particular, one study (Schwartz, 2010) looked at JRI for the incarcerated members of the indigenous population in Australia, and a pilot study of JRI was done in England (Wong et al., 2013).
Schwartz (2010) examined the incarceration rates for the indigenous population in Australia. The population is imprisoned at a rate of 1,891 per 100,000, as compared to the rate of 136 per 100,000 of the non-indigenous population, and 73% of the indigenous prisoners have prior criminal justice experience (Schwartz, 2010). One of the main reasons why members of the indigenous population are so heavily concentrated in the prison system is that 25% live in remote locations, where community supervision is extremely difficult. In addition, there is very little public support for the indigenous population. They are social outcasts, and, as Schwartz (2010) states, public support is crucial for the JRI policies to work, as was shown in Kansas and in Oregon with the juvenile offender initiative (Council of State Governments Justice Center, 2010; Tucker & Cadora, 2003).14
In England, Wong et al. (2013) assessed a local justice reinvestment initiative using interviews, focus groups, and workshops. The JRI initiative they studied rewarded partners if they reduced the demand on criminal justice services by 5% for adults and 10% for juveniles. From their qualitative assessments, Wong et al. found that only one of the six sites, Manchester, experienced any benefit from the initiative. In Manchester, the project managers provided narratives to help stakeholders buy into the project, used the best available data to make decisions, and had cooperation from numerous agencies (Wong et al., 2013), which was not the case in the other areas. In the other five sites, efforts to improve the process were modeled on what worked in Manchester and included: better reinforcing incentives, better leadership, better communication of the goals and aims, better performance management, use of the best evidence available, and integration of all agencies involved (Wong et al., 2013). More work is needed to see what type of sentencing options can be developed and implemented.
In the 1990s, the concept of alternatives to incarceration or graduated sanctions gained favor as a strategy to expand sentencing between prison and probation. The push to expand the probation-plus options was aimed at enhancing the punitiveness of probation as well as giving new options to avoid incarceration. In that era, the concept of shock incarceration/boot camps, day reporting programs, probation with numerous required mandates, treatment with sanctions, and other variations of identifying needs that could be diverted to treatment programs were tested with varying success. Programs were designed and tested, but lack of funding and available resources limited the options. Even so, in the first decade of the 21st century, a survey of jails, prisons, and community corrections reported that around 10% of the correctional population could take advantage of the programming and sentencing options (Taxman, Perdoni, & Harrison, 2007). Drug treatment courts were developed for drug offenders but, even with available funding, less than 3% of the estimated drug-involved offenders participated in specialized courts (Taxman, Perdoni, & Harrsion, 2007), demonstrating the great challenges of shifting populations into an array of sentences. One drawback was that alternatives to incarceration were still considered alternatives—sending a symbolic message that they are not necessarily legitimate sanctions.
Justice reinvestment offered the political coverage to expand the use of a broad array of correctional options as sentencing alternatives, with the emphasis on legislation that altered the "incarceration/not" rules. JRI initiatives focused on reducing the intake to prison, which included downgrading the sentences for some offenders and altering how probation and parole revocations are handled—both efforts aimed at reducing intake into prison/jails (incarceration) and at using community options to address the offenders. JRI-related efforts have not drastically affected the length of sentence for most offenders, except in a few states that have downgraded sentence structures for drug offenders who are treatment eligible to semi-incarceration settings, probation with treatment, or other treatment options. Nevertheless, JRI efforts have also served to improve the acceptability of "alternatives to incarceration" as rightful sentences that align with sociopolitical dynamics in reform states. Sociopolitical acceptability lays the groundwork for longer-term use of a broader range of sentences and perhaps reduction of sentence lengths.
A pressing need is the development and maintenance of consensus among policymakers (LaVigne et al., 2014). With the quick turnover in political offices, results need to be immediate; if results do not occur quickly, funding or even the entire initiative may be revoked. While more than half of the 50 states have used JRI, and almost all have seen some kind of benefit in the short term, longer-term concerns are whether funding will be available to develop community-based services and whether individuals will be placed into these options instead of traditional incarceration.
The concept of alternatives to incarceration is morphing into sentencing options, options that are legitimate and that draw upon the broad variety of sanctions needed to adequately punish (and treat) the offenders. The proposed risk/need framework integrates objective, standardized tools into the decision-making framework so that judges and others are guided by three questions:
1. What is the likelihood that an individual will recidivate for a serious crime?
2. What underlying needs affect the individual's involvement in criminal behavior and are they amenable to treatment?
3. What combination of restrictions is needed to facilitate punishment and to change the behavior of the individual?
Table 1 presents a vision of sentencing where the risk and needs are combined to provide the most suitable sentence, and restrictions are used interchangeably to tailor the sentence to the individual. In a nutshell, this model embraces proportionality and parsimony in the sentencing framework. In many ways, it also tries to integrate the concept of citizenship—maintaining a concern for preserving the positive role of the individual in the sentencing process. It also serves to hold the system accountable for using the least restrictive means that can beneficial to the individual. The end result is justice served.
