text:
Moldova Population: 3,510,4851 VISITOR FROM HERE!
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|Part of Romania during the interwar period, Moldova was incorporated into the Soviet Union at the close of World War II. Although the country has been independent from the USSR since 1991, Russian forces have remained on Moldovan territory east of the Nistru River supporting the breakaway region of Transnistria, composed of a Slavic majority population (mostly Ukrainians and Russians), but with a sizable ethnic Moldovan minority. Europe's poorest economy, Moldova became the first former Soviet state to elect a communist, Vladimir VORONIN, as its president in 2001. VORONIN served as Moldova's president until he resigned in September 2009. Four Moldovan opposition parties then formed a new coalition, the Alliance for European Integration (AEI), iterations of which acted as Moldova's governing coalitions over the next several years. In May 2013, two of the original AEI parties and a splinter group from a third re-formed a ruling coalition called the Pro-European Coalition. The Moldovan Government in summer 2014 signed and ratified an Association Agreement with the EU, advancing the Coalition's policy priority of EU integration. Following the country's most recent legislative election in November 2014, the three pro-European parties that entered Parliament won a total of 55 of the body's 101 seats. Infighting among coalition members led to prolonged legislative gridlock and political instability, as well as the collapse of two governments, all ruled by pro-European coalitions centered around the Liberal Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). A political impasse ended in January 2016 when a new parliamentary majority led by PDM, joined by defectors from the Communists and PLDM, supported Pavel FILIP as prime minister.
Landlocked; well endowed with various sedimentary rocks and minerals including sand, gravel, gypsum, and limestone
|Eastern Europe, northeast of Romania
|Geographic coordinates:
| total: 33,851 sq km
land: 32,891 sq km
water: 960 sq km
Size comparison: slightly larger than Maryland
|Land Boundaries:
|total: 1,885 km border countries (2): Romania 683 km, Ukraine 1,202 km
|0 km (landlocked)
|Maritime claims:
|none (landlocked)
|moderate winters, warm summers
|rolling steppe, gradual slope south to Black Sea
|Elevation extremes:
|Natural resources:
|lignite, phosphorites, gypsum, limestone, arable land
|Land use:
| agricultural land: 74.9% arable land 55.1%; permanent crops 9.1%; permanent pasture 10.7% forest: 11.9%
other: 13.2% (2011 est.)
|Irrigated land:
|2,283 sq km (2012)
|Natural hazards:
|Current Environment Issues:
|heavy use of agricultural chemicals, including banned pesticides such as DDT, has contaminated soil and groundwater; extensive soil erosion from poor farming methods
|International Environment Agreements:
| party to: Air Pollution, Air Pollution-Persistent Organic Pollutants, Biodiversity, Climate Change, Climate Change-Kyoto Protocol, Desertification, Endangered Species, Hazardous Wastes, Ozone Layer Protection, Ship Pollution, Wetlands
signed, but not ratified: none of the selected agreements
|^Back to Top
| noun: Moldovan(s)
adjective: Moldovan
|Ethnic groups:
|Moldovan 75.8%, Ukrainian 8.4%, Russian 5.9%, Gagauz 4.4%, Romanian 2.2%, Bulgarian 1.9%, other 1%, unspecified 0.4% (2004 est.) note: internal disputes with ethnic Slavs in the Transnistrian region
|Moldovan 58.8% (official; virtually the same as the Romanian language), Romanian 16.4%, Russian 16%, Ukrainian 3.8%, Gagauz 3.1% (a Turkish language), Bulgarian 1.1%, other 0.3%, unspecified 0.4% (2004 est.) note: represents language usually spoken
|Orthodox 93.3%, Baptist 1%, other Christian 1.2%, other 0.9%, atheist 0.4%, none 1%, unspecified 2.2% (2004 est.)
|3,510,485 (July 2016 est.)
|Age structure:
| 0-14 years: 18.03% (male 326,244/female 306,543)
15-24 years: 12.87% (male 233,694/female 218,189)
25-54 years: 43.55% (male 768,933/female 760,002)
55-64 years: 13.36% (male 214,852/female 254,224)
65 years and over: 12.19% (male 165,811/female 261,993) (2016 est.)
|Dependency ratios:
| total dependency ratio: 34.6%
youth dependency ratio: 21.2%
elderly dependency ratio: 13.4%
potential support ratio: 7.5% (2015 est.)
|Median age:
| total: 36.3 years
male: 34.5 years
female: 38.3 years (2016 est.)
|Population growth rate:
|-1.04% (2016 est.)
|Birth rate:
|11.8 births/1,000 population (2016 est.)
|Death rate:
|12.6 deaths/1,000 population (2016 est.)
|Net migration rate:
|-9.5 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2016 est.)
| urban population: 45% of total population (2015)
rate of urbanization: -0.73% annual rate of change (2010-15 est.)
|Major urban areas - population:
|CHISINAU (capital) 725,000 (2015)
|Sex ratio:
| at birth: 1.06 male(s)/female
0-14 years: 1.06 male(s)/female
15-24 years: 1.07 male(s)/female
25-54 years: 1.01 male(s)/female
55-64 years: 0.85 male(s)/female
65 years and over: 0.62 male(s)/female
total population: 0.95 male(s)/female (2016 est.)
|Mother's mean age at first birth:
|24 (2013 est.)
|Maternal mortality rate:
|23 deaths/100,000 live births (2015 est.)
|Infant mortality rate:
| total: 12.3 deaths/1,000 live births male: 14.1 deaths/1,000 live births
female: 10.3 deaths/1,000 live births (2016 est.)
|Life expectancy at birth:
| total population: 70.7 years male: 66.9 years
female: 74.8 years (2016 est.)
|Total fertility rate:
|1.56 children born/woman (2016 est.)
|Contraceptive prevalence rate:
|67.8% (2005)
|Health expenditures:
|10.3% of GDP (2014)
|Physicians density:
|2.98 physicians/1,000 population (2013)
|Hospital bed density:
|6.2 beds/1,000 population (2012)
|Drinking water source:
| improved:
urban: 96.9% of population
rural: 81.4% of population
total: 88.4% of population
urban: 3.1% of population
rural: 18.6% of population
total: 11.6% of population (2015 est.)
|Sanitation facility access:
| improved:
urban: 87.8% of population
rural: 67.1% of population
total: 76.4% of population
urban: 12.2% of population
rural: 32.9% of population
total: 23.6% of population (2015 est.)
|HIV/AIDS - adult prevalence rate:
|0.64% (2015 est.)
|HIV/AIDS - people living with HIV/AIDS:
|18,000 (2015 est.)
|HIV/AIDS - deaths:
|800 (2015 est.)
|Obesity - adult prevalence rate:
|15.7% (2014)
|Children under the age of 5 years underweight:
|2.2% (2012)
|Education expenditures:
|7.5% of GDP (2014)
| definition: age 15 and over can read and write
total population: 99.4%
male: 99.7%
female: 99.1% (2015 est.)
|School life expectancy (primary to tertiary education):
| total: 12 years male: 12 years
female: 12 years (2013)
|Unemployment, youth ages 15-24:
| total: 9.8% male: 9.6%
female: 10.2% (2014 est.)
