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Professional Fashion Design
This book has taken rather longer to write than we anticipated. It has been worked on intensely and it has been set aside, depending on the time and space that we have or have not found. It has been slowed down by the usual things in women's lives: busy jobs, dealing with young children and grownup ones, and coping with illness. Our original aims, written at the beginning of the last decade, seem rather grand now at the start of a new millennium. We planned a broad survey of fashion in Britain between 1890 and 1999, highlighting the relationships between fashion, gender and representation. This ambition came out of our joint perception that fashion was only occasionally addressed comprehensively and rigorously in academic writing. Things have inevitably moved on, and the length of the book's genesis has worked to our advantage. Whereas ten, even five years ago, the books that dealt with fashion and gender in a historical context were few and far between, now many more exist. Not only are there a number of insightful accounts of its histories and meanings, fashion has now become more respected as a subject for study and research. In today's academic world, trivialising the everyday and the popular is intellectually insupportable, as studies in women's history, design history and material culture, and popular culture have given legitimacy to the study of fashion, whereas theoretical debates informed by post-structuralism, Marxism, post-modernism and feminism have helped to shape its intellectual development.
Undoubtedly we are the beneficiaries of these changes, and as a consequence we have sharpened the focus of our research and writing as the broad sweep appeared a less desirable strategy. Instead we have approached the history of twentieth-century fashion in Britain through a number of case studies which have aimed to 'locate' fashion during a specific 'time', between 1890 and 1990, and in a particular 'place', Britain. In adopting this approach, we are responding to the plethora of theories emerging from numerous disciplines, including cultural geography, material and cultural studies and gender studies, which have addressed important questions regarding history, representation, meaning, space and identity. Our aim has been to identify a number of 'historical moments' in Britain in the twentieth century, so as to explore the shifting meanings of fashion, particularly in relation to gender and representation. If we have had a 'guiding light' in this process, it has been without doubt feminism. Feminism has formed the backbone to our intellectual development, providing both method and motivation for our research. Its richness and diversity has engaged, persuaded and occasionally infuriated us. At the same time it has been at the core of our 15 year-old friendship and close working relationship, and it has 'enabled' us to see the political significance of our personal experiences. Working in a large new university, we have witnessed enormous changes which have both curtailed and expanded our opportunities. It is this context which has played a critical role in determining the direction and purpose of our academic activities. During these years, we have taught and managed large numbers of practical design students, particularly those studying fashion, as well as humanities students studying the history of art, design and film, cultural history and women's studies. These students have influenced our intellectual interests as much as our peers as we responded to their unbounded enthusiasm for the history of fashion.
Inevitably we have each brought slightly different emphases to this work, which reflect our particular life experiences and which stem from the range of things that constitute our individual 'historical landscape'.1 This is inevitably influenced by our family and personal backgrounds, the places in which we grew up, studied and now live, and the different academic traditions in which we have worked: Fine Art, English Literature, Art History and Design History. We are individually responsible for separate chapters, each of which build on long-standing research interests. Cheryl, who has contributed Chapters 3 and 4, has worked and published widely on issues of gender, modernism and design in Britain. Her particular interest has been in the inter-war period, and the work that she has done here in fashion builds on her considerable knowledge of this. Hilary has been working and has published on issues of representation and gender in the late nineteenth century, and more recently on contemporary material. The 15 years that we have worked together and our continued interest in feminism have made for similarities as well as differences in approach, which are complementary in the context of the book.
Each chapter is concerned with the multiplicity of cultural and social formations which go towards fashioning the feminine. In Chapter 2, we examine the relationship between femininity, the fashion industry and fashion imagery between 1890 and 1910, and in Chapter 5, which deals with aspects of contemporary fashion, gender and sexuality, we focus on fashion not just as clothing, but as representation, and in particular the 'ideals' of beauty that it helps to construct. Continuing some of these themes, but at the same time highlighting new ones, Chapters 3 and 4 investigate the discontinuities between fashionable ideals found in women's magazines, fashion photography and illustration, and women's experiences. This introductory chapter, which aims to consider a number of theoretical issues arising for those studying the history of fashion, was inevitably written last, thus allowing us to reflect upon the discursive destinations of our chapters, and enabling us to extrapolate from underlying trends and themes. Threading through all the chapters is an interest in the broader themes which shaped women's engagement with fashion and fashion iconographies, such as modernity and post-modernity, and identity, particularly in relation to gender, but also of class and region.
The history of fashion is a field of study which overlaps and impinges upon many others. Analysis of fashion, dress and clothing tends to crop up in a number of academic contexts: social and economic historians have used it as a barometer of social change and patterns of consumption; cultural theorists have interpreted it as a site of complex discursive practices; art historians have analysed dress as part of the 'visual' culture of a specific period; and design historians have viewed it as intrinsic to the processes of cultural production and consumption. In 1985, in the then ground-breaking Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity, Elizabeth Wilson, who ranks along with Angela McRobbie as one of the most significant contributors to the development of the subject in the last 15 years, described fashion as 'a kind of connective tissue of our cultural organism'.2 For Wilson, dress acts as a metaphysical layer which mediates between the body, ostensibly natural, and the social and the cultural. In this work and subsequent texts, including the reader Chic Thrills (co-authored with Juliet Ash), Wilson attempts to interpret the meaning of the multiple layers that constitute fashion.3 Informed by aspects of Marxism, post-modernism and feminism, Wilson consistently refuses the dominant interpretations of fashion: that it is a form of 'mindless' consumption, or the result of social envy; that it reveals psychological neuroses; or that it oppresses women. Instead she has aimed to highlight the subtleties, complexities and contradictions of meanings within fashion. The social, cultural and psychological significance of fashion has attracted the interest of a number of subsequent writers, including Valerie Steele, Christopher Breward, Jennifer Craik and Caroline Evans, all of whom have contributed to the richness of research, although all have come from different starting points.4 In this book we draw on these approaches, but we hope that by foregrounding the issue of gender, these four in-depth case studies will add to the understanding of the meanings of twentieth-century fashion in Britain.
Britain is the place where our research is focused, and we are interested in fashion and the fashionable iconographies that were circulated and accessible in Britain at specific historical points. However, we are wary of a unified notion of 'Britishness' in relation to fashion, in that throughout the twentieth century the dominant language of fashion has been international, and more specifically, Western. Fashion, we argue, constructed and constituted identity, although a sense of national identity was effaced within dress by the very nature of fashion. Due to its symbiotic relationship to capitalism and the modern city, fashion crossed national boundaries, and if, as Wilson suggests 'Fashion is dress in which the key feature is rapid and continual changing of styles', then it has been and remains concentrated in the modern cities of London, New York, Milan, Tokyo and Paris.5
Wider access to fashion across social classes is, however, a characteristic of fashion in Britain in the twentieth century. As this study shows, the greater availability of fashion, and the knowledge required to dress fashionably, was enhanced by a number of factors. Firstly this resulted from new technologies in fabric production, garment construction and fashion promotion. These developed both in the home and at the factory, and were a consequence of the greater availability of the home sewing machine, but also they were due to the introduction of modern industrial methods. These included divisions of labour, which were organised to facilitate mass-production, the use of new machinery for sewing and cutting cloth, and latterly the increasingly sophisticated use of computer technology in the design, manufacturing and marketing of fashion. One direct outcome of this, affecting the fashion industry from the 1920s onwards, was the de-skilling of the tailoring trade, which had been dominated by men, and the introduction of cheaper semi-skilled female labour. Secondly, knowledge of the latest fashions and 'looks' both expanded and speeded up due to the phenomenal influence of magazines, film and television, theatre, music and pop videos. The rapid turnover of fashionable styles was remarked upon as early as the 1930s by retailers anxious to retain some control over an increasingly fickle consumer. As the century progressed, the consumer became better informed and less loyal to particular retailers. Finally, enormous changes in the retailing, marketing and promoting of fashion during the twentieth century have transformed accessibility to fashion. The 'cut and finish' of fashionable clothes may be hugely disparate and crucially dependent on income, lifestyles and patterns of consumption, but the 'look' of new fashionable styles is rapidly assimilated and adapted at all levels of the market. To be 'fashionable' is an option for most people living in Britain today.
For the first 60 years of the twentieth century, fashion was the embodiment of modernity, whereas since 1970 it revealed the conditions of late capitalism and exposed the contradictions of post-modernism. From the end of the nineteenth century, fashion was an important cultural site for the manifestation of the 'modern': it was urban and it constituted the type of visual spectacle which characterised the city.6 The relentless cycles of stylistic change, the rapid technological advances, the expansion of markets, and the emergence of new forms of consumption — all features of modernity — were crucial factors in the development of fashion in twentieth-century Britain. The role of women in this was critical. Newly enfranchised with improved access to better types of work, especially from the Great War onwards, more women engaged with fashion than hitherto. Fashion provided a unique opportunity for women to experience modernity, and unusually it was a cultural activity which connected both the domestic and the public spheres. The consumption and display of fashion took place in the drawing room as well as at the theatre, and the whole paraphernalia of choosing, fitting, buying and dressing involved women in a number of sophisticated cultural choices which were in turn shaped by the broader social and cultural preoccupations of the day.
Paradoxically, fashion as the epitome of 'the modern' challenged the rigid dogma of modernism. In its denial of universal values, it operated at a critical distance to the rigours of modernism. The ceaseless changes of fashion, which were intrinsic to it, undermined notions of 'good design' — a key element of modernism. In fact, integral to fashion and borne of its intimate relationship to capitalism was a form of built-in obsolescence which ensured an endless market ready to buy into the very latest and most modern styles. The relative nature of these styles represented a challenge to the hegemony of modernism, although at the same time a handful of fashion designers, such as Coco Chanel, sought to interpret modernism by simplifying fashion and seeking to establish strict codes of design.
