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I guess I will start off with my almond grower story and hope other beekeepers will see a benefit in sharing their stories with the names of any relevant growers. If a good list is formed over time it could be a useful tool to beekeepers and brokers alike. It is unlikely that many beekeepers would list great experiences any more than their favorite fishing hole, but a list of red flags could put pressure on growers to fulfill their contract obligations. Likewise, a list of red flagged beekeepers would be handy but it would be incumbent upon the growers to generate their own list. It is my hope that other beekeepers will seriously consider the utility of such a list and participate in this forum. The usefulness of this forum will be directly correlated to participation.
Mixed review -
Our almond contract stipulated that 1/2 the payment would be at delivery and the other half in May. In retrospect, May was too broad of a term for the second payment. June came around and no money and no explanation. I called several times and no reply. Eventually, I got a call from Louie Soares saying that he had to discuss it with his dad before returning my call but the check would be in the mail the following week. The check didn't arrive so I left more messages. At this point I began to worry a little but in reality being two weeks into June was not a horrible infraction except for the fact that I made purchases based on a timely payment. Having vendors in need of payment placed me in a bad light so I pleaded for payment. The check finally came and then promptly bounced. I have to say I was really surprised. Louie seemed like a really nice guy - made the first payment on time and even paid more than 1/2 upon delivery. The guy even got up early with a borrowed fork lift and helped me load the bees. Putting the fact aside that Louie was great to work with, payment is the bread and butter of any business and a bounced check, weeks late, and without communication makes for a strained relationship. A phone call stating that they are low on funds and it will be X number of days or weeks before payment would have helped.
We finally got a check plus our overdraft fees by the end of the month. So all-in-all things could have been better but they could have also been much worse.


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Five years ago today, Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf of Mexico coastline, displacing more than 250,000 people from Louisiana to Florida. The damage was catastrophic in New Orleans. The much-heralded levee system failed spectacularly and the rushing waters of Lake Ponchatrain engulfed much of the Crescent City. More than 1,500 people died in the days and months following the flood. Media coverage that followed was often criticized for its bias.
Across New Orleans and the Gulf, the tragedy was remembered ...
President Obama and the First Lady arrived in still-struggling New Orleans. Obama promised his Administration "is going to stand in the future with you until the job is done."
Watch AFTER THE JUMP ....
The Times-Picayune republishes its entire news and photo archive of the storm. Read the newspapers' pages of the days following the storm.
Never-seen-before aerial images document the morning after Katrina
Hundreds of N.O. residents marked the anniversary at an ecumenical service in Jackson Square.
St. Bernard Parish residents bid a symbolic "farewell" to Katrina at a "funeral."
Sandra Bullock returns to the high school she helped rebuild.
CBS News visits Plaquemines Parish, where Katrina first made landfall, "nearly wiping that place off the map. Tragically the first place hit has been the last place rebuilt. Before Katrina about 15,000 people lived on the Parish's east and south ends. Today it's about 3,500. Some low-lying communities look like ghost towns."
FEMA admits its mistakes. "'We were spending too much time going back and forth over procedures,' [Administrator Craig Fugate] said, adding that FEMA has learned to "focus on outcomes" since the Obama administration put him in charge of the agency, which was vilified for its slow response in Katrina's aftermath."
Watch the President's speech, news reports and personal stories AFTER THE JUMP

subset: commoncrawl


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Stream Two New Arcade Fire Songs
Listen to two new Arcade Fire songs "Speaking In Tongues" (featuring David Byrne) and "Culture War" recorded for the deluxe version of The Suburbs (Coming out August 2)! Arcade Fire – Culture War by MergeRecords Arcade Fire – Speaking in Tongues (feat. David Byrne) by MergeRecords


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Lorde on New Album: 'It's Totally Different'by Thomas Chau | PopCrush
With Lorde's fast rise to stardom, thanks to her well-received debut album 'Pure Heroine,' it's not surprising that people in the music industry already have their ears to the ground regarding the artist's future works.
Speaking with the BBC, Lorde confesses that her next album will sound "totally different" from what we've heard from her already. "I'm working on stuff quite tentatively, it's definitely still at the beginning and yeah, it's totally different," she tells the site.
And even though 'Pure Heroine' was critically acclaimed, she believes her second album will be even better. "I think I've learnt so much as a songwriter, there's going to be so much of an improvement because of that."
"I wrote the last album about that world which was the suburb where I grew up and populated by my friends and people who were really familiar to me," she continues. "Now I'm in a different place every day and I'm with new people every day and it's a different vibe."
We can't wait to hear what Lorde has in store!


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It is difficult to evaluate Mozart's works and their impact. The more we know about him, the more valuable treasures we discover in his music. An ever-growing number of articles and books dedicated to this creator reveals only one thing - we will never manage to fully discover the essence of his personality. Every generation discovers something new in his works and also gains experience through his music. This music is like a universe - it envelops and transcends everything.
"Le nozze di Figaro" premiered on the 4th of July in 1786 at the Burgtheater in Vienna and was conducted by Mozart himself. The audience asked to repeat all of the major numbers in the opera, thus the whole performance lasted twice as long than it was originally planned. Later the repeats became so frequent that Joseph II released an order which prohibited encores during this particular opera. Meanwhile Mozart wrote to his father: "Everybody is talking only about Figaro; no one plays, sings or whistles anything else but Figaro. And nobody goes to see any other opera - only Figaro!"
"Le nozze di Figaro" was a revolution of the operatic genre, and not only because of the complex plot. For the first time in history, music was speaking about real people, revealing their inner states and psychology. According to Wagner, "Le nozze di Figaro" is opera buffa that has been set free and turned into masterful musical comedy. No other opera - not even Mozart's - can surpass the overwhelming harmony and naturalism of "Le nozze di Figaro".
