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Elevator Modernization Consultation
If you would like a free consultation from Bay State Elevator and think it is time for elevator modernization, we can help you with all the options available for your new unit. Please fill out the form below and we will arrange an appointment.
Not just an elevator modernization company…
… We are your partner. Bay State Elevator will gladly perform a detailed needs survey and develop a short and long term capital needs production budget for each of your elevators; at no cost to you. We have a wide variety of product solutions to offer you that meet your operational, performance, safety, and financial needs. We provide both TKE (ThyssenKrupp Elevator) Factory engineered products and also a wide variety of vendor products such as MCE (Motion Control Engineering), GAL, PTL Equipment fixtures, and many others. We will determine best your needs and address these needs either comprehensively or incrementally on a phased approach.
Not sure if you need to modernize? Read more here as to why you should modernize.


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Contact Us
Office Hours: 9 am - 7 pm
Do You Have A Specific Issue Or Need?
In the list below, we've provided you with multiple channels to best serve you.
- Are you having a medical emergency? Call 911 and 706-754-1037
- Do you have a question about booking or your stay? Click here to read the answers to the most commonly asked questions.
- Are you staying with us and have an issue or need to report something? Click here to submit an issue or call us at 770-952-4130 and we'll help you resolve the issue.
- Do you need to report a power outage? Call Habersham Electric at 706-754-2114.
- Do you want to book a cabin? Click here to view our available cabins.
- Would you like to email us? Use the form below or send an email to email@example.com

subset: commoncrawl


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An article about the famed MMO that was cut down before its time.
Excerpt: "I was reading a Massively article yesterday about free MMO soundtracks. At the very end of it (almost as an afterthought) there was a link to some music from Ultima X Odyssey, a game that my head has long forgotten, but my heart still longs for. I haven't been able to tear my ears away.
Like the game that never was, the music is a sweeping glance at yet another world of epic fantasy.
It saddens me to think that Ultima Online has been so wasted by its corporate handlers. Instead of a single sequel of any quality, we've had two cancelled ones with great potential. Instead of a hope for a continued legacy of one of the most important games of all time and certainly one of the top three most important MMORPGs of all time, we have a messy relic of the mid-90′s that has no influence or real importance left."


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Planning to come to Brush!? Whether you are relocating, or just stopping in for a visit, here are some regional attractions that may be of interest to you!
Recreation Activites
- 9-hole golf course
- outoor swimming pool
- basketball courts
- tennis courts
- 4 local parks
- roller skating rink
- 9-hole disc golf course
- rec programs and activities
Area Attractions
- Doty Fishing Pond/Prairie Trails Park
- Jackson Lake Reservoir
- Pawnee Pioneer Trails
- Texas/Montana Trail
- Pawnee Buttes
- Prewitt Reservoir
- Brush State Wildlife Area
- Brush Prairie Ponds State Wildlife Area
Annual Events
- 4th of July Rodeo
- Oktoberfest
- Demolition Derby
- 5k walk/runs
- 4H Junior Fair
- Baseball & Softball Tournaments
- Country Christmas


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By Nithin Sridhar
Diwali is a well-known festival celebrated by the Hindus across the world. It is the day when men and women light the lamps and make merriment. But it is little known that even our gods celebrate their own Diwali wherein they light the lamps and make merriment, just like us.
This 'Dev Diwali' or 'Deva-Deepavali' falls on the full moon of the month of Kartika of Hindu calendar. This year, it has fallen on this day, i.e. November 25. The day is also called as Kartika Poornima or Tripurari Poornima.
According to the Puranas and other traditional accounts, When Lord Vishnu had taken Vamana Avatar and made Demon King Bali to give up his kingdom and return to Patala (lower realms below earthly realm), Bali asked Vamana to stay with him in Patala. Later, it is said that Goddess Lakshmi had to request King Bali to return her husband. It is on this day, that Vamana i.e. Lord Vishnu returned back to his abode, causing various Devas (gods) to rejoice and celebrate.
According to another account, it was on this day of Kartika Poornima, that Lord Shiva killed the trio of demons called as Tripurasura. As the account goes, the three sons of Tarakasura- Vidyunmali, Tarakaksha, and Viryavana performed severe austerity and got as boon three cities- one made of gold, one of silver, and one of iron. The boon was that they could be killed only when the three cities come into a single alignment once in 1000 years and it should be destroyed with a single arrow.
As times went on, the demons prospered and slowly started to neglect their Dharma (duty). As a result, Dharma (righteousness) declined and Adharma (unrighteousness) increased. Finally, Lord Shiva, on Kartika Poornima, destroyed the Tripuras (three-cities) with a single arrow. Hence, Shiva is known as Tripurantaka (killer of Tripurasura) and the day has become famous as 'Tripurari Poornima'. The gods rejoiced the victory of Dharma over Adharma by lighting the lamps.
In yet another account, Lord Vishnu incarnated as Matsya Avatara (Fish) to save the world on this day. Hence, from all these accounts it is clear that the day is very auspicious for worship.
Like many other Hindu festivals that celebrate the victory of Dharma over Adharma, this day of Kartika Poornima is also associated with the re-establishment of Dharma.
This festival is deeply connected to Varanasi where it is celebrated in a grand manner. The devotees make a dip in the River Ganga called as 'Kartika Snana' and worship the Goddess Ganga. They light hundreds of lamps on the Ghats adjoining the Ganga during the evening. A procession of idols of various deities is also carried out on the city streets.
The famous Pushkar fair in Pushkar held in the honor of Lord Brahmaa also ends on this day. Karthika Poornima is also the last day when the marriage of Tulasi (Tulasi Vivaha) can be performed. The day is considered holy by Jains and Sikhs as well.


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Item #: 5365
Ages 5-10
Douse the burning inferno with the Firefighters with Water Pump. Simply press down on the pump's black button to send water spraying out the end of the hose. Connect the water pump to the water cannon from the Fire Engine with Lights and Sound (5363 – sold separately) for added fun. Set includes two figures, motorcycle, water pump, hose, flame, and other accessories.


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Home >> Daily News >> ASEAN STOCK WATCH
ASEAN Market Preview
The International Monetary Fund on Wednesday warned China to closely watch its rapidly expanding social financing, while lowering its economic growth forecast for the world's second-largest economy.
Amid weak and uncertain global conditions, the Chinese economy is expected to grow at around 7.75 percent this year, down from the IMF's April forecast of 8 percent, according to David Lipton, the fund's first deputy managing director.
"If growth were to slow sharply below this year's target, then on-budget fiscal stimulus should be used, focusing on measures that support household incomes and consumption, such as reductions in social contributions, subsidies to consumption, or targeted social safety net spending," Lipton said in Beijing.
The pace of the economy should pick up moderately in the second half of the year, as the recent credit expansion gains traction in line with a projected mild pick-up in the global economy, the IMF said in a statement released after its annual review of the economy and after discussions with Chinese senior economic officials.
A report released by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development on Wednesday said that China will expand 8.4 percent in 2014 after registering a 7.8 percent GDP growth this year.
Lipton said China's economy faces important challenges and in particular, the rapid growth in total social financing - a broad measure of credit - raises concerns about the quality of investment and its impact on repayment capacity, especially since a fast-growing share of credit is flowing through less-well supervised parts of the financial system.
In terms of the main policy areas of the agenda, reining in social financing growth is a priority and will require further tightening of oversight as well as improved investor accountability for investment decisions, said the IMF.
According to the central bank data, total social financing - an index that covers all loans, bond issuance and stock sales - stood at 7.9 trillion yuan ($1.27 trillion) for the first four months, compared with nearly 4.9 trillion yuan during the same period of last year.
"Too fast credit expansion might not be sufficiently useful to China," said Lipton, adding that overdependence on investment expansion has affected the financial positions of local governments.
Including local government financing vehicles, an estimate of "augmented" general government debt has risen to nearly 50 percent of GDP, with the corresponding estimate of an "augmented" fiscal deficit on the order of 10 percent of GDP in 2012, said the monetary fund.
"While part of this deficit is financed through land sales, and augmented debt is still at a well-manageable level, it is important to gradually reduce the deficit over the medium term to ensure a robust and sustainable debt profile."
"The lack of transparency in the off-balance sheet debt of local governments adds uncertainty over potential contingent liabilities from unchecked investment. Moreover, growth in non-bank credit is close to that of booms seen elsewhere," said Tom Byrne, a senior vice-president at Moody's Investors Service.
The rating agency revised China's rating outlook to stable from positive on April 16. Lipton said the margins of safety are narrowing and a decisive impetus to reform is needed to contain vulnerabilities and move the economy to a more sustainable growth path.
Further liberalization of financial markets could make governments and private companies take efficiency more into account when they add leverage, he added.
Inflation is forecast to end the year at around 3 percent, and the external current account surplus is projected to remain broadly unchanged at around 2.5 percent of GDP, said the IMF.
It said the yuan is still considered to be moderately undervalued relative to a basket of currencies.
Increasing capital inflows have pushed up the exchange rate of the yuan in recent months. It has gained about 1.4 percent against the US dollar since April, exceeding its pace of appreciation throughout 2012.
The FTSE Straits Times Index (STI) ended -31.46 points lower or -0.93% lower to 3,336.01, taking the year-to-date performance to +5.33%.
The FTSE ST Mid Cap Index declined -1.95% while the FTSE ST Small Cap Index declined -1.04%.