The cultural relativity of fashion predisposed it to the challenge of postmodernism. Fashion since 1970 has provided an ideal cultural arena in which to observe the 'complexity and contradiction' which has characterised post-modernity. Indeed some of the strategies deployed early on in the work of pioneer post-modernists Denise Scott Brown and Robert Venturi in town planning, architecture and writing, which functioned to attack the formal orthodoxy of modernism, have been evident in fashion throughout the century.7 Decoration and pattern, stylistic eclecticism and parody, and an enthusiasm for 'popular' culture can be found in the work of designers as diverse as Paul Poiret in the 1910s, Elsa Schiaparelli in the 1930s, and even Christian Dior in the 1940s and 1950s. Fashion's predilection for change leaves it susceptible and particularly responsive to the experience of post-modernity - to the dislocation, fragmentation and relativism that characterised Western societies and their cultures in the last quarter of the twentieth century. As this study will show, fashion, as a depository of cultural meanings and values, maps out the territories of modernity and post-modernity, and it marks the transition from one to the other most effectively.
Arguably, the social and cultural definitions of gender have been a key site for the delineation of the 'modern' and the 'post-modern'. Clear distinctions between the masculine and the feminine have been blurred in the twentieth century; indeed the meanings of both have been fiercely contested in the contexts of female suffrage, the huge structural changes to the economy which have undermined traditional male roles within the workplace and female roles at home, and more openness about sexuality and sexual orientation. Masculinity and femininity have been highly volatile and elusive concepts which have been negotiated and renegotiated within the context of modernity and post-modernity. Consider the experiences of young women in the 1930s with those today. Feminism has empowered women to make great strides over the last century, but although there have been many changes for the better in women's lives, there are still some surprising similarities. Social distinctions based on income and class, increasingly eroded in the 1930s due to women's access to better-paid work in manufacturing industry, were re-asserted with a vengeance at the end of the twentieth century, as women were concentrated in part-time, low-paid work in the service sector. The economic insecurities of late capitalism, an integral feature of post-modernity, have left a legacy of social exclusion and inequality in which gender roles represent a new set of battle lines.
Uniquely among cultural industries, fashion offers the opportunity for both public and private pleasures. It has been an arena in which women, in particular, have accrued power, although at the same time it has been a source of anxiety. To be 'fashionable' can be simultaneously delightful and cruel, attracting admiration as well as ridicule. The very process of being 'in fashion', ahead of the crowd, but part of it; of possessing a much admired pair of shoes or jacket; of knowing that the cut, fabric and colour of a specific outfit feels just right; and being able to put it all together to create a certain style; these are part of the pleasure and pride of fashion. For us (the authors) it has been a key element in our developing identities, and it has largely been a source of empowerment for both of us: as young women it has been a tool enabling us to represent our independence from family and home; as adult women it has allowed us to define our sense of 'self' in the changing contexts of work, sexuality and reproduction; and now, as we grow older, it is a key visual 'space' in which we negotiate who we are and who we might yet become. Born in the North of England after the Second World War, we have each witnessed the enormous shifts in the production and consumption of clothes, as increased affluence meant that shop-bought fashionable clothes were within the grasp of the lower-middle and working classes. From homemade clothes in childhood, 'mod' and 'ethnic' styles as teenagers, to the one-off luxury of designer garments as working women, our historical landscapes can be charted through the clothes that we have bought and worn, and we can ponder retrospectively the significance of particular styles, looks and items of clothing at the different stages of our lives.
The ambiguities of fashion, and the ways in which it can transgress as well as reinforce dominant modes of representation, are the underlying themes of this book. Fashion defines gender, and renders it visible. But without question it is one of the most slippery of terms: it can be used in the sense of 'to fashion', 'fashionable', and to describe an area of design practice concerned with dress and clothing. Our interest in fashion cuts across these usages: we are concerned with fashion as design practice - and given our particular focus on the twentieth century, a period of modernity and post-modernity - we are also interested in the fashionable and the ways in which fashion has been subject to the vagaries of British capitalism over our period. But perhaps most important for this examination of gender and identity is the 'constructive' and 'constitutive' process of 'fashioning'.
Like the notion of 'becoming', 'fashioning' implies an endless process, rarely completed. Fashion can function then as a narrative of an individual life, but it is one usually without closure. Clothes are bought and worn as particular outfits, but these are then 're-constituted' with other clothes. The twentieth-century fashion business may still attempt to 'fix' a particular look through advertising and magazines, but alone of all aspects of design, fashion has the potential endlessly to deny this. In numerous major and minor ways, women can subvert these dominant representations of the 'fashionable', more so since 1900 as fashion information has become more available. Inevitably there have been and remain real constraints to this. Dominant fashionable ideals are projected in magazines, in the cinema and on television, and these are powerful and effective persuaders. An ever-expanding market means that girls as young as eight years old can readily copy the styles and looks of their pop idols, Shania Twain or 'Posh' Spice, Victoria Adams. At the close of the century, there is not one look, but several, and these can be combined in ways which undercut dominant, 'preferred' meanings or readings. The extent to which these are genuinely empowering in the context of post-modern culture is, however, highly questionable.
As this book demonstrates, definitions of femininity have fragmented in the twentieth century, and it is no longer possible to write of them as a single unified concept. The boundaries of gender identities have blurred as female roles have changed beyond recognition from those of our grandmothers and their mothers. As the meanings of femininity have been mediated by class, race, age, national identity and sexuality, we increasingly recognise that gender identities are not fixed but always in the process of making. Informed by psychoanalysis, post-modernism and especially feminism, writers such as
Rosi Braidotti and Judith Butler attempt to describe and assess the implications of the transitory nature of 'gendered identity'. Braidotti talks of women as 'nomadic subjects', whereas Butler describes gender as 'performative'.8 Like many contemporary feminists, Braidotti is concerned to recognise the differences between women and the 'politics of their location', so as not to reassert a form of biological essentialism. A 'politics of location' aims to take account of 'the interconnectedness between identity, subjectivity, and power. The self being a sort of network of interrelated points...'9 Her 'nomadic consciousness', which is an essential element in her attempt to articulate a subversive notion of femininity, is a mechanism to enable women to dis-identify with what she sees as the paralysing structures of patriarchy (although she writes specifically about philosophy, her ideas are pertinent to other academic subjects). Using a term from Foucault, she describes the nomadic consciousness as a 'countermemory', which has the capacity 'to enact a rebellion of subjugated knowledges'.10 Like a number of other feminist writers, such as bell hooks in her book Yearning, Sally Alexander in her essay 'Becoming a Woman', and Carolyn Steadman in 'Landscape of a Good Woman', she is concerned to 'situate' femininity, to ground it in time and place so as to move beyond the abstract and the universal in the hope that it might represent the personal and the particular of 'women's lived experiences'.11
Fashion history does not constitute a 'subjugated knowledge', although it is certainly the case that, except in a handful of cases, the detailed relationships between women and fashion have been seriously overlooked. The historiography of fashion is dominated by famous designer names, or those who have claimed genius or have been so described. Such an approach is exacerbated by an industry which thrives on 'stars', whether they be larger-than-life auteur designers or well-known film and pop-star consumers. The styles of the rich and powerful have figured prominently in many accounts of fashion in the twentieth century, as have the activities of innovative retailers, avant-garde photographers, and creative promoters. Until the last 20 years or so, fashion history had not been particularly interested in the intimacies of women's relationships with fashion, although writers including Angela Partington and Angela McRobbie have produced influential essays and books which make important contributions to this.12 Arguably, if there is a subjugated knowledge of fashion, it is women's specific experiences of it. This type of 'knowledge of fashion' should, of necessity, be 'closely connected to one's place of enunciation, that is, where one is actually speaking from'.13 In such a context, fashion takes on huge significance for women if, as Braidotti has argued, the primary site from which women speak is the body, which is 'an interface, a threshold, a field of intersecting forces where multiple codes are inscribed'.14 Fashion effectively functions as the primary language in which the majority of women can converse in a variety of ways;
its codes are visual, and consciously and unconsciously these enunciate aspects of the social and the cultural self in both public and private arenas.
Due to this intimacy with the body, fashion is a critical tool for representing femininity. It is highly effective in endlessly constituting but never fixing identities, and it is performative, in that it ceaselessly rehearses and enacts the 'lines' of femininity. In this respect it can be a mechanism of social control and manipulation, but also, as we will see in a number of the case studies in this book, it has the potential for transgression and disruption. Historically it is possible to see that fashion sometimes crosses the boundaries of what is acceptable, to become genuinely subversive. To be glamorous in the 1930s was a parody of accepted feminine styles, whereas the highly casual and 'masculinised' clothes adapted by munition and factory workers during the First World War undercut rigid class and gender identities. At the same time it can function normatively by attempting to 'fix' feminine identities in ways which merely support the status quo. Images in Vogue magazine during the First World War deployed fashion and particular female iconography to evoke class and racial purity through an idealised form of femininity. More recently, images in a magazine such as More can be seen to consolidate dominant femininities in contemporary culture.
This book is based on two key assumptions: one, that historically fashion has functioned in complex and interesting ways to construct feminine identities; and two, that these ways have yet to be fully explored. Our aim has been to offer a number of insights into this process, rather than to come to any final conclusions. The four case studies on which the book is based are obviously 'snapshots' of relatively short historical periods, and, like photographs, although they may resemble reality we know that in fact they give us only part of the picture. Indeed, to depict the full historical picture appears utopian, and perhaps misguided. Like femininity, histories are rarely 'complete'. In fact it seems to us that reinterpreting and reshaping history is one of its disciplinary attractions, and as new research is undertaken and fresh perspectives come into view, the challenge for historians is to add new ways of seeing.
In Chapter 2, which deals with fashion and femininity between 1890 and 1910, we argue that in a number of ways the fashionable ideal of the period pre-empted modernity, and that the commodification of femininity was a key element in the emergence of modernity. New ways of making clothes and the subsequent wider availability of fashionable styles have already been acknowledged as critical to this process, but perhaps just as essential were the techniques and devices which went into 'constructing' the ideal consumer of fashion. These include the expansion of fashion retailing, particularly within the department store; the opening of hairdressing salons and the establishment of beauty consultancies; and the popularisation of cosmetics.
