text:
Lessons from the past: historical perspectives of mental health in the Eastern Cape.
History and geography played a pivotal role in shaping the Eastern Cape first into Bantustans and later the Eastern Cape Province in a democratic South Africa (SA) (Figs. 1 and 2). Mostert [1] in his book, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People, states that the 'wars and moral struggle on the Cape frontier' affected the formative experience of SA, attitudes to colonialism and racism, and later of the political ideologies of Steve Biko and Nelson Mandela, whose ancestors were closely involved in these wars. The development of boundaries within the province influenced the location of both general and mental health facilities, therefore affecting access to and division of services along racial lines. The province has been the site of nine border wars (between 1779 and 1879) fought between the British and Dutch against the amaXhosa. [2,3] It was against this backdrop of war and control of land that the province was annexed by the British. In 1819, the British parliament approved the spending of GBP50 000 towards the settlement of 5 000 Europeans in the eastern regions of the Cape Colony to create a border guard between the settlers and the amaXhosa.'4,51
The Transkei, originally referred to as Pondoland, was between the Kei River and the then Colony of Natal. More precisely, it was between the uMtata River to the south and the Umtamvuna River to the north. It occupied an area of approximately 47 000 [km.sub.2] and was progressively annexed by the British from 1874 to 1894. Pondoland was the last region to fall under British control.[6,7] The area was then divided into districts and the chiefs were reduced to overseers, only able to hear civil cases under native law.
The Ciskei was already part of British Kaffraria, with King William's Town as the capital city. [3] British Kaffraria consisted of land between the Keiskamma and Kei Rivers, and was subdivided into seven counties. [8] After the union of SA in 1910, British Kaffraria became known as the Border region.
Sir George Grey, the Governor of the Cape Colony from 1854 to 1861, was instrumental in developing a segregationist rule. His objective was to subordinate the chief's authority to the British government. [9] Henderson [10] writes that Grey was interested in the cooperation of the two races but not on an equal basis. Grey was of the opinion that the industrial relationship between the 'European and the Kaffir should be that of employer and employee'. A significant victory for colonial authorities was the cattle killings that occurred between April 1856 and May 1857. Following the visions of a prophetess, the amaXhosa killed approximately 400 000 cattle on both sides of the Kei. This forced submission to the colonial government and almost all the land of the AmaXhosa was given to white immigrants or black officials of the colonial government. [11, 12]
Early health services in the Eastern Cape
Prior to the development of asylums in the eastern regions of the Cape Colony, mentally ill patients were not only 'admitted' to jails but were also treated at general hospitals.[13] This was particularly true for the Bantustan of the Transkei, which depended on mission hospitals to provide services.
In British Kaffraria there were no health services for the entire populace, white or black, until the establishment of Grey Hospital in King William's Town in 1856. This was a natives-only hospital, but indigent Europeans were also admitted. The hospital was originally situated in a pensioners' village and consisted of 20 cottages. Dr John Patrick Fitzgerald was appointed the first superintendent of native hospitals and held this post from 1856 to 1884. The hospital served British Kaffraria and Pondoland. [14-16] In April 1893, trained nurses were introduced in the hospital and they had native assistants. [17] The hospital was declared a national monument in 1971 and continues to function as a district hospital today. [15]
Two years after the opening of Grey Hospital, the Albany Hospital in Grahamstown was opened.'181 This hospital treated the mentally ill as well as the chronically sick. In 1923, the hospital was moved to the current site of the Settler's Hospital. [18] Grey, Albany, Frontier and the Provincial Hospitals were the only hospitals in the Eastern Cape until 1881, when Frere Hospital in East London was established.[10] This hospital was for the treatment of both natives and whites. Initially it housed nine patients, and by 1889 the hospital had 26 beds and eight wards. In 1932 the hospital was extended to accommodate 202 beds, and by 1956 the hospital had 456 beds. [16]
It was only in 1882 that a hospital was established to serve most of the Transkei; Butterworth Hospital, which received patients from all over the Transkei, was opened. It was maintained in part by taxes collected from the Fingos, which was two shillings and six pence for 'each man'. [19] Victoria Hospital at the Lovedale Mission and Umtata Hospital were provincial hospitals and were therefore state aided. By 1909, these hospitals had 18 and 17 beds, respectively, serving mainly the native population. [20] The number of beds for natives increased to 186 at Umtata Hospital by 1943, with an additional 35 beds for Europeans and 10 beds for coloureds.[21]
Mission hospitals contributed significantly to the development of health services in the Eastern Cape; ~60% of beds for the native population in the Transkei were provided by mission hospitals.[21] When the Transkei became an 'independent state' in 1976, all mission hospitals came under the control of the Transkeian government.
Development of psychiatric services
Mental institutions in the Eastern Cape were initially converted military barracks or prisons. The first facility was the Grahamstown Lunatic Asylum, established within the Fort England barracks in 1875. [22] Prior to this, a hut was being used as a makeshift hospital and later patients were kept in the Albany Hospital. [18]
Dr Robert Hullah was the superintendent from 1876 to 1890, followed by Dr Thomas Duncan Greenlees. On the recommendation of Dr Greenlees, the colonial government founded the Institute for Imbecile Children in Grahamstown in 1894. Dr Greenlees was superintendent of both these institutions as well as the Hospital for the Chronic Sick, which also admitted people diagnosed as insane. [18]
The Grahamstown asylum admitted both Europeans and nonEuropeans, although in his 1904 report on the institution, Dr Greenlees made an appeal for white lunatics to be treated apart from the coloured and native races. [23] A large number of private patients were admitted here, with Greenlees offering services such as picnics and in some cases the provision of champagne; this service was for whites only. Black patients were involved in manual labour, such as doing laundry and farm work. Black men provided the labour force in 'the guise of occupational therapy. [24] Greenlees was of the opinion that black female patients did not require walks as this would interfere with the operational requirements of the asylum.[24] In 1908, the asylum became a whites-only facility. [25] It was only in 1952 that a separate ward for non-whites was created. [22]
Due to the overcrowding experienced at the Grahamstown Lunatic Asylum, the colonial government took over the barracks at the Kowie River in 1888 and converted this into the Port Alfred Asylum. [18,26] There are conflicting reports about whether this facility was for whites only or all races. According to Terreblanche,'[27] the hospital was initially for whites only, however records show that in 1892 there were 36 nonwhites admitted. Jones [28] states that the Kowie Hospital was found unsuitable for white occupation and was purely for non-whites.
The colonial government recognised the need for a natives-only hospital, and in 1894 took over the military barracks in Fort Beaufort and converted it into the Fort Beaufort Asylum, for natives only. Dr John Conry was the first superintendent. Dr W J Dodds, the Inspector for Asylums, complained that there was insufficient accommodation at Fort Beaufort and an open air shelter was created for ten male tuberculosis patients. [20] The hospital was considerably extended with the building of huts in 1908, and a 60-bed male ward was added in 1913. [22] The 'hut annex' was commissioned by Conry as a means of cheap accommodation for the black insane, which resulted in a saving of GBP6 850 for the colonial government. [25]
There was a high incidence of scurvy and tuberculosis at this institution. A contributing factor could have been the poor nutrition that patients received. This was probably because of the lesser allocation given to Fort Beaufort Asylum compared with other asylums in the colony. In 1909, Valkenberg Asylum had a nett expenditure of GBP7 480 per annum for a daily average of 410 patients compared with Fort Beaufort's per annum nett expenditure of GBP6 535 for a daily average of 475 patients.'251
Fort Beaufort Asylum was administered by the Ciskei government from 1981 to 1994, when Ciskei was incorporated into SA. Today, the hospital, known as Tower Hospital, receives patients from the entire province and serves as the only state rehabilitation centre for psychiatric patients in the region.
