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Columbia University
In the heart of New York City just steps from Central Park, Columbia offers 24 environmental degrees, as well as a sustainable development major and a sustainability master's program. A $25,000 Green Fund offers support to student-led projects that focus on improving sustainability throughout the campus. The school has an award-winning laboratory waste solvent recycling program as well as annual reuse events that allow items to be collected to be recycled, re-used or disposed of in an environmentally friendly way. Pilots groups are working to develop innovative solutions for paper reduction throughout campus. Ten campus buildings are LEED-certified. Sustainability continues through graduation as all undergraduate and masters graduates wear "green gowns," each made from 23 recycled plastic bottles.


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the overflowing duffel bag i toted to my first tri last year… well, lets just say, you could spot the NEWB from a mile away!
thankfully, since then, i had the opportunity to hit up a clinic where a seasoned pro simplified the whole transition process for me… to the point that when i was riding home from it all i could think was 'what was i thinking having all of that stuff with me?!' seriously, i think i had everything but the kitchen sink!
this post goes out especially to the tri-hards and new-comers in our 'weekend warriors' group who got together pretty much every weekend for the past couple of months for an open water swim sesh, sometimes a bike or a run, or D: all of the above. i tried to get a 'mini clinic' together a couple of weeks before my Jersey Girl Tri, but schedules conflicted and it never happened – so here's the eVersion for ya girls!
don't mind the broomstick/chair make-shift rack – i told you i was crafty :0)
so, here's the basic setup of what your transition area is going to look like:things get really tight on the rack, especially when they try to cram as many bikes as humanly possible, and then some, onto it. try to keep everything as slim and tight as you can and out of the walkway… getting back from the swim to find one of your bike shoes that's been kicked 10 feet away = NO FUN!
you're going to put the seat of your bike over the rack and have the bike facing towards the 'bike out' gate. putting a tell tale piece of something ~like the purple bandana i have on there~ helps you find your 'spot' when you come back from the to ditch your bike and grab your running gear
a breakdown of the bike stuff:
aright, so here goes!
you come in from the swim, pull off your goggles and swim cap on your trot to the transition area. grab the towel thats drapped next to your bike for a quick dry off (dont get crazy, this is a TRI, you ARE going to be wet and will mostly dry off on your bikeride)
first on – sunglasses!
then put your helmet on your head, strap, tighten
have your bike shoes already opened up and ready to stick your feet in to strap up
AND YOU'RE OFF on the bike!
on the bike ride, remember to fuel up – bring along an electrolyte based drink and a regular water, you've got about 30 or so minutes of riding as fast as your legs will possibly take you
stash your bike on the rack the opposite way it came out
next up is the run – ditch your bike shoes and helmethave your socks filled with powder and pre-rolled so you can easily slide your foot right in
lace up your sneaks
grab your hat
grab your race number/bib belt and watch (if you like to wear one)
the first bit of the run (to most people) is going to feel like you're running into a brick wall – hence the reason they call the bike to run transition 'the bricks'. just stick it out and keep your stride short and choppy, you'll get your running legs back before you know it
and that's it ladies and gents… some things i make sure i always have in my tri-bag
baby powder – helps get the sand off your feet
body glide – does this even need an explanation?!
the race number/bib belt – about $5 at the expo and one of my fave gadgets… it saves you from having to pin your race bib onto your shirt either beforehand or during the transition… every second counts!
so… if you weren't a TRI-er before this post, have i swayed you into trying one out?!
check out what this dude did if you're on the fence about it!
my last tri of the season is this sunday 9/11 and i'm super stoked to be participating in it!
the adrenaline that races through my veins and the tri-high i have for about a week are unexplainable until you actually do one for yourself.
i ❤ to TRI – do U ?

subset: commoncrawl


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Who are the Tribals
Acting on behalf of it's marae members the Tūhoe Manawarū tribal authority represents the interests of whānau from Ngāputahi, Pāpueru, Te Umuroa, Ōpūtao, Kākānui, Ōtekura, Tātāhoata, Te Wai-iti, Uwhiārae, Mātaatua and Ōhaua o te Rangi.
Our history
Tūhoe Manawarū Māori Executive, also known informally as the Ruatāhuna Tribal Authority is one of the four Tūhoe tribal authorities in Te Urewera. The executive represents the whānau that whakapapa to the marae and hapū of Ngāpūtahi, and Ruatāhuna.
First established under the New Zealand Māori Council in the 1970s, the Manawarū Executive was formally part of the Waiariki branch before launching independently for the past 35 years. The committee has continued to use its existing structure for its own purposes, which has worked well for Ruatāhuna.
The executive meets regularly on the first Sunday of every month and the membership comprises of two delegates from each of the 11 marae or hapū in Ruatāhuna. In addition to the marae reports that are tabled, the executive receives updates from local organisations such as Te Wharekura o Huiarau, the roopu ranatahi, the Ruatāhuna Farm Trust, Te Tuawhenua Trust and Tūhoe Te Uru Taumatua.
Our Pānui - te iringa kōrero
The current tribal officers are:
Te Tuhi Taoho - Chairman
Ngatai Rangihau - Deputy Chair
Hiria Solomon - Treasurer
Doris Rurehe - Tribal General Manager
Honey Tuhua - Administration
Able Teka - Communications
You can contact your tribal office by:
Call us: 07 366 3228
Email us: email@example.com
Visit us: 1 Sister Annie Road, Ruatāhuna
Post us: Private Bag 3001, Main Road, Ruatāhuna
Fax us: 07 366 3491


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I've been doing thorough research on great ramen shops prior to landing in Tokyo. Menya Musashi was on my list and I came here right after I checked into my Shinjuku hotel. WOW!! That's all I kept saying throughout my meal. I slurping my ramen and eating ravenously, while uttering the same word over and over again – "WOW!!"The noodles were thick and perfectly cooked, the broth was amazing, and after trying out about 10 or so ramen places in Japan.
Black Ramen
True to its name, the soup is a deep dark color and has all of the flavors you would expect from a Japanese-style curry, without the gravy-like thickness.The ramen includes a slice of succulent pork, spinach stalks (at least they tasted like it), and some cabbage and corn drizzled with basalmic vinegar. The basalmic vinegar might sound a little odd, but I thought it tasted good with the vegetables and chicken, and went well with the flavor of the curry soup. It seems that no bowl of ramen in Japan would be complete with a poached egg, which beautifully contrasts with the dark colors in this bowl ramen.
Special Ramen
One of the first things that stand out about the special ramen is the soup — unlike the usual white tonkotsu (pork bone) stock, this version is a brownish combination of miso and tonkotsu that was very delicious. It also includes seasoned ground pork and fresh cabbage topped with a red spicy sauce, to go along with two pieces of roast pork and black garlic oil.Furthermore, Ippudo uses a thicker, softer, and curlier egg noodle than the white, thin and straight kind that normally goes into their and other Hakata-style tonkotsu ramen. I liked how well the thicker ramen noodle soaked up the soup. However, when you ask for kaedama (extra noodles), they give you the normal thin noodle with pad of butter on top. A little odd, but I still enjoyed trying both kinds with the soup (the thicker ones go better, though)
By the way, if you happen to be interested in tsukemen (dipping noodles) and are unsure about how to eat it, Ippudo has posted an easy illustrated guide.


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- This event has passed.
Panel Challenge
May 30, 2018
|Recurring Event (See all)
An event every day that begins at 12:00am, repeating until June 30, 2018
Event Navigation
May 14 – June 30
1. Purchase any panel or panel kit between May 14 and June 30, 2018.
Use you creative imagination to make a one of a kind panel quilt,
or purchase a panel kit from either Windy Moon Quilts location.
2. Staff will enroll you into the Panel Challenge.
3. Bring your completed quilt top back to Windy Moon Quilts, let us take a picture of you with the quilt to post on
Face Book/Instagram, and you will receive a $10 Windy Moon gift card.
4. The last day to show off your completed panel quilt will be July 31, 2018.
5. The more panels/panel kits you purchase and complete the more $10 gift cards you will receive!!!


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AEROSIL® fumed silica and AEROXIDE® metal oxides for lubricants (Oils)
A substance (often a liquid) introduced between two moving surfaces. Lubricants are used to reduce friction, improve efficiency and reduce wear. Additional function of dissolving or transporting foreign particles and of distributing heat.
AEROSIL® for metal working fluids and wire drawing lubricants:
is a mixture of AEROSIL® 200 and a highly dispersed fumed aluminum oxide. It was designed for aqueous, highly polar liquids and can be used in metal working fluids and wire drawing lubricants. One effect is rheology control (thixotropic effect). Furthermore it stabilizes lubricating solid particles (e.g. MoS, graphite) and can improve the metal surface in some applications.
is a fine-particulate, pure aluminum oxide with high specific surface area. It can be used in metal working fluids and wire drawing lubricants to improve the metal surface in some applications.
Data sheets
Product- as well as safety data sheets (SDS) of our various AEROSIL® fumed silica grades, can be found at our product recommendationsmore
Sample order
Please place here your sample request.


