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It's back. The Patriot Act — that grotesque, ever-mutating, hydra-headed monstrosity from the Bush-Cheney Little Shop of Horrors — has risen again, this time with an added twist of Orwellian intrusiveness from the Obamacans.
Since 2006, Team Bush, and then Team Obama, have allowed the little-known, hugely powerful National Security Agency to run a daily dragnet through your and my phone calls — all on the hush-hush, of course, not informing us spyees. Now exposed, leaders of both parties are piously pointing to the Patriot Act, saying that it legalized this wholesale, everyday invasion of our privacy, so we shouldn't be surprised, much less upset by NSA's surreptitious peek-a-boo program.
When the story broke, Obama quickly began dissembling, calling these massive and routine violations of the Fourth Amendment "modest encroachments on privacy" that are "worth us doing" to make us more secure. He added disingenuously that Congress is regularly briefed about the program. In fact, however, only a handful of members are briefed, and even they have been lied to by Obama's director of national intelligence, James Clapper, who flatly denied in Senate testimony in March that NSA was gathering information on hundreds of millions of our citizens' phone calls. Yet, Sen. Diane Feinstein, chairwoman of the intelligence committee, loyally defends spying on Americans, claiming it protects us from terrorists. But she then admitted she really doesn't know how the mountains of data are being used.
This is nothing but the "Great Bottomless Trust-Us Swamp," created by the panicky passage and irresponsible reauthorization of the Patriot Act. Secretly seizing everyone's phone records is, as the ACLU put it, "beyond Orwellian." A New York Times editorial rightly says, "The administration has now lost all credibility on this issue." But no administration can be trusted to restrain itself from abusing the unlimited power of the Patriot Act.
It's not enough to fight NSA's outrageously invasive spying on us — the Patriot Act itself is a shameful betrayal of America's ideals, and it must be repealed.
When whistleblower Eric Snowden literally blew the lid off NSA's seven-year, super-snooper program of rummaging electronically through about a billion phone calls made every day by us average Americans, Al Gore tweeted: "Is it just me, or is secret blanket surveillance obscenely outrageous?" It's definitely not just you, Al — this latest explosion of the Fourth Amendment is so mega-awful that authorities had to conjure up a new word for the process: Metadata mining.
Most shocking, however, is the tin-eared, who-cares reaction by both Republican and Democratic leaders to this outrageous meta-surveillance. For example, GOP Sen. Lindsey Graham blustered that, "It doesn't bother me one bit that NSA has my number." Hey, Lindsey, it's not your number we're worried about. It's NSA's collection of our entire country's numbers. Then came Sen. Saxby Chambliss: "We have not had any citizen who has registered a complaint," he blathered. Hello, Sen. Clueless: No one knew to complain since y'all kept the program secret from us! Remember?
Even more ridiculous was President Obama's feeble effort to rationalize this spookery by declaring that Congress knew about it, as did a special spy court that routinely reviews and blesses it, so it's all legit. In a perplexed voice, Obama added: "If people cant trust the executive branch, but also don't trust Congress and don't trust federal judges ... then we're going to have some problems here."
Gosh sir, We the People have now learned that all three branches of government have furtively conspired for seven years to violate our privacy — so, no, we don't trust any of them. And, yes, that is a biiiiiiig problem.
To find out more about Jim Hightower, and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators webpage at www.creators.com.


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subset: commoncrawl


text:
Focusing on all-round musicianship
ABRSM exams are music exams rather than instrumental or singing exams. Examiners assess the quality of the music-making, not how it's achieved. For this reason, we don't restrict examiners to assessing only their own instrument but require them to examine all instruments.
We've designed our graded music exams to motivate instrumental and singing students of all ages and a wide range of abilities. They're available at eight levels – Grades 1 to 8 – and provide:
- Progressive goals to aim for
- Recognition for achievement
- Carefully structured syllabus requirements
- One-to-one assessment by an expert professional
- An objective guide to a candidate's skills and progress.
There are no age restrictions and students can start with any grade or skip grades if they want to.
What's included in the exam?
To succeed in our exams, candidates need a combination of skills and understanding. Broadly, we assess:
- Performance skills through pieces or songs
- Technical skills through scales and arpeggios
- Notation skills through a sight-reading test
- Listening skills and musical perception through aural tests
How many marks are available?
Total marks in all individual Practical exams are 150.
- 100 marks are required to pass
- 120 marks are required to pass with merit
- 130 marks are required to pass with distinction


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You are here
Low-Calorie Drink Recipes
Sangria Sparkler
Sharing a pitcher of sangria with friends is a great way to kick off summer. Sliced oranges are a traditional addition to this refreshing Spanish beverage. With their bright red flesh, blood oranges give extra impact.
Prep: 10 minutes
Chill: 2 hours
Makes: 12 servings
750-milliliter bottle dry red wine
1 cup light orange juice
1/4 cup brandy or cognac
1/4 cup orange liqueur
2 tablespoons sugar
2 medium oranges, sliced
2 cups club soda, chilled
Crushed ice and/or orange peel curls (optional)
1. In a large pitcher, combine wine, orange juice, brandy, orange liqueur, sugar, and orange slices. Chill at least 2 hours. Add club soda before serving. Serve over crushed ice and/or with orange peel curls, if desired.
Nutrition Information per serving: 100 calories, 0g protein, 9g carbohydrate, 0g fat (0g saturated), 0g fiber
Mojito Fresco
The popular Cuban cocktail's combination of sweetness, citrus, and refreshing mint is the best way to fend off the summer heat wave.
Prep: 20 minutes
Chill: 1 hour
Makes: 8 servings
2 large limes, cut into pieces (reserve one piece)
2 cups water
2/3 cup sugar
2 cups water
1/4 to 1/2 cup light rum
1/2 cup fresh mint leaves
Ice cubes
Quartered limes and/or mint leaves (optional)
1. In a blender combine lime pieces, 2 cups water, and 2/3 cup sugar. Cover and blend about 30 seconds or until limes are chopped; do not puree. Strain through a sieve into a large pitcher. Mix in 2 cups additional water. Cover and chill for 1 to 12 hours.
2. Stir rum into lime mixture. Moisten the rims of 8 glasses with the reserved lime piece; dip rims in sugar. Divide mint among glasses. Use a wooden spoon to press mint into the bottom of each glass; press firmly to release flavor. Fill glasses with ice cubes. Pour chilled lime mixture over ice and mint leaves. If desired, add extra quartered limes and/or mint leaves.
Nutrition Information per serving: 95 calories, 0g protein, 21g carbohydrate, 0g fat (0g saturated), 1g fiber
Sun Teas
Iced tea offers as much antioxidant power as hot teas, so drink up! Use the power of the sun to brew a clear, flavorful tea. For even more flavor, try one of the variations with mint, ginger, or berry.