These three asylums, Grahamstown, Port Alfred and Fort Beaufort, shared an institutional culture insofar as they were visited by Dr Dodds, Inspector for Asylums, whose reports were distributed to all asylums. Superintendents gained experience from working at other asylums and case notes on patients were exchanged. Swartz [25] further states that the hierarchy of status in society was strictly maintained within the walls of the asylum. Black patients were transferred to Fort Beaufort Asylum and overflow patients from other asylums in the colony were transferred to Port Alfred Asylum.
Queenstown Mental Hospital was established in 1922. It was the only hospital at that time built specifically to accommodate the mentally ill. Within 15 years the hospital was expanded to include vegetable gardens, a dairy and a butchery.'221 The hospital admitted both whites and non-whites in separate sections.
In Port Elizabeth, the mentally ill were transferred to Grahamstown Asylum or lodged in the local hospital. In 1969, the Elizabeth Donkin Hospital, originally opened in 1937 as an infectious diseases hospital, was converted into a psychiatric hospital. [29]
In Umtata, patients were treated at local mission hospitals or transferred to Fort Beaufort Asylum. It was only in 1976 that the Transkei government established a psychiatric facility. This is discussed further in the next section.
Legislation and its effects on mental health services
The earliest legislation regarding mental health services in the Cape Colony dates back to Ordinance No. 5 of 1833, which was amended in 1837 with Ordinance No. 3. These ordinances did not govern the provision of mental health services, and dealt only with the protection of the property of the insane. [22]
Parle [30-32] and Swartz [33] report that colonial psychiatry shadowed colonial government policy in terms of putting in place practices that had racist effects, such as inadequate accommodation for black patients and scientific justifications for diagnosis that treated white and black patients as biologically different groups.
The Mental Disorders Act No. 38 of 1916 brought the control of all mental hospitals under the Commissioner for Mental Hygiene, Dr J T Dunston. This act promoted custodial care and remained in effect for 56 years, replaced by the 1973 Act. [34]
Other legislation also greatly affected the development of mental and health services in the country. The movement of the non-white population from one province to another and within a province was greatly affected by various legislations. This entrenched the development of a segregationist society and therefore a fragmented health system.
As early as 1857, the movement of amaXhosa into the colony was governed by the so-called pass acts, which included the Kaffir Pass Act No. 23 of 1857 and the Kaffir Employment Act No. 27 of 1857. [35-38]
In 1913, after the establishment of the Union of SA and the Native Land Act No. 27 of 1913, blacks were no longer able to purchase or lease land outside of designated reserves. These reserves were later to become 'Bantustans'. Seven years later, the Native Affairs Act No. 23 of 1920 established a native affairs commission, which provided for a system of local councils in the reserves, and by 1927 the Union government had promulgated the Native Administration Act No. 38 of that same year. This act allowed the minister to, without prior notice to any persons, order any tribe or portion thereof to move from one place to another within the union. [35-38]
By 1948, the policy of apartheid ensured that health services in the Republic of SA were segregated by race. Health facilities were centralised within the republic. The apartheid government ensured a segregation of mental health services, favouring the white populace. There was a maldistribution of health workers and inequity in access of healthcare for different groups. [39]
In 1951, the Bantu Authorities Act No. 68 of 1951 allowed for the creation of traditional tribal, regional and territorial authorities, initially run by the Native Affairs Department but with the promise of self-government in the future. [35-38]
This was the prelude to the development of the Bantustans of the Ciskei and the Transkei. In 1961, the SA government declared the Ciskei a separate administrative authority. The Bantu Citizenship Act of 1970 defined blacks living throughout SA as legal citizens only of the homelands designated for their particular ethnic group, thereby stripping them of their SA citizenship. These homelands gained independence in 1976 (Transkei) and 1982 (Ciskei). [35-38,40,41] The provision of health services were now the onus of these 'independent' homelands.
In the Ciskei, Fort Beaufort Asylum and Cecelia Makiwane Hospital, in the native reserve of Mdantsane, provided mental health services. The Transkei government, in 1977, took over the administration of approximately 22 mission hospitals and the state-aided hospitals, Umtata and Butterworth.'421 Chief Moshesh, the Minister of Health in the Transkei, inaugurated the first psychiatric hospital in May 1976. The hospital, with 440 beds, was established on the grounds of the Mbizweni Prison and was called the Umzimkulu Hospital. Dr William Guy Daynes was the first superintendent. The hospital was incorporated into the province of KwaZulu-Natal in 2001. [43,44]
Dr Daynes established a psychiatric clinic at the Umtata Hospital. He went on to become the superintendent of Umtata Hospital and assist with the development of the medical faculty.[45] It was only in 1985, with establishment of the Medical School at the University of Transkei, that a 14-bed unit for mentally ill patients was created at the Umtata Hospital. This was the status quo in the homeland until 2005.
The World Health Organization's report on apartheid and mental healthcare [46] condemned the state of SA psychiatry. The report included descriptions of overcrowded black wards surrounded by wire mesh fences. It pointed out that the type and quality of mental healthcare was determined by the colour of one's skin. However, a racist policy on the treatment of the mentally ill was already in situ as early as 1854. A report on the Robben Island Asylum [47] clearly states that 'white inmates whether insane or lepers, should be kept separate from the blacks It can therefore be argued that the policy of apartheid entrenched an existing racist policy in mental health.
Treatment modalities followed a similar pattern, with the prevailing notion that black Africans had a primitive personality. Even diagnosis was influenced by race, with Dunston in 1922 stating that the reason for no case of paranoia being diagnosed in the native population was owing to their inferior mentality. Dunston was of the opinion that blacks demonstrated a far lower level of intelligence than whites. [13]
Dunston initiated the mental hygiene movement in SA and was instrumental in the development of the Mental Disorders Act of 1916. [13,48] Another prominent Eastern Cape medical practitioner, Dr Darley Hartley, supported the mental hygiene movement as owner, editor and publisher of the South African Medical Record. Dr T D Greenlees, the superintendent of the Grahamstown Asylum, was also a supporter of this movement. [13,48-50]
The government enlisted private contractors to provide care for mainly black patients in long-stay facilities. These facilities were owned by Smith Mitchell & Co. This private enterprise provided 40% of all psychiatric beds in SA, 94% reserved for black patients. In the Eastern Cape, the company provided 700 beds in Kirkwood, Port Elizabeth. [13,46,51] A WHO report in 1983 condemned the poor hygiene standards and levels of care afforded to the black patients. [46]
Health budgets were segregated according to population classification, resulting in an inequitable distribution of resources. Zwarenstein and Price'521 reported that the homelands and rural areas had the lowest number of hospital beds per capita and recommended that non-racial access to hospital care would achieve more health benefit for the same expenditure.
In East London, separate health services were already in existence since 1922, with the passing of the Public Health Act No. 36 of 1919. This was evident with the establishment of a whites-only in-patient service in 1931. [53,54] A community psychiatric service was well established for the white and coloured population. Blacks were attended to in the native reserve of Mdantsane.
The Society of Psychiatrists of SA, now the SA Society of Psychiatrists, received severe criticism for their apparent support of the racist apartheid legislation. In 1978, a task team of the American Psychiatric Association found that the policy of apartheid resulted in discrimination of non-white patients treated in mental hospitals in SA. [55-57] In March 1985, the Council of the Royal College of Psychiatrists pointed out that 'there is substantial evidence that discrimination in the provision of psychiatric services based on race exists in SA both in State and Private Hospitals and that this discrimination in the provision of psychiatric facilities on the grounds of race is to us totally unjust and unacceptable. [57]
Sashidharan [58-61] was vociferous in his criticism of SA psychiatrists. He referred to the racist practices of mental health professionals and their support of racist legislation, lack of facilities for non-whites and the psychological impact of apartheid. In their response, SA psychiatrists denied discrimination in mental health legislation, stated that as of 1982 there were seven black psychiatrists in SA and limited their report to services within white SA. [62,63] No comment was made on the state of mental health services in the homelands, the facilities provided by Smith Mitchell & Co or the fact that legislation was enacted by an apartheid regime and therefore inherently segregationist in its content. Burke [64] reported that mental health legislation was used to admit 'idle' and 'undesirable blacks for indefinite periods of time.'