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Notice: Only variables should be passed by reference in /var/www/wp-content/plugins/cherry-plugin/includes/shortcodes/banner.php on line 21
Hypercom P1300 Pinpad
The Hypercom P1300 PCI-approved PIN entry device is designed to meet the PCI PED security standards for PIN entry, providing merchants with low-cost migration to newly imposed security guidelines. It is compatible with all Hypercom product families and features flexible communications options for rapid integration with electronic cash register (ECR) systems.
- Low-cost PCI PED approved PIN entry device
- Triple DES-certified for DUKPT
- 2×16 alphanumeric LCD display
- Intuitive user interface with color-coded Cancel, Clear and Enter keys
- Screen-addressable function keys provide more control for users
- Multiple communication options for connecting to existing POS equipment
- Plug-and-play software for use with current Hypercom terminals
- Compatible with Hypercom Key Loading and Management (HKLM) system
- Small, ergonomic design fits comfortably in customers' hands
- Simple, functional design provides low-cost migration to new PCI PED security standards
- Can be equipped with Hypercom standard RS-422, RS-232, or USB Client for easy integration with existing POS equipment
- Operates with any Hypercom terminal that uses DUKPT encryption automatically by simply plugging the unit into the payment device's PIN pad port
- Uses the same key loading system (HKLM) as previous generation PIN pads to save customers time and money on new equipment and training


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After you have spent hours of hard work in the garden digging, weeding, mowing and planting, you should be able to sit outside and enjoy your garden in glorious sunshine.
Well, we cannot guarantee the weather, nor a weed free garden, but we do have a wide range of different outdoor garden furniture to make part of this dream come true.
We stock garden chairs and benches, hardwood tables, outdoor dining sets, gazebos, loungers, parasols, resin table and chairs, cushions and lots more. Whether it's designer or budget furniture you're looking for, Pengethley always has something for everyone.
We also stock indoor conservatory cane furniture, and always have several on show.
We believe that we offer the best quality of furniture available, at a competitive price. We try to ensure that everything shown on the shop floor is in stock and available for immediate delivery or collection.
To view a selection of BBQ's stocked at Pengethley please visit our catalogue page or click this link.


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Problematic Line
Specifically formulated for blotchy, acne prone skin. This line is currently made up of 4 products, cleanser, toner, serum and a spot treatment gel.
Did you know?
Willow Bark is the precursor of salicylic acid that has antiseptic, anti-inflammatory properties and helps kill bacteria. Willow Bark's natural salicylates will enhance skin cell renewal without irritation.
2 Item(s)
per page
Skin Type: All Skin TypesCalming, oil reducing serum that helps control sebaceous glands. Vegan. Learn More
Skin Type: All Skin TypesAcne control spot treatment gel. Vegan. Learn More
Get your voucher now.
Would you like to be one of the first to receive exclusive information about the latest products, offers and events from our online shop? Then just subscribe to our free newsletter now and get a voucher to the value of 15% Off your purchase in our Online-Shop.


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Start at Canyon Falls Club where scenic views and a gorgeous pool await. Wind your way to Westbridge Park to visit our second pool and then take a trip to the Hay Barn and Pooch Park.
Pups and people alike will love the Pooch Park located at the Hay Barn, a community landmark of picturesque trails and gathering spaces.Learn more


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SMP – Scalp Micro-Pigmentation
Hair Restoration Solutions For Men & Women
- Are you tired of suffering with unsightly bald spots and thinning hair lines?
- Are you looking for an affordable, semi-permanent way to camouflage spot hair loss?
- Would you like to cover unsightly donor scars from strip hair transplant donor sights?


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Dr.Gayathri Ganesan Ram
Dr Gayathri Ganesan Ram is an Obstetrician, Gynecologist and Infertility Specialist in Egmore, Chennai. Dr Gayathri Ganesan Ram practices at ARC International Fertility & Research Centre in Egmore, Chennai. She completed MBBS from Sri Ramachandra Medical College in 2006, MS - Obstetrics & Gynaecology from Sri Ramachandra Medical College in 2010 and Fellowship in Infertility from Chettinad Hospital & Research Institute in 2012.
She is a member of Tamilnadu Medical Council. Some of the services provided by the doctor are: Adiana System, Diseases in Pregnancy, High-Risk Pregnancy Care and Pre and Post Delivery Care


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About the Ramonat Seminar
The Ramonat Seminar in American Catholic History and Culture is an interdisciplinary, two-semester course that provides Loyola undergraduates with the unique opportunity to explore changing topics within American Catholic history through hands-on research. Taught by a Loyola faculty member, the seminar is limited to 12 participants who pursue common readings in the fall semester and individual research projects in the spring semester. Unlike standard undergraduate courses, the Ramonat Seminar provides promising students, who will be named Ramonat Scholars, with resources for research, travel, and even publication in digital and print formats, all aimed at their general professional development. The best final research paper or digital project from each year's seminar, to be voted on by a panel of three judges from among the faculty of the University, will win The Susan Ramonat Prize for Scholarly Excellence.
This Year's Seminar:
Catholics and Catholicism in American Politics
The 2018-2019 academic year is a perfect moment to offer a Ramonat Seminar focused on American Politics and how Catholics and Catholicism shaped twentieth-century politics at the local, state, and federal level. There will be a midterm election in Fall 2018 and a Chicago mayoral election in Spring 2019. Readings and speakers will explore how Catholics shaped Chicago's ward politics from the Progressive Era through the two Daley machines, how Catholics across Illinois brought their faith and sensibilities to the legislature, and how Catholics and Catholicism factored in the transformation of American politics. A major feature of this course must accordingly be the hostility Catholics, their parishes, and their elected representatives faced, providing insights into the struggles Catholics had in attaining legal voting rights, securing protection against religious discrimination at home and at work, as well as being broadly recognized as a vital, legitimate part of the American polity. An examination of twentieth-century local, state, and national politics will accordingly show students how the face of American Catholicism dramatically changed from the Irish and Italian immigrants to the Latino and South Asian immigrants who have recently won elected office through the Republican and Democratic parties.
These speakers as well as the scheduled elections will give Ramonat Scholars a range of possible topics to explore in Spring 2019. Students could, for example, write research papers on Catholics important to local, state, and nation affairs, whether they chose to focus on major elections, movements, policymaking, or reform efforts. Ramonant resources could also help undergraduates explore shifts within Catholic voters, either in specific cities or states or a more comparative project. For the latter, students could explore how Democratic, Republican, radical, or nonpartisan Catholics differed on major issues (such as busing, federal support for parochial schools, and affirmative action) across time or perhaps even place.
Instructor: Elizabeth Tandy Shermer
Elizabeth Tandy Shermer is an associate professor of history at Loyola University Chicago where she teaches courses in twentieth-century United States history with an emphasis in the fields of capitalism, business, labor, political ideas and ideologies, regional development, and urbanization.
Teaching Assistant: Ruby Oram
Ruby Oram is a PhD candidate studying United States history and public history at Loyola University Chicago. Her research focuses on the history of education, gender, labor, and architecture in twentieth-century Chicago.


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Can't believe it's been over six months since I last wrote anything on here. So what's happened?
Not that much really. Nothing life-changing, certainly. Surprised at how much new music I've bought/am buying this year. Bought The Anchoress's debut album Confessions of a Romance Novelist, which was co-written and produced by 'my mate' Paul Draper, of Mansun fame. Then he himself released some long awaited new stuff, EP One arriving in June. Which was nice.
Have preordered new albums by some of my favourites, two of which via crowdfunding sites: KT Tunstall has KIN out in October, a week after The Divine Comedy's Foreverland is due out. Then, I suddenly realised a day or two ago that I preordered Madness's new CD, Can't Touch Us Now, back in May. It's not out til October.
Speaking of Madness, I went to see Suggs back in May.
Back in January, I was itching to spend my birthday money on a trip to the theatre. I knew my beloved Rocky Horror Show was due in town in June, but, as the show gets bigger and brighter with every tour, and I had a bit of a problem with some of the lighting effects last time, I didn't want to push my luck and go again, so I reluctantly passed. Still, I got a Suggs ticket instead. Funny enough, Madness are playing in Sheffield later this year, as are The Divine Comedy. I'll not be going to either gig, though. Can't afford it. I've got other stuff happening, anyway.
Last March, I was in full-on Reeves & Mortimer mode, after buying my ticket to see Vic and Bob on tour in December.
However, come October, Bob was selfish enough to need triple heart bypass surgery, meaning that the first leg of the tour – including the Sheffield date – was cancelled. I was gutted. Before the gig was cancelled, I'd already been moaning about the nine month wait between getting the ticket and the actual show. For it to not go ahead was devastating. Not least because the second was going to go ahead in the new year, and start in fucking Leeds.
The tickets were refunded, and I was extremely unhappy. Had to stop reading Bob's Tweets because they were all about how good the shows were. I bought a tour programme online, and remained thoroughly miserable, knowing I wouldn't be seeing them.
But then, come April, new dates were announced. All the gigs that were cancelled were being rescheduled. Of course, because the other tickets had been refunded, we had to buy them all again. My sister had bought all four tickets last time, for her three brothers to pay her back (which we duly did). However, this time, no-one had enough/any money to buy one ticket, never mind four all together. I definitely wasn't to miss out, so maxxed out my credit card, and bought two tickets, for me and my brother. My sister's saving to go to Disneyland Paris in October, and my other brother manages to get himself to plenty of gigs through the year, so I figured my penniless brother could go. The show's in December, it can be his Christmas present.
So…I think that's it really. Currently looking forward to the new series of Red Dwarf, of course. That's on in September. That's a busy month, isn't it?
So, I guess it's time for me to wander off again. I might be back at some point in the near future. Ciao for now.


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Here is a new Super Plusha demo. It contains a new optimized engine and some GFX improvements.
Download and unpack super_plusha_demo.zip (908k) into a blank folder. Then set your GP32 into the link mode, then run PC-LINK 1.3 and click OK. Then use PC-LINK main menu to install the demo.
( File / Install / Select unpacked Super_Plusha_Demo.FPK )
List of improvements:
+5 FPS, more real sound, some improvements of items animation, smooth gameplay, 10+ hours of your batteries life.
If you are a CARD READER user then download this version (770k) of the demo (RAW files archive). Put all files into GP:\GPMM\
You can buy full version of Super Plusha at JoyGP (They have closed the shop now).