Further Reading
Bonta, J., & Motiuk, L. L. (1985). Utilization of an interview-based classification instrument: A study of correctional halfway houses. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 12(3), 333–352.Find this resource:
Clear, T. R. (2011). A private-sector, incentives-based model for justice reinvestment. Criminology & Public Policy, 10(3), 585–608.Find this resource:
Council of State Governments. (2010a). About the project. Council of State Governments Justice Center. Lexington, Kentucky. Retrieved from https://csgjusticecenter.org/jr/about/.Find this resource:
Council of State Governments. (2010b). Connecticut overview. Council of State Governments Justice Center. Lexington, Kentucky. Retrieved from https://csgjusticecenter.org/jr/ct/.Find this resource:
Council of State Governments. (2010c). Texas justice reinvestment. Council of State Governments Justice Center. Lexington, Kentucky. Retrieved from https://csgjusticecenter.org/jr/tx/.Find this resource:
Cullen, F. T., Jonson, C. L., & Nagin, D. S. (2011). Prisons do not reduce recidivism: The high cost of ignoring science. The Prison Journal 1, 48S–65S.Find this resource:
Friedmann, P. D., Taxman, F. S., & Henderson, C. (2007). Evidence-based treatment practices for drug-involved adults in the criminal justice system. Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 32(3), 267–277.Find this resource:
Henggeler, S. W., & Schoenwald, S. K. (1994). Boot camps for juvenile offenders: Just say no. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 3(3), 243–248.Find this resource:
Latessa, E., & Allen, H. E. (1982). Halfway houses and parole: A national assessment. Journal of Criminal Justice, 10(2), 153–163.Find this resource:
Lipsey, M. W., & Cullen, F. T. (2007). The effectiveness of correctional rehabilitation: A review of systematic reviews. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 3, 297–320.Find this resource:
Ohio Department of Youth Services. (2010). RECLAIM Ohio. Ohio Department of Youth Services. Colombus, Ohio. Retrieved from http://dys.ohio.gov/Community-Programs/RECLAIM/RECLAIM-Ohio.Find this resource:
Petersilia, J., & Turner, S. (1990). Comparing intensive and regular supervision for high-risk probationers: Early results from an experiment in California. Crime & Delinquency, 36(1), 87–111.Find this resource:
Renzema, M., & Mayo-Wilson, E. (2005). Can electronic monitoring reduce crime for moderate to high-risk offenders? Journal of Experimental Criminology, 1(2), 215–237.Find this resource:
Taxman, F. S., & Pattavina, A. (2013). Simulation strategies to reduce recidivism: Risk need responsivity (RNR) modeling in the criminal justice system. New York: Springer.Find this resource:
Taxman, F. S., Perdoni, M., & Harrison, L. (2007). Drug treatment services for adult offenders: The state of the state. Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 32(3), 239–254.Find this resource:
Wilson, D. B., MacKenzie, D. L., & Mitchell, F. N. (2005). Effects of correctional boot camps on offending. Campbell Systematic Reviews, 1(6). Oslo, Norway.Find this resource:
Alper, M. E., & Ruhland, E. L. (2016). Probation revocation and its causes: Profiles of state and local jurisdictions. Minneapolis, MN: Robina Institute of Criminal Law & Criminal Justice.Find this resource:
Bird, M., & Grattet, R. (2016). Realignment and recidivism. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 664(1), 176–195.Find this resource:
Bonta, J., & Motiuk, L. L. (1987). The diversion of incarcerated offenders to correctional halfway houses. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 24(4), 302–323.Find this resource:
Bonta, J., & Motiuk, L. L. (1990). Classification to halfway houses: A quasi-experimental evaluation. Criminology, 28(3), 497–506.Find this resource:
Bonta, J., Wallace-Capretta, S., & Rooney, J. (2000). Can electronic monitoring make a difference? An evaluation of three Canadian programs. Crime & Delinquency, 46(1), 61–75.Find this resource:
Bottcher, J., & Ezell, M. E. (2005). Examining the effectiveness of boot camps: A randomized experiment with a long-term follow up. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 42(3), 309–332.Find this resource:
Byrne, J. M. (1990). The future of intensive probation supervision and the new intermediate sanctions. Crime & Delinquency, 36(1), 6–41.Find this resource:
Corbett, R. (2016). The Burdens of Leniency: The Changing Face of Probation. Minnesota Law Review, 99, 697–1733.Find this resource:
Council of State Governments Justice Center. (2010) Work in the states: Kansas. Council of State Governments Justice Center. Lexington, Kentucky. Taken from http://www.justicereinvestment.org/states/kansas/howks/quantify-ks.Find this resource:
Council of State Governments Justice Center. (2016). States receiving technical assistance from the CSG Justice Center. Council of State Governments Justice Center. Lexington, Kentucky. Retrieved from https://csgjusticecenter.org/jr/.Find this resource:
United States Department of Justice. (2016). Justice reinvestment initiative. Office of Justice Programs: Bureau of Justice Assistance. Retrieved from https://www.bja.gov/programs/justicereinvestment/what_is_jri.html.Find this resource:
United States Department of Justice. (2016). Justice reinvestment initiative maximizing state reforms. Office of Justice Programs: Bureau of Justice Assistance. Retrieved from https://www.bja.gov/funding/JRImaximizing.pdf.
