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Kipnis proving to be engine that drives Tribe
All-Star second baseman at heart of Cleveland's push toward playoffs
CLEVELAND -- Indians fans do not need an introduction. They know all about their All-Star second baseman and what he has meant to their team.
When Jason Kipnis spread out his arms, turned toward the crowd and screamed as he sprinted up the first-base line on May 17, they knew. They knew they were not only witnessing a 10th-inning walk-off home run over the Mariners, but a special player with the ability to hoist Cleveland on his shoulders.
Soon, if the Tribe completes this miracle push to the postseason, the rest of the baseball world will have its chance to get to know Kipnis, too.
"We've got to get on that big stage," first baseman Nick Swisher said. "This last month, we've had some guys step up in big spots. But leading up to the All-Star break, man, he pretty much put us on his back and carried us along."
The Indians headed into Monday's off-day with a 1 1/2-game lead on the Rangers for the American League's second Wild Card spot. Cleveland has featured a strong pitching staff and an assortment of heroes this year, but the club has also weathered extreme offensive lulls at various points.
Players such as Swisher and Michael Bourn -- brought in over the winter with four-year contracts worth a combined $104 million in guaranteed salary -- have not met their statistical standards. Two-time All-Star shortstop Asdrubal Cabrera has also fallen short of expectations. It has been Kipnis, in just his second full season, who has stepped up as the Tribe's offensive leader.
"There's a lot to like about Kip," manager Terry Francona said. "But he has not hit one ball where he hasn't sprinted to first base like his pants are on fire. I respect that as much in him as anything. I think that carries over into the rest of his game."
Kipnis' full-throttle style has helped him emerge as one of baseball's most versatile talents.
The second baseman entered Monday as one of three players in the Majors to boast at least 15 home runs, 25 stolen bases and 80 RBIs. The others are a pair of Most Valuable Player Award candidates: Angels outfielder Mike Trout and Pirates outfielder Andrew McCutchen. Kipnis' 5.3 offensive WAR (wins above replacement) is the second-highest mark among big league second basemen, trailing only Robinson Cano of the Yankees.
Through 143 games, the 26-year-old Kipnis has posted a slash line of .277/.359/.445 (all career bests) with 17 homers, 34 doubles, three triples, 28 stolen bases, 73 walks, 80 runs and 80 RBIs. The Indians have been around since 1901, and Kipnis is only the 10th player to have a season with at least 28 stolen bases, 50 extra-base hits and an .800 OPS.
Kipnis is also only the fourth player in team history with at least 15 homers, 28 stolen bases, 70 walks and 80 RBIs, joining Grady Sizemore (2008), Roberto Alomar (1999, 2001) and Bobby Bonds (1979). And the second baseman still has six games to go.
"He's a game changer," said Indians veteran Jason Giambi. "He can do so many things in this game. He can hit. He can hit for power, doubles, steal bags, he plays defense, he can bunt. He's such a weapon for us. You don't find too many guys that -- whether you play against them or have them on your team -- can do everything he can do. I think he's only going to get better and better."
First, Kipnis admits that he needs to improve his reaction to the slumps that naturally arise throughout the course of a season. Kipnis has a tendency to beat himself up over rough periods in the batter's box, but Francona said that is evidence of how much the second baseman cares.
"I think he's hard on himself," Francona said, "but I think it's because he strives for perfection so much."
Kipnis believes that is something he will learn to control with more experience.
"I think that's kind of what has also gotten me here," Kipnis said, "not being satisfied and always looking for areas of improvement. At the same time, I need to start being a little bit more mature about it, kind of growing up to the point where we start being smart and being productive with how I handle things.
"I need make sure I'm not using too much energy focusing on the wrong stuff to make sure we're just keeping it simple and focusing on the right stuff. I've been that way in most sports -- I've never been satisfied. I've always wanted to keep getting better.
"There's a little chip on the shoulder. I've always wanted to go out there and beat the guy across from me and show people."
People are starting to notice. In June, Kipnis was twice named AL Player of the Week, and he then picked up AL Player of the Month honors after hitting .419 for the Tribe. In July, the second baseman earned a spot on the All-Star team for the first time, and then collected a run-scoring double and caught the final out in the Midsummer Classic in New York.
Those types of hot streaks give Francona confidence that Kipnis' dropoff in the second half is just a cold spell and not an indication that the second baseman has hit a wall.
"I think that wall's going to fall here pretty soon," Francona said with a smirk.
"Pretty soon" might be the postseason.
"Everyone was thinking playoffs in Spring Training," Kipnis said. "You looked around and everyone was like, 'Yeah. Why not?' But now that we're knocking on the door and a week away from doing it, you kind of laugh, like, 'Wow.'"
October could provide the kind of stage necessary to introduce more fans to Kipnis.
"He's making a name for himself," Swisher said. "He's really popped up on the scene this year."


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Yen for Living is moving!
Yen for Living has lived in this virtual space since August 2009. From today, new Yen for Living reports will appear in The Japan Times on Sunday on the second and fourth Sundays of the month. It will also be archived on the JT website.
You can read our first story in JT on Sunday here.
Thanks for your support and wish us luck in our 'new' home.

subset: commoncrawl


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SIXWATS is An Easy To Use Single Page Template
It's an awesome Clean, Minimal and Elegant HTML5 / CSS3 One Page with crisp features! This template has been designed for presenting a Personal Website or would be perfect for an Agency It could be also used for a Photography showcase.
This theme is very easy to customize and well detailed for beginners, there's not full of useless thing that you'll probably delete once downloaded !
Featured on this Template
- Clean & Elegant Design
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Images from live preview are not included in the template. No worries, it's remplaced by picture from placehold.it website. The Images on this template are under my right of use.
- 15 January 2015 – Version 1.3
- Fixed the Padding issue when you are under 1220px of height
- 23 September 2014 – Version 1.2 – Step to follow
- 30 July 2014 – Version 1.0


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CCS adapting to COVID-19 realities to support Canadians during and after the pandemic
Brain metastases
Brain metastasis is cancer that started in another part of the body and spread to the brain. It's sometimes called secondary brain cancer or a metastatic brain tumour. Brain metastasis is not the same as cancer that starts in the brain (called primary brain cancer). Brain metastases are much more common than primary brain cancer.
Some kinds of cancer are more likely to spread to the brain than others. The most common types of cancer that spread to the brain are:
- lung
- breast
- melanoma
- colon
- kidney
Cancer can spread to any part of the brain. The most common site of brain metastases is the cerebrum, which is the largest and top part of the brain. Less often, cancer spreads to the cerebellum and brain stem. Sometimes there is only a single brain tumour, but most people develop many brain metastases.
Cancer can also spread to the meninges. This is called leptomeningeal metastasis or meningeal carcinomatosis.
The symptoms of brain metastases vary depending on which part of the brain is affected. Other health conditions can cause the same symptoms as brain metastases. See your doctor if you have these symptoms.
The most common symptom of brain metastasis is headache. Headaches may be caused by a tumour pressing on the brain, swelling (called edema), bleeding or hydrocephalus.
Other signs and symptoms of brain metastases include:
- nausea and vomiting
- seizure
- weakness or numbness in parts of the body, such as the face, arms or legs
- problems with memory and confusion
- changes in behaviour and personality
- problems with balance and coordination
- loss of bladder or bowel control (called incontinence)
- problems with speech
- problems with swallowing
The following tests may be used to diagnose brain metastases. Many of the same tests can help your healthcare team plan treatment and monitor brain metastases.
Health history and physical exam
Your health history is a record of your symptoms, risk factors and all the medical events and problems you have had in the past. In taking a health history, your doctor will ask questions about a personal history of symptoms that suggest brain metastases.
A physical exam allows your doctor to look for any signs of brain metastases. During a physical exam, your doctor may test your reflexes and check the feeling and strength you have in your arms and legs. The doctor may also look into your eyes using a special tool with a light (called ophthalmoscope) to see if the nerve at the back of the eye is swollen.
Find out more about physical exam.
Blood tests
Blood tests are usually done to check your general health and find out how some organs are working. The blood tests done during diagnosis include a complete blood count (CBC), an electrolyte panel and liver function tests.
Find out more about a complete blood count (CBC).
Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI)
MRI is an imaging test used to check for tumours in the brain. It is usually the first test done to check the reason for symptoms like headaches and seizures. It can identify the number, location and size of metastases.
Find out more about MRI.
Computed tomography (CT) scan
If an MRI can't be done, a CT scan is used to check for tumours in the brain. An MRI can't be used when there are certain metal devices inside the body, like a pacemaker.
Find out more about CT scan.
A biopsy is the removal of cells or tissues so they can be examined under a microscope. If you have a history of cancer, doctors can often diagnose brain metastasis based on the results of imaging tests so a biopsy isn't usually needed. A biopsy may be done after imaging tests if you have never had cancer, or if the doctor thinks that there might not really be brain metastases.
If you need to have a brain biopsy, you are usually referred to a neurosurgeon. The neurosurgeon decides which type of biopsy will be best for your situation. An excisional biopsy or stereotactic biopsy may be used.
Find out more about biopsy.
Other tests
If brain metastases are found before the primary cancer is diagnosed, the doctor may order tests to find out where the cancer started. Other tests may also be used to check for metastatic cancer in other parts of the body. These tests may include:
- chest x-ray to check for lung cancer
- positron emission tomography (PET) scan
Treatments and supportive therapies
If you have brain metastases, your healthcare team will create a treatment plan just for you. It will be based on your needs and usually includes a combination of different treatments. Treatments can control and slow the growth of brain metastases, but the metastases usually don't go away completely. They can also manage or prevent problems caused by brain metastases. These are sometimes called supportive therapies.
When deciding which treatments and supportive therapies to offer for brain metastases, your healthcare team will consider:
- where the cancer started
- your symptoms
- how well you can do daily activities (called performance status)
- how many metastases are in the brain and their size
- where the metastases are within the brain and spinal cord
- if you have metastases in other parts of the body
- the prognosis
- your personal preferences
You may be offered the following treatments and supportive therapies for brain metastases.