The quintessential axis of "Le nozze di Figaro" is the almighty Love that throughout the opera reveals itself in different shades: here we have the Count, who is driven by lust and sexual cravings, Cherubino, who is in love with love itself; the Countess is surrounded by gentle nostalgia and attempts to win back her husband's love, Figaro is overtaken by jealousy and Susanna waits anxiously to discover all aspects of love... It is love that creates all turns in the plot and can be found even in the darkest corners of Almaviva's castle.
At the LNOBT this French-Austrian-Spanish masterpiece was brought to life by the creative team from Spain: director Emilio Sagi, set designer Daniel Bianco, lighting designer Eduardo Bravo, choreographer Nuria Castejón, and a costume designer from Argentina Renata Schussheim. Music director and conductor of the production is Martynas Staškus, chorus master - Česlovas Radžiūnas. The main roles in "Le nozze di Figaro" are sung by Lithuania's beloved soloists: Joana Gedmintaitė, Regina Šilinskaitė (Susanna); Sigutė Stonytė, Sandra Janušaitė (the Countess Rosina Almaviva); Vytautas Juozapaitis, Dainius Stumbras (the Count Almaviva); Egidijus Dauskurdis, Liudas Mikalauskas (Figaro); Vilija Mikštaitė, Marta Lukošiūtė (Cherubino) and others.
Premiere: 5 February, 2010


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2009 Suzuki Grand Vitara Long-Term Report 2 of 4
Our V-6 Suzuki Turns Into A Mileage Champ
We've been having so much fun with our Grand Vitara runabout the last few months, whether drifting through desert dry lake beds or transporting the family to the snowy slopes at Mammoth, we almost forgot that it was time for another update. All told, our Grand Vitara has performed yeoman's work for us over 10,000 miles of long highway jaunts, interurban commutes, and the occasional weekend dirt run. We really appreciated the Suzuki's full-time four-wheel drive (in lieu of snow chains) on a recent slushy-road foray into the Sierra Nevada during ski season, and while our Dunlop AT20 tires are showing some signs of tread wear, they've otherwise delivered predictably firm grip throughout the test period on a variety of road surfaces and tractive conditions. Our tester's Hill Descent Control was given a low-range workout in the Sierra, more than once, on some slippery, loose downhill two-tracks in the mountains-and passed with flying colors. Going uphill on those same loose surfaces, though, we wished for a little more "torque-enhancement" than what the ABS traction control offers.
Sacre bleu! We simply wanted to reset the trip meter, but when we tried to, our IP monitor screen suddenly decided to keep us apprised of our vehicle status in Euro-ese. We think we've figured out a fix for this, but we're brushing up on our Berlitz Francais anyway.
A few minor gripes have been voiced, too. The GV seems to have evinced a few additional squeaks and rattles over the last few months, but it's only really noticeable over the roughest road surfaces and could simply be a function of some slightly worn OE shocks. The orange-LED HVAC/stereo screen on the center stack is still a bit confusing and almost impossible to read in direct sunlight. The scrollable, white-on-black digital monitor screen on the instrument panel is easy to read, but it seems to have a mind of its own; toggling through the menu with the trip-meter switch isn't terribly intuitive, and figuring out how to correct an erroneous re-set left us scratching our heads. (As a result, the GV's now logging our mileage in kilometers, and in French.) And while mileage has improved (see below), the vehicle's smallish fuel tank has us looking for fill-ups every 200 miles or so.
We've devoted a greater portion of time in the Suzuki to long-distance commuting and parts-fetching lately, and our 2.7L V-6's mileage has ticked upward appreciably during the last test period. We even logged an all-highway best 25 mpg on a recent drive up to the Central Coast region, which actually surpasses the Suzuki's 18/24 EPA rating (and we're pretty sure this is the first time we've ever done that!). Our only additional costs to date have been a $37.34 dealer service for new fluids and filters at 7,500 miles. Overall, our tester's ride and performance over 10,000 miles have confirmed our belief that the current GV is the most refined and sophisticated 4x4 that Suzuki has offered for sale in the U.S. to date. Oh, and we're diggin' the mileage now, too.
Report: 2 Of 4
Previous reports: Dec. '09
Base price: $23,699
Price as tested: $25,199
Four-wheel-drive system: Electronic full-time, two-speed transfer case
Long-Term Numbers
Miles to date: 10,375
Miles since last report: 4,005
Average mpg (this report): 19.67
Test best tank (mpg): 25.22
Test worst tank (mpg): 16.56
This period: 7,500-mile service; recommended fluid/filter changes, $37.34
Problem areas: Nothing significant
What's Hot, What's Not
HOT: Nimble ride and handling, decent mileage, really good tires, Hill Descent Control
NOT: Assorted rattles and squeaks, low ground clearance, limited cruising range, could use a rear LSD
Logbook Quotes
"Hill Descent Control works well-confidently navigated a steep, rocky downhill"
"Tires deliver great traction in the rain"
"A few more rattles than I recall the last time I drove it"
"Full-time four-wheel drive a plus in sloppy weather"
"Can't read the darn LED stereo/HVAC indicators in direct sunlight"
"Still seems to ride and handle on dry pavement like a front-drive car"


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Jets edge Browns in OT
CLEVELAND(AP)–The Jets are racking up the overtime wins.
Santonio Holmes scored on a 37-yard touchdown pass from Mark Sanchez with 16 seconds left, giving New York its second straight overtime win, 26-20 over the Cleveland Browns on Sunday that was also the Jets'eighth straight regular-season road win.