In October 1985, Sashidharan wrote to the Bulletin of the Royal College of Psychiatrists: it will take more than self congratulatory statements to convince us that medical institutions and psychiatrists in SA are not subservient to racist governmental policies in the field of health. [61]
The Council of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, in 1987, adopted a resolution for sanctions against SA. [55,57] Levine [65] encouraged the members of the Society of Psychiatrists of SA to 'enter into a constructive dialogue about the problem of discriminatory provision of psychiatric services based on race.'
Racial differences strongly influenced the diagnostic practices of practitioners, with many psychiatrists working in public institutions arguing that black Africans and coloureds were not able to experience depression. Jones'281 continued to emphasise that 'therapeutic applications were limited mainly to white men'. Jones agreed that no blanket statement could be made about all practitioners working in apartheid SA, but some psychiatrists did serve the interests of the apartheid state, while others did not (personal communication with principal author, Jones, February 2014.) Outside of the Bantustans, Dr George Hart expressed his dissatisfaction with the conditions for black patients at Sterkfontein Hospital.'281
In his address to the American Psychiatric Association (APA) in 1997, Prof. Cliff W Allwood acknowledged that some members of the Society of Psychiatrists were involved in designing, implementing and defending state policies for the racial separation of psychiatric services.'661
Together, the different pieces of legislation, racial segregation and the mental hygiene movement had a serious and deleterious effect on service provision for blacks in the country, particularly in the 'homelands'. In the Transkei and the Ciskei, there were no black psychiatrists. The Ciskei had non-Xhosa-speaking white psychiatrists who depended on interpreters. The Transkei had a resident black psychiatrist in 1991, with the establishment of the medical faculty at the University of Transkei.
In 1993, the Provincial Department of Health had the responsibility of amalgamating the three administrative areas of the Ciskei, Transkei and Cape Province to provide a comprehensive and integrated health service. It had to focus on re-addressing the inequities in health delivery during the apartheid era. This department inherited a fragmented service, with mental health services more developed in the former white areas of the province. Private mental health facilities were and are still situated in East London and Port Elizabeth, two former nodes of economic growth in apartheid SA.
A 1996 report titled Health Care in the Eastern Cape stated that there was an inadequate number of staff and facilities to provide a mental health service in the Eastern Cape. The report noted that the greatest area of need, in terms of psychiatric facilities, staff, access to mental healthcare in primary healthcare facilities and residential facilities was in the former homeland of Transkei. [67]
A further challenge that the Department of Health faced was the implementation of the Mental Health Care Act No. 22 of 2002. In 2006, the Department's annual report listed several constraints, such as inequity in the distribution of beds, insufficient number of beds in East London, Mthatha and Libode, challenges in implementation of the Mental Health Care Act, shortage of psychiatrists and an inadequate community psychiatric service. [68]
The Department of Health planned in 2006/7 to set up three task teams for the implementation of the Mental Health Care Act, identify 28 designated facilities and increase the number of psychiatric beds by 150. [68] As of March 2014, the number of designated facilities in the Eastern Cape is eight and the bed status has remained unchanged.
The historical development of mental health services in the Eastern Cape has been greatly influenced by colonisation, the homeland policy and the legislation of the apartheid regime. The system of service delivery needs urgent revision, with the development of an integrated service that steers away from a vertical approach to the provision of health services.
It is clear that the need for psychiatric facilities in many areas requires urgent addressing. This is in particular reference to the paucity of services in the previous homeland of the Transkei. In 2001, the Umzimkulu Hospital was incorporated into the Province of KwaZulu-Natal, resulting in the loss of over 400 beds and total dependence on the Mthatha Mental Health Unit in that region. [69]
The marked lack of child and adolescent psychiatric services throughout the history of the province, particularly in the homeland states, is evident. Planning and provision of these services should be targeted at these regions particularly. More than 20 years after the appointment of the first black psychiatrist in Umtata, the number of non-white specialists in the province currently numbers three in state practice. The recruitment and retention of specialists should be a priority.
In Freeman's [70] opinion, the objective of the Mental Health Care Act is to make the best possible mental healthcare, services and rehabilitation available to the population equitably, efficiently and in the best interests of mental healthcare users within the limits of the available resources.
In describing the mental health gap in SA, Burns [71] correctly points out that psychiatric hospitals remain outdated, in disrepair and unfit for human use. This is true for several institutions in the province, specifically for Elizabeth Donkin Hospital, where several reports recently have indicated inhumane facilities. [72,73]
Twenty years after SA's first democratic election, some progress towards achieving the above should be evident. However, very little has changed in the provision of psychiatric services throughout the province. However, the challenge that the Department of Health now faces is surmountable with careful planning and equitable distribution of limited resources. The Eastern Cape stands at the forefront in providing undergraduate medical training with a focus on community care, and this should be the starting point for developing a strong and formidable work force to improve mental health service provision. A retention plan of this work force should enable the creation and development of a mental health service within the primary healthcare system. This must be supported by budgetary allocations for the implementation of such a transformative system.
One lesson from the past should, therefore, be equitable distribution of resources for the provision of care for all that inhabit this province, as is enshrined in SA's constitution. The greatest lesson for psychiatry in general is well summarised in the following extract from Prof.
C W Allwood's address to the APA in May 1997: 'We do not wish to be patronised. We do look for collegial acceptance by the international community: a willingness to walk with us in whatever will be to our mutual benefit, as equals trying to find solutions to the world's needs. In this we believe that our experiences have given us something to offer. [66]
Acknowledgements. This paper was sponsored by an academic fellowship grant from the Discovery Foundation. We would like to thank Associate Prof. TF Jones of the History Department, California State University, San Bernadino, for her comments on mental health practices in apartheid SA.
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[52.] Zwarenstein MF, Price MR. The 1983 distribution of hospital and hospital beds in RSA, by area, race, ownership and type. S Afr Med J 1990; 77:448-452.
[53.] Nel EC. Racial segregation in East London, 1636-1948. South African Geographical Journal 1991; 73(2):60-68. 'http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03736245.1991.97135501
[54.] Phillips M. The origin of the Public Health Act of 1919. S Afr Med J 1990; 77:531-532.
[55.] Swanepoel M. Human rights that influence the mentally ill patient in South African medical law: A discussion of sections 9; 27; 30 and 31 of the Constitution. PER/PELJ 2011(14)7: 1-20.
[56.] Domisse J. Health and health care in post-apartheid South Africa: A future vision. J Natl Med Assoc 1988; 80(3):325-333.
[57.] Emsley R. Focus on psychiatry in South Africa. Br J Psychiatry 2001; 178:382-386. 'http://dx.doi. org/10.1192/bjp.178.4.3821
[58.] Sashidharan SP. Mental health and apartheid - a case to answer? Psychiatr Bull 1980,4(11):171-172. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.4.11.171]
[59.] Sashidharan SP. The College and South Africa. Psychiatr Bull 1982; 6(5):89-90. 'http://dx.doi. org/10.1192/pb.6.5.89-a1
[60.] Sashidharan SP. The College and South Africa. Psychiatr Bull 1983; 7(11):208-209. 'http://dx.doi. org/10.1192/pb.7.11.208-a1
[61.] Sashidharan SP. South African psychiatry. Psychiatr Bull 1985; 9(10):202. 'http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/ pb.9.10.2021
[62.] Anderson J, Ben-Arie D, Berg A, et al. Letter to the Editor. Psychiatr Bull 1982; 6(2):178-179.
[63.] Hemphill RE. The College and politics in South Africa. Psychiatr Bull 1982; (6):44. 'http://dx.doi. org/10.1192/pb.6.3.44-a1
[64.] Burke A. Mental health care during apartheid in South Africa: An illustration of how science can be abused. http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/ati/els/els1/burke%20pap.pdf (accessed October 2010).