The top active stocks were DBS (-0.88%), Singtel (-1.56%), GLP (-3.16%), OCBC Bk (-1.21%), and Capitaland (-2.50%).
The outperforming sectors today were represented by the FTSE ST Health Care which gained +0.34%. The two biggest stocks of the Health Care Index are Biosensors International (+2.16%) and Raffles Medical Group (-0.30%). The underperforming sector, FTSE ST Real Estate Investment Trusts, declined -2.73% with CapitaMall Trust declining -0.93% and Ascendas REIT declining -3.24%. The FTSE ST Real Estate Index declined -2.30%, the FTSE ST Consumer Services declined -0.43% and the FTSE ST Utilities declined -0.43%.
The three most active Exchange Traded Funds (ETFs) by value today were SPDR GOLD SHARES (+1.29%), IS MSCI INDIA 100 (+0.80%) and STI ETF (-0.89%).
The three most active Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs) by value were Ascendasreit (-3.24%), SuntecReit (-1.70%) and CapitaMall (-0.93%).
The most active index warrants by value today were HSI23000MBePW130627 (+1.74%), HSI22200MBePW130627 (+6.90%) and HSI22400MBePW130730 (+0.61%).
The most active stock warrants by value today were DBS MB eCW131001 (-7.41%), OCBC Bk MBeCW131101 (-12.38%), and SGX MB eCW131101 (-5.26%).
Tokyo stocks tumbled 5.15 percent, or 737.43 points, to 13,589.03 as jittery investors dumped shares following a sharp fall on Wall Street.
Hirokazu Kabeya, senior strategist at Daiwa Securities, said "investors still remain shaken-up" after the recent volatile trade in Tokyo, including a single-day loss of more than seven percent last week.
"They don't see any indication of the downward trend coming to a halt," he said.
In other markets, Sydney slipped 0.89 percent, or 44.0 points, to close at 4,930.7, while Seoul ended flat, edging down 1.10 points to 2,000.10.
Hong Kong lost 0.31 percent, or 70.62 points, to 22,484.31 and Shanghai slid 0.27 percent, or 6.27 points, to 2,317.75.
– Bangkok fell 1.27 percent, or 20.29 points, to close at 1,581.32.
Coal producer Banpu dropped 1.30 percent to 304 baht, and PTT Plc shed 1.75 percent to 337 baht.
– Wellington fell 0.40 percent, or 17.75 points, to 4,470.51.
Fletcher Building was down 0.24 percent at NZ$8.36, while Telecom Corp up 1.1 percent at NZ$2.28.
– Taipei fell 1.13 percent, or 94.61 points, to 8,243.29.
Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. was 0.90 percent lower at Tw$110.0 while Hon Hai Precision shed 1.40 percent at Tw$77.2.
– Jakarta ended down 1.37 percent, or 71.05 points, at 5,129.65.
Carmaker Astra International slid 2.08 percent to 7,050 rupiah, while palm oil producer Astra Agro Lestari fell 1.05 percent to 18,850 rupiah.
– Kuala Lumpur shares lost 0.48 percent, or 8.55 points, to close at 1,774.92.
Hong Leong Financial Group fell 3.2 percent to 15.16 ringgit while Maxis shed 2.5 percent to end at 6.70. DiGi.com gained 1.3 percent to 4.77 ringgit.
– Manila plunged 3.81 percent, or 275.22 points, to 6,953.35.
Ayala Corp. fell 3.2 percent to 645 pesos and SM Investments Corp. was down 4.3 percent at 1,119 pesos.
– Singapore dropped 0.93 percent, or 31.46 points, to 3,336.01.
United Overseas Bank shed 0.38 percent to Sg$21.20 and real estate developer Capitaland slipped 2.50 percent to Sg$3.51.
– Mumbai rose 0.34 percent, or 67.76, points to 20,215.4, rising ahead of key local GDP data due on Friday.
Vehicle and farm equipment maker Mahindra and Mahindra rose 4.61 percent to 1,004.6 rupees while rival Tata Motors rose 4.31 percent to 316.9 rupees
Shayne Heffernan Ph.D.
Economist/Hedge Fund Manager/Snr Partner
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Chapter 7 video introduces the UK press
You will find it here: https://youtu.be/51yMyii3teQ.
Chapter 8 continues the analysis
Links and comments for university students of English, and of British Studies and British history. Study links connected with my classes, and general links on current affairs etc. There are sometimes indications as to what group might be particularly interested (L2 for Licence 2nd year, for example)
Chapter 7 video introduces the UK press
You will find it here: https://youtu.be/51yMyii3teQ.
Chapter 8 continues the analysis
|Réactions :
M Morel est souffrant et il n'y aura pas de cours de traductologie demain matin.
Vous pouvez bien sûr venir au cours de thème.
|Réactions :
You can find chapter 9 here
And chapter 10
This is the pop song written about L S Lowry
If you are interested in modern art, the BBC produced a series some years back: here is one of the episodes
|Réactions :
11am L3 civi Programme C A208
Half of you ( you know who you are - the half I did not see last week).
For the other half, the most important parts of the class will be on video here shortly afterwards.
This class is cancelled, because I have a medical appointment. The most important parts of the class will be available here on video.
9am M1 MEEF amphi 2
I will be presenting the UK press. Videos available afterwards.
10h30 Thème agrégation préfabriqué 2
15h historiography ww1 amphi 2. Vidéos available afterwards.
|Réactions :
Dans le domaine de la télévision, les défenseurs de la BBC ont toujours voulu démontrer que les productions du service public étaient de meilleure qualité que celles issues des chaînes commerciales. De cette manière, l'utilisation de l'argent public peut être justifiée. L'argument est parfois délicat, dans la mesure où « la qualité » est affreusement difficile à définir avec précision. Si on peut penser que la surveillance de près par les annonceurs du nombre de téléspectateurs pourrait limiter la créativité et le courage des producteurs d'un réseau privé, il n'est pas difficile de démontrer que les chaînes privées produisent parfois des émissions de grande qualité.
C'est le domaine du documentaire qui constitue, pour les défenseurs de la BBC, une des meilleures bases de leur argumentation. La série documentaire notamment, plutôt que le documentaire d'une heure seulement, semble avoir trouvé une tradition BBC solide.
Des séries telles que
The Great War (1964, sur la Première Guerre),
Ways of Seeing (1972, analyse de l'art),
The Ascent of Man (1973, histoire des sciences),
Fall of Eagles (1974, la chute des grandes empires 1848-1914),
Shock of the New (1980, histoire de l'Art moderne)
The Celts (1987, l'histoire de la culture celtique)
People's Century (1995, histoire populaire du XXe siècle), toutes des séries BBC, semblent avoir peu d'équivalents sur les réseaux privés - avec de rares exceptions telles que The World at War, (1973, histoire de la Seconde Guerre).
On peut trouver des épisodes de quasiment toutes ces émissions sur Youtube, alors n'hésitez pas. Même visionner quelques minutes peut vous donner une idée de l'intention et de la qualité.
|Réactions :
John Mullen Université de Rouen
You will find here a set of documents given as a homework assignment for M1 MEEF in 2019, in the form of a mock CAPES exam exercise, but done at home with access to research resources. First there is the set of documents, then a series of methodological comments, then a draft proposed commentary, and finally remarks about a few of the mistakes and weaknesses found.
Study this carefully, and come to the next class with any questions you have, or send them to me by email.
In the documents I have highlighted some of the elements it would be good to show you knew something about.
Document A
Why Blair deserves bouquets for Famine apology
The Irish Times Thu, Jun 5, 1997, 01:00
TONY Blair has taken a lot of flak - and received precious few bouquets - for his statement on the Famine, read by Gabriel Byrne at last week's commemoration concert in Millstreet. While falling short of a formal apology. this was the first time that a British Prime Minister publicly acknowledged the fact that his predecessors in government had failed the people of Ireland in their hour of greatest need.
The Labour Party leader spoke of a "defining and dreadful event in the history of England and Ireland" and of the deep scars that bad been left by politicians in London who had stood by and allowed "a crop failure to turn into massive human tragedy". He also paid tribute to the courage and resilience of those Irish men and women who had triumphed in the face of this catastrophe, and said that Britain in particular had "benefited immeasurably" from their skills and talents.
Mr Blair has been roundly criticised by sections of the British media for the tone of the statement, and his political judgment has been called into question for making it at all. Yet, there has been very little reaction on this side of the Irish Sea. The Taoiseach welcomed Mr Blair's comments, saying that he had confronted the past in a way which laid a basis for healing in the future. But, as far as I can ascertain, there has been no public response from Bertie Ahern. Two years ago, the Fianna Fail leader said that "a frank acknowledgment and expression of regret about the shortcomings of the then British government (at the time of the Famine) would contribute to a much better climate of relations".
[…] FOR many years Irish people have asked for some official acknowledgment by the British that a great wrong was committed 150 years ago. Now that the Prime Minister has tried to respond to that demand, we seem strangely reluctant to admit that something important has happened.
The statement has been noticed in Britain, of course. It isn't easy for any country to admit that it has behaved badly in the past and there are particular problems for the British in accepting that they may have been less than generous in their treatment of Ireland. The comments have ranged from the sneers contained in letters to the newspapers, asking if it might now be appropriate for the British government to seek an apology from Denmark for the actions of the Danes during the reign of King Alfred, to more serious criticism of Mr Blair.