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Modern well maintained fully furnished two bedroom apartment in Sant Ana situated in Avalon Country Club. Avalon Country Club is famous for its resort style amenities. There are several swimming pools, Jacuzzi's, onsite restaurants, large professional gym, semi-Olympic lap pool, tennis courts, soccer fields and a playground. The condos are beautifully appointed with a pond in the middle.
This fully furnished apartment in Santa Ana is on the 2nd floor of a 3 story building and can be reached by either stairs or elevator. The living room leads to 2 good size bedrooms and a shared bathroom with shower, toilet and sink. The kitchen is fully equipped and there is a laundry room with washing machine and dryer next to the entrance. From the living room can be reached the terrace with beautiful views!
Furthermore, the apartment comes with A/C and 1 parking place.
Rental price includes condo fee, excluding water, tv/internet and electricity.
Contact our agent for more information about this Fully furnished two bedroom apartment in Avalon Country Club or let us assist you in finding more apartments in Santa Ana.
- Rental Price: $950 excluding utilities
- Number of bedrooms: 2
- Number of bathrooms: 1
- Number of parkings: 1
- Extra: A/C
Cel: +506 83563912
Whatsapp: +506 62557577
Email: email@example.com


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614B E. 16th StreetPlano, TX 75074ph: email@example.com
Should you have any questions, comments, or would like to make an appointment for a massage please call me at 214.674.7215, if you get my voicemail please leave your name, number, preferred day and time and if you want a 45, 60, or 90 minute massage.
My studio is located near downtown Plano at 614B E. 16th St., Plano, TX 75074. Look for the tan building with the red door and the red shutters on the front window. Please park directly in front of the red door.
You may use the email to request a massage appointment please include your preferred day and time.
***We will be closed February 9-16, 2020.***
If you are purchasing a gift certificate please include the following:Are we sending direct to recipient? If yes, please include name and mailing address. Are we mailing to you? Please include your name and mailing address. Name(s) of sender and recipient.Any special message you would like included on gift certificate.Your contact number should we have any questions.
Copyright Massage Therapy Center of Plano. All rights reserved.
Web Hosting by Yahoo!


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Ness Folding ebike is the best folding ebike in the market .
You may think that with a collapsible electric ebike you would find it a bit difficult to come across a ebike that is as powerful as a regular-sized electric ebike. But there are bicycles in the folding ebike market that offer more power to suit your needs, and one of them is the ProdecoTech Phantom X. The motor is an astounding 500 Watts, and can even reach a peak output of 720 Watts. You may also think that this type of power would warrant a huge price tag, but in actuality the price is very budget-friendly, at $1,399. However, even with a great price and an amazing motor, the Phantom X also has some faults. One of those faults is that it is quite heavy for a smaller ebike, at 55 pounds. If you live in an apartment building without an elevator, you would find carrying the Phantom X up stairs to be very cumbersome. Also, if you have a two-part commute (meaning that you may cycle for part of it and then take the train or bus for the second part), carrying this ebike would also not be very easy. Another fault of this ebikeis that there are no levels of pedal assist. Almost all ebike, folding or not, have pedal assist, making the Phantom X quite an anomaly.
As stated before, the motor on the Phantom X makes it a much nicer ebike, as it is quite powerful while still being relatively quiet. If you happen to enjoy peaceful rides away from the city, this ebike would be a great complement to such a ride. However, this motor can't necessarily compete with newer motors on the market that still maintain their power while being lighter and more streamlined. Users also noticed that is lacked some torque, and also doesn't have any kind of regenerative braking that you may get with newer models. Yet the gearless design of the motor means that there aren't any parts inside that will rust or need replacing, so it should be durable and stand the test of time, and especially against varying weather conditions. The other great thing about the Phantom X is that even with a low price, you are getting a comprehensive two-year warranty, meaning that it covers everything, including the motor. Also, if you are not satisfied within the first 30 days, you are eligible for a refund. This type of reliability is especially appreciated, and it could help you make the decision to buy the Phantom X if you are unsure.
On an electric ebike, having a proper high-quality battery is one of the most important features. On the Phantom X you are getting a battery that has 38.4 volts and 9 amp hours, which is quite standard. The chemistry used in this battery is quite particular, because it is designed specifically to work with a powerful motor such as the one on the Phantom X. It is designed for higher transfer without overheating, so the ebike can run as efficiently as possible. The battery pack is removable, which is very useful for charging. The alternative is that you would need to take the entire ebike next to an outlet, and that isn't always feasible or convenient. However, the battery pack has a few flaws. For one, the casing around the battery is made of plastic that does not seem to be very protective, and makes the battery more vulnerable to damage. Also, where the battery is mounted and positioned on the ebike is not great, as it is placed high on the ebike, disrupting the distribution of weight and also making it more susceptible to damage as well. But remember it also covered by the warranty, and beyond the first two years you are able to buy a replacement battery as well.
When you are ready to start the ebike after the battery has been properly charged, there is just a short process to get you going. First you will need to insert the key, then you will need to activate the power button, and afterwards start the throttle mode with a twist mechanism. The Phantom X has speeds upwards of 20 mph, which should be sufficient for almost all of your cycling needs. Unfortunately it does not have a LCD screen, but a few LED lights that will notify of you different things. There are three LED lights that signify what level the battery is at (green for high, yellow for medium, red for low). Operating the ebike is quite smooth overall, and the Phantom X also has a front suspension fork, which is perfect for absorbing the shock from bumpy roads and ensuring you have a more comfortable ride. There's also a rear light that is integrated (meaning it works off the main battery pack) to keep you safe and secure. Overall, the Phantom X seems to need many improvements, but it would work well for a person that doesn't have many needs from a folding ebike, or perhaps someone that is buying a collapsible electric ebike for the first time.


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I was blessed with God's Gift this week, fire pure fire. It has been a while since I smoked this strain so I forgot how big a fan I was. I highly recommend it if you need to decompress and sleep. Now let's get into the weeds of this thang.☺
God's Gift is the indica dominant daughter of Grandaddy Purple and OG Kush with a powerful THC content ranging from 22-27%. The bud is beautiful, dense and covered with crystals, not purple as expected. The initial taste is quite strong but it mellows to an earthy mild citrus flavor with a slight raspberry nose. I think it is best to smoke God's Gift in a joint, pipe or bong so you can taste the citrusy flavors and the harshness will be mellowed. A blunt may be a little much if you aren't use to pungent flavors. I haven't tried concentrates of God's Gift but will be on the lookout.
I absolutely adore God's Gift before bedtime and as part of my nightly meditation routine. Life has been particularly stressful recently with an incredibly heavy workload and life events, it has helped me manage and focus. Overall I give God's Gift a 4/5.
I would love to hear from y'all, feel free to email me with questions or comments at firstname.lastname@example.com


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We are the group of people who help orphans, children with special needs and children with serious illnesses
The family of Andrey and Marina Belokonniye from Donetsk were the first people who began to work with orphans from the orphanage 3. They took orphans to their family on week-end, holidays and vocations. Due to the acquaintance with them most of us knew about orphan's problem. In august, 2005, they went back to Donetsk but we still keep in touch with them.
Employees and volunteers during fundraising action in 2008
Patrick Anderson, the military service officer, USA. Patrick makes constant donations to Ukrainian orphans, his help gives us possibility to organize interesting entertainments and also to maintain our educational projects for orphans.
Contacts: e-mail: pjanderson66[at]yahoo.com
We believe that new people will join to our group.
Please, replace the "[at]" sign with "@' before sending e-mail to volunteers
Google groups for volunteers (English speaking):
Children of Zaporozhye
We invite you to join this group to know all latest news about helping children of Zaporozhye and planning future activity


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© Vogue Images
Vogue India
The ultimate It-girl shoe fantasy begins right here
"We bonded over a love of carbs—tomato pasta and mashed potato—if you can believe it," laughs Poppy Delevingne recalling her first meeting with Aquazzura's shoe wiz Edgardo Osorio in Paris. One look at Delevingne, the long-limbed, lithe Brit model and muse and, yes, sister to Cara, and it's hard to think she would ever be that indulgent. But Delevingne, apparently, is a believer in the ideal that a little decadence always goes a long way. Case in point: her Marrakech wedding, with reams of newsprint devoted to its luxe boho vibe and which also set the ball rolling for her new line with Aquazzura. "I love Poppy's style: a very English mix of kooky and chic. We wanted to capture the tone of her wedding in Morocco—mystical and romantic, but interpreted in a way that felt charming and English. I met her and instantly adored her; she was wearing Aquazzura shoes, so it seemed like a good match," says Edgardo Osorio, co-founder and creative director, about their venture. We caught up with Delevingne for an exclusive chat on fashion, footwear and, of course, food.
On coming together: "A good friend gifted me Aquazzura's 'Belgravia' flats in black, and I lived in them for months. Not long after, I went to Paris, where I met Edgardo and was struck by his charm. We talked about my wedding in Morocco, the idea of mystical romance, and our love for adventure. I'm always seeking a new journey, and Edgardo finds inspiration in that as well."
On the meeting of minds: "This is my second collaboration. I've done a line with swimwear label Solid and Striped, I love the brainstorming aspect and for me the biggest challenge is how creative minds come together. But with Edgardo it was seamless. I would love to do a clothing line next."
On the collection: "I am a magpie, so the gold sparkly heel is my favourite. Anything sparkly is a joy to me. I love sexy, fun heels, so I was very keen to have them in the collection, along with a knee-high flat boot."
On designer shoes: "My first purchase was a pair of strappy Jimmy Choos à la Sex And The City. It was the '90s, and I remember being horrified at paying so much. Besides Aquazzura, the other labels in my closet are Charlotte Olympia and Patrick Cox."
On fashion favourites: "I'm having a Brit designer moment. I just bought a Jonathan Saunders dress and I love Erdem and Emilia Wickstead. Across the pond, I love what Julie de Libran is doing at Sonia Rykiel. For the winter, I'm all about warm browns and men-style coats to snuggle up in."
On style risks: "In 2016, I really want to experiment more with print—clashing them, to be more precise."
On inspiring travel: "I spent a week in the Congo with Save the Children and that trip really stayed with me. I've travelled across India as well—Mumbai, Delhi, Rajasthan, Kerala and Goa. I loved shopping at Gem Palace and visiting Hampi."