|^Back to Top
|Country name:
| conventional long form: Republic of Moldova
conventional short form: Moldova
local long form: Republica Moldova
local short form: Moldova
former: Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic, Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic
etymology: named for the Moldova River in neighboring eastern Romania
|Government type:
|parliamentary republic
| name: Chisinau in Romanian (Kishinev in Russian)
note: pronounced KEE-shee-now (KIH-shi-nyov)
geographic coordinates: 47 00 N, 28 51 E
time difference: UTC+2 (7 hours ahead of Washington, DC, during Standard Time)
daylight saving time: +1hr, begins last Sunday in March; ends last Sunday in October
|Administrative divisions:
|32 raions (raioane, singular - raion), 3 municipalities (municipii, singular - municipiul), 1 autonomous territorial unit (unitatea teritoriala autonoma), and 1 territorial unit (unitatea teritoriala) raions: Anenii Noi, Basarabeasca, Briceni, Cahul, Cantemir, Calarasi, Causeni, Cimislia, Criuleni, Donduseni, Drochia, Dubasari, Edinet, Falesti, Floresti, Glodeni, Hincesti, Ialoveni, Leova, Nisporeni, Ocnita, Orhei, Rezina, Riscani, Singerei, Soldanesti, Soroca, Stefan-Voda, Straseni, Taraclia, Telenesti, Ungheni municipalities: Balti, Bender, Chisinau autonomous territorial unit: Gagauzia territorial unit: Stinga Nistrului (Transnistria)
|27 August 1991 (from the Soviet Union)
|National holiday:
|Independence Day, 27 August (1991)
|history: previous 1978; latest adopted 29 July 1994, effective 27 August 1994 amendments: proposed by voter petition (at least 200,000 eligible voters), by one-third of Parliament members, or by the government; passage requires two-thirds majority vote of Parliament within one year of initial proposal; revisions to constitutional articles on sovereignty, independence, and neutrality require majority vote by referendum; articles on fundamental rights and freedoms cannot be amended; amended several times, last in 2010; note – in early 2016, a Moldovan Constitutional Court decision allowed for direct presidential elections, reversing a constitutional amendment allowing Parliament to select the president (2016)
|Legal system:
|civil law system with Germanic law influences; Constitutional Court review of legislative acts
|18 years of age; universal
|Executive branch:
| chief of state: President Igor DODON (since 23 December 2016)
head of government: Prime Minister Pavel FILIP (since 20 January 2016)
cabinet: Cabinet proposed by the prime minister-designate, nominated by the president, approved through a vote of confidence in Parliament elections/appointments: president directly elected for a 4-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held on 13 November 2016 (next to be held in fall 2020); prime minister designated by the president upon consultation with Parliament; within 15 days from designation, the prime minister-designate must request a vote of confidence for his/her proposed work program from the Parliament
election results: Igor DODON elected president; percent of vote - Igor DODON (Socialist Party) 52.2%, Maia SANDU (Action and Solidarity Party) 47.8%; Pavel FILIP (Democratic Party) designated prime minister; Parliament vote - 57 of 101
|Legislative branch:
| description: unicameral Parliament (101 seats; members directly elected in a single, nationwide constituency by proportional representation vote to serve 4-year terms)
elections: last held on 30 November 2014 (next to be held in November 2018)
election results: percent of vote by party - PSRM 20.5%, PLDM 20.2%, PCRM 17.5%, PDM 15.8%, PL 9.7%, other 16.3%; seats by party - PSRM 25, PLDM 23, PCRM 21, PDM 19, PL 13
|Judicial branch:
| highest court(s): Supreme Court of Justice (consists of a chief judge, 3 deputy-chief judges, 45 judges, and 7 assistant judges); Constitutional Court (consists of the court president and 6 judges); note - the Constitutional Court is autonomous to the other branches of government; the Court interprets the Constitution and reviews the constitutionality of parliamentary laws and decisions, decrees of the president, and acts of the government judge selection and term of office: Supreme Court of Justice judges appointed by Parliament upon the recommendation of the Supreme Council of the Magistracy; all judges serve 4-year renewable terms; Constitutional Court judges appointed 2 each by Parliament, the Moldovan president, and the Higher Council of Magistracy; court president elected by other court judges for a 3-year term; other judges appointed for 6-year terms
subordinate courts: Courts of Appeal; Court of Business Audit; municipal courts
|Political parties and leaders:
|represented in Parliament: Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova or PCRM [Vladimir VORONIN] Democratic Party of Moldova or PDM [Marian LUPU] Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova or PLDM [Valeriu STRELET, acting] Liberal Party or PL [Mihai GHIMPU] Socialist Party of the Republic of Moldova or PSRM [Zinaida GRECEANII, acting] not represented in Parliament: Action and Solidarity Party or PAS [Maia SANDU] Anti-Mafia Movement or MPA [Sergiu MOCANU] Centrist Union of Moldova or UCM [Mihai PETRACHE] Christian Democratic People's Party or PPCD [Iurie ROSCA] Conservative Party or PC [Natalia NIRCA] Democracy at Home Party or PPDA [Vasile COSTIUC] Democratic Action Party or PAD [Mihai GODEA] Dignity and Truth Platform or PDA [Andrei NASTASE] Ecologist Green Party or PVE [Anatolie PROHNITCHI] European People's Party of Moldova or EPPM [Iurie LEANCA] Popular Democratic Party of Moldova or PPDM [Valeriu PASAT] Labor Party or PM [Marcel DARIE] Liberal Reformers Party or PLR [Ion HADARCA] "Motherland" Party or PP [Emilian CIOBU] National Liberal Party or PNL [Vitalia PAVLICENKO] Our Home Moldova or PCNM [Grigore PETRENCO] Our Party or PN [Renato USATII] People's Party of Moldova or PPRM [Alexandru OLEINIC] Progressive Society Party or PSP [Oleg MATVEI] Regions Party of Moldova or PRM [Alexandr KALININ] "Right" Party or PD [Ana GUTU] Russian-Slavean Party of Moldova or PRSM [Oleg TOPOLNITKI] Shor Party or PS [Ilan SHOR] Social Democratic Party or PSD [Victor SELIN] Social-Political Movement "New Force" or MFN [Valeriu PLESCA] Socialist People's Party of Moldova or PPSM [Victor STEPANIUC] United Moldova Party or PMUEM [Vladimir TURCAN]
|Political pressure groups and leaders:
|International organization participation:
|BSEC, CD, CE, CEI, CIS, EAEC (observer), EAPC, EBRD, FAO, GCTU, GUAM, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC (NGOs), ICCt, ICRM, IDA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, IMO, Interpol, IOC, IOM, IPU, ISO (correspondent), ITU, ITUC (NGOs), MIGA, OIF, OPCW, OSCE, PFP, SELEC, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, Union Latina, UNMIL, UNMISS, UNOCI, UNWTO, UPU, WCO, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO
|National symbol(s):
|aurochs (a type of wild cattle); national colors: blue, yellow, red
|National anthem:
| name: "Limba noastra" (Our Language)
lyrics/music: Alexei MATEEVICI/Alexandru CRISTEA
note: adopted 1994
|Diplomatic representation in the US:
| chief of mission: Ambassador (vacant); Charge d'Affaires Veaceslav PITUSCAN (since 26 August 2015)
chancery: 2101 S Street NW, Washington, DC 20008
telephone: [1] (202) 667-1130
|Diplomatic representation from the US:
| chief of mission: Ambassador James D. PETTIT (since 29 January 2015)
embassy: 103 Mateevici Street, Chisinau MD-2009
mailing address: use embassy street address
telephone: [373] (22) 40-8300
|^Back to Top
Despite recent progress, Moldova remains one of the poorest countries in Europe. With a moderate climate and productive farmland, Moldova's economy relies heavily on its agriculture sector, featuring fruits, vegetables, wine, and tobacco. Moldova also depends on annual remittances of about $1.12 billion from the roughly one million Moldovans working in Europe, Russia, and other former Soviet Bloc countries. With few natural energy resources, Moldova imports almost all of its energy supplies from Russia and Ukraine. Moldova's dependence on Russian energy is underscored by a more than $5 billion debt to Russian natural gas supplier Gazprom, largely the result of unreimbursed natural gas consumption in the breakaway region of Transnistria. Moldova and Romania inaugurated the Ungheni-Iasi natural gas interconnector project in August 2014. The 43-kilometer pipeline between Moldova and Romania, allows for both the import and export of natural gas. Several technical and regulatory delays kept gas from flowing into Moldova until March 2015. Romanian gas exports to Moldova are largely symbolic. Moldova hopes to build a pipeline connecting Ungheni to Chisinau, bringing the gas to Moldovan population centers. The government's stated goal of EU integration has resulted in some market-oriented progress. Moldova experienced better than expected economic growth in 2014 due to increased agriculture production, to economic policies adopted by the Moldovan government since 2009, and to the receipt of EU trade preferences. Moldova signed an Association Agreement and a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement with the EU during fall 2014, connecting Moldovan products to the world's largest market. Still, a $1 billion asset-stripping heist of Moldovan banks in late 2014 delivered a significant shock to the economy in 2015; a subsequent bank bailout increased inflationary pressures and contributed to the depreciation of the leu. Moldova's growth has also been hampered by endemic corruption and a Russian import ban on Moldova's agricultural products. Over the longer term, Moldova's economy remains vulnerable to corruption, political uncertainty, weak administrative capacity, vested bureaucratic interests, higher fuel prices, Russian political and economic pressure, and unresolved separatism in Moldova's Transnistria region.