The Prime Minister was reprimanded by the Daily Telegraph for encouraging "the self-pitying nature of Irish nationalism". There was a real danger, the paper warned, that Mr Blair's letter would simply feed "the grievance culture which allows Nationalist Ireland to place the blame for all the country's ills at the door of the Brits, ultimately justifying terrorism". It was a theme taken up in the London Independent, which referred to the Irish "culture of victim hood". There were dire warnings that this could start a flood of demands for apologies for perceived grievances. Bloody Sunday in Derry was quoted as an example.
HISTORIANS also voiced their disapproval, albeit in more measured terms. The argument was made that the Famine like many great tragedies of history, flowed from immensely complex political and economic causes and that it was simplistic to lay the blame for what had happened on a callous or indifferent British government. To do so was to undermine the work done by professional historians in seeking out the more complicated truth.
Several writers suggested that it was wrong to judge what happened then by the standards that would probably be applied now to such a disaster. But it is one of the most refreshing aspects of Tony Blair's government that it does seem prepared to confront the gross injustices that have been committed in the past, and where possible, to put them right. The decision a couple of weeks ago to pardon soldiers, including young Irishmen, who were shot for cowardice in the first world war is another example of the kind of generous imagination which has already been brought to bear on old griefs.
[…] We have seen from our own experience in the North that an expression of obviously sincere contrition for having inflicted suffering can make trust seem possible in even the grimmest situation. No one who saw it is likely to forget the announcement of the loyalist ceasefire in October 1994. What quickened hope that a quite new kind of leadership had emerged from the world of the loyalist paramilitaries was the way Gusty Spence offered to "the loved ones of all innocent victims over the past 25 years, abject and true remorse". And, in spite of all that has happened since, the brutal resurgence of loyalist violence in recent weeks and the almost unbearable images of grieving innocents, that hope has never quite died.
Admitting responsibility for what has happened in the past is the first step towards creating a better future. That is true of personal relations and of public life. Tony Blair has made a brave and generous attempt to lay part of our shared and painful history to rest. Perhaps, when the general election is over, the new government should respond to what he has said.
Document B 2018
Document C
Bloody Sunday: PM David Cameron's full statement
15 June 2010, source : BBC News, http://www.bbc.com/news/10322295
This is the full transcript of the statement Prime Minister David Cameron made to MPs in the House of Commons on the day the Bloody Sunday report was published.
"The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland is publishing the report of the Saville inquiry - the tribunal set up by the previous government to investigate the tragic events of 30 January 1972, a day more commonly known as Bloody Sunday. We have acted in good faith by publishing the tribunal's findings as soon as possible after the general election.
Mr Speaker, I am deeply patriotic. I never want to believe anything bad about our country. I never want to call into question the behaviour of our soldiers and our army, who I believe to be the finest in the world. And I have seen for myself the very difficult and dangerous circumstances in which we ask our soldiers to serve. But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear. There is no doubt, there is nothing equivocal, there are no ambiguities. What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and unjustifiable. It was wrong.
Lord Saville concludes that the soldiers of the support company who went into the Bogside did so as a result of an order which should not have been given by their commander. He finds that, on balance, the first shot in the vicinity of the march was fired by the British Army. He finds that none of the casualties shot by the soldiers of support company was armed with a firearm. He finds that there was some firing by Republican paramilitaries but none of this firing provided any justification for the shooting of civilian casualties. And he finds that, in no case, was any warning given by soldiers before opening fire. He also finds that the support company reacted by losing their self-control, forgetting or ignoring their instructions and training and with a serious and widespread loss of fire discipline. He finds that despite the contrary evidence given by the soldiers, none of them fired in response to attacks or threatened attacks by nail or petrol bombers. And he finds that many of the soldiers - and I quote knowingly - put forward false accounts to seek to justify their firing. […]
Mr Speaker, these are shocking conclusions to read and shocking words to have to say. But Mr Speaker, you do not defend the British Army by defending the indefensible. We do not honour all those who have served with such distinction in keeping the peace and upholding the rule of law in Northern Ireland by hiding from the truth. There is no point in trying to soften or equivocate what is in this report. It is clear from the tribunal's authoritative conclusions that the events of Bloody Sunday were in no way justified.
I know that some people wonder whether, nearly 40 years on from an event, [if] a prime minister needs to issue an apology. For someone of my generation, Bloody Sunday and the early 1970s are something we feel we have learnt about rather than lived through. But what happened should never, ever have happened. The families of those who died should not have had to live with the pain and the hurt of that day and with a lifetime of loss. Some members of our armed forces acted wrongly. The government is ultimately responsible for the conduct of the armed forces and for that, on behalf of the government, indeed, on behalf of our country, I am deeply sorry. […]
Mr Speaker, while in no way justifying the events of January 30th, 1972, we should acknowledge the background to the events of Bloody Sunday. Since 1969, the security situation in Northern Ireland had been declining significantly. Three days before Bloody Sunday, two RUC officers, one a Catholic, were shot by the IRA in Londonderry, the first police officers killed in the city during the Troubles. A third of the City of Derry had become a no-go area for the RUC and the Army. And in the end, 1972 was to prove Northern Ireland's bloodiest year by far, with nearly 500 people killed. And let us also remember, Bloody Sunday is not the defining story of the service the British Army gave in Northern Ireland from 1969-2007. This was known as Operation Banner, the longest continuous operation in British military history, spanning 38 years and in which over 250,000 people served. Our armed forces displayed enormous courage and professionalism in upholding democracy and the rule of law in Northern Ireland. Acting in support of the police, they played a major part in setting the conditions that have made peaceful politics possible. And over 1,000 members - 1,000 members - of the security forces lost their lives to that cause. Without their work, the peace process would not have happened. Of course, some mistakes were undoubtedly made, but lessons were also learned. And once again, I put on record the immense debt of gratitude we all owe to those who served in Northern Ireland. […]
Mr Speaker, this report and the inquiry itself demonstrate how a state should hold itself to account and how we should be determined at all times, no matter how difficult, to judge ourselves against the highest standards. Openness and frankness about the past, however painful, they do not make us weaker, they make us stronger. That is one of the things that differentiates us from the terrorists. We should never forget that over 3,500 people from every community lost their lives in Northern Ireland, the overwhelming majority killed by terrorists. There were many terrible atrocities. Politically-motivated violence was never justified, whichever side it came from. And it can never be justified by those criminal gangs that today want to draw Northern Ireland back to its bitter and bloody past. No government I lead will ever put those who fight to defend democracy on an equal footing with those who contine to seek to destroy it. But neither will we hide from the truth that confronts us today. In the words of Lord Saville, what happened on Bloody Sunday strengthened the Provisional IRA, increased hostility towards the Army and exacerbated the violent conflict of the years that followed. Bloody Sunday was a tragedy for the bereaved and the wounded and a catastrophe for the people of Northern Ireland. Those are words we cannot and must not ignore. But I hope what this report can also do it is mark the moment where we come together in this House and in the communities we represent to acknowledge our shared history, even where it divides us. And come together to close this painful chapter on Northern Ireland's troubled past. That is not to say we should ever forget or dismiss the past, but we must also move on. Northern Ireland has been transformed over the last 20 years and all of us in Westminster and Stormont must continue that work of change, coming together with all the people of Northern Ireland to build a stable, peaceful, prosperous and shared future. And it is with that determination that I commend this statement to the house."
Proposition de commentaire composé
(The elements in blue of course would not appear in your commentary, they are simply there to remind you that all these points need to be covered, sometimes briefly, sometimes more at length).
There are many, many ways of commenting on these extremely rich documents - certainly you would not be expected to include all the elements I am including here, by a long way. However, it is always best if you have at least something to say on almost all the following questions
Who ? (is expressing themselves),
To whom ? (are they trying to communicate)
When ? (what is important about the fact that it was at this date and not at another)
What ? (is the essential content of the document),
Why? (are they saying all this),
How (do they express themselves, or try to persuade people ?)
What difference did it make ? (Where does this document or incident fit into the long history of Anglo-Irish relations).
Everybody makes mistakes and omissions, but which ones are dangerous? For this piece of work I would say it is dangerous 1) not to show that you know who was fighting whom in Northern Ireland and why, and when and how the military conflict started and was stopped. 2) not to show that you understand that these histories are strongly contested and controversial 3) not to show that you can explain more than one point of view in these ideological conflicts.
It is also essential to identify and comment on the point of view in each document. The journalist Mary Holland is giving an opinion – you must say what it is. David Cameron, also. Even the author of the picture which is document two is giving an opinion, although it is a little more difficult to identify.
A central element of documents 2 and 3 is the conflict between unionists and nationalists in Northern Ireland, so if you define the question as simply international relations between countries it will be impossible for you to explain.
References which it would be good to show you are familiar with.
The Irish Times is a respected Irish newspaper, and naturally will tend to give an opinion whose main priority is an Irish point of view. Within Irish public opinion, there is a general consensus that Britain was partly to blame for the tragedy of the Irish famine. The most radical speak of genocide. In Britain, there is no such consensus.
The Daily Telegraph is the most conservative of the serious daily newspapers published in the UK. It is unsurprising, then, to see that they have very little sympathy with those who emphasize the negative legacy of British colonial domination.
The Taoiseach is the equivalent, in the Irish Republic, of the Prime Minister. If you knew that, that is good, but if you knew it and did not show you knew it, that is a pity. You should write " the Taoiseach (equivalent of the Prime Minister in the Irish Republic ").