text:
In the last week of September 2013, a wave of popular protests broke out in Wad Madani, Khartoum, Omdurman, and other towns across Sudan after President Omar al-Bashir announced an end to fuel subsidies and introduced other austerity measures. Government security forces responded to the protests with force, including lethal force in the form of live ammunition. More than 170 people, including children, were reported killed in the government response, and hundreds more wounded, arrested and detained, some for weeks or months without charge or access to lawyers or family visits. Detainees, particularly those from Darfur, were subjected to torture and other forms of ill-treatment.
More than six months on, the Sudanese government has yet to investigate or hold accountable those responsible for the killings and other related abuses. Research by Human Rights Watch and other groups indicates that the government took deliberate measures to suppress independent reporting on the events and to prevent families of victims from accessing justice. The government continues to hold activists in connection with the protests in unknown locations, and many families still do not know the whereabouts of their detained relatives.
The Sudanese government's response to evidence that security forces are responsible for unlawful killings, arbitrary detention, torture, and related abuses has been to deny and minimize the scale of the violence and human rights violations. Although authorities have promised to investigate the allegations, there has been no public evidence of any progress so far to investigate those responsible for the killings and other abuses.
Victims' families that have sought to have police or prosecutors open cases into the killings of their loved ones have faced obstacles, including refusals to investigate individual cases, as well as refusals to provide key documents such as autopsy reports, preventing them from pursuing justice. Meanwhile Sudan has continued to use excessive force including live ammunition to suppress peaceful protests, resulting in more deaths during protests in the capital in 2014.
This report, based on research conducted between September and December 2013 in-country, interviews via e-mail and telephone, documents some of the most serious abuses that took place during the September protests. The report calls on the Sudanese government to carry out promised investigations, hold those responsible to account, immediately end its use of excessive and lethal force against protestors, and respect and facilitate the right to peaceful assembly and protest. International actors involved in Sudan should break their silence and press for swift action.
To the Government of Sudan
Excessive Use of Force against Protesters
- Law enforcement and security organs in Sudan should not permit forces to use live ammunition against unarmed protesters. All such organs should issue clear orders to their forces that any use of force must be strictly necessary and proportionate to a real and imminent threat, and that use of excessive force will be punished. Resort to lethal force should be limited to specialized units, with the appropriate training, when such force is strictly necessary to save life.
- The Ministry of Justice should complete and make public the results of their investigations into the killings and injuries that occurred during the September and October 2013 protests across Sudan. The investigation should provide a full accounting of the dead and injured, the circumstances surrounding each incident resulting in death or injury, evidence that indicates the extent to which government security forces are implicated in human rights violations, and credible evidence of any third party responsibility for the abuses.
- The Ministry of Interior should ensure that security forces respond to and cooperate with investigations. Legal immunities for any security forces implicated in shooting civilians should be waived by the relevant authorities.
Arbitrary Detentions
- The NISS should immediately release any individual still being held in connection with the protests who have not been brought before a judicial body, lawfully charged with an offence, and remanded by the judicial body to face trial promptly in accordance with international fair trial standards.
- The National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) should publish the names of all people in detention, identify all places of detention, and ensure relatives, legal counsel, and independent monitors all enjoy access to the detainees.
- The National Assembly should reform the 2010 National Security Act so that it conforms to international law, in particular to ensure that all detainees be brought promptly before a judicial officer to be charged and face a fair trial in a reasonable time or released and that they can effectively exercise the right to challenge the lawfulness of their detention.
Treatment in Detention
- Ensure that conditions of detention conform to the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, including those in relation to the detention of minors; permit and facilitate visits by legal counsel, medical personnel and family members.
- Investigate all allegations of mistreatment, torture, and death in detention, and promptly take steps to prosecute and/or discipline any NISS officials, police and other officials responsible for the abuse.
- Publicly and unequivocally condemn the practice of torture and other forms of mistreatment in detention. Take all necessary measures, including instructing the police, armed forces and security personnel to end all mistreatment of detainees, making clear that there is never a justifiable reason for mistreatment, including extracting confessions, retribution for alleged support of rebel groups, or other punishment.
- Ratify the United Nations Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading and Treatment or Punishment and its Optional Protocol, which allows independent, international experts to conduct regular visits to places of detention.
Freedom of Expression
- Immediately stop all censorship of newspapers and other media outlets in violation of freedom of expression guarantees..
- Take all measures including issuing public orders to security services to end harassment of journalists and human rights defenders and ensure those found responsible for harassment are subject to disciplinary measures or criminal prosecution.
To the African Union, United Nations, European Union and Member States
- All concerned governments should press Sudan to immediately end the use of excessive lethal force against protesters and related human rights abuses, and to hold accountable those responsible for killings and other abuses in connection with the September protests.
- The African Commission on Human and People's Rights should authorize its own fact finding mission into the allegations of serious human rights violations and continued use of lethal force against protesters and formally request Sudan make public its investigation into the September violations.
- The UN Human Rights Council's Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Sudan should report on the killings and injuries that occurred during the September and October 2013 protests across Sudan, and on the Sudanese government's response including its investigation and any follow-up steps to provide justice for victims.
- The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights should press for an OHCHR country office in Sudan to monitor the human rights situation, especially in view of the ongoing use of excessive force against protesters and unlawful detentions.
This report is based on in-country and telephone and e-mail research by a Human Rights Watch senior researcher in the Africa Division and three research consultants. The majority of research was conducted between September and December 2013. Researchers interviewed more than 30 people, including family members, witnesses to shooting incidents, former detainees, lawyers, and social activists. Interviews were conducted in English or Arabic in a private setting or using secure communication.
Human Rights Watch also consulted a wide range of secondary resources,
including videos and statements from witnesses compiled by Sudanese groups,
some of which are posted on YouTube and other social media. Researchers
corroborated all such reports with interviews and other evidence.
Many of those interviewed, fearing harassment, arrest, or other forms of reprisals, have requested not to be named, and as a result, many names have been left out.
I. Background
Sudan experienced some of the largest and most intense public protests in years in September 2013. The protests started in Wad Madani, the capital of the Al Gezira state in east-central Sudan the day after a September 22 speech by President Omar al-Bashir in which he announced austerity measures including the end to fuel subsidies.[1] The measures were among Sudan's responses to the effects of the loss of 75 percent of oil revenue following the independence of South Sudan in 2011.[2]
The demonstrations swiftly spread to the country's capital, Khartoum, neighboring Omdurman, and other towns including Port Sudan, Atbara, Gedarif, Nyala, Kosti, and Sennar, and continued sporadically into October. The most concentrated period of protests was from September 24 to 29 and the government's crackdown was the harshest that week, with more than 170 people shot dead and many more injured and arrested.
Many of the protests developed without prior planning. In Omdurman, for example, high school students spontaneously started a demonstration in Al-Thawra al-Shingeti neighborhood on the morning of Tuesday, September 24, chanting, "We are protesting against those who steal our sweat," and "The people want to topple the regime." The protests were largely peaceful although during the first few days, in some locations groups of youths damaged property, notably police or other government buildings, vehicles, public transportation, and petrol stations in Khartoum, Omdurman, and Wad Madani. Some demonstrators also burned tires and hurled stones or bricks at security forces.
President al-Bashir and other authorities cited the rioting and destruction as the reason for deploying "well-prepared" armed forces in large numbers as a "Plan B" to suppress protests.[3] Authorities have blamed the Sudan Revolutionary Forces (SRF), the rebel coalition between Darfur groups and the SPLA-North that formed in late 2011, for organizing the September protests, a claim the rebel groups have denied.[4] Sudanese rights activists have alleged the government hired thugs to engage in acts of sabotage and vandalism especially of petrol stations to discredit the protests.[5] Human Rights Watch was not able to confirm either of these allegations.
In an apparent attempt to deter protest, authorities started arresting activists, political opposition party members, and journalists days before protests began.[6] More than 800 people were estimated to have been arrested in connection with the protests. Authorities also censored and confiscated newspapers, arrested people for recording or speaking out about the protests, and blocked the Internet for 24 hours on September 25 and 26.[7] These steps most certainly silenced voices in the country, but many Sudanese citizens evaded the censorship by reporting on events through social media, widely sharing videos of street scenes, lists of those killed and injured, and victims' descriptions of events.[8]
The scale of the violence and killings of protesters in September was unprecedented in the capital. The most comparable recent use of such force in Khartoum and Omdurman was the 2008 response to a coup attempt by the Sudanese rebel group, Justice and Equality Movement.[9] In Darfur, by contrast, the government has often used lethal force against protesters. On September 19, just days before the fuel subsidy protests, security forces fired at protesters in Nyala, South Darfur, who were demonstrating against a rise in attacks on merchants by pro-government militia. The security forces killed at least seven protesters including two children.[10]
The killing of protesters in Khartoum and Omdurman had a snowball effect, prompting more protests and violence against protesters, including at the funerals for the victims. The government continues to use live ammunition to disperse peaceful protests in the capital. On March 11, 2014, security forces used live ammunition to disperse a group of Darfuri student protesters at Khartoum University, killing one and injuring several. The students were protesting recent government attacks on civilians in Darfur.[11] The police denied the shooting but said they would investigate.
Protests arose within a wider context of pervasive and grave violations of international human rights and humanitarian law.[12] Many Sudanese and international analysts have taken the government's resort to lethal force in Khartoum and Omdurman as a sign of the National Congress Party's (NCP) fragile grip on power. The interruption of oil flows following the independence of South Sudan in 2011 had sparked economic protests on a smaller scale, but the party also faced growing dissent over allegations of economic mismanagement and corruption, its protracted wars in Darfur, Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile, and its repression to stifle dissent of any kind.[13]
At the political level, the September protests polarized not only the opposition parties, many of whose members were locked up for weeks or months, but also provoked dissent within the NCP and Islamist movements. In late September, the president's former adviser, Ghazi Salahuddin al-Atabani, who formed a new Islamist party three months later, condemned the killings and demanded a reversal of the austerity measures in a memo signed by 31 politicians.[14]
The government has not reversed the measures or investigated the killings, but by late October had released the most prominent political detainees. Opposition parties, initially united in condemning the violence,[15] became less vocal with their demands for justice in the following months but various civil society groups have supported the formation of solidarity committees for families of those killed, injured, and detained, to help them seek justice.
Sudan's political elite remains deadlocked over next steps for Sudan's political future, including the conduct of elections or adopting a new constitution. On January 27, 2014, al-Bashir gave a widely publicized speech promising policy reform and calling for a national dialogue.[16] On April 6, Bashir ordered the release of "political detainees" in an apparent concession to opponents.[17] However, the political parties have yet to agree on the terms of this process and the government has yet to meet opponents' demands for more political space and a better enabling environment for such a national political process. At time of writing, activists and students remained in NISS detention in locations across Sudan.
II. Excessive Force against Protesters
Starting September 23 the government responded quickly to the spread of protests and demonstrations by moving large numbers of armed security forces, both uniformed and in plain clothes, to neighborhoods where protests were taking place or expected to take place. Eyewitnesses told Human Rights Watch, other organizations, and media that forces included armed police, riot police, central reserve police, the military, national security forces, and pro-government militia, and that they shot tear gas canisters, rubber bullets, and live bullets into crowds and at protesters.
In Wad Madani, credible sources reported that security forces shot live ammunition into crowds of peaceful protesters on September 23, reportedly killing as many as 12 protesters.[18] In Khartoum and Omdurman, security forces started using live ammunition on September 24. Media reports and witness interviews indicate that September 25 and September 27, a Friday, were the most violent days, on which the highest number of protesters were killed or arrested in both towns.