Fabelo, T. (2010). Texas justice reinvestment: Be more like Texas? Justice Research and Policy, 12(1), 113–131.Find this resource:
Finckenauer, J., Gavin, P. W., Hovland, A., & Storvoll, E. (2012). Scared straight: The panacea phenomenon revisited. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.Find this resource:
Finn, M. A., & Muirhead-Steves, S. (2002). The effectiveness of electronic monitoring with violent male parolees. Justice Quarterly, 19(2), 293–312.Find this resource:
Fox, C., Albertson, K., & Warburton, F. (2011). Justice reinvestment: Can it deliver more for less? The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 50(2), 119–136.Find this resource:
Franke, D., Bierie, D., & MacKenzie, D. L. (2009). Legitimacy in Corrections. Criminology & Public Policy, 9(1), 89–117.Find this resource:
Freeman, B., & Frierson, R. L. (2009). Court-mandated, long acting psychotropic medication as a condition of supervised release. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 37(2), 268–270.Find this resource:
Gainey, R. R., Payne, B. K., & O'Toole, M. (2000). The relationships between time in jail, time on electronic monitoring, and recidivism: An event history analysis of a jail-based program. Justice Quarterly, 17(4), 733–752.Find this resource:
Gendreau, P., Goggin, C., Cullen, F. T., & Andrews, D. A. (2000). The effects of community sanctions and incarceration on recidivism. Forum on Corrections Research, 12(2), 10–13. Correctional Service of Canada.Find this resource:
Greene, J., & Mauer, M. (2010). Downscaling prisons: Lessons from four states. Washington, DC: The Sentencing Project.Find this resource:
Hartman, D. J., Friday, P. C., & Minor, K. I. (1994). Residential probation: A seven-year follow-up study of halfway house discharges. Journal of Criminal Justice, 22(6), 503–515.Find this resource:
Human Rights Watch. (2014). Profiting from probation. "Offender-funded" probation industry. New York: Human Rights Watch. Available at https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/02/05/profiting-probation/americas-offender-funded-probation-industry.
James, J., & Agha, S. (2013). Justice reinvestment in action: the Delaware model. New York: Vera Institute of Justice.Find this resource:
LaVigne, N., Bieler, S., Cramer, L., Ho, H., Kotonias, C., Mayer, D., . . . Samuels, J. (2014). Justice reinvestment initiative state assessment report. Washington, DC: Urban Institute.Find this resource:
Lowenkamp, C., Latessa, E. J., & Holsinger, A. M. (2006). The risk principle in action: What have we learned from 13,676 offenders and 97 correctional programs. Crime & Delinquency, 52(1), 77–93.Find this resource:
MacKenzie, D. L. (2006). What Works in Corrections: Reducing the Criminal Activities of Offenders and Delinquents? New York: Cambridge University Press.Find this resource:
MacKenzie, D. L., Wilson, D. B., Armstrong, G. S., & Gover, A. R. (2001). The impact of boot camps and traditional institutions on juvenile residents: Perceptions, adjustment, and change. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 38(3), 279–313.Find this resource:
MacKenzie, D. L., Wilson, D. B., & Kider, S. B. (2001). Effects of correctional boot camps on offending. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 578(1), 126–143.Find this resource:
Marciniak, L. M. (2000). Addition of day reporting to intensive supervision probation: A comparison of recidivism rates. Federal Probation, 64, 34.Find this resource:
Mears, D. P., & Bales, W. D. (2009). Supermax incarceration and recidivism. Criminology, 47(4), 1131–1166.Find this resource:
Mitchell, O. J., Wilson, D. B., Eggers, A., & MacKenzie, D. L. (2012). Assessing the effectiveness of drug courts on recidivism: A meta-analytic review of traditional and non-traditional drug courts. Journal of Criminal Justice, 40, 60–71.Find this resource:
Morris, N., & Tonry, M. (1991). Between prison and probation: Intermediate punishments in a rational sentencing system. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Nagin, D. S., Cullen, F. T., & Jonson, C. L. (2009). Imprisonment and Reoffending. In M. Tonry (Ed.), Crime and Justice: An Annual Review of Research (Vol. 38). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Find this resource:
Padgett, K. G., Bales, W. D., & Blomberg, T. G. (2006). Under surveillance: An empirical test of the effectiveness and consequences of electronic monitoring. Criminology & Public Policy, 5(1), 61–91.Find this resource:
Petersilia, J., & Deschenes, E. (1994). Perceptions of punishment: Inmates and staff rank the severity of prison versus intermediate sanctions. The Prison Journal, 74(3), 306–328.Find this resource:
Petersilia, J., & Turner, S. (1991). An evaluation of intensive probation in California. The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (1973–), 82(3), 610–658.Find this resource:
Petersilia, J., & Turner, S. (1993). Evaluating intensive supervision probation/parole: Results of a nationwide experiment. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice.Find this resource:
Petersilia, J., & Turner, S. (1993). Intensive probation and parole. Crime and Justice, 17, 281–335.Find this resource:
Schwartz, M. (2010). Building communities, not prisons: Justice reinvestment and indigenous over-representation. AILR, 14(1).Find this resource:
Sechrest, D. K. (1989). Prison boot camps do not measure up. Federal Probation, 53, 15.Find this resource:
Sundt, J., Salisbury, E. J., & Harmon, M. G. (2016). The effect of California's realignment act on public safety. Criminology and Public Policy, 15(2), 1–27.Find this resource:
Sung, L., & Lieb, R. (1993). Recidivism: The effect of incarceration and length of time served. Olympia, WA: Washington State Institute for Public Policy.Find this resource:
Taxman, F. S., Pattavina, A., & Caudy, M. (2014). Justice reinvestment in the United States: An empirical assessment of the potential impact of increased correctional programming on recidivism. Victims & Offenders, 9(1), 50–75.Find this resource:
Taxman, F. S. (2012). Probation, intermediate sanctions, and community-based corrections. In J. Petersilia & K. Reitz (Eds.), Oxford handbook on sentencing and corrections (pp. 363–388). New York: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Di Tella, R., & Schargrodsky, E. (2013). Criminal recidivism after prison and electronic monitoring. Journal of Political Economy, 121(1), 28–73.Find this resource:
Tucker, S., & Cadora, E. (2003). From prisons to parks in Oregon. Open Society Institute Occasional Papers, 3(3), 6.Find this resource:
Turner, S., Fain, T., & Hunt, S. (2015). Public safety realignment in twelve California counties. Santa Monica, California: Rand Corporation.Find this resource:
Turner, S., Petersilia, J., & Deschenes, E. P. (1992). Evaluating intensive supervision probation/parole (ISP) for drug offenders. Crime & Delinquency, 38(4), 539–556.Find this resource:
Watts, A. L. (2016). Probation in-depth: The length of probation sentences. Minneapolis, MN: Robina Institute of Criminal Law & Criminal Justice.Find this resource:
Wong, K., Meadows, L., Warburton, F., Webb, S., Young, H., & Barraclough, N. (2013). The development and year one implementation of the local justice reinvestment pilot. Project report. Ministry of Justice. London.Find this resource:
(3.) For more information on any or all of these specific states, visit https://csgjusticecenter.org/jr/.
(4.) Taken from: https://www.bja.gov/funding/JRImaximizing.pdf.
(5.) Taken from: https://www.bja.gov/funding/JRImaximizing.pdf.
(6.) The 650 Lifer Law imposed life sentences for drug offenses of over 650 grams, regardless of prior offense history.
(7.) There are three types of "cells." The most serious receives prison, the least serious receives a noncustodial penalty, and the "straddle cell" allows the judge to choose either prison or intermediate sanction.
(8.) These are cases where the individual was in possession of drugs within 100 feet of a drug-free school zone or within 500 feet of a public park, a public building, or public housing.
(9.) RNR tool stands for Risk, Needs, and Responsivity tool. It is an assessment to identify an individual's risks and needs that need to be targeted.
(10.) Texas Legislature, House Bill 3736, "An Act Relating to Establishing Parole Officer Maximum Caseloads," enacted 2007.
(12.) Dropped from 167,176 inmates to 133,217 inmates.
(13.) Sending revocations to prison was rescinded under realignment.
(14.) Juvenile Offender Initiative placed juveniles on community supervision and partnered with organizations like Habitat for Humanity. The initiative gained substantial public support due to actively helping the community.


text:
FH+H attorneys assist, counsel, and represent clients in prosecuting, maintaining, and protecting non-patent intellectual property—domestically and internationally.
Services + Solutions
Our trademark, copyright, and trade secret team can help clients:
- Identify and classify intellectual property and determine appropriate protection strategies.