The Irish famine. Again, you can show in a very few words that you know what is being talked about. "The article deals with an apology for the famine" gains you no marks – your reader is waiting for you to say something interesting. However, "the article deals with an apology for the Irish famine (a tragic event of the mid-nineteenth century during which a million Irish people died and two million emigrated)" is infinitely better. It is important to not speak of the Irish famine as if it was just one more sad thing that happened in the past. The population of Ireland did not recover, in numbers, for more than a century. The mass emigration much accelerated by the famine sent Irish people around the world, in particular to the USA and to Australia, where Irish diaspora communities have had an important effect on local society. The Irish famine is one of the founding myths of Irish society, and Tony Blair's change of attitude compared to previous UK governments was an important political event.
Pardons for First World War soldiers: The article in the Irish Times mentions this. During the First World War, a number of British soldiers were executed by their own army, for questions of discipline (sometimes sleeping on duty, sometimes running away etc). These executions, from today's point of view, are rather shocking, and for many years there was a campaign for an official pardon for these soldiers. For decades different governments said this was impossible, but finally it was declared in 2006. (A similar campaign exists in France, but so far the French parliament has not agreed to a pardon). The pardon is an example of an attempt, many years later, symbolically to redress injustice, and the writer uses it to compare with the "apology" for the famine.
A hard border: we see the expression frequently, but you must show you know what it is. It is simply a border at which you must stop and show your passports, and at which all goods vehicles must show what they are carrying and prove that they have paid the required customs duties if any. A "soft border" is like the border between France and Belgium today, or France and Germany, at which the only reason you know you have crossed into another country is that you receive a message on your mobile phone from your phone operator telling you that you are abroad, but that everything is fine.
The city of Derry was renamed Londonderry in the 17th century, as a symbol of colonial domination. For a very long time nationalists (generally Catholics) called the town "Derry" and unionists (generally Protestants) used the name "Londonderry". The use of one or the other name was rich in political signification. It is certainly no accident that Cameron alternates between the two names in his carefully written speech. He is attempting to showcase equal respect for the two sections of the population. In recent years in Northern Ireland, one often sees (on the front of buses or trains, for example) the double name "Derry/Londonderry" leading to the humorous local nickname for the town: "slash city".
Suggested commentary
These three documents all deal with aspects of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the island of Ireland. Two speak of apologies, and one of an acute political problem. In all three cases, the history of Ireland (The Famine, Bloody Sunday, and the conflict between loyalists and republicans in the North) has a strong effect on political life today. They can then easily be linked up with the theme of "le passé dans le présent" as in all three cases we can see the exploration of an attempt to mitigate the effects of past injustice or conflict.
[Notice that in this case the link between all three documents is not too difficult to establish - all deal with Ireland and conflict. This is not always the case, and sometimes you have to choose a very general and distanced viewpoint in order to group all three of the documents together. Note that writing about only two of the three documents, because the third is difficult, is absolutely forbidden].
The first document is a newspaper article from the Irish Times, in which the author praises and defends[1] Tony Blair's controversial "apology" for British government action (or indeed lack of action) during the famine in Ireland in the middle of the 19th century. The "apology" and the article both date from 1997, a crucial year in the development of the conflictual situation in Northern Ireland.
The second document is an image in the form of a mathematical puzzle, summarizing in a humorous manner the dilemma of Theresa May's minority government in 2018-2019 in its attempts to find a commons majority for an orderly withdrawal from the European Union. The illustration is still very relevant today in 2020, as negotiations are continuing between the UK and the European Union concerning a number of issues including customs borders in Ireland.[2]
The final document is a speech in parliament by Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron from ten years ago, in which, more or less obliged by the publication of the Saville report, he officially apologizes for the killing by the British army in January 1972 of unarmed demonstrators, at the same time as presenting this event as exceptional and not typical, and praising in general the actions of British troops in Northern Ireland during the 30 year period after 1969.[3]
In what way are they about le passé dans le présent?
Two of the documents are concerned with apologies, in each case for actions of a dominant power towards a subaltern group at a moment relatively distant in the past. Both of the events referred to – the famine and Bloody Sunday, left much bitterness against the British, in particular among Irish nationalists, for whom such cruelty was considered typical of British imperial crime.
In the first case, Tony Blair suggests that the British government should have done more to alleviate the effects of the famine.
It might be considered unsurprising that it should be Tony Blair who volunteered this apology. Tony Blair's premiership was characterized by a series of measures and policies intended to modernize institutions and turn the page on old ways of doing things (which went in parallel to the use of a new, personal style very much more informal than Prime Ministers had traditionally been). For example, the House of Lords was thoroughly overhauled, and the vast majority of hereditary Lords were excluded. A Freedom of Information act on a North- American model changed the relation of the state to the media. On inner-party issues, Blair changed the name of his party (to "New Labour") and changed its constitution and policies. Thus, a new attitude to the history of the Irish famine and to Britain's colonial past in general might be seen as just one more novel approach brought in by Mr Blair. In addition, since the Labour Party did not exist during the famine, it is uncomplicated for Blair to be critical of the governments of the time.
(1: When, and what difference did it make?)
This first "apology" took place in 1997, shortly after the election of Tony Blair. Irish nationalists were hoping that the new Labour government, elected after 18 years of Conservative government, might mark a change in attitudes to Ireland, even though John Major's government had already been working on negotiations between nationalists and loyalists. Margaret Thatcher's time in office, for 1979 to 1990, had been marked by the death of ten Republican prisoners on hunger strike, but in the 1990s, the British Army, the IRA, and the loyalist paramilitaries all seemed to be coming to the conclusion that a military victory was impossible. This "apology" by Tony Blair for an old historical injustice might have helped an atmosphere of negotiation which was to lead up to the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, which managed to end the military conflict in return for work on Catholic human rights in the North, and increased cooperation between the North of Ireland and the Republic.
(How and what)
Nevertheless, the form of the apology is to be noted. It was not (unlike document 3) an official government apology given formally in the House of Commons, but a statement sent to be read out at a commemorative concert for the victims of the famine. The article only uses very short quotes of less than a sentence from Blair's words, but the full text includes the words "Those who governed in London at the time failed their people through standing by". Holland welcomes this expression of regret at the failings of previous British governments and feels it is an important step forward in the respect it shows for Irish feeling on the still burning question of the famine. One scholar has underlined its historical significance in that "Blair's rhetoric was one of the first examples of a collective apology issued by a post-Cold War era political."
Indeed, the famine, whose immediate cause was a disease affecting the potato crops, began in 1847 and lasted several years. More than a million died, more than a million emigrated, and population levels in Ireland did not recover for over a century. Although some government aid was forthcoming from Westminster, it was severely limited by "laissez-faire" politics in this period long before the welfare state. The ideology of conservative elites considered that the Irish people were no doubt to blame for the famine, or even that it was punishment come directly from God. Ireland's people were often represented at this time as inferior and even animal. We should remember that until 1829 Catholics in Ireland had not been allowed to sit as Members of Parliament.
As the famine continued, soup kitchens and "public works" were organized, but the latter was often forced and humiliating labour, rather than useful work, in keeping with attitudes to the poor at the time. Even more shocking was the fact considerable quantities of food (which the poor did not have the money to buy) were exported from Ireland during the famine, and the government was not prepared to reduce taxes on foreign wheat which might have helped the situation.
The famine became, in subsequent decades, something of a founding myth of Irish identity. The fact that the British helped so little was considered by many to be typical of colonial domination, and some nationalist historians have even referred to the British government's attitude at the time as "genocidal".
Mary Holland is disappointed that Irish politicians have not received with more enthusiasm this expression of regret. Although the Taoiseach (the Prime Minister of the Irish Republic) made positive comments about it, Bertie Ahern, leader of Fianna Fail, a centre right political party and one of the two main parties in the Irish Republic,[4] has not yet reacted, despite his earlier interest in seeing Britain express regret. She underlines the fact that conservative forces in the UK have denounced Blair's statement. For example, the Daily Telegraph, the most conservative of the serious daily newspapers, had objected, and Holland suggests that Blair's political courage should be praised. The Daily Telegraph had expressed a common conservative complaint in cases where historical injustice is the target of modern political campaigns: it said that this was a case of "grievance culture", people enjoying playing at being victims,[5] suggesting that the dark past is better forgotten rather than re-hashed. For the Daily Telegraph, far from providing the basis for a future of mutual respect and peace, apologizing in this way would tend to encourage terrorism.
To strengthen her argument in favour of this apology, Holland gives two examples of apologies which she feels have been positive. One is the decision in 2006 by the British government to accord a posthumous pardon to British soldiers executed by their own army in the First World War, the result of a very long campaign, and a pardon which resulted in official statues to the executed being set up in official places of military commemoration. The second was the ceasefire declared by the loyalist paramilitaries opposed to the IRA. The expression of apology by loyalist leaders, she felt, led to real progress in the peace agreements.
The third document is also connected to apology: it is the official statement of Conservative prime minister about the report from the Saville inquiry.[6] Although it is David Cameron who makes the apology, it is the result of a long process in which he himself had little influence, as indeed he underlines, saying that the 1970s was a period he had read about but had not lived through (Cameron was six years old in 1972, and became Britain's youngest Prime minister since the early 19th century when he took office in 2010.)