Corticosteroids are medicines used to reduce swelling and pressure in and around the brain. They are often the first supportive therapy given to manage symptoms of brain metastases such as headaches and neurologic problems. Corticosteroids can be used alone or along with other treatments like radiation therapy and surgery. They are given intravenously (through a needle into a vein) or orally (as a pill by mouth).
The most common corticosteroid used for brain metastases is dexamethasone (Decadron). It is usually given at least twice a day until symptoms are relieved. Then the dose of dexamethasone is slowly lowered to prevent long-term side effects.
Side effects of corticosteroids will depend mainly on the dose and the length of treatment. Common side effects of corticosteroids, including dexamethasone, are sleep problems, increased appetite, fluid buildup in the legs, arms or face, weight gain, high blood sugar levels, infection, mood changes and skin problems like rash or acne.
Radiation therapy
External beam radiation therapy is a common treatment for brain metastasis. It can be given to the whole brain or to very specific areas of the brain. Radiation therapy can be used alone or in combination with other treatments such as surgery. Dexamethasone is usually given before and after radiation therapy.
Whole-brain radiation therapy (WBRT) is standard treatment when there are many metastases in the brain. External beam radiation therapy is used for WBRT. Radiation is directed through the scalp and skull to the entire brain. WBRT may be given before or after surgery is done to remove a single metastasis. How long WBRT is used depends on the number of metastases, how severe symptoms are, other treatments given and other factors. It is usually given once a day for 5 or 10 days.
Stereotactic radiation therapy may be used when there are 1–3 small brain metastases. This is a type of external beam radiation that delivers one high dose of radiation to a very specific area of the brain. It avoids treating healthy brain tissue around the tumour with radiation. How many sessions of stereotactic radiation therapy are used depends on the size, location and number of metastases being treated, as well as other factors.
Side effects of radiation therapy will depend mainly on the type of radiation therapy, the area of the brain being treated and the length of treatment. Common side effects of radiation therapy to the brain are hair loss, fatigue and memory problems.
Find out more about radiation therapy and side effects of radiation therapy.
Surgery is a standard treatment when there is one brain metastasis, it can be safely removed and the primary cancer is controlled or stable. Sometimes surgery will be done to remove more than one tumour if there are only a few tumours or they are close together. Whole-brain radiation therapy is often done after surgery.
The type of surgery done for brain metastasis is called a craniotomy. The neurosurgeontemporarily removes part of the skull so they can reach the brain and remove the metastasis.
Side effects of surgery will depend mainly on the location of brain metastases. They include bleeding, swelling of the brain and seizures.
Find out more about surgery and side effects of surgery.
Anticonvulsants are medicines used to control seizures. They are also called antiseizure or anti-epileptic drugs. People with brain metastases who have seizures at diagnosis or develop seizures during treatment are usually started on anticonvulsants. They are most often given over a long period of time. Anticonvulsants are not given to people with brain metastases who have never had a seizure.
The type of anticonvulsant used depends on the type of seizures, how often they happen, how long they last, and other medicines being used. Some anticonvulsants interact with other medicines, which changes the levels of the drugs in the body.
Anticonvulsants are usually given orally (as a pill by mouth). Some may be given intravenously (through a needle into a vein). Anticonvulsants used for brain metastases include:
- phenytoin (Dilantin)
- carbamazepine (Tegretol)
- valproic acid (Depakene, Epival)
- oxcarbazepine (Trileptal)
- levetiracetam (Keppra)
- phenobarbital sodium
Side effects of anticonvulsants will depend mainly on the type and dose of the drug. Some side effects of these drugs are nausea and vomiting, skin problems (such as a rash), sleepiness, dizziness, problems with memory, problems with speech and liver damage.
Chemotherapy may be used to treat brain metastases, but it's not a common treatment. It's usually offered after all other treatments have been tried and is usually given along with other treatments, such as radiation therapy. Doctors also only use chemotherapy to treat brain metastases when they know that the primary cancer is likely to respond to chemotherapy. For example, brain metastases from testicular germ cell tumours are often treated with chemotherapy.
Chemotherapy uses drugs that circulate throughout the body and destroy cancer cells. The drugs, dose and schedule will vary for each person. The type of chemotherapy drug or combination of drugs used depends on where the cancer started and if the drugs can cross the blood-brain barrier. This barrier prevents toxic substances, like chemotherapy drugs, from entering the brain and spinal cord. Many chemotherapy drugs can't cross the blood-brain barrier in large enough doses to treat brain metastases.
Side effects of chemotherapy will depend mainly on the type of drug, the dose and how it's given. Common side effects of many chemotherapy drugs include low blood cell counts (called bone marrow suppression), nausea and vomiting, mouth problems and bowel problems.
Find out more about chemotherapy and side effects of chemotherapy.
Targeted therapy
Targeted therapy uses drugs that find and attach to specific substances (such as proteins) on the surface of or inside cancer cells. These substances help send signals that tell cells to grow or divide. The targeted therapy drugs block the substances to stop or slow the growth and spread of cancer cells.
Targeted therapy may be used to control the growth of brain metastases from some types of cancer. Some examples are:
- lapatinib (Tykerb) is given with a chemotherapy drug called capecitabine (Xeloda) for HER2-positive breast cancer
- dabrafenib (Tafinlar) is used for melanoma
- gefitinib (Iressa) is used for non–small cell lung cancer
Side effects of targeted therapy depend mainly on the type and dose of the drug. Common side effects of many targeted therapy drugs include flu-like symptoms and fatigue. Most side effects go away on their own or can be treated. Tell your healthcare team if you have these side effects or others you think might be from targeted therapy.
Find out more about targeted therapy.
Living with brain metastases
A diagnosis of brain metastases can often cause a great amount of fear and anxiety. A person with brain metastases may have concerns about the following.
Neurological problems
Brain metastases often cause problems with the body's functions and movements. The type of neurological problems that happen depend on the part of the brain affected. These problems may include:
- difficulty walking
- muscle weakness
- poor balance and coordination
- loss of memory and concentration
- confusion
- changes in mood and behaviour
- problems with speech, swallowing or vision
Neurological problems can lead to stress and worry about losing your sense of self and your independence. Some treatments and supportive therapies can help manage and control neurological problems. Your healthcare team, including an occupational therapist and social worker, can also support you to cope with any neurological problems.
A diagnosis of advanced cancer can lead to questions about survival. There is no way of knowing exactly how long someone will live with brain metastases. It depends on many factors, including the type of cancer, the number of tumours in the brain and the treatments used. Survival with brain metastases is often measured in months, but some people can survive for several years. Some people may live much longer than expected, while others may die sooner than expected.
The best person to talk to about survival is the doctor. The doctor may be able to estimate survival based on what they know about a person and the type of cancer, but it's not an exact science.
Find out more about living with advanced cancer.
The largest part of the brain, which contains different areas that control muscle function, thought, speech, emotions and learning.
The cerebrum is divided into 2 parts (called hemispheres) that are connected by a bridge of nerve fibres called the corpus callosum.
The part of the brain at the back of the skull (between the cerebrum and brain stem) that controls movement, balance, reflexes and other complex motor functions.
The stalk-like part of the brain that connects to the spinal cord. It controls basic body functions, such as breathing, hunger, heart rate, blood pressure and consciousness.
The 3 areas of the brain stem are the midbrain, pons and medulla oblongata.
The membranes that cover and protect the brain and spinal cord.
The meninges are made up of 3 layers. The outer layer is called the dura mater. The middle layer is called the arachnoid mater. The inner layer is called the pia mater. Together, the arachnoid mater and pia mater are called the leptomeninges.
Meninges is the plural of meninx.
Swelling caused by an abnormal buildup of fluid in the body.
Abnormal buildup of cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) in the ventricles (fluid-filled cavities) of the brain.
A sudden involuntary muscle movement or convulsion caused by uncontrolled electrical activity in the brain. Symptoms include muscle twitches, staring, tongue biting, urination, loss of consciousness and total body shaking.
A type of biopsy in which all of the tumour or abnormal tissue is removed, along with a margin of tissue around it, for examination under a microscope.
A procedure that uses a 3-dimensional scanning machine (ultrasound, CT scan or MRI) to find the precise location of a tumour and remove a sample for examination under a microscope.
Stereotactic biopsy is most often used on brain and breast tumours.
A protective network of blood vessels and cells that filters blood flowing to the brain.
The blood-brain barrier makes it hard for some substances (such as anti-cancer drugs) to enter the brain.
I want everyone to win their battles like we did. That's why I've left a gift in my will to the Canadian Cancer Society.
Together we can reduce the burden of cancer
Last year, we only had the resources available to fund 40% of high-priority research projects. Imagine the impact we could have if we were able to fund 100%.


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ALBANY, Ga. — Redd's Apple Ale is daring the nation to branch out by announcing its national launch.
Launched in summer 2012, Redd's Apple Ale debuted in Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Maine, Mississippi, Missouri, Oklahoma and Texas. Buoyed by its early success, February 1st, 2013 marks the nationwide availability of Redd's Apple Ale.
Redd's Apple Ale is an apple flavored golden ale with low malty and bitterness cues. With a crisp clean finish that allows the natural apple flavor to come through, this ale is for those times when you are looking to try something different.
"Redd's Apple Ale is all about inspiring beer drinkers to dare to branch out," said Andrew Zrike, brand manager of Redd's Apple Ale. "With its crisp, sweet and refreshing taste, we dare consumers to reach for a Redd's as an alternative to their everyday beers. We are excited and proud to share Redd's Apple Ale with beer drinkers across the country."