The Jets(7-2), who won 23-20 in Detroit a week ago, overcame three missed field goals by Nick Folk, including a 47-yarder in OT.
On first down, Sanchez whipped a quick pass to the lightning-quick Holmes, who after catching it, stepped inside of rookie safety T.J. Ward and sprinted into the end zone.
The Browns(3-6)had rallied to force OT on rookie quarterback Colt McCoy's 3-yard TD pass to Mohamed Massaquoi with 44 seconds left in regulation.
Before Holmes'heroics, the teams appeared headed for the NFL's first tie since 2008, when Philadelphia and Cincinnati played to a 13-13 draw.
In a game loaded with big plays, key injuries and drama, Jets coach Rex Ryan was just a little bit better than his twin brother, Rob, the Browns'defensive coordinator. After Holmes scored, the Ryan brothers found each other at midfield and shared a hug.
The Browns couldn't quite pull off their third shocking upset. They had beaten New Orleans and New England in consecutive weeks, but were unable to give second-year coach Eric Mangini a win over the team that fired him after the 2008 season.
Sanchez threw two TD passes and ran for another. He also shook off what initially looked to be a serious injury to his right knee and finished 27 of 44 for 299 yards. Sanchez threw one interception, but it helped set up New York's game-winning score.
Sanchez forced a long pass to wide receiver Braylon Edwards, who was booed and taunted throughout his return to Cleveland, that was picked off by Cleveland's Joe Haden with 1:35 left in OT. The interception was as good as a punt since it backed the Browns up to their goal line.
Cleveland couldn't get anything going and had to punt from its end zone with 35 seconds to go. Reggie Hodges got off a 53-yard kick that New York's Jim Leonhard returned 18 yards to Cleveland's 37.
On the next play, Sanchez took a three-step drop and fired a dart to Holmes, who for the second straight week came through in overtime. Last week, Holmes, who was suspended from New York's first four games, had a 52-yard reception to set up Folk's 30-yard kick that downed the Lions.
Folk had a rough day. He missed right from 48 and 47 yards and had a 24-yard bounce off the right post.
The Jets dominated most of the second half, but couldn't stop McCoy in the final minutes.
Cleveland's poised rookie drove the Browns down field before threading his TD pass to Massaquoi, who was shut down most of the day by cornerbacks Darrelle Revis and Antonio Cromartie. McCoy's TD pass capped a 59-yard drive for the Browns, who were held to just 14 total yards in the second half before their last possession.
McCoy went 18 of 31 for 205 yards.
Edwards, traded last year by Mangini, had four catches for 59 yards. He spent the past two weeks bad-mouthing Cleveland and its fans.
Peyton Hillis rushed for 82 yards and had a 12-yard TD run for the Browns.
Sanchez's 2-yard TD run with 23 seconds left gave the Jets a 17-13 lead and capped an entertaining first half that included chippiness and three costly injuries for the Browns.
Joshua Cribbs, Cleveland's Mr. Everything, hurt his right foot on a 37-yard reception in the second quarter. After taking a short pass, Cribbs bolted down the right side but appeared to get hurt while being tackled. He returned to the sideline in the second half but didn't play.
On New York's next possession, Browns linebacker Scott Fujita, arguably the team's defensive MVP so far this season, injured his left knee and limped to the locker room. In the first quarter, Browns cornerback Sheldon Brown hurt his left shoulder while tackling Edwards and did not return.
- Weekend lockdowns coming to an end; country moving into phase four of reopening - June 4, 2020
- LILLIAN MORLEY | Funeral Service - June 4, 2020
- VALENTINO ALEXANDER ROLLE | Funeal Service - June 4, 2020


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Wall Street Buys Google's Mobile Ad Story
Yep, Google's Q4 seemed to confuse some investors yesterday. It definitely seemed to confuse lots of the people writing about the numbers.*
By last night, though, Wall Street analysts seemed to have come up with at least one consensus takeaway: Google's mobile ad business is looking pretty good. Or, at least, less worrisome.
Reminder: Mobile ad volume is growing everywhere, but that's not necessarily a good thing for lots of publishers. Right now, advertisers pay much less for a mobile eyeball or click than they do for one on a desktop. Just how big a problem that is for ad sellers is up for debate, but it's a debate that's top of mind for a lot of people.
But now, perhaps, Google is convincing some people that it's not going to have a mobile ad problem, after all.
"We come out of 4Q feeling better about Google's mobile transition and segment growth rate going forward," writes J.P. Morgan's Doug Anmuth. Bernstein's Carlos Kirjner, Citi's Neil Doshi, and RBC's Mark Mahaney made similar murmurs.
Google doesn't break out its mobile numbers in any real depth, but Anmuth and other analysts focused on a few metrics they thought shed light on its mobile story: Cost-per-click decline — which was slowing, even as mobile traffic increased — and traffic acquisition costs, which were stable, even though Google is presumably paying Apple, along with its own Android partners, a pile to use its search results on their machines.
But even if Google has solved its mobile problem, or is on its way, that doesn't mean other Web publishers are on the same path.
It's perfectly reasonable for advertisers to spend the same amount on search ads, which ought to perform at last as well on a phone as on a PC. But display ads are a different story: They don't work terribly well on a big screen, and when you try to jam them onto a small screen, things get more dismal.
Want to hear more about Google's take on mobile? We'll go straight to the source in a few weeks, when we bring Google ad boss Nikesh Arora onstage at our Dive Into Media conference. See you there.
*Easy tip: Next time out, don't worry about "consolidated revenues," which include Motorola. Focus on "Google Revenues." Presto!