After British troops were sent to Northern Ireland in 1969, in a situation where inter-community violence was at a high level, and Catholic parts of town in particular were in danger, their reputation among Catholics rapidly deteriorated, as it became clear that they did not have the same attitude to nationalist Catholics and to loyalist Protestants. Imprisonment without trial was brought in for paramilitary suspects in 1971, but only used systematically against Republicans. At one point, Britain was denounced by international organizations for the use of torture.
In January 1972, an unarmed political demonstration took place in Derry. Fourteen young men were killed by the British Army, in front of hundreds of witnesses. Several of them were teenagers, and one of them was shot dead while he was waving a white handkerchief in sign of peace. An inquiry, the Widgery inquiry, set up by the Conservative government of the time in the days following the events concluded that the soldiers had acted in self-defence, and both houses of parliament approved the report of the inquiry, despite misgivings being expressed even in establishment circles.
The events of Bloody Sunday strengthened the Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland. It was well-known in Northern Ireland that the men killed had been unarmed, and often shot in the back in cold blood, and this fact, along with government and media insistence that the shooting was done in self-defence, made it seem to many that only a military or paramilitary option was open for defending Catholic nationalist interests in Northern Ireland. In his speech, Cameron confirms this, saying that Bloody Sunday "strengthened the provisional IRA".
Twenty five years later, when it had become apparent to all sides that a military victory was highly unlikely, there were the beginnings of negotiations for a peace agreement. The question of Bloody Sunday came to be very important. Many Republicans were not prepared to negotiate as long as the official position of the British government was that these killings were justified. The whole future of the very fragile peace negotiations might have been threatened.
There had been a campaign for justice for many years by families and supporter of those killed, but there was a technical problem: it is not normally possible to open a new inquiry once an inquiry on a given event has reached its conclusions. A special dispensation was obtained to open a new inquiry, under the leadership of Lord Saville. The inquiry lasted twelve years, partly because hundreds of witnesses had seen the people shot (since the events took place below blocks of flats). The result showed that the people killed were not armed and were not threatening the soldiers in any way.
David Cameron had inherited this situation, and his priority was, naturally, damage limitation. There are still very small paramilitary groups uninterested in the Good Friday process, and any attempt to block the conclusions of the inquiry could have been dangerous. He decided on a formal, public apology, hoping thus to close this chapter in history. The apology did not, in fact, quite close the chapter, in that there are campaigns for the soldiers who carried out the murders to face criminal charges.
Cameron's position was unenviable, since the Saville Report made it clear that the victims of Bloody Sunday were executed in cold blood, and the question must therefore be raised as to how it was possible for the first inquiry under Lord Widgery to exonerate the soldiers involved. Cameron concentrates then on presenting the events of that Sunday as wholly exceptional. British troops he says are "the finest in the world", and over the thirty years or so that British soldiers were in Northern Ireland, they deserve "honour" not reprobation. They showed, in general, according to Cameron, "enormous courage and professionalism". He further argues that it is the work of the large number of troops who were in Northern Ireland which made the peace process after 1998 possible.
By mentioning the large number of deaths resulting from the "Troubles", in particular in the 1970s, he aims at contextualizing, perhaps even minimizing, the scandal of Bloody Sunday. He carefully does not mention the specific responsibility of the Conservative government in 1972.
In this way, Cameron replies in advance to the arguments that will be put forward by Irish nationalists, who will consider that Bloody Sunday was certainly an extreme case, but that the logic was wholly typical of British forces in Northern Ireland, backing up anti-Catholic racism and a Northern Irish statelet which the nationalists consider to be illegitimate and temporary.
Cameron ends his speech by expressing the hope that this clear apology will "mark the moment where we come together in this House and in the communities we represent to acknowledge our shared history, even where it divides us." That is, he expresses a wish that truth and reconciliation can be attained, and that the Good Friday process can continue, and relations improve. In 2020, there are still a number of Catholic and Protestant neighbourhoods in Northern Irish cities divided by "peace walls" so it is clear that there is still work to do to unite Catholics and the Protestants who the British army was aligning itself with.
(1, 3 context)
The first and third documents also fit into a series of events and initiatives within Britain and indeed other countries- actual or proposed apologies for past injustices. One of the best-known cases is the decision of the Australian government a few years back to apologize for the treatment of Aboriginal children of "the stolen generations" when racist policies involved the taking of children from their families and placing them, often secretly, with White families. In Britain there have been such examples as the apology by the British State for the mistreatment of gay mathematician Alan Turing, and the apology some years ago by the Church of England for their involvement in the slave trade.
The second document is quite different in form. It is a mathematical puzzle, presented as a "paradox". How can one follow the instructions? It is mathematically impossible to do so. Because of this, the intention of the diagram is no doubt humorous.[7]
The diagram refers to the dilemma facing Theresa May and her government in their negotiations for withdrawal from the European Union after the referendum decision of 2016. This problem has still not been solved today. There are political reasons for each one of the instructions, and, as we shall see, they do have a strong connection with "le passé dans le présent". We will take them, not in order.
Why must there be no hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland? Although the military conflict has almost completely ceased, the Irish nationalists in the North and in the Republic still wish, by political means, to work for the eventual reunification of the whole Ireland, since they see the 1920 partition as a colonial carving up of the island, caused by colonial settlements going back centuries, in a process which imposed Protestant domination on an island which held a Catholic majority. The lack of a real visible border at the moment is very important to nationalists, seeing that the militarized border before 1998 was felt as an insult to Irish national aspirations.
Loyalists also are not keen for a hard border (with customs barriers, passport controls etc) to return. From a practical point of view, many thousands of people cross the border every day simply to go to work, and also, if a hard border were to encourage those nationalists who have not abandoned armed struggle, this would be a negative.
There must be a hard border between France and Britain. The UK has decided to leave the European Union, and thus no longer be part of the single market nor the free movement area, nor, eventually, the customs' union. The European Union has true, hard borders all around its exterior, and it would be illogical for this not to be the case for Britain.
These two imperatives lead to a contradiction. How can there be no hard border to the North of the Irish Republic, and yet a hard border between the EU and the UK?
One idea which has been floated to solve this dilemma was to have some kind of border between Northern Ireland and mainland Britain: that is, to allow Northern Ireland, although it is part of the United Kingdom, to have a special relationship with the European Union, on a tariff-free principle. This would no doubt be complex to put into place, but it would have, in theory, solved the political problem. There would have been customs checks on items entering England Scotland or Wales if they came from anywhere on the island of Ireland.
However, there was an "accidental" complication. This solution would have been unacceptable to many, very influential, unionists, who are firmly opposed to Northern Ireland being treated in any way differently from the rest of the United Kingdom, because they see any such difference as the beginning of a dangerous slope leading to the reunification of Ireland. Rule from Dublin has been the nightmare of unionists since the very beginning of the 19th century, when Ireland was brought into the United Kingdom by the Acts of Union, passed in Westminster and in Dublin. At the end of the 19th century Home Rule for Ireland, a plan for partial autonomy for Ireland, was fiercely fought against by unionists, through such actions as the Curragh mutiny. After the First World War, the determination and force of unionists allowed the division of Ireland and the formation of a Northern entity of which the majority of the population was Protestant.
It might have been possible for the British government to ignore these unionist feelings, or compensate them by making concessions on other issues, had it not been for an unfortunate political coincidence. The British Conservative government of Theresa May did not have a majority in the House of Commons (always an uncomfortable position for any government). The only way they could have decisions voted in by a majority is by relying on the ten or so MPs from the Democratic Unionist Party, a hard-line unionist organization, often considered to be anti-Catholic, and which campaigned against the Good Friday agreement when it was put to a referendum in 1998.
The DUP Members of Parliament would never accept that Northern Ireland be treated differently from the rest of the United Kingdom, leading to the dilemma illustrated in the diagram. Although this is above all a question of twenty first century politics, the link with memory and heritage is clear, in that the partition of Ireland almost a hundred years ago, a compromise intended to solve the problem of the conflict between the nationalist population and the unionists created by earlier settlement and by religious and social divisions, has come back to haunt today's politicians.
All in all, the three documents highlight past injustices and conflicts, and the use of the government apology in processes connected with Truth and Reconciliation. The two apologies are interventions in delicate situation – the first voluntary, the second constrained.[8] The diagram, a more factual presentation rather than a rhetorical one, illustrates the dilemma inherited from past conflicts and bitternesses.
General questions of methodology
Here are some general points on writing a text commentary in civilization, which is completely different from in literature. Many thanks to the teachers from the University of Paris 7: this section is made up of extracts from their document, which I have slightly adapted.
This is one suggested method. Others are possible, but they will tend to draw in the same questionings. The two main grave errors are a) paraphrasing the document and b) reciting your history classes without linking them to this particular document and what the document is trying to do.
(Their document is online here https://fr.scribd.com/document/362914625/Brochure-Externe-2016-17-Site-Ufr-2 )
Objective of the commentary
In a text commentary, your role is to determine the historical significance of the text. In order to do so, you must discuss the perspective given by the author on the historical issues presented in the text. You must determine what his or her objectives are and how / to what extent he or she achieves them. This implies that there needs to be 3 levels to your analysis:
Level 1: define, explain, highlight the events, developments etc mentioned in the text, using your knowledge of the period; demonstrate that you know your history, understand what the author refers to, and that you are able to make the text comprehensible to people who do not know the period or have not read the text.
Level 2: comment on the intentions of the author, on how they present the issues at stake, and why.