Redd's Apple Ale's launch will be supported by a national marketing campaign which includes advertising during the Super Bowl on February 3rd in select markets in the Great Lakes and Southeast regions. In addition, Redd's advertising will also be seen and heard on ESPN as the official sponsor of ESPN Radio's Super Week on shows likeMike & Mike, The Herd and The Scott Van Pelt Show; as well as across ESPN's TV assets, such as NFL Countdown, NFL Live and NFL Super Bowl Kickoff.
Redd's Apple Ale will be available in 6 and 12-pack bottles, 12-pack cans and 16 ounce single serve cans. Redd's is 5 percent alcohol by volume and only 165 calories per 12 ounce serving.


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Yemen army kills 2 tribesmen for pipeline blasts
Yemeni security officials say two tribesmen have been killed in intense government shelling east of the capital against locals suspected of attacks on a main oil pipeline and power lines.
The army's offensive in Marib province Sunday was aimed at intimidating militants who attacked a crude oil pipeline just half an hour after repairs to it were completed a day earlier, the official said.
An Electricity Ministry official says an attack on a power station was behind electricity outages in the capital Sanaa and other cities Sunday.
Some security officials suspect tribesmen allied with former longtime president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, of being behind the attacks in an attempt to undermine the new government.
All officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to release the information.


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Kym Johnson and Lacey Schwimmer Campaign For The Next Cast Of Dancing With The Stars
This past week, Lacey Schwimmer attended the Critics Choice Awards as we reported to you earlier. But, Kim Johnson was there too along with Dmitry Chaplin. While attending the event, they were asked on who they'd like to see dance on the show. Kym picked actor George Clooney and Lacey picked Jon Heder from "Napolean Dynamite". I've never heard of Jon, but, wow to the thought of George Clooney dancing on the show. He'd be sexy, classy, and such a charmer, eh? He'd couple so well with Kym too. I can see it now…and yes, I am dreamin'! Please make it happen Dancing With The Stars producers. 😀 Below is a take from The Insider. You can view them in a video at the link too. More pics of Kym and Lacey at the Critics Choice Awards here.
"Dancing with the Stars" champ Kym Johnson represented for the hit reality show at the Critics' Choice Television Awards in Beverly Hills, dishing on her picks for next season's cast.
"I want George Clooney," Kym blurted. Lacey Schwimmer chimed in, saying, "I'll take a funny guy. I want, like, Jon Heder from 'Napolean Dynamite.'"
Speaking of Kym and Lacey, below is a picture Lacey tweeted from June 18th as backup singers to young dancer in training, GiGi. I searched for more info for what brought the three together and left empty handed. If someone knows more, please let us know.


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Blue Damask Posh ID Bag Tag
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Scattered showers and storms will dot the sky today, especially in the afternoon and evening. We will have to monitor the threat for severe weather. Strong wind, hail, frequent lightning and heavy rain will be the main concerns.
It will be warm and humid with a high in the middle 80s. Things will calm down late tonight and we will have just a slight chance for a couple of showers on Tuesday and Wednesday.
A mainly dry forecast will then take hold until late next weekend. Temperatures will fall below average with highs near 80 on Tuesday. Highs in the 70s will stick around for much of the rest of the week.
It seems that the 4th of July parades and fireworks displays will go off without a hitch.


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Mission Statement
The Brea Resource Center, in partnership with its community, addresses the varied and personal concerns of modern life resulting in sustainable change in the individual.
2020 Summer Volunteen Applications
Applications are now being accepted for the 2020 City of Brea Volunteen Program. This 10-week program offers Brea teens, grades 9-11, an opportunity to gain leadership skills and work experience while volunteering for the Community Services Department. View the 2020 Summer Volunteen Application here.


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For those of us who remember being teenagers (especially at the dawn of the Internet age), the fact that young people are making use of their cell phones to send sexually suggestive content is not only unsurprising, it's downright expected. Still, the phenomenon (tragically referred to as "sexting") is constantly being examined in the context of cyberbullying, privacy, and child pornography laws. To that end, the Pew Internet & American Life Project has released a new report on teens and sexting in hopes of gaining further insight into why and how young people send T&A to each other.
Pew conducted a nationally representative study in the US for three months this year, surveying 800 teenagers between the ages of 12 and 17. The conclusions of the report aren't particularly mindblowing: the growing dependence on cell phones affects teenagers just as much as adults, and since texting has become key to teenage social interactions, it is now often used to send messages of sexual nature.
Only four percent of cell phone-owning teens claim to have sent a nude photo of themselves to someone else, but 15 percent have received such a photo or video. Teens who are heavier cell phone users tend to send and receive more of these than those who aren't very dependent upon their phones—no surprise there, since if you use your phone less, you're less likely to be part of a circle that might induce you to snap a photo of your naughty bits.
The reasons for sending "sexts" are obvious, too: some teens send them to their romantic partners, some send them to people they want to be in a relationship with, and some are forwarded to others outside of the relationship. The reasons for the latter range from simple curiosity to downright blackmail—interestingly, many of the teen quotes included in the report portray this attempt at blackmail as no big deal and something that just happens every so often. (For the record, I would be mortified if something like that happened to me, but I would absolutely try to pass it off as no big deal. Don't give the blackmailer the power, kids!) Many teens in the report agreed that the content is often sent out of peer pressure, but others supported the notion that it's a safer alternative to real-life sex.
Pew noted that kids whose parents regularly looked at the content of their phones were no more or less likely to be involved in sexting, but did note that restriction of text messaging in general did seem to cut down on the behavior. And, despite the teens' somewhat blas� attitude toward the whole thing, there are reasons to be concerned—after all, there have been some cases this year in which law enforcement has tried to file charges against the sexting teens themselves for, well, possession of child porn. Add in the blackmailing and cyberbullying element and there's potential for quite a mess.


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Guests: Richard Engel, Howard Fineman, David Corn, Robert Reich, Larry Sabato, Errol Louis, Jenny Backus
CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: Republicans trying to kill Medicare.
Let's play HARDBALL.
Good evening. I'm Chris Matthews down in Washington. Leading off tonight: The revenge of the people. Remember all those videos of angry town halls where voters attacked Democrats over health care? Well, now Democrats are hoping for a new round of that fighting, this time over Paul Ryan's push to kill Medicare, the Republicans' push to kill Medicare. Democrats have even released a video on the issue. Well, the Republican demolition of Medicare tops our show tonight.
Plus, the Republican protection racket for the rich. Why do Republicans fight so hard to defend the rich from paying their fair share of taxes? You tell me.
Also, Donald Trump's new right-wing buddy and the New York mayor who says he's birther mad.
F-16s, by the way, from Norway, of all places, try to kill Gadhafi.
No way.
Finally, Haley Barbour's not running for president—just found out today. So who is?
We start with the backlash against the Republican Medicare kill. Howard Fineman is political editor for the HuffingtonPost and David Corn is Washington bureau chief for "Mother Jones" magazine. Both are MSNBC political analysts.
Let me take a look—I want you both to see the latest footage. If you hold a town meeting today, you can be sure someone will have a cell phone...
MATTHEWS: ... someone will have a way of showing it to the world. Everything now goes viral. Here's Republican congressman Lou Barletta. He was the anti-immigrant guy who got elected in Hazleton, Pennsylvania. Here he is facing angry constituents not over illegal immigrants, but by the Republican effort to kill Medicare. Let's watch.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: What you're doing with this Ryan budget is you're taking Medicare and you're changing it from a guaranteed health care system to one that is a voucher system, where you throw seniors—I'm 64. You throw seniors on the mercy of for-profit insurance companies.
The reason we have Medicare in the first place is because seniors couldn't get health insurance. People won't cover seniors for this lousy $15,000. You said nothing in the campaign about, I'm going to change Medicare. Now you voted for a plan that will destroy Medicare.
MATTHEWS: Boy, she is good because she's totally informed. And by the way, that little pirouette she did when she turned around and starts...
MATTHEWS: ... Look, I own this room! And she's basically saying, Lou Barletta, you ran against illegal immigrants. Fair enough. We elected you because we didn't like illegal immigrants. Next thing you know, you're voting with the Republicans like a lemming to kill our Medicare.
These are—look, Pennsylvanians up in that part of the country are not rich people. They're working class, middle class people, but they're not going to head off to Florida to live in some big houses somewhere. They got to make it up there through the winter and all, and they need the Medicare.
HOWARD FINEMAN, HUFFINGTONPOST.COM, MSNBC POLITICAL ANALYST: Yes.
Well, you know, that...
MATTHEWS: Why is this guy voting with the party like a lemming?
FINEMAN: That's Joe Biden's ancestral homeland up there...
MATTHEWS: Right.
FINEMAN: ... in the Scranton—you know, eastern Pennsylvania area. It's an older demographic. And the Democrats are going to target anybody at or near...
MATTHEWS: Looks like those people are targeting the Republicans!
FINEMAN: Yes, they definitely are. They definitely are. I think you're going to see much more...
MATTHEWS: Why do...
FINEMAN: ... of that all around the country.
MATTHEWS: Howard, you and I have been in this business a long time.
FINEMAN: Yes. Yes.
MATTHEWS: What moonshine did Barletta drink that got him to vote with the Republican vote to kill Medicare? One of the—they're not going to kill Social Security. Nobody's that nuts.
FINEMAN: Right.
MATTHEWS: But you're pretty close to being nuts when you mess with Medicare...
FINEMAN: Yes.
MATTHEWS: ... the one program I've discovered everybody likes once they turn 65.
FINEMAN: Yes. And I can't answer it other than to say that ideology trumps political common sense in this case because they are fixated on the idea that the route to salvation for the country and for them politically is to cut government spending.
FINEMAN: But that's not the popular...
MATTHEWS: The average person doesn't think...
FINEMAN: ... or even necessarily the right way...
MATTHEWS: ... it's government spending. They pay...
FINEMAN: They don't. They don't.
MATTHEWS: Let me ask you this. They all have dodges now. We're going to get to Pat Meehan...