|GDP (purchasing power parity):
| GDP (purchasing power parity): $18.54 billion (2016 est.) $18.18 billion (2015 est.) $18.26 billion (2014 est.)
note: data are in 2016 dollars
|GDP (official exchange rate):
|GDP (official exchange rate): $6.65 billion (2015 est.)
|GDP - real growth rate:
|2% (2016 est.) -0.5% (2015 est.) 4.8% (2014 est.)
|GDP - per capita (PPP):
| GDP - per capita (PPP): $5,200 (2016 est.) $5,100 (2015 est.) $5,100 (2014 est.)
note: data are in 2016 dollars
|Gross national saving:
|18.2% of GDP (2016 est.) 18% of GDP (2015 est.) 22.3% of GDP (2014 est.)
|GDP - composition, by end use:
| household consumption: 89.5%
government consumption: 20.6%
investment in fixed capital: 23.7%
investment in inventories: 1.3%
exports of goods and services: 43%
imports of goods and services: -78.1% (2016 est.)
|GDP - composition, by sector of origin:
| household consumption: 89.5%
government consumption: 20.6%
investment in fixed capital: 23.7%
investment in inventories: 1.3%
exports of goods and services: 43%
imports of goods and services: -78.1% (2016 est.)
|Agriculture - products:
|vegetables, fruits, grapes, grain, sugar beets, sunflower seeds, tobacco; beef, milk; wine
|sugar, vegetable oil, food processing, agricultural machinery; foundry equipment, refrigerators and freezers, washing machines; hosiery, shoes, textiles
|Industrial production growth rate:
|3.5% (2016 est.)
|Labor force:
|1.253 million (2016 est.)
|Labor force - by occupation:
| agriculture: 30.5%
industry: 12.2%
services: 57.3% (2014 est.)
|Unemployment rate:
|6.3% (2016 est.) 5.2% (2015 est.)
|Population below poverty line:
|20.8% (2013 est.)
|Household income or consumption by percentage share:
| lowest 10%: 3.3%
highest 10%: 26% (2010 est.)
|Distribution of family income - Gini index:
|28.5 (2013) 33.2 (2003)
| revenues: $2.297 billion
expenditures: $2.456 billion note: National Public Budget (2016 est.)
|Taxes and other revenues:
|34.5% of GDP (2016 est.)
|Public debt:
|44.8% of GDP (2016 est.)
|Fiscal year:
|calendar year
|Inflation rate (consumer prices):
|Inflation rate (consumer prices): 7.4% (2016 est.) 9.7% (2015 est.)
|Current account balance:
|-$189 million (2016 est.) -$304 million (2015 est.)
|$1.45 billion (2016 est.) $1.507 billion (2015 est.)
|Exports - commodities:
|foodstuffs, textiles, machinery
|Exports - partners:
|Romania 23.1%, Italy 10.2%, Turkey 9.4%, Russia 8%, Germany 6.6%, Belarus 6.4% (2015)
|$3.45 billion (2016 est.) $3.595 billion (2015 est.)
|Imports - commodities:
|mineral products and fuel, machinery and equipment, chemicals, textiles
|Imports - partners:
|Russia 22.7%, Romania 18.1%, Ukraine 11.5%, Germany 7%, Italy 4.8%, Turkey 4.4% (2015)
|Reserves of foreign exchange and gold:
|$1.85 billion (31 December 2016 est.) $1.757 billion (31 December 2015 est.)
|Debt - external:
|$6.362 billion (31 December 2016 est.) $6.207 billion (31 December 2015 est.)
|Stock of direct foreign investment - at home:
|$3.647 billion (31 December 2014 est.) $3.615 billion (31 December 2013 est.)
|Stock of direct foreign investment - abroad:
|$108.2 million (31 December 2012) $88.42 million (31 December 2011)
|Market value of publicly traded shares:
|$9.723 million (31 December 2014 est.) $50.47 million (31 December 2014 est.) $51.46 million (31 December 2012 est.)
|Exchange rates:
|Moldovan lei (MDL) per US dollar - 20.4 (2016 est.) 19.83 (2015 est.) 19.83 (2014 est.) 14.036 (2013 est.) 12.11 (2012 est.)
|^Back to Top
|Electricity - production:
|4.3 billion kWh (2014 est.)
|Electricity - consumption:
|4.305 billion kWh (2014 est.)
|Electricity - exports:
|0 kWh (2014 est.)
|Electricity - imports:
|731 million kWh (2014 est.)
|Electricity - installed generating capacity:
|500,000 kW note: excludes Transnistria (2014 est.)
|Electricity - from fossil fuels:
|96.4% of total installed capacity (2013 est.)
|Electricity - from nuclear fuels:
|0% of total installed capacity (2013 est.)
|Electricity - from hydroelectric plants:
|3.6% of total installed capacity (2013 est.)
|Electricity - from other renewable sources:
|0% of total installed capacity (2013 est.)
|Crude oil - production:
|0 bbl/day (2015 est.)
|Crude oil - exports:
|0 bbl/day (2013 est.)
|Crude oil - imports:
|20 bbl/day (2013 est.)
|Crude oil - proved reserves:
|0 bbl (1 January 2016 es)
|Refined petroleum products - production:
|354.3 bbl/day (2013 est.)
|Refined petroleum products - consumption:
|17,000 bbl/day (2014 est.)
|Refined petroleum products - exports:
|586.1 bbl/day (2013 est.)
|Refined petroleum products - imports:
|16,700 bbl/day (2013 est.)
|Natural gas - production:
|0 cu m (2015 est.)
|Natural gas - consumption:
|3.15 billion cu m note: includes Transnistria; excluding Transnistria, consumption amounted to 2.92 billion cu m in 2015 (2014 est.)
|Natural gas - exports:
|0 cu m (2013 est.)
|Natural gas - imports:
|3.15 billion cu m note: includes Transnistria; excluding Transnistria, imports amounted to 2.92 billion cu m in 2015 (2014 est.)
|Natural gas - proved reserves:
|0 cu m (1 January 2014 es)
|Carbon dioxide emissions from consumption of energy:
|9.3 million Mt (2013 est.)
|^Back to Top
|Cellular Phones in use:
|total: 3.713 million subscriptions per 100 inhabitants: 105 (July 2015 est.)