Level 3: what difference did it make? What is the role of this particular document or incident in the long trends of historical development?
Preliminary work on the text
1. Look at the "margins" of the text: title, source, date (situate it within your period), author (see whether it's anonymous / anybody famous; if the author is known to you, gather in your mind the elements you know about him/her)
2. Read the text carefully, at least 3 times. When you read the text for the first time, do not make any notes or write on the text; do not make assumptions and keep a clear and open mind until you have read the last word of the text: texts can be deceptive and the key to the interpretation may be at the end of the passage – it's always difficult to get rid of wrong assumptions.
3. Once you have perceived the general idea of the text, look closely at the following elements:
a. nature of the text (official report / letter / petition / speech). The specificity of the text will have to be taken into account in your analysis.
b. period analysed in the text + date when the text was written. They may be the same or they may be different, in the case of memoirs for instance - the retrospective aspect of a document should never be ignored. Place the date(s) within your period + is it immediately before/after a major historical event, reform etc. Before you start your analysis, you must be clear on the
context in which the text was written, or the speech delivered
c. author (or multiple authors); if you know who they are, determine whether they are likely to have a particular perspective / events they describe and why.
d. readership / audience: this is essential to help you analyse the objectives of the author, who they intend to convince and what means they will use to do so.
e. tone/ literary qualities… because they are markers of subjectivity and will help you determine the intentions, means and perspective of the author.
f. structure of the text: uncover the internal logic of the text, the argumentative dynamic of the author's demonstration, (if it is an argumentative text, as texts chosen for exams often are) looking closely at repetitions/progression…
Detailed analysis of the text
One of the main challenges here is to distinguish the main arguments from the more minor points. This does not mean of course that details are to be overlooked: but they should not obscure the central dynamic of the text, which should be at the heart of your commentary. A linear analysis of the text will first enable you to choose the terms, dates, concepts, events, etc that need to be defined, explained, and commented on. Select the quotes that you will include in your commentary. But the objective of your analysis should be to go towards the most problematic elements, towards what is implicit, what is left unsaid, what is hidden (consciously or unconsciously) by the author.
You should uncover whether the author is being influenced (and by whom or what), to what extent they are partial, and to what extent they are trying to influence the readership/audience. It is on these points that your commentary should provide a critical (which of course means constructive assessment) perspective on the text. Compare the way the author presents events to what you know of these same historical events, to ultimately determine why the author writes as he or she does, what the motives are and what, therefore, is the historical interest of the text. Once you have completed this detailed analysis, you will be able to organise the main themes of the text into a logical, detailed outline and determine a "problématique". Remember that this is not an essay and that the problématique should be based on the historical interest of the text and the intentions of the author, not on the topic in general.
1. Begin with the context: select relevant historical developments that will lead to the issues raised by the text.
Select the context critically: the historical long-term perspective is only interesting if relevant: avoid equally superficial and naïve comments, such as "England has always been/ For centuries…"
The introduction should remain dense, concise, to the point: it is not the place to cram in knowledge, so do not give a vast panorama of events on the subject at stake in the text.
2. Present the main idea/theme of the texts (brief but to the point), the objective of the author, the date, the readership; show that you have understood the context in which the text was written or the speech delivered and that you will reflect on its significance.
3. Introduce a clear problématique, focused on the text (not simply on the general topic of the text) and on its interpretation. Once again, the essential elements in a commentary are the interpretation that the author gives of the period concerned, and your own informed interpretation of the author's perspective. You need to reflect on how the text should be read in order to be properly understood, in its explicit and implicit elements.
Development: argumentation
Do not hesitate to draw comparisons between the document you are asked to study and other documents you have read that would highlight the interest of the text and help you build a critical analysis. Interpretations are central in history and the quality of your analysis will be improved if you can use briefly and selectively other documents that may be relevant to fully understand the significance of the text you are to study. Similarly, do not hesitate to use the historiography on the period to support your analysis. Referring to books and/or articles by historians of the period will give weight to your own analysis and demonstrate that you have a broad and informed perspective on events.
The conclusion should not be a summary (neither of your development nor of the text itself). You must reflect on what you have demonstrated and pull together the threads from your main arguments, conclude on the historical interest/significance of the text, the objectives of the author and his/her degree of subjectivity. Needless to say, you must provide a response to the problématique given in the introduction. Include your reflection in a broader historical context (without giving the impression that it is a mere "what happened next".
To be avoided at all costs
1. Paraphrase and reformulation: this will be avoided if you remember the 2 levels that your commentary must include (cf above). 2.
Essay rather than commentary: (cf above: never provide an analysis that is not closely linked to the text and its specificity; this should also enable you to avoid any
placage de cours).
3. Literary commentary: style, rhetorical devices etc are only useful if they support your analysis of history; if not, they are irrelevant.
[If you want to talk about lexical fields, anaphores and cataphores, you should probably wait until you are working on a literary document].
4. Judgment on the author, pseudo-psychology on his/her feelings and intentions. Bold statements (particularly if unfounded): valuable comments generally come from the confrontation between several interpretations of the same event/process.
[e.g. Do not write "The author's presentation does not fit with the facts." Write instead: "Other commentators such as X have seen these events in quite a different way, claiming that ….".]
[9][1] http://www.politicsresources.net/area/uk/man/lab74oct.htm
[10][2] The full manifesto can be found here: http://www.politicsresources.net/area/uk/man/con74oct.htm
Questions of language
1. No contractions in university work when not quoting dialogue, ever.
2. A few people have problems translating the « conditionnel de conjecture » ("des tragédies dans lesquelles le Royaume Uni aurait sa part de responsabilité "). This is not translated with "would".
3. Be careful with infinitive and gerundive structures. The correct form with "risk", for example, is "There is a risk OF ENCOURAGING a return to a military conflict".
[1] Note that from the very first mention of the document, it is best to clearly express what the document is trying to do. « The first document deals with Tony Blair's apology » is weak.
[2] One student suggested that the colours in the document were significant – the green words for Ireland's priorities, etc. This is creative but not correct in this case.
[3] Same comment here: from the beginning try to characterize what the document is doing, and what the motivation is. Cameron is forced to apologize because of the facts officially uncovered by the Saville inquiry, but he wants to do it in a manner which limits the damage to the reputation, in Britain, of the British Army. You should not characterize the apology as something Cameron felt like doing because he was so honest. If this were how politics worked, the apology would have come decades earlier.
[4] At the exam, obviously, if you do not know who Fianna Fail are, you cannot add these words, but if you do know you must show you know.
[5] If you can define « grievance culture » this would definitely be a bonus.
[6] Be careful: inquiry not enquiry.
[7] The characterization of the second document is considerably more difficult than that of the other two, and I think it would be possible to get a good mark on the exam even without understanding the humorous intent of the diagram, as long as you showed you understood*why* it was being considered essential to have « no hard border » in one place and a « hard border » in another. You should also show you know what a « hard border » actually is.
[8] Many students were too generous with their analysis of the interventions by politicians. Of course, it is quite possible that Blair and Cameron were motivated by the highest of ideals – this is not really something we can know. What we can know and explain is the circumstances which made it a good idea to apologize (Blair) with a particular political aim, or made it compulsory to apologize (Cameron) in the hope of damage limitation.
|Réactions :
|Réactions :
[Remember these suggested translations only stay online for a couple of weeks, so make sure you download them]
Comets are born[1] from the night
Kostia had been thinking over[2] whether he might buy a pair of shoes for several weeks when a sudden whim which he had not foreseen upset all his plans. By giving up cigarettes and the cinema and by skipping lunch every second day[3], he would in six weeks be able to save up, the one hundred and forty roubles he needed to buy those rather good boots, which[4] the kind salesgirl of a second-hand shop had promised to put by[5] for him 'on the quiet'[6].
Until then, he was walking around cheerfully on cardboard soles which he replaced[7] every night. Luckily, the weather remained dry. With already seventy roubles to his name[8], Kostia went to look at his future shoes, for the pleasure. They were half-hidden in a darkened section of the shop, behind some old copper[9] samovars, a pile of binocular[10] cases, a Chinese teapot, and a box (full of seashells)[11] on which an image of the gulf of Naples stood out in celestial blue… A pair of riding boots,[12] in soft leather, stood in the front of the shelf: they were priced at four hundred roubles, would you believe it! Men wearing shabby coats licked their lips looking at them.
'Do not worry,'[13] the little salesgirl told Kostia, 'Your boots are here, don't fret.' She smiled at him. She was a brunette with deep-set[14] eyes, with pretty but badly positioned[15] teeth, and her lips were[16]… How could her lips be described? 'Your lips are magical,[17]' Kostia thought, looking at her straight in the face, not feeling at all shy[18], even though he would never have dared say out loud what he was thinking at that moment. Kostia's eyes were held for a moment by her deep-set eyes, which were halfway[19] between green and the blue of some of the Chinese trinkets[20] displayed in the counter showcase. His gaze then wandered over the jewellery, the paper knives[21], the watches, the snuff boxes and other worthless trinkets, until it rested by chance on a small portrait of a woman framed in ebony, so small it could fit in your hand.
'How much is this?' Kostia asked in a surprised voice.
'Seventy roubles. It is expensive, you know,' replied her magical lips.
Hands that were also magical, emerging from a gold and red brocade thrown across the counter, took the miniature out. Kostia took it, deeply moved to be holding between his large, dirty fingers this image, this living image.