FINEMAN: Yes.
MATTHEWS: ... the former U.S. attorney, who wishes he was still a U.S. attorney, by the way, I think, defending himself by saying, This is just blueprint. Well, now the big dodge the Republicans have is, yes, I voted for it, but that only affects people 55 or 54 and younger. And that woman apparently in that same exchanged turned around and said, yes—when he tried to defend himself, she said, yes, but I care about my nieces and nephews. I don't want them screwed out of Medicare.
DAVID CORN, "MOTHER JONES," MSNBC POLITICAL ANALYST: Well, more important than that, I mean, in that demographic, I worry. But also, people have parents and people who are 30 and 40 are looking at the parents who may be 55 or 60...
MATTHEWS: Right.
CORN: ... and heading in that direction, they don't want to worry about for-profit insurance taking care of their parents in the next five, ten years. So there's—it's not just 64 or...
MATTHEWS: Yes, here's your Starbucks gift card. Go buy some insurance.
CORN: I mean, that...
MATTHEWS: Take a look at the map. Here's what's going on. The Democrats aren't so stupid. Look, they got a map now. They're looking around the country, where they lost the seats just last November. This isn't a Hundred Years War. This is a few months ago. They got blown away in those races. Now they're already targeting those to get back, Howard.
FINEMAN: Well, one of the keys is five of those on the map—I don't know if it shows that, but five of them in Florida. Five of the districts are in Florida. Duh. Not surprisingly.
MATTHEWS: Because?
FINEMAN: Well, because of the senior demographic.
MATTHEWS: But they got—they're the people with money.
FINEMAN: They're the people with money, but they care about this.
They believe in it philosophically. You've got Arizona. You've got Iowa. You've got Pennsylvania. That's what they're going after. And by the way, by trying to exempt the younger people, also, it doesn't necessarily help the Republicans make their case because what they're saying to the younger voters is, We're going to screw you. We're going to screw you. So if you look at who supports what across the board...
CORN: There are 13 congressional districts where people—where they elected Republicans in last November, but in 2008 and 2004, they voted for Barack Obama and John Kerry. That's half of the 25 they're going after. Barletta is in one of those districts. These are the people who should be running scared. These are Democratic-leaning or Democratic high registration districts where the people like Medicare, like Medicaid, as well. And they don't like tax cuts for the rich. So they all should be worried what's going to happen.
MATTHEWS: OK, well, this splits both ways. Let's try to balance this out, this discussion. (INAUDIBLE) You look at your cash situation, most Americans, and most people in the country don't live in cities, they drive cars. So a lot of your cash is going right into that pump right now, you know, whether you're doing the card or you're paying the cash, 78 bucks a pop...
CORN: Oh, yes.
MATTHEWS: ... paying supreme, you're paying regular, a little less. Twice a week, you're getting killed over 100 bucks in cash. So you're cash poor. Then you look at the value of your house. You thought it was worth 100K. You're getting close to retirement. That's your nest egg. That's only worth $70,000. So what's happening today is people are facing cash poverty and wealth poverty. What I thought I owned in the back pocket—I could go watch television (ph), I think—at least I own the house. I'm going to sell that to retire with—it ain't what it was. You're going to have a lot less money to go buy an apartment somewhere, a condo in the—wherever...
CORN: Hey, and their kids...
MATTHEWS: ... on top of that, your Medicare is getting screwed. It isn't going to cover you for your health...
CORN: And their kids are not getting good jobs. I mean, that's the other thing.
MATTHEWS: So who do you blame?
CORN: So you know, the whole feeling...
MATTHEWS: Let's watch...
CORN: ... of security is gone.
MATTHEWS: Let's watch this guy. Here's a guy who got elected in Joe Sestak's districts. You know this district.
FINEMAN: Yes, I do.
MATTHEWS: It's right—Delaware County. It's regular people. They're not a lot of right-wing country folk. They're suburban people, inner, outer suburb. Here they are realizing the guy they elected because he's a clean U.S. prosecutor has been voting the Republican lemming line. Here he is trying to defend his vote. And here he is—wait until you hear his defense. It's very interesting, a little too interesting. Here he is, Pat Meehan, defending his vote to cut Medicare.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: If you voted to abolish Medicare, how will you explain that to people who are in their 50s who are out of work, that they will have not the Medicare that I have?
REP. PAT MEEHAN ®, PENNSYLVANIA: You said in your comment that I voted to abolish Medicare, and that's factually wrong.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Well, how is that wrong?
MEEHAN: Let me answer the question...
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: I will.
MEEHAN: ... and then I'll talk to you. Thank you. I voted for the Ryan plan. What Paul Ryan has put out is a blueprint, a sense of what we would like to do, a direction that we'd like to go in.
MATTHEWS: Do you think it helped he was wearing a regular work shirt when...
CORN: No.
MATTHEWS: ... he explains killing Medicare?
CORN: It doesn't help.
FINEMAN: And to say it's a blueprint doesn't help, either, because he
what does that mean? He doesn't explain what that means. And the more he tries to explain actually what he voted for, the deeper trouble he's in because there's no way that the mathematics of the Ryan plan would result in anything other than the average retired person paying at least $5,000 or $6,000 more...
CORN: These are not...
FINEMAN: ... a year in the end. These are not numbers made up...
CORN: These are not suggested guidelines. You know, for years—the last year, we've heard that Paul Ryan has an integral, coherent plan to save the country. This is part of that. This is not sort of, Well, let's have a committee and study whether we should do this. The Republicans are on record of ending Medicare and Medicaid as...
MATTHEWS: It's just like saying I voted to authorize to war not to go to war.
CORN: It's even worse than that.
FINEMAN: Well, the problem is, there are numbers attached to it now because the Congressional Budget Office and other sort of neutral umpires of this thing are saying there's no way that the vouchers that Paul Ryan would hand out would cover all the costs, and so people are going to have to absorb more of it themselves.
FINEMAN: Wait. The Republicans aren't really arguing with those numbers.
MATTHEWS: Let's take a look at this ad campaign. It was put together by a progressive group called Americans United for Change. It's launched an ad campaign, as I said, this week in four congressional districts at about $35,000 a pop. By the way, it's going after, in this case, Sean Duffy of Wisconsin. Let's watch the ad nailing the Republicans. Let's listen.
UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Sean Duffy looks like a nice young man, but on April 15th, he voted to end Medicare and its guaranteed health care benefits. Instead, he wants seniors to get coverage from private insurance companies. Under Duffy's plan, seniors' costs will go up over $6,000. Duffy wants to use that money to give millionaires a $200,000 tax break. Ending Medicare so millionaires can get another tax break? Really? Call Congressman Duffy and ask, What were...
FINEMAN: ... the voice of that person, and she sounds like Betty White.
MATTHEWS: It is Betty White.
MATTHEWS: No, I'm just kidding.
FINEMAN: That's a granny—that's Betty White or Granny or Aunt Flabby or somebody saying, How dare that nice young man try to deny me Medicare?
MATTHEWS: In other words, I liked his looks, but he's hurting me.
CORN: But guess what? The Republicans are acting like Republicans! They're squeezing the elderly and the poor to make room for tax cuts for the rich. I mean, this is a gift to the Democrats. And if they can't do ads like that across the country, they should...
MATTHEWS: We got two Republicans on the run, one saying it was just a blueprint. What was the other one saying? Oh, it's only for 55 and younger. So Howard, the fact that they're already on the run, that they're playing dodgeball here, does that tell...
MATTHEWS: What's that tell the top Republicans in the House?
FINEMAN: You asked initially, Why did they do it? I think there was a sort of group frenzy, a sort of group mentality, We got to do something for the Tea Party initially, we got to be with the Tea Party. And so they did it. This was the one thing that they felt they had to do...
MATTHEWS: Are they dead?
FINEMAN: ... after the election.
MATTHEWS: Are they dead?
FINEMAN: Well, they're going to run as fast as they can unless they can change the subject between now and (INAUDIBLE)
MATTHEWS: Well, how do they change the fact they voted for this thing, they voted for it?
CORN: They can't change the fact. And this is an albatross around their neck. They have a year-and-a-half now to try to...
MATTHEWS: Well, it's a millstone around your neck...
CORN: No. The Ancient Mariner wore the albatross.
CORN: But this is—this is a heavy burden for them to carry for the next year-and-a-half because any time they talk about deficit—and they thought they had an advantage on Obama on the budget and the deficit and tax issues and all this stuff. Now he has a counterargument. Yes, but this is what they want to do. And it's not going to go away.
FINEMAN: Well, they have to—they have to change the argument back to the fact that the government's broke, and I don't know if they can do it. They're going to try.
CORN: And the economy's...
MATTHEWS: Isn't it like Hollywood? This is high concept.
CORN: Yes.
FINEMAN: That part's high concept. Losing the Medicare money is not high concept. That's the problem for the Republicans.
MATTHEWS: That's right. Thank you. It's easier to understand the Democrat argument—the Democratic argument. Howard Fineman, David Corn, jumping on the Republican carcass—objectively.
MATTHEWS: Coming up: The hometown crowd in New York goes after Donald Trump. That 24/7 news media up there has nailed it. They're going after him now. And I think this very impressive mayor up there, Mike Bloomberg, was much tougher than the media. He's hitting him for being a birther. "The New York Daily News," Mort Zuckerman, going after his other developer. This is interesting. Let's see how Trump handles the nasty treatment from some of the intramural boys up in New York.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Well, good news. Doctors have cleared Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords to attend her husband's space shuttle launch Friday. What a family. They say they're comfortable with Giffords making the trip to the Kennedy Space Center in Florida, where husband Mark Kelly will command the space shuttle Endeavor on the second to last shuttle mission ever. Giffords continues her recovery from January's shooting. "The Arizona Republic" reports today that she can speak normally, but most often in a single world or a short phrase.
We'll be right back.
