text:
DALLAS STARS AND 7-ELEVEN ANNOUNCE 'KIDS FREE' TICKET PROGRAMby Dallas Stars Staff / Dallas Stars
The Dallas Stars have teamed up with 7-Eleven to create the "Kids Free" Ticket Promotion, a new program for Stars home games allowing children ages 12 and younger to receive free tickets with the purchase of a full price ticket. The offer is an online promotion allowing easy access to "Kids Free" tickets with no processing fees.
"We wanted to do something special in this shortened season to provide an opportunity for families to see the Dallas Stars live and in person," Stars owner Tom Gaglardi said. "Our organization is committed to growing the game of hockey in North Texas and providing the best fan experience in professional sports. We hope this program is a great way to kick start the season."
The "kids free" tickets will be accessible in conjunction with the Individual Game On-Sale on Sunday, January 13 at 10 am. Full price tickets purchased in qualifying sections of the American Airlines Center for any January or February home game will be eligible for the "Kids Free" Ticket Offer. Fans can visit DallasStars.com and click the "Kids Free" Ticket Offer logo on the front page of the website to purchase tickets.
7-Eleven, Inc. President and CEO Joe DePinto said, "7-Eleven employees and franchises in North Texas strongly support the Dallas Stars Kids Free program because it provides the opportunity for a child to experience the fun and excitement of Stars hockey in person, and will ignite their passion for hockey and our home team Dallas Stars."
The 2013 Dallas Stars regular-season schedule is expected to be released Saturday, January 12 following ratification of the new Collective Bargaining Agreement by the NHLPA.
Individual game tickets are expected to go on sale Sunday, January 13 at 10 a.m.


text:
Monday, October 09, 2006
Alu Posto and Musuri'r Dal for lunch
Loosely translated that's Potato in Poppy Seeds and Red Lentil Soup for Lunch. Ok, that's it, I would rather have my Alu Posto than this tough sounding dish.
Posto or Poppy-Seeds or KhasKhas is a popular ingredient for several dishes in Bengal, particularly in the districts of Bankura, Birbhum etc. I don't know whether I loved it because it "induces euphoria and sleep" but I tell you it's yummm and if you doze off to sleep after the above lunch that's bliss too.
What You need
For Posto:
Potato chopped in cubes ~ 3 medium sized potatoes, peeled and cubed
Poppy seeds (Khaskhas/Posto) ~ 5-6 heaped tbsp of the Poppy seeds paste or posto bata
Green Chillies – 2-3
Dry Red Chillies ~ 2 (optional)
Whole Jeera (Cumin seeds) ~ 3/4th tsp loosely packed
Turmeric Powder
Sugar ~ 1/2 tsp or none according to taste
Oil ~ for Cooking
Mustard Oil ~ a dash i.e. about 1 tsp of mustard oil to sprinkle on the top
For Dal:
Red Masur Dal
Finely Chopped Onions
Fresh Coriander Leaves
Chopped Tomatoes
Green Chillies
Kalo Jeera/Kalonji
How I do it
Grind the posto/poppy seeds to a fine powder. I use the coffee grinder which can be used to dry grind only. So afterwards I mix it with water to make a paste. The consistency of the paste should not be too watery. If you are wet grinding make a paste at one go.
Cut the potato in cubes and soak in water , else they develop black spots.
Chop or slit the green chillies.
Heat oil in a Kadai/Pan. Mustard Oil is preferred.
Add the whole Jeera/Cumin seeds and wait till they sputter. You can add 2-3 dry red chillies too.
Add the potato cubes in the oil with a pinch of haldi/turmeric powder.
Saute the potato lightly till they develop a golden tinge. Do not over or deep fry them.
Add the posto/poppy seeds paste
Cook on medium heat till the paste has uniformly coated the potatoes
Add little water (around 3/4 cup), adequate salt, and the chopped green chillies.
You can sprinkle very little sugar if you want.
Cover and cook till the potatoes are done. Also I make it dry so I wait for the water to dry up.
At this point you can add about 1 tsp of mustard oil and stir well before you remove from heat. Take care that the potatoes don't get mashed up though
Pressure Cook the Masur Dal with a pinch of turmeric
Heat oil and add the phoron, or as we say temper with Kalo jeera/Kalonji
Add the finely chopped onions and fry till they turn pink in color. Add slit or chopped green chillies
Add the chopped tomatoes and cook till they become a fine pulp
Add the previously cooked dal and mix well.
Add salt, little sugar and water.
Cook till you hear a nice bubbling sound. Remember to stir infrequently during this process.
Also continue cook till the thickness of the dal is according to your liking
Garnish with chopped coriander leaves.
The alu posto and musur dal go very well with plain white rice. My Ma used to make Urad Dal (or Kalai er Dal ) as an accompaniment with posto. Post that another day.
Updated on 3rd August, 2007: The original post did not have measures as I was still new to blogging. This post has been updated with the measure for alu posto. For the Masoor dal check my post on Red Masur Dal.
Trivia: Only unripe poppy seeds contain narcotic substances, not the ripe ones
23 comments:
That's a yummy lunch!!ReplyDelete
thanks ashaReplyDelete
don't know if poppy seeds is a popular ingredient in Kannada cooking, try out this though
just a suggestion - Mustard oil for posto is heavenly!ReplyDelete
Hey Kausum,ReplyDelete
You are right, and ka(n)cha posto bata with ka(n)cha lanka and mustard oil, still better.
mmmm...a friend made this posto for me a long time ago and it was so good but she wouldnt give me a recipe - said it was a family secret.ReplyDelete
i tried your recipe and i can tell you, it was way better than hers! :) haha!!!
thank you!
Sandeepa here after long. Posto bong love I guess its best know bong dish.ReplyDelete
Asha...try ghasgase for once with a spice...I'm saturated with the paysa here in blr.:)
Hi Sandeepa,ReplyDelete
I have never had aloo posto, but am tempted by the name of it!
I just bought some poppy seeds to make aaloo posto. Though you have shown potatoe cubes and posto that you used in the picture. I still hope you can guide me a bit with measurement. How much (in cups) is the posto shown in the picture.
Thanks a tonne.
Thanks for a great recipe, tried it last night, mmmm... I used kalonji instead of jeera, just tastes more bong, iykwimReplyDelete
hey!m a major Bong fan!!the people and the Fooooood!!i dont like the sweet taste in it..but minus that..there is something fab about it!!m gonna learna lot from u!!being a Bangalorean i feel the connection getting stronger!!ReplyDelete
heyy...I made this y'day :) it was my first time with alu posto and just followed ur recipe...and I liked it with a bowl of rice...had some dal too...it was a nice combo :)ReplyDelete
Btw, why this long break..? hope its just work thats keeping u busy..miss u !
hey.. in aloo posto you should try paanch fodon that is the mixture of five seeds instead of only jeera or kalauji..these are kalaunji,methi seed.white jeera,mustard seeds and lil bit of ajwain..try this.ReplyDelete
i dun think using jeera or paanch foron is a good idea...it tastes heavenly widdout it!!d real flavour of posto!!1ReplyDelete
hi babiReplyDelete
I have always used Jeera or Kalonji, both as whole spices as phoron(for tempering) for alu posto
I am sure you like your posto without these spices but I like mine this way :)
I make a Jhinge Posto with none of these spices though
this looks amazing ....just a small tip maybe if you put kalo zeera (Kalonji) instead of plain zeera in the aloo posto it would taste more yummy :-)ReplyDelete
try adding one chopped onion after chaunk/ temper panch phoron. Adds a wonderful taste to Posto.ReplyDelete
And also try Kalai / Biuli Daal with Aloo Posto... its made with the Urad Dal. ULTIMATE COMBO
Yay, you finally got credited for your lifted recipe! ;)ReplyDelete
I had some leftover boiled potato and I though of trying your recipe. It came out so yummy and awesome even with boiled potatoes.ReplyDelete
And yes, adding mustard oil does make a difference. When I will visit India, I am going to cook this for my mom too :)
Thank you.
- Swati SucharitaJuly 03, 2011 12:04 AM
I make aloo posto too, but fry some onions, dry red chillies with the kalonji, is that allowed in the Bengali cuisine rulebook, the onions ie? Your descriptions evoke the best memories of soul food, as Im an Odia, married to a Bong... so food habits die hard :)ReplyDelete
- SwagataJanuary 12, 2012 10:47 PM
I am just loving your site, but yes I do not see a receipe of tiler nadu here. I just brought some til yesterday and wanted to cook the same. Please help. Looking forward.....
- AnonymousFebruary 21, 2012 7:10 AM
I am a amateur cook and just learning the nuances of cooking :) wanted to get hold of some authentic bengali recipes...and i just love the ones you have posted...
Great Job!!
If i am not wrong I believe Biulir dal is the best accompaniment with any form of posto. please reply if some one is Ghoti.ReplyDelete
- AnonymousFebruary 17, 2014 7:02 PM
I just got married a month ago and I can't cook at all! My husband is Indian and I'm American, so I have no background making Indian food. I made this for lunch today and he said it tastes just like home, just like his mom's! Thank you! Best compliment I could have ever gotten, thanks to you!! Now I need to keep practicing for when the in-laws come to visit.ReplyDelete
Revisiting this page after years, it is interesting to see how the blog and your style has evolved. Much love for all the food joy you bring to all our lives. @Jawhar - quite agree about the biulir dal deal.ReplyDelete

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Dental Sensitivity Causes Sharp, Temporary Pain in a Variety of Situations
Extreme Hot and Cold
If you experience sudden discomfort when you consume something very hot or cold, you may have sensitive teeth.
Acidic or Sweet Foods and Drinks
An exposed root, enamel erosion, or cavity can also make you more sensitive to things that are very sweet or acidic.
Breathing Cold Air
For some patients with sensitive teeth, even taking a deep breath during cold weather can cause significant pain.