|Telephone system:
| general assessment: the mobile market has extended the reach of service to outside the cities and across most of the country
domestic: competition among mobile telephone providers has spurred subscriptions; little interest in expanding fixed-line service; mobile-cellular teledensity exceeds 100 per 100 persons
international: country code - 373; service through Romania and Russia via landline; satellite earth stations - at least 3 (Intelsat, Eutelsat, and Intersputnik) (2015)
|Broadcast media:
|state-owned national radio-TV broadcaster operates 1 TV and 1 radio stations; a total of nearly 70 terrestrial TV channels and some 50 radio stations are in operation; Russian and Romanian channels also are available (2016)
|Internet country code:
|Internet users:
|total: 1.768 million percent of population: 49.8% (July 2015 est.)
|^Back to Top
|7 (2013)
|Airports (paved runways):
| total 5
over 3,047 m: 1
2,438 to 3,047 m: 2
1,524 to 2,437 m: 2 (2013)
|Airports (unpaved runways):
| total 2
1,524 to 2,437 m: 1
under 914 m: 1 (2013)
|gas 1,906 km (2013)
| total 1,171 km
broad gauge: 1,157 km 1.520-m gauge standard gauge: 14 km 1.435-m gauge (2014)
| total 9,352 km
paved: 8,835 km
unpaved: 517 km (2012)
|558 km (in public use on Danube, Dniester and Prut rivers) (2011)
|Merchant marine:
| total 121
by type: bulk carrier 7, cargo 88, carrier 1, chemical tanker 3, passenger/cargo 7, petroleum tanker 2, refrigerated cargo 1, roll on/roll off 11, specialized tanker 1
foreign-owned: 63 (Bulgaria 1, Denmark 1, Egypt 5, Greece 1, Israel 2, Lebanon 1, Pakistan 1, Romania 2, Russia 5, Syria 5, Turkey 18, UK 3, Ukraine 14, Yemen 4) (2010)
|^Back to Top
|Military branches:
|National Army: Land Forces Command, Air Forces Command (includes air defense unit); Carabinieri Troops: a component of the Ministry of Internal Affairs that also has official status as a service of the Armed Forces (2016)
|Military service age and obligation:
|18 years of age for compulsory or voluntary military service; male registration required at age 16; 1-year service obligation (2016)
|Military expenditures:
|0.3% of GDP (2016) 0.3% of GDP (2015) 0.3% of GDP (2014) 0.3% of GDP (2012) 0.3% of GDP (2011)
|^Back to Top
|Transnational Issues
|Disputes - International:
|Moldova and Ukraine operate joint customs posts to monitor the transit of people and commodities through Moldova's break-away Transnistria region, which remains under the auspices of an Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe-mandated peacekeeping mission comprised of Moldovan, Transnistrian, Russian, and Ukrainian troops
|Refugees and internally displaced persons:
| refugees (country of origin): 6,779 applicants for forms of legal stay other than asylum (Ukraine) (2015)
stateless persons: 5,014 (2015)
|Illicit drugs:
|limited cultivation of opium poppy and cannabis, mostly for CIS consumption; transshipment point for illicit drugs from Southwest Asia via Central Asia to Russia, Western Europe, and possibly the US; widespread crime and underground economic activity
|^Back to Top
« Previous Country | Next Country » Back to Flag Counter Overview
Source: CIA - The World Factbook


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My recent lecture on researching the poor focused on Georgia records, but truthfully, many of the records I used as examples can also be found in other states, albeit in different forms. Here is one example of a court record establishing support for an illegitimate child. Note that this one record names the child and her age, both her parents, and her grandfather.
Minutes of Monday Jan. 20th 1840
State & Elizabeth Smith vs Larken Johnson } Bastardy
Ordered by Court that Larkin Johnson pay the sum
of sixty Dollars for the maintenance of Elizabeth Smiths
bastard Child of which he stands convicted as the reputed
father as appears of records and that Sci-fa issue to
him to appear at next Court & show Cause if any he
have why Exceution [sic] should not issue for the same
Barbary Smith the infant Bastard Child of Elizabeth
Smith be bound to Joseph Smith the Grandfather till she
attain the age of 18 now being two years old
Sci fa issued 16 May 1840
Source: Macon County, North Carolina, County Court Minutes Book 3, 1838 – 1855: 67; North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh; NCSA micropublication C.061 30001.


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Difference between revisions of "Selçuk"
Revision as of 13:23, 1 May 2017
Selçuk is an inland town in Central Aegean Turkey.
South of Izmir and just east of the coastal town of Kuşadası, Selçuk is visited mostly because of its close proximity to the ruins of the Roman city of Ephesus—some of the best preserved in the country—and the services the town has to offer, although the town centre itself has some historical sights to spend some time at.
Get in
By plane
Although there is a small airport in Selçuk, it is only open for private planes. So the nearest option for commercial flights is Adnan Menderes Airport in Izmir, which lies 55 km north of Selçuk.
From the airport, you have two options for getting to Selçuk: you can take trains which call at the station directly on the airport grounds (4 TL), and which connect airport with Selçuk and points south six times daily (see "By train" below for a timetable). Be warned that the train can be very packed, though, so be ready for the possibility of not being able to get on.
A quicker but more expensive option is to take a dolmuş, which is more like a big van rather than a bus. They depart from Selçuk – Ephesus Otogar, which lies 2 km away from the airport ride from the airport there costs 10 TL). This otogar is not of the bus station type found in the rest of the country—it's just a bus stop with some benches. Take the mini van signed Selçuk – Ephesus on its front. Ask around if someone in charge is nearby. From here, a ride to Selçuk costs 7 TL, and takes around an hour. The van will stop in many stops along the way, including some remote areas, and just stay on till the very end.
Atlas Jet which has direct flights ti Izmir from Istanbul and other cities, provides a free shuttle bus service to Selcuk and back.
By train
It's possible to take trains [7] from Izmir's Basmane Station seven times daily (at 07:45AM, 09:00AM, 11:25AM, 3:40PM, 4:30PM, 6:15PM, and 7:10PM). These stop at the Izmir airport about 20 minutes after they leave Basmane station. The trip from the airport to Selçuk takes about an hour. Note that Selçuk is not their last stop so make sure to listen for it. As of November 2014, the tickets cost 6.5 TL. Note that having a ticket does not guarantee you a seat and sometimes the trains are packed.
By bus
There are also dolmuşes from the city of Izmir itself, as well as buses from Pamukkale, which cost 20 TL and serve drinks and snacks along the way.
The local otogar of Selçuk is located in the center of the village.
It is possible to take an overnight bus that departs from Istanbul at midnight and arrives here at approx. 8 a.m. This service is run by Varan bus lines and costs 70 TL as of the summer of 2011.
Get around
There are mini-buses (dolmus) to Şirince and Ephesus. To go to the House of Mary you may need to take a taxi.
Rented motorbikes or scooters can be a fun way to discover the surroundings of Selçuk. If you rent a bike note that both Şirince and the House of Mary are up in the hills.
Selcuk is a good starting place for many excursions and visits in the area.
In the city center there are other very interesting spots:
A day trip to Şirince (8km out of Selçuk). Nestled in the hills, small little village, narrow winding streets, great wines and lots of small cosy wine bars to try them all out in. Note that most of the wines are overpriced and not made in the region. Beware staying there though as accommodation is very expensive (90euro)??
[8] Mehmet and Alibaba's Handmade Carpet Shop], right next to the Ephesus Museum. Here, at this family run business, you will find high-quality carpets at good prices with personable sales people - no pressure here. İf you get hungry from the all the thinking over which carpet(s) are the best for you, the family also owns a restaurant next door.