SEN. JOHN MCCAIN ®, ARIZONA: As you know, I'm staying out of it. I think that Mr. Trump is having the time of his life. I congratulate him for getting all the attention that he's getting.
MATTHEWS: I don't know what that means. Welcome back to HARDBALL. That was John McCain on "MEET THE PRESS"—I don't know what he meant by that—weighing in on a possible Trump presidency without saying a thing.
As Trump becomes more serious, of course, so does the scrutiny he faces from politicians and the media, especially media back home in New York. Errol Louis is in New York, the host of "Inside City Hall" on NY1. And Jenny Backus is a Democratic consultant.
Let's take—overall right now, Errol, what is going on in New York? I noticed "The New York Daily News," Mort Zuckerman's paper—he's a big developer up there, Donald Trump's a big developer—is this intramurals in New York, or what's going on? Why all of a sudden the heat on this guy?
ERROL LOUIS, NY1: Well, I don't know if it's heat. It's people taking him up on his challenge, his offer to be taken seriously. If you're going to take him seriously—and we did a long interview with him—we also went in and looked at his voting record and found that he hadn't voted in a primary in over 20 years. I mean, you know, it comes with the territory. And frankly, it's a love tap compared to the scrutiny he's going to get if he actually gets into a presidential primary.
MATTHEWS: Do you think that's going to hurt him with the birther crowd, that he didn't vote in primaries in New York City?
LOUIS: Well, you know, it's—he switched parties and then didn't vote either as a Democrat or as a Republican. You know, it starts to look a little bit funny. He was saying very nice things about the president, about Barack Obama as late as last year...
MATTHEWS: That's true.
LOUIS: ... or 2009.
MATTHEWS: Well, here was Trump on "Fox & Friends." I swear he gets up and turns on the TV and watching (INAUDIBLE) Fox, I'm sure. Here he is on morning—this morning, today, talking about his voting record, defending it point by point, but not quite accurately. Let's watch.
DONALD TRUMP, TRUMP ORGANIZATION: Sometimes you'll have a primary where a Republican is even mentioned and where there is no Republican or where he's expected to get 4 percent of the vote, and I'll be in a foreign state or I'll be in a foreign country doing business. And am I supposed to drive back when the Republican is, you know, considered to get 3 percent of the vote or there is no Republican even running? So a little bit of that. But in terms of the general election, my record is very good. I mean, generally speaking, I like to vote. I'm a believer in voting, I will tell you.
MATTHEWS: I just love this, Jenny Backus! He says the same thing to the church crowd. He says, You know, I go whenever I can. I'm sort of a Sunday kind of guy, Easter—you know? But it's an amazingly new bar has been set very low. First of all, apparently, he didn't vote in the general election of 2002, so I guess he'll qualify that again, yet again, and say, OK, I only voted in presidential general elections. It's going to take a while to get this straight, I guess.
JENNY BACKUS, DEMOCRATIC CONSULTANT: Well, it's a cult of personality right now. I mean, I think everyone wants a little bit of amusement. Spring is in the air. People are looking for something to laugh at. His (INAUDIBLE) numbers are going down. I mean, the bottom line is this guy is a figment of everybody's imagination in some...
MATTHEWS: He is?
BACKUS: Yes. Well, he's a figment of all...
MATTHEWS: OK, who's got a better chance of being elected president next year, him or Pawlenty?
BACKUS: Pawlenty.
MATTHEWS: Really?
BACKUS: Yes.
LOUIS: No.
BACKUS: It's true!
MATTHEWS: I don't think he's up against a fast track here.
BACKUS: No, I...
MATTHEWS: I think he's on a muddy, slow track here...
BACKUS: No, no, no.
MATTHEWS: ... and he's galloping along here.
BACKUS: Oh, come on, Chris. You know that presidential races are won by slogging it out in Iowa and New Hampshire. I mean, this guy is Mr. Florida. He comes flying in to Iowa...
MATTHEWS: OK, let...
BACKUS: ... in his gold coach plane...
MATTHEWS: What do you make of this Bloomberg thing, the fact that Bloomberg, your mayor, went after him? He said he's an icon, and then—on "Fox & Friends" yesterday, but then he went on to challenge the birther issue? Let's watch a very respectable mayor, Michael Bloomberg, go after his fellow New Yorker. Let's watch.
MAYOR MICHAEL BLOOMBERG, NEW YORK CITY: Anybody can run for president if you're 35 and an American citizen and born here. The president was born here. This birther issue is more than one person. There's a lot of groups that have glommed onto this. I think the Republicans are making a terrible mistake in making this a big issue. We have immigration. We have the deficit. We have the economy. Those are the things that the public cares about. If the Republican Party doesn't start addressing that, they will lose and they deserve to.
MATTHEWS: Not as a journalist, but as an American, Errol, are you offended by this birther talk?
LOUIS: No, not really. Obviously, it's—look, it's obviously a stand-in for something else. People seem to have lost their minds over something related to the president.
LOUIS: And it expresses itself in this very peculiar way, you know?
So, you know, I mean, I pity those people...
MATTHEWS: Well, what is it?
LOUIS: ... more than anything.
MATTHEWS: Is it factual? Is it a true inquiry? Is it true skepticism, or is it, so's your old man? It's like schoolkids yelling at each other, your mama, that kind of stuff?
LOUIS: It's probably—my guess, if I had to guess, would be that it's a euphemism. In polite company, you can't say certain things about—about the president. So, they will say, well, he's not an American. And they like the fact...
MATTHEWS: So, what's it euphemistic for?
LOUIS: They like the fact that it bothers people like you, Chris, and I think they get more pleasure out of bugging you than—than anything else.
MATTHEWS: Well, I would all—I would surprised if he spends his mornings figuring out how to bother me.
But here's Franklin Graham, a guy I don't respect. He was asked about Mitt Romney and Donald Trump as possible presidential candidates. Let's listen to what the Reverend Junior Graham had to say.
FRANKLIN GRAHAM, SAMARITAN'S PURSE: I have met Mitt Romney. No question he's a—he's a very capable person. He's proven himself. Donald Trump, when I saw that that he was getting in, I thought, well, this has got to be a joke. But the more you listen to him, the more you say to yourself, you know, maybe the guy is right.
CHRISTIANE AMANPOUR, HOST, "THIS WEEK WITH CHRISTIANE AMANPOUR": So, he might be your candidate of choice?
GRAHAM: Yes. Sure, yes.
MATTHEWS: Here he is. Let's take a look at this. Here's Franklin Graham. He has a history of saying incendiary things. You're about to see a couple of them. Let's listen to a few of things he's said in just the past year.
GRAHAM: I said that Islam, after 9/11, that Islam was wicked and evil. I don't believe that Mohammed can lead anybody to God.
First of all, I think the president's problem is that he was born a Muslim. His father was a Muslim. The seed of Islam is passed through the father. He was born a Muslim. His father gave him an Islamic name.
Now, it's obvious that the president has renounced the Prophet Mohammed and he has renounced Islam and he has accepted Jesus Christ. That's what he says he's done. I cannot say that he hasn't. So, I just have to believe the president is what he's said.
MATTHEWS: What is this seed of Islam? He says Islam is a joke of religion. Then he's quoting the religion beliefs about the seed of Islam. Somehow, you—you become part of a religion without any forethought.
BACKUS: It's—it just makes me—I think it would make everyone in
and you have to be careful who you sort of associate and say that are your backers.
And the fact that Trump and Graham are embracing myself makes me scared about foreign policy. It's almost like Sarah Palin waking up and not knowing where Alaska and Florida are. I mean, you need to be able to have someone who has can have a conversation and lead and make strategic decisions and garner respect.
MATTHEWS: Why would he glom on to this guy?
Errol, why would he want Franklin Graham behind him? Then to—associate himself with Franklin's wonderful father, Billy, a different kettle of fish than the son, I think we all agree by now.
LOUIS: Well, he's trying to get some legitimacy, clearly.
I mean, he likes his standing in the polls. He's appealing to the birther crowd. He's looking for friends anywhere he can find them. And that's how you run for a president, at least in the early stages of it. That's one version of how you run for president.
You know, he could stand on principle and remain single digits in the polls and just kind of fade away, like Haley Barbour. He's chosen a different strategy.
MATTHEWS: Let's try to go further. I want to now plumb the depths of you. I want to do some teeth-drilling of you, Errol.
You said that he gets up in the morning to try to bug me, which I find sort of almost laughable. But fine. Let's go this—the last thing you said. He does this to appeal to the birther crowd. Who are the birther crowd?
LOUIS: Well, I mean, they're self-defined, people who believe that insanity -- 84 percent of Democrats reject it -- 69 percent of independents reject it. And apparently something around 46 percent of Republicans do not reject it.
So, you know, there you have it. I—I—you know, beyond that, I don't know how you slice and dice them. I don't know where they fall as far as their geography or their religion or anything else, but...
MATTHEWS: Can you help me guess with this one? I guess they're rural and I guess they're right-wing and I guess they don't like Barack Obama, long before they ever questioned his birthplace.
BACKUS: But we need to be careful about birther equals Tea Party in some sense.
MATTHEWS: I didn't say that.
BACKUS: No, you didn't, but other people are saying that. And I think that's where—Trump says Tea Party. He's trying to say that he is a Tea Party guy, but this is a guy who has gone into bankruptcy four times, used every corporate loophole and...
MATTHEWS: OK. You are just being partisan here.
BACKUS: I am not being partisan.
MATTHEWS: Yes, you are, because the fact is, he seems to be appealing.
BACKUS: I'm just saying that the Tea Party...
MATTHEWS: There's something going on why—I want everybody—both of you guys to tell me, why is he doing so well in these polls if he's a joke?
BACKUS: Right now, a ham sandwich would do well in the Republican primary.
BACKUS: There's no—he's a celebrity. People recognize his name.
MATTHEWS: Yes, sir?
LOUIS: I don't think that—I don't think he's a joke. He's talked about trade policies, some other things very seriously.