Prep: 10 minutes
Stand: 2 hours
Makes: 8 servings
4 to 6 tablespoons loose tea or 4 to 6 tea bags
1 1/2 quarts cold water
Lemon wedges (optional)
1. Place loose tea into a tea ball or 100-percent cotton cheesecloth, tying with a string. (Do not use decaffeinated, green, or herbal teas.) Put into a 2-quart clear glass container. Add cold water. Cover and let stand in sunlight or at room temperature for 2 to 3 hours. (Keep the container away from combustible materials. Sunlight coming through glass and liquid can concentrate a beam of light that may start a fire.)
2. Remove tea ball or bags. Serve over ice or refrigerate immediately. If desired, serve with lemon wedges. Store in the refrigerator and use within 24 hours.
Nutrition Information per serving: 0 calories, 0g protein, 9g carbohydrate, 0g fat (0g saturated), 0g fiber
Hint of Mint Tea: Add 3/4 to 1 teaspoon snipped fresh mint to the loose tea or 4 to 6 crushed large mint leaves with the tea bags. Brew as directed. Remove mint before serving. If desired, garnish with fresh mint.
Ginger Tea: Add a 2- to 3-inch piece of fresh ginger, thinly sliced, with the loose tea or tea bags. Brew tea as directed. Strain before serving. If desired, garnish each serving with a ginger-flavored candy stick.
Very Berry Tea: Brew tea as directed. In a covered blender container blend 1 to 1 1/2 cups fresh or frozen strawberries or raspberries until smooth. If desired, strain raspberry puree to remove seeds. Stir berry mixture into brewed tea. If desired, garnish with fresh berries.
Honeydew-Kiwifruit Smoothie
Smoothies aren't just breakfast substitutes and post-workout pick-me-ups anymore. Use fresh seasonal fruits for the tastiest mix.
Start to Finish: 15 minutes
Makes: 3 servings
2 cups cubed honeydew
1 small Granny Smith apple, peeled, cored, and cut up
1 kiwifruit, peeled and cut up
2 to 3 tablespoons sugar
1 tablespoon lemon juice
1 cup ice cubes
Honeydew and/or kiwifruit slices (optional)
1. In a blender container, combine honeydew, apple, kiwifruit, sugar, and lime juice. Cover and blend until smooth.
2. Add ice cubes; cover and blend until cubes are crushed and mixture is slushy. Garnish with additional honeydew and/or kiwifruit slices, if desired.
Nutrition Information per serving: 110 calories, 2g protein, 27g carbohydrate, 0g fat (0g saturated), 3g fiber
Frozen Lime Margaritas
Enhance a regular blended margarita recipe with a can of frozen limeade, which adds extra citrus flavor. Prefer something sweeter? Make a batch of strawberry margaritas with fresh summer strawberries.
Start to Finish: 10 minutes
Makes: 10 servings
12-ounce can frozen limeade concentrate
2/3 cup tequila
1/2 cup light orange juice or orange liqueur
4 cups ice cubes
1/2 of a medium lime
Coarse salt
Orange slices (optional)
1. In a blender container combine limeade concentrate, tequila, and orange juice. Cover and blend until combined. With blender running, add ice cubes, one at a time, through opening in lid, blending until mixture becomes slushy.
2. Cut a thick lime slice; cut slice in half. Rub slices around rims of eight glasses. Dip rims into a dish of coarse salt to coat rims. Pour mixture into prepared glasses. Garnish glasses with orange slices, if desired.
Nutrition Information per serving: 122 calories, 0g protein, 22g carbohydrate, 0g fat (0g saturated), 0g fiber
Strawberry Margaritas: Prepare as above, except blend half of the mixture at a time adding 1 cup frozen unsweetened whole strawberries along with 2 cups of the ice cubes. Repeat with remaining mixture, 1 cup additional frozen strawberries, and remaining 2 cups ice cubes. Continue as directed, substituting coarse sugar for the salt on the glasses. If desired, garnish each glass with a whole strawberry.
Make-ahead directions: Prepare as above through Step 1. Pour into a 1-1/2-quart freezer container. Cover and freeze overnight. To serve, use a large spoon to scrape across frozen surface and pile into salt-rimmed glasses.
Tangy Citrus Lemonade
Nonalcoholic doesn't mean boring. Add some zing to lemonade — the summer standby — with fresh raspberries. If you insist on kicking it up an extra notch, spike the lemonade with vodka.
Prep: 25 minutes
Chill: 2 hours
Makes: 10 servings
6 large lemons (1 1/2 cups juice)
3 medium limes (1/3 cup juice)
3/4 to 1 cup honey
6 cups water
2 cups fresh or frozen raspberries
Ice cubes
Lemon and/or lime slices (optional)
1. In a 2-1/2-quart pitcher, combine lemon juice, lime juice, and 3/4 to 1 cup honey. Add water and raspberries. Cover and chill for at least 2 hours or up to 24 hours.
2. Just before serving, gently stir to combine. Pour into ice-filled glasses. Add lemon and/or lime slices, if desired.
Nutrition Information per serving: 101 calories, 1g protein, 28g carbohydrate, 0g fat (0g saturated), 2g fiber
Lemonade Tea: Add equal parts freshly brewed iced tea and Tangy Citrus Lemonade to ice-filled glasses. Sweeten to taste with additional honey, if desired.
Fresh Mint Water
Pre-make a pitcher for an anytime beverage. Soak melon, mint, and cucumber in water for a cooling summertime drink.
Prep: 15 minutes
Chill: 4 hours
Makes: 8 servings
1 small cucumber, cleaned and sliced
1/4 of a medium honeydew melon, peeled, seeded, and sliced into wedges
1/2 cup fresh mint leaves
7 cups water
Fresh mint leaves (optional)
1. Place cucumber, honeydew melon, and mint leaves in a large pitcher. Fill pitcher with water. Cover and chill for at least 4 hours or up to 3 days. Strain mixture; discard solids. Pour water into tall glasses over ice. If desired, garnish with additional fresh mint.
Nutrition Information per serving: 16 calories, 0g protein, 4g carbohydrate, 0g fat (0g saturated), 0g fiber
Pomegranate Martinis
Flavored martinis have gone the way of the pom'. Pomegranate syrup can be found in the coffee or baking aisle of well-stocked supermarkets. Prove you're the best hostess by offering all three flavor options — pomegranate, orange, and apple — to your guests.
Start to Finish: 10 minutes
Makes: 8 servings
1/2 of a medium orange, cut into wedges
1 1/2 cups vodka or gin
1/3 cup pomegranate syrup (grenadine)
3 tablespoons dry vermouth
Ice cubes
Small pomegranates (optional)
1. Rub orange wedges around rims of 8 martini glasses. Invert glasses into a dish of sugar to coat rims; set glasses aside. In a small pitcher, combine the vodka, pomegranate syrup, and vermouth. Place ice cubes in a martini shaker. For each drink, add 1/4 cup of the syrup mixture; shake. Strain into one of the prepared martini glasses. Garnish with a small pomegranate, if desired.
Nutrition Information per serving: 146 calories, 0g protein, 11g carbohydrate, 0g fat (0g saturated), 0g fiber
Orange Martinis: Prepare as above, except use 3 tablespoons frozen orange juice concentrate, thawed, in place of the syrup. Omit garnish.