All of these were promoted in the plethora of women's magazines which emerged at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries through an advertising industry which, by deploying the latest illustrative and photographic processes in an increasingly sophisticated manner, aimed to widen the fashion market by drawing the middle classes into the privileged world of high fashion.
As well-established houses such as Redfern and Creed were joined in the 1890s and 1900s by newcomers Lucile and Reville and Rossiter, haute couturiers in Britain began to compete with the dominant French houses Paquin, Callot-Soeurs and Worth. The close relationship between the English upper classes and haute couture was challenged by the popularity of a number of independent, though mainly married, women in the 1900s, some of whom were actresses. The 'stars' of their day, these women were dressed for their theatrical performances as well as for their glamorous social lives by couturiers such as Lucile, who, in fact, adopted theatrical devices for her fashion shows. Glamour, eroticism and spectacle were essential elements of her designs, which suggested in dress the world of romance which her sister Elinor Glyn described in her novels. Sexual licence and social independence, within certain patriarchal constraints, accompanied the lifestyles of those who wore such designs, and women such as Lily Langtry and Daisy Warwick exercised an autonomy in their sexual conduct which was a world apart from women outside their specific social milieu. Fashion designers responded to this sexually mature femininity, and although the period was characterised by anxieties about the nature of female sexuality, these were contained by patriarchy, as these glamorous older women conducted their affairs strictly within the confines of their marriages. Typically more statuesque, curvaceous and weighty, this 'ideal' represented the contradictory forces operating at the time with regard to femininity. In some ways highly incongruous in an era of modernity, this highly decorative, sumptuous image nevertheless demonstrates how fashion and its associated ephemera mediated the contradictions inherent in women's shifting social, political and sexual identities at the time.
In identifying the First World War as 'the breakdown of the (western) civilisation of the nineteenth century', Eric Hobsbawn reinforces a trend evident in the work of a number of historians by viewing the war as the point at which the twentieth century began.15 In fact the First World War speeded up a period of transformation which was evident by the end of the nineteenth century, and which saw social and economic change precipitated by the increasingly effective labour and feminist movements, and by strong economic competition from powerful trading rivals. Discussing the significance of visual images in representing these transformations, Deborah Cherry and Jane Beckett argue that these 'did particular ideological work in the representation of masculinity, femininity, class and race'.16 Chapter 3 considers the ways in which visual images, particularly those produced in fashion and its related media, mediated those changes for women. To sustain the expanding clothing industry, and supported by cheaper women's magazines such as Home Chat, women were targeted as consumers of fashion as never before. The fashionable female body was not, however, merely a passive surface on which the dominant feminine ideal could be mapped out. Due to the profound experience of war and war work, many more women were empowered to take a hand in their aesthetic and cultural identities as well as their social ones. The female body during wartime literally became a battle site, as women's magazines, fashion designers and photographers attempted to come to terms with the enormous social, cultural and economic changes wrought by the impact of war. Openly wearing masculinised forms of dress, as well as more informal, casual clothes which equipped them for work previously done by men outside the home, women's appearance on the streets of British towns and cities was an affront to patriarchy. Dressing fashionably, eating out alone, and managing significantly increased wages represented a challenge to the patriarchal order which was noted by social commentators and newspaper editors alike.
Fashion, however, was inherently modern, and it offered a transformative space in which women could attempt to mark out their personal sense of modernity, one which was as much to do with the private body as with the public world. It remained, however, a crucially significant 'feminine' space, and this was underscored in lower-middle-class magazines such as Home Chat and in the upmarket Vogue. Addressing a wider audience, Home Chat attempted to track its readers' interests, and in doing so reflected and encouraged women's changing roles alongside a consistent concern for the traditional accoutrements of femininity, including fashion. Largely immune to the war, except in a superficial way, Vogue, although highly modern in style and design, maintained a commitment to a very specific form of class and gender identity which attempted to ignore the social transformations produced by wartime. Fashionable women were typically child-like in appearance, passively representing a racially pure feminine 'ideal' at a time when the British empire was threatened by Germany and its colonies. Paradoxically, the fashionable styles of dress, with their linear, simplified cut, bold colour and pattern - which were illustrated in both Home Chat and Vogue, and were influenced by the pre-war couturier Paul Poiret - epitomised a feeling for modernity clearly at odds with the values of the established, patriarchal order which had led Britain into war. Empowered by their wartime experiences, some women were able to respond to this feeling for modernity and to use the language of fashion to represent this.
Increasingly intolerant of their elders, fashion became a powerful tool in challenging patriarchy (albeit sometimes unconsciously) for some women in the inter-war years. As we argue in Chapter 4, it both symbolised the changes which women had experienced and provided an exciting visual medium in which women could begin to represent themselves as feminine at a time when gender identity was being renegotiated. Single women with a degree of disposable income, including some from the working class as well as the middle class, were the primary market for the latest fashionable styles, although better-off married women made ideal consumers as a result of the new selling techniques of credit and mail order deployed by large department stores.
Fashion offered more women than previously the possibility of wearing smart clothes which bore the stylistic imprint of haute couture, even if they were the product of home dressmaking, or the improved mass-production processes found in the new clothing factories emerging in the 1930s. Indeed women's complex relationship to fashion was conditioned by modernity, and at the same time was a sign of it. Women were consumers of the fashionable styles available in the new multiple stores, and illustrated in women's and film magazines; they were producers of clothes at home or in the factory; and they were saleswomen and buyers of fashion in the large department stores.
The greater availability of information about fashion, particularly in women's magazines but increasingly through Hollywood cinema and film magazines, provided women with the means to follow fashion as never before. Glamour, Hollywood-style, gave women a visual vocabulary based on the notion that looks were made rather than born. Beauty and style could be seen to come in many guises, and some of these were deliberately provocative in relation to gender. The knowledgeable young consumer of fashion could emulate the arch femininity of Jean Harlow, the girl-next-door looks of Jean Arthur or, conversely, interpret the casual masculinity of Katherine Hepburn or the gender ambiguities with which both Greta Garbo and Marlene Dietrich toyed in their respective ways. Becoming a woman was exposed as a role to be played, and the notion that femininity was somehow fixed, an essential element of being born female, was revealed as a fiction. Fashion was in many ways a metaphor for the social, political and cultural changes shaping women's lives and, along with many other experiences, it undermined patriarchal values. Only a privileged few fitted the stereotype of 'gay young thing', however, it is clear through the analysis of fashion illustrations, photographs and particular fashionable looks that many women were influenced, sometimes in small ways, by the notion that different femininities could be constructed. Fashion provided an arena in which women could imagine themselves differently and, even if only for short periods of their lives, this was highly significant because of its intimacy with the female body.
An intense focus on sexuality has characterised the relationship between fashion and the female body since the 1960s. By looking at the experience of young women as consumers of fashion in Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1999, Chapter 5 explores the complex ways in which femininity, feminism and sexual identity coalesce in the marketplace for contemporary fashion and visual identities, particularly as seen in contemporary women's magazines. Looking back over the last 15 years - a period of de-industrialisation in Northeast England, with attempted renewal, but at a price - sexual identity has been a highly contentious arena for both men and women. At the same time, sustained attacks on second-wave feminism, the emergence of post-feminism, and a general shift to the political right, has left a vacuum in which female sexuality is defined and redefined in ways which are highly problematic. The challenging visual identities which emerged for women in the 1970s in the context of punk fashion and imagery have been replaced by essentially patriarchal definitions of female sexuality best summed up by the image of pop icon Madonna. Hailed as a liberator of women by vociferous academic and popular writers, Madonna has been responsible for articulating female desire as active, but by drawing on a visual language that is essentially patriarchal. Theoretical inertia and accusations of puritanism have rendered feminist opposition largely ineffective, and left today's young women without a political voice. As this study shows, Newcastle's two principal party areas, the Bigg Market and the Quayside, are permeated with a masculinised drinking culture in which young women attempt to participate as men's equals. This strategy essentially re-works the 'equal but different' thinking of some inter-war feminists, as gender difference is aggressively marked out by dress codes which mimic a glittery, glamorous 'babe' ideal. In an area in which job prospects and life opportunities are limited, this highly eroticised femininity can be read as a representation of powerlessness rather than power. In this context, fashion operates to render women's powerlessness visible, rather than to provide a new language for female empowerment.
Writing in 1976 in his revised edition of On Human Finery, Quentin Bell speculated on whether 'fashion is on its way out?' Bell conceived of fashion primarily as a vehicle for the maintenance of status, yet 25 years later we can see that it is arguably more pervasive than at any other time, and in the twentieth century in particular it has functioned in increasingly subtle and complex ways. It has been a key cultural site in which the feminine has been constituted; it has provided women with a visual language which has mainly enriched their everyday lives; and, importantly for feminists, it has exposed the body as a socio-cultural artefact rather than a biological essence. In this book we show how fashion can be transgressive and disruptive of dominant representational codes, yet at the same time reinforcing them, and operate as a device which placates women within patriarchy. Fashion's inherent instability within the contexts of modernity, post-modernity and shifting gender relations in twentieth-century Britain is its chief disciplinary appeal both at the personal and academic levels. From a personal perspective, it has provided a means of making visible our changing sense of identity at the different stages of our lives, whereas on the academic front, as the four case studies show, it is the key cultural site for fashioning the feminine.
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CableLabs Reports Accelerated Development of DOCSIS® 3.1 Gear
CableLabs said it has successfully completed four equipment interoperability events (interops) related to DOCSIS 3.1 and will soon begin product certifications.
In a blog post written by Belal Hamzeh, Director of Broadband Evolution for the cable-industry consortium, CableLabs reports that "excellent progress" has been made by cable modem and cable modem termination system (CMTS) vendors, along with other makers of cable network equipment, in their effort to deploy DOCSIS 3.1 into the field.
FierceCable provides more insight.