This birther thing is pure insanity and a bit of political hucksterism. But, other than that, he's a serious candidate.
BACKUS: I don't think you can say he's a serious candidate...
BACKUS: ... looking at...
BACKUS: ... what he said. I mean, his—he's glib. He's got one
line. He flip-flops every second. He's not going to hold—New York is -
other than probably my hometown of Boston, well, my home area of Boston, New York is a hotbed of political—you guys are going to—you guys are starting to sizzle him up a little bit. Wait until everybody else...
MATTHEWS: No, I'm actually confused now, because I think—I'm not confused. I do think we're seeing a statement here.
I believe that the early round of Republican candidates who have put their names out there are not working. I think Mitt Romney's like the dog food the dog never wanted. No matter how much advertising, no matter how good it looks, he doesn't like the taste of this dog food.
I think T-Paw ain't working there. He might. I think all this talk about Mitch Daniels is intellectualism that is never going to go anywhere.
BACKUS: Yes.
MATTHEWS: In the end, you have got to pick a human being to be president of the United States who you trust more than you trust the other guy.
And I think that's the Republican conundrum for a while now.
BACKUS: Right.
MATTHEWS: Maybe by next year, they will have solved it.
BACKUS: Well, Trump is not the solution for them. And you can see that by Rove and other people coming out and saying—trying to run away from him and disqualify him right now.
I mean, we have had a couple of primaries like this where some people didn't like John Kerry. They—they—everyone looks for the superstar. You don't get superstar races every single time out in a presidential cycle. And I think we need to be careful not to overlook the workhorses out there, the people ,the guys, unfortunately for the—and Michele Bachmann, her—well, maybe not her—but going to Iowa and New Hampshire...
MATTHEWS: Errol, did you just hear the standard change?
MATTHEWS: The standard has changed.
MATTHEWS: Michele Bachmann is now a serious candidate for president because we have got Donald Trump in the race.
BACKUS: Donald Trump. There you go.
MATTHEWS: They have moved that center strip.
LOUIS: Nothing succeeds like success. Let him win a couple of primaries and a lot of stuff will suddenly start to fade away. Remember Barack Obama and some of the warts that he had.
MATTHEWS: Well, the good news for us is, I just got the word from his office today that, when he announces, apparently, what, June 1, he's coming on this show and make a lot of—give us a lot of information about his plans. So that's when I want Donald Trump on the show.
And I will wait. I'm willing to wait, Donald. And I don't think you get up in the morning just to bother me at all.
MATTHEWS: Anyway, Errol, I think you're wrong on that one. But you're a New Yorker. You know, I understand how you're all obsessed with your intramurals up there.
MATTHEWS: Thank you, Errol. Thank you very much, Errol Louis, for joining us.
LOUIS: Thank you.
MATTHEWS: And I want to thank you Jenny Backus, as always.
BACKUS: Thank you.
MATTHEWS: Up next, Republicans get dumped. The law firm—the law firm hired to fight for the Defense of Marriage Act, DOMA, backs out. And then the top lawyer quits because he doesn't like them backing out. That's ahead in the "Sideshow."
You're watching HARDBALL—the beat goes on, on same-sex marriage—only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Back to HARDBALL. Now to the "Sideshow."
First, drill baby drill, it's back. Didn't take long. Here's Tim Paw, Tim Pawlenty, this morning.
TIM PAWLENTY ®, FORMER MINNESOTA GOVERNOR: This is a president who has sat on his hands as it relates to drilling. You know, we have got a country that's got some enormous energy assets that are not being exploited or leveraged to the benefit of our country and to our people.
MATTHEWS: Well, nobody thinks this country can drill its way out of high gas prices.
Anyway, next up: Republicans get dumped. Under pressure from gay rights groups, the law firm that had originally agreed to defend the Defensive of Marriage Act, DOMA, for House Republicans has pulled out of the case.
Angry at his firm's decision, Republican Paul Clement, who is a former solicitor general for George W. Bush, quit the firm in protest. He said, "Unpopular causes have a right to a defense."
Well, I may not agree with his politics, but you can't argue with the principle. The courts should settle these things like this.
Finally: cooking the books. This month, Republican Jon Kyl told a giant whopper on the Senate floor, saying that abortions are 90 percent of what Planned Parenthood does. Well, the real number, 3 percent. Senator Kyl made matters worse by putting out word that it was not intended to be a factual statement, what he said.
Well, now he's taken the—he's backpedaling this one a step further. Kyl has just moved to revise the statement in the permanent congressional record. The daily record printed that night had what he originally said.
Anyway, up next: The big debate in this country is about reining in the deficit. But how can we be serious about it if we're not talking about raising taxes, especially on the rich? Taxes are lower than they have been for decades, so why aren't this part of—this part of the mix?
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
SIMON HOBBS, CNBC CORRESPONDENT: I'm Simon Hobbs with your CNBC "Market Wrap."
Stocks ended mixed on a quiet session, as investors wait on more corporate earnings. The Dow fell 26 points, the S&P down two, and the Nasdaq added five.
It was the lightest volume day of the year so far coming off, of course, a holiday weekend and in advance of the Fed's first big news conference Wednesday. Tomorrow, we get earnings from Amazon, Ford, Coca-Cola and 3M. Investors are increasingly focused on whether rising input costs are cutting profit margins.
But tech companies are still a standout, averaging a 33 percent bump in earnings, 27 percent increase in sales over last year. After the close tonight, we had Netflix delivering strong quarterly profits and sales, but a weaker-than-expected outfit is driving shares lower after-hours.
And precious metals are just getting more precious every day, gold still trading at record highs, above $1,500 an ounce, silver also hitting a new high, just shy of $50 an ounce today.
That's it from CNBC, first in business worldwide—now back to
DAVID GREGORY, MODERATOR, "MEET THE PRESS": Could you support a deal here out of this gang of six on the budget that includes tax increases?
SEN. TOM COBURN ®, OKLAHOMA: Well, we are not talking about it. We are not talking about raising tax rates at all so.
GREGORY: All right, but here's—here's...
COBURN: So, if there's a net effect of tax revenue, that would be fine with me.
GREGORY: Alan Greenspan was on this program last week. He said the Bush era tax cuts should expire for everybody. Is that not fair?
SEN. KENT CONRAD (D), NORTH DAKOTA: So, you have got to work both sides of the equation. But we did not raise tax rates in this proposal. What we did was have tax reform.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL.
That was Republican Senator Tom Coburn of Oklahoma and Democratic Senator Kent Conrad of North Dakota on "Meet the Press" yesterday.
Can Democrats and Republicans find a way to fix the budget?
Former Labor Secretary Robert Reich is a professor at U.C. Berkeley and author of the new book "Aftershock." There it is. And University of Virginia Professor Larry Sabato is the author of "Pendulum Swing."
Gentlemen, thank you for coming on the show.
ROBERT REICH, FORMER U.S. LABOR SECRETARY: Thank you.
MATTHEWS: This is something that has really gotten sort of bogged up or—or clogged up in American politics. That is, you can only adjust one side of the ledger now. That means cutting taxes—or cutting spending, and that's all anybody talks about.
Look at these new numbers right now. We have got a "Washington Post"/ABC poll you might not be shocked by. Forty-three percent -- 53 percent opposed to even a small tax increase and small cuts in Medicare. It's written as almost minuscule and it's written as a fair proposition, and people still reject it 53-45.
Then you ask people, should we go after—sock it to people that make most of the money, and it's 3-1 tax people, over 72 percent.
Robert Reich, it seems like people don't want any kind of an across-the-board adjustment in anything. They only get excited about hitting people hard who they are not. In other words, I can read a poll to know that most of the people who are responding to this are making less than $250,000 a year, and they're saying hit the people that do make more.
Is this where we're at, we only go after the rich, that's it?
REICH: Well—oh, Chris, I thought the most part of that "Washington Post"/ABC poll you're talking about is that 54 percent, 54 percent of registered Republicans said taxes should be increased on the rich.
Now, I haven't seen anything like that for the last 30 or 40 years. And I haven't been following every poll for the last 30 or 40 years, but for years Republicans have been saying and most of the public has been believing that if you cut taxes on the rich, then you get trickle-down economics that benefits everybody, and, also, if you increase taxes on the rich, everybody will be hurt because some day everybody's going to be a millionaire.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
REICH: Well, those are two methodologies, and they have both gone out of style and out of fashion. So, even Republicans are beginning to say, look, if we have no other choice, let's raise taxes on the rich.
MATTHEWS: So, if that's the voters' opinion, Larry, why isn't it happening? Why do both parties...
It's not happening...
MATTHEWS: We just saw two members of Congress who are supposed to be the guys in the middle cutting the deal, they were gun-shy, both of them, on any kind of tax increase.
SABATO: Yes, because a poll is a not an election. That's fundamentally the difference here.
Look, the reason Republicans almost universally, not just Tea Party Republicans, but mainstream Republicans, oppose any tax increase is because if they do, they're guaranteed not just a Tea Party challenge. They're probably going to be challenged in a primary by another mainstream Republican.
And it's gotten to the point where tax increases are now defined, at least by some, like our friend Grover Norquist, as being the elimination of tax subsidies for things like the ethanol industry. So, it's—it's getting tougher and tougher even to raise fees and close loopholes and eliminate subsidies.
MATTHEWS: Well, this is a problem for both parties because, Robert, if—if—if you can't get any give from the Republican side on revenues, on taxes, even on an increase in revenue through reform, if you can't do that, it seems to me very hard to get the Democrats to agree to any kind of cut in spending.
So, the president can't get his own party to do any kind of budget adjustment, any kind of effort to reduce the deficit that's real, if he can't get the other party to increase revenue. So, both sides get hurt politically because neither side will move then.
Is that where we're at? Nobody wants to do anything because nobody's doing everything?