Apple Martinis: Prepare as above except use 1/3 cup frozen apple juice concentrate, thawed, in place of the syrup. Garnish with fresh orange peel curls.


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While I am thankful that I am on the internet, and just took a call on my iPhone, I'm not so sure that Columbus was the one to "thank" for all those advancements. As a "Native American" (I'm a Northern Inupait Eskimo from Alaska), I can't even fathom the thought of "celebrating" someone like Christopher Columbus.
But I will say thank you to whoever made it a day off for us, because after this fall we all needed a day off. And I enjoyed mine on the couch reading four books and drinking a lot of coffee. Which brings me to this.
I wrote a little poem, very quickly on Facebook earlier, and I figured I'd better just share it here, too.
In fourteen hundred and ninety two, Columbus sailed the ocean Blue.
On his ship were gold and lamas, He lost his course, ended up in the Bahamas.
"My Indians!" He said, to those he "found," while walking on their sacred ground,
"I'm here, I'm here, I've made it through, I'm so glad to have landed and discovered you!"
"Who's this crazy spaniard," they asked to those around, "Talking like we were lost and now we're found."
The natives were nice and they treated him well, teaching him the ways of an ancient quell.
To him, they belonged to his kingdom, he thought, too nice to fight back even though they ought.
He continued his reign yearly from dusk until dawn, until most of "his Indians" were long dead and gone.
Now this is the year of two thousand thirteen, we "celebrate" the ways of a "lost man" you see.
I hope it's ok if I don't agree with your thinking aside. Because Columbus created a mass genocide.
So let's sit here and mourn the death he brought forth, of the native people who gladly would have pointed him North.
To this day we fight on for what's right and what's true. We fight for our ancestors, our children and you.
Sit with me my friends, my family and all, To the spirits of those lost in the past do I call,
I'll shout to the hills and pray to the church steeple, This day I will celebrate my Indigenous People!
Maija Lukin 2013
(Don't forget. This is my very own opinion, I can think for myself, and I can post for myself. Don't forget that. Oh, I also added a couple lines at the bottom.)


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(LIVE 105) – Maybe it's not just Zack de la Rocha's lyrics that provoke Rage Against The Machine fans to incite riots. A recent study shows that it's now looking like Tom Morello's screeching guitars could be to blame for making us angry.
A study published in the Journal of Biology Letters, within UCLA's Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, found that distorted and/or jarring music shares the same characteristics as distress calls in animals.
Daniel Blumstein, co-author of the paper, tells the UK's Daily Mail, "Music that shares aural characteristics with the vocalizations of distressed animals captures human attention and is uniquely arousing."
Researchers believe that the effect of listening to music with distortion is similar to hearing the cries of animals in distress.
Using synthesizers, the researchers created a series of 10 second musical pieces highlighting several "conditions." "We wanted to see if we could enhance or suppress the listener's feelings based on what's going on with the music," said Blumstein.
Undergraduates, used as subjects, were played ten musical "conditions." Their responses were rated from positive (happy) to negative (sad or angry).
When the music featured distortion, subjects rated it as more exciting than the those clips without distortion. Most importantly, they were more likely to describe the music as charged with negative emotion.
Further research employed the use of video as a distraction. Could video lessen the impact of distorted music? Researchers played "minimally evocative" video clips paired with music they had proven to cause "negative" emotions. Bryant explained, "The video eliminated how exciting the distorted-sounding music seemed, but it didn't trump the emotional content of the music."
"This study helps explain why the distortion of rock 'n' roll gets people excited: It brings out the animal in us,' said Bryant
Tom Morello should be proud.
(Copyright 2012 by CBS San Francisco. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.)
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South African Journal of Education
On-line version ISSN 2076-3433
Print version ISSN 0256-0100
S. Afr. j. educ. vol.28 n.1 Pretoria Feb. 2008
A profile of effective leadership in some South African high-poverty schools
Gerrit Kamper
Gerrit Kamper is Professor in the Department of Educational Studies at the University of South Africa, responsible for tuition in education management and research methodology. His research foci are successful high-poverty schools and adolescents' experience of societal problems in South Africa. firstname.lastname@example.com
The struggle of high-poverty schools for survival is well documented. Some have overcome poverty-related odds and performed exceptionally well, prompting the following research question: What elements constitute a profile of effective leadership in high-poverty schools? Investigations conducted at six successful high-poverty schools revealed the contribution of invitational leadership to this success. I look at the personal traits and capabilities of effective leaders in high-poverty schools, as presented in a leadership profile.
Keywords: invitational leadership; poverty in South Africa; South African high-poverty school
A tiny band of schools situated in the poorest communities provide some of the highest quality education. They are performing heroic deeds under difficult conditions, and serve as role models for the rest of the system (Taylor, 2006:73).
We need to consider how some schools in poor communities effectively overcome severe poverty-related odds, such as hunger, homelessness, illiteracy, unemployment, gangsterism, drug abuse, and a fatalistic mindset (cf. Day, 2005; Harris, 2002; Jacobson, Johnson, Ylimaki & Giles, 2005; Jesse, Davis & Pokorny, 2004; National Commission on Education (NCE), 1996; Revilla & De La Garza Sweeney, 1997; Taylor, 2006:73) and manage to send happy, motivated learners out into the world. Answers to this question are important, not only from an educational perspective and as regards the quality of educational leadership in high-poverty schools, but also for the social and ethical purpose of empowering the school, which in high-poverty settings acts as a catalyst for community development.
Poverty essentially concerns the inability of individuals, households or communities to reach and maintain a socially acceptable minimum standard of living due to a lack of resources (cf. May & Govender, 1998:9). Although the phrase 'lack of resources' is mostly understood to mean a lack of food, housing or income, it can also be interpreted in a far wider sense. Payne (2003:16) aptly defines poverty as "the extent to which an individual does without resources". These resources can be financial (money to buy goods and services); emotional (control over emotional responses); cognitive (mental ability and acquired literacy and numeracy skills to deal with everyday life); spiritual (a belief in divine purpose and guidance); physical (physical health and mobility); support structure-related (friends, family and availability of back-up resources); relationship-oriented (access to constructive, nurturing relationships); and those relating to a knowledge of a group's hidden rules (its unspoken cues and habits) (Payne, 2003:16-17).
The socio-economic and sociological problems relating to poverty imply specific challenges as regards the orderly, effective and equal provision of education. This is because poor learners and poor schools are principally and constitutionally entitled to the provision of quality education and resources. Consequently, South African schools are categorised into five quintiles of 20% each, ranging from the very poor schools to affluent schools, and funded accordingly using a sliding scale (Education Labour Relations Council (ELRC), 2003:B52). Schools are identified as poor based on the relative poverty of the community, in terms of average income. Similar criteria apply to determine exemption from school fees and to ensure that poor learners are indeed able to attend the more affluent schools (ibid.:B46). The scope of poverty-based school funding is evident from statistics on the percentages of schools per province in the first two quintiles: Eastern Cape (60%); Free State (53%); Gauteng (18%); KwaZulu-Natal (41%); Limpopo (52%); Mpumalanga (37%); Northern Cape (35%); North West Province (39%), and Western Cape (14%) (NAPTOSA, 2003:2). The extent of poverty-related school support is also evident from statistics on the South African School Nutrition Programme: by November 2005, the Department of Education was providing meals to about 5.3 million learners in 17,000 public schools (South African Government Information, 2007:10).