- File and prosecute domestic and international trademark applications, maintain registrations, and protect trademarks in dilution or infringement actions.
- Identify and register copyrightable materials and protect copyrights in litigation, with a special focus on software and digital media.
- Identify trade secrets, determine appropriate protection strategies, and protect trade secrets in litigation.
- Register and protect Internet domain names and litigate ICANN UDRP claims.
Experience + Capabilities
- FH+H attorneys have decades of collective experience in all aspects of non-patent intellectual property law, not only in counseling and representing clients in the registration process, but also in prosecuting and defending against claims of trademark and copyright infringement, unfair competition, misappropriation of trade secrets, and domain name disputes.
- FH+H maintains a trademark portfolio for numerous clients, including clients with multiple international registrations.
- FH+H attorneys have a specialized capability to protect client's intellectual property in secured environments. Six FH+H attorneys hold active security clearances.
- FH+H attorneys have represented clients in trade secrets litigation in courts and arbitrations throughout the country.
Successes + Clients
Note: Case results depend on a variety of unique factors, and do not guarantee or predict similar results for future cases.
- Represented a major Internet service provider in actions involving the application of the safe harbor provisions of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, resulting in landmark case law.
- Defended an individual who shares his name with a large clothing manufacturer in a major domain name dispute.
- Represented a goods manufacturer with a global market in obtaining international trademark protection in dozens of countries.
- Defended a large online advertising company against a coalition of major news websites in an action involving copyright, trademarks, trade secrets, and unfair competition.
To learn more about how FH+H lawyers can help with your trademark, copyright, and trade secret needs, please contact one of our professionals.


text:
Temperatures have finally reached seasonal norms in the Northeast, but the damage of a warmer-than-usual November and December has cost retailers. Warm weather cost stores $572 million in sales between Nov. 1 and Dec. 31 compared with the same period last year, according to Planalytics, which provides weather analytics for businesses. Much of those dollars came from winter apparel and accessories such as parkas, coats, hats and sweaters, which have now been heavily marked down.
Experts predict the discounting will only continue as stores try to move out cold weather merchandise to make room for spring inventory, which should arrive next month.
"It's one of the few times where you can see a clearance sale for most retailers where they have all the styles, all the colors, all the sizes available," said Steve Osburn, a retail strategist at consultancy Kurt Salmon. He noted that most retailers don't have warehouse space to hold back spring inventory. "Even if the consumer was willing to pay higher prices for winter goods later in the season, retailers just don't have any space to hold the stuff once it shows up."
While that could mean good news for bargain-hunting consumers—Gap boasts a winter sale of 75% off on its homepage, for example—it means even more margin loss for the already struggling apparel sector.
Furthermore, most clothiers have done little to inspire the consumer with fresh trends and must-have items. "Retailers have not done their job in providing newness, novelty and fashion," said Richard Jaffe, a retail analyst at Stifel Nicolaus, on a recent conference call. "As a result, sales have suffered."
Overall, retail sales for the holiday season were up 7.9% over last year, according to MasterCard SpendingPulse, with the bulk of spending coming from furniture and e-commerce. The latter category grew 20% over last year. Yet Mr. Osburn cautioned that while e-commerce is a fast-growing category, its gains don't necessarily translate to more profit for stores. Promises to consumers, such as free shipping, often lead to higher shipping expenses for brands.
"Retailers are going to continue to struggle with profitability as online volume grows," said Mr. Osburn.


text: http://www.pandigital.net/android This was sent to all the Pandigital owners... but NOTHING was sent to the NC owners ???? Did they get the UPDATE market first ? Barnes & Noble and Pandigital are proud to announce the addition of ANDROID ™ Media Tablet Functionality to the Pandigital Novel family of Color Multimedia eReaders. In addition to the new and improved User Interface, you'll be able to enjoy these powerful features: •An intuitive eReader application with instant access to premium books, magazines and newspapers. •Easy access to additional ANDROID™ Apps. •Increased productivity with Office Suite reader and the ability to open documents, spreadsheets, presentations and more.


text:
Tuesday, October 16, 2018
Movie News
Cast Interviews
Movie Pictures
Trailer Videos
Upcoming Movies
New Releases
Popular Movies
Actors Actresses
Movie Reviews
TV Shows
Editors Choice
Hollywood Movies, Trailers, Pictures, News & DVDs
Patricia Clarkson
Birth Name:
Patricia Davies Clarkson
Birth Date:
December 29, 1959
Birth Place:
New Orleans, Louisiana, United States
About Patricia Clarkson
(Click Here To Hide)
Patricia Clarkson News
Topher Grace heads Home in new thriller
Topher Grace is set to star in supernatural thriller 'Home'. The 'That 70s Show' actor is in talks to appear in Dennis Iliadis' - best known for directing the 2009 remake of 'The...