[65.] Levine S. Letter to the Editor. Psychiatr Bull 1982; 6:45-46. 'http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.6.3.451
[66.] Allwood CW. Psychiatry in South Africa: Yesterday, today and tomorrow. S Afr Med J 1997; 87(12):1728-1732.
[67.] Health Systems Trust. Health Care in the Eastern Cape. Implications for Planning 1996. Pretoria: Health Systems Trust and the Department of Health, October 1996.
[68.] Eastern Cape Department of Health. Annual Report 2006/7. www.ecdoh.gov.za (accessed June 2009).
[69.] KwaZulu-Natal Department of Health. Provincial hospitals. http://www.kznhealth.gov.za/hospitals.htm (accessed May 2010).
[70.] Freeman M. Mental Health Care Act of 2002. Historical development and current concerns. Presentation at the South African Society of Psychiatrists Conference, 2010.
[71.] Burns JK. The mental health gap in South Africa: A human rights issue. Equal Rights Rev 2011; 6:99-113.
[72.] Kimberley M, Sifile L. Health boss calls for morgue probe. Sowetan, 19 August 2011.
[73.] Gilham S. PE's Elizabeth Donkin: A hospital of horrors. Weekend Post, 19 April 2012.
K Sukeri, (1) MB ChB, FCPsych(SA); O A Betancourt, (1) MD, PhD, FCPsych(SA); R Emsley, (2) MB ChB, DCH, MMed (Psych), FCPsych (SA), DMed, DSc
(1) Department of Psychiatry, Walter Sisulu University, Mthatha, South Africa
(2) Department of Psychiatry, University of Stellenbosch, Cape Town, South Africa
Corresponding author: K Sukeri (firstname.lastname@example.com)
Note: The terms Bantu, native, kaffir, coloured and European and white are used to present the context in which health policies were developed in colonial and apartheid South Africa.
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|Sukeri, K.; Betancourt, O.A.; Emsley, R.
|South African Journal of Psychiatry
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|Jul 1, 2014
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text:
Baton Rouge Area Golf Courses
LSU Sports Interactive
Country Club of Louisiana
The Country Club of Louisiana located in Baton Rouge is a challenging par-72 Jack Nicklaus signature design that plays to a championship yardage of more than 7,100 yards. Rated as the eighth-best course in the state by Golf Digest, the CCLA is carved into an undulating landscape that meanders through pockets of beautiful magnolia trees. It features a putting green that measures 5,000 square feet, finely manicured chipping and pitching greens, practice bunkers and a 300 yard driving range with 80,000 square feet of tee surface. The CCLA served as the host to LSU's Country Club of Louisiana Intercollegiate for 12 years from 1992-2003.
The Bluffs on Thompson Creek
St. Francisville, La., is home to one of the state's premier golf courses in The Bluffs on Thompson Creek. This picturesque Arnold Palmer design is described by Ron Whitten of Golf Digest as "a collection of gorgeous, challenging golf holes, perhaps the best of any Palmer design. If any Louisiana course comes close to the ambiance and appeal of a laid-back resort like North Carolina's Pinehurst, it's The Bluffs." This par-72 gem is ranked as the fifth-best course in Louisiana and 96th on Golf Digest's list of "America's 100 Greatest Public Courses."
Carter Plantation
Carter Plantation, which opened in October 2003, is the first signature design of LSU alum and 2001 PGA Champion David Toms. The par-72 masterpiece plays to a championship yardage of more than 7,000 yards and winds through Louisiana's signature live oak flats, cypress wetlands and upland pine forests. Located in Springfield, La., Carter Plantation was named to Golf Magazine's list of "Top 10 Courses You Can Play" in February 2004 and is ranked as the ninth-best course in the state of Louisiana by Golf Digest.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Violent masturbation,
sad masturbation, priest rape, surprise limb removal — American Horror Story: Asylum was stuffed to its bleeding black nun eyes with all this crazy. Slashfilm's Antisocial Commentary, has compiled all the crazy from season 2 of AHS into one hyper cut video. We kind of want someone to set it to "We Didn't Start the Fire" by Billy Joel.
Here's the full list of crazy (what did they miss?)
Surprise limb removal
Surprise trap door
Surprise misogynist suicide
Nun sex fantasies
Electroshock therapy
Murder dungeon
Violent masturbation
Sad masturbation
Adult breastfeeding
Semen in the face
Serial killer with the dumbest name ever
Copycat serial killers
Copycat serial killer killing copycat serial killers
Demonic Possession
Sexy devil nun priest rape
Metaphorical incest rape
Zombies (or whatever)
More surprise limb removal
More adult breast-feeding
Evil murderous nun
Evil murderous child
Evil murderous Santa Claus
Anne Frank
Anne Frank being lobotomized
Botched coat hanger abortion
Angel of death
Musical number
Priest being crucified
Touching family reunion


text:
An elbow injury has forced Valentijn Overeem (28-25 MMA, 0-0 SF) out of his planned Strikeforce debut against fellow heavyweight Antonio Silva (14-2 MMA, 1-1 SF) .
MMAjunkie.com (www.mmajunkie.com) confirmed the scratch with a source close to the event. MMAWeekly.com first reported.
The fight was expected to be part of the Showtime-televised main card of Saturday's "Strikeforce: Henderson vs. Babalu" event at the Scottrade Center in St. Louis.
Strikeforce officials could not be reached for comment on whether a substitute will be sought.
Overeem was expected to make his the promotional debut after signing with Strikeforce in June. The brother of current heavyweight champion Alistair Overeem, Valentijn Overeem is a four-time PRIDE veteran who's fought professionally since 1996. "The Python" recently posted back-to-back wins in which he's earned two knockout victories in just 47 seconds of total fight time.
Silva's most recent appearance resulted in a May decision win over Andrei Arlovski at "Strikeforce St. Louis: Heavy Artillery." The heavyweight originally was under consideration for a meeting with Fedor Emelianenko at the Dec. 4 event, but the matchup did not materialize. The former EliteXC champion has won seven of his past eight contests overall, and the lone loss came via decision to Fabricio Werdum at a November 2009 Strikeforce event.
For more on "Strikeforce: Henderson vs. Babalu," stay tuned to the MMA Rumors section of MMAjunkie.com.
(Pictured: Antonio Silva)


text:
| 11.4°C Belfast
Wintry showers are expected to sweep across the country on Wednesday and into Thursday, triggering warnings of heavy rain and snow for many parts.
Commuters in parts of England, Scotland and Northern Ireland have been warned that the morning rush hour on Wednesday could be disrupted by heavy rain, sleet and snow.
The Met Office has issued a yellow warning of heavy rain until 11am covering south east Scotland and Cumbria and a yellow warning of snow for Northern Ireland and Cumbria
Forecaster Mark Wilson said: "Motorists really need to be aware of the weather conditions as there is heavy rain and snow in places so give extra time and stay up-to-date with the forecast and warnings."
A slow-moving band of wet weather that could turn into snow, potentially at lower levels, is expected to head towards the south east through Wednesday.
A yellow warning of snow will be in place in the Midlands, central England and across to just north of London from 8pm on Wednesday to 10am on Thursday.
Conditions are expected to improve throughout Thursday with milder yet potentially unsettled weather for most.


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Clark Campbell Scholarship offers international students support for summer activities
When Chelsea Liu '13, a finance and economics major at the College of William & Mary, heard about the Clark Campbell Scholarship she knew she had to apply.
"When I received notification of the scholarship from the Reves Center for International Studies, I was looking for internships in the (Washington) D.C. area," explained Liu, who hoped that a scholarship could help finance her day-to-day expenses if she accepted an unpaid position. "In the end I didn't find a position in D.C. so I applied for an internship in my hometown, Shen Yang, China."