The true impact of poverty on the provision of education is evident from the following synopsis of learner, teacher, parent, and environmental conditions that a principal of a high-poverty school typically confronts. The learners are often hungry and ill; do not have proper clothing; lack study facilities, parental support, study motivation, self-esteem and language proficiency; and move frequently from school to school (Cole-Henderson, 2000:84; Acker-Hocevar & Touchton, 2002a:112-117). The teachers are mostly beginners; are often under-qualified; have low self-esteem, low work motivation and low learner expectations; show a lack of respect for learners and their parents; practise "drill and kill teaching" ("poverty pedagogics"); often work in rundown classrooms; and have to cope without proper tuition resources (Cole-Henderson, 2000:86; Haberman, 1999:3-5; 11; Acker-Hocevar & Touchton, 2002c: 335-341). Parents are often in need of health or other social care; have low educational qualifications or are illiterate; have an intense distrust, even hatred, of school (resulting from own childhood school experiences); and are often single or act as substitute parents (Centre for Development and Enterprise (CDE), 2006:10; Acker-Hocevar & Touchton, 2002b:271,274; Shanklin, Kozleski, Meagher, Sands, Joseph & Wyman, 2003:368; Jesse et al., 2004:27). The school environment is typically characterised by unkept school premises, rundown buildings, damaged and inadequate furniture, no waste collection facilities, substandard toilet facilities and physical danger points (such as those due to faulty electrical wiring) (Shanklin et al., 2003:357; Acker-Hocevar & Touchton, 2002c:335,343).
It is not surprising that "struggling" and "sinking" schools (Stoll & Fink, 1996:86) are found mostly in impoverished areas (Glidden, 1999:21-22; Taylor, 2006). The school leadership challenges which are implied by conditions in high-poverty schools are indeed formidable. Essentially these leadership challenges imply a radical turnabout for the school, embracing a reformation as regards vision, standards, expectations, culture, service delivery, resources and communication, and with quality education as a target and overarching criterion. In practical terms, the leadership challenges can best be phrased as a question: How can the poverty-related backlogs and issues regarding learners, parents, teachers, resources and facilities be overcome, and a happy and effective learning environment be created in a high-poverty school?
Conceptual framework for investigating effective leadership in high-poverty schools
The literature on poverty often quite rightly postulates that the crux of the battle against poverty concerns specific values and principles. In a well-considered and still relevant discussion, Kritzinger (1996:12-19) emphasises the following:
A new inclination among the privileged: austerity. The privileged cannot continue with their way of life as if poverty does not exist, but will have to narrow the gap between the wealthy and the poor deliberately in the belief that "[we] must live simply, that others may simply live".
A new understanding of the poor: respect. The dignity of the poor as human beings must be acknowledged and they must be optimally involved in decision-making regarding their future.
A new radical ideal: transformation. This concerns much more than 'development' (in the economic sense) and 'liberation' (in the political sense). It concerns the total transformation of the individual with respect to his or her life and world view.
A new strategy: together. Practical experience indicates clearly that a top-down approach (which is more often than not paternalistic and pedantic), as well as its antipole, i.e. a bottom-up approach (relying almost exclusively on local initiatives), does not render the required results. Co-operation between those within and those outside of a particular community has the greatest potential to render meaningful results, but such co-operation must be sought and practised in a spirit of mutual openness and dependency.
A new method: relationships. Personal relations and mutual trust must be built by identifying with the destitution of the poor at a grassroots level.
These values and principles constitute the ethical and moral framework for poverty alleviation. This framework is also particularly relevant for effective leadership in high-poverty schools.
For the purposes of this study, Stoll and Fink's (1996) exposition of invitational leadership was found to be highly appropriate for studying school leadership in high-poverty contexts, due to the direct link with the already indicated values and principles (with key notions of relationships and respect) in poverty alleviation. They point out how the concept of leadership evolved gradually from managerial approaches (with the focus on results), via transactional approaches (with the focus on staff efficiency) to transformational approaches (with the focus on attitudinal change) (ibid.:106), but failed to capture the essence of school leadership, and the type of leadership required in the future (ibid.:107):
Effective school leaders attend to both structure and culture, continuity and change; they are both managers and leaders; they are both transactional and transformational. It would appear that no single leadership model adequately describes the expectations and reality for contemporary school leaders.
In an effort to synthesise existing leadership models, while providing sufficient scope to encourage the imagination and creativity of school leaders, the invitational leadership model was developed. It uses the metaphor of invitation to describe positive self-concept and positive inclinations towards others. "Invitations, therefore, are messages communicated to people which inform them that they are able, responsible and worthwhile" (ibid.:109). The four basic premises of invitational leadership are optimism (constituted in the belief that people have untapped potential for growth and development); respect (manifested in courtesy and caring); trust (the cornerstone of "civil society within a school"); and intentional care (intentional provision of growth opportunities) (ibid.). Based on their work at 83 schools and with more than 100 school leaders, Stoll and Fink (1996:110-117) continue to describe the four dimensions of invitational leadership, namely, that invitational leaders a) invite themselves personally (key notion: self-confidence); b) invite themselves professionally (key notion: personal growth); c) invite others personally (key notion: relationships); and d) invite others professionally (key notion: meeting the unique challenges and needs of a specific school in a particular position on the continuum of "sinking", "struggling", "strolling", "cruising" or "moving" schools). The main challenges for bringing about change are successively (1) rigorous intervention, (2) problem solving, (3) school development planning, (4) establishing a culture of continuous improvement, and (5) maintaining momentum through shared leadership (ibid.).
In brief: The notion of invitation (with its constituent elements of interest in, respect for, care for, and trust in those invited) encapsulates the gist of the already indicated key values and principles (with key notions of relationships and respect) in meeting the challenges of poverty alleviation in a meaningful way. Invitational school leadership theory therefore appears to constitute the ideal conceptual framework for studying the role of school leadership in dealing with the impact of poverty on education.