Please remember that all free shuttles arranged by various hotels usually include a visit to a carpet or Turkish delight shop that pay commission to cover the costs of the transport.
Stay safe
Get out
By train
The train is much cheaper than buses. Purchase your ticket shortly before departure.


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Americans are paying high prices for poor quality Internet speeds — speeds that are now slower than in other countries, according to author David Cay Johnston. He says the U.S. ranks 29th in speed worldwide.
"We're way behind countries like Lithuania, Ukraine and Moldavia. Per bit of information moved, we pay 38 times what the Japanese pay," Johnston tells Fresh Air's Dave Davies. "If you buy one of these triple-play packages that are heavily advertised — where you get Internet, telephone and cable TV together — typically you'll pay what I pay, about $160 a month including fees. The same service in France is $38 a month."
In his new book, The Fine Print: How Big Companies Use "Plain English" to Rob You Blind, Johnston examines the fees that companies — such as cellphone and cable — have added over the years that have made bills incrementally larger.
Johnston says that telephone and cable companies worked the regulatory process and the legislatures and Congress to get the rules written for their benefit.
"Over the last 20 years, we've paid at least $360 billion in higher rates to the traditional telephone companies, and well north of $100 billion more to the cable companies, who all testified before Congress, made filings with regulatory agencies, bought ads on TV that told us we were going to have this information superhighway and it was going to be everywhere," he says. "Instead, what they built was a system in very limited locations."
Johnston cites Verizon as providing fiber-optic service to 16 million Americans with no plans to build more.
"Whole huge parts of the country — all of northwestern and central New York [and] everything away from metropolitan New York — is not scheduled to get the high-speed Internet that we paid for and we were promised," he says.
An investigative reporter, Johnston worked for The New York Times for 13 years and won a Pulitzer Prize in 2001 for exposing loopholes in the American tax code. He is a columnist for Reuters.
Interview Highlights
On additional fees in phone bills
"The phone companies, first of all, have begun adding all these additional fees. If you got a single bill and they raised the price, you'll tend to notice. But if there are lots of little fees built into the bill, and they raise this one this month, and another one two months from now, and then they raise another one two months after that — you tend not to notice this.
"One of the items on the phone bill, one that's more than doubled in real terms in price, is often referred to as 'FCC line charge.' Now, that sounds like the Federal Communications Commission is imposing a fee on you — presumably to finance the FCC. In fact, that is the charge paid to connect to the long-distance system: It goes entirely to the phone companies; it doesn't go to the government. And the FCC has something called 'a requirement for plain English language,' so people can understand their phone bills. And here is a perfect example of the misuse of language to confuse people and not have them understand what they're really paying for."
On how a city built its own municipal electrical system
"They created a municipal electric system. Well, they also built a municipal Internet. ... The response from AT&T, Verizon, Cox, Time Warner and the other cable and telephone companies has been to go to legislatures and say, 'We want a law passed that either blocks or makes [it] virtually impossible to build municipal systems. That's competing with our business interests.' And that's part of the whole strategy they have: 'We want to be monopolies without competition, we want to run the system in our interests, to maximize our profits,' with no regard for the overall economy of the United States."
This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. The Internet was invented in the U.S., but we've fallen behind other countries in terms of access and speed. Our service is more expensive than in any of those countries. Why? That's one of the questions my guest, David Cay Johnston, tries to answer in his new book, "The Fine Print."
It's about how many corporations have worked the regulatory system to their advantage and how that affects things ranging from the service you receive to the state of our infrastructure. He also examines the fees that banks and phone companies have added over the years that have made your bills incrementally larger but have added up to big money for corporations.
Johnston was a reporter for the New York Times for 13 years, where he covered the tax system. In 2001, he won a Pulitzer Prize for his coverage of tax an equities and loopholes. He's now the board president of Investigative Reporters and Editors Incorporated and teaches at Syracuse University College of Law.
David Cay Johnston, welcome back to FRESH AIR.
DAVID CAY JOHNSTON: Well, thank you for having me, Terry.
GROSS: One of the things I've learned from the column that you used to write in Reuters and from your new book "The Fine Print" is that although until recently everybody had the right to a land phone line, and the phone company was required to provide land lines for everybody, that appears to be ending. That obligation appears to be ending. What is that obligation, and why is it ending?
JOHNSTON: Well, Terry, in 1913, the Justice Department wanted to break up the AT&T monopoly. And Thomas Vale(ph), the head of the company, in return for keeping that monopoly, promised universal public service: If you had an address, you would be entitled to a land line telephone.
Now, we're moving into a new world where we have cell phones and telephones over the Internet, and the telephone companies want out of this obligation of universal service. That's understandable. We don't want to have a society where every automobile must come with a buggy whip, right.
On the other hand, the laws they are getting written and passed entirely tilt the table in favor of the phone companies and the cable companies. Now, you could literally live on a street that has cable running down it and be told we're not going to serve you because you would no longer have any rights to be served.
GROSS: So for the phone companies, is it a question largely of where are the most profitable centers to wire, and is it going to be profitable to wire places with lower populations?
JOHNSTON: That's exactly what's happening. When you don't have a universal service obligation, then what the companies want to do is only serve those customers who will provide them with a high profit margin. So you could live in an urban setting in an apartment building that maybe has 200 or 300 apartments in it, but if only a minority of people want that service, the company can say we're not going to wire your building, and you're not going to get it.
And the problem with this is it cuts deeply into the interconnectedness of our society, and by doing that, I believe it retards our economic growth. It holds back our growth. If we had the kind of super-high-speed Internet that the Japanese have, the South Koreans have, the very inexpensive and much faster Internet the French have, I believe you would see businesses and business ideas develop that nobody would try right now, because our Internet is not up to the task.
GROSS: So I'm a little confused. What's at stake here for consumers? It is access to land lines or to Internet access or both?
JOHNSTON: Oh, it's both. You can end up in a situation where the only service you will have is a cell telephone: You won't be able to get cable; you won't be able to get a telephone; you won't be able to get Internet; and you will only have a cell phone, and, you know, a lot of buildings, cell phones don't work very well because of where the cell phone towers are located.
I'm not suggesting that we want to necessarily retain, with new technologies, the old rules, but we need to have some balance in these rules.
GROSS: So you write about how through various fees in our phone bills, we've actually been paying, over the years, to create the cable network that provides Internet access and cable TV.
JOHNSTON: Well, back in 1992, Al Gore began pushing for this idea of the information superhighway, a phrase the phone companies tell me don't use that, it's an old phrase, nobody uses it anymore. And the reason is they didn't really build it. We've paid, between cable company rate increases and telephone company rate increases, over a half-trillion dollars to get the Internet.
But what quietly happened without much attention is that the Internet, the standard that these companies had to meet, was a very low standard, far below the quality of the Internet that people have in other modern countries. America invented the Internet, so by the fact is it started out as number one. We now rank 29th in the speed of our Internet, according to Pando Networks.
We're way behind countries like Lithuania, Ukraine and Moldavia in the speed of our Internet. Per bit of information moved, we pay 38 times what the Japanese pay. If you buy one of these triple-play packages that are heavily advertised, where you get Internet, telephone and cable TV together, typically you'll pay what I pay, about $160 a month, including fees.
Well, the same service in France is $38 a month, that is 25 cents on the dollars. And instead of two-country calling, you get worldwide calling to 70 countries. You get an Internet that is 10 times faster uploading - downloading and 20 times faster uploading. And you get much broader international television stations than you get here in America.
We are paying super-high prices for low speeds and poor quality, and a number of cities that did not have quality high-speed Internet have built municipal systems. And a good example I tell in the book is about Lafayette, Louisiana. The town fathers there were not going to get electricity over 100 years ago, so they created a municipal electric system.