Justin Timberlake wants more work with Will Gluck
Justin Timberlake wants to make "plenty" of films with director Will Gluck. The actor-and-singer has praised the filmmaker after working with him on 'Friends with Benefits', which...
Danny Boyle gets BFI Fellowship
Danny Boyle is to receive a British Film Institute Fellowship. The Oscar-winning director - whose new movie '127 Hours' closes this year's London Film Festival - has been bestowed...
Alex Rodriguez to debut acting skills
Baseball star Alex Rodriguez is to make his acting debut. The sportsman - who has been linked to Hollywood leading ladies Cameron Diaz, Kate Hudson and Madonna - has signed up to...
See more articles »
Patricia Clarkson Photos
See more photos »
Video News and Trailers!
The 5th Wave Trailer
Hunter King Interview for A Girl Like Her
Kung Fu Panda 3 - Trailer 2 (2:31)
No fan sites added yet
Zacks Media 2010-2018 ©
Terms and Conditions
Press Releases


text:
hello, barcelona. nice meeting you for the first time.
love the vintage tee
very nice blazer
this girl is very beautiful… like her really clean style too! from her hair, her blazer to the skinny jeans. very neat silhouette.
outside the catedral. guy: nice green pants. gal: the color of her hair looks good on her.
not irrelevant. we all need *L*O*V*E*~


text:
JOHANNESBURG - Business confidence in South Africa saw a marginal increase in the third quarter of the year but still remained in a subdued territory with seven out of the ten respondents having remained unsatisfied with business conditions in the country.
This is according to the Rand Merchant Bank/Bureau Economic Research Business Confidence Index (BCI) released today. The BCI increased by 6 points to 34 points after plunging from 40 to 29 in the second quarter- its lowest level since the 2009 financial crisis.
RMB chief economist Ettienne le Roux today said that while the small increase in the quarter is encouraging, the improvement must be seen in the broader context of continued weak domestic demand, subdued business activity, low profitability heightened political uncertainty.
"This is not the environment in which the economy is about to experience a resurgence. In fact, the more likely scenario is one where GDP growth remains stuck at around 1 percent over the short to medium term, hamstrung by lacklustre private sector fixed investment and jobs growth," le Roux says.
The BCI is made up of five sectoral indices, namely that of manufacturers, building contractors, retailers, wholesalers and new vehicle dealers.
The BCI in the quarter under review saw sentiment improve both in the manufacturing and the motor trade from the heavily depressed levels recorded in the second quarter- with confidence among manufacturers rebounding from 16 to a still low 27.
New vehicle dealers' confidence bounced back, rising from 11 to 19 in the third quarter as sales volumes saw an uptick. Building confidence rose from 36 to 44, while retailer's confidence edging up from 35 to 38 and the wholesale sector confidence declined just one index point to 48.
Business confidence can vary between 0 and 100, where 0 indicates an extreme lack of confidence, 50 neutrality, and 100 extreme confidence.
Macroeconomics website Trading Economics said that Business Confidence in South Africa averaged 44.76 from 1975 until 2017, reaching an all time high of 91 in the third quarter of 1980 and a record low of 10.20 in the third quarter of 1985.
Roux says tinkering around the policy edges is no longer an option if business confidence in the country was to show a marked improvement.
"In this regard, concrete moves towards effectively governed state owned enterprises, skills advancement and quality education, improved immigration policies and less red tape, to name but a few measures, would be a good start."


text:
The oneQ2 studio channel from Joemeek builds on the outstanding audio quality of the sixQ2 to bring added versatility to both project and professiona...Click To Read More About This Product
Bring it on the one with the oneQ2 from Joemeek
The oneQ2 studio channel from Joemeek builds on the outstanding audio quality of the sixQ2 to bring added versatility to both project and professional studios. Designed around a transformer-based mic input and the classic Joemeek optical compressor, the oneQ2 adds musical four-band EQ, harmonic enhancer, and a versatile de-esser to give you full vintage vibe plus the ability to output 24-bit/96kHz digital audio to your DAW. It's the perfect way for project studios to add some major sonic muscle and for larger studios to offer a broader range of options to customers.
Joemeek Q series studio channels provided ultra-clean, world-class mic pres combined with amazingly musical EQ, built-in high-quality digital converters, a unique ˜IRON' transformer-coupling switch to add some special sonic coloration and the famous Joemeek optical compressor. The Q2 series offers several upgrades from the original spec with a new top-quality Cinemag mic transformer, more headroom, and the ability to route the line input through the mic transformer for the type of euphonic effects that only come from finely tuned audio components.
Hear the difference a great studio channel can make. Order yours today.