The findings of a number of case studies on effective leadership in high-poverty schools (Acker-Hocevar & Touchton, 2002a; 2002b; 2002c; CDE, 2006; Cole-Henderson, 2000; Day, 2005; Glidden, 1999; Haberman, 1999; Harris, 2002; Intercultural Development Research Association (IDRA), 1997; Jacobson et al., 2005; Jesse et al., 2004; Mampuru, 2003; Mid-Continent Research for Education and Learning, 2005; NCE, 1996; Revilla & De La Garza Sweeney, 1997; Shanklin et al., 2003; Walker & Dimmock, 2005) indicate convincingly that invitational leadership (with its basic premises of optimism, respect, trust and intentional care, and the four dimensions of invitational leadership relating to inviting oneself and others personally and professionally, as already indicated) is indeed the characteristic leadership style in successful high-poverty schools. The case studies highlight the principals' passion for the upliftment of the poor, and their unshakable belief in the potential of high-poverty learners to excel personally and academically. Consequently, the prominent mechanisms for achieving success in high- poverty schools has to do with the case study principals' "learning centred leadership" (Day, 2005:578); their pastoral care for learners, teachers and parents; and their ability to think and act in a visionary way, to set and maintain high expectations in view of specific standards and norms, to inspire (not only motivate) others, to build team spirit and pride, and to seek and explore every possible opportunity, source and action to provide for meeting the schools' needs.
Empirical investigation
The case studies mentioned above cannot be seen as conclusive for (South) African circumstances of poverty, because they were set mostly in First World poverty contexts where the people are regarded as being poor relative to the general standard of living in society, but do not face acute survival needs (food and shelter) as is often the case in (South) Africa. It is therefore necessary to ask (1) what the most serious challenges facing a typical South African high-poverty school are, and (2) how an effective South African high-poverty school manages to establish a happy and effective learning environment.
An empirical investigation of some schools effective in South African high-poverty settings was undertaken in an attempt to answer these questions, and to determine the requirements for effective leadership in (South) African high-poverty schools.
Research method
Six schools were identified and purposively selected for the empirical investigation. The selection criteria were that the schools (1) operate in circumstances of high to acute poverty, and (2) are acknowledged and renowned beyond their respective communities as being successful schools. In the case of the secondary schools, the schools' reputation was linked to a sustained matriculation pass rate of approximately 90%. On the basis of these criteria, four schools were recommended by fellow academics at three different universities, one by a top official in the South African Department of Education and one by a minister in the researcher's church who could recommend the particular school, having sent a child to school there and having served on the School Governing Body (SGB).
After prior assurance of confidentiality and ethical accountability, an in-depth interview was conducted with each principal. The interview schedule provided for questions on the school's key values and principles; the most serious poverty-related problems the school had to cope with, and how these were overcome; the specific leadership qualities needed in a high-poverty school; the sustainability of school success; and measures at national, provincial or district level which are needed to continuously improve teaching and learning in high-poverty schools.
The interviews were tape-recorded. Interview summaries were compiled on the basis of these recordings and the researcher's field notes. For the sake of trustworthiness, the summaries were then sent to each principal for verification of correctness and comprehensiveness. No corrections or additions were received from the principals, and the data were subsequently analysed by identification of trends and emphases in the responses.
Additional to the interviews, observation of the school facilities, premises and surroundings was done. Observation data were captured by photographs and field notes.
School data
The school data are presented in narrative format to capture the gist of the circumstances and achievements of the participating schools.
School A was officially rated as a Q1 school and served learners from Foundation Phase to Grade 12. The school's establishment in 2001 was a crisis measure, following on a cholera epidemic in the nearby Alexandra township (Gauteng province), and large-scale relocation of people to Diepsloot. Premises had to be found in a hurry. The school buildings were primarily of a temporary nature, consisting of containers and mobiles adapted to serve as classrooms and offices. The school was therefore often referred to as the "school on wheels". Some permanent classrooms had been erected, and the newest addition (thanks to an Australian donor) was a large school hall. Facilities included a kitchen (for the feeding scheme) and sports fields (situated on a former refuse dump, and established through parent and community effort). The learner enrolment at the time of the interview was 1 530, with a teacher:learner ratio of 1:35. The matric pass rate for the last couple of years had increased from 27% in 2002 to 90% in 2004, with a decrease to 72% in 2005. The principal (since 2001) was Mrs A. The school's success was mainly attributed to success in mobilising human and material resources to meet the school's needs, and in channelling and managing these resources in the most effective way.
School B was situated in the Badplaas district in Mpumalanga, and had been established in 1986. The school served 420 learners from Grade 0 to Grade 7, and the teacher:learner ratio was 1:32. It was officially rated as a very poor school (Q1). The school buildings were of brick construction. Initially the school buildings were without water, electricity and an ablution block. When the interviewee took over as principal in 2001, the school was in a state of disrepair, with a badly leaking roof and in dire need of paint. Later the school was in a better state, thanks to community and sponsor involvement according to a school plan of action for improvement and repair. The interviewee was Mrs B, who served as principal from 2001 to 2003. She attributed the school's success mainly to the creation of a climate and culture of mutual respect.
School C was situated in Pretoria-West. The school had been established in 1937 as an intermediate school, but since 1946 it had been a primary school with Afrikaans as language of instruction. The school had 750 learners, and the teacher:learner ratio was 1:27. The school was officially rated as a Q3 school, placing it outside the realms of severe poverty. The principal viewed this rating as incorrect, as according to him the department officials regarded all white schools as privileged schools. The school buildings and premises were in a very good condition. The principal (since 1986) was Mr C. He attributed the school's success to (1) the focus on quality teaching and continuous improvement, (2) optimal parent involvement and a sense of parent ownership ("our school"), and (3) the very low level of teacher mobility and the "sense of family" among teaching staff.
School D served the western part of Evaton township (Gauteng province). It had been established in 1988 and had 1 256 learners, from Grade 1 to Grade 7. The teacher:learner ratio was 1:40. The school was officially rated as a Q4 school. This rating was heavily disputed by the principal, who maintained that officials had given just a cursory glance at the type of housing in the immediate vicinity of the school (which was good in this case), whereas in fact more than 70% of the learner population came from nearby informal settlements. The school buildings were neat and attractive. A borehole provided water to two vegetable gardens. There was a workshop on the premises for the manufacture of paper rolls. The principal (since 1988) was Mr D. He attributed the school's success mainly to (1) parental support, "the cornerstone of our success", a culture of "our school, our children, our future", and (2) a very stable teaching staff component.
School E was situated in the scenic Ida's Valley in Stellenbosch. It had been established in 1935, served a mainly Afrikaans-speaking community and had 962 learners (Grades 8 to 12), with a teacher:learner ratio of 1:29. The matric pass rate for the last two years had been in excess of 90%. The school was officially rated as a Q2 school. The school buildings were neat, brick structures. The principal (since 1997) was Mr E. He grew up in Ida's Valley, and as a former student of the school he could identify particularly well with the learner circumstances and problems. He attributed the school's success mainly to (1) a highly motivated, dedicated, well-qualified and experienced teaching staff, and (2) extensive networking with stakeholders (supporters, donors), on the basis of a well-prepared business plan, to secure optimal provision for meeting the school's needs.
School F was situated in a township near Virginia (Free State province). It was established in 1997 and had 1 320 learners (Grades 8 to 12), with a teacher:learner ratio of 1:29. The matric pass rate over the past three years ranged between 89% and 93%. The school was officially rated as a Q1 school. There were no permanent structures on the school site. The main building, with the principal's office and administrative offices, had been assembled out of asbestos. The classrooms consisted of row upon row of corrugated iron structures. The school premises were clean, but dusty, with no grass, flowers or vegetable garden. The school was affectionately known as the "shack school". The principal (since 1998) was Mr F. He attributed the school's success to (1) the focus on the learner, and (2) the non-negotiable emphasis on learner and teacher punctuality.