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William Shatner was ridiculed for ranting about "nobodies" getting verified Twitter accounts, a perk usually reserved for celebrities, but couldn't he also have a point?
Shatner's tweets involved asking why the "social media guy" for Engadget, John Colucci, needed to have a verified Twitter account, according to BuzzFeed. From @williamshatner:
@johncolucci Why are you even @verified? If this guy can get verified I'll nominate my Social Media guy.
@DashaPohoral @Numeson @verified @twitter and nobodies should not be verified because it shows a huge flaw in the Twitter system.
U.S. & World
News from around the country and around the globe
Then Michael Gorman, editor-in-chief of Engadget, who also is a verified user, begins to defend Colucci and then comes the Shatner flaming, including this from evleaks, "All relative. To some of us, whose only familiarity with yr work involves a space movie starring a whale, YOU are the nobody."
It all ends with Shatner wanting to be unverified. "Maybe I need to request to be unverified? Who wants to be part of a broken system that folks can pay $ or reward cronies while others wait?"
Whilst some called it "the best thing that ever happened on Twitter," it was the usual Internet overreaction. Why does a tech mag's social media coordinator or editor need a verified Twitter account? Who is spoofing Engadget's staff? Others, especially journalists at the Re/Code, have verified accounts, too. But are they really celebrities?
Shatner merely pointed out the rather strange way that Twitter decides who has and who doesn't have verified accounts, and we can't see he was wrong to point it out.


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Submission to the UNCSD Bureau as input to the
Zero Draft Outcome Document for the
UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20)
from the
UNEP Major Groups and Stakeholders
Advisory Group on International Environmental Governance
31 October 2011
The UNEP Major Groups and Stakeholders Advisory Group on International Environmental Governance (http://www.agieg.net) consists of 9 experts and their alternates named by the Major Groups and 6 experts and their alternates from the regions, working in their personal capacities. It was created by the UNEP Major Groups Facilitating Committee with UNEP support to be a body through which input from major groups and stakeholders could be channelled into the International Environmental Governance (IEG) processes leading to Rio+20. It prepared an information document for the UNEP Governing Council (UNEP/GC.26/INF/19*, January 2011), and now offers these proposals for the draft outcome document for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development. These proposals are a compilation of submissions from a range of major group and regional perspectives, and do not represent a consensus of all members of the Advisory Group. Rather they reflect the diversity and sometimes contradictory nature of the perspectives of major groups and stakeholders. Contributors to this paper who support its submission include Neth Dano (NGO - Action Group on Erosion Technology and Conservation ETC), Sascha Gabizon (Women - Women in Europe for a Common Future WECF), Laura Martin Murillo (Trade Unions and Workers - SustainLabour), Sébastien Duyck (Youth - Service Civil International), Satishkumar Belliethathan (Farmers - Horn of Africa Regional Environment Centre), Lucy Mulenkei (Indigenous People and their communities - Indigenous Information Network), Maria Ivanova (Local Authorities - Environmental Governance Project), Mehdi Ahmed Jaaffar (West Asia - Environment Society of Oman EDO), Robert Bakiika (Africa - Environmental Management for Livelihood Improvement Bwaise Facility), John McDonald (North America - Institute For Multi-Track Diplomacy), Philip Vergragt (North America - Tellus Institute) and Arthur Dahl (Europe - International Environment Forum). The Business & Industry Major Group (Thomas Jacob) contributed to the drafting but disassociated itself from the final document.
Objective of the Conference
There is a huge tension between the nation-state and the forces of globalization, with the nation-state as the dominant organizing institution of governance and decision-making, while being limited by its own sovereign bounds from impacting directly on global forces. Efforts at global regulation must necessarily reflect compromise among the varying sovereign interests, and therefore often fall short of what any given state or interest would wish. One result is that the UN has failed to meet Agenda 21's objectives for environment and sustainability, demonstrating that governance by State action, and a private sector regulated only at the national level and dominated by financial and trade institutions, are inadequate in a world of global markets and environmental problems. To deliver more consistently and globally against those objectives requires a more inclusive approach to governance that more effectively harnesses the variety of actors and rights holders. Renewed political commitment to multilateral action by governments is essential, but must be supported by measures to build trust among governments that their engagements will be respected. Peer review and accountability mechanisms should be complemented by a clear role for civil society and rights holders, including all the major groups.
To address the integration of issues across sectors, the existing structure of nation states and intergovernmental organizations needs serious rethinking and restructuring, with new cross-linkages reflecting interconnected problems, and bottom-up as well as top-down modes of functioning. Single-issue approaches are no longer effective when all problems are reflections of complex systems interactions. States and intergovernmental organizations should open up to wider partnerships and collaborations with all non-state actors, especially rights holders and civil society in all its diversity, to enable practical solutions to emerge. Only through such collaborations will it be possible to mobilize greater resources, reach the public more widely and deeply with information and educational programmes, build capacity and empowerment at multiple levels, and observe, analyze and report on the complex interlinked processes of natural and human systems as a basis for collective reflection on the further actions required. Each Rio+20 decision, partnership and initiative needs to incorporate explicitly the economic, social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development.