Our product catalog varies by country due to manufacturer restrictions. If you change the Ship-To country, some or all of the items in your cart may not ship to the new destination.


text: Here is a question for parents with teenagers about how to use the parental controls properly on iTunes with an iPodTouch. In our case we have a young teenager and want to restrict him to PG13 movies, music that doesn't have explicit lyrics and 14+ applications. But I made a mistake when initially setting up his account in using his own e-mail account and password. So we do plan on fixing that, and using an e-mail account that we control. Anyway, here are a set of questions. #1) What is the best way to have the parents controls on what the kids can download on iTunes, but provide with them perhaps via a gift card the ability to select among that content what they want. #2) I'm not very happy with the US rating system, where a PG-13 movie can have a an extreme amount of violence in it (i.e. Dark Knight) and yet a movie like "Witness" starring Harrison Ford gets an R rating. Does anyone know of other countries that have better rating systems. Is it possible to have iTunes use the rating systems of different countries. (Maybe part of this question is outside the macrumors domain) #3) Are there any good sources of information for parents about using iTunes/iPod?


text:
Franz Liszt used the chorale Ad nos, ad salutarem undam, originally from Giacomo Meyerbeer's opera Le Prophète, as the basis for a Fantasia and Fugue. The "Prophet Fugue", as he called it, is one of the most impressive works of a secular character in organ literature. Marcel Dupré, one of the great 20th century masters of the organ, arranged it highly effectively for orchestra; it was considered lost until it was rediscovered and performed again in 2007.
The Deutsche Radio Philharmonie and Martin Haselböck will record Ad nos, ad salutarem undam for a forthcoming cpo CD. In addition, a film of the concert is being made for the German/French culture TV station ARTE.
Franz Liszt/Marcel Dupré:
Ad nos, ad salutarem undam
fantasia and fugue on the Anabaptist's chorale from Giacomo Meyerbeers opera Le Prophète
for organ and orchestra
Deutsche Radio Philharmonie, cond.
Martin Haselböck, Christian Schmitt, org
09/01/2012 Luxemburg, Philharmonie
13/01/2012 Saarbrücken, Philharmonie


text:
The shortest distance between two points may be a straight line. But for years, curved dirt paths, linking bamboo and palm-leaf homes around a patch of communal land suited the people of Prov village.
"But the commune chief told us to build in a straight line along the road," says Kampring Chalik, an elder in Prov, where villagers still make the sunrise-to-sunset walks to market on foot. "I like this way better. It's the way developed villages do it."
Despite the lingering legacy of decades of civil unrest, including four years under the brutal 1975-79 Khmer Rouge regime responsible for the deaths of more than a million Cambodians, the growing climate of peace that has settled over much of the country has come to Ratanakkiri Province.
The government is building more than 125 miles of roads linking the districts within Ratanakkiri, as well as the districts to the national road by next year. "The road is the first priority to develop indigenous people's living standard," says Kham Khoeun, provincial governor.
But some nongovernmental aid workers worry that stretches of new highway will result in a loss of traditional life in hundreds of villages. "Roads will really open their lands up to the market economy," says John McAndrew, of International Cooperation for Development and Solidarity. "It starts with simple trading of goods, but then comes land sales. That can be really debilitating to these traditional communities."
Last July, advocates for the hill tribes won government recognition of communal land rights in a proposed law that is being reviewed by the Ministry of Land Use Management. It is aimed at solving land disputes that have recently erupted all over Cambodia, with villagers claiming that powerful military and government officials and businessmen have been forcing them from their lands. But lawmakers also inserted an amendment allowing for the acquisition of indigenous lands under certain conditions - such as building roads.
Many villagers don't have trouble with that. "I've been trying for a long time to get my villagers to live in a straight line along the road," says villager Preng Try. "It makes it easier to communicate."
"The children will be able to go to school to get a better education, and the patients will be able to go to the hospital, or the ambulance will be able to get to the remote villages to pick them up," says Gov. Kham Khoeun.
Min Muny, provincial program manager for the UN group Carere, disagrees: "The roads are gold to developers. But they're pretty worthless to others until they have services."
A drive on National Road 78, which runs from Vietnam in the east to the western provinces of Cambodia, reveals extensive deforestation. In the past, any villagers who sold land risked being thrown out of the village, or faced other repercussions, say aid workers. With the population of the region beginning to grow, and land prices in the city on the rise, newcomers and residents from the provincial center of Banlung are looking for land outside the city.
"In more remote villages ... everyone was still working together because the pressure to sell land wasn't so strong," says Mr. McAndrew. But in less-isolated villages, people were selling land without talking to the village chief, and even the village chief was selling."
"Pushing the villagers to live along roads will break their communal will, their communal consciousness," says a representative of Non-Timber Forest Products, an environmental group in Ratanakkiri. Then, "the land is up for grabs."