REICH: Chris, if you assume that compromise is actually halfway between the president's proposal and Paul Ryan's proposal, then, yes, you are stymied—you are completely stymied. But if the public and I think a lot of Republicans and not a few Democrats are getting a lot of news when they go home right now at town meetings, when the public actually registered what they want—no cut in Social Security or Medicare, and do tax the rich and let's get rid of corporate welfare, let's pare down military spending—when so many representatives are hearing that in the town meetings you might actually see a more, a greater willingness to compromise when they come back.
MATTHEWS: Well, I see that don't touch Medicare. I don't see the excitement of raising taxes. Do you hear it, Larry?
SABATO: No.
MATTHEWS: For the rich?
SABATO: I'm with you, Chris.
MATTHEWS: I mean, do they actually demand at meetings?
SABATO: Well, I don't know what people are saying in their meetings. I doubt that's what the Republican members are hearing—and remember, it would have to pass the Republican House.
Look, there's only one open window for a compromise and that is, Bob mentioned, corporate welfare. I think Republicans would say as Senator Coburn did, closing loopholes, tax reform. That may be a way to produce some kind of compromise. But if you're talking about a general increase in tax rates, forget about it. Not going to happen.
REICH: Well, Larry, I completely agree with Larry on that. No general increase in tax rates, but what we're talking about is increasing taxes on the rich. Not only getting rid of the, you know, extension of the Bush tax cuts for people over $250,000, but also, for example, capping home mortgage interest deductions, maybe, what, $20,000 a year. I mean, there are a lot of things that can be done that would get in my view a great deal of public support.
MATTHEWS: But you're not running for anything, Robert. And, Larry, and you're not running for anything. And I think Larry made the point a minute, I think that was crisply stated. There's a difference between a poll and an election. If all you have to do is expose yourself as a Republican to any kind of problem with the voters, they'll kill you on it. The Republicans will be Tea Partying you. The Democratic side, they'll get you on Medicare.
So, I'm afraid that the solution politically for this crowd of people in politics today is: do nothing. Let the deficit ride.
Robert, don't you think that's what's going to happen, really? They just going to let this deficit balloon and they're not going to do anything about it.
REICH: Chris, always the path of least resistance is to do nothing. But if the dollar continues to drop, if we see that—it's not just Standard & Poor's but capital markets become very afraid that the Republicans and Democrats doing nothing, then their hands may be forced and may have to do something.
MATTHEWS: Wow.
REICH: And then the question is: what are they going to cut or what tax are they going to raise? And I think if you can raise any taxes at all, it's got to be on the rich.
MATTHEWS: I don't see any leadership out there from either party cutting a deal.
Larry, what about Haley Barbour quitting? I thought he might be able to thread the needle. He might be, to use another metaphor, a Tea Party-appealing person but without being a Tea Party person. But—what do you think? Why did he quit?
SABATO: Chris, I think he's one of the smartest politicians in either party and he just proved it today. He wasn't selling. And he picked it up. He wasn't selling because of the D.C. lobbyist thing, because of the Mississippi connections, because of his accent and looks. And he decided I think rather sanely he didn't want to go through this tortured presidential selection process for nothing.
MATTHEWS: So, now, there's only a couple left. There's only Jeb and maybe Christie. Who's the—what do you call it—the dark horse for you? Who's going to come in the race and win it on the Republican side, anybody?
SABATO: I doubt anybody comes in but the person who just keeps being mentioned is Chris Christie and he loves it no matter what he's saying.
MATTHEWS: I agree with you completely on that.
Robert Reich, Chris Christie, what do you think? Big surprise—
REICH: I think he could be a very strong candidate but don't take your eyes off Mitt Romney. He looks the part. He acts the part. He has gleaming white teeth. He is kind—now, wait a minute, I know the public is very—
MATTHEWS: You are setting him up. You are setting this guy up—duller than you can imagine.
REICH: Mitt Romney is an empty—Chris, I'm not—I'm not a supporter of Mitt Romney. I think he's a very strong candidate. I mean, Mitt Romney is an empty suit. I think in fact—
MATTHEWS: You heard what I said the other day? He gives empty suits a bad name.
Anyway, thank you, Robert Reich. Thank you, Larry Sabato. You're just setting this guy up. An ass (ph) and a gold and the horse is what you want.
Up next, NATO's ratcheting up the pressure on Moammar Gadhafi, targeting his main compound. The Norwegians are shooting at this guy. Boy, it's fascinating. Not us, Norwegians—F-16s from Norway.
We'll get a report from the front lines from NBC's Richard Engel.
MATTHEWS: Well, as we just mentioned in the show, Mississippi Governor Haley Barbour is not running for president. And that means Mississippi will remain one of the 32 states that has never produced a U.S. president.
Wow. I didn't know that one. In fact, of 44 presidents, 28 came from just six states: Ohio, New York, Virginia, Massachusetts, Tennessee and Texas. Wow. I didn't know that.
You learn something new every night here.
HARDBALL back after this.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL.
Well, today in Libya, NATO forces attacked Gadhafi's personal compound in Tripoli, causing heavy damage. A Libyan government spokesman called it an assassination attempt. Well, the U.S. military says Gadhafi was not the target.
NBC News chief foreign correspondent Richard Engel is in Benghazi, Libya.
Richard, is that to be believed that they weren't trying to knock off Gadhafi by going after his personal office?
RICHARD ENGEL, NBC NEWS CHIEF FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT: It's very hard to see how it wouldn't be perceived that way if you are in Libya. Imagine if a foreign government attacks the White House and then says, well, we weren't exactly trying to kill the president. We were just trying to destroy some command and control issues there.
So, from the Libyan perspective, yes, I can certainly see how it's perceived that way. According to a U.S. official, these two Norwegian F-16s fired to destroy command and control capabilities. They destroyed Gadhafi's personal office, a library and reception hall, and as you mentioned in the last segment, you have to be one unpopular world leader to have the Norwegians attacking you.
MATTHEWS: Yes, I thought that.
Let me ask you about Misrata. There was a retreat by the government forces, by Gadhafi there, that seemed to surprise even the rebels, and there was something of a comeback by them. How do you see that fight going over in Misrata? We have it on the map.
ENGEL: Misrata has been described as a massacre, what happened over the weekend. Gadhafi's forces pulled back, the rebels game very excited. They were able to drive out some snipers from the center of the city. They were claiming victory, even people here in Benghazi started to celebrate. They were calling Misrata liberated.
And then as the troops pulled back to the outskirts of the city, all weekend, there was indiscriminate shelling, a school was hit, a hospital was hit, maybe 45 to 50 people, at least according to medics were killed, unless they get some direct air support, constant air support, many people believe that there will be many more deaths in Misrata.
The Predator drones have helped, but they don't seem to be in the sky enough or attacking enough to provide any kind of real security for the people of Misrata.
MATTHEWS: Can you report that we have changed our strategy, that we're going for the kill, if you will—that we are escalating the NATO forces, the attempt to topple Gadhafi or not? Are we still at that limited warfare mode?
ENGEL: I think we are definitely still in the limited warfare mode.
In the very beginning of this conflict, when it was led by the United States not by NATO with U.S. participation, there was a much more aggressive military campaign. Every day, we were seeing dozens of Libyan armored vehicles being destroyed. That tempo, the battle tempo, has been greatly reduced.
There was this very symbolic and dramatic attack on Gadhafi's compound today. There have been other attacks on his compound. This was just with bigger bombs.
MATTHEWS: Well, we heard Johns McCain over the weekend go in there and basically side with the rebels and say we've got to really go in there and help them, but here's Lindsey Graham, his longtime ally from South Carolina on Libya. Let's listen to Lindsey Graham.
SEN. LINDSEY GRAHAM ®, SOUTH CAROLINA: It is leading to a military stalemate. Right now, there's just right now no momentum by the rebels, even if they're better armed to break through to Tripoli. There's not deep support for Gadhafi. So, my recommendation to NATO and the administration is to cut the head of the snake off, go to Tripoli, start bombing Gadhafi's inner circle, their compounds, their military headquarters in Tripoli.
MATTHEWS: Do we have the mandate within the NATO, or rather, within the U.N. Security Council to support that kind of mission, to go in and topple this government?
ENGEL: No. The mandate is simply to protect the Libyan people and not to engage in regime change. The mandate would have to change.
Many people say the policy is effectively to topple the regime. You saw these fighter jets today from Norway attacking the main compound of Gadhafi in the center of Tripoli. So, everyone knows that toppling the regime is the undeclared objective. But there isn't a written mandate to do that.
MATTHEWS: Well, this is beginning to resemble in very broad terms the Bay of Pigs. It looks like we've gone in there to try to topple somebody. Now, Fidel Castro was still in Cuba.
I'm beginning to wonder: is there any reason to believe that Gadhafi will be out of there before President Obama leaves office? What's to believe in terms of this ending anywhere in the foreseeable future? Why would Gadhafi go anywhere as long as he can make the strong stand he's making now?
ENGEL: He certainly wouldn't, and there are no indications that he has any intention of doing that. After the attack on his compound, Gadhafi was seen on Libyan state television.
ENGEL: His son came out, called the attack "cowardly." He said that he has no intention of bowing down or raising his hands in surrender.
But there are some things working against Gadhafi right now. The rebels do have some support. They were able to clear out a limited pocket of the center.
ENGEL: Sure, they were attacked. But, significantly, the rebels have also taken over a part of territory on the other side of Tripoli, close to the Tunisian border.
ENGEL: So, if there's more momentum, they could pincer in and squeeze around Gadhafi. But unless that happens, yes, this could take months, perhaps even longer than that.
MATTHEWS: OK. Thank you so much, Richard Engel, in Benghazi, Libya.
When we come back, "Let Me Finish" with the two kinds of Republicans out there today. They're becoming clear.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: "Let Me Finish" tonight with that old one about there are only two kinds of people in the world—those who think there's only two kinds of people in the world, and those who don't.