The following data presentation and interpretation follow the interview schedule structure, and attention will be given, consecutively, to the schools' key values and principles; the most serious poverty-related problems the schools had to cope with; the schools' measures to ensure effective teaching and learning; specific leadership qualities required in high-poverty schools; the sustainability of school success in high-poverty environments; and national, provincial and district level measures pertaining to high-poverty schools.
Key values and principles
The principals mentioned the following as the foundational values and principles in their schools: respect for human dignity and culture (in a reciprocal way respect for the individual, but also respect for the school); care (the well-being of the learner is the primary concern, and all relationships in and with the school are typified by compassion and "ubuntu"); commitment (going the extra mile by, for example, giving extra classes on Saturdays, as well as during the April and July school holidays); excellence (all learners, irrespective of background, deserve the same high-quality of education); collaboration (teamwork produces the best results); and accountability (educators and learners should always honour their duties).
Noticeably, the principals emphasised the role of Christian values in their schools. For example, the key value in School A was taken from the Bible's Gospel of Matthew (7:12): "So in everything, do unto others as you would have them do unto you." The principal of School F emphatically stated that, notwithstanding the secular nature of public schools, he viewed his school as a Christian school, with daily school assemblies for scripture reading and prayer.
Poverty-related problems
The principals' comments on the most serious poverty-related problems with which their schools had to cope centred around the learners, the parents, the school facilities, and the school finances.
Concerning the learners, the disastrous effect of HIV/Aids on family life was mentioned. Every school had to cope with the phenomenon of child-headed families, or children living with caregivers. Many learners suffered physically (due to hunger, illness or a lack of proper clothing) and emotionally (as a result of a lack of self-esteem and no vision for the future). They were "physically and emotionally wounded" (School A). Children (especially girls) who had moved from rural areas to urban environments often fell prey to abductions by gangsters.
The parents typically had a very low self-esteem, and a strong negative inclination towards school, due to their own unhappy school experiences. Unemployment was rife in high-poverty areas, and the battle for survival (in an environment of violence and drug abuse) was such that parents often had little interest in school matters.
On school facilities and infrastructure, one principal (School B) related the uphill battle she had to fight to get water and electricity supplied to her school. In another case (School F), a promising vegetable garden project had to be abandoned due to an exorbitant water bill. Every plea to the education district office and the metropolitan authorities to support the school in this matter fell on deaf ears. Initially, School B had to function without any toilet facilities. As mentioned, two schools (A and F) were housed in temporary prefabricated structures.
Not surprisingly, the dearth of school funds was mentioned. In the case of two schools (C and D), this situation was further aggravated by the ill-considered, optimistic Q-rating, which implied a smaller and inadequate state subsidy.
Measures to ensure effective teaching and learning
All principals mentioned the importance of ensuring learner quality of life physically (through the provision of food, clothing and health care), emotionally (through counselling, guardianships and the development of self-esteem) and educationally (through improving study methods and reading skills, offering additional tuition, and keeping the school open after school hours to serve as a study centre). Learner support extended to providing for the basic and guidance needs of child-headed families at their homes. Support and sources for providing for the whole spectrum of learner needs were actively (almost aggressively) mobilised from beyond the school and surrounding community, e.g. from supermarkets and schools in affluent suburbs. A sense of dignity and responsibility was instilled in the learners by statements such as the following: "It is no disgrace for you that you live in a shack now. It will, however, be a disgrace if you still live in a shack five years after you have left school" (School A). Particularly noteworthy was the role of church denominations in providing spiritual guidance to learners (and in the case of School E, also to the teachers). Both the secondary schools took their incoming Grade 8 learners on a camp where the focus was on raising the learners' self-esteem and orientating them to the culture and expectations of the school. To ensure optimal safeguarding of the latter, School F only took in Grade 8 learners, a measure which had the full support of the community. School E had measures in place to identify gifted Grade 11 learners, and to provide them with additional academic tuition in order to make them eligible for university bursaries. All schools placed a very high premium on optimal learner participation in cultural and sport activities and on ensuring that the schools participated fully in competing with more affluent schools in the district.
The principals emphasised that the major mindshift regarding the teachers was to lead them to the insight and practice that they were indeed far more than teachers: their roles extended to those of counsellors and caregivers too. Indeed, the true test of teacher excellence in the high-poverty school was the extent to which the learners experienced that the teachers truly cared for them. Home visits were therefore not uncommon. Added to this, the teachers went the proverbial extra mile by providing tuition over weekends and during school holidays. Everything possible was done to ensure that the teachers could teach effectively. The principals spared no efforts to acquire what was needed for good teaching, be it expert support, in-service training or top-quality resources. The personal and professional well-being of the educators was a top priority. The teachers knew their tasks, and accepted that learner progress should be closely monitored by themselves and the principal.
Regarding the parents, all principals emphasised the crucial role of parent involvement in their schools' success. To this end, the first priority was that the school should be an attractive and inviting venue. Against the background of the widespread phenomenon of parent apathy towards school matters in high-poverty communities, the first challenge was to devise measures to attract the parents to the schools. One such measure was the practice of handing out learner reports only to the parents or caregivers, who had to appear in person at the school. In one school (School A) this was done on the first day of every school vacation and teachers knew that they had this extra work day to meet the parents. These opportunities were then utilised to build parent self-esteem as full partners in the school enterprise and to mobilise their skills and support for the school. Parents were assured that it was no disgrace to be unable to pay school fees: they could serve the school in many other ways, such as volunteering to participate in school fund-raising activities. The principals believed very strongly that the school should also work for the parents and the community, for example, in providing adult basic education and training (ABET).
All principals were adamant about networking for the benefit of the school. Every possible effort was made, through advertisements, letters or personal visits, to involve donors and supporters. The principle was that "it takes a whole village to raise a child" (School A). The concept of village was viewed as inclusive of everybody who was involved, or could be involved, in the functions and well-being of the school. In this way, significant results were achieved: School D could sink a borehole on its premises for the irrigation of its vegetable garden and School A could accomplish the building of a large school hall with donor funds from Australia.
Balancing the books remained a huge challenge for high-poverty schools. School D was particularly innovative in this respect. Due to its ill-considered Q4 rating, the school had to devise urgent measures to augment the low income from the state subsidy and school fees. Consequently, the school embarked on a vigorous fund-raising campaign based on recycling, and made a considerable success of it. The school had already won the national 'Collect-a-can' competition. Furthermore, a small workshop was erected on the school premises to manufacture toilet paper rolls from recycled paper. A significant market had already been established and the income for the school was substantial.
In summary: The schools managed to successfully beat the poverty-related odds through an unshakable belief in the possibility of success and sheer determination in realising it. In particular, the schools demonstrated conclusively that in South African environments of acute poverty, i.e. poverty as it prevails in deep rural areas and in townships with a high incidence of squatter camps and informal settlements, schools can be successful. But are specific leadership qualities needed to ensure effective teaching and learning in a high-poverty school?