In early October a Sudanese doctor's union estimated that more than 210 people were killed just in Khartoum and Omdurman, and hundreds seriously injured.[19] Human Rights Watch was not able to independently verify the figures, still a point of contention. Independent monitoring groups provided credible evidence of 170 deaths, most from shootings to the head and torso.[20] Activists' lists indicate most were in their late teens and early twenties, but also include elderly people, children, and a two-year-old infant.[21] Some of the shootings of protesters in Khartoum and Omdurman during the week of September23 are described in the sections below.
Under international law, law enforcement may use only such force as is necessary and proportionate to maintain public order, and may only intentionally use lethal force if strictly necessary to protect human life. Although some protesters reportedly hurled stones or bricks at police and destroyed property in some locations, such acts of criminal damage do not justify intentional use of lethal force. International standards also require that governments ensure arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense.
The government has acknowledged that 87 people died, but officials maintain that saboteurs and rebels used firearms and were responsible for the deaths and injuries.[22] The government has not provided any credible evidence to support these claims, nor has Human Rights Watch independently found or been presented with such evidence.
Human Rights Watch received evidence of the government's use of live ammunition and that a large number of deaths were caused by gunshot wounds. Forensic evidence showing that many of the protesters sustained gunshot wounds to the head and torso also suggests the shootings were intentional and possibly targeted at specific protesters. In some cases witnesses told Human Rights Watch they recognized the shooter as a member of the security forces, while in other incidents witnesses pointed to circumstantial evidence such as the location of the forces, the sound of gunshots, and the location of victims.
To properly establish criminal responsibility for each of the deaths, the authorities should fulfill their obligation to conduct a thorough investigation that includes examination of all forensic and crime scene evidence, such as complete and detailed autopsy reports, bullet casings, security forces operation reports; eye-witnesses testimony, and the testimony of government security forces who participated in specific operations in each neighborhood.
Unlawful Killings in Khartoum
On September 25, Hazza Eldin Jafar Hassan, age 18, was shot dead during demonstrations near his house in Bahri, Khartoum North. His mother told Human Rights Watch he was shot in the head around 3p.m. by security forces in beige uniforms riding in a white vehicle.[23] A student who participated in the protest with Hazza told researchers he saw several land cruisers carrying security forces wearing camouflage uniforms, approaching the protesters:
The first [vehicles] fired rubber bullets and tear gas on us and the last two [vehicles] fired live bullets. I was standing on the side of the street when I heard the gunshots. I fell on the ground and…after it stopped I looked up to see Hazaa lying on the ground motionless. I crawled to him and flipped him over only to find him soaked in blood. He was bleeding from a gunshot wound to his head. He was already dead.[24]
Hazza's mother, in a statement posted on YouTube, said family and friends found his body and carried him away amid continued gunshots. "We were carrying the body and still in pain over his death, they were still firing bullets around and tear gas," she recalled.[25]
According to witnesses, the same evening, as family members and friends gathered for Hazza's funeral in the Shambat neighborhood, Hazza's friend Bashir al Nur Hammed, age 20, was shot in the leg and the head, and died on the spot.[26] Though Human Rights Watch could not establish details of the shooting, witnesses said national security forces driving in white vehicles were responsible.
In another example from September 25, armed police forces shot and killed Sara Abdelbagi, a 29-year-old student. She was with other family members outside her uncle's house in al-Doroshab neighborhood, where they had gathered after hearing that Sara's 14-year-old cousin, Suheib, had been shot dead by security forces the same day. Sara's younger sister described the incident:
When we arrived there was a large crowd of women, neighbors and friends outside our uncle's house. There was agitation, anger. The riot police surrounded us, also some national security agents in plainclothes. Then we heard multiple gunshots and I turned to see Sara. I saw her falling to the ground…bleeding profusely. She was shot in the left side of her stomach near her left kidney.[27]
On September 27, dubbed "Martyr's Friday" by Sudanese political activists, demonstrations against the killing of protesters started after midday prayers. Dozens were believed to have been killed on September 27, amongst them Dr. Salah al-Din Sanhouri, a 28-year old pharmacist, who was shot in the back during a protest in the Burri neighborhood of Khartoum. Sanhouri's death became a symbol of the crackdown and rallying cry for anti-government protesters during the protests and in the media.[28]
In Bahri, Khartoum North, on September 27, national security officials shot and killed 20-year-old Osama Mohammadein el Amin while attempting to disperse a large group of protesters marching from toward the North Bahri courts complex. One witness recalled how, after police allowed a protest continue, armed security forces waiting at the complex beat protesters with sticks and shot at the crowd:
The national security officials armed with Kalashnikov rifles and wearing camouflage, riding in four-wheel Toyota Land Cruisers, blocked our way. They threw teargas at us and told us to disperse […]. They started to beat us with sticks. We turned back toward the courts and stayed on the main road. While we were there we heard a gunshot and I saw Osama who was standing in front of me in the middle of the road fall down. He was shot in the head above his left eyebrow. At that time, there were national security agents in plainclothes and police standing in front of the courts. I am not sure who exactly shot him, but the gunshot came from them.[29]
The same day in the Safia area of Bahri, Dr. Samar Mirghani Abu-Naouf, a pharmacist, recorded on her phone the killing of a boy by police officers during protests in her neighborhood. "While I was filming a boy was shot and fell dead right in front of me, around two meters away. I was in a state of shock. I started screaming and I continued filming. I had documented the entire killing of the boy. The officers then approached me and snatched my phone," she recalled. Shortly after this, officers detained and beat her. (More details in Section IV, below)
In Kelakla, in southern Khartoum, a participant in a peaceful protest outside of al Iskan mosque, Mohammed (not his real name), described getting hit by a bullet. He said he was with 30 others protesting against the price increases when a police car "moved toward us, then went past us, but then a few meters later they immediately fired live bullets." The group dispersed, then regrouped a half an hour later and started to demonstrate again. "As soon as we got close [to the police], they started shooting at us. I felt numbness in the thigh of my left leg. I saw blood seeping from it and could not run. I just crawled to the first house I could find." The same witness also saw the shooting of Al Sadiq Abu Zaid Izeldin, age 17, who died of his wound.[30]
A large proportion of reported killings occurred in poorer suburbs like Mayo and Haj Yousif. Among the confirmed killings were Abdullah Yousif Suliman, a 68-year old merchant, wounded by gunshots near Souq Sita, a market in Mayo, who died four days later; and 19-year-old Omar Khalil Ibrahim Khalil and 15-year-old Saleh Sadiq Osman Sadiq, both killed at the Haj Yousif bus station by gunshots to the head on September 25.[31]
Shooting Incidents in Omdurman
Omdurman, one of the three towns that form the capital, Khartoum, saw large popular protests in several neighborhoods starting September 24. As in Khartoum, armed security forces who were deployed to disperse protests opened fire with live ammunition on protesters, killing scores. The following are some confirmed cases:
In al-Fatah, a poor suburb populated largely by Darfuri and Nuba communities, student protests started on September 25 against the rise in fuel prices and living expenses. "No one was carrying anything in their hands apart from their school bags," a witness told Human Rights Watch. When the protesters reached the police station, uniformed police and community police in plainclothes began firing live ammunition toward the protesters, causing them to disperse.
A short while later, at around 10:30 a.m., one of them fired a round of live ammunition at the protesters and killed a 17-year-old high school student, Mohammed Ahmed al Tayeb. Witnesses identified the shooter as a member of the community police who owned a shop in the neighborhood that was subsequently looted. "After this incident the protesters got angrier and started to throw stones and set fire to tires, and the police responded with bullets," the witness recalled. Some of the security forces went to the roof of a building and fired at protesters, killing and injuring several more.[32]
In the al-Banat area on the same day, police shot Mosa'ab Mustafa, a 29-year-old painter during a protest. According to witnesses, a crowd of protesters moved toward the police station and police officers shot bullets into the air and tear gas to disperse them. One witness heard one of the police officers say "shoot the long hair," referring to Mosa'ab:
The policeman [on the right side] then pointed his Kalashnikov toward the crowd and fired a single gunshot. I saw Mosa'ab fall on the ground. He was twitching but then got up again and blood was seeping from his chest. He was gasping for air and walked for one meter before falling again.[33]
Mosa'ab's father, who described the killing on a video posted to YouTube, said the doctor confirmed that the bullet had entered through his son's back and exited his chest.[34]
In Althowra, Salaheldin Daoud Mohammed Daoud, a 65-year old amputee who lost his right arm in a car accident in 1966, and advocated for the rights of persons with disabilities, was shot in the knee while doing an errand near his home. In his neighborhood national security officers were shooting at youths, who were throwing bricks and stones. After a lull in the shooting Daoud, left his home, but was then shot in the left knee, requiring amputation of his left leg. "I don't think they targeted me specifically, but they targeted the youth," he said.[35]
In Umbada, Wad Nubawi, Aborouf, and other diverse suburbs, many more protesters including young students were reported killed and injured during the week. In Umbada, Nureldin Altayib Nureldin Dahab, age 14, was shot dead on September 25 by guards from the national security who entered the neighborhood in vehicles then chased youths on foot.[36] In Aborouf, on September 25, police fired live bullets at protesters peacefully marching toward the police station, according to a witness who spoke to Human Rights Watch. A bullet hit Ahmed Badawi Osman, in his mid-twenties, in the head, killing him.[37]
Beatings of Protesters
In addition to shootings, security forces also severely beat protestors to disperse or punish them, or while arresting them. In one example from Wad Medani on September 23, Rania Mamoun, a journalist, and her two siblings were arrested during protests, beaten, and detained by security forces for a night at a police station. In a public statement entitled, "A day in hell: my testimony from the arrest," Mamoun writes:
My brother was hit on the head. I was hit by a large number of soldiers who circled me like flies. The beating was intense and meant to hurt and abuse….They dragged me on the ground and called me all sorts of names then threatened me with gang rape….With the continued beatings I reached the stage where I did not feel pain with every new strike that followed.[38]
In another example on the evening of September 25 during protests in Amarat district of Khartoum, Altayib (not his real name), age 49, was badly beaten by armed national security officers when he tried to intervene in the brutal beating of a 19-year-old boy:
They were dragging [the boy] on the ground and beating him with sticks and their gun butts. I told myself I must do something to rescue this boy. I came closer and told them, 'Please if he did something wrong, take him to your office and investigate but what you are doing is inhuman.' Then one of the high-ranking officers replied, 'Who are you? Are you telling us what to do?' and ordered me to get inside their pickup truck. Then about six of them grabbed me by the hands and legs and threw me on the back of the truck, then started beating me with sticks and plastic pipes and some were [stomping] on me with their boots.[39]
Yousif el-Mahdi, a political activist, told Human Rights Watch how on September 29 following the funeral for Salah Sanhouri, national security officers arrested and beat him up. "A group of four or five officers in khaki uniforms beat me with their batons then threw me into the back of one of their pick-up trucks. I was made to lay on my front along with a young man who had also been tracked down and beaten," he recalled.[40]
III. Arrests, Detentions, Ill-treatment and Torture
Before, during, and after the protests, national security officials arrested hundreds of people. By September 27, authorities reported they had already arrested 600 people, while human rights organizations reported over 800 arrests.[41] Although many of the protesters were released within hours or days, often following summary trials resulting in punishment of lashing or fines, large numbers remained in detention for weeks and even months, many without charge or access to family or lawyer visits.
Of those who were legally charged in connection with crimes committed during the September demonstrations, several dozen remained in detention as of late March 2014, including journalist Ashraf Omar Khogli, and four minors who face charges of burning a police station. Sudanese lawyers have called for the release of all remaining detainees held in connection with the protests, and an end to the property crimes trials, which they describe as deeply flawed and in violation of the Child Act of 2010.[42] Human Rights Watch has not independently monitored these cases.
Many others, including youth activists, political party members, journalists, and human rights defenders were arrested because of their perceived anti-government views and role in organizing the demonstrations and were never legally charged. Former detainees reported a common pattern of being arrested often at night from their homes, taken to the nearest NISS office and interrogated, then transferred to a detention facility, either in a NISS building or in the NISS-run wing of a prison in various locations around Sudan. They were held in locations across the country for periods ranging from a few days to weeks or months.[43]
Many of the detainees who spoke to Human Rights Watch reported that they were beaten, verbally abused, and forced to hand over passwords to e-mail or Facebook accounts, and were released only after signing a promise not to participate in protests or other actions against the state. The treatment appeared worse for Darfuris, especially student members of the United Popular Front, a Darfuri student groups linked to the Sudan Liberation Army faction led by Abdel Wahid al-Nur. Some told Human Rights Watch that they had been, or seen others be, subjected to electrical shocks.
Sudan's NISS operates dozens of official and unofficial detention facilities in Khartoum and Omdurman alone, some in office buildings and others in residential compounds. Many detainees were held at the NISS political headquarters in Bahri. The facility consists of several buildings including one known as "Guantanamo" due to its extreme temperatures, bright lights and reputation for use of torture tactics against detainees held there.[44]