Named for two William & Mary alumni, married couple Odette Clark '00 and Timothy Campbell '98, the Clark Campbell Scholarship is awarded to an international student who has distinguished him or herself in academics and service to the William & Mary community.
"We have been giving to William & Mary since we both graduated, and we felt that we wanted to really focus our giving on something that would have a more measurable impact on the College," said Campbell. "We have both lived and studied overseas, and as Odette is from the United Kingdom, we would never have met had the College not made strong efforts in the past to attract international students. We both believe that the presence of international students at the College enriches the experiences not only of the visiting students, but also of campus life and the overall learning experience."
Clark and Campbell have lived in a number of international locations, including Europe, Asia, and Africa. In 2007 they moved to New Delhi, India, where Campbell worked for Richmond Management, a technology oriented venture capital fund, and Clark worked with a number of NGOs including CanSupport, an organization dedicated to providing palliative care to terminal cancer patients. In September, 2011 the pair and their daughter, Heloise, moved to Zurich, Switzerland, where Campbell started an alternative investment research business focused on India.
For Liu, the scholarship available specifically to a W&M international student was the motivation for seeking a summer internship. She accepted a summer position as a Credit Operation Intern at HSBC Bank, where she performed many assignments, including processing facility office letters, security documentation, and local and foreign guarantees for various companies, analyzing companies' credit risk reports, and issuing loan cards to commercial corporations.
"The experience was crucial in my career plan because now I have had hands-on experience and it helped me realize that this is the career path I am really willing to take," she said. "This real world experience has also helped me to have a better understanding of all the schoolwork I am doing at W&M."
Steve Sechrist, director of the Office of International Students, Scholars, and Programs, hopes that learning more about recipients of the Clark Campbell Scholarship will inspire other alumni to consider today's international students.
"Funding for international students, especially undergraduates, at W&M is extremely limited," Sechrist said. "The Clark Campbell Scholarship offers a special opportunity to both recognize the achievements of our outstanding international undergraduates and help make educational experiences, such as internships, service learning projects, and summer programs for them financially viable.
"We awarded this scholarship for the first time last year and it is amazing how quickly word has spread about it. Another remarkable aspect of this gift is that it is the first of its kind from international alumni. I hope that it inspires other alumni, international and domestic, to give in this way."
The 2012 Clark Campbell Scholarship application cycle opened to W&M international students of all majors on November 14, 2011. All applications must be submitted by November 28. The 2012 recipient will be announced on December 2, 2011.
Eligibility criteria include standing as a rising, degree-seeking sophomore, junior, or senior, valid F-1 or J-1 non-immigrant status, solid academic achievement, as evidenced by a minimum GPA of 3.0, and service to the W&M community.


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How to be a better sailor
The best thing about sailing is that there's always more to be learned. Here are some ideas to start you on your way.
Take a class
If you already sail, you might think that your ship has sailed as far as classes go. But learn-to-sail classes are just the tip of the iceberg. Most sailing schools offer a wide variety of courses designed to take your sailing to the next level.
American Sailing Association schools offer courses such as Advanced Coastal Cruising, Celestial Navigation, Offshore Passagemaking and more. These courses are designed for experienced sailors who want to grow their knowledge of the sport. You can find a sailing school offering these courses at www.asa.com.
Offshore Sailing School also offers advanced classes including one on Performance Sailing that will not only appeal to those with a competitive nature but also to those who want to learn to sail faster, handle a spinnaker or improve their boat-handling skills. Find a class at www.
No sailor ever knows everything there is to know, but taking advantage of the many courses available is a great way to get expert instruction on the more complicated aspects of sailing.
Read books
History is full of great sailing stories. Legends of the sport, from Slocum to Tabarly and Moitessier to Chichester, have all penned their experiences in some of the best sailing books. Journalists have shared tales of deadly races and amazing rescues and even novelists have written about the Age of Sail in a way that is sure to instill a sense of wanderlust in even the most casual sailor.
And of course there are books that will teach you to sail or fix a boat or plan a multiyear cruise around the world. The experts are sharing their knowledge and experiences and all it takes to tap into it is a library card.
Reading about sailing won't make you an expert. For that you'll have to get out there and do it for yourself, but it will open your eyes to what sailing can be.


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Last week, Vang Pao, who led the Hmong forces in the "secret war" in Laos during the Vietnam conflict, passed away near his home in Fresno, California. Vang Pao was a complicated figure – a truly brave fighter whose men helped American forces significantly during the Vietnam War, and during his time in the United States after he emigrated to America, a leader of the Hmong community, which faced as many obstacles in adjusting to American society as any immigrant group ever has. But, especially later in his life, Vang Pao also became an extremely divisive figure within the Hmong community in the United States, as Hmong-Americans, like many émigré communities, fought within themselves over whether to keep a dream alive of returning to Laos, and as Vang Pao, wittingly or not, allowed himself to be used for all number of schemes.
I had a chance to interview Vang Pao several years ago, during Hmong New Year celebrations in St. Paul, Minnesota. You can find the article from the New Republic here (unfortunately for subscribers only).
More on:


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PC Cleaner cleans up unused and unwanted files and programs that take up spaces in your storage drives, eliminating the clog It also accelerates PC start-up with a click! MORE Q-DIMM Easy memory removal Even if you work with a smaller case, just push down on the one-sided clip and push or pull RAM modules in or out – couldn't be simpler! MORE Q-Slot Effortless PCI Express component removal The large winged clip is easy to reach and easy to operate. Just press the Q-Slot clip lightly, and graphics card just pop out. Installing or removing even the biggest graphics cards is no sweat! MORE Q-Connector Easy, quick, and accurate connections You no longer need to worry about which front-panel wire goes where. Just pop the wires into Q-Connector's one-piece plug and you're good to go. MORE Q-LED Easy PC diagnostics Q-LED indicates problems with the CPU, memory, graphics card or boot device, so you can quickly diagnose and remedy any issues — and wave goodbye to endless frustrations! Intel CPU and chipset features Intel® Z170 Chipset Intel® Z170 is a single-chipset design that supports 6th-generation Intel LGA1151 Core™ i7/Core i5/Core i3/Pentium®/Celeron® processors. It provides improved performance by utilizing serial point-to-point links, allowing increased bandwidth and stability. Additionally, Z170 provides a maximum of ten USB 3.0 ports, six SATA 6Gbit/s ports, 32Gbit/s M.2 and PCIe 3.0 lane speed support for faster data retrieval. Intel Z170 also supports integrated-graphics (iGPU) functions, so you'll enjoy the very latest Intel integrated graphics performance. Ready for 6th-generation Intel LGA1151 Core i7/Core i5/Core i3/Pentium/Celeron processors This motherboard supports 6th-generation Intel Core i7/i5/i3/Pentium/Celeron processors in the LGA1151 package, with graphics, memory and PCI Express controllers integrated to support onboard graphics output with dedicated chipsets, two-channel (4-DIMM) DDR4 memory and 16 PCI Express 3.0/2.0 lanes for great graphics performance. Overview Content Overclock Your Way Game with Confidence Seamless Entertainment Extreme Stability Easy PC DIY Products certified by the Federal Communications Commission and Industry Canada will be distributed in the United States and Canada. Please visit the ASUS USA and ASUS Canada websites for information about locally available products. All specifications are subject to change without notice. Please check with your supplier for exact offers. Products may not be available in all markets. Specifications and features vary by model, and all images are illustrative. Please refer to specification pages for full details. PCB color and bundled software versions are subject to change without notice. Brand and product names mentioned are trademarks of their respective companies. Specifications and features vary by model, and all images are illustrative. Please refer specification pages for full details. *Precise specifications and features vary by model . Please refer to the specification page The product (electrical , electronic equipment, Mercury-containing button cell battery) should not be placed in municipal waste. Check local regulations for disposal of electronic products. The use of trademark symbol (TM, ®) appears on this website means that the word text, trademarks, logos or slogans, is being used as trademark under common laws protection and/or registered as Trademark in U.S. and/or other country/region.