Well, they also built a municipal Internet, and it is so high-powered and so fast that a lot of the work done for the Pixar animated movies is done, not in Hollywood, but in Lafayette, Louisiana. [POST-BROADCAST CORRECTION: Pixar does not have production facilities in Lafayette and has not outsourced work to any companies in Lafayette.]
Well, the response from AT&T, Verizon, Cox, Time Warner and the other cable and telephone companies has been to go to the legislatures and say we want a law passed that either blocks or makes virtually impossible to build municipal systems. That's competing with our business interests. And that's part of the whole strategy they have: We want to be monopolies without competition; we want to run the system in our interest to maximize our profits, with no regard for the overall economy of the United States.
GROSS: So when you say we already paid for the Internet system, what do you mean by that?
JOHNSTON: Over the last 20 years, we've paid at least $360 billion in higher rates to the traditional telephone companies and well north of $100 billion more to the cable companies, who all testified before Congress, made filings with regulatory agencies, bought ads on television that told us we were going to have this information superhighway, and it was going to be everywhere. Even at fleabag motels in the middle of the Mojave Desert, you'd be able to get every movie ever made in every language in your hotel room.
Instead, what they built was a system in very limited locations. Verizon, for example, is only going to provide fiber-optic service to 16 million Americans, and then they've said they're not going to build anymore. Whole, huge parts of the country, all of northwestern and central New York, everything away from metropolitan New York, is not scheduled to get the high-speed Internet that we paid for and we were promised.
And how did that happen? The telephone and cable companies worked the regulatory process and the legislatures and Congress to get the rules written for their benefit. We used to argue that telephone and electricity were natural monopolies because you don't want 12 sets of power lines and 12 sets of telephone lines running down the street. Imagine how ugly that would be if strung from poles.
That's how we got the system of regulation to both protect the investors and protect the customers and make sure that prices and profits were just and reasonable. The phone companies and the cable companies now argue that well, we live in this new world in which we have cell phones as an option.
Well, a cell phone is a perfectly good option in many cases for telephone calls, but it's not an option for - generally for Internet access or watching television, and wireless services aren't as effective everywhere. Everybody has had the experience of dead zones and drop zones and overloaded zones.
So what I'm arguing in the book is we need to have a balanced policy. We need to have a policy not just written by and for telephone and cable companies but written to promote the entire economy. If we wired our whole country with a super-fast Internet that can handle all telecommunications services, and we charged appropriately so that the companies earn a respectable profit for it, and the customers pay a reasonable price, I think you would see industries, that no one can imagine today, arise.
GROSS: So you write in the book about how, you know, in spite of the fact that our Internet is somewhat inferior to those of many other countries, our phone bills in many ways are more expensive than they used to be, and I'm not sure if you're just - I mean, I think you're referring to landline phone bills, since cell phone bills are relatively new, we don't have that much to compare it with.
Speaking for myself, I think my phone bill's actually more expensive than it used to be, you know, before cell phones and before the Internet. Why are so many people's phone bills higher now than they were, say, 20 years ago?
JOHNSTON: Well, there are several factors at work in this. I tell about a woman who lived in Brooklyn whose phone bill went up I think it's 2.8 times the rate of inflation over 20 years. And the phone companies, first of all, have begun adding all these additional fees. If you got a single bill, and they raised the price, you'll tend to notice. But if there are lots of little fees built into the bill, and they raise this one this month and another one two months from now, and then they raise another one two months after that, you tend not to notice this.
One of the items on the phone bill, one that's more than doubled in real terms in price, is often referred to as FCC line charge. Now that sounds like the Federal Communications Commission is imposing a fee on you, presumably to finance the FCC. In fact, that is the charge paid to connect to the long-distance system. It goes entirely to the phone companies. It doesn't go to the government.
And the FCC has something called a requirement for plain English language so people can understand their phone bills. And here is a perfect example of the misuse of language to confuse people and not have them understand what they're really paying for.
So there are lots of these bills. My electric company, for example, charges me a penny a month just to prepare my bill.
GROSS: So what is the FCC subscriber line charge or FCC charge for network access?
JOHNSTON: It is simply the amount of money that you are charged so that your telephone, which is in the local network, can connect to long distance. And that fee is set by the FCC, but it's been allowing it to go up and up and up and up at a tremendous rate over time.
GROSS: So you're saying it's set by the FCC, it just doesn't go to the FCC.
JOHNSTON: It is set by the FCC, but I think it's entirely misleading to call it that. It should be called long-distance connection charge.
GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is David Cay Johnston. He's an investigative reporter who worked for the New York Times for 13 years, won a Pulitzer Prize there. He's written extensively about taxes. His new book is called "The Fine Print: How Big Companies Use Plain English to Rob You Blind." Let's take a short break here, and then we'll talk some more. This is FRESH AIR.
GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is investigative reporter David Cay Johnston. His new book is called "The Fine Print: How Big Companies Use Plain English to Rob You Blind." He was a reporter for the New York Times for 13 years, won a Pulitzer Prize and has written extensively about taxes.
Let's talk taxes a little bit, and this is something I want you to explain. You write than in 19 states, there are laws that let companies pocket state income taxes that are withheld from their workers' paychecks for up to 25 years. Would you explain what you mean by that?
JOHNSTON: Well, in 19 states, the legislature has passed a law that if a company says we'll leave if you don't let us do this, or in some cases if we move here, we'll let you do this, the workers have their state income taxes withheld from their paycheck. So as far as they know, they've paid their taxes. The government treats them as having paid their taxes.
The company then gets a tax credit equal to the taxes owed by its employees. Now imagine that you under-withheld, so at the end of the year you realize oh, I've got to pay the state government $500 more. You write a check to the state government for $500. That money doesn't go to pay for schoolteachers and judges and parks and roads, and all the other things that state government provides.
It'll go to the company you're working for. Every big, brand-name company you have heard of in America has one of these deals. Rupert Murdoch's Dow Jones, General Electric, Procter & Gamble, all the automobile companies, a lot of foreign banks and manufacturers, Electrolux, the Swedish appliance maker. They all have these deals. They cover hundreds of thousands of workers.
And why would the legislature let these companies do this? Well, quietly, laws have been passed that allow these companies to not pay state income taxes in most cases. Most state corporate income taxes now don't come from the big national or multinational companies, they come from locally owned businesses.
GROSS: So they're saying to state governments: Unless you give us this tax break, we're going to leave; or if you give us this tax break, we're going to move to your state.
JOHNSTON: That's right, and it's better than a tax break. They're actually letting them pocket the tax dollars.
GROSS: Now explain that to me a little bit more. Like, I mean, I work for a nonprofit public broadcasting company. Say I work for one of the corporations that you're writing about here. I'm paying my federal, state and city income tax. What happens to my state income tax if the company has this credit?
JOHNSTON: Your state income taxes are kept by the company. The company doesn't tell you this. You don't know this. And the way the company does it is it files a form that gives it a tax credit equal to the state income taxes withheld from its workers' paychecks, or in some states, whatever the obligation is. So that if the workers were to say we're going to stop withholding state income taxes, the company could still get the money.
GROSS: So in other words my state taxes would be going to the company I work for, as opposed to going to the state government to provide infrastructure or whatever the state's going to do with it, but...
JOHNSTON: That's right, Terry. You would be being taxed by your employer. And that means everybody else in the state has to make up for those taxes if they're going to have schools to educate children, courts to adjudicate disputes and all the other services on which business depends.
GROSS: Now you're making that sound like a really horrible thing, but the argument on the other side is, in part, it means more jobs. This is a big company that you're talking about. It's employing me, hypothetically, in this little scenario that we just created. So I'm grateful to have the job. It's employing a lot of other people.