text:
Gajar ka achar, (carrot pickle) is a tasty condiment to serve with sandwiches or with any meal
- 5 medium carrots
- 1 1/2 teaspoon salt
- 1 1/2 teaspoon coarsely ground mustard seeds
- 1 teaspoon chili powder (adjust to taste)
- 1/2 teaspoon turmeric
- 1/8 teaspoon asafetida
- 1 tablespoon lemon juice
- 1 tablespoon mustard oil or olive oil
- Peel the carrots and cut into thin 2" slices (should be about two cups). Wrap the sliced carrots in a dry towel, removing any excess water.
- Mix all the ingredients together with the carrots and put in a glass jar. Set the jar in the sun for a day.
- Pickle is ready the next day. Pickle can be refrigerated for about two weeks.
Add sliced green chili, sliced the long way.


text:
Last month, Micromax unveiled the Android 4.1 Jelly Bean powered Canvas HD smartphone in India. This handset packs some powerful specs including a 5 inch HD display as well as a 1.2 GHz quad-core processor. However, the Indian mobile phone manufacturer surprised everyone with its ultra cheap price tag. Today, Micromax finally launched this smartphone in India. Micromax has partnered with Snapdeal, the popular online retailer to fulfill the orders of this smartphone. Planning to buy one? Check out the complete specs after the break.
The Micromax A116 Canvas HD features a 5 inch HD IPS display, sporting a resolution of 1280 x 720p pixels, 1.2 GHz quad-core processor, Android 4.1 (Jelly Bean) OS, dual-SIM capabilities, 8 megapixel rear camera with flash, 0.3 megapixel front-facing camera for video calls, 1 GB RAM, Wi-Fi Hotspot functionality and much more.
Other features include a 3.5 mm audio jack, 4 GB internal memory, MicroSD card slot, 32 GB expandable memory, Google Play Store, GPS with A-GPS, Bluetooth technology, Wi-Fi 802.11 b/g/n, 3G connectivity, Micro USB, USB 2.0, up to 6 hrs of talk-time, up to 207 hrs of stand-by time and a 2100 mAh battery. This handset measures 144mm x 74mm x10.7mm.
Micromax A116 Canvas HD was previously announced with a price-tag of Rs.14,999, however the company is currently selling this device for just Rs.13,990 (approx. $260). This handset will compete with the recently launched Samsung Galaxy Grand in the Indian market. However, Micromax Canvas HD is likely to sell more than its competitor, thanks to the HD display, quad-core processor and entry-level price. To get this smartphone, head over to this page.


text:
Added: 06.01.2019 at 08:58
Duration: 00:29
www.jewsharper.info - Swoon mad sensual bills tube advertise adult videos - Dirty Sexy Money (TV Series –) cast and crew credits, including actors, actresses, directors, writers and more. The series revolves around lawyer and family man Nick George, portrayed by Peter Krause. When Nick's father mysteriously dies in a plane crash, he agrees to take his position as the Darling family's lawyer, while trying to discover who committed the murder. The Darlings, the richest family in New York, constantly rely on Nick to solve their problems. Nick struggles to balance his morals and family life while dealing with the demands of the Darlings. The best and juicy erotic photos, sex pictures, wallpapers for the iPad.


text:
Search our database of handpicked sites
Looking for a great physics site? We've tracked down the very best and checked them for accuracy. Just fill out the fields below and we'll do the rest.
You searched for "law"
We found 7 results on physics.org and 113 results in our database of sites
(of which 113 are Websites, 0 are Videos, and 0 are Experiments)
Search results on physics.org
The Laws List
The Laws List is an alphabetised guide featuring several hundred laws, rules, principles and other related topics in physics, from aberration to the Zeeman effect.
Newton's Laws of Motion
Well presented site concentrating on Newton's laws, includes material on forces, in addition to the three laws.
Johannes Kepler: The Laws of Planetary Motion
This site covers Kepler's Laws of Planetary Motion including his theories on Elliptical Orbits and all three laws of planetary motion.
Newton's laws interactive
This fun interactive from the science channel introduces Newton's three laws of motion, with practical examples and a quiz at the end.
Entropy and the laws of Thermodynamics
A brief outline of entropy and the laws of thermodynamics, including the history of the investigation of heat energy
Hyperphysics - Particle Interactions and Conservation Laws
Conservation laws in quark interactions involving baryon number, lepton number, entropy, parity, isopin, strangeness. with good links to other relevant areas of the site.
Conservation Laws
Deal with the laws of conservation of momentum, or energy, and of angular momentum.
Newton's Laws of Motion
Page summarising Newton's three laws of motion.
Newton's Laws - quiz
A quick quiz on Newton's laws.
Bumblebee Flight Does Not Violate the Laws of Physics
This article debunks the myth that bumblebees shouldn't be able to fly because of their shape.


text:
Vie Rose Cocktail
1/6 Lemon Juice. (1/2 of 3/4 oz Lemon Juice)
1/6 grenadine. (1/2 of 3/4 oz Small Hand Foods Grenadine
1/3 Dry Gin. (3/4 oz Miller's Gin)
1/3 Kirsch. (3/4 oz Clear Creek Kirsch)
Shake well and strain into cocktail glass.
Another cocktail from Harry McElhone's 1928 book, "ABC of Cocktails", Harry notes this is a, "Recipe by Dominique, New York Bar, Nice."
The French expression, "Vie Rose" or more fully, "La Vie en Rose," means literally, "life in the pink". To say something like, "Elle voit la vie en rose," means, "She is an optimist," looking at life in a possibly slightly over-optimistic way. It is often used to describe persons newly in love, and not entirely unlike the English expression, "Rose Colored Glasses."
The Vie Rose Cocktail is in the vicinity of the other "Rose" cocktails, except it has no French Vermouth. I have to admit my favorite of the bunch remains the "Rose Cocktail (English Style)", with its interesting use of Apricot Brandy instead of Kirsch. Of course, I think that particular English Rose is best made with Apricot Eau-de-Vie, not Apricot Liqueur.
This post is one in a series documenting my ongoing effort to make all of the cocktails in the Savoy Cocktail Book, starting at the first, Abbey, and ending at the last, Zed.


text:
By Samuel Njoku
The Baltimore Ravens are going to the Super Bowl. They defeated Tom Brady and the New England Patriots and will move on to New Orleans to face the San Francisco 49ers. There was no blockbuster finish in the AFC Championship game. No defining moment to catapult the Ravens to the top; just flat out domination by both the offense and defense. The Ravens wouldn't let one play define a season like they did last year. Now, the Ravens will turn their attention to the San Francisco 49ers. The main storyline will involve Jim Harbaugh and John Harbaugh, but the subplot rests between two very similar football teams.
The San Francisco 49ers have a great defense. They have a great running back in Frank Gore, and they have a dynamic quarterback in Colin Kaepernick. The Baltimore Ravens in turn have a strong defense. They have an amazing running back in Ray Rice, and they have a superstar playing the QB position in Joe Flacco. They both play physical. They both are disciplined. They both want to win.
So who does win? These two teams will be analyzed down to the ball boy as the Super Bowl draws closer. They'll be plenty of time for predictions later. The oddsmakers currently have the 49ers as -4.5 point favorites over the Baltimore. and it's hard to argue with them. Kaepernick is making Jim Harbaugh look like a genius for his move at QB earlier this season and San Francisco's defense has a knack for smothering opposing offenses.
But if you've watched the NFL season closely, it just feels like Baltimore's year. Look at what the Ravens have accomplished this year. They beat Tom Brady twice this season; they upset the No. 1 seed Denver Broncos; they overcame the loss of Ray Lewis, Terrell Suggs, and Lardarius Webb for the majority of the season. And they did it when everyone said they couldn't. Sound familiar? It should!
In 2000, Baltimore rode into the playoffs for the first time. No one gave them a shot,. and all they did was embarrass the analysts and make fools of the oddsmakers. They did it with an average quarterback and a superb defense. Now, Baltimore has a superb quarterback and an average defense. At least, that's what we thought. When Baltimore held Peyton Manning to three touchdowns and ran an interception back for a touchdown of their own, you knew they were coming into form. When Baltimore embarrassed Tom Brady on national television to clinch a conference championship, you knew they were back.
The Ravens' defense struggled this season. Even before the injuries mounted, Baltimore couldn't get itself together. Perhaps it was the new coordinator that replaced current Colts Head Coach Chuck Pagano. Perhaps it was the fact that they were getting old. Whatever the case, Baltimore couldn't get it together. The postseason changed all of that. The Ravens are hitting with conviction now. They're getting after the quarterback. And they're forcing turnovers. That's a championship caliber defense.
But defense can no longer win championships. The league has changed. You need a quarterback to win a Super Bowl and the Ravens have one. Joe Flacco has outplayed every one he's faced in the postseason. In fact, he's arguable the MVP of the postseason if such an award existed. For now, he'll have to settle for a Super Bowl championship. And if he plays like he has all season, he'll get one.
The Ravens haven't been here in almost 13 years. The fans are excited. The team is excited. The media is buzzing. Baltimore has a chance to make history. To prove the pundits wrong once and for all. It won't be easy against a team as talented as the 49ers. But if I were a betting man, I'd put my money on the Baltimore Ravens.
For more Local Football Bloggers and the latest Ravens news, see CBS Sports Baltimore
Samuel Njoku was born and raised in Baltimore, MD and is a graduate of the University of Maryland Eastern Shore. Samuel has covered the Ravens for Examiner.com since 2010. Prior to 2010, Samuel was an avid blogger and radio personality in Salisbury, MD. He can be reached for comments at firstname.lastname@example.com. His work can be found on Examiner.com. You can also follow him on Twitter @Ravens_Examiner.