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Beagleboard:Terminal Shells
Terminal Shells
When the BeagleBone Black is shipped, it has built-in networking that allows remote access. Since it has built-in network services, it can be accessed remotely over the internet and can be used to access electronic projects. There are multiple ways to connect to the BeagleBone Black. In the following wiki, you can connect to your BeagleBone Black through either a serial connection, SSH using an ethernet cable, or SSH to your BeagleBone's IP address over a USB cable. The advantages of each depend on the intentions of the user.
If the intention is to change some files, look through directories, or debug issues, serial connecting is a good option because it provides a reliable connection. Since the BeagleBone Black comes with a USB connection, it is really easy to connect to the host computer. If the user needs to debug issues on the BeagleBone Black such as checking for conflicting HDMI/eMMC pins, serial connecting is the best choice if the BeagleBone Black is connected to an FTDI cable. This allows the user to see what is occurring when the BeagleBone Black is booting up.
If there is a project that needs data logging and is in a remote location, setting up a static IP address is a good choice since it can be accessed anywhere, assuming the BeagleBone Black has an Ethernet connection or is connected with a WiFi dongle. Since it just requires an internet connection, it doesn't require the BeagleBone Black to be mounted, eliminating the need to download the drivers to the host computer. It should be noted that any faulty communication with the router can cause problems connecting.
If you want to program in BoneScript, running through the BeagleBone's IP address over a USB cable is the best choice because the BeagleBone Black's Angstrom Distribution ships with a socket server that runs as a service using node.js and bonescript. When the BeagleBone Black is connected to the computer, the IP address 192.168.7.2 can be launched in either the Chrome or Firefox browser. When it is launched, there is a BoneScript interactive guide that can be used to interface with the BeagleBone Black directly through the press of a button. There is also a Cloud9IDE that can be launched to edit programs that live on the board. More information can be found in the Getting Started page.
Below, are instructions on how to connect with each of the aforementioned connections.
Serial Connect
1. Download PuTTy, a free implementation of Telnet with a terminal emulator. You can download it at this link. A window should pop up asking if you want to make changes. Press "yes" and wait for PuTTy to install.
2. Once installed, click the start menu and search for: "PuTTy-SSH" and open the program.
3. Under Connection Type: Click the "Serial" radio button.
4. Change COM number to COM Port # as specified in the Device Manager. If you are unsure of what COM port you have, refer to the "Finding COM Port with Device Manager" section on the bottom of this page.
5. On the left hand side of the Window look for: Expand Connection and find Serial. Double check the following settings.
- Speed(baud): 115200
- Data Bits: 8
- Stop bits: 1
- Parity: None
- Flow Control None
6. (Optional) – Click back to 'Session' on the left and enter a name in the 'Saved Sessions' bar and then hit 'Save' button to save sessions for easy re-open later.
7. At the bottom right of the window, click the open button. Your terminal emulator is now ready.
SSH: Setting up a Static IP
If you would like to SSH into your BeagleBone Black with an ethernet cable, you can configure the IP settings of the BeagleBone Black through Linux shell commands. Before beginning this tutorial, make sure your BeagleBone Black is connected with an ethernet connection.
1. Serial connect to your BeagleBone Black, as described in the section above.
2. We will now check the inet address and Mask address of the current internet connection. Type the following into PuTTy:
You should see something like the picture below. On a piece of paper, write down the inet addr:xxx.xxx.xxx.xx and Mask:xxx.xxx.xxx.x
3. Next, display the contents of the /etc/network/interfaces file by typing the following commands. Note: If you don't have this file, skip to step #4.
cat /etc/network/interfaces
If your board is configured to use DHCP services, you should see this:
iface eth0 inet dhcp
If your board is configured to use static IP settings, you should see this:
iface eth0 inet static
4. Using a text editor, such as 'nano', we will edit the interface settings. Type the following into PuTTy
$cd /etc/network $sudo nano interfaces
5. Using your own inet and mask addresses, type the following in the 'nano' editor. When you are done, press Ctrl+x, enter Y to save the changes, and press Enter to exit the editor.
iface eth0 inet static address xxx.xxx.xxx.xx netmask xxx.xxx.xxx.x
6. After performing these steps, your BeagleBone Black will have a static IP address and can be SSH'ed into using PuTTy. Power down your BeagleBone Black and turn it back on so we can test the IP settings.
7. Once your BeagleBone Black is connected to your PC, open up a new session for PuTTy. Make sure that the SSH radio button is highlighted then type in the inet addr.xxx.xxx.xxx.xx you had into the "Host Name (or IP Address)" text box. Finally, click 'Open' on the bottom of the screen.
8. Assuming all the steps were followed, the BeagleBone Black will connect. Login as 'root' and press enter for password.
9. It may prompt you with a PuTTY Security alert about the server's host key. Press 'Yes' and it is now ready for use!
SSH: BeagleBone's IP Address
You can also connect to your BeagleBone Black by SSH'ing to it's IP address, which is 192.168.7.2
1. Connect the BeagleBone Black to your computer using the USB cable.
2. Open up PuTTy-SSH and click on the SSH radio button.
3. In Host Name, type in: 192.168.7.2 and press Open at the bottom.
4. Log on as 'root' and press enter for the password. You are now connected!
Tera Term Installation and Use
1. Download Tera Term at this link
2. Install Tera Term with standard installation.
3. Open Tera Term and select the 'Serial' option at the bottom.
4. Make sure the correct COM port is selected. If you are unsure of what COM port you have, refer to the "Finding COM Port with Device Manager" section on the bottom of this page.
5. Hit 'OK' and the terminal to your BBB should open. Your terminal emulator is now ready.
Google Chrome Add-On: Secure Shell 0.8.19
If you use Google Chrome and are a fan of add-ons, Secure Shell is a great tool to use to SSH into your BBB!
- Plug in your BBB to your computer via a Mini-USB data cable.
- Download Secure Shell 0.8.19 from the following link.
- Once it is finished downloading, you can access the application if you open a new tab (Ctrl+n) and browse to your Google Chrome apps.
- We will now make a new connection. Look for the textbox that has "username@hostname or free form text" written in it. Replace it with email@example.com.
- Press enter and wait for it to load. It will ask you if you are sure if you want to continue connecting. Type in "yes."
- Your Secure Shell is now ready for use!
- Note: The Secure Shell is in beta testing so not all features that you may want to use will be supported. Visit the chrome store regularly to see if they have made any updates. You can check their FAQ here.
Finding COM Port with Device Manager
- Make sure your BBB is disconnected from your computer.
- Click the Start Menu and search for "Device Manager." Click yes on the window that pops up and it will open.
- Look for "Ports (COM & LPT)" and press the arrow to expand.
- Write down the ports that are available.
- Use the provided USB cable to plug the Beagle into your computer.
- The Device Manager should refresh. Check "Ports (COM & LPT)" again and your BBB should appear. It will be the COM that wasn't there before. Write down the COM# on a piece of paper.


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The landlords of an apartment complex in New Jersey have filed suit (registration required) against users of a website who posted negative comments about the management of and living conditions at the complex. Adler Development alleges the authors of the posts wrote "fraudulent and scurrilous" criticisms of their Troy Hills development, causing them economic harm and scaring off potential tenants.
As the comments were posted anonymously, Adler will need a court order to compel apartmentratings.com to turn over the identities (if known) or IP addresses of those posting the criticism. In addition, they are also asking the court to order the website operators to remove the critical posts which they characterize as "unlawful" and keep users from posting negative feedback about their properties in the future. "We've lost contracts as a result of some of these statements," said an attorney for Adler.
The lawsuit mirrors what appears to be a trend of corporate backlash against websites created by consumers for the purpose of voicing criticism about products and companies they have had bad experiences with. Courts in the US are having to decide where the demarcation is between protected First Amendment speech and defamatory comments.