Specific leadership qualities
The participating principals' responses regarding specific leadership qualities, which in their view were essential in high-poverty schools, rendered the key notions of compassion, commitment and support.
Personal traits that were particularly highlighted were compassion for the poor and passion for their upliftment through quality education. Compassion involves identification with the survival struggle of the poor, respect for human dignity and personal interest in the individual learner, teacher and parent ("The principal should see a person, not a number", School A). Consequently, leaders in high-poverty schools should follow a "soft approach": "Never raise your voice" (School B). Passion for the upliftment of the poor means unconditional availability and willingness to give, to the point of "getting one's hands dirty" in solving the relational and survival problems of learners and their parents or caregivers (School E). The principle is that "you should see the school as your home, and the children as your own" (School A).
Related to compassion was the absolute commitment to the tasks at hand en route to educational excellence. The principal should model this commitment through self-discipline ("first to come, last to leave", punctuality, neatness of appearance), energy ("radiating enthusiasm: If the principal is depressed, soon everybody is depressed", School D), being visible everywhere as "the personal face of the school" (School E) and teaching some classes himself/herself. Coping with ill-equipped facilities, insufficient resources and often a lack of support from the education authorities is not for the faint-hearted. Bravery and resilience are therefore crucial leadership qualities.
The participating principals emphasised that all leadership efforts and activities are essentially focused on excellence in the classroom. In other words, learner progress is meticulously and individually monitored, with subsequent immediate action to correct problems, while every measure is taken to ensure that teachers are optimally equipped for their tasks. In this sense, school leadership requires essentially a supportive role player, namely, the principal as facilitator of learning. This role implies almost military-like action in identifying and acquiring resources for the school, exploring avenues for the school's involvement in community development, and building partnerships through ongoing and ever-expanding networking. Furthermore, the supportive role of the principal was evident from the participating principals' emphasis on teamwork the principal should actually "lead from the middle" (School B).
Interestingly, the participating school principals expressed reservations regarding whether an effective principal of an affluent school would be equally successful in a high-poverty school. It was felt that the demands of suddenly having to work in an ill-equipped environment and coping with the struggle to find even the most basic resources would be too much for those who are used to an affluent environment, and can simply "manage by chequebook" (School E). Yet, making the shift successfully was not impossible as long as the key requirements were met, namely, respect for the high-poverty community and a strong feeling for its upliftment.
In summary: The crucial leadership consideration in high-poverty schools appeared to be that respect for the school leadership must be earned (School E) through the school's demonstrated compassion for the needs of learners, teachers and parents/caregivers, its involvement in community upliftment, and its reputation for educational achievement.
Sustainability of school success
When asked about the sustainability of their schools' success in the event of their leaving the school, the participating principals were all convinced that school success would indeed continue due to the strong culture of teacher leadership in the schools, whereby teachers were empowered to take decisions and were given enough opportunities to exercise leadership, such as in chairing meetings. Other reasons for sustained school success were a strong team spirit among teachers, well-established networks with school stakeholders (donors and supporters), and the "branding" of the school as an invitational institution, founded on mutual respect. The participants accepted that every leader has his/her own "presence", and that a new leader should have the freedom to be innovative. Innovation and reform should, however, take place with respect for what exists and works well.
National, provincial and district level measures
When questioned about measures which should be taken at the national, provincial and district levels of education provision to continuously improve teaching and learning in high-poverty schools, it was disconcerting to find that the participating principals expressed serious concern about problems they experienced from the side of their respective education departments. The mentioned problems were:
The many changes in education, which often had financial and other implications with which high-poverty schools could not easily cope. Study fields such as catering were out of the question for high-poverty schools due to the resource implications.
Ineffective or non-functional school-feeding schemes.
Discrepancies in the poverty grading of schools, with this grading often being not based on factual family-income data, but merely on superficial observation of school surroundings. It was felt that, in general, education departments were not sufficiently knowledgeable about grassroots conditions in high-poverty schools, and not supportive either. One of the participating schools (not identified here in the interests of the school) was graded as a Q1 school but did not receive the state subsidy it was entitled to, because in the opinion of the provincial education department the school had been sufficiently successful in acquiring its own funds: a cynical measure which actually penalised leadership initiative.
The need for education district officials to engage in closer interaction with the schools, for example, by training SGB members, assisting principals to draw up school business plans and assisting schools to acquire what was urgently needed. According to the participating principals, these officials were often slow to react to enquiries and were merely interested in exercising control, or in devising measures which smothered the financial management of the school (e.g. forbidding more than one school account). Yet the district offices were prone to "bask in the glory" if a school attained success.
It therefore seems that high-poverty schools often fight a lonely battle without meaningful support from the education authorities. Ironically it appears that, in fact, a significant part of the high-poverty schools' battle is actually against the authorities. Education authorities should make far more effort to assist high-poverty schools in ensuring that teachers have what they need, learners' basic needs are met (particularly in child-headed families), and schools are safe and invitational places of learning.
In terms of the two questions that prompted the empirical investigation, the findings revealed that:
A typical South African high-poverty school appears to be heavily challenged by acute survival problems (relating to a lack of food and clothing, and the presence specifically of HIV/Aids), abject socio-economic circumstances (characterised by unemployment, violence and crime) and a lack of provisions from the educational authorities regarding facilities, textbooks and meaningful support from the education district offices.
Notwithstanding their severity, poverty-related challenges can be overcome, to a significant extent, in South African high-poverty schools through energetic, compassionate, innovative and empowering leadership. The key ingredients of school success appear to be the principal's passion for upliftment, the teachers' commitment and care, the parents' involvement and the learners' positive life-view and happiness.
The leadership style in successful high-poverty schools in South Africa corresponds with the invitational leadership style (with its basic premises of optimism, respect, trust and intentional care see Stoll & Fink, 1996:109) identified in other, mostly non-African case studies (cf. Acker-Hocevar & Touchton, 2002a; 2002b; 2002c; CDE, 2006; Cole-Henderson, 2000; Day, 2005; Haberman, 1999; Jacobson et al., 2005; Jesse et al., 2004; Mampuru, 2003; NCE, 1996; Shanklin et al., 2003; Walker & Dimmock, 2005). In view of the severity of the poverty challenges, it appears that an extra amount of sheer courage and tenacity is needed to lead a South African high-poverty school to success.
Profile of the requirements for effective leadership in (South) African high-poverty schools
On the basis of (a) the key notions of relationships and respect in poverty alleviation, (b) the conceptual framework of invitational leadership, (c) the findings from the above case studies, and (d) the empirical investigation, the following schematic profile of the requirements for effective leadership in high-poverty schools is presented, with particular focus on the key leadership role of the principal (Prew, 2007:457). The profile serves as a summative account of the findings, and should be taken into account in the selection and evaluation of principals of high-poverty schools.