One former detainee, Ahmed (not his real name), age 45, a member of the Communist Party, told Human Rights Watch he was arrested at his workplace in Khartoum on the evening of September 22, before the protests began, and held incommunicado for over a month. After an initial period of intensive beating and interrogation at other NISS places of detention in Omdurman and Khartoum, he said officials transferred him to the NISS political headquarters in Bahri, where he and other detainees were beaten, forced to do the "rabbit hop" and made to sit in a hot courtyard for several hours on his first day in that facility. He was then locked up in an air-conditioned 3x3 cell at very cold temperatures and bright lights and deprived of sleep, decent food, and medical assistance for much of the following four weeks.[45]
Another former detainee, Mohamed Ali Mahamadu, an Al Akhbar newspaper journalist originally from Darfur, was arrested at his workplace and detained from September 28 to December 5, held for much of the time at the Bahri facility. NISS officers first took him to an office in Bahri, where they interrogated him and accused him of leading protests in Umbada, Omdurman and of having contact with rebels from Darfur. They interrogated him for two days, beating him with plastic pipes and kicking him; on the second day he fainted and woke up in a hospital, then later that day taken back to the NISS office. He was held in solitary confinement for over 60 days, subjected to bright lights, death threats and insults such as "you are abed," [slave] and "sit down you dog," and beaten at various times. At the time of his release, he estimated more than 80 other detainees were still inside the NISS detention facility and that some of the young Darfuris among them appeared badly tortured.[46]
While treatment in detention varied, depending on the political and social profile of the detainee, in all cases, detainees reported experiencing some form of verbal abuse such as racist and sexist slurs.
Dalia el Roubi, a member of both Sudan Change Now, a youth activist group, and Nafeer, a humanitarian assistance group – both of whose members were targeted for arrested and detention without charge during and after the demonstrations – recalled: "One agent told me, 'you know Dalia when people like you provide support to slaves you're sabotaging the country. Don't you know where all these demonstrations took place? They occurred in the areas full of slaves.'" She explained that "In the morning many agents entered the room and insulted us, 'Do you think you are decent women? You are wearing trousers. You are street girls."[47]
In another example, national security officers who arrested female opposition party member taunted, "Why would red people like you [Arabs] open your homes to abeed [slaves]?" Abdelaziz had been hosting a meeting with four Darfuri students in her home in Khartoum at the time of her arrest. The officers arrested everyone in the house, beat the Darfuris, and detained the opposition party member without charge for four days.[48]
Under international law, anyone arrested should immediately be informed of the reason for their arrest and promptly informed of the charges against them and brought before a judicial officer. There is an absolute prohibition on the torture, or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment of any individual. Detainees are also entitled to family visits and medical treatment, as well as basic decent conditions of detention.
Sudan's National Security Act of 2010, which permits detention for up to four and a half months without judicial review, violates international standards and should be promptly reformed. Sudan should also uphold the UN minimum standards on conditions of detention, condemn, and prosecute all acts of mistreatment and torture, and ratify the UN Convention Against Torture and its Optional Protocol, which require respect for the prohibition of torture under all circumstances including the investigation and holding to account of anyone responsible for violating the prohibition.
IV. Restrictions on Media and Expression
Sudanese authorities suppressed information about the protests and the violence by censoring the media and arresting and detaining journalists, creating an effective media blackout inside Sudan. Even before the protests, authorities had clamped down on newspapers reporting on the economic situation.[49]
On September 25, the editors of major papers were summoned and ordered not to publish articles related to the demonstrations or rise in fuel prices unless citing police or NISS sources. As a result three daily newspapers suspended their publications from September 25 to 27, while NISS officials confiscated editions of three others.[50]
In Wad Madani, security officers arrested journalist Altigani Ali, who had planned to cover the protests, on September 25. On September 28, authorities arrested journalists Amal Habbani in Khartoum and Abdelatif al-Daw in al-Gadarif, detaining them without charge for several weeks. Authorities also arrested Jaffar Khidir, a known poet and pro-democracy activist in al-Gedarif, on September 24 and 28.[51]
On September 30, at a televised press conference by the Minister of Interior, journalist Burhan Abdelmoniem accused officials of covering up the killings, asking, "why do you insist on lying?"[52] National security officers arrested him on the spot, but released him the same day. Other journalists and bloggers have also told Human Rights Watch that they have been harassed since September in connection with their reporting about the government's crackdown.[53]
International journalists were also summoned for questioning, and authorities shut down both Sky News Arabia and Al Arabiya TV stations for several weeks.[54] Sudan's Minister of Information had blamed "foreign media" for inciting unrest.
In addition, on September 25 and 26, much of the country's networks were shut down, preventing access to the Internet for 24 hours. According to analysis by Access, an independent international monitoring group, "on September 25 and 26 a substantial portion of the country's networks became unreachable, effectively removing Sudan from the broader Internet at the height of protests in Khartoum. This shutdown occurred on all major data providers (Canar Telecom, Sudatel, MTN Sudan, and Zain Sudan) and appears to have been the result of actions taken by the service providers."[55] Sudanese rights groups allege that government authorities instructed service providers to suspend service, a claim that Human Rights Watch could not independently corroborate.
Authorities also targeted people who were recording or sharing information or speaking out against the government during the protests. On September 27, security forces arrested Dr. Samar Mirghani and snatched her phone as she was recording the killing of a protester.[56] She was charged with public disturbance crimes and in October sentenced to a fine of 5,000 Sudanese pounds (US$1,000), or jail time.
On the night of September 28 security officers arrested Abdel Fatah al-Rufai, a 65-year-old Communist Party member, from his home because he spoke at a funeral earlier in the week condemning the government's killing of protesters.[57]
Dr. Osama Murtada, a medical director of Omdurman hospital, was arrested and interrogated after giving an interview to BBC Arabic on September 25 about the number of demonstrators that were killed and injured received at his hospital.[58] In addition, in early October, the head of the Doctor's Union, Ahmed al-Sheikh, was arrested briefly for reporting on the numbers of casualties, which he estimated at more than 210.[59]
V. Government Response to the Violence
The government responded to protests by sending heavily armed forces to areas where protests were expected. On September 25, the government announced it would deploy the army to protect government buildings and gas stations.[60] The next day, NISS announced the readiness of 2,000 agents "to end the chaos and destruction in the streets of Khartoum."[61]
Sudan's First Vice President Ali Osman Taha announced on September 26 the government would not go back on its decision to end fuel subsidies and claimed that they government was not against peaceful demonstrations but "will not tolerate terrorists and saboteurs," inciting further protests. He also threatened to summon supporters of the ruling party onto the streets in order to "protect public and private property from saboteurs and vandals."[62]
Authorities explicitly blamed the SRF rebels for plotting the protests and denied that security forces killed any protesters, attributing the violence alternately to homeless people, saboteurs, outlaws, and foreign conspiracy.[63] On October 2, during a military graduation ceremony, President al- Bashir disavowed responsibility for the violence, blaming "unnamed parties" of "seeking to destabilize Sudan and exploiting events for killing, looting and vandalism."[64]
Authorities continue to deny responsibility for the deaths and injuries, and minimize the number of arrested. On November 6, Taha refuted the figures of those killed. "I can confirm that they are not more than 80 based on criminal records as opposed to the number that has been circulating in the media, which is 220. That number is incorrect," he said.[65] The government still officially maintains that 84 people were killed.
Failure to Investigate
Sudanese authorities promised to investigate the violence, but to date the investigations have focused on property damage and looting rather than on loss of human life. On September 26, media cited a government petroleum official stating 69 gas stations were affected by the riots with varying degrees of damage, and a public transport company stating that 15 buses were destroyed and 105 partially damaged.[66]
On October 1, the Minister of Interior established a committee to investigate the damage caused to government and private properties during the protests. On November 4, the Minister of Justice, Mohamed Bushara Dousa, promised to investigate the killings.[67]
The government has proceeded with summary trials and dozens of criminal prosecutions of protesters for property damage crimes, but has taken no apparent action to hold accountable those responsible for killing and injuring protesters, or for abuses against detainees.
On December 23 a group representing families of those killed, injured and detained handed a complaint to the Human Rights Commission demanding accountability for those responsible for the killings, the release of all detainees, and for unfair trials to stop. The Commission Chair told the petitioners that she would try to accelerate the government's investigation, those present told Human Rights Watch. Families again petitioned the Human Rights Commission on March 27. On April 6, the government announced the release of all "political detainees," (not necessarily related to the September protests) but activists told Human Rights Watch many remain in detention in locations across the country. [68]
In February 2014, following a visit by the UN Independent Expert, the Minister of Justice repeated promises to investigate but no findings have been made public about the protester killings and related abuses.[69]
Obstructions to Justice
Lawyers and family members who tried to pursue justice for the killings described obstacles in obtaining necessary medical documents and lodging criminal claims against perpetrators. Families of deceased and wounded often had trouble obtaining documentation stating a cause of death or describing injuries from morgues or hospitals. Without this evidence police were reluctant to open cases.
Moatassim al-Haj, a lawyer who represents victims' families, explained, "there are 104 reports of deaths in different police stations in Khartoum during the protests, and about 99 percent have been described in the official reports as "death in mysterious circumstances," so police do not take any further action.[70]
In the case of Ahmed al-Badawi Osman, killed in the Aborouf neighborhood of Omdurman, for example, family members went to the police station six days in a row to open a case, but were told they could not without a medical report stating the cause of death. The family did not succeed in obtaining a medical report from the hospital, and as a result the police have not opened a case.
Lawyers and activists helping victims' families told Human Rights Watch that of more than 50 families who tried to bring cases, they only knew of one – brought by the family of Sara Abdelbagi – that had proceeded to trial. In that case, family members and witnesses pressed the police to revise the cause of death after they initially indicated "mysterious circumstances" in order to move the case forward.[71]
Police also simply refused to open investigations, regardless of the evidence, claiming that perpetrators are unknown. In the case of Bashir Musa Ibrahim, killed in Kelakla on September 25, a family member explained: "We went to the police post three times to register a complaint but the police refused to open any complaint for the victim. We still have a desire to proceed with the legal process because there were some witness who told us they saw the police man who shot Bashir."[72]
Witnesses and lawyers who spoke to Human Rights Watch, as well as other human rights organizations who monitored the situation in the aftermath of the demonstrations, reported that national security officials intimidated and warned families not to try to sue police or security officers for the killings.[73] Some also said that police or security officials had paid or offered to pay compensation. Human Rights Watch could not confirm these allegations.
VI. International Response
The international response to the protester killings was muted, with a few initial statements but no sustained efforts to press Sudan on its promises to investigate the killings and related abuses.
On September 27, the UN Office for the High Commissioner for Human Rights issued a statement expressing "deep concern about the reports that a significant number of people have been killed during the demonstrations across Sudan since Monday," and called on "all parties to refrain from resorting to violence and on protesters to maintain the peaceful nature of their demonstrations."[74]
The same day the United States Department of State also issued a statement condemning the "brutal crackdown on protesters in Khartoum" and expressed concern about the arrest and detention of activists and called on the government to "provide the political space necessary for a meaningful dialogue with the Sudanese people."[75]
On September 30, the European Union's High Representative also expressed concern over the loss of life, excessive use of force, and detentions.[76] The African Union did not react to the protests, and the UN remained silent except through statements of the UN Independent Expert on the situation in Sudan, Mashood Adebayo Baderin. On October 3, Baderin expressed concern about the large number of arrests and detentions since September 23, and heavy censorship of local media. On February 19, 2014, following a visit to Sudan, he stated: "The international community expects a thorough investigation of the human rights violations that occurred during the September demonstrations," and noted that the government had informed him that it set up two committees to investigate the September incidents. "I regret to note that five months after these incidents, the committees set up by the Government have not yet issued their reports or findings on the incidents."[77]
The UN, AU, EU, and member states of those bodies should apply more public and sustained pressure on Sudan to provide accountability for the violence in September and end its continued use of live ammunition against peaceful protesters, unlawful detentions, and media restrictions.
VII. Acknowledgements
This report was researched and written by Jehanne Henry, senior researcher in the Africa division at Human Rights Watch. Leslie Lefkow, deputy director in the Africa division edited and reviewed the report. Aisling Reidy, senior legal advisor, and Babatunde Olugboji, deputy Program director, provided legal and program reviews. Elise Keppler, associate director of the International Justice Program, also reviewed the report. Joyce Bukuru, associate in the Africa division, provided additional editorial assistance. Kathy Mills and Fitzroy Hepkins provided production assistance.
Human Rights Watch wishes to thank the many Sudanese victims and witnesses who confided in researchers, sometimes at great personal risk, to tell their stories, and human rights activists in Sudan who contributed, in various ways, to the production of this report.