Green Economy in the context of Sustainable Development and Poverty Eradication
Basis for Action
Achieving sustainability through a green economy implies both top-down and bottom-up governance processes. Institutional innovation needs to begin with the basics and systematically build up a sequence of actions to create confidence in the new institutions. Governance reform has to be fundamental as it needs to change core structural elements, but reform has to be incremental as only sequential steps can lead to systematic change. Systematic and well thought-out incremental reform at multiple points and levels in the overall system can do much to advance effective, fundamental reform. Global businesses need consistency in sustainable practices and standards to function in global markets, which should be encouraged by intergovernmental institutions. Governance for a green economy is also relevant at the local level, where green economic activities should be characterized by ecologically sound, socially equitable, transparent and democratic business and consumption practices. Contributing to these are not only the evolving practices within business and industry, but also local policies, multi-stakeholder grassroots experiments, local entrepreneurs and social enterprises. Such experiments and practices should be endorsed by national and state policies, as well as through international frameworks and mechanisms. Public policies should contribute to voluntary business sustainability and responsibility, stimulating and rewarding innovation in this direction.
To create governance mechanisms that provide an enabling framework for a green and equitable economy, thus stimulating and rewarding business and community innovation and local experimentation.
1. Governments should provide a clear framework of incentives and regulations to encourage more sustainable economic activity, while removing distorting and unsustainable subsidies as determined by the World Trade Organization.
2. Adopt the 10-year Framework of Programmes on Sustainable Consumption and Production as negotiated to closure during CSD-19, supported by a global research programme to develop means of implementation.
3. Intergovernmental organizations should deliver norms, models and guidance and catalyze workable and predictable state-level regulatory governance with reasonable international consistency, to facilitate and reward evolution of economic activities in private, public and social enterprises toward a more level global framework for sustainability.
4. Establish a global centre or policy bank of expertise and technical assistance to help governments adopt public policies to stimulate non-statutory above-compliance standards of social and environmental performance, so that governments can adopt more such policies and learn from them.
Basis for Action
To address concerns that the green economy might ignore the social dimension of sustainability, governance mechanisms for the green economy should insure that it includes not only green technologies, infrastructure, investments and jobs, but also a more equitable and nurturing rights-based and inclusive society with chances for everyone to earn a living wage in decent working conditions, partake freely in democratic political activities, and increase their own well-being, as well as the well-being of their communities and of the entire planet. The participation of young people, women, poor and low-skilled workers is important.
The operative economic models have demonstrated fundamental flaws in repeated financial and economic crises, vulnerability to speculation, and excessive debt. In many traditional cultures there was no concept of private property, but alternatives based on shared rights and responsibilities, community decision-making and reciprocity. As part of institutional arrangements, an international process is needed to explore alternative value systems and indigenous economic models and ask what they may have to offer to a more equitable and sustainable global to local economy that goes beyond the present economic paradigm. Global financial governance needs restructuring based on principles of equity, transparency, accountability and democracy.
To ensure that governance for economic reform addresses social issues founded on principles of justice, equity, transparency and accountability.
1. Launch an international consultation on alternative economic models, cross-cultural and indigenous perspectives, including a review of the underlying purposes of the economy and the values by which it operates.
2. Accelerate the consideration of the necessary international regulation of the financial system to control excessive speculation, ensure just taxation including socially-progressive and environmentally friendly tax reforms, and provide a stable framework for international banking, investment and commerce.
3. Create institutional rules to support the expansion of mutual credit systems and complementary currencies at the community level.
Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development
Basis for Action
While States through the United Nations have made a major effort to define moral standards and ethical principles in the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and many other instruments and declarations, these too often remain abstract ideals when faced with political expediency. Moral and ethical paradigms remain challenged in providing sufficient direction for society in times of rapid change and growing inequities, resulting in increasing difficulties with law enforcement, security and governance. Globally, there is a generalized lack of accountability, posing a challenge in building consensus on governance mechanisms. Civil society can play an important supporting role to governance in this area by contributing to an ethical framework for decision-making and drawing attention to the ethical implications of policy proposals. The UN needs mechanisms to express the fundamental interests of all humanity, assisting its member states to see that global sustainability is in their national interest, and raising the level of debate. Decisions that are justified by reference to ethical principles like justice and equity will also have a better chance of receiving the adherence of the peoples of the world in their implementation. In the context of Rio+20, there is a risk that the issue of green economy merely displaces the main questions, failing to acknowledge problems of poor governance, corruption and human and environmental exploitation, rather than going back to core human values of respect for biodiversity, a moral obligation to ensure inter-generational sustainability, and a faith, belief, or rights-based reverence for the relationship between nature, local territories, and the individual's own sense of identity and culture.
To keep ethical principles at the heart of UN governance, and to ensure that decision-makers have available the relevant principles and ethical implications when taking decisions and approving proposals and programmes.
1. Establish a UN Permanent Forum on Ethics, patterned after the Permanent Forum of Indigenous Peoples, to provide a space for systematic consultation on the ethical implications of issues, proposals and projects before the Security Council, the General Assembly, and other UN organs. Membership would be open to faith-based, spiritual and other organizations of civil society with an ethical focus, that accept the principles of the UN Charter and other instruments, including freedom of conscience for all peoples, and that renounce prejudice, bigotry and violence. Their involvement in UN processes would implicate them more directly in finding constructive solutions.
2. Create a UN Office of Ethical Assessment in the Secretariat, similar in function to the Offices of Technology Assessment that have operated effectively at the national level, to be staffed by experts knowledgeable in the major religious and ethical perspectives, and to draw on outside consultants as necessary. The office would assemble and codify all the ethical principles adopted by intergovernmental processes as the framework for its work. It would prepare reports on the ethical implications of policy-relevant issues at the request of the organs of the UN system, the secretariat, and member governments. It could also provide ethical input to scientific advisory processes. It must be able to operate with complete independence from any political pressure or interference in its work.