text:
November 22, 2004 • Posted By Shaun Lyon
New series producer Russell T Davies appeared today on BBC Radio Five Live (which you can listen to by clicking here). As well as all the usual 'exciting' comments, Davies says 'New year, probably March and it's going marvellously' for the launch date, which is likely the most 'official' confirmation we've had (or sort of!) 'Good for them' is his comment on the Nation Estate and the 'small print' of the Dalek negotiations ('I hope my agent will be representing my rights when I'm gone'). Definitely no K9 in the new series. He hasn't finished writing - 'I'm still hurtling towards the first episode... about to catch up with the filming so we might have to do the last episode live!' (Thanks to Steve Tribe)


text:
Chorionic villus sampling (CVS) is a test done during early
pregnancy that can find certain problems with your
baby (fetus). It is generally done when either you or
the father has a disease that runs in the family (genetic disorder). It may also be done when you are
over age 35—being over 35 increases your chance of having a baby with a
chromosome defect.
Chorionic villi are tiny finger-shaped growths found in the
placenta. The genetic material in chorionic villus
cells is the same as that in the baby's cells. During CVS, a sample of the
chorionic villus cells is taken for
biopsy. The chorionic villus cells are checked for
problems. The procedure is generally done late in the first trimester, most
often between the 10th and 12th weeks.
The chorionic villus
sample can be collected by putting a thin flexible tube (catheter) through the
vagina and cervix into the placenta. The sample can also be collected through a
long, thin needle put through the belly into the placenta.
Ultrasound is used to guide the catheter or needle
into the correct spot for collecting the sample.
If you have a
family history of certain diseases, CVS can be used to find genetic disorders,
such as
Tay-Sachs disease or
hemophilia. It can also find chromosomal birth
defects, such as
Down syndrome. CVS cannot find
neural tube defects, and it cannot be used to see if
the baby's lungs are mature.
Chorionic villus sampling can be done
earlier in pregnancy (at 10 to 12 weeks) than
amniocentesis (usually done at 15 to 20 weeks). This
allows you to know the health of your baby and make an earlier decision whether
to continue or end the pregnancy. Results of CVS can be available sooner than
amniocentesis results.
Health Tools help you make wise health decisions or take action to improve your health.
Chorionic villus sampling
may be done during your first trimester of pregnancy
to find certain birth defects.
You may choose to have this test because:
You may be asked to drink a glass of
fluid about an hour before the test so that your bladder is full. A full
bladder makes it easier to do the test.
You will be asked to sign a consent form that says you understand the risks of the test and agree to have it done.
Talk to your doctor about any concerns
you have regarding the need for the test, its risks, how it will be done, or
what the results will mean. To help you understand the importance of this test,
fill out the
medical test information form(What is a PDF document?).
Be sure to tell your doctor if you are
allergic to any medicines, such as numbing medicines (local anesthetics), before the procedure.
Chorionic villus sampling is most
commonly done by a
perinatologist in the doctor's office or the hospital.
An overnight stay in the hospital usually is not needed unless problems occur
during the procedure.
Transabdominal (through the belly) chorionic villus
sampling or transcervical (through the
cervix) chorionic villus sampling can be done. The choice may
depend on where the fetus and placenta are in the uterus.
You will lie
on your back on an examination table with your belly bare.
Gel will be rubbed on your belly to use with the ultrasound unit. An ultrasound
device (transducer) that gives off and picks up sound waves will be passed over
your belly. The reflected sound waves are sent to a computer to make a picture
of the
uterus, your baby, and the placenta on a screen.
Your doctor or an ultrasound technician will look at the picture on the screen
to help guide the needle used to collect a sample of the chorionic villus. Your
baby's heart rate can also be checked during the procedure using ultrasound.
For more information, see the topic
Fetal Ultrasound.
Your skin where the
needle will be put in is cleaned with alcohol and numbed with a medicine. Your
doctor then puts a long thin needle through your belly and uterus to the
placenta and collects a sample of the chorionic villus cells.
After the sample is collected, your doctor may listen to your baby's heart rate
and check your blood pressure, pulse, and breathing.
You will be
asked to take off your clothes below the waist and drape a covering around your
waist. You will then lie on your back on an examination table with your feet
raised and supported by stirrups. This allows your doctor to look at your
genital area.
Your doctor will put an instrument with curved sides
(speculum) into your vagina. The speculum gently spreads apart the vaginal
walls, allowing the inside of the vagina and the cervix to be seen. The cervix
will be cleaned with a special soap.
An ultrasound will be used to
help your doctor guide the catheter through your cervix to the placenta. An
ultrasound device (transducer) that gives off and picks up sound waves will be
passed over your belly. The reflected sound waves are sent to a computer to
make a picture of the uterus, your baby, and the placenta on a screen. Your
baby's heart rate can also be checked during the procedure using ultrasound.
For more information, see the topic
Fetal Ultrasound.
When the catheter is
correctly placed, a sample of chorionic villus cells will be collected.
After the sample is collected, your doctor may listen to your baby's
heart rate and check your blood pressure, pulse, and breathing.
If you have the procedure through the
belly, you will feel a short, sharp sting from the needle used to give the
numbing medicine. There is usually no pain when the collecting needle is put in
the belly. You may feel some cramping when the needle is inside your
Most women do not find the transcervical procedure
painful. You will probably find that this test feels similar to having a Pap
test or pelvic examination. You may feel some cramping when the catheter is
guided through your cervix.
Chorionic villus sampling (CVS) can cause
cramping, leakage of amniotic fluid, and vaginal spotting, which goes away in 1
to 2 days. You may feel some soreness where the needle was put in if you had
the belly procedure done.
CVS also increases the chance of:
Chorionic villus sampling has a very small chance of
causing bleeding that could result in mixing your blood and your baby's. If you
Rh-negative blood, you will be given the Rh immunoglobulin vaccine (such as RhoGAM) to prevent Rh sensitization which could harm
your baby if he or she has Rh-positive blood.
It is normal to have mild
cramping, leakage of a small amount amniotic fluid, and vaginal spotting for
the first day or two after the procedure. Call your doctor immediately if you
Chorionic villus sampling (CVS) is a test done during early pregnancy that can find
certain problems with your
baby (fetus).
Cells from your baby are
looked at carefully for the proper number and arrangement of the genetic
material (chromosomes) that show genetic diseases. Normally
there are 46 chromosomes in each cell, arranged in 23 pairs. Chromosomes also
tell the sex of your baby. It may take 1 to 2 weeks to get CVS results.
No abnormalities are found in
the genetic material of the chorionic villus cells.
Abnormalities are found in the
genetic material of the chorionic villus cells.
In rare cases, the chorionic
villus cells may have abnormal genetic material even though the baby's cells
are normal. This is called a
false-positive result. An abnormal test result may
need to be confirmed by
CitationsCaughey AB, et al. (2006). Chorionic villus sampling compared with amniocentesis and the difference in the rate of pregnancy loss. Obstetrics and Gynecology, 108(3): 612–616.Other Works ConsultedAmerican College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (2007, reaffirmed 2008). Screening for fetal chromosomal abnormalities. ACOG Practice Bulletin No. 77. Obstetrics and Gynecology, 109(1): 217–227.Cunningham FG, et al. (2010). Prenatal diagnosis and fetal therapy. In Williams Obstetrics, 23rd ed., pp. 287–311. New York: McGraw-Hill Medical.Wapner RJ, et al. (2009). Prenatal diagnosis of congenital disorders. In RK Creasy et al., eds., Creasy and Resnik's Maternal-Fetal Medicine: Principles and Practice, 6th ed., pp. 221–274. Philadelphia: Saunders Elsevier.
Next Section:
Previous Section:
Last Revised:
April 4, 2012
Healthwise Staff
Medical Review:
Sarah Marshall, MD - Family Medicine & Siobhan M. Dolan, MD, MPH - Reproductive Genetics
This information does not replace the advice of a doctor. Healthwise, Incorporated disclaims any warranty or liability for your use of this information. Your use of this information means that you agree to the Terms of Use. How this information was developed to help you make better health decisions.
To learn more visit Healthwise.org
© 1995-2012 Healthwise, Incorporated. Healthwise, Healthwise for every health decision, and the Healthwise logo are trademarks of Healthwise, Incorporated.