I mean, big businesses are good for states. That's why the states offer these tax credits in the first place.
JOHNSTON: Well, here's the question, Terry: Are we going to live in a market economy, where businesses operate by providing the services and products and earning profit, or are we going to live in an economy where we're taxed to subsidize these businesses? Because that's what this is. This is a subsidy with this business.
State legislatures have passed laws that effectively allow the big multinational companies to pay little or no state income tax. They take all their profits in states that don't tax those profits on the state level. Then in many cases they have given them property tax breaks for building a new factory or an office building.
In some cases, taxpayer dollars are directly used to build the factories and offices and even the shopping malls and individual stores. So when companies then go to the state governments and say, well, we're going to leave your state if you don't give us more, the politicians don't want to write a check, that would be pretty transparent.
So they say, well, tell you what, we'll do this deal where you withhold taxes from your workers' paychecks. Then you get a tax credit equal to that. So you can keep those taxes. The workers won't know, the public won't know about it, and you'll get all of this money.
That's not market economics. That's not capitalism. That's corporate socialism. That is taking from the many to benefit the few, and it's not free. The rest of us will have to pay higher taxes or take less in government services to benefit these companies.
And why should a handful of companies get these deals and not everybody? I mean, if we decided that businesses can't make a decent profit in America, maybe we need to rethink our entire model.
GROSS: So are you concerned that this gives big corporations the edge over small businesses that don't have the clout to say if you don't give us a tax break, we're going to move to another state?
JOHNSTON: That's exactly what I'm concerned about. And, in fact, what we're seeing is the homogenization of the American economy. Because of these stealth subsidies to big multinational companies, you're seeing more and chain operations. You are seeing all sorts of entrepreneurial family operations winding down and going out of business because they don't get these deals that the big multinationals get.
And without these subsidies, then I think we would have a much better market. You know, what do we want in market economics? We want the rigors of the market to get the most efficient companies to provide services. What we don't want to do is take companies and allow them to be inefficient, where they have an interest in providing not as good service because they don't face competition or to charge higher prices.
And to the extent that we take the state income taxes withheld from workers' paychecks and let companies keep that money, that we tax people to put up factories and office buildings and retail stores, that we grant tax exemptions to these big national companies, we are promoting inefficiency, and we are privatizing the profits and socializing the costs.
Let me give you a real good example of this. General Electric in Ohio is getting $115 million withheld from its workers' paychecks to modernize one of its factories in which it's spending $126 million. So 92 cents on the dollar of this investment is coming from the taxpayers.
Now GE, if it makes an eight percent profit on its investment, will make 100 percent annual profit on its investment in that factory, thanks to the taxpayers. Why should I be taxes, why should you or anybody listening to the show be taxes to give money to General Electric?
GROSS: Well, David Cay Johnston, thank you so much for talking with us.
JOHNSTON: Thank you, Terry.
GROSS: David Cay Johnston is the author of the new book "The Fine Print." You can read an excerpt on our website, freshair.npr.org. I'm Terry Gross, and this is FRESH AIR. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.


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Moderators: Three Stars, dagny, pfim, netwolf
AlexPKeaton wrote:I dunno why but I hadn't heard about this story before. Convicted of first degree murder. Do not read if you are squeamish.
http://www.foxnews.com/us/2013/05/13/ju ... t-gosnell/
The more interesting part of this story is apparently there were many complaints about this place, but philly never investigated because of ALLEGED pro-choice politics.
Dickie Dunn wrote:Its pretty obvious why the case has received almost zero media attention.
Hockeynut! wrote:AlexPKeaton wrote:I dunno why but I hadn't heard about this story before. Convicted of first degree murder. Do not read if you are squeamish.
http://www.foxnews.com/us/2013/05/13/ju ... t-gosnell/
The more interesting part of this story is apparently there were many complaints about this place, but philly never investigated because of ALLEGED pro-choice politics.
I think those allegations are pretty silly. He was never investigated because he was running his murder shack in one of the poorest, roughest parts of the city. No one cares about areas like that. If even just one or two of those complaints had happened in a rich suburb, it would have been an entirely different story.
Pennsylvania is not a third-world country. There were several oversight agencies
that stumbled upon and should have shut down Kermit Gosnell long ago. But none of them did...
The first line of defense was the Pennsylvania Department of Health. The department's job is to audit hospitals and outpatient medical facilities, like Gosnell's, to make sure that they follow the rules and provide safe care. The department had contact with the Women's Medical Society dating back to 1979, when it first issued approval to open an abortion clinic. It did not conduct another site review until 1989, ten years later. Numerous violations were already apparent, but Gosnell got a pass when he promised to fix them. Site reviews in 1992 and 1993 also noted various violations, but again failed to ensure they were corrected.
But at least the department had been doing something up to that point, however ineffectual. After 1993, even that pro form a effort came to an end. Not because of administrative ennui, although there had been plenty. Instead, the Pennsylvania Department of Health abruptly decided, for political reasons, to stop inspecting abortion clinics at all... The only exception to this live-and-let-die policy was supposed to be for complaints dumped directly on the department's doorstep. Those, at least, would be investigated. Except that there were complaints about Gosnell, repeatedly. Several different attorneys, representing women injured by Gosnell, contacted the department. A doctor from Children's Hospital of Philadelphia hand-delivered a complaint, advising the department that numerous patients he had referred for abortions came back from Gosnell with the same venereal disease. The medical examiner of Delaware County informed the department that Gosnell had performed an illegal abortion on a 14-year-old girl carrying a 30-week-old baby. And the department received official notice that a woman named Karnamaya Mongar had died at Gosnell's hands.
Yet not one of these alarm bells -- not even Mrs. Mongar's death -- prompted the department to look at Gosnell or the Women's Medical Society... But even this total abdication by the Department of Health might not have been fatal. Another agency with authority in the health field, the Pennsylvania Department of State, could have stopped Gosnell single-handedly.
The Department of State, through its Board of Medicine, licenses and oversees individual physicians... Almost a decade ago, a former employee of Gosnell presented the Board of Medicine with a complaint that laid out the whole scope of his operation: the unclean, unsterile conditions; the unlicensed workers; the unsupervised sedation; the underage abortion patients; even the over-prescribing of pain pills with high resale value on the street. The department assigned an investigator, whose investigation consisted primarily of an offsite interview with Gosnell. The investigator never inspected the facility, questioned other employees, or reviewed any records. Department attorneys chose to accept this incomplete investigation, and dismissed the complaint as unconfirmed.
Shortly thereafter the department received an even more disturbing report -- about a woman, years before Karnamaya Mongar, who died of sepsis after Gosnell perforated her uterus. The woman was 22 years old. A civil suit against Gosnell was settled for almost a million dollars, and the insurance company forwarded the information to the department. That report should have been all the confirmation needed for the complaint from the former employee that was already in the department's possession. Instead, the department attorneys dismissed this complaint too... The same thing happened at least twice more: the department received complaints about lawsuits against Gosnell, but dismissed them as meaningless...
Philadelphia health department employees regularly visited the Women's Medical Society to retrieve blood samples for testing purposes, but never noticed, or more likely never bothered to report, that anything was amiss. Another employee inspected the clinic in response to a complaint that dead fetuses were being stored in paper bags in the employees' lunch refrigerator. The inspection confirmed numerous violations... But no follow-up was ever done... A health department representative also came to the clinic as part of a citywide vaccination program. She promptly discovered that Gosnell was scamming the program; she was the only employee, city or state, who actually tried to do something about the appalling things she saw there. By asking questions and poking around, she was able to file detailed reports identifying many of the most egregious elements of Gosnell's practice. It should have been enough to stop him. But instead her reports went into a black hole, weeks before Karnamaya Mongar walked into the Woman's Medical Society.