"This is a developing area of the law," said Susan Grogan Faller, who practices First Amendment law for Frost Brown Todd in Cincinnati. "It appears that the usual rules apply, certainly with respect to defamation of individuals and corporations and disparagement of products and services. If you make a false statement about a verifiable fact, that's defamation, and the First Amendment doesn't protect it."
Based on court rulings thus far, it seems as though consumers who are intent on outing a company for what they consider bad business practices are most likely to win. Even larger consumer advocacy sites, such as an infamous site critical of a major electronics retailer, have flourished. Still, a big company has the financial wherewithal to make those creating such websites pony up some considerable legal fees to defend themselves.
What many corporations do not realize is that the negative publicity such punitive lawsuits bring them probably outweighs whatever benefit they would get from getting critical comments removed from a forum, or a critical site taken down. In many cases, an honest response addressing the concerns raised can go a lot farther.


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Aids in Cultre VI: Explorations in the Cultural History of Aids
Call for Papers:
Aids in Cultre VI:
Explorations in the Cultural History of AIDS
International Conference
Mexico City, 9 - 14 December 2009
Conference Languages: English, Castilian, German, French and Nahuatl Aids in Culture VI: Explorations in the Cultural History of AIDS Mexico City, 9 - 14 December 2009
Deadline for abstract Submissions: 15. October (Deadline has been extended) Conference Homepage: http://www.aidsinculture.org
AIDS is not simply an illness or a biomedical phenomenon. The conference cycle "AIDS in Culture" organised by Enkidu Magazine in Mexico City and the International Society for Cultural History and Cultural Studies (CHiCS) in cooperation with CNDH (The National Human Rights Commission in Mexico) seeks to examine cultural responses to AIDS in different cultures and societies across a wide range of perspectives.
The conference will explore the processes by which AIDS is constructed as a cultural phenomenon and how different societies in their encounters with AIDS attempt to create meaning in health, illness and disease. The conference aims at bringing together academics working in all relevant disciplines as well as activists, artists and other professionals, and promoting innovative multidisciplinary and multicultural exchange and dialogue.
Also in 2009 the conference will follow a similar model as in previous years with a large number of thematic sessions addressing several different issues. Papers are welcomed on virtually all related topics and themes related to the cultural and social construction of Aids, independently of time period and space. Also papers of comparative phenomena will be considered. Interdisciplinary perspectives are encouraged.
Among the themes of interest are the following:
- AIDS and Cultural Texts: Power and Representation.
- Representations of AIDS in art, movies, music, poetry, religion and literature from the 1980s until today.
- Silences and taboos in discourses on HIV/AIDS.
- Aesthetic responses to the challenge. Rituals, customs, and fetishism.
- Cultural practices that influence the spread of HIV/AIDS
- AIDS and collective and individual identities: Race, Class, Gender etc
- AIDS and Politics, Lobbying and Activism: Power, Representation and Activism.
- Constructions and reconstructions of AIDS in political, faith and ideology based discourse, legal issues and policy making throughout the world: Who has the authority to speak and who is silenced?
- AIDS and theory: Cultural Studies, Queer Studies, Religious Studies, History, Anthropology, Sociology, Literary Studies and all related disciplines. How do we theorize and analyse experiences and the meaning of illness?
- The ,significance' of AIDS for individuals and communities; the cultural factors influencing our perceptions of health and illness experiences.
- AIDS and psychosocial affects and effects. Cultures of silence.
- Indigenous knowledge and responses to AIDS
- Stories and Histories about AIDS
- AIDS and Oral History
Papers will be considered on related themes and topics from a wide range of perspectives. Interdisciplinary perspectives are especially welcomed since all these topics in themselves stretch across several disciplines: history, literary studies, linguistics, psychology, political sciences, pedagogy, ethnology, anthropology, sociology...
Graduate and postgraduate students are encouraged to attend and present papers. Selected papers from the conference will also this year be published in book form.
500 word abstracts should be submitted to the organising committee in English, Castilian, German or French by 15, October 2009. The conference languages will be English and Castilian. Interpretations of the conference theme ranging from the predictable to the surprising are encouraged.
Papers should be of approximately 20 - 30 minutes duration (circa 8 - 10 pages). Other forms of presentation, for instance workshops, panel debates and poster sessions will be considered on request.
Typically, a panel of academic papers should include 3 (maximum 4) speakers and 1 moderator (session chair). Each session will last for 2 hours allowing for 30 minutes for each speaker and a further 30 minutes for questions and discussion.
Proposers should submit:
(1) Session title and a session intro (ca 100 words),
(2) Paper titles,
(3) Abstracts for each paper (500 words),
(4) Short biography for each participant and the panel chair (ca 100-150 words),
(5) Institutional affiliation and address for each participant,
(6) Audio-visual and other technical requirements.
If you would like to propose a panel session, and want assistance in finding speakers and/or a session chair, we can publish a call for papers for your panel session on the conference web site and distribute it in our newsletter. If you have an idea for a thematic panel session and would like us to publish a call for papers on the conference website, please send us a proposal by e-mail to firstname.lastname@example.com
Abstracts are to be submitted by 1. October, along with the presenter's name, address, telephone, email, and institutional affiliation. It is recommended to use the form here:
when submitting an abstract. However, abstracts will also be accepted as e-mail attachments to firstname.lastname@example.com All correspondence for this conference will be conducted via email. Full conference papers should be submitted by the 1st of November 2009. Abstracts and summaries of the conference papers will be made available at the conference web page.
We acknowledge receipt and answer to all paper proposals submitted within few days. If you do not receive a reply from us in a week you should assume we did not receive your proposal; it might be lost in cyberspace! We suggest, then, to resend your abstract and resubmit your registration form, and if possible, suggest an alternative e-mail address. In particular delegates using hotmail or yahoo accounts to receive conference. Related e-mails often experience problems receiving conference information by e-mail.
E-mails from the conference organisers are often delivered to your spam folder and not to your inbox, unless you remember to add the following e-mail addresses: email@example.com and firstname.lastname@example.com
The first address is the general e-mail address of AIDSinCULTURE.org and will be used to send conference newsletters and general information. The second is the e-mail address of the academic coordinator of the conference and will be used for individual communication with delegates.
Artists are welcome to suggest exhibitions and displays of art during the conference.
Organisations, universities and publishers are welcome to sign up for information stands at the conference center.
The following information is required by artists, publishers and other exhibitors during the conference:
1) Technical Description of the information stand or artwork with indications of technical requirements for their presentation, the size and extension of the individual artworks to be presented.
2) Estimated Insurance value of the artworks.
3) One image of a representative sample of artistic work from the exhibitions can be sent by e-mail to the conference organizers in the format tiff or jpg.
4) Curriculum Vitae of artist (or organisation).
5) Description of Exhibition (300 - 500 words).
6) Short bio of artist (or organisation).
* REGISTRATION FEE for "Aids in Culture": Payment received via PayPal or bank transfer in advance (Payments completed before 1.November, 2009):
- Waged delegates (speakers): 150 USD/1700 MXP
- Students and unwaged delegates (speakers): 80 USD/900 MXP
Payment in cash, payment on location, and payments received after 1. November 2009:
- Waged delegates (speakers): 175 USD/1800 MXP
Enkidu and the participating organisations will not be able to provide travel support for conference delegates. It is therefore strongly recommended to apply for a scholarship or a grant from other sources.


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On September 15, I will do a MSDN Live Meeting on Visual Studio Lab Management.
Register here.
On September 15, I will do a MSDN Live Meeting on Visual Studio Lab Management.
Register here.