text:
Reconciliation, Not Revenge, Will Heal Uganda
What we need to do immediately is the following: to unite all patriotic, democracy-seeking Ugandans. It doesn't matter what their political party, it doesn't matter what their views, it doesn't matter what their ethnicity, all patriotic, democracy-seeking Ugandans.
[Global: Africa]
Otunnu U.S. Address to Ugandans from the Greater Los Angeles Area
[Mission Hills, CA , July 17, 2010 |Unofficial Transcript of Live Address]
I am delighted to be with you this afternoon. I know that of the various Ugandan communities worldwide, there are very few places where there is a more important concentration of Ugandans, as in California, and particularly in the Los Angeles area, so I am very happy to be in your midst this afternoon, and I appreciate enormously your interest, and engagement with the home country.
It's a two-way process, and I encourage you to get even more engaged.
Thank you very much Mr. Abdul Kiggundu, for organizing this, for welcoming me so warmly and introducing me so very generously. I will make sure by the way -- I hope somebody is recording this -- so that I'll at least play that to my mother. [Audience laughter].
She may finally be impressed by her son. But thank you very much for your very generous introduction.
And I want to thank also Mr. Siraj Mugambe, who is representing the Uganda Community in California, and my very good friend, Captain Frank Musisi, who over the years has provided such steady leadership for Ugandans in North America and is now doing so in Uganda as well. I am very happy to see him here and very grateful for the leadership he has provided.
I'm very happy to see Mr. Richard Abuka. I went to school in fact with his younger brother; we attended high school together, and other members of the family, that I have known over the years.
Lucy Larom, thank you so much for everything you've been doing for those in great distress, for those who have been brutalized and dispossessed in Uganda. Your campaign has been very important and much, much appreciated.
Thank you to all of you, thank you to everybody for being here, ladies and gentlemen, thank you particularly for mzee and mama, for taking the trouble to be here this afternoon. Thank you very, very much, thank you everybody.
Now, I will make my remarks somewhat schematic. I want to share with you my observations, my commentary, about where our country is today, and give you a glimpse of my ideas about where to take the country. And then, a brief exchange of views about your particular role.
Let me say first of all to you that returning to my land of birth after a quarter century in which I was not allowed to set foot in Uganda, was a huge shock to me. I was delighted, I was joyful to link up with my friends, my schoolmates, my teachers, those who were with me at Makerere. I was very happy to see my relatives, but as I moved around the country, meeting various communities, and seeing the conditions of our people, it broke my heart. What I'd discovered in the country, what had happened in the country, in the course of 25 years.
Uganda on the Verge of Collapse
You should be in no doubt whatsoever that Uganda is a country facing an existential moment, an existential crisis. It is a country in a grave state of national crisis. I almost hesitate. I am about to say a country on the verge of collapse. There should be no doubt in your mind.
When you arrive in Kampala, Kampala is glittering, and especially the hills surrounding Kampala. You know the huge mansions, which populate the hills surrounding Kampala. There are signs of incredible prosperity, great fortunes and real good living in Kampala. And then when you leave, a few miles outside Kampala you discover a completely different universe that is disconnected with the suburbs of Kampala city, and I want to speak a little bit about what that disconnected
universe is really about.
I say Uganda is a country on the verge of national collapse, because of the unbelievable corruption, and I'm talking about corruption, which is orchestrated from on high, from State House all the way down. Corruption wanders the globe, but I have to tell you, it comes and sleeps in Uganda, in Museveni's court.
The issue of the provision of social services -- this is the most basic of functions of any state in the world. Others may be debateable, but any state in the world justifies its existence by being able to collect taxes, and the compact, the agreement with the citizen is that in return, they deliver certain services to a citizen.
In the context of Uganda what would this mean? It would mean quality education spread across the land. It would mean reasonably accessible medical services, spread across the land. It would mean that you can access most part of Uganda on roads that will not literally break your back.
It means, those who are the backbone of the Ugandan economy, two categories of people: one are the local small farmers. That government would make it its business to support, incentivize and give a break to those farmers. In this country in fact, there is huge subvention for farmers, as you know. At the very least the government would support the small farmers, and we used to have this in the cooperative network.
And the small-time business people -- you know the women that you run into when you take the flight into Uganda and out of Entebbe? I don't know how many of you have walked around those planes and spoken to the women who are in those seats.
Most of them are small-time business people; they are what this country calls entrepreneurs. These are housewives who with their bootstraps have started some small business and they are traveling to Dubai, they are traveling to China, they are scaling the globe to bring little things back. These are entrepreneurs -- they are taking risks.
So the small-business people, the small farmers, that is the backbone of Uganda's economy, and the government should have policies, economic policies, tax policies that support that.
And then you have a situation where in terms of sheer repression -- again, I didn't realize this. I knew there was great repression in the country, but until I began moving from Kampala to Masaka, to Mbarara, to Kitgum, to Lira, then I began to realize to what extent Uganda today has become a police state par excellence.
And again, in Kampala we know about repression. We know about the arbitrary arrests, and we know about the safe houses, but they don't begin to tell you the magnitude of the police state which has been established around the country.
Not just through the LC (Local Councilor) system -- which, by the way, is a method of control. L-5, L-4, L3, all the way down. You don't just have administrators. As you know now, corresponding to those units of administration, are security units and apparatus, complete with intelligence services, going down to the village.
But what happens in the countryside, people tell you: here we are completely at the mercy of the authorities and NRM (National
Resistance Movement) functionaries. They can dismiss us from our job.
They can kick open our door at night, they can take and detain us, they can shut down our business if we are accused of fraternizing with the opposition; they can do anything. Intimidate, brutalize, victimize; we have no recourse, we have nobody to turn to, and if we raise our voice, we receive more victimization.
That is what is happening across the land in the countryside. They feel a sense of complete helplessness and are completely at the mercy and control of petty local functionaries and NRM officials.
Dying Institutions Under NRM
Then, our country today is an institution-less state. All the institutions that you knew about, practically all of them -- Uganda
used to have a wealth, a network of institutions. Development, economic development institutions: Coffee Marketing Board, UDC, Uganda Commercial Bank, a whole network of those institutions supposed to stimulate and support development activities.
And then, governance institutions; to give an example, the Criminal Investigative Division (CID), this was the pride of the whole of East Africa. Mr. Hassa, who was then the director of CID, there was barely any crime that Mr. Hassa could not crack, and the business of CID was to crack crimes and to investigate and apprehend criminals.
When you look at an institution like Mulago, in the area of health, people could travel from all over East Africa to come to Mulago. Today, Mulago is a sad, tragic, pitiful shadow of what it used to be. Today the CID does one job. The job of the CID is to take directives from Museveni to harass the opposition, to follow the opposition, and to try to get trumped up charges against the opposition; not cracking criminal activities.
We have an institution-less state. A state with no procedures. A state in which somebody can call up the Central Bank and say " tomorrow we are going to 'x' place, we need so much in US dollars," and it will be delivered. No papers signed, no procedures followed; that is the way the country is being run today.
We have one institution left standing, in the midst of all this ruin. The rest are gutted, or they have collapsed. In the midst of this ruin, one institution remains standing. Bloated, exaggerated, omnipresent, omni-powerful -- it is the presidency – that is the only institution that is standing.
So whether you are talking about promoting or dismissing a police officer, I think it was in Natete, the President goes and says, "I strip you of your rank, because I heard that something happened here." No business of the President!
The land in Shimoni College, it is the president who takes or gives it. It is somebody who should be given a tax break; completely arbitrary, so and so, investor Mr. 'X' we will not tax anything he brings into the country.
Scholarships, you've now heard of something called State House scholarships. Isn't that an oxymoron, as they say in this country? What is the connection between State House and the award of scholarships? Scholarships are from the Ministry of Education. And at the Ministry of Education is supposed to be a commission, a regular commission of experts who receive applications, vet the applications and they award scholarships.
What business has anybody got to do awarding scholarships at the kitchen table in State House, in a manner which nobody understands? No criteria, you simply see them popping up and they are being given scholarships.
And that then comes to the issue of not just the cronyism -- it is a combination of cronyism and nepotism in a manner in which we've never seen in Uganda. Forget about equitable opportunities, forget about expertise, forget about saying I've got this qualification and this experience, I sent in my application.
Everybody knows most appointments, most promotions are done on the basis of cronyism, and the most unbelievable level of nepotism. This is the country that we are talking about.
Entrenched Ethnic Divisions
And to add to that, I've never seen in our country a situation in which, how should I call it? In which, the level of where does so and so come from, what last name does he bear? Does it begin with an 'm' or does it begin with an 'o'? Does it begin with a 'zed' or, does it begin with I don't know what other common names begin with in Uganda.
The way in which this regime has deliberately made it a policy to fragment the country, to set people against each other as a way of divide and rule; as a way of gaining and retaining power.
So today, by and large, I don't know here in the Diaspora, but by and large, in Uganda, somebody meets you and the first thing in their mind is likely to be, "Where does he come from?" "What language does he speak?" "What does his first or last name begin with?" then other things follow. I don't recall any other time in the history of Uganda when we had this.
You know, when I was at Makerere, I don't recall an Acholi, ethnically I'm an Acholi. I don't recall something called the Acholi Student Union at Makerere. I knew the (Student) Guild, and I knew NUSU and then various professional groups. But the other day, somebody calls me up from Kyambogo to invite me to come and speak at the annual meeting of the Lango Student Association in Kyambogo. The same thing exists at Makerere, and another day, something even more interesting happened. I
saw in the newspaper a photograph of a function, who were the people holding the function? The Acholi Medical Student Association at Mulago.
Now, it gives you an idea the level of fragmentation in the country; to what extent the people have retreated if you like, to their
primordial wounds, and the way they see themselves.
Lack of Solidarity
So, that is the country that we have, and I'll say finally, that there is alongside with this, a palpable lack of solidarity within our
society. The sense of "it's me, it's my family, it's my job, it's my house." But the sense of common belonging, the sense of helping out each other has been greatly weakened, I have to tell you.
It is a very, a highly atomized society, which is partly why it has been very difficult to organize political activities in Uganda,
because people tend to look at themselves very much in isolation and what they can do to benefit personally, benefit their family, but not what can be done to benefit the community, to organize as a community.
So this is partly what I mean by a country in grave crisis, a country on the verge of collapse, a country which is a shadow of what it used to be.
Now in the light of this, what is my idea of Uganda? What is my vision of Uganda? Where would I want to take Uganda? Where do I want us to take the country? I'll give you this in segments. The first segment is, what is it that we need to do immediately?
Creating Unity and Democratic Space
What we need to do immediately is the following: to unite all patriotic, democracy-seeking Ugandans. It doesn't matter what their political party, it doesn't matter what their views, it doesn't matter what their ethnicity, all patriotic, democracy-seeking Ugandans.
And this, by the way, includes Ugandans who are within the NRM. Because there are patriotic Ugandans in the NRM, there are democracy- seeking Ugandans within the NRM. For various reasons, they have taken refuge in NRM; for various reasons they may stay there for the time being, but they exist.
So we need to assemble, we need to bring together all these Ugandans, united over the issue of what? Over three issues. United over the issue of effecting democratic change in the country. Regime change, but more than that, democratic change.
Secondly, with the change that I'm talking about, creating a genuine democratic space in Uganda. A space within the various ideas can compete, within which the various political formations, whether it is DP, UPC, it's FDC, can compete, but they are competing in a democratic space, a genuine multi-party democratic space.
And thirdly, in the light of what I said earlier, the incredible, grave existential malaise that I described schematically earlier;
creating the opportunity to begin a serious, fundamental transformation of our society. So it's what we need to do immediately.
And it is in that context that by the way, that I have been, even before I became a political leader, even before I jumped into the
political fray. Even before I became leader of UPC, I had already been pushing for what I call the democracy-seeking parties to come together. I pushed for this in 2006, when I was not personally involved. I wrote to all the leaders of the parties, asking them to come together.
The reasons for pushing for the parties to come together, are exactly what I have given you now, so that we can effect change, much-needed, create genuine democratic space, and begin a process of fundamental transformation of our society.
Reweaving the Fabric of National Unity
Now, the second thing I want to say. What do we transform our -- you know what we are transforming our society from -- I described that to you. What do we want to transform it into? Where is this journey going? What is the hill we want to capture? What is the hill we want to reach? We know the valley where we are now, but what is the hill where we want to go?
The following things are very important to me: we have to reweave; we have to restitch the fabric of national unity. We are either Ugandans who belong together, or we are not Ugandans. It can't be halfway. No country can move forward if there is simply a boundary that has put the people together. So we need to rebuild a sense of national cohesion, a sense of common belonging.
We are a very diverse country in every way. It is a wonderful thing that we are so diverse. Being diverse, celebrating our diversity, does not in any way contradict a sense of common belonging as a country. You are living here in the US, this is one of the most diverse countries in the whole world.
Most people in the US have at the very least, double identity; Jewish-American, Polish-American, Irish-American. And they are very, very proud to be Irish. At the same time, you touch their American-ness, and you are in trouble. They are equally proud to be an American.
They see no contradiction. They are very proud to do their non- national day celebrations. Some of them, they do more here than in the land from which their parents came.
In India, which is the largest democracy in the whole world, multiple identities is the norm. We are very familiar with the Gujarati
community, because they are big traders; they are very big in Uganda. And Gujaratis are very, very proud of the culture, civilization, language and religion that belongs to them as a community. At the same time, they are very patriotic Indians.
So there is no contradiction in this. I want to see a Uganda in which a Muganda can be a fiercely patriotic Mugandan. Can be very proud to be a Mugandan, can be very proud to be Musajawa Kabaka [Audience applause].
Very, very, proud of that, and at the same time, be a very patriotic Ugandan, without feeling uneasy within his or her skin.
Without feeling that somehow, there is something awkward about this, that there is a contradiction in this, because there isn't.
There is much to be very proud of in the culture, history and civilization of Buganda, and one should celebrate that. So we must
rise to a new terrain, in terms of our identity, in terms of the sense of our country, and the communities from which we hail.
Citizens First
Secondly, it is very important to me, it makes me very, very sad that the ordinary Ugandans now have been left on their own. They have been completely abandoned by the state. I want to see a Uganda in which the well-being, the development, the health, the education, the economic upliftment of ordinary Ugandans, ordinary families, become front and center of the concern of the state; of the program of the state, the planning, the investment, the expenditure of the state.
Specifically what do I mean? We want to have, I want to see, quality education provided to every child in Uganda regardless of where they come from. I want to see again that a child born in Mucwini, which you cannot find on anybody's map. Even if you get magnifying glasses, you won't find a place called Mucwini.
That a child born in that place, in the middle of nowhere, where there was only what, I think it was only primary one, in my days to primary four, that was the highest level you could go in Mucwini, thereafter you had to go to the nearest town. But that, that child will receive quality education in that village.
A thatched roof, mud hut, but good teachers who can give that child a quality foundation. And from that foundation the next level that child can go to Gulu High School, can go to Budo, can go to Makerere, can go to Oxford, can go to Harvard, can go to United Nations. Why not? There is no earthly reason why any child in Uganda should not be given that opportunity.
[Audience applause.] No earthly reason.
And in a similar way, if we are now in a situation where women in labor have to bring gloves, have to bring water, are to survive the most humiliating situation when they go to a hospital for labor. In the midst of all the pain of labor, they have to be worrying about all these things.
And I went from one place in Uganda to another, what we used to call hospitals, they are still there. The outer structure is still there. God forbid you enter the hospital, there are no drugs, you are lucky if you find some lonely doctor there, no nurses, it is derelict, it is abandoned, it is there only in name. So what happens to a bulk of Ugandans? Literally, they have no access to medical care, as simple as that.
Those who have money of course, there is now a burgeoning, private hospital, so they can have that access. Just like in schooling. You know when I went to school, the son of the minister, the daughter of the most successful businessperson, the son of a peasant from the middle of God knows where, the one leveler, the one democratic space where we all met and mingled was the school. It was a big social engineering process in Uganda. That is now gone.
So what we have is a segregation. If you come from the very well-off class, you have your own schools, your own classmates, your own group. If you come from the not-so-well-off, there is a separate side. There is no common ground anymore; so apart from anything else, socially, we are creating a segregated society.
The farmers who used to benefit from cooperative support, extension services, cooperative loans, the cooperatives are all collapsed. The Busoga cooperative union, Ankole, all these have all collapsed. Now the Bugisu cooperative union is slowly trying to revive itself.
I want to see a situation where we can revive the cooperatives and modernize it, but at any rate make sure we are supporting the backbone of Ugandan society. I want to make sure that instead of, there's something called "investors" in Uganda--it is not what you understand by "investors" in America. The Ugandan investors take no risks, they don't invest any capital, they haven't come up with some bright idea like Mr. (Bill) Gates. They are not entrepreneurs, they are just sweetheart partners of people in government; and that's how they make their money, through good 'ole corruption.
That's how they make their money, they've never invested in anything, they've never sweat to try to in any way build any business concerns. In the meantime, these women who populate the aircraft when I'm traveling, who really are working so hard, they are punished. We have a tax structure which punishes those small-scale business people, and rewards the fraudsters who go to State House.
That is the system we have. We have got to change that, and reward those who are taking risks, those who are growing the economy, those who are really doing something to make our country move forward. So I want to see a government which again can make it its business to deliver social services, to have an economic and tax policy which rewards those who are working hard, and who are really trying to grow our economy.
Managing Uganda's Resources, Stemming Corruption
I want to see a situation in which corruption -- see, corruption is linked to the absence of social services. There is a lot of money in Uganda by the way, a lot of money. If you look over the last 25 years, barely any African country has received more infusion of foreign aid than Uganda. On top of it, direct budgetary subvention, which at one stage was about 53%. I think it is still somewhere about 50%, unheard of that a sovereign country can be subsidized to that rate. Direct budgetary support. And the tax revenues, looking at the official figures -- huge burgeoning tax revenue -- the tax burden in Uganda is
unbearable. So a lot of money has been collected from Ugandans. The question is what is done with that money?
And on top of it, the loot out of the Congo. You all know that the loot was so extensive, so unbelievable that for the first time in the history of the world, the International Court of Justice sat for three to four years, looking at the evidence, and for the first time ever, pronounced a verdict which said the government of Uganda not only committed aggression, but it committed extensive plunder of Congolese resources; committed extensive crimes of war, crimes against humanity, for which Uganda should pay Congo. Hear this, Uganda should pay Congo $10 billion US dollars. That is serious money, isn't it? That's real
dollars we are talking now.
And these monies which came into Uganda was not used to build roads, all this money from tax, from budgetary subvention, from traditional development aid, the loot from the Congo, what is supposed to go in the North to help with reconstruction to help the displaced people there, all these end up in private pockets for a tiny, little elite who have accumulated fortunes. You must believe me this; they have accumulated fortunes, which are impressive by world standards, in Uganda.
That is what we have, so we must find a way to fight corruption; beginning -- the beginning is actually quite simple. It is our