...And it wasn't just government agencies that did nothing. The Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania and its subsidiary, Penn Presbyterian Medical Center, are in the same neighborhood as Gosnell's office. State law requires hospitals to report complications from abortions. A decade ago, a Gosnell patient died at HUP after a botched abortion, and the hospital apparently filed the necessary report. But the victims kept coming in. At least three other Gosnell patients were brought to Penn facilities for emergency surgery; emergency room personnel said they have treated many others as well. And at least one additional woman was hospitalized there after Gosnell had begun a flagrantly illegal abortion of a 29-week-old fetus. Yet, other than the one initial report, Penn could find not a single case in which it complied with its legal duty to alert authorities to the danger. Not even when a second woman turned up virtually dead...
So too with the National Abortion Federation.
NAF is an association of abortion providers that upholds the strict est health and legal standards for its members. Gosnell, bizarrely, applied for admission shortly after Karnamaya Mongar's death. Despite his various efforts to fool her, the evaluator from NAF readily noted that records were not properly kept, that risks were not explained, that patients were not monitored, that equipment was not available, that anesthesia was misused. It was the worst abortion clinic she had ever inspected. Of course, she rejected Gosnell's application. She just never told anyone in authority about all the horrible, dangerous things she had seen.
viva la ben wrote:Yeah, this story received more coverage than that Arias murder trial here in pittsburgh.
doublem wrote:this happened years ago though. how do you determine how much coverage something gets.
shafnutz05 wrote:One of the most horrific things I have ever read. I"ll leave it at that.
PensFanInDC wrote:doublem wrote:this happened years ago though. how do you determine how much coverage something gets.
Lets say he as killing schizophrenics or others with mental issues. Would the same amount of coverage be appropriate?
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|MLBPA Press Release
Gene, 64, joined the MLBPA as Associate General Counsel in 1984, and throughout his tenure played a critical role in the unions success. Named Chief Operating Officer in 2004, Gene figured prominently in negotiating Basic Agreements since 1985. It was Gene's formulation of a drug testing compromise in 2002 that allowed the Clubs and Association to break an almost 20-year impasse on the subject of random testing of players.
Gene has litigated cases and negotiated agreements that span the Basic Agreement and Major League rules. There is virtually no subject in the sport, from the amateur draft to the strike zone, to which Gene has not made a significant contribution on behalf of players. He also has been instrumental in expanding baseballs global popularity by overseeing the Associations international efforts, including the creation and launch of the World Baseball Classic, and the playing of exhibition and regular season games throughout Asia and Latin America.
In announcing his retirement, Gene said, "Each day since Don Fehr's resignation has only served to reaffirm just how fortunate the players are to have a person like Michael to succeed him, and seeing the enormously talented people he's been able to bring on board -- well, it's simply time for the old to make way for the new.
"And what better time than now? Today's players are as aware as ever not just of the debt they owe to the players who went before them, but of their resulting obligation to the players who will come after them. Then too, the lessons learned from the great struggles waged and won by the players in the '90s seem alive and well, and so the greater mutuality and cooperation that characterize the sport today, and to which those struggles gave birth, is likely to continue. Finally, and perhaps most important, under Michael's leadership the MLBPA surely will continue to be a shining illustration of all that can be achieved, and resisted, by employees when they band together in common and steadfast purpose."
For nearly three decades, Gene has represented Major League baseball players with unparalleled passion and determination, stated MLBPA Executive Director Michael Weiner. Every player in the game has benefitted from Genes intelligence, creativity and fortitude. Personally, I owe a tremendous debt to Gene for all he has taught me about being a labor lawyer and for all the kindnesses he has shown to my family and me.


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Media Days: AUBURN
The coach is Gene Chizik.
- He's now at the main podium.
- On last season: ``We'll never pin success on a number of wins. The foundation of what we were trying to do was extremely important."
- "We spent the majority of the off-season figuring out how we can be a more consistent football team. That's everywhere on our football team. Look at our offense last year. There are a lot of things we did well. We had some landmarks. What was glaring to us is that we were very inconsistent. There were times when we couldn't run the football. First downs ... there were times when we put pressure on our defense. When you commit to a fast-tempo offense, that's what you do to you defense. There were times on defense when we played really well."
- "Wins and losses is not something we can pin a number to and say: We're successful."
- "Lee (Zimeba) is a tremendous Auburn man. He's as happy as he's ever been. He's probably going to break most of the records for consecutive starts at Auburn. We're expecting a big year from Lee."
- On Bynes: "He played relentlessly through all 13 games. Didn't miss a game. Didn't miss a practice."
- On Savage: ``He's the epitome of a young guy who fought through so many things ... that could bring you down. He's done everything we've asked him to do. I'm just glad we have him back on the team. The leadership he brings ... is second to none."
- Is Auburn like Arkansas? "I know Arkansas is returning a very, very good football team. All my effort goes into what Auburn does. I don't know what people are saying. I'm not sure what everybody thinks about the status of Auburn or Arkansas. I don't have time for that."
- He supports legislation that would prevent players from receiving scholarship offers before their junior year ends: "It's the way recruiting is right now. Technology ... has sped up the recruiting process. Right now, literally you're evaluating sophomore. You're sitting down there talking to a 15-year-old about what it's going to be like 15 years from now. That's really weird. It's like trying to take sand out of the sandbox. It's already out."
- Does Auburn's offense score too quickly? "When you have explosive plays, it was a different dynamic for us. We scored fast and quick. I'm good with that; that's not a problem. What we need to address that we saw in the offense ... is how can we sustain longer drives. From a team concept, that's where we needed to continue to improve. That means getting first down, driving the football, running the football. We have to do things to keep our defense off the field."
- On Cam Newton: ``He's done everything we've asked him to do -- on an off the field. When he walks through the door, you can tell he's an athletic young man. The fact that he went to a junior college and was able to guide them to a national championship. That's part of the recipe. He's really, really worked at it ... and a lot on his own. That's what excites me about him."
- "We recruit against everybody. There's no question that the productivity of us on offense helps us sell Auburn University to a young man who wants to play. There are a lot of things we did last year that we feel were just a glimmer to what we could be. The fact that there are opportunities, the fact that we were an explosive offense ... I think those are intriguing things. I want to make sure nobody outworks us."
- On Zac: "He eats, sleeps and drinks football."
- On if energized Auburn fans translates into pressure for the coaching staff: "More pressure for coaches in self-imposed more than anything else. I'm just excited that the Auburn family. It's the same passion and energy and excitement at every place. I wanted to pull the Auburn family back together. The pressure that's involved -- we're in an age when everybody wants to win. Your self-imposed pressure maybe is the biggest part."
- He said Trovon Reed could play a few roles (wideout, Wildcat). ``We've got to see how fast he develops and see where he feels most comfortable."
- "We're going to continue to fight every week in the league. It's challenging ... from top to bottom."
- That's a wrap. For now.


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For more than 65 years, Elmer's Products, Inc. has been providing creative adhesive solutions that support success and turn ideas into reality.
By continuing to develop innovative new products, Elmer's has become the trusted brand when it comes to fueling creativity and providing outstanding product performance in the classroom, at home, in the workshop and at the craft table. At Elmer's, we inspire people to create, build and learn for life.
Learn about the history of Elmer's, from glass bottle to glue stick, and beyond.
Go beyond the original glue-all and learn more about our other brands like X-ACTO® and Krazy Glue®.
School projects, scrapbooks, furniture—whatever you are creating, there's an Elmer's glue to help.
We're proud to sponsor The Kids In Need Foundation. Learn more about this special organization and the impact it has on schools.