The personal profile
The principal of a high-poverty school:
has a strong social conscience and is passionate about the upliftment of the poor;
has respect for the human dignity of the poor;
is knowledgeable about the poverty situation and poverty alleviation measures in South Africa, and identifies fully with the survival struggle of the poor;
adheres to a 'can do' ethos and believes strongly in the potential and capabilities of each learner, whatever his/her home background, to excel academically, as well as in the potential of the school to provide high-quality teaching, and in own capabilities of leading the school to sustained success;
avoids all forms of labelling and views every learner as an asset to the school;
accepts no compromise regarding high expectations, learner achievement goals and standards of excellence;
believes that every learner, teacher and parent deserves to have growth opportunities and accepts that the school is essentially a learning organisation where everybody, from the principal to the illiterate parent, has ongoing opportunities to learn;
is committed to empowering teachers to engage in excellent teaching, learners to achieve optimal success, and parents to participate as much as they can;
accepts the school's role as a support, care and upliftment centre for the community;
believes that school success depends very strongly on teamwork and collaboration;
trusts others with decision-making;
models an invitational disposition, commitment, hard work, punctuality, accountability, neat personal appearance, and effective classroom teaching;
is strong and articulate in religious belief;
is innovative and courageous in tackling seemingly insurmountable problems; and
is energetic and radiates enthusiasm and bravery for the tasks at hand.
The capability profile
The principal of a high-poverty school must in particular be able to:
think and act like a visionary;
establish an inviting and safe school environment;
tirelessly acquire what the school needs for effective caregiving and quality tuition by opportunistically exploring every possible source and by establishing a support network for the school;
inspire teachers both as educators and in their roles as counsellors and caregivers;
delegate decision-making through the establishment of a culture of teacher leadership;
allow teachers to be innovative and even take risks;
monitor learner progress meticulously, constructively and individually, in close consultation with the teachers;
create a sense of family in the school;
build a team spirit and pride in the school;
mobilise parents for school involvement and support; and
overcome feelings of desolation and self-pity in the event of a lack of support from, or even smothering measures on the part of, provincial and district education authorities.
This profile is not all-encompassing, and not ideally formatted for checklist purposes. It is merely intended as a guideline regarding the formidable leadership challenges of which cognisance needs to be taken, in order to achieve success in a high-poverty school.
Closing comments
"The bad news in South Africa is that nearly 80% of schools provide education of such poor quality that they constitute a very significant obstacle to social and economic development, while denying the majority of poor children full citizenship" (Taylor, 2006:73). This is one of the statements in Money and Morality, a transformation audit report of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) (2006). The report caused widespread debate in the media and the education domain. Despite subsequent denials from the education authorities, the report sounded yet another alarm bell over the general state of education in South Africa. It observed that decades of effort and billions of rands spent on school improvement programmes by the government or the non-government sectors have had very little effect in ameliorating the bad conditions in high-poverty schools. It suggests that "[i]n many schools in this condition, the first thing to be done is to remove the principal" (ibid.).
This is indeed a radical suggestion, but illuminating in the sense that the essential solution to the plight of high-poverty schools lies in effective school leadership. The research findings presented in this article indicated clearly that a particular kind of person, with an invitational leadership style, can make a success of a high-poverty school. Consequently the selection of new principals for high-poverty schools, as well as the evaluation (and possible removal) of principals presently serving such schools, should be based on the invitational leadership profile as discussed and schematically summarised.
The empirical research conducted at six successful high-poverty schools also identified problems which require urgent attention by the education authorities. These problems particularly concern the apparent lack of support from district and provincial authorities. The deficient support is not surprising in view of Taylor's (2006:69) observation: "Not only are the provincial and district bureaucracies extremely weak characterised by large numbers of vacant posts, poorly developed management systems and a paucity of essential resources, such as vehicles to visit schools but many are in an on-going state of instability due to frequent restructuring and personnel changes". This situation cannot be allowed to continue. Another problem concerns the educational authorities' lack of real understanding of grassroots circumstances in high-poverty schools. This lack of insight is particularly frustrating for dedicated principals of these schools and undoubtedly the main reason for the failure of so many school improvement programmes in such schools.
A final comment from a broader perspective: Improving the level of leadership in high-poverty schools is of significant importance within the bigger picture of poverty alleviation in South Africa. As is evident from the findings, successful principals of high-poverty schools generally emphasised the important role that their schools played in community upliftment. Consequently the positive effects of a successful high-poverty school extend far beyond school boundaries, and are of real significance in alleviating poverty in South Africa.
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text:
Goals from Peter Odemwingie, Marko Arnautovic, Oussama Assaidi and Jonathan Walters - combined with Sunderland's shock win at Old Trafford - consigned the Cottagers to the drop.
Kieran Richardson's late consolation came too late to save the 60-year-old Magath from experiencing the first relegation of his long, nine-club managerial career.
Magath said: "As you can imagine that is one of the worst days I have ever had.
"I was convinced before the game that we had a very good chance but today was what you would call in Germany a blackout.
"There was no fighting spirit there
I think they felt too much pressure - we cannot run, we cannot pass, we cannot play and we have never been in the game.
"Everybody is down on the bottom and there are some tears but I have to take the responsibility and I apologise not only for today but for not managing the situation because I was convinced we would stay in the league."
Fulham's dismal display was encapsulated by Magath's decision to haul off Lewis Holtby in the 34th minute, with the Cottagers boss reiterating a belief he first aired after the loss to Chelsea in March that the midfielder lacks the stomach for battle.
Magath added: "I think the player (Holtby) is very skilful but he doesn't get any of the ball or fight - there was nothing for him today."
However, Magath went on to insist he was ready to commit himself to trying to haul the club straight back to the top flight next season and would seek immediate talks with owner Shahid Khan.
Asked if he wanted to stay, Magath answered: "Yes, sure.
"We have to talk about the situation
It is one of the worst days I have ever had but I will go on
I will talk about the situation with the owner and we will start to come back."
Mark Hughes expressed some sympathy for his former club after consigning them to the drop.
Hughes spent less than 11 months in charge of the Cottagers before resigning in June 2011 admitting he needed a new challenge.
Hughes said: "I've seen a number of people who worked very hard for me when I was at Fulham and obviously they're very upset at the moment.
"You don't like to see people you've worked with go through that but it's an unforgiving league and you have to get the job done which we have and they haven't.
"There are a lot of good people there and a lot of good support staff who helped me so I hope they bounce back quickly."
Hughes expressed satisfaction with the way his side took an immediate stranglehold on the game and made sure to finish a healthy Britannia Stadium campaign on a high.
Hughes added: "It was a difficult game for us because it was deemed a game we didn't have anything to play for but we knew what we wanted to achieve today and that was three points.
"We made it difficult for Fulham once we scored that first goal which was really important
It might have been more difficult if they had got in front but they had to throw people forward to get on level terms and that played into our hands.
"We've built steadily in the second half of the season and finished really well
If we'd got something out of the (Tottenham) game last week we'd have been looking at a perfect end to the season."
Source : PA
Source: PA


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