In Prov village, rearranged three years ago along the road, people have moved away from communal land use toward individual entitlements. Kampring Chalik sits crouched on a slim piece of wood, looking as comfortable as if he were sitting in an overstuffed armchair. "I'm happy to see this development and the situation changing in the village," he says. But like some in his community, Kampring Chalik is not certain how living in straight lines along a road will help his village right now.
(c) Copyright 2000. The Christian Science Publishing Society


text:
Colorado Daycare Investigated After Toddlers Wander Off
An Aurora daycare center will likely receive a misdemeanor citation for child abuse after a father spotted his young son and another child wandering around a busy intersection with no supervision.
The incident was reported to police at around 6:20 p.m. on Monday after the father saw the children near South Peoria Street and East Cornell Avenue – not far from the Rising Stars Daycare.
The father told police he put the two children in his car and drove them back to the daycare. Neither child was injured.
Daycare employees told police the kids ran away while they were taking out the trash,
but weren't able to catch them by the time the father spotted them.
Social services were notified about the incident, as per protocol.
The Colorado Office of Early Childhood says the state has received a complaint about the daycare and is launching an investigation.
Source: 9News Denver


text:
Abd al Kuri euphorbia
B620/0117 Rights Managed
530 pixels on longest edge, unwatermarked
Request/Download high-res file
Uncompressed file size: 50.0MB
Downloadable file size: 6.9MB
Please login to use the price calculator
This image is part of the feature Socotra
Credit: DICCON ALEXANDER/SCIENCE PHOTO LIBRARY
Release details: Model release not required. Property release not required.
Keywords: abd al kuri, angiosperm, angiosperms, arid adapted, botanical, botany, endemic, endemism, euphorbia abdelkuri, island, nature, plant, socotra, soqotra, succulent plants, unique, yemen, yemeni
Licence fees: A licence fee will be charged for any media (low or high resolution) used in your project.


text:
... doesn't seem to help verses when i end up in the hospital with migraine and they give it through iv it helps right away? Any ideas?
Is there a difference between generic dilaudid and brand? It seems when I take it in pill form it?
- Asked
- 5 Oct 2010 by endogirl21
- Updated
- 5 October 2010
- Topics
- dilaudid, migraine, pain, generic
Responses (2)
dm is right. When given through an IV and/or injection, it works much faster and your system will get the full dose. Unlike the pill form that takes longer and the full amount of the drug is not absorbed in your system.
Take care and hope your headaches improve. Migraines are a horrible condition to deal with.
Best wishes to you,
Further Information
- Dilaudid Information for Consumers
- Dilaudid Information for Healthcare Professionals (includes dosage details)
- Side Effects of Dilaudid (detailed)
Search for questions
Still looking for answers? Try searching for what you seek or ask your own question.
Similar Questions
Dilaudid - Is 8 mg of the generic equal to 8 mg of the brand name?
Posted 3 Feb 2012 • 2 answers
I got IV Dilaudid it helped immensely is there A generic brand that would work just as well?
Posted 4 May 2013 • 1 answer
Is hydromorphone er available in generic form yet? I read somewhere it is supposed to be available?
Posted 24 Jul 2014 • 1 answer
How can I find out the real difference between the generic and the brand name of my medications?
Posted 14 Nov 2014 • 1 answer
What is the difference between generic pain pills and name brand?
Posted 6 Mar 2015 • 3 answers


text:
DCO Networking Day - June 22nd, 2018
Distress and Crisis Ontario / Détresse et Crise Ontario
Friday, June 22, 2018 from 10:30 AM to 4:00 PM
Event Details
When & Where
Oakville Golf Club
1154 Sixth Line
Friday, June 22, 2018 from 10:30 AM to 4:00 PM
Add to my calendar
Distress and Crisis Ontario / Détresse et Crise Ontario
30 Duke Street West, Suite 1016, Kitchener, ON N2H 3W5
DCO is a provincial association and network that leads, promotes and builds the capacity of community based agencies engaged in activities related to suicide prevention, crisis intervention and improving the quality of life for Ontarians. Our vision is to foster and maintain an environment where the social fabric of Ontario is supported and no Ontarian in emotional distress suffers in silence.
We work to be accountable to our funders, and our Board and staff are committed to maintaining transparency in decision making. We work collaboratively with our member centres and our success will be measured by our ability to forge and sustain new partnerships with similar agencies and organizations. We welcome and celebrate the unique and distinct talents our member organizations bring to DCO and are committed to dealing with current and future members with dignity and respect.
DCO is a credible and fair organization that can be trusted to successfully represent the needs of its members. We are passionately committed to being the tireless central voice for distress, crisis and suicide prevention organizations within Ontario.