As announced at VSLive last week in Seattle, Visual Studio Lab Management will go RTM at the end of August 2010. On top of the general availability, the Lab Management capabilities will become available to all customers who have licenses for Visual Studio 2010 Ultimate with MSDN or Visual Studio Test Professional with MSDN. This really rocks because it means that companies won't have to pay additional licenses (as communicated in the past) for using Lab Management if they already have one of the above products.
I did setup Visual Studio Lab Management already twice in the past and after experimenting with it for a few months I must say this product has a big future. At many customers I have seen the pain of deploying and testing applications during the development phase. Many of these pains are properly addressed with Visual Studio Lab Management 2010.
To present you a small teaser of the product features I did prepare a 20' screencast about the build-deploy-test cycle in Visual Studio Lab Management. The screencast is available at Channel 9. Note that the sound is a bit dusty during the first two minutes.
Summary of demo in the screencast:
The solution that's used for the demo contains a web application project and a database project. Some automated UI tests with assertions are part of a dedicated Test Suite in a Test Plan with Microsoft Test Manager. A virtual environment has been created with 2 virtual machines (one will serve as the web server and the other will be the database server) in which a clean snapshot has been taken for deployment. The Lab Build will take the latest binaries of the solution and will deploy the web application to the web server (msdeploy) while the database project will be deployed to the database server. After deployment the automated UI tests will run in the virtual environment.
[screencast has been recorded and edited with Camtasia Studio]
Sharing some extra links:


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In a case of only-in-Chicago political timing, the White House announced Monday it would honor Ald. Joe Moore as a "pioneer for political reform," the same day the veteran City Council member revealed he has spoken to FBI agents about allegations he improperly paid two aides he fired.
The accusations involving the ex-employees surfaced in a report from Legislative Inspector General Faisal Khan, one of several cases of alleged aldermanic wrongdoing the council's watchdog highlighted.
Khan contends that Moore, who has represented Rogers Park since 1991, fired a woman in 2009 after she complained about political work being done in his ward office in violation of city laws. The report says Moore, 49th, paid the woman $8,709 — the equivalent of three-and-a-half months salary, and told her not to speak to anyone about the political activities in the ward office.
The report also says Moore, who has long been considered a progressive voice on the council, fired his chief of staff in 2007 and paid him $13,497 more than he should have based on the number of unused sick days the chief of staff could have accumulated.
Khan indicated that his office forwarded the information to the FBI and the Cook County state's attorney. Moore confirmed he has spoken to FBI agents about the allegations, but called them "totally baseless."
Moore said he paid the two employees for uncompensated overtime and unused vacation days and said he follows strict rules against any political work being done in his ward office. The alderman said both allegations came from the same disgruntled former employee, who he fired because she wasn't getting along with other workers or performing her duties adequately.
The report comes as the White House said Moore will be honored as "a pioneer for political reform, governmental transparency and democratic governance." The White House named Moore one of its open government "Champions of Change" for his policy of letting constituents decide how to use part of his budget each year.
That good government award didn't stop the alderman from ripping Khan as in charge of "an office run amok with a lack of professionalism."
Aldermen begrudgingly created the legislative inspector general job after then-Mayor Richard M. Daley floated the possibility of giving city Inspector General Joe Ferguson the power to investigate the City Council.
Khan was appointed in late 2011 to a position critics called a sham because aldermen put in place several standards that have to be met before cases can even be opened against them. Among those, people making complaints must identify themselves when accusing aldermen of wrongdoing, opening them up to retribution.
And for Khan's office to open a case, the Chicago Board of Ethics has to give the go-ahead. The board has not issued a finding of aldermanic wrongdoing in over two decades, even as many council members ended up in prison.
By statute, the legislative inspector general's report does not name aldermen, but the Tribune verified their identities independently.
Also in Khan's semi-annual report:
*Ald. Tom Tunney, 44th, is alleged to have asked a business owner stop talking to reporters about an incident in which an assistant state's attorney was arrested on charges of battery for an incident in a Lakeview business. According to a transcript of the message Tunney left for the business owner, Tunney said he was a friend of the prosecutor's defense attorney in the case.
"So let the court do what the court's supposed to do, and please, we don't need theatrics around this issue. It doesn't help your business. You can do what you want to do, but this is just my two cents," Tunney said, according to the report. The business owner said he felt threatened, according to Khan.
In a statement, Tunney declined to discuss the situation because it has been referred to the ethics board, except to say he will continue to cooperate and is confident he'll be vindicated.
*Ald. Timothy Cullerton, 38th, is alleged to have ordered police to give tickets to a man who had parked in front of his sister-in-law's garage. Cullerton said police initially wanted to arrest the man for being verbally abusive to him and his sister-in-law, and he told them to instead write the tickets.
"I said, 'I don't want to see the guy locked up, but he was parked in front of her garage, and then he parked in a street cleaning zone, so just give him those tickets.' Wouldn't have mattered if it was my sister-in-law or anybody else," he said.
*Southwest Side Ald. Michael Zalewski, 23rd, is alleged to have inappropriately intervened on behalf of a friend who had been terminated as a Cook County Forest Preserve District police officer because she twice failed a certification test. Zalewski called a forest preserve official and asked if she could take the test again "outside of normal parameters," the report states.
Zalewski said he didn't know whether taking the test again was an option and simply called to ask.
"This was an informational call on behalf of a constituent," Zalewski said. "I just said 'Is taking it again a possibility?' I didn't know if it was."*Ald. Proco "Joe" Moreno, 1st, is alleged to have improperly allowed a company to put recycling bins on city property and to put his picture on the side of the bins for free. According to the report, Moreno said he paid for the advertising, but provided no documentation to show that he paid. Moreno declined to comment, saying he hadn't seen the report.
Twitter @_johnbyrne


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Sunshine Cobb
hand built mid-range red clay and glaze
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Sunshine Cobb
Sacramento, California
After a short stint at Chico State University, California, Sunshine went on to graduate with a BA in Studio Art from California State University at Sacramento, in 2004. Ceramics has been the major influence in her life for 15 years now. She focuses on functional ware, embracing the richness of earthenware and currently is exploring the challenge of electric firing. She graduated from Utah State University with her MFA in Ceramics. She is currently a long term resident at the Archie Bray Foundation and chosen as one of 2013 NCECA Emerging Artist.
I want my work in clay to represent growth and accomplishment, in which I believe reminiscence and nostalgia play a part. I rely on texture and color to create a sense of motion and time in my work. By exploring and creating vessels kept within arms reach, I hope to communicate how an object's significance can grow and change depending on the path of a person's life. Through form and surface my goal is to communicate a sense of home and memory but also to evoke that feeling of wanderlust that has informed my own life and visual sensibilities.
I use a mid-range red clay that is close to vitrified at cone 3/4. All work is made and goes into the kiln to be bisqued in its natural green state. No slip is added at this point. I tend to make in series and try to fill a large gas kiln with work that will take a while - 3-4 electric kilns worth of glaze firings.
I then unload the bisque kiln and separate work into 5 equal sections for each of the 5 colors choices. I paint on my glazes - I use commercial glazes, a low fire 05. When I unload the kiln only about half my job is done, then it's time for sandblasting! The purpose of the sandblasting is to take off the top thin layer of shine on the pots, leaving a matte surface that is still rich in color.
There is often a bit of prep work for the the pots with a wide open space. As not to damage the interior surface of the work that will come into contact with food, the insides of the pots get masked off with duct tape before they go into the blaster. I tend to work on 2-4 pieces at a time. Slowly but surely getting through my kiln load.
To save my body and mind I try to keep up on my sandblasting and work on one kiln load at a time. If I am ahead of the game I'll do 20 pots a day. (In a perfect world!).. Now to soften the surface with some hand sanding, I use wet/dry sandpaper and 3M dipads to create a very soft supple surface for each pot.
Next, I wash all the remnants of the sanding away. Let the work dry, usually overnight. Then I oil the pots to get a start on the patina that comes through normal use. I use organic coconut oil, because it doesn't go rancid. Then the pots get washed again and dried overnight.