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In this very short episode of Chats (for you) with James Walker, James is joined by no-one as he talks to himself about the LIVE show happening at the Edinburgh Fringe this year.
When? Wednesday 15th August, 2.45 – 4:00pm.
Where? Monkey Barrel Comedy.
Who? Adam Kay, Ed Gamble and your host – this guy writing this right now.
How much? Pay what you want!
Please do come, and share with those who you think might enjoy!
Chats (for you) on twitter: @chatsforyou
James on twitter: @jameswalkerguy


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The Laguna de Bávaro near Cabeza de Toro has opened as a tourist attraction managed by the local tourism cluster and the Ministry of Environment.
The 17 square km natural pool is in a wildlife refuge with 223 recorded native and endemic plant species, including four types of mangrove trees, 86 birds (eight of which are endemic to the island), five amphibians, 11 reptiles and several freshwater fish species.
This lagoon is surrounded by mangrove forests and lush tropical vegetation and is reached after a short walk through a rainforest trail.
One of the lagoon's main attraction is a fish known as the "Higuey Cypronodon" which is unique to the region. Other species found in the lagoon include the fresh-water snapper and the tarpon.
More photos of the Laguna de Bávaro can be seen on Pedro Guzmán's flickr site


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Product details
Product name: Camelback 700 ml eddy glass bottle
Reviewer: Caitlin Howlett
G Rating:
A reusable water bottle is the essential item for any self-respecting greenie. And for those who are health-conscious to boot, a glass water bottle over a plastic or metal one may have it's advantages.
While most reusable plastic water bottles these days are BPA-free, the added benefit of using a glass bottle is that it doesn't retain odours, so it makes this vessel a little more versatile. The temperature regulation of glass means that cold water stays cooler for longer than in plastic or (un-insulated) stainless steel. Also, the durability of glass as a material, and in terms of shrinkage in cold and expansion in hot weather, means there's less chance of leaks developing over time.
The unique design is a little different to a typical water bottle, and may take some getting used to. For example, the bite valve is tricky to get the hang of, but for some - such as cyclists who need to keep their eyes on the road - it can prove handy not have to have to tip the bottle up to drink. Glass water bottles are easily recycled for end-of-life disposal, and because glass is completely dishwasher safe, this bottle is much easier to clean than many other designs.
We were worried it would be likely to shatter or break, but it's made from a fairly thick, sturdy (and, of course, lead-free) glass, and there's a silicone sleeve to add a bit of extra protection and grip. The only drawback of this is that it makes it a bit heavy. Another possible drawback for some is that the product is imported from France, but with so few glass drinking bottles on the market, we think that the reliability of going with a well-known brand like Camelbak is a good idea, especially since it's backed by a lifetime guarantee for parts (but not if you drop it - it is glass, after all!).
In the current August issue of magazine, we reviewed '3 of the best' water bottles with filters, however none of these were glass bottles, so we thought we'd let you know about the benefits of glass as well. We couldn't find any glass water bottles with filters. Leave your comments below or email us on firstname.lastname@example.com and share with us and other readers what you think are the best features to look for in a reusable water bottle.