leaders, beginning with the President himself or herself, setting an example. If the president, his family, his ministers, his commanders are doing the opposite, if they are fueling the machine of corruption, then they go and tell the people, please stop corruption, people laugh at them. It is a mockery. But if people see that they are setting an example of public [probity], and then they say in addition we put in place mechanisms to fight corruption, and in addition they say if we detect, we will prosecute you, people will begin to respond more seriously.
I know this culture has now gotten so ingrained, so deep, because it has been orchestrated from above, so deep, it will be one of the most important fights for Ugandans to mount if they want to recover their country. We have to fight the corruption, the level of corruption, which has been ingrained in the country.
And then you see, I see the issue of institutions, which I spoke about earlier. No country in the world can develop without institutions. How is that possible when there are utterly no institutions? It's a vacuum. And then, one man, who happens to be the president, will make ad hoc pronouncements and those pronouncements become policy, they become directive, they become plans, they become programs.
In the area of agriculture you've heard that Museveni has gone to experts and said don't grow this, grow vanilla, that becomes policy. The peasants abandon whatever they were growing before, and they go to vanilla. The following day, don't grow vanilla now, I want you to grow---I don't know what. There are no studies, there are no discussions, experts have not examined any of these things at all, it just comes straight from the head of one man, and that becomes the policy.
So we need to revive institutions within the country, procedures within the country and a mode of governance, which is serious, where you actually have a panel of experts sitting down, examining issues and developing plans. When did you last hear about a development plan of any kind in Uganda? Or a plan to do with youth, saying this is the youth program for Uganda for the next 10 years. Or this is a program to do with higher education. It does not exist. When you go to the libraries, what you will find are dust-collected programs from way, way, way, way back.
So we are a country of which there are no plans, no debate, no scientific methods of arriving at any kind of policies, it is all
[inaudible]. You ask the Ugandan intellectuals, all the well-educated people when they were last called to be a part of a committee to look at this sector, that sector, to come up with papers, it has not happened. So this is [inaudible].... situation in a country with so much intellectual capital, so much expertise; we've got to reverse that situation.
No Rule of Law
And let me tell you the issue with the rule of law. I spoke earlier about the police state par excellence. Well, I don't need to dwell on this, but Ugandans now, I don't know when they last heard about the rule of law, about an independent judiciary, about actually telling a policeman sorry, this is against the law, or you can't do this NRM Mr. So and So, because it is against the law. I don't know when Ugandans have last heard that. They don't know what you're talking about when you say a directive from the president, from a minister, from a commander, is against the law, and therefore it should be challenged.
So, it is a state in which the rule of law has collapsed and we must reintroduce the rule of law. Without institutions, without the rule of law, with corruption being so rampant, our country can go nowhere. It is clear, it can go nowhere. So we've got to tackle those things and tackle them head on.
Let me say one word about -- I spoke earlier about a child from the middle of nowhere being given an opportunity. I feel very strongly about this. If we do not have equity opportunities, if we don't present equitable access for our citizens, for our youth, for our women, we have no country to speak of.
First of all it means that our talent is being wasted. And what I want to offer the youth of Uganda in particular, is not envelopes of money, which is what Museveni does. For every problem, and every complaint there's an envelope with some money inside.
You silence that constituency, you silence that group, literally, there's money being doled out.
I have no money to offer Ugandan youth, and I should not offer them envelopes of money. What I want for Ugandan youth is something much more important. I spent many years working for youth, working for women all over the world. I think they've benefitted in some measure from my contribution.
I want to bring that experience, that network, that expertise, that resource, bring all of it and put it at the benefit of Ugandan women and Ugandan youth. And the way to do that is to provide them with quality education. That's the beginning of the solution, which doesn't depend on where you come from, what kind of family you are born in.
And then to provide them equity of opportunity, so that when you leave Makerere, they don't ask what family you are from. It is your hard work, your paper, your experience that will be taken into account, when you are applying for a job.
If we have quality education for most Ugandan children, and then when they are being recruited and promoted it is done on the basis of their expertise, we will begin to recover our country.
So really, I want to say to you that these are some of the things, which in my mind constitute elements of the transformation that I'm talking about. I can say a lot more and there are a lot more issues, but these are the main ones.
Now, there is another thing I should mention to you. The struggle in which we are engaged, is of course a political struggle; it is an economic, social struggle, of course, but it is more than that. It is much more than that.
This struggle is about the very soul of our land, the very soul of our country. There is an aspect of this struggle, which is not political, not just economic; it is a moral struggle. Let me tell you why. If we live in a country in which apparently there is no sense of outrage anymore, no sense of shame, especially on the part of those who lead us.
Let me give you an example. I had been in Kampala only a few days, when the massacre of September 10th last year took place. 33 Ugandans were gunned down on the streets of Kampala in one day. Unarmed Ugandans -- 33; and hundreds of Ugandans were wounded and taken to hospitals, some were rounded up and taken to prison.
The following day in Kampala, and in the country, it's business as usual. The whole week, the following week, business as usual, as if nothing had happened. How is that possible? How is that possible?
And then the regime begins to craft a narrative, which Ugandans buy, so they begin to say well, there were these Baganda rioters. Or, they are not Ugandans, they are Baganda rioters, and immediately the papers pick this up. So suddenly they are isolated, they are no longer Ugandans, they are Bagandans, so it is a Buganda affair.
Two, they are rioters, implying somehow they must have done something to earn being massacred on the streets of Kampala.
Several days later, something similar happened in Conakry, Guinea. This was a major event. The Guineans poured out on the street; they began the process which brought down that government. They yelled all over the international community; there were headlines all over the place.
It was a very different response from what happened in Kampala in Uganda. How is this possible? How is this possible?
Or when you have, you've now seen this series of schools being burnt, in Budo Jr., young girls were burnt to death in their beds in a boarding school. Primary schoolgirls. Nothing happened. Absolutely nothing happened! Another school was burned down, and another one. Nothing happened, business as usual. What has become of us?
Or, when you read now in the papers, if maybe one occasion in five years you heard about this thing of child sacrifice; I don't know how many were familiar with that term growing up, it is now a common thing. Every other day you pick a paper, some child has been kidnapped; some child has been killed, dismembered, certain organs taken away, and again, no outcry. People are not marching on the streets saying what is going on? And what is the government doing about this, and who are the culprits? No, it comes and passes; it is no big deal anymore, not to mention what happened in Kanungu, even earlier.
So we have in Uganda a series of unbelievable outrages, which are going on, and they have become routine, and the people of Uganda are accepting these outrages as normal things.
So, it appears we have lost our sense of outrage, our sense of taboo. It appears we've lost that. And if a society doesn't regain a sense of outrage and taboo, where can such a society go, if there are no boundaries, there are no things, which you say this is beyond the pale. But that I fear, is what this regime has reduced Ugandans to.
Related to this, I must tell you I'm shocked at the money culture which has been inculcated by the Museveni regime. Money is important everywhere in the world, you know as the song goes, money makes the world go round. It's true, everywhere in the world, but I've never seen a situation in which money is on a pedestal and king, as in Uganda today. Which is very ironic, because most people in Uganda have no money. The bulk of Ugandans have no money.
So what drives the country is precisely what 99% of people don't possess. That is what drives the country. Which therefore means that you've got a tiny group on top, for whom money is no object, and that becomes the means of corrupting people and the means of controlling.
So the money culture has become so deep; everything is buyable. Everything. Money can open your way everywhere, can buy everything. We've got to find a way to address this.
So, in addition to the political, social and economic transformation, we have a moral struggle to recover the soul of our land.
Buganda's Issues are National Issues
Let me mention another issue which is very important to me; it is the issue of Buganda, the issue of Buganda, the issue of Buganda. We are in Uganda, living a very unnatural situation. Buganda is the largest single entity. It is the most important single community by far, by whatever indices you use, whether you look at population, you look at geographic location, you look at endowments of education; economic development, commerce. However you look at it, Buganda is the most
important single entity in Uganda.
Which therefore means that if Buganda is unhappy, Buganda is opposed or even just stunted, very little enterprise of great consequence can be achieved. It's a little bit like the US, the US in the world, it's a similar kind of role. If the US is unhappy, the US is opposed, very little of great international enterprise can happen, because the US will block it. The US will make it difficult for that to happen.
Buganda's role in Uganda is not dissimilar, maybe not quite at the level of US superpower-dom, but nevertheless, in the context of Uganda, is proportionate.
Then you've got the rest of Uganda. Now, if the rest of Uganda is suspicious of Buganda, if the rest of Uganda says ah, the Bugandans are throwing their weight again, or they want to dominate, they want to take everything; they want to be in charge. It also means that Buganda cannot achieve its most cherished, important aspirations, because it will be counter-manded by the rest of Uganda.
So what you then have is a zero sum game in which Buganda loses, the rest of Uganda loses; so this dichotomy is unnatural, not to say unhealthy, for all concerned, and yet for most of Uganda's history, this has been the dominant paradigm. That you've got Buganda, and you've got the rest of Uganda.
It expresses itself differently. At one stage, as we know in 1966, the day of the Great Rupture, you had the Kabaka on one side, you had Prime Minister Milton Obote on the other. You had the president on one side, you had the prime minister on the other side. You had Buganda on one side, you had the Central government on the other side.
You had UPC on one side; you had KY/Mengo, on the other side. Nowadays we are seeing it expressed in various ways; so however it expresses itself, a situation in which the current, the status quo, what has been for most of Uganda's history, the situation is unnatural, it is unhealthy for the country, it punctures and compromises Uganda's political, social and economic development.
We must move to a situation of win-win. Which means, we must once and for all recognize the issues which are at stake on all sides, for all concerned. Which is why, for example, I as -- even before I became the leader of UPC, I said it is very important that UPC as a party, the rest of Uganda as an entity, and Buganda should address the issue of this dichotomy.
We should recognize what is at issue, recognize what went wrong, and find ways of healing. Certainly since becoming president of UPC, I've been even more insistent on that issue, and I cannot say too strongly, that this is one of the biggest challenges facing Uganda, to normalize these relations, and as I said earlier, make a Muganda feel very proud to be a Muganda, and equally, fiercely patriotic, as a Ugandan, and vice versa.
Now, today as we speak, there are some issues on the Buganda agenda, the issue of federo. My own view is actually, contrary to common misconception. Buganda may have been the one at the forefront of raising the issue and promoting it, but federo is a Ugandan issue, not a Buganda issue.
The notion that you should have decisions made, resources allocated, there should be accountability, and this therefore means that decisions, resource allocation and so on should take place at the closest proximity to those who are affected by it. That's what really federo is about. That is a Ugandan issue, because it makes for more democratic accountability, it makes for more transparency, it reduces corruption, but also reduces petty functionaries throwing their weight around, as I was describing earlier.
It is a misnomer to attach to this issue the label this is a Buganda issue. Which is why I strongly support the idea of having a national compact; having a democratic forum -- not one which is imposed -- in which one can flesh out the particulars of exactly what this federo arrangement would look like, and what would be accepted by all Ugandans.
Secondly, the issue of land is very important to Bagandans, but again, this is not unique to Buganda. Buganda has genuine land issues that need to be resolved; and the business of land grab, under whatever guise, we must resist, we must in fact fight against that.
You see, let me give you an example, I went to Luweero, I met a gentleman called Kamya. So as we, I was now leaving the meeting, he said a few words in Luo, so I said, so where did you learn your Luo? Did you live outside Luweero? He said, no, but my grandfather, or maybe his father, came from Lango. Okay? So this man has now become a Muganda, including his very name. His name was not Okello, it was Kamya, but his folks came from Lango.
Okay, I go to Mityana. There is a lady who comes to me and speaks fluent, fluent Luo, so I ask her her story, she is a Muganda, lived most of her life in Lira, and then decided because of some family elderly relatives, to come back to Mityana. But all her life, she lived in Lira. She belongs to Lira.
So, it is one thing to have an Acholi come and settle in Buganda and to have a Muganda go and settle in Gulu, and these are all over the country these criss-crossings, all over the country. That's one thing, and that should be encouraged, it should be the freedom of all Ugandans to do that.
But it is another thing to organize demographic engineering. No differently, when like Stalin used to do in Russia, you deliberately organize groups of persons to be sent in an area to displace the people there, takeover the land, and change the demographic composition for economic and political manipulation, that we can't accept, imposing that kind of arrangement, we must reject.
The freedom of movement among Ugandans, absolutely, and we don't need a policy of government to regulate that. Ugandans are all over the place, they are settled all over the place. So the issue of land, land grab, and demographic manipulation for political purposes, we must reject. [Audience applause.]
Then comes the issue of the status, the role, the place of the Kabaka. Well, either we have genuine restoration of kingdoms and kingships, or we don't. If we do, then we should have the kind of arrangement that we have in Ghana and Nigeria. And incidentally, I had the opportunity to discuss this with the Kabaka, then Ronald Mutebi, before the restoration, several times, when there was no prospect of restoration in sight, we were just discussing. And I said to him, in Uganda, we should look at the prospect of restoring kings and kingdoms and take the model of Ghana, the model of Nigeria.
Let me explain. Today in Ghana, if not in Africa, there are few leaders more powerful than the Ashanti head. He's got no political
role. His authority is not conferred by any competition or politics. It is a cultural, moral authority. It is the respect his people have for him. It is the bond which brings the Ashanti people together, which gives the Ashanti head that power.
When he comes to New York -- I'm sure he's been to Los Angeles. When the President of Ghana arrives in New York, there is no commotion, nobody knows he's in New York. But when the Ashanti head arrives, you cannot miss the fact that the Ashanti head is in town. Not just in New York; in New Jersey, all over the place. It is a cultural phenomenon. [Audience applause.]
And we should allow all Ugandan communities, and certainly the biggest, the most organized is the Buganda Kingdom and
the Kabaka of Buganda, complete latitude to exercise this role and to have whatever sway, whatever authority, moral authority, whatever influence he can bring to bear on his people, and they in turn back to him.
In a similar way, by the way, I believe that the Kabaka is of course the Kabaka of Buganda, but by that fact, he automatically becomes, one of the most pre-eminent Ugandan citizens, by that very fact. And that is why in Gulu, at a big, big public gathering, I said I am speaking now, as a son of the Chua clan. My father happens to be Chua. [Audience applause.]
I am speaking, as I said, as a citizen of Gulu and as an ethnic Acholi. I said, in these three capacities, and in that order, I want to invite the Kabaka of Buganda of Uganda to come and visit Acholiland. [Audience applause.]
And I said I want him to come as the Kabaka of Buganda, as a free citizen of Uganda. He is a free citizen of Uganda, is he not?
He can move anywhere in Uganda, without any hindrance, and I said, as one of the most prominent and progressive African statesman of our era, which is true. The Kabaka is a very modern leader, very progressive, and one of the most preeminent leaders in Africa today. In these three capacities, the royal dancers, the Bwola dancers, will be out there waiting to receive him, and to welcome him. [Audience applause.]
So really, the notion that a central government should go out of its way, with one mouth to say we accept the role of traditional leaders and with the other move to radically undermine it; or even as we've seen recently, more than undermine, work to humiliate the Kabaka, is completely unacceptable, and it should not just be a matter for Buganda, it should be a matter for all Ugandans. It is part of that agenda that I referred to earlier, for having a natural win-win situation.
What does the rest of Uganda lose when Buganda is confident, when the Kabaka is a confident leader, relating well with his people, when there is no problem of Protestant/Catholics in Buganda. What does the rest of Uganda lose? That makes Buganda actually a healthier, bigger agent of development for the rest of the country. Just like if the US is so unhappy within its skin, you know what happens to the world?
So the notion that somehow a united Buganda, a strong Kabaka, one in which you don't have Mengo vs. [inaudible] or Protestant versus Catholic, somehow this is bad news, this is retrograde. This is completely backwards. We should want a win-win situation. On the issue of the role of the Kabaka, on the issue of the land question and on the issue of Federo. Those are my views.
Truth-telling and Reconciliation
Now, let me say, concerning one other matter, which is quite involved. I've spoken quite a bit on the issue of truth-telling and
reconciliation. It is has gotten me into a lot of trouble. I've said we should have truth-telling concerning some of the most egregious, traumatic episodes in Uganda's recent history. And top of the list, I've said we should have truth-telling about Luweero, about what happened in Luweero. I've said we should find out what happened to the Moslems in Mbarara. We should find out what happened in [inaudible]. We should find out what happened in Northern Uganda over these last 20
years or so.
Let me explain to you. I have no interest whatsoever in retribution and revenge. In fact, my own faith, I happen to be a Christian. My own faith says explicitly, that revenge is not for us. Revenge is for the Lord to decide. I'm not interested in revenge, not in retribution. No amount of retribution can take away the suffering of those who suffered in Luweero or other places.
What I do say is the following. It is critical that we know the whole truth about any of these situations. And I say, let the chips fall where they might. I have no bridge for anybody, I don't want to protect anybody in any of these situations, I want all those who committed crimes and atrocities, that all that be exposed and drawn out in the open. First, because it would set all of us free. The Bible is right about this. Knowing the truth about this situation will set all of us free.
Secondly, when people have gone through what the people of Luweero went through, or the Muslims went through in Mbarara, one of the worst things that can lock up their souls is knowing that there is no acknowledgement of the trials they've been through. You don't acknowledge; it has been swept under the carpet. There is no truth, people don't know what happened, and it is not acknowledged.
In South Africa, one of the reasons why the hearts of those who suffered under apartheid was set loose, was the acknowledgement, in Argentina, El Salvador, that oh my God, the world now knows what I went through.
It is like the old Negro song. [Singing]: "Nobody knows, the trouble I've seen, nobody knows but Jesus. Nobody knows the trouble I've seen, Glory, Alleluia."
That is a very big song, because they were saying nobody here knows, nobody cares, nobody knows what I've been through,
but the Lord does.
So if we know what the people of Luweero went through, if we acknowledge and say 'yes, we went through this,' that sets loose the souls, which are now so tightened with tension, with passion, with hatred. And from that, the acknowledgement, yes this happened, comes who did it. 'Yes, I know so and so did it.'
And better still, if the perpetrators say 'yes, I did it,' like they did in many countries. In South Africa, Argentina and other places
they came forward and acknowledged it. 'I am the one who did this.' That is the road, which leads to reconciliation and healing. So the purpose of truth telling is to set us free, to set our hearts that are locked in this free, so we can walk this road, and end up on the hill of reconciliation.
That is why. That is why. It is not for revenge, it is not for retribution. And that is why I will insist and continue to say, we
must know the truth about Luweero [Audience applause].
I don't care whether Museveni or Tinyefunza will crush me, as they've said "we'll crush you." Well they'll crush me, but they'll crush me on that road as I inch my way on that hill working towards reconciliation. But the path for reconciliation, the way to
reconciliation, it passes through truth-telling, it passes through acknowledgement, it passes through accountability.
You don't achieve reconciliation by pretending nothing happened, or let us not speak about this, let's simply move forward; we shall never move forward. So I want you to understand, I'll continue to speak about these traumatic episodes because I want healing and I want reconciliation. You hear me? [Audience replies "yes."]
You hear me?
[Audience applause].
Question and answer session follows--available on YouTube.
To view Otunnu's Los Angeles area appearance, please visit this link: http://www.youtube.com/user/usanduganda2011
Latest comments
- Ann GarrisonFebruary 22,2018 @ 08:03 PM
I think you have "Filtered HTML" turned on here. If you switch to "Full HTML," it will probably...
googletag.pubads().definePassback('6785150/BENN/BlackStarNews', [[300,250]]).setTargeting('fold',['BTF']).display();