subset: commoncrawl


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And that is why I LOVE Christmas! I LOVE Homemade Christmases! It really has a magical charm about it!
This really is going to be fun, so I sure hope that you can join us, get creative, and help spread some LOVE! To find out more information about the Christmas Love Campaign you can go HERE. With all this excitement, you know that is had to do some creating! I had fun with some canvas, ribbon, & PanPastels to create a little gift bag to give to someone.
I took my canvas and lightly sketched on the outline of a face with just an ordinary HB pencil.
Using PanPastels I had fun adding and playing with my color. When I was done I sprayed my image with a fixative and then sewed on some lovely ribbon. Helmar has a wonderful fixative that I like to use on PanPastels, charcoal, pencil, watercolours, and much more.
P.S. I will be teaching a workshop in Anaheim at CHA this January with one of my wonderful Design Team members Einat Kessler. Come and Join us there…I would {LOVE} to get creative and colorful with you! Registration start this week at the CHA website HERE.


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D7: An Interview With Liberty Media's John Malone
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Speaking at the D: All Things Digital conference this morning in Carlsbad, California, Liberty Media (LMDIA, LINTA) Chairman John Malone asserted that advertising is not producing enough revenue for the content production industry to support the creation and distribution of high quality content. Malone made the content in a wide ranging discussion with Wall Street Journal's Walt Mossberg.
Here are some notes from the interview:
- Mossberg is asking what TV will look like in 5 years. Malone says in five years video will come from everywhere, from many distribution channels, portable, high-def, home theater, everything, from everywhere.
- Malone notes that cable companies are trying to evolve with digital technologies. Pushing to 100 MB to compete with what fiber can do in the future. If you are prudent, you are playing all of these fields. Idea of channels has already broken down; people think in terms of programs.
- Walt notes that in the music industry, the album is melting away, since iTunes enables you just to buy single songs. Malone says real-time sports is the one thing that can attract a large audience and attract a lot of economic return. The big event is stealing the oxygen from the room. Puts pressure on traditional broadcast television.
- Franchise TV is much harder, due to fractionalized audience. There are more movies than ever, but most don't make money. There is tendency of scale economics.
- Sports continues to be in TV the big bubble. DirecTV paid large amount to extend their NFL contract. Appetite for watching entertainment on large high definition screen continues to grow. TV is a better consumer experience than it was five years ago, and some of it will come from the Internet. Olympics is great example, with all televised events available in real time on the Internet. Mossberg notes that Major League Baseball is cutting edge that way. (Malone notes that Liberty owns the Braves.)
- Mossberg wants to know why he can't pay for a service, and the TV is like the Internet. Don't have to think about recording programming, it is all random access, all Hulu, all the time. If you want to watch a four year episode, why can't I watch that. Malone says bandwidth is not sufficient to give unlimited random access to everyone. Not yet, but evolving to that. Starting to get a taste of that. Eventually, he says, it will happen.
- The problem, Malone adds, is how you monetize that. Hulu has ads, but they are not material. Revenue will be insufficient as revenue stream to support breadth and depth of content the public wants. He got people to pay for what was free, as a pioneer in cable television. (He once ran a company called Tele-Communicaitons, a cable company that eventually was acquired by AT&T.)
- Malone notes that with the Internet, he was concerned that psychologically, stuff on the Internet is seen as being free.
- Malone said he tried two things that failed. One was @Home, which was consortium to offer broadband to the home. He says they proposed to Time Warner that they include on the bill a couple of bucks a month. Also tried talking to broadcasters, and suggesting not giving away high definition. the world is evolving there due to retransmission.
- Clearly advertising is insufficient to support robust product creation and distribution.
- Malone says there are examples of high value information that people will pay for. Bloomberg. Consumer Reports. People are paying for out-of-market NFL games. MLB let's you buy the right to view any game you want on the Internet.
- Malone noted that they tried a video download sevice called Vongo, which failed. Had Disney and Sony, but couldn't get enough rights overall.
- Malone says one issue in content is is you are, say, Discovery and 97.5% of revenue comes from existing distribution, to what degree do you risk alienating the existing infrastruture.
- He notes that broadcasters were angry when he started the cable industry.
- Malone says what Apple did with music was so obvious - and they made a device to optimize it. If someone can put it together they can have a very successful aggregation and delivery business.
- In video, one problem has been that there isn't an open architecture. Cable used to be purely propreitary, which is very limiting. Cable went that way in broadband and voice.
- Malone notes that 99% of channels are very inexpensive for the distributors, effectively incrementally free. You are the filter, rather than the distributor as the filter. Access to large market is important to the advertisers. He says money you would save from a la carte would be de minimus. ESPN is far and away is the most expensive service the cable operators are required to carry. If you make it optional, cable industry would love you. Leverage is with the guy who has the key content. Distributors do not want to risk losing ESPN. Guys without leverage don't charge you much; guys who do won't let you buy channels a la carte.
For the record, not a peep on XM Sirius(XMSR).


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Auction Rooms: 103-107 Errol St, North Melbourne; 03 9326 7749
Enni: 915 High St, Thornbury; 03 9484 8288
The press was abuzz with news of Auction Rooms when it opened in mid-2008. Matt Preston was particularly glowing in Epicure about its interior. Despite its soaring ceilings and double-shopfront width, it is a cosy place to be, and it offers one of the broadest range of seating options Melbourne has to offer. Take a simple table for four by the bright red coffee roaster, or perch on a low stool in the sunken area immediately adjacent to the plate-glass front. There's a courtyard out the back and a darker area behind the bar where those needing a few well-made coffees to buck up from the night before can shield themselves from all that natural light.
It's a venue that promises an interesting menu, and they've certainly shied away from generic breakfast dishes. It's not a menu filled with unusual ingredients as such, but their arrangement speaks of innovation.
Rather than pancakes and maple syrup, Auction Rooms offer coconut pikelets with vanilla pineapple, creme fraiche and orange syrup. Like me, perhaps the second item on that description has given you pause - just what is vanilla pineapple? It's diced pineapple that's been steeped in a vanilla syrup until it's candied and has countered the pineapple's sweetness - which to my palate is always a bit sickly - to offer instead a smoother flavour, with a touch of vanilla, encased in the firm, candied fruit pieces.
Perhaps you've also double-checked the description after looking at the photo to confirm that it did, in fact, say 'pikelets'. It does, but I would concur, that in my world pikelets are flat and share the approximate diameter of a piece of salami! The good news is that these pikelets are quite fluffy, and while the coconut milk is no doubt in part responsible for that, it offers only a hint of flavour. I do have a similar criticism to the that of the buckwheat pancakes at Giorno, that while the dish offers an uplifting combination of flavours and textures, there isn't enough of the wet to go with the generous offering of dry.
Update: It's kind of funny reading that description a couple of years later. Auction Rooms is the darling of the hipster crowd, and while its layout is still one of my favourite aspects of the place, the word cosy is no longer what first comes to mind. It's positively buzzing at any time of the week, and on weekends you can be sure you'll be putting your name down and waiting for a table. The menu remains reliably variable, if that makes sense, running the gamut from pork belly to felafel to creamed peanut butter and everything in between. And, of course, Auction Rooms is also one of Melbourne's coffee temples, with various blends available as well as siphon and pourover.
At the northern end of High St, where Thornbury starts to morph into Preston, Enni is not the kind of cafe to be written up for a Six Degrees-inspired interior kitout. This is a more traditionally laid-out cafe, with tables and booths on one side, and a lengthy display counter on the other. There is much to commend in that counter - a huge range of pies, filled sandwiches, salads and cakes that are a strong distraction from the menu.
The menu shows some thought as well, including dukkah eggs, (much vaunted) homemade baked beans and corn pancakes in addition to the regular pancakes. The latter, though amply smothered in berry compote, were not an exciting dish visually nor gastronomically. The cafe, however, is better known for its savoury offerings, and the corn pancakes didn't disappoint. Served with bacon, fried tomato, a poached egg and a decent chutney, they offered a lot more of interest to look at and to assemble into flavour combinations.
With the sad demise of Devour across the road, Enni offers a well-priced breakfast option on the edge of the inner suburbs. They are also a great option to stop into if you're heading northwards out of town and want some homemade treats - whether savoury or sweet - to take along with you.
02 April, 2009
Pancakes, pikelets: Auction Rooms, Enni
Auction Rooms: 103-107 Errol St, North Melbourne; 03 9326 7749
6 comments:
drool...Auction Rooms' menus always seems to be changing. I had the best french toast of my life there, and it's now no longer on the menu. We went a few weeks ago, and my friend had a lemon myrtle pancake, singular, huge, fluffy, and probably b tit oo sweet. No sign of your pikelets. I imagine their sweet breakfast is a wet dish that constantly changes. Bring back the french toast, I say!ReplyDelete
I'd heard very good things about their French toast, but didn't get the chance to try it. It's a tough call on menus - I like them to change with the seasons and with the chef's fancies, but it's so sad when a loved dish disappears!ReplyDelete
I love the interior of this place- we've had drinks there a couple of times, but the brekky looks fantastic! Can't wait to try it.ReplyDelete
Hi Maree - it's an achievement in itself, when a venue can function at both ends of the spectrum, ie for breakfast as well as for drinks. I think Cavallero in Collingwood is similarly successful.ReplyDelete
(Or there's Gingerlee in Brunswick East, which brings the two together by offering a Bloody Mary with one of their breakfast dishes. Hm, now where's the venue offering French toast with your evening bubbles?!)
- Anonymous27 March 2011 at 16:59
I disagree... I find the whole atmosphere ridiculously overstated and overindulgent. I like good coffee, good food and good service. This was over priced food, overflavoured coffee, rude self-indulgent staff and an okay but way too busy atmosphere. As a north melbourne resident I have found them rude and difficult to deal with and don't like a business that does not value the community in which they operate. I would not support them.ReplyDelete
I think it's fair to say that there is a certain vibe, or atmosphere, there now. It's certainly very hipster, and you won't get near breakfast at the weekend without putting your name down and queuing with the other patient punters outside. I'd also rate some items on the menu a dollar or two over where they need to be. I still respect that menu though - it's one of the few cafes in Melbourne offering a genuine 'brunch', as a meal in its own right, not just a late breakfast. It sucks when your local turns into THE place to hang out! Let us know if you have other favourites along that Errol St stretchReplyDelete