Basis for Action
The rise of civil society is among the most significant developments of institutional evolution since UNCED. Civil society has developed its engagement on all fronts and at different levels, providing leading forums, pioneering in implementing, advocating for a shift in paradigms, and actively pushing to introduce reforms globally and regionally. Civil society organizations are effective in program design, implementation and monitoring. They have proven experience and success in fundraising for diverse projects, and possess strong advocacy skills. Most manage well and harness local expertise and skills. Indigenous peoples in particular are holders of valuable traditional ecological knowledge which can make an important contribution to sustainable environmental, social and economic policy making. On the monitoring side, civil society organizations have effectively played a watchdog role, worked with and pressured governments, and advocated for more progressive agendas. Civil society reaches from the local to the global level, and is able to leverage linkages and information, and to mobilize ideas and resources across sovereign boundaries. Indeed, it is this adaptation of civil society to leverage the forces of globalization that represents the major opportunity for advancing sustainability globally. The Major Groups defined in Agenda 21, ranging from business and industry to labour to indigenous peoples, have provided a working mechanism for inputs to the Commission on Sustainable Development and other UN processes. It is time to acknowledge their constructive role, and to increase civil society participation in UN processes with greater responsibility and direct engagement in discussion forums. Institutional arrangements for sustainability should capitalize on the unique global capabilities of all the major groups and civil society. The reformed Committee on World Food Security (CFS) under the auspices of the Rome-based UN agencies provides an existing innovative model for civil society participation in decision-making, as do the various industry-specific initiatives to advance sustainability practices throughout entire value-chains within global markets. The UNEP Major Groups and Stakeholders Advisory Group on International Environmental Governance is an example of civil society expert input to intergovernmental processes.
Civil society, including the spectrum of interests represented as UN Major Groups, should be enabled and supported to provide input in its various forms: data collection and analysis, improving management and decision-making processes, reflecting on the role of the various actors, and agenda-setting and policy development. It should advocate for environmental justice, provide expertise and analysis, intellectually challenge government counterparts, mobilize public opinion, and legitimize decision-making mechanisms.
1. Allow substantive involvement of civil society in discussion and policy-making processes, including granting major group representatives full access and active participation (not only observer status) in international/regional/national conferences and forums, and establishing processes to engage them in negotiations.
2. Develop inclusive and transparent guidelines/standards for civil society engagement in these forums and processes across the UN system and intergovernmental institutions, including special sessions for presentations by civil society.
3. Set up expert advisory groups from civil society at the highest level of UN bodies to participate in policy development.
4. Recognize the major role of civil society in scientific advisory processes, giving weight to scientific expertise (including the social sciences) as well as indigenous and local knowledge with relevance to sustainability.
5. Include civil society representatives regularly in national delegations to intergovernmental deliberations.
6. Implement the principles of transparency and access to information, meaningful opportunities for public participation, especially by parties at interest, and accountability as fundamental elements of institutional arrangements for sustainability, and provide access for civil society parties at interest to effective legal remedies, mediation and dispute settlement mechanisms at the international level, such as a complaint procedure (like at the Human Rights Council) and a dispute resolution mechanism (like at the World Trade Organization).
7. Support knowledge generation and sharing among key players, civil society and social movements within and across countries.
8. Empower indigenous peoples as stewards of nature, particularly ensuring land rights and using the international system and instruments to constrain behaviour by nation-states and the private sector that is undermining indigenous governance, value systems and sustainability.
9. Create a viable and stable financial mechanism to assist and support the participation in international governance of civil society organizations from the global south and of those constituencies that are most directly affected and might not have the means to participate without encouragement and support.
10. Link the institutional arrangements for sustainability to the educational processes, media and institutions of civil society that play an important role both in building the human and institutional capacity to implement sustainability and in preparing public opinion to support the necessary actions to ensure equity and protect environmental systems and resources.
Basis for Action
Local authorities were included as a Major Group of civil society in Agenda 21, but they are governments and have a legitimacy similar to national governments. Since sustainability requires multilevel governance at the local through global levels, the institutional arrangements for sustainability should include a place at the table for all levels of government and not just nation-states. Many cities today have populations and economies larger than most nation-states, and local governments are critical to implementing sustainability. Sub-national governments (regions, provinces, states, cantons, etc.) also have important responsibilities and are closer to their citizens.
To base institutional arrangements for sustainability on a multilevel concept of governance.
1. Acknowledge that local and sub-national (regional) governments have a democratic legitimacy comparable to national governments and an important role in implementing sustainability. Institutional arrangements for sustainability should include representation of multiple levels of governance including local, sub-national, national, regional and ultimately global levels.
2. Provide concrete mechanisms in local and sub-national governments for civil society and rights holders to participate actively in the development, implementation and monitoring of sustainable development strategies.
Basis for Action
UNEP was created in 1972 to catalyze the integration of environment into all parts of the UN system. In this it largely succeeded. Today there is a need to integrate sustainability into all parts of the UN system so that they all see sustainable development as part of their fundamental mandate. This will only happen if there is an entity with this catalytic responsibility across the economic, social and environmental dimensions. UNEP success was due in part to the use of the Environment Fund to support other agencies in implementing environmental activities within their areas of responsibility. A similar financial mechanism would facilitate the transition to sustainability today. UNEP would continue to be the environmental voice in the UN system. Also, a new more inclusive approach to national sustainable development strategies is needed, since few countries complied with the recommendations in Agenda 21, and implementation was poor.
To create an entity or process in the UN responsible to advance the pace and coordinate the integration of sustainability into all activities under UN auspices, with a funding mechanism to support this action.
1. Establish an office, programme or council at a high enough level in the UN structure to influence all parts of the UN system, charged with integrating sustainability into all UN activities through expert advice, review and evaluation, and policy-making.
2. Create a Sustainable Investment Fund supported by innovative financial mechanisms, to provide investment capital for environmentally-responsible and equitable projects of international organizations, regional and national governments and the private sector.