text:
Issues with Server-Side Includes and .htaccess Files
Customer security is one of, if not the, top priority for us. We continually look for new ways to ensure our customers are safe, as well as improving our existing technology. With that in mind, we've recently upgraded Apache® on our Web servers to implement tighter security standards—protecting our customers from potential compromises.
However, with this upgrade comes some changes to how our environment handles
.htaccess files.
- You do not need to enable Server-Side Includes for HTML files via
.htaccess. They're enabled by default from Apache 2.2 and onward, and enabling them results in an error.
If you use use "Option Includes," "Options -Includes," or "Options +Includes" in your
.htaccessfile, your site might display a "500 - Internal Server Error." To get more information, you can enable error logs to show you the cause of the error, which is similar to this:[Wed Aug 31 03:13:37 2011] [alert] [client 127.0.0.1] /home/content/45/12345/html/.htaccess: Option Includes not allowed hereTo resolve this issue, remove the version of "Options Include" you use in your
- If you override all "Options," instead of appending the server's default option, or if you use improper syntax, your site can become vulnerable and experience functionality issues—such as HTML Server-Side Includes not functioning.
To append, enable, or disable options in your
.htaccessfile, we recommend adding a
-before the item you want to modify. Without using
-, our default (the most secure) Option replaces yours and, as a security precaution, Server-Side Includes become unavailable.
For example:
- "Options
+Indexes" is the preferred way to enable directory browsing.
- "Options
-Indexes" is the preferred way to disable directory browsing. This is also the default behavior.
- "Options Indexes" still enables directory browsing, but also breaks Server-Side Includes in HTML files.
- "Options
SSI-Related Errors
[an error occurred while processing this directive] Error
Either 403 errors (such as no default/index file) or SSI handling can cause this error.
If it isn't a 403 error, how you fix this error depends on how the file generating the error references other files.
- If the file generating the error and its references are in the same directory, replace
<!--#include virtual-->"file.ext"with
<!--#include file-->"file.ext".
- If the file and its references are in different directories, make sure the
virtualelement starts at the root of the hosting account, e.g.
<!--#include virtual-->/aliasdomaindir/anotherdir/file.ext.
Note: The Server-Side Includes described here do not affect including files with dynamic scripting languages, such as PHP, Perl, or Python.