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Arizona Attorney RAEES MOHAMED
Megan Welter AKA Megan Allen Cheerleader Case @ Kelly Warner Law Firm Under Microscope.
Yet another Kelly/Warner Law attorney exposed in "FAKE" lawsuit scandal.
There has been much attention recently directed toward the Kelly/Warner Law firm of Scottsdale, Arizona. The attention has not been for the reason one wants. The firm's partners, Daniel Warner and Aaron Kelley, have received extensive attention for their business practices due to the investigative work of respective Law Professor Eugene Volokh of the UCLA Law School who oversees the WashingtonPost.com legal blog, The Volokh Conspiracy, along with the work of attorney Paul Levy of the Washington D.C. based Public Citizen Litigation Group. The issue has been the exposure of the filing of fraudulent lawsuits using "fake" defendants, plaintiffs and notaries. These lawsuits have even involved legal documents utilizing "forged" notary seals to validate the identity of the "fake" litigants. The results of such questionable and possibly criminal business practices has resulted in an open investigation by the State Bar of Arizona and in at least one jurisdiction on the east coast wherein an FBI criminal investigation is being overseen by an Assistant U.S. Attorney General (the feds).
Stay tuned For The Details Of This Story & Why This Is Considered Another Fraud By Kelly Warner Law Firm.
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Beachside Seafood Market & Restaurant Map
120 Third St. S. (1st Avenue S.)
904-241-2702 | Make Restaurant Reservations | Menu
Need directions to Beachside Seafood Market & Restaurant? This map will help you find the best route to and from the restaurant so you can enjoy your meal. Clicking on the green arrow can help you get the best route to and from this restaurant if you don't see the "Get directions" pop-up.


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I've got a bit of a fascination with 'Vintage stuff' at the moment. Maybe its an age thing? Who know's but I've found a couple of vintage style tea-dresses that not only fit but suit!
Today's ensemble is a Turquoise and Orange Monsoon outfit.
I love this dress and even my hubby passed comment so it must suit because he NEVER comments on the leggings and tops I normally wear (lol !)
I been wearing this vintage brooch with it that I found at boxesintheloft
I love it!
The dress isn't vintage but it is vintage-inspired and I like that the designer looked to the past to make something new and fresh. It's a bit like this ticking stripe fabric from Makower.
Its new but based on a very old design.
Traditional ticking is thick and sturdy stuff used for mattress covers and pillow cases. In fact the word Ticking comes from the Latin THECA meaning cover or case.
Ticking's very closely woven using a 2 and 2 twill or herringbone weave.
I'm not a weaver but I think a 2 and 2 weave is where the weft thread (the thread that goes selvedge to selvedge) is passed alternately over and under two warp threads (the threads that go down the length of the fabric) with the bonus of a reversible weave pattern.
My mum had ticking pillowcases and my nan had a mattress covered in it. It was one of those utility fabrics that you weren't supposed to see. Well you don't see it very often on new pillows today but it is still available and quite fashionable in home decor. Red ticking is popular for french-inspired rooms and blue ticking provides a seaside feel.
(I noticed Clothkits currently have the heavy weight version if you are looking for it btw!)
Working with traditional ticking in patchwork is not the easiest but not impossible. I used it last year in a commission quilt and it looked fabulous with a bunch of Cabbages and Roses linens. (even if you did need a few muscles to lift the thing when it was finished.. lol) But working with a medium weight quilting cotton that looks like the real thing is much easier.
So it's great when a designer takes a vintage design and updates it for modern living.
Not sure I fancy a ticking tea dress but I do have my eye on this one from Laura Ashley!


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Tampa Florida Civil Rights Lawyer 813-253-3363 - Attorney Michael P. Maddux helps Innocent citizens arrested - this site is their legacy. Law Office of Michael P. Maddux Located: Tampa, FL 33606. Licensed to Practice in Florida, Federal Middle District of Florida. Tell Me Your Story - Get Some Help Today! - 813-253-3363
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The Committee on Space Research (COSPAR) was established by ICSU, now the International Science Council (ISC), in 1958. Among COSPAR's objectives are the promotion of scientific research in space on an international level, with emphasis on the free exchange of results, information, and opinions, and providing a forum, open to all scientists, for the discussion of problems that may affect space research. These objectives are achieved through the organization of symposia, publication, and other means.
The Committee on Space Research (COSPAR) was established by the International Council for Science (ICSU) in 1958...
About the Program
The program will include invited lectures, as well as original oral and poster presentations, which will cover a wide spectrum of topics in all disciplines related to the meeting topics.
About Israel
Israel features an abundance of history, religious significance for many different faiths; 21st century amenities and infrastructures, advanced innovations, high-tech technologies, and unique landscapes.