3. Encourage the adoption of global, regional, national and local Sustainability Strategies constructed with input from multi-stakeholder dialogues, including a comprehensive sustainability and equity vision, and a strategy and pathways how to get there. The strategy could include an analysis of local strengths and weaknesses, external threats and opportunities, as well as local assets. Such a mechanism would foster trust among stakeholders, create a long term perspective, and inspire a positive outlook towards change.
4. Increase the efficiency of multilateral governance by synchronizing and streamlining the number of intergovernmental meetings needed to oversee treaties and agreements, and rationalizing treaty secretariats to improve coherence and optimize financial management.
5. Secure collective commitment for the establishment, at the national level, of offices for Ombudspersons for Future Generations. These independent institutions would be mandated to take part to the assessment of long-term impacts of policies, to seize the justice system in case of projects undermining the position and resources of future generations, and to respond to citizen petitions.
6. Establish an independent office for a High Commissioner for Future Generations within the UN system with both an advisory role with respect to long terms impacts of UN policies and decisions, and a mechanism to respond to citizens' petitions on transboundary and international environmental issues. The office could be assisted by an Intergenerational Assembly to facilitate a global foresight process. It could also enable the establishment of Ombudspersons for Future Generations at the national level, including supporting the capacity of developing countries to implement this proposal and providing a forum for the exchange of best practices.
Basis for Action
Institutional arrangements must ensure fair multilateral negotiations, taking into account financial, economic and power asymmetries, moving toward a more coherent principle- and rule-based institutional structure with universal participation. Developing countries' priorities – meaning an integrated approach to poverty eradication, development and environment – should figure more prominently and be embedded within sustainability policies, supported by more effective governance. A set of clear and enforceable rules would also ensure that fairness and equity in terms of benefit and burden sharing, guided by the principle of common but differentiated responsibility, are built in and that decision making is based on democratic principles. The obligations of industrialized countries to advance more sustainable production and consumption patterns should also be negotiated, decided and complied with.
Resource consumption, biodiversity loss and climate change are aggravating poverty and instability and reducing options and opportunities for developing countries in the future. The vulnerable, poor, and disempowered peoples cannot rely on market mechanisms, because they cannot invest or discount the future. They need rights to protect their lives and livelihoods. In the present global market economy, the poor will lose out to the rich in the distribution of increasingly scarce resources. Mechanisms for international management of trade in resources for the collective benefit of all peoples and the planet will be the best means to protect the interests of the weak against exploitation by the powerful, and ultimately to ensure the equitable distribution of resources in the common interest. Such management must aim both to reserve adequate resources for poverty reduction and to ensure sustainability for future generations.
Institutions and actions at the regional level can respond more effectively to the specificities and needs of developing countries within their regions. Some regions have organized effectively, as with the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme (SPREP) and some of the Regional Seas Programmes. Africa has struggled to go beyond policy prescriptions to actions by governments for implementation.
1. Ensure that the rules of procedure for intergovernmental processes in the institutional arrangements for sustainability protect the rights and clarify the responsibilities of all nations as an expression of global solidarity, while ensuring that planetary requirements for sustainability take precedence over limited national interests.
2. Strengthen the capacity of countries of the South to implement effective sustainability policies, in particular with regards to the rule of law, through technical assistance and advocacy of justice and rights, and ensure integration of environmental considerations therein.
3. Integrate global environmental objectives in national sustainable development and poverty eradication strategies, with assistance from the UN to developing countries to move effectively towards a sustainable development path that integrates economic progress, social progress and equity, and environmental protection.
4. Launch a process to consider the implications of essential resource (including food and energy) shortages and price volatility on the poor, and to explore mechanisms to ensure access to the requirements for life regardless of ability to pay, while stimulating local subsistence activities and job creation.
5. Provide a supportive international framework for regional programmes, conventions and intergovernmental organizations, and ensure that they have a place alongside nation-states in the institutional arrangements for sustainability.
Basis for Action
The deep gap between scientific rationality and political expediency is often perceived to be great. Yet the best available scientific understanding of the planet and its environmental and socio-political processes is an essential foundation for decision-making at all levels of governance. The scientific questions need to be developed in cooperation with developing countries, and with as much input and involvement as possible of their scientists, including social scientists and holders of traditional knowledge. A responsive scientific assessment component in institutional arrangements for sustainability will help improve the capacity of developing countries to understand, manage, conserve and sustainably utilize their human resources and environmental systems, especially their natural ecosystems, the impacts of climate change, and the poverty/environment nexus. Committed North-South cooperation in a global research network and scientific assessment can both compensate for the often-weak scientific infrastructure in developing countries by providing collective access to scientific information, and assist in reducing the knowledge gap by building capacity for environmental assessment and reporting in all regions. It should facilitate access of developing countries to appropriate scientific knowledge, technologies and policy responses that respond to their specific needs and situations, and be supported by stable financial and technical components.
To ensure that action for sustainability is supported by the best scientific advice available, at all levels of governance.
1. Establish a UN Office of Technology Assessment advisory to the UN General Assembly, with independent status and funding, to conduct research, investigate trends and make future studies, to trace present and future consequences of technological innovations like geoengineering, biotechnology, new materials, information and communication technology, etc., and to translate these studies into policy recommendations.
2. In all international scientific assessments, implement transparent selection processes for the best natural and social scientists, ethicists, and holders of environmental and human dimensions knowledge, with disclosure of any affiliations, and apply procedures to arrive at the best consensus or peer-reviewed scientific information.
3. Create a UN mechanism similar to the UN Statistical Commission to establish criteria for all international scientific review and assessment processes, to verify their methodologies, and to build national capacity to participate in such assessments.