text:
Get DVD Talk Feeds
Will Ferrell and director Adam McKay have hit upon a formula that works for them, and they're sticking with it. The pair's previous big-screen collaboration, 2004's Anchorman: The Legend of Ron Burgundy, goosed TV newsrooms while simultaneously skewering the Dumb American Male over a fire pit. Its humor was silly, largely improvisational and devoted to a spirit of anarchy.
That movie's basic plotline -- self-satisfied macho idiot wins it all, then loses it all -- is grafted on to Talladega Nights: The Ballad of Ricky Bobby. This time around, the jabs are aimed at NASCAR culture instead of TV news. But unlike Anchorman, Talladega Nights feels more like an actual movie and less like a series of flimsily connected sketches.
Ferrell stars as cocky Ricky Bobby, destined for the literal fast track from the moment he is blasted out of his mother's womb in the backseat of a speeding Chevelle. "If you ain't first, you're last," his pot-dealing, no-account father (Gary Cole) tells young Ricky, instilling in the boy a lifelong obsession with winning. Ricky rises quickly to NASCAR stardom, acquiring all the trappings of southern-fried success, including a lakeside mansion, blonde trophy wife (Leslie Bibb) and two foulmouthed boys named, of course, Walker and Texas Ranger (Houston Tumlin and Grayson Russell).
Ricky's need for speed is rivaled only by his oversized ego, and so he flips out when a Formula One champion racer, Jean Girard (Sacha Baron Cohen of Borat fame), arrives on the scene. Girard is everything that Ricky and his best friend and fellow racer, Cal Naughton Jr. (John C. Reilly), fear and loathe. Girard is a gay French intellectual who reads Camus and sips macchiato, sometimes in the middle of racing.
Ricky Bobby buckles under the stress of this newfound competition. After a bone-crushing crash, he suffers a nervous breakdown and -- this being a Will Ferrell movie -- runs around a racetrack, stripped down to his BVDs. So begins his downfall. He suffers delusions that he is paralyzed and eventually lands work delivering pizzas on a bicycle while his gold-digger wife, Carly, shacks up with Cal. Will our hero bounce back and redeem himself?
Talladega Nights is unmistakably a Will Ferrell vehicle, but the actor is magnanimous enough to allow plenty of shining moments for a first-rate supporting cast that includes Michael Clarke Duncan, Amy Adams and Molly Shannon. In an environment that obviously relied on improv, Reilly, Cohen and Bibb are uniformly terrific; Cohen is a particular standout, sporting the most tortured French accent since Peter Sellers' Inspector Clouseau.
As they did in Anchorman, co-writers Ferrell and McKay employ a kitchen sink aesthetic, hurling gobs of running gags against the wall in hopes that enough shtick sticks. To their credit, much of it is hilarious. There are several memorable set pieces, especially an uproarious dinner scene in which Ricky directs his prayer of grace to "baby Christmas Jesus," (8 lbs, 9 oz., if you're curious) Ricky's preferred incarnation of Christ.
Moreover, Talladega Nights is one of the few motion pictures in recent memory in which shameless product placement actually works, reflecting NASCAR's obsession with corporate sponsorship. You have to admire any movie that actually interrupts its climax for an Applebee's commercial.
The "unrated" DVD boasts 13 minutes of additional footage, but parts of this rejiggered version actually dilute some of the humor. For whatever reason, Jean Girard now credits France with the "blow job" instead of the "ménage-a-trois" – a rather odd, and nonsensical, rewriting. A few new bits -- such as a conversation about getting a gigolo for an 88-year-old grandmother -- are gratuitous. A smattering of scenes from the theatrical version, including one in which a young Ricky Bobby steals his mother's car while she's buying milk, are now inexplicably absent. And still other vignettes, while funny, are extended to the point that they lose their punch.
Presented in 2.40:1 anamorphic widescreen, the picture quality is absolutely first-rate, with bright colors, rich detail and a sharp image.
The sound is crisp and clear, but the Dolby Digital 5.1 audio track doesn't utilize back speakers as much as one would expect for a motion picture about auto racing. Subtitles are available in English and French.
One thing you can bank on with DVDs of largely adlibbed movies; there will be plenty of supplemental material that ended up on the cutting room floor. That's surely the case with Talladega Nights: The Ballad of Ricky Bobby. Fans are rewarded with a rich bounty of bonuses.
The only real disappointment, in fact, is a commentary by director/co-writer Adam McKay and actor Ian Roberts, who appears in the film. McKay spoofs the arrogance and pretentiousness that drips from so many commentaries, but the joke grows tiresome and -- stretched across the length of the entire feature -- plain unbearable. Maybe that's the point. If so, mission accomplished.
Thankfully, the other extras more than make up for the commentary. Nine deleted and extended scenes (which have a combined running time of 25 minutes, 20 seconds) are generally funny; some of the material probably deserved to make the final cut. We get more scenes with Amy Adams as Ricky's personal assistant, Susan. If included in the theatrical version, such footage would have helped ease the character into the third act, where she suddenly takes on a quasi-critical role. The deleted scenes also showcase the considerable comedic skills of Leslie Bibb and John C. Reilly.
Similarly, a five-minute, 22-second line-o-rama is essential, terrific stuff -- montage of adlibs that didn't make the final cut.
Other supplemental material nixed from the theatrical version includes: Ricky and Cal's commercials (1:35), Ricky and Cal's public service announcements (2:31) and a five-minute, 40-second grouping of some wonderful outtakes with Walker and Texas Ranger.
Fake interviews with the characters of Talladega Nights, however, strain the gag. This features Ricky and Cal (5:30), Jean Girard and his husband Gregory (3:39) and Cal and Carly (4:12). Intermittently entertaining.
Will Ferrell Returns to Talladega is a five-minute, 20-second clip of the actor making an appearance at the celebrated raceway sometime after the completion of the film. Ferrell is quick-witted, funny and likeable in his interactions with racecar drivers and enthusiasts.
Also included is a theatrical trailer, a two-minute, 27-second gag reel and bonus race footage that clocks in at one minute, 18 seconds.
The DVD also has previews for The Pursuit of Happyness, Ghost Rider, The Da Vinci Code, Little Man, Click, Curse of the Golden Flower, An Evening with Kevin Smith: Evening Harder, Seinfeld Season 7 and Coming to Blu-Ray.
The impulse of DVD producers to dress up already released films with "unrated" versions is always a dicey affair. Typically, there are solid reasons that certain footage was left on the cutting-room floor. Talladega Nights: The Ballad of Ricky Bobby, however, is an interesting case. While the 13 minutes added to the film are hit-or-miss, a fair amount of what we find in the DVD's "deleted and extended scenes" is good stuff. Regardless, Will Ferrell fans would be well-advised to race out and pick up this extras-laden DVD of a movie that might just be his funniest to date.