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Export Credit Guarantees
Finnvera seeks to safeguard the competitiveness of Finnish enterprises in export markets by offering them export and project financing at rates comparable to those offered by our main commercial rivals to their export companies. Our clientele comprises both companies and domestic and international banks and financial institutions.
Risks to be covered
For granting export credit guarantees, countries are classified into eight categories. The classification is based on methods used by export credit agencies and on country risk assessment. Various factors affect the determination of the country category: assessment of the country's ability to manage its external liabilities; expectations of the future trend of the country's economy; and political stability and the legislative framework.
Since there may be considerable differences between individual countries, even within the same category, risk-taking is based on Finnvera's country-specific guarantee policy.
We monitor the economic and political situations of countries and make adjustments to country categories depending on the changes that have occurred. The category of each country is checked at least once a year.
Political risks to be covered
Political risks are related either to the country of a foreign buyer or borrower, or to a third country which can cause the exporter, investor or financier to incur a credit loss. Political risks include restrictions on transfer of the credit currency, rescheduling of debts, expropriation, and war or insurrection.
Sovereign risk is caused by an entity that represents the full faith and credit of State. In most cases this is the Ministry of Finance or the Central Bank.
When Finnvera covers only the political risks involved, the commercial risks associated with the buyer, the borrower or the guarantor are not covered.
Political risks are assessed by continuously following the creditworthiness of the countries with political risk. The term political risk refers to all factors or events which influence the country's economy, internal stability and international relations.
Political risk may materialise as the consequence of a long course of events, or may result from internal or external economic and political shocks. Political risks are assessed according to the following criteria:
Commercial risks to be covered
Commercial risks arise from foreign banks, companies or project companies. Typical commercial risks include the buyer's, borrower's or guarantor's insolvency or unwillingness to pay its debt.
Factors considered assessing of the commercial risks of the transaction include:
- export transaction/project
- line of business
- financing
- risk-sharing/coverages
- securities
- environmental aspects
- buyer's country
- other aspects involved, if any
Further information about commercial risks
- Corporate/buyer risk
- Project risk
- Bank risk
Country policy
The country policy described is indicative only. Finnvera reserves the right to set additional conditions regarding any particular country, buyer, or bank as well as change the percentage of cover for a transaction. Finnvera assumes no liability to issue a guarantee to any specific transaction. We recommend that you contact our country policy and export credit guarantee advisers prior to making an offer for financing a transaction with intended guarantee support from Finnvera.
Finnvera's country policy determines
- Finnvera's risk-taking in the country
- securities and payment condition requirements
- the acceptable maximum risk period
Finnvera classifies countries into seven categories. A country's category for short-term and medium/long-term guarantees may be different.
International co-operation
A number of international rules and agreements regulate export credit guarantee activities. The purpose of the rules is to make sure that countries do not compete by means of officially supported export credit terms. Close international co-operation is of vital importance to Finnvera in order to adhere to and to develop the regulatory framework.
International export credit co-operation between nations is carried out in the OECD and the EU. The OECD Arrangement on Officially Supported Export Credits is the most important international agreement regulating export credit operations. The EU rules strive to create a level playing field for all exporters in the EU countries.
The Berne Union is the international professional association of export credit agencies, which provides a forum for extensive exchange of information and promotes sound principles of export credit and investment guarantee activities.
The OECD groups 30 member countries sharing a commitment to democratic government and the market economy.
With active relationships with some 70 other countries, NGOs and civil society, it has a global reach. Best known for its publications and its statistics, its work covers economic and social issues from macroeconomics, to trade, education, development and science and innovation.
European Union
The European Union Directive aimed at harmonising medium/long-term guarantee activities came into force in June 1998. The Directive strives to provide equal guarantee terms throughout the EU and thus equal competition possibilities for export products, where the related finance terms do not constitute a competitive edge. The Directive encompasses rules for guarantee conditions, guarantee premiums, country policy and notification procedures. As to guarantee premiums and country policy, the Directive observes the OECD's Premium Agreement.
An updated EU communication based on the EU competition rules concerning short-term (risk period less than 2 years) export credit guarantee activities came into force in the beginning of year 2013. Previous version of the communication has been effective since 1997. The communication denies official export credit agencies from cover marketable risks, which are risks that private insurance companies are willing to cover. According to the Communication, Finnvera cannot grant guarantees with a risk period less than 2 years (manufacturing period + repayment period) to the following markets:
- Austria, Bulgaria, Belgium, Croatia, Cyprus, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, Iceland, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, USA
Exceptions to EU communication's principles:
- Special permission to insure short-term exports to the above-mentioned countries in 2013-2020 (link below)
In the case of these so-called "marketable risk countries", the EU rules on transactions with a risk period of under two years only apply to conventional credit insurance for covering buyer risks, not guarantees for bank risks. If the payment method is a letter of credit and the guarantee used is a Letter of Credit Guarantee or some other guarantee where the risk applies to a bank, Finnvera may, under the risk-sharing principle, consider granting a guarantee for said countries.
Special permission to insure short-term exports
On 15 December 2015 the European Commission granted Finnvera permission to insure short-term exports to the above-mentioned countries in the following cases, where the Commission sees a market failure:
- when the applicant is an SME¹ with a total annual export turnover of at most two million euros;OR
- when credit insurance is sought for a single export transaction which has a risk period of at least 181 days and at most two years.
The permission is valid until the end of 2020.
All export companies operating in Finland can apply for Finnvera's credit insurance. Finnvera assesses each buyer's creditworthiness according to its normal risk appraisal practice. Insurance can only be considered when the buyer is financially sound and where the exporter meets the above condition 1 OR where the transaction meets the above condition 2. Another precondition for an insurance is that a private credit insurer has been unable to offer sufficient insurance cover for the transaction. Finnvera always requests the buyer's credit history. The guarantee application is turned down if, for instance, the buyer has had considerable payment delays or if the buyer's financial indicators are poor.
Exporters primarily seek insurance cover for their export projects from credit insurers operating in Finland.
Contact details for credit insurers:
Atradius Credit Insurance N.V.
credit insurance: tel. (09) 6811 2422
Phone: +358 (0)50 596 7431
Euler Hermes Luottovakuutus
credit insurance: tel. 010 850 8500
Tryg Garanti
Phone: +358 (0)20 7805 790
If a credit insurer is unable to cover the export transaction, the exporter may apply for insurance cover from Finnvera. Before the guarantee application is processed, the exporter must notify Finnvera that the exporter has applied for insurance from private insurers. On the application form, the exporter must provide information showing that the transaction meets the conditions for the temporary permission. If insurance cover is sought under condition 1, the exporter must be an SME, as defined by the EU, and provide information on its annual export turnover (which may not exceed two million euros). When condition 2 is applied, the exporter must specify the nature of the transaction. If necessary, Finnvera's representative contacts the applicant and asks for additional information.
Applications for export credit guarantees are processed at the Large Corporates Unit of Finnvera in Helsinki. Please send the application to luottovakuutus (at) finnvera.fi or use the Online Service.
Application forms can be found on following product pages
¹ As defined by the EU:http://ec.europa.eu/growth/smes/business-friendly-environment/sme-definition/index_en.htm
Berne Union
Finnvera is a member of the Berne Union (International Union of Credit and Investment Insurers). Berne Union is the international association for export credit and investment insurance worldwide, with over 50 members from over 40 countries.
BU aims at developing export credit and investment insurance activities mainly based on extensive professional exchange of information among its members.
The BU members have committed to guiding principles reflecting their way to conduct their business and pursue the purpose of the BU. More information about the Berne Union and the Guiding principles can be found from the association's website.
Co-operation agreements
Co-operation between guarantee agencies becomes significant in situations where export companies have production operations in more than one country and when an export project includes deliveries from exporters in different countries.
Finnvera has concluded co-operation agreements with various guarantee agencies. These agreements form the basis for co-operation in individual projects, but they are not a necessary condition for co-operation - Finnvera may be involved in mutual projects although such a bilateral agreement does not exist.
The simplest method for involvement in projects including exports from many countries is to include the foreign deliveries in the guarantee issued by Finnvera.
Joint guarantee and reinsurance arrangements
Joint guarantee and reinsurance arrangements are practical in large-scale projects or projects involving risky markets.
In a joint guarantee, each agency covers its own national share according to their guarantee terms, and co-operation takes place mainly in the form of exchanging information.
In a reinsurance arrangement, the principal insurer is the guarantee agency in the country from where the largest share of exported share is supplied. The main insurer creates a guarantee contract for the project as a whole, and then draws up a reinsurance contract with the guarantee agency in the subcontractor's country. The subcontractor's guarantee agency usually accepts the guarantee terms of the main insurer to a large extent.
Finnvera has co-operation or reinsurance agreements with the following organisations:
- Austria - OeKB
- Belgium - ONDD
- China - China EximBank
- China - SINOSURE
- Czech Republic - EGAP
- Denmark - EKF
- Estonia - KredEx
- France - COFACE
- Germany - EULER HERMES
- Great Britain - ECGD
- Iran - EGFI
- Iran - OIETAI
- Italy- SACE
- Japan - NEXI
- Luxemburg - ODL , Northstar
- Meksiko - BANCOMEXT
- Multilateral - CABEI
- Multilateral - EBRD
- Multilateral - IIC
- Multilateral - MIGA
- Netherlands - ATRADIUS
- Norway - GIEK
- Russia - Vneshekonombank / Eximbank of Russia
- Singapore - ECICS
- South-Korea - KEIC
- Sweden - EKN
- Switzerland - SERV
- USA - Steadfast Insurance Company
Finnish interest
Export credit guarantees and financing of export credits can be granted for transactions that fulfil a requirement of Finnish interest. Finnish interest is demonstrated if the Finnish content is significant. Finnish content is considered significant when it is at least 27 % of the export transaction's value (including local cost) or 33 % or more of the export credit.
In case the transaction based Finnish content requirement is not fulfilled, exporters need to demonstrate the Finnish interest otherwise e.g.
- The average Finnish content of the export transactions concluded in the previous year or the average Finnish content of the companys's production is 27 % or more.
- The exporter is a SME striving for growth and internationalization.
- The export transaction is based on deliveries a from a number of countries and there is no clear prime exporter.
- A subsidiary of a Finnish company cannot get export credit guarantees from the country where it is located.
- The transaction is based on risk sharing.
- A transaction containing low Finnish interest may boost further sales with a higher Finnish content (customer relationship).
- The activities of the exporter as a whole bring considerable economic benefits to Finland.
Policy for reviewing the environmental and social impacts of projects
When financing exports, Finnvera considers environmental and social impacts as part of the overall risk assessment of the projects financed.
Finnvera has reformed the policy for environmental and social risk management of the financing operations in 2019. See our reformed policy (PDF).
Processes and guidelines based on the new policy will be introduced gradually during 2020 and our webpages will be updated according to them.
The following principles guide Finnvera's export financing in environmental and social issues:
- Environmental impacts as part of the overall risk assessment of projectsWhen export credit guarantees are granted and their terms and conditions are confirmed, attention is paid, among other things, to environmental and social impacts as part of the overall risk assessment of the project.
- Cooperation among export credit agencies in environmental and social issuesFinnvera contributes actively to discussions between export credit agencies (ECAs) and participates in working groups seeking common approaches to environmental and social issues. Finnvera supports international efforts to create common rules for export credit agencies so that exporters from all countries would be ensured a level playing field in this respect.Finnvera adheres to the Recommendation of the Council on Common Approaches for Officially Supported Export Credits and Environmental and Social Due Diligence adopted by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).
- Other International agreements and frameworksThe OECD Recommendation is also grounded in the following international agreements and frameworks: the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights; the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work; the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change; and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
- Continuous improvementFinnvera's policy for reviewing the environmental and social impacts of projects is under constant development. International competition factors, the development of environmental and social issues pertaining to export financing, and Finnvera's own experiences are taken into account in planning. Finnvera trains its personnel to identify environmental and social aspects and to assess the related risks. Relevant information and lessons from individual projects are exchanged among experts within Finnvera.
Attachments: OECD Common Approaches
Scope of application
In line with the OECD Recommendation, this policy applies to all export financing products provided by Finnvera where the accompanying credit has a repayment term of two years or more.
This policy excludes Environmental Guarantees handled by the Large Corporates unit, Finnvera Guarantees, Finance Guarantees and Bond Guarantees, as well as guarantees pertaining to military equipment or agricultural commodities.
Guarantees pertaining to shipyards and shipping companies that operate in accordance with the requirements of EU legislation or similar legislation are assessed in Finnvera whenever necessary. However, the assessments and reviews conducted and, for instance, any environmental permits granted must be submitted to Finnvera, if necessary.
Raw Material Guarantees are included in the scope of the policy. Raw Material Guarantees are granted by virtue of the Act on State Guarantees for Ensuring the Supply of Basic Raw Materials. For Raw Material Guarantees, environmental and social issues are determined separately for each project.
In a reinsurance situation where Finnvera agrees on reinsurance with the original insurer, Finnvera's project review can be conducted on the basis of the assessment made by another export credit agency, a major multilateral financial institution participating in the financing, or the original insurer. The precondition is that the assessment is comprehensive enough.
In general, Finnvera's project review encompasses the whole project even when export financing is granted only for a part of the project or for an individual delivery of equipment that is associated with a project.
Project-specific information searches are conducted to determine any environmental and social risks associated with Credit Risk Guarantees that are applied for to cover pre-delivery risks. Whenever necessary, applicants for export financing are asked to provide additional information.
The concessional credits granted by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs are always accompanied by Finnvera's export credit guarantees. However, the Ministry's Department for Development Policy is responsible for the review of the environmental and social impacts of these projects and for the related costs. The Ministry for Foreign Affairs determines the object and scope of the review required.
Process for reviewing environmental and social impacts
Screening, classification and review of projects
The purpose of screening is to identify the applications falling within the scope of Finnvera's project review. The application is reviewed if it pertains to a project. The level of potentially negative and positive environmental and social impacts is identified during the screening and classification of projects. This information is then used to determine the appropriate scope of review and the project category.
Disclosure of information
Finnvera encourages parties who apply for export financing and carry out projects, whenever possible, to make available information about the environmental and social impacts of projects and about the monitoring of these impacts.
A prerequisite for granting financing for Category A projects is that the information on environmental and social impacts is published 30 days before Finnvera signs the agreement on export financing. The relevant parties are requested to give their consent to publication.
In Category A projects, the international ESIA practice generally requires that information on environmental and social aspects is disclosed locally. Finnvera's website contains a link to the Internet address where the ESIA report or its summary can be accessed. The scope of the information disclosed varies, depending on the project. It may also be agreed that the information is given in some other manner.
In addition, the following basic data on the project are published on our website:
- the name and location of the project;
- a description of the project; and
- the project category (A).
Feedback given by stakeholders is collated and its contents can be reviewed in the event that the feedback brings out some new, important aspect of the project. If necessary, it may be agreed that any questions posed by stakeholders are passed on, for instance, to the party applying for export financing.
In addition, in line with the OECD Recommendation, at least once a year Finnvera makes available to the public information on projects classified in Category A and Category B for which it has made a commitment during the year. The information made available on Category A projects is the same as in the above case of advance publication, supplemented with more detailed information on export financing. A brief summary is drawn up of the main environmental and social aspects of Category B projects. This includes information on the background material and international standards used for the review, and the contact information for the export credit agency. For both Category A and Category B projects, the relevant parties are requested to give their permission to disclose the information.
The requirement for disclosure of information may be waived for exceptional reasons (see the OECD Recommendation).
Projects in category A
According to the OECD's Recommendation of the Council on Common Approaches for Officially Supported Export Credits and Environmental and Social Due Diligence Finnvera shall publish environmental and social impact information on category A projects, which possibly may have significant adverse environmental and/or social impacts. The information shall be published when the guarantee still is an offer, at least 30 calendar days before Finnvera signs the financing agreement. After the agreement has entered into force the information is transferred with the relevant parties' consent to the Guaranteed Transactions -page.
Offers regarding projects in category A to report:
Name of project: LD Celulose Dissolving Pulp Mill
Description of project: The construction of an integrated industrial plant that will produce dissolving wood pulp
Location and country of project: Minas Gerais, Brazil
Environmental and social classification: A
Information published: 10 December 2019
Source of environmental and/or social impact information: amadeus (ZIPX)
Name of project: PLN Riau power plant
Description of project: Construction of gas fired thermal power plant
Location and country of project: Balai Pungut village, Riau province, Sumatra, Indonesia
Environmental and social classification: A
Information published: 28 October 2019
Source of environmental and/or social impact information: EIA 160 MW to 360 MW (ZIPX)
Name of project: Puma 2, Klabin S.A.
Description of project: Expansion of the existing pulp and paper mill.
Location and country of project: Brazil, Paraná State, Ortiguiera
Environmental and social classification: A
Information published: 19 August 2019
Source of environmental and/or social impact information:
Relatorio Ambiental Preliminar Puma II (PDF)
Name of project: JK Paper Mill Expansion Plan (MEP)
Description of project: Expansion and modernization of the existing pulp and cardboard mill.
Location and country of project: India, Guajarat, Songadh
Environmental and social classification: A
Information published: 16 August 2019
Source of environmental and/or social impact information:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY (PDF, 193 Kb)
Name of project: LNG to Power and Ahuachapán-Acajutla Transmission Line
Description of project: Construction of natural gas-fired thermal power plant, marine terminal for Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) delivery, storage and regasification as well as a natural gas pipeline and transmission line.
Location and country of project: Acajutla, El Salvador
Environmental and social classification: A
Information published: 25 October 2018
Source of environmental and/or social impact information:
01_EIA T-Line Vol. I and II - Feb 2017.pdf (PDF, 74 Mb)
01_ESIA Tome I to V DEC 2016.pdf (PDF, 870 Mb)
Name of project: Shanying Huazhong, Paper Mill Project
Description of project: Construction of an industrial packaging paper mill, a coal-fired power plant, solid waste power plant and other components
Location and country of project: Gong'an County, Jingzhou City, Hubei Province, China
Environmental and social classification: A
Information published: 14 September 2018
Source of environmental and/or social impact information: Environmental Impacet Assesment Report (PDF)
Name of project: Eti Bakir Adiyaman Copper Mine project
Description of project: Deliveries to the copper flotation plant
Location and country of project: Adiyaman, Turkey
Environmental and social classification: A
Information published: 28 March 2018
Source of environmental and/or social impact information: Environmental Impact Assessment Report (PDF, 230 Mb)
Buyer's country: Australia
Exported goods/Project: Container handling equipment
Project classification: A
Information published: 19 August 2015
Environmental and/or social impact information on Project in category A:


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Directions:This is good for camping or hiking, it keeps a good long time and is a replacement for fresh bread. Or, you just might be curious to try this recipe that was used quite a bit in the old days by people travelling long distances. Directions; Mix together salt, sugar and flour. Add just enough water to make a stiff dough. Roll the dough about 1/4 inch thick, cut it into pieces and bake until very dry on a greased pan in a slow oven (about 250 degrees F).
Submitted By: KP from WA on 1999-12-19
Copyright © 1999-2013 KountryLife.com
All Rights Reserved
A Country Living Resource and Community


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Hobsons Bay City Council
Water Education Trail Environmental Signage
The Urban Water Story illustrates the natural filtering process of the water that flows through the Truganina Wetlands. In response, Nuttshell designed timber 'furniture' with organic forms to illustrate these natural processes. The resulting suite of signs sit well within their environment both aesthetically and practically.


text: Summer's often a great time to try lessons in a new subject or to continue progressing on work that's occurred during the previous season. Summer Session is an abridged version of our Fall/Spring Program, consisting of eight lessons or more scheduled during June, July and August. Families choose which weeks during that period they wish to have lessons and which weeks will be weeks off, all on your own schedule. A super-flexible program for families who travel or kids who are away at camp for part of the summer!


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Trailer [en]
by Quentin Dupieux
mp4 (640x344) [2 MB]
Dolph Springer wakes up one morning to realize he has lost the love of his life, his dog Paul. During his quest to get him (and his life) back, Dolph radically changes the lives of others. In his journey to find Paul, Dolph may lose something even more vital: his mind.


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Breakfast Menu
Start your day with a traditional Lakeland breakfast
We offer a full English breakfast cooked on an AGA.
Many of our guests have said how much they enjoy our breakfast at Beck Allans. We think its because we only use the best locally sourced food that Cumbria has to offer.
We also cater for vegetarians and other special diets; just let us know on or before arrival.
We use the freshest, quality, local produce
- Bacon and Sausage from one of the best butchers in Cumbria. The bacon is dry cured Cumbrian pork, and their Cumberland Sausage is how a sausage should taste.
- Farrer`s of Kendal have been blending tea and roasting coffee since 1819. The tea and coffee is traditionally blend to go with the soft Lake District water.
- Free range eggs along with milk and butter, plus bird seed and peanuts for the Birds, Ducks and Red Squirrels is delivered right to our door step by the local milk man, Ken Jones.
- Top quality fruits, cereals, fruit juices, yoghurts and Christine,s home made fruit smoothies.
For enquiries please call us on 015394 35563


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Toffee Almond Oatmeal Cookies
I confess that I don't often bake with whole wheat flour. I think that's due more to habit than taste. But, it can be a great substitute for traditional flour in many recipes, like this one.
I am fairly confident that if you tasted one of these without knowing the list of ingredients, you'd never guess that they are made with whole wheat flour. In fact, of all the cookies in my recent baking memory, these are probably in the top 10.
These cookies are everything I love about oatmeal cookies – lots of oats, brown sugar, and cinnamon. For some added interest and crunch, I tossed in some toffee chips and toasted almonds. Pretty tasty, if I do say so myself!
Toffee Almond Oatmeal Cookies
Yield: about 30 cookies
Prep Time: 20 minutes
Cook Time: 15 minutes per pan
Plenty of oats, brown sugar, and cinnamon, along with toffee bits and toasted almonds, make these Toffee Almond Oatmeal Cookies a winner!
- 1 & 1/4 cups whole wheat flour
- 3/4 teaspoon baking powder
- 1 teaspoon salt
- 2 teaspoons ground cinnamon
- 1 & 1/2 cups old-fashioned rolled oats
- 3/4 cup unsalted butter, softened
- 1 cup firmly packed light brown sugar
- 1 large egg
- 1 & 1/2 teaspoons vanilla extract
- 1/2 cup toffee bits
- 3/4 cup chopped almonds, toasted
- Preheat oven to 350°F. Line baking sheets with parchment paper or silicone liners.
- Whisk together the flour, baking powder, salt, and cinnamon. Stir in the oats. Set aside.
- Using an electric mixer on medium speed, beat the butter and brown sugar until fluffy. Add the egg and vanilla, and mix well. Gradually add the flour mixture, beating just until combined. Stir in the toffee bits and almonds.
- Drop dough by tablespoonfuls onto the prepared baking sheets. Bake for 12-15 minutes or until lightly browned. Cool on baking sheets for a few minutes. Then, remove the cookies to wire racks to cool completely.