4. Ensure that scientific assessments build to a fully integrated assessment of planetary sustainability, including systematic reporting on the main environmental and human dimensions challenges and constraints, incorporating existing assessments but also considering the interactions among all environmental systems and human impacts.
Basis for Action
Areas beyond national sovereignty, including the high seas and the atmosphere, are subject to some of the most extreme forms of unsustainable use, including overfishing and atmospheric pollution. Global trade and wide-ranging fishing fleets have rendered regional fishing agreements inadequate. Discussions of individual moratoria on technologies posing grave threats to the planet and the people (such as geoengineering), without sufficient technology assessment or global agreement on their implementation, demonstrate the need for an institutional framework for assessment and governance of these areas. The development of mechanisms for collective international responsibility and governance of the global commons, with due respect to the precautionary principle, would not infringe on national sovereignty and could begin to build confidence in operational management of resources by global institutions in the common interest.
To establish an international mechanism for governance of global commons issues not already subject to global processes, to complement the present governance by nation-states and to fill the gaps in existing international arrangements.
1. Building on the Law of the Sea, establish a coherent global mechanism for the regulation of ocean fisheries mandated to reduce fishing pressure to the capacity of the resource, and ultimately to restoring the productivity of the seas. The mechanism should include provisions for high seas marine protected areas, and for environmental impact assessment and regulation of activities such as seabed mineral extraction beyond national jurisdictions.
2. Build on the moratoria on geoengineering, ocean fertilization and Terminator technology agreed at the CBD by establishing an objective international procedure for technology assessment for proposals with potential planetary impact, coupled with a mechanism within the UN for collective approval of the testing and implementation of such technologies, and a requirement for international insurance of the risks of adverse consequences. The mechanism could be an Office of Technology Assessment advisory to the General Assembly, or a rejuvenated UN Centre on Science and Technology for Development.
3. Seek the opinion of the International Court of Justice on whether manipulating the environment through geoengineering could be in violation of the Environmental Modification Treaty of 1978, or whether a new legal framework is required.
4. Complement the scientific and technological assessment of new technologies with social and economic assessments of winners and losers from the application of such technologies, and wide public consultation with affected groups and civil society.


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Joaquín Castro gets set for Washington time
Don't blame Rep.-elect Joaquín Castro for feeling a little disoriented these days.
"I still have my watch set for East Coast time," he said on Friday, spinning the crown back one hour as he settled in for lunch at Rosario's on South Alamo St.
He'll need to set it forward again soon. After spending last week in Washington for the first round of congressional orientation, Castro is heading back to Capitol Hill on Tuesday.
He's scheduled to get sworn in as representative of the 20th District of Texas in early January.
At least for now, Castro can relax. In jeans and a T-shirt, a cross tucked inside his collar, he reflected on his freshman trip through the halls of federal government as a member-elect of the 113th Congress.
"It does feel like you're starting over," he said.
It felt, oddly, like a cross between his freshman year at the state Capitol, where he served five terms in the Legislature, and his freshman year at Stanford University.
In 1992, at Stanford, an 18-year-old Castro was greeted by a bag of goodies. Twenty years later, at the Capitol Hill Hotel, a 38-year-old Castro was greeted by a bag of goodies.
In this case, it was a load of electronics, including an iPad and an iPhone, which Castro declined.
"My brother doesn't use a government cellphone," he said, referring to his twin, Mayor Julián Castro. "I can use my own stuff."
The first week of orientation was filled with practical matters, such as guidance on ethics rules and aligning staff.
The orientation itself, however, was impractical, considering the partisan gridlock that lawmakers such as Castro consider a drag on constituents. The program, he said, essentially segregated the newest members of the Democratic caucus from their counterparts in the Republican caucus.
"If there was a suggestion box," said Castro, grinning, "I would tell them, 'At the beginning, you would probably want everybody to mingle instead of herding everybody into camps.'"
Despite the calcified politics, he sensed an opportunity for change.
"I think the class wants to reach across the aisle," he said. "It would help if we could get to know each other a little bit."
He got to know some fellow Democrats, including Rep.-elect Joe Kennedy III of Massachusetts, who also has a twin brother and attended Stanford University and Harvard Law School.
He got to lend his voice to a major issue, meeting with House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi and Rep. Luis Gutierrez, Democrat of Illinois, to discuss immigration reform, stressing that along a broad path to citizenship, "The DREAMers should not have to wait as long as their parents," he said.
And as usual, he got confused for his brother. Seeing Castro on Capitol Hill, Dana Bash of CNN said, "What are you doing here?"
So what is Joaquín Castro doing on Capitol Hill?
His biggest job, he says, is to protect San Antonio's economic interests, its military bases, missions and transportation infrastructure.
And as his former political body at the state Capitol embraces an even more stringent conservatism, he plans to use his new office to fight the tide of spending cuts.
"We're going to work on that," Castro said. "I don't believe that local communities should be denied resources because one person in the governor's mansion feels a certain way."


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Adult businesses in Rockford come under fire during a committee meeting Thursday night. City Aldermen propose new restrictions that include how late these businesses stay open and what they display in their windows.
Eleventh Ward Alderman Jeff Holt says drugs and prostitution in his district are a problem. A problem, he says, that may improve if adult businesses in that area are regulated. But those business owners say there is no correlation with crime and the shops they run.
The debate at times grew heated as adult business owners in Rockford say they're being treated unfair because of a proposal that would require these businesses to get an additional license with the city - that would require them to follow guidelines or else face fines or be shut down.
Rob Smith owns Chantilly Lace on Seventh