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- Product description
- About the brand
- Review
Product description La Roche-Posay Toleriane TeintCharacteristics
The La Roche-Posay Toleriane Teint foundation will even your skin tone and cover any minor blemishes.
- excellent coverage
- evens skin tone
- mattifies skin
- leaves skin elastic and soft
How to use:
Apply foundation to the face using gentle strokes. Blend in thoroughly and evenly with the fingers or a sponge or brush.
- Consistency
- mousse
- Complexion type
- sensitive, oily, combination
- Effects
- Calming
- Coverage
- Light
- Sun Protection
- without SPF
- Effect
- Matt
About the brand La Roche-Posay
France's La Roche-Posay, a dermocosmetics brand, is famed for its intense collaboration with dermatologists and its commitment to helping improve the lives of people with sensitive skin. That is why La Roche-Posay uses minimal ingredients in its products and they are created on the basis of a strict production charter.
The La Roche-Posay product range is tailored to the specific needs of all types of sensitive skin and offers solutions for people suffering from intolerant, reactive, atopic or acne-prone skin. The essential basis of each product is La Roche-Posay Thermal Water, which has antioxidant and therapeutic properties and instantly soothes sensitive and irritated skin.
La Roche-Posay dermocosmetics prove their quality not only through the demonstrable results of clinical trials but also the numerous recommendations from leading dermatologists.


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School For Student Leadership
School for Student Leadership
is a Victorian Department of Education and Training (DET) initiative offering a unique residential education experience for year nine students. The curriculum focuses on personal development and team learning projects sourced from students' home regions. There are three campuses in iconic locations across Victoria. The
Alpine School Campus
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Snowy River Campus
is near the mouth of the Snowy River at Marlo in east Gippsland. The third site is adjacent to Mount Noorat near Camperdown in Victoria's Western District, and is called
. After consultation with the local aboriginal community, this name represents both the indigenous name of the local area and an interpretation of the statement "belonging to this place".
Our school community acknowledges the Gunaikurnai, Bidawel and Gundijmara people as the traditional custodians of the land upon which our school campuses are built. We pay our respects to all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, their Elders past and present, and especially whose children attend our school.
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10 Great Heroes in the History of Communication
While we all know the biggest names in communication, we've lined up few names of people who don't get as much credit who we think deserve a little more. View More
While we all know the biggest names in communication, we've lined up few names of people who don't get as much credit who we think deserve a little more. View More
Negotiation skills aren't just for business deals. Buying a car and purchasing a home are situations that call for negotiation. But there are many times when negotiation skills are used – … View More
The time has arrived. You have sent out numerous resumes and now an interview has been scheduled. Perhaps it will be a phone conversation with a recruiter or an in-person meeting with a hiring manager … View More
Stephen Covey became internationally known and highly regarded because of his work as an author and motivational speaker. With his recent passing, I asked my students–many who are of the millennial … View More
When students are first taught to read, it is usually done with a very thorough, methodical approach that requires reading each word carefully and sounding out any words that are unfamiliar. Fast forward … View More
Subscribe to these 14 inspiring podcasts to find the tools and knowledge you need to get out of debt and stay there. View More
When students are asked about the outcome they may expect to receive upon completion of a degree program, they often talk about the knowledge they'll acquire, the specialization obtained for a new … View More
These are some of a handful of language enthusiasts who have taken on the challenge of learning not one or two but dozens of languages. View More
Whether you are a student attending a traditional college or online school, it is important to utilize your instructor as a resource, mentor, and coach. They will evaluate your assignments so they are … View More
Going to college can be exciting, rewarding, life-changing, challenging, stressful, and demanding all at the same time. Students will feel pressure to perform, get good grades, choose a major, decide … View More


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Looks like we will have over 40 kites and 16 boards for Registered KoGL Riders to demo!
Posts Tagged 'rebel'
Looks like lots of new gear for next weekend!Posted: September 19, 2012 by tuckervantol in Kiteboarding Board Reviews, Kiteboarding Kite Reviews, Kiteboarding Press Releases, Shop Culture & Shenanigans
Tags: 2013, Best Kiteboarding, Cabrinha, Caliber, Chaos, Crossbow, Drifter, Grand Haven, kiteboard, kiteboarding, kitesurfing, kogl, Liquid Force, Mackite, mackiteboarding, mackiteboarding.com, Misfit Kiteboard, North Kiteboarding, Rally Kite, rebel, Slingshot Kiteboarding, Slingshot Kites, Spectrum, Switchblade, test fest, Video Review, wakestyle
A Sunset Session In Hatteras: 12m North Rebel ReviewPosted: July 13, 2012 by MACkiteboarding.com in Kiteboarding Kite Reviews
Tags: Hatteras, kiteboarding, kitesurfing, Mackite, mackiteboarding.com, NC, North Kiteboarding, rebel, Review
I decided to unpack the 12m North Rebel for last night's sunset session in Hatteras NC. Winds were in the 12-16 knot range and there was one foot chop to ride through. Me being new rider at 175 pounds I was thinking I could be underpowered so I grabbed the Cabrinha Spectrum which has a moderate rocker and some extra volume. With the chop I also liked the idea of having the secure feeling you get from the Cabrinha Sync footstraps.
From the first time I launched the kite I quickly realized that my initial thought was wrong. After a few tacks I decided I needed a board with more outline and rocker to handle the power and chop. I grabbed a Cabrinha Caliber with Sync footstraps and headed back out. Now I was riding comfortably with speed through the chop. (more…)


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Santamania Gin Gift Set
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Santamania Gin Gift Set
The ultimate "blend your own Gin & Tonic" kit. Three botanicals combine with premium Santamania Gin to ensure you make the perfect Gin & Tonic.
The Gin and Tonic revolution is upon us and nowhere more than in Spain where there is a passion for creating the perfect gin and tonic. Adding key botanicals to accentuate the aromas & flavours is a typical 'event' in any Spanish bar and can now be reproduced at home with the Regional.co Gin and Tonic botanicals pack.
One of the best spice producers in Spain have produced this box set of three glass tubes containing the 3 most popular spices used in the distilling of gin to give your gin and tonic an extra lift. Just add a small amount of the selected botanical to your neat Santamania gin before adding the tonic to enhance the aromas and flavours. Don't forget to add plenty of ice too! Each pack comes with a recipe guide so if you like gin & tonic this is for you!
- Juniper Berries - the main ingredient of any kind of gin, providing a sweet flavour, somewhat spicy and slightly bitter aftertaste. Mash two berries together to release the essence
- Cardamom - It has an intense and characteristic aroma and taste (with mint, citric, sweet and acrid tones). Use sparingly!
- Pink pepper - It is slightly sweet, with a citrus fruit-like flavour and a bit of heat. It combines well with most kinds of gin.
Santamania London Dry Gin is a small batch, hand-crafted London Dry gin from Madrid's premiere urban distillery; Santamania are passionate about craftsmenship and quality. Their gins are distilled in small batches (never more than 1000 bottles) resulting in award-winning,complex gins fit for a king!
70 cl bottle 41% proof
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African Americans in Times of War
Established as Negro History Week in the 1920s by Carter G. Woodson, February was chosen for the celebration because Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln were born in this month. Extended to a month-long celebration in 1976, Black History Month is an opportunity to emphasize the history and achievements of African Americans. Every year since 1928, the Association for the Study of African American Life and History has provided a theme for Black History Month. The theme for 2018 is "African Americans in Times of War."
ASALH Theme Announcment (PDF)
Click the link below for the Presidential Proclamation for 2018.
Additional Links
Celebrating African American Achievements in Film and TV