L'affaire Toulaev, Victor Serge, 1948
Sunken eyes
[1] Someone tried "stem from » but I think that is used only for an intellectual origin. « His distrust of politicians stemmed from a general ideology of self-reliance. » See collocations below.
[2] The verb « to ponder » worked well, too. 'Mulling over' is okay. Definitely not 'meditating' which is generally reserved for more transcendental activities. This may be unsurprising – a latinate word is much less likely to refer to an everyday activity like thinking things over. "Think over" is very good here, because if you can show you have a good grasp of phrasal verbs, this is impressive.
[3] The expression « every other day » is okay, but might be ambiguous here.
[4] Of course, "which » can often be omitted, but when the sentence is already a little complicated, it is better to leave it in.
[5] « Put aside » is good. « Reserve » is okay but latinate. « Put away » seems logical, but, as we shall see later in the passage, she did not « put them away » (which would involve putting them somewhere where no customer would see them).
[6] Someone tried 'surreptitiously', which is a little more intellectual, but otherwise fine.
[7] Not 'renewed'.
[8] « In his pocket » is good. « Saved up » is fine.
[9] Were they copper or brass? See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samovar
[10] Even if an element is usually plural, in an adjectival position it does not take an « s ». So, examine the following sentences: « What is your shoe size? » « Trouser length is measured in inches » « Where are my son's pyjama trousers ? ».
[11] « Box of shells » is fine. Not a « shell box » which, like a wine glass or a coffee cup, may be empty. I do not think this is a box decorated by sticking shells on the outside.
[12] I misunderstood this at first. These boots are not the boots which Kostia is planning on buying, they are riding boots (« bottes royales ») which are far more expensive, are not hidden away, and look very attractive to impecunious visitors).
[13][13] "Rest assured" is too formal in style.
[14] Someone was tempted by « sunken eyes », but this is a pejorative expression, as Google helped me see (see below). "Deep-set" is spelt with a hyphen, though native speakers often forget this.
[15] Someone found "crooked" which is excellent. Listen to this https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WqyUOlz_6i4
[16] Notice how I have added a verb. One does not have to add a verb everywhere, but there should be more verbs in your passage in English than there are in French.
[17] Someone tried "spellbinding" – a valiant attempt, but I have the feeling that it is too active an adjective. You can see below the uses found in the British National Corpus (do check out the British National Corpus, it is invaluable).
[18] There are a number of possibilities, but a verbal structure is much better than « without shyness » or « without timidity ».
[19] Structures with the word 'intermediate' sound too analytical.
[20] The word « bibelot » does exist in English, but it is far too rare a word to use here.
[21] This is occasionally written as one word, but far more commonly as two.
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Sale Ended
Diva 2-Piece Cup Set
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Product Description
Created in 2010, the Vialli Design brand is a Polish-Italian project creating stylish, everyday kitchenware. Their team of designers meld modern and futuristic concepts, dominating expressive forms and colors.
Product Details
- Materials
Borosilicate Glass
- Care InstructionsHand Wash
- OriginChina
— Warranty: Manufacturer's 2 Year
— Set Of 2
— Double Wall Cosntruction
— Packaged In Gift Box
— Not Microwave Or Freezer Safe
— 80ml: 2.71 oz Capacity
— 250ml: 8.45 oz Capacity
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Shipping PolicyStandard Ground Shipping
Ship In3-5 weeks ⓘCOVID-19 Notice: Our shipping times may be longer than indicated as changing COVID-19 restrictions affect delivery services. Know that our fulfillment teams continue to send product daily as we take extra precautions to ensure their safety. Thank you for your patience and understanding.
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The government is making changes to state disability benefits this April, which will have a significant impact on large numbers of group income protection policies, also known as long-term sick pay.
On 6 April 2017, the work related activity component (WRAC) of the employment and support allowance (ESA) is being removed. This means that anyone who makes a successful new claim for state benefits after this date will only receive the ESA, unless they qualify for the support component (SC). For many employees, this means the benefits they get from the state will be significantly reduced.
As the below table shows, for an employee earning £40,000 with a typical group income protection benefit structure, instead of receiving £5,312 from the state each year, they will only receive £3,801, a 28% reduction.
A worked example
|Absent 1 January 2017
|Absent 6 April 2017
|75% of salary
|Insured benefit
(2017 ESA figure sourced from: http://www.focusondisability.org.uk/brates-1.html)
As this example shows, this change impacts specifically on policies that provide the benefit as a percentage of salary, less an amount equal to the ESA and WRAC. As the WRAC amount will be zero, this means that the insured benefit will increase to make up the shortfall and as a result premiums will increase to pay for this extra cover.
The ultimate choice for employers
- Maintain the same overall target income for sick employees and the insured benefit will make up the shortfall, causing premiums to increase, OR
- Maintain the same premium level and reduce the overall benefit provided to employees by lowering the percentage of salary
There are of course many nuances to making this choice. Employers will need to engage with their adviser to find a solution that best suits them, but regardless now is the time to review.
Remove any link to state benefits altogether
Looking at the longer term, and reflecting on a state benefit system which seems only likely to further contract in terms of the range and generosity of benefits, some employers may consider removing the link between income protection and state benefits altogether.
This can be done by adjusting the policy to remove the state benefit deduction. This has the advantage of simplifying the benefit, making it easier for employees to understand and avoids any implications from future state benefit changes.
But this is not a simple decision. The overall benefit, insured and state, available to an employee relative to their normal salary will not be clear, and for employees on lower salaries, that can make quite a big difference to the overall financial support they will receive. There are often administrative issues too in changing the policy benefit structure, especially when contracts of employment also need to be amended.
In a nutshell
The state benefits available to employees who are absent from work due to illness or injury are changing in April 2017. While there are a number of different considerations for employers and their advisers, both in terms of immediate and long term impact, it is crucial that employers and their advisers take the time to review their scheme as soon as possible.


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Online Accesshttp://works.bepress.com/john_williams/79
AbstractVirtue epistemology is new in one sense but old in another. The new tradition starts with figures such as Code (1984), Greco (1993), Montmarquet (1987), and Zagzebski (1999). The old tradition has its pedigree in Plato, Aristotle, Aquinas, and their modern interpreters such as Anscombe (2005) and MacIntyre (1988; 2001). Virtue epistemology recognizes that knowledge is something we value and that propositional knowledge requires intellectual virtues, that is to say, virtues as applied to the intellect. Although much pioneering work in the new tradition has been done on propositional knowledge, comparatively little in it has been done on know-how. This is surprising, because one might naturally think of know-how as something to be refined into a skill, and virtues may be thought of as skills. In the modern epistemological tradition that does not take its direction from virtue ethics, propositional knowledge, as opposed to know-how, has received by far the bulk of the discussion, although since Ryle first argued that knowhow is not always propositional knowledge (1949, 29; 31; 57–58), there has been a fairly recent resurgence of interest in know-how. We value intellectual virtues because they are skills that promote our flourishing, both as individuals and as members of a community. The intellectual virtues are truth- seeking virtues and stem from a love of the truth. Since love is itself a virtue - indeed it was what Tyndale called the greatest Christian virtue before the King James translation renamed it as charity—it may be seen as the virtue that motivates all other intellectual virtues. A commitment to the truth is presupposed by any intellectual virtue. For example, logic is important to a community, and in particular to the intellectual community, not only because there are rules governing the activity of logic but also because there are those within the community who are trustworthy in following the activity and because there are publically accepted standards of accountability in the way the activity of logic is practiced. Here is how we will proceed. In section 2 we sketch a metaphysics of natural purposes that supports the claim that there are objective goods that beings need qua the kinds of being they are in order to flourish. In section 3 we argue that flourishing includes the acquisition of virtues. We give a general account of virtue, roughly as a stable disposition to act upon a habit elevated to a skill of putting one's know-how into practice that springs from one's motivation to pursue what one perceives as good. In section 4 we give a general sketch of intellectual virtues as truth-seeking virtues that stem from a love of the truth that are the skills to flourish intellectually. In section 5 we discuss connaturality, namely those specific metaphysical accidents readily acquired by beings due to their first nature. We make an original distinction between ontological connaturality, namely the connaturality that belongs to animals qua beings of a certain kind, and habitual connaturality, namely our first natures suffused with virtues—or vices, although we will concentrate only on virtues. Habitual connaturality is acquired through the practice of virtue and involves perceptiveness awakened by the possession of the virtue in question. The knowledge arising from this form of connaturality may be a form of know-how. In section 6 we give an account of connatural apprehension and connatural propositional knowledge. In section 7 we discuss connatural know-how and argue that it makes certain virtues possible. At this point we will have shown that intellectual and moral virtues are informed by know-how. In sections 8 and 9 we give analyses of know-how and skill in terms of counterfactual success. We show how skill is a refined form of know-how and how both know-how and skill are informed by moral and intellectual virtues. We conclude in section 10 that know-how informs intellectual and moral virtues in the sense that virtue is to be elucidated in terms of skill, which is in turn to be elucidated in terms of know-how. Moreover, virtues inform know-how in the sense that know-how is to be elucidated in terms of intellectual and moral virtues. No circularity arises because different virtues and different forms of know-how are involved.