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A suburban Atlanta man has been sentenced to for distributing a pornographic image of his one-year-old daughter to an undercover law enforcement officer.
Corey Charles Plunkett, 27, of Marietta, Ga., contacted an Ohio law enforcement officer was engaged in an undercover investigation identifying subjects involved in the on-line victimization of children using two chat rooms known for attracting individuals with a sexual interest in children.
The officer was eventually contacted by Plunkett, who inquired if his one-year-old daughter was too young for sexual activity. Worse, Plunkett asked if the officer wanted to see his infant perform oral sex.
Later Plunkett sent a non-offensive image of himself with his daughter. Later that day, Plunkett sent a pornographic image of his daughter in a compromising position.
When officers searched Plunkett's computer inside his Cobb County, Ga., home, located the image that Plunkett had sent to the undercover officer.
"Distribution of child pornography is in and of itself a heinous crime," said United States Attorney Sally Quillian Yates. "This case is all the more disturbing because the victim was the defendant's one-year-old daughter. We will continue to aggressively prosecute those who exploit our children
Plunkett was sentenced to 12 years in prison to be followed by supervised release for life. He will also be required to be required to register as a sex offender when he is released from prison.


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A New and Native Beauty:
The Art and Craft of Greene & Greene
at the MFA
Tuesday, July 14-Sunday, October 18
The Art and Craft of Greene & Greene
at the MFA
Tuesday, July 14-Sunday, October 18
In 1915, architect Charles Greene (1868-1957) wrote, "I seek till I find what is truly useful, and then I try to make it beautiful." The architecture and decorative arts designed by Charles and his brother Henry Greene (1870-1954) a century ago are now recognized internationally as among the best work of the American Arts and Crafts Movement. The Greenes' careful consideration of every detail of the buildings and objects they designed, including geography, climate, landscape, and lifestyle afforded them tremendous success. Their experiences in Boston during their academic studies and early career laid the groundwork for their later innovative style, which shows the strong influence of Japanese design.
"A New and Native Beauty: The Art and Craft of Greene & Greene" commemorates the legacy of Greene and Greene and the centennial of the period that included their finest work in both architecture and decorative arts. Highlights include objects representing a variety of media, including beautifully inlaid furniture crafted from exotic hardwoods, artfully executed stained glass and metalwork, as well as rare architectural drawings and photographs.
This exhibition is a partnership with The Gamble House and the Huntington Library, Art Collections, and Botanical Gardens honoring the centennial of The Gamble House and the work of Charles Sumner and Henry Mather Greene. The Gamble House in Pasadena, California, is the best preserved and most complete example of Greene and Greene's work. For more information, visit The Gamble House.


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by Jonchikadibie
From Surulere, Lagos where I live to Amawbia, my home town in Anambra State, the story is the same; power supply has dropped outrageously, while the bills keep rising, and rising, and rising!
Ever since Prof. Barth Nnaji was removed as Minister of Power, I kept delaying the need to write something about the power situation in the country and the scandalous entity called the Power Holding Company of Nigeria. Well, I am furiously writing this now because I just received another crazy bill from the PHCN and my patience suddenly turned into anger, shock, disappointment and anguish.
There is really no point repeating the shame, rot, scandal and gargantuan personification of corruption that is the power sector of our economy; we have been treated to gory tales of maggot-infested faeces-like scam that is replicated in the industry by past governments. Billions of dollars have been sunk into providing reliable power supply to Nigerians but the result is nothing but more darkness and dilapidated transmission and generation equipment while those entrusted with the task or funds suddenly became billionaires and recipients of national honours and chieftaincy titles!
To bring the gist closer home, my monthly PHCN bills have remained on a steady rise since Nnaji bowed out; under his reign as Minister of Power, I enjoyed a substantial amount of power supply sold at N22 per khz. Incidentally, Nnaji's efforts at sanitising the industry ruffled some feathers, feathers that apparently benefit from the rot in the system, and he was made to resign immediately. Ever since then, power supply has nose-dived and the bills more erratic and shocking-literally and otherwise.
From Surulere, Lagos where I live to Amawbia, my home town in Anambra State, the story is the same; power supply has dropped outrageously, while the bills keep rising, and rising, and rising! Welcome to the era of "estimated billing" — a period of time where PHCN officials sit down in their ramshackle offices and concoct weird bills just to jolt hapless Nigerians to their early graves. Gone are the days when "NEPA" officials went round the entire neighbourhood reading meters and billing accordingly.
As a worried and reluctant electricity consumer that continues to weep anytime I hand over my money to the shambolic PHCN, I made out time to find out what the heck was eating up the utility company. It is shocking, pathetic, and reprehensible the extent the government of President Goodluck Jonathan through the PHCN is going to heap more pains and hardship on Nigerians. If you are still searching for reasons why our President could not look straight into CNN's camera during his interview with Christiane Amanpour, look no further: The President knew he was being economical with the truth and his conscience couldn't let him look into the probing cold camera.
The level of evil and wicked customer service orientation at play in the PHCN is daily peaking (especially in Masha Surulere Business Office); marketing officials do not go out to read customers' meters anymore, why bother when you can sit in bar somewhere in Surulere, and conjure crazy bills?
That is the practice now — I was shocked last month when a Marketing Manager in Masha (Surulere) office insisted my meter was read and my bills correct! This was after I proved to him that there was no power supply to my entire neighbourhood for seven weeks as a result of a faulty transformer. The said transformer was taken away by the same PHCN officials and all the houses in that area were forced to part with N5, 000 for PHCN officials before a replacement was brought.
Have you also wondered why it is now easier to find a saint in the Peoples Democratic Party than to acquire a "pre-paid meter" from the PHCN? Well, in the beginning, it appeared to be easy getting the meter but suddenly, the PHCN officials in their bizarre way found out they were losing money rather too fast and decided to put a stop to the "pre-paid" madness. You now hear all sorts of stories if you dare ask for the meter. As a consumer, you only pay for power supplied, and because most times, the PHCN prefers holding on to power, you will not be required to pay, and there won't be any case of "estimated-billing"! So, it now makes more business sense making pre-paid meters unavailable and charge customers wickedly, than allow them enjoy "pay-as-you-use" services.
When will Dr. Sam Amadi's Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission convincingly explain to us the reason why distribution companies charge us for power not supplied, and disconnect us if we dare complain? I was disconnected last month because I challenged a bill during a time there was no power supply for seven weeks! The PHCN's philosophy remains "pay now and complain later". From my investigations, I gathered that power supplied to any distribituion companies must be paid for irrespective of the technical losses encountered in the course of transmission. Now, distribution companies charge customers for power not supplied or consumed just to meet up with their share of the already projected revenue. I challenge NERC or any PHCN official to stand up and deny this.
This is the story all over Nigeria and our government is playing the ostrich and yapping about transformation…what transformation are we talking about when the entire nation is in darkness? This is the height of wickedness. When the cost of electricity was hiked by President Goodluck Jonathan in 2012, he swore that there was a subsidy in place to cushion the shocking effects of the increase. What do we have today in Nigeria? A situation where the government continues to add money for fuel and generators in its budget while blowing hot air about revamping the power sector — well, the only revamping I see in the sector is a pocketful of cronies of the government smiling to the bank while we continue to thank China for the generators in our homes.
I sincerely believe that the PHCN as a company has violated every Nigerian (except those super-rich politicians and oil subsidy thieves) and we really must rise up in protest against the government that has hung this evil entity round our necks. When are we going to get tired of being treated as slaves in our dear country? When are we going to start holding people accountable for their actions in Nigeria? The PHCN as constituted remains an evil force militating against the attainment of a "darkness-free" Nigeria. The employees of the PHCN are over-paid and underutilised; most of them have become outdated — they have nothing to offer. Just like their equipment.
We are really tired of hearing how many billions were spent on one power project or the other; we need to see the results. What rational explanation will the PDP give this country for wasting more than $25bn on so-called power generation with nothing to show for it (well we have a few billionaires, government officials all)? Like Pius Adesanmi rightly said, "my mumu don do". I will not take this nonsense anymore! Enough of this stealing and insults!
– Okafo, publisher of the blog, www.jonchikadibie.wordpress.com, wrote in via [email protected]
Op-ed pieces and contributions are the opinions of the writers only and do not represent the opinions of Y!/YNaija.
Comments (2)
My lot improved as I got my pre-paidd meter, now I pay just 5k for two months worth of electricity… No light, no pay…
I share the pains of this writer… PHCN officials are guilty as charged… Revolution against them is long overdue in this country… God bless Nigeria