text:
Bernard is a real visionary with a talent to see beyond the initial obstacles of creating a great visual presentation. With just just the basic essentials a little dirt (an unclear script), and a few drops of rain (a competitive budget) he can create a forest of imagery, and give your company a million dollar look without the price tag.
"OMG, Bernard. This is amazing. No edits for sure. It is perfect and I just wanted to say that you and your team truly exceeded all our expectations. Everyone has loved the video and spoke very highly of your work, and we even had an article written in the Miami Herald thanks to your PSA video for our new Non-Profit Foundation."
We consider ourselves lucky to be able to work with people who are passionate about their profession, something that was evident in you and your team. So many possibilities that come to mind for future projects to keep us excited.
"Look no further, Bonomotion is the company you need to hire. Not only for their high integrity and unparalleled service, but for their sincere desire to see your company succeed at the ultimate level."
"WOW! Our new company marketing video is great. You delivered exactly what we were looking for.. AGAIN!"
"I just wanted to say thank you for everything you did to create a corporate video for us to present to our Board of Directors. You really went above and beyond! "
"I was very, Very, VERY impressed with the creativity and thoughtfulness of the video you guys did for the Sales Rep of the Year awards and felt it was important to share it with our owner and top management in NYC. The decision was made to create a video to thank the winners of this year's Sales Reps of the Year. I felt it important for you guys to see this great video, and hear from the People that manage our Reps. Our team in Miami showed this last night, and it's pretty cool."
Bernard's team was extremely professional during the entire process of producing our video. They made our vision for a high impact video a reality. We were very impressed with their hands-on approach, and how they completed our project in an efficient and timely manner. We would highly recommend choosing Bonomotion, and we will definitely use them for our future projects.
Creativity abounds! If you could bottle up Bonomotion's passion and energy, you could power some serious stuff. I've know Bernard for almost 10 years and he has always been committed to helping clients succeed, and delivers video productions any business would be proud of.
"Thank you so much for the amazing videos. You did a fantastic job of capturing our fashion shows and New Years event. We are excited to continue this relationship with Bonomotion, as our official lifestyle video producer."


text:
Working at LANXESS means assuming responsibility, shaping the company and accepting challenges. Does our corporate culture and Formula X appeal to you? Do you see changes as opportunities for making improvements? Then you will fit in in our company.
LANXESS does not consider unsolicited applications submitted by recruitment agencies. In particular, recruitment agencies have no rights to fees in cases where a corresponding master agreement has not been entered into in writing; this also applies if candidates put forward in unsolicited applications are included in the recruitment process at a later date.
&tx_pwrktemplateablejobboard_pi1%5Bsubmit%5D=1 http://www.job.lanxess.com/en/jobs-application/vacancies/?tx_pwrktemplateablejobboard_pi1%5Bsubmit%5D=1&tx_pwrktemplateablejobboard_pi1%5Bfilter%5D=