text: This is Part I of a three part series How to outline the online slot machine to win games. The three parts are: 1 Understanding How the Slot Machine Games work2. Mount few Slot Machine Game strategies3. Money and time management. In this article I am going to understand how slot machines work to help. This is something that takes a little time, but is the simplest of props to win at online slot machines. This is because most of the understanding comes from just doing what you do and that is to play the slot game. Soon the game will be integrated into your reflexes and do not need your opinion on the steering. To get to this stage, I'd suggest looking for the tab on the game board that has all the game instructions. Slots of the same software vendors developed many things in common. Also, there are small groups within the same software vendors menu of games that will be almost identical. Often they will share is part of their name. For example, in the Mac-compatible slot game software provider NetEnt flash casino jackpot you have a group of slots as a miracle. This group includes Tiki Wonder, Wonder and Geisha Icy Wonder. There is also a nostalgic one group them. These are the Super Eighties, The Funky Seventies Sixties and The Groove. Within these small groups all the slots work exactly the same. NetEnt is no download slot machine software vendor. After studding the instructions and enter the slots a spin around the block, you would then have to carefully analyze the game table. The amount to pay is a list of likely combination, and the coins each. These liabilities may first appear, even the most experienced players complicated. Make a few turns and stop the game after you hit a certain win. Compare the amount of profits and symbols on the active pay line pay. The amount to show the icon and two rows of numbers. The reduced number of 3 to 5, how many symbols are placed on the line and the larger number is the payout per coin placed in the line. If the symbol is a common symbol then the bigger number next to the 3-5 is the payout on the bet line for every coin that you bet on the line. The more symbols on the payline, the higher the payout. It works a little differently when we talk about wilderness and sprinkle symbols.A Joker, any other symbol on the active pay line, replace win a wining combination. There will be a series of small volumes and larger numbers as well as with the usual symbols. The larger number could be placed placed on the payout per coin on the line or it could be a multiplier that you use to win this bet will be multiplied on line. So that's something you need to test play is. Most of the time is the difference to be paid on the specified clearly. But sometimes it is not clear, and you need to have it a spin, land on a win and a couple of check symbols yourself.Scatter my favorites. With 3 scatter symbols anywhere on the board show, enter a free-spin mode. Also you will find the two sets of numbers small and large. The larger numbers next to the 2 to 5 are always a multiplier. So that's always very clear. However, the multiplication over the entire board is set, not just betting on the active payline as the wild symbols multiplier.So you can see the payable be quite complicated. I is the one thing you need to separate study of nearly every group of gaming machines in an online casino environment. It's challenging, but fun to do. It is similar to a crossword puzzle that is interesting and fun to participate in. So study your performance and have a good time to gamble.


text: Tommy MacDonald was interviewed this morning by Fine Woodworking Editor Asa Christiana at the IWF in Atlanta, Georgia. As you may already know that Tommy MacDonald's new show on WGBH called "Rough Cuts" will air this October. During this interview Tommy talks about some of the wood projects on the show, how he got his start in woodworking, and also about the positive influence of Norm Abram on him.


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All item details
This jacket in water-resistant softshell is an essential piece for exciting outdoor adventures. The fleece lining and the rib knit cuffs, collar and hem offer extra protection and warmth.
- Melange softshell fabric: breathable, wind and water-resistant
- Soft fleece lining
- Collar, and cuffs in rib knit
- Front zip
- Two slit pockets
- Straight cut
Material and care
- Outer fabric: 91% Polyester, 9% Elastane
- Lining: 100% Polyester


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Clifton Park, NY –– Behold the ultimate West Coast/East Coast mashup and permanent member of Shmaltz Brewing's seasonal mishpocha: REJEWVENATOR┬« 2014! Rejuvenate your taste buds with the sacred nectar of California Merlot and New York Concord grapes — both fruits infused to create a truly divine species. Inspired by the spiritual brewing traditions of the monks, and the cherished fruits of the Holy Land, this half Belgian-Style Dubbel Ale, half Doppelbock European Lager, is the only hybrid of its kind in the world. Like the mystical monks, the 8% alc. Dubbel-Doppel makes a clean, quiet entrance — before the dark fruit flavors crescendo into harmonious notes of creamy caramel. For a limited time, ancient traditions sing a modern tune in both 22 ounce bottles and draught at a store/bar near you.
"Brewed with a combination of Abbey and Trappist Belgian ale yeast and European lager yeast, this ale-lager hybrid showcases qualities of two of our favorite traditional styles in the most untraditional way," says Shmaltz Brewmaster Paul McErlean. "The addition of California Merlot and Upstate NY Concord Grapes brings Shmaltz's bi-coastal roots full circle and contributes a luscious complexity of vibrant flavors."
The experimental process of brewing Rejewvenator® 2014 begins with 4 specialty malts and 4 hop varieties blending European tradition with brazenly innovative American craft beer flavor and attitude. Cold, bottom fermentation starts with the European Lager yeast, and once the beer warms, McErlean pitches the Abbey/Trappist Belgian Ale yeasts brought in exclusively for this brew. Finally the succulent juice of grapes is infused into the wort (beer) and ferments for several weeks before filtration and packaging. A delicious tribute to the original craft beer warriors, the Monks, and a fitting welcome to warmer days and the new life of Spring and Summer. L'Chaim!
Since 2008, Shmaltz has proudly released standout recipes of this genuinely unique brew, each blending diverse sacred fruits. The 2009 and 2010 (brewed with grapes) versions of Rejewvenator® took home two consecutive Gold Medals at the 2009/2010 World Beer Championships, and last year's Rejewvenator® 2013 has a 91-rating on RateBeer.com.
Standout Praise for the Rejewvenator® Series:
"It's a glorious beer." –All About Beer ("Beer Talk" Tasting Section)
"Top 10 Summer Beer In & Around NYC." –L Magazine
"The best summer release that's against the season is without a doubt HE'BREW's Rejewvenator." –San Jose Mercury News
"Truly Unique" -Imbibe Magazine
About Shmaltz Brewing Company
Ranked in 2013 as one of the "Top 100 Brewers in the World" by RateBeer.com, Shmaltz won 9 Gold and 5 Silver Medals in the World Beer Championships in 2012. A recipient of the "Distinguished Business Award" by the Brooklyn Chamber of Commerce, Shmaltz was also included in the "Top 50 Fastest Growing Bay Area Companies" by San Francisco Business Times.
Founder and owner Jeremy Cowan established the company in San Francisco in 1996 with the first 100 cases of He'brew Beer® hand bottled and delivered throughout the Bay Area in his Grandmother's Volvo. He'brew® now sells across 37 states, through 40 wholesalers and nearly 5,000 retailers. In 2007, Shmaltz released a new line of craft brewed lagers under the Coney Island® banner. The Coney Island brand was recently acquired by Alchemy and Science, a craft beer incubator, owned by Boston Beer (Sam Adams).
After 17 years of being an outspoken cheerleader for contract brewing, Shmaltz recently broke with tradition and opened its own New York State production brewery in Clifton Park, NY, 10 minutes north of Albany's capital district. Shmaltz's new home boasts a 50-barrel brewhouse with 20,000 barrels of annual capacity. The new brewery packages 12 and 22 ounce bottles and kegs of their diverse core and seasonal favorites, and hosts fans and beer tourists in their new tasting room for tours, barrel-aged previews, and special releases.
In 2010/11, Cowan published his small business memoir, Craft Beer Bar Mitzvah: How It Took 13 Years, Extreme Jewish Brewing, and Circus Sideshow Freaks to Make Shmaltz Brewing Company an International Success. A free sampling of Chapter One and suggested beer pairings, can be viewed at www.craftbeerbarmitzvah.com. In 2012, Cowan spearheaded the creation of the non-profit New York City Brewers Guild (which manages NYC Beer Week) and served as its Founding President.
Cowan also has presented at the 2013 Craft Brewers Conference, as well as previous Great American Beer Festivals, BevNet's Brewbound conference, Beer Advocate's Extreme Beer Festival, the Atlanta and the St. Louis Jewish Book Fairs, and the San Francisco and New York Jewish Museums.
Shmaltz Brewing beers have appeared in such distinguished media outlets as The New York Times, CNN Headline News, Beer Advocate Magazine, NPR's "Weekend Edition," Fox Business News, Men's Health, San Francisco Chronicle, The Jerusalem Report, New York Jewish Week, and Washington Post.


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Web Tips: Ready to set up a bog?
So you want to set up a blog for your company: what are your software options? Four reasons why you should use WordPress.
So you want to set up a blog for your company: what are your software options?
There's WordPress, Typepad, Live Journal, Blogger – the list seems endless – and confusing. The best choice must be free, easy to install, simple to configure and easy to use. Here are four reasons why you should use WordPress:
1. It offers great flexibility in design with thousands of free and low-cost templates.
2. There are thousands of free add-ons (plug-ins) and widgets available to enhance your WordPress blog.
3. It's easy to set up the technical aspects necessary for publishing such as your feeds, comments, search fields, archives, remote posting and much more.
4. It's very user-friendly and easy to use. There's a vast quantity of free online support from WordPress as well as online forums and websites devoted to answering any questions you might think of and many you have not ever considered.
You won't go wrong with WordPress. If they could figure out a way that WordPress could write your blog posts it would be perfect.
In the next instalment of Web Tips I will discuss ideas for blog posts.
Andrew Shedden is the president of Broadfield Communications, a marketing consulting firm that makes it easier for companies to grow their revenues. For free marketing communications resources visi http://www.broadfieldcommunications.com. For free industrial marketing resources, check out the blog at http://broadfieldconsulting.com.
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