Well, today, there are two kinds of Republicans in this country:
those who are on the birther thing and those who aren't. I think most Americans, Democrat, independent and Republican, are proud of our country that we could elect Barack Obama president. I believe that. Even people who didn't vote for him were glad to see this country of ours can measure up to those ideals of "all men being created equal," that this is a country where we can make it no matter how humble or different your background.
Well, the Republican Party, unlike the rest of the country, is—as I said—roughly divided on this issue. It's about even-steven between the people who are happy we can meet up to our ideals of equal opportunity and American exceptionalism, and those who can't deal with the fact that Barack Obama is president—that a guy named like Barack Obama is president, that a guy who looks like Barack Obama is president, that a guy whose father was a black African is president. They just don't like it.
Well, tonight, I offer two Americans to personify this big difference in the Republican Party. I offer you the name Michael Bloomberg who himself personifies the American Dream, who created something really great—Bloomberg Communications—and then became mayor of New York.
I offer you the name Franklin Graham, born to a fine name, perhaps the finest father you could have in this country, Billy Graham—born with all the pedigree one would want in this country.
Mike Bloomberg just said the Republicans are making a big mistake making this birther thing a big issue.
Mr. Graham has said that Donald Trump is now his candidate. No surprise here. He, Mr. Graham, has accused the president of having the seed of Islam in him, whatever the hell that means. So, it's perfect that Trump is his guide. He was riding the birther horse long before Trump even jumped on the saddle. Graham rode it hard for weeks—rather, Trump did and stabled it wet.
As I said, there are two kinds of Republicans: the birthers, and there ilk like Franklin Graham, and those who think like Mike Bloomberg, who defend and cheer the American ideal.
That's HARDBALL for now. Thanks for being with us.
More politics ahead with Cenk Uygur.
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God's Purpose
April 12, 2013
"And how shall they preach unless they are sent? As it is written: "'How beautiful are the feet of those who preach the gospel of peace. Who bring glad tidings of good things!'"
Romans 10:15
It is God's command for all believers to go and be part of making disciples. As children of God our purpose is to point others to Jesus Christ. Being a soul winner is not something you need to pray about doing. God has entrusted all His children with the ministry of sharing the good news so others may come to know Him as Savior and Lord.
As you go through your day, remember that Jesus Christ lives inside of you. God would have you say a word for Jesus wherever you go as you listen to and depend upon the still small voice of the Holy Spirit.
For more resources from Above & Beyond Fellowship, visit www.above.org.


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How France is charting a 'pragmatic' path toward a 2015 climate deal
A U.N. deadline for countries to pen a new global climate change agreement in Paris is more than two years away, but already French officials are making the rounds to galvanize world support for the deal.
The diplomacy tour quietly began almost as soon as the last U.N. global warming meeting ended in December with the appointment of France's minister for development, Pascal Canfin, as climate ambassador and a series of "listening" meetings around the world.
With a major annual climate negotiating session slated for Poland next month, France's efforts have stepped up in earnest. In public events and interviews with ClimateWire in Washington, D.C., recently, Canfin and Special Envoy to the French President for the Protection of the Planet Nicolas Hulot said they believe a 2015 agreement is possible. But mindful of the chaos that befell the 2009 climate summit in Copenhagen, Denmark -- widely branded a disaster -- both said France's goal will be to avoid the mistakes of the past.
"We are all aware this will be a very difficult challenge. France does not have a magic wand to succeed where others have failed, and I am specifically thinking of the Copenhagen conference," Hulot said. "In the two years leading up, it is better for us to adopt an attitude where we listen and try to understand the positions and arguments of others."
A new global warming treaty to replace the 1997 Kyoto Protocol has long been elusive. But by 2015, governments have now agreed, all greenhouse gas emitters will commit to new targets ratcheting down carbon pollution post-2020. That new deal is expected to hold the United States, Europe and other industrialized longtime emitters to the same legal standards as China, India and other newer big polluters, though the levels of reductions might differ depending on a particular country's wealth or capacity.
Yet while the broad outlines are set, details of a system that rich and poor countries will all deem fair have to be worked out over the next two years. Also to be decided is the structure, which still remains vague as a "protocol, another legal instrument or an agreed outcome with legal force," according to a 2011 U.N. decision.
Finding compromise on all of those issues, advocates said, will require France as host to the 21st Conference of the Parties to the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change, or COP 21, to remain stedfastly evenhanded in a way Denmark was never viewed.
The space between voluntary and binding
"I think the most important thing is that they have a deep understanding of where countries are, what their priorities are, what their bottom lines are, and that times a lot of time. Starting early, way in advance, I don't think anyone has ever done that before, so that's really impressive," one longtime analyst said. "They will have to be the neutral convener, separating themselves out from Europe."
Speaking to the Organization of American States earlier this month, France's representatives put its open-ears approach on full display. Hulot and Canfin showered praise on Mexico for its successful hosting of a 2010 climate conference, pledged to "share a common vision" with Peru -- which will be hosting the conference in 2014 -- and even had warm words for Venezuela, whose diplomats are seen as the bomb-throwers of the negotiations. Then the duo asked Latin American leaders to open a dialogue.
But it also appears that France's diplomats already have in mind the basic framework of the deal they would like to see inked in Paris.
Speaking earlier that same day to the Brookings Institution, Canfin talked down the possibility of a legally binding agreement akin to the Kyoto Protocol. That treaty, to which the United States never became a party, set a global target for emissions reductions and then mandated cuts from each industrialized nation. Repeating that model, even with a greater number of nations, is something the United States opposes, favoring instead a voluntary approach backed by strong reporting and verification.
On the other hand, many note, a repeat of Copenhagen -- where nations essentially recorded their domestic emissions targets with a vague future understanding that there would be a review process -- also fell short. Canfin, who described his negotiating style as both idealistic and pragmatic, called for a middle-of-the-road approach.
"For a number of countries, including the U.S., a legal agreement on binding targets will be very difficult for political reasons. On the other hand, if there is only a bottom-up approach ... it will be very difficult for public opinion," he said.
He outlined a likely compromise, which involves countries by 2014 -- ideally at a climate leaders summit that U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is convening -- offering up their voluntary but nationally binding post-2020 targets. Over that final year before COP 21, some combination of negotiations and "peer review" might buck those targets up, to be formalized in Paris the second week of December 2015.
That plan doesn't sit well with advocates for developing countries. Asked if she could accept a 2015 deal that did not legally bind the United States and other major historical emitters to ambitious carbon cuts, Oxfam International Executive Director Winnie Byanyima said, "Of course not. What is that? If it's not legally binding, then what is it?"
It is realistic, answer advocates of such a middle-way approach. Elliot Diringer, executive vice president of the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, said a hybrid deal is needed that has "some degree of bindingness, but also degrees of flexibility that invites broad participation."
Most importantly, he said, a new deal should have some kind of mechanism for countries to bolster their emissions targets over time, making whatever comes out of Paris an ever-evolving document. That, he said, would take some pressure off countries to by 2015 marry themselves to politically difficult emissions cuts that will keep the Earth's warming below 2 degrees Celsius over preindustrial levels but still would create a credible path toward getting there.
"The agreement in 2015 will not be the grand solution," Diringer said. "Numbers are important, but they are not the entire measure of success."
Message to Obama: Don't wait until 2015
For now, the French diplomacy team said they are focused on creating a very different atmosphere in the run-up to Paris than what existed before Copenhagen.
Among the shifts will be avoiding grand pronouncements of Paris as the "last chance to save the planet," which was the high bar in Copenhagen, with its ominous countdown clock to a treaty that never arrived. Instead, Canfin and Hulot said they will spend the next two years trying to prove that industrialized and developing countries have a common economic interest in reducing emissions -- an argument they say was missing in 2009.
Something else the French leaders say they don't want to see in their country come 2015: President Obama. Or, for that matter, any of the hundreds of unprepared world leaders whose presence in Denmark made for a bizarre crunch-time negotiating session in the wee hours of the final night, with presidents and prime ministers jousting over words in the final Copenhagen Accord.
"No. We want President Obama in September in New York," Canfin said, referring to Ban's climate summit at the 2014 U.N. General Assembly, when asked directly if he wants Obama to come to COP 21. "We need political commitment, but we don't need this political commitment the last day in a conference room in Paris," he said. "We need to make this negotiation a real negotiation. We do not want to wait for the last minute to put compromises on the table."
As many as 40,000 people could descend upon Paris for the conference, Canfin estimated. He called COP 21 a logistical and political challenge that President François Hollande has taken a personal interest in making successful.
"Climate change is one of the key priorities of our diplomacy. It will be the biggest event ever organized in France," he said. "We have two years and capacity to work with almost everybody. We need to demonstrate that having everybody on board is much more ambitious than having a limited number of countries committed on a binding basis."
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A 72-year-old homeowner immediately retrieved his handgun when he heard several home intruders attempting to gain entry to his Las Vegas residence early Monday morning. And when the criminals entered his bedroom, he opened fire, killing one of the suspects and sending the rest fleeing, KLAS-TV reports.
"Several intruders, had gotten into the home, entered his bedroom and he fired at least one shot, and they fled," Metro Police Officer Bill Cassell said. "It is unusual, first of all, to have multiple people burglarizing a residence, especially when they are carrying weapons."
When police eventually arrived at the Las Vegas home, they found one of the intruders trying to escape in a car. The car hit a patrol car and then the suspect attempted to flee on foot, however, police were able to take the man into custody.
A second suspect, described as a Latin male, was last seen running from the neighborhood where the attempted robbery took place. He remains at large. Police found a third male, armed with a handgun, dead in the homeowner's backyard. The cause of death was determined to be a gunshot wound.
The incident was the second time in three days that a homeowner in Las Vegas had used a firearm during an attempted burglary and fired at an intruder.
The elderly homeowner, identified as Dr. Joseph Piracci, is also a recent burglary victim. Police say charges against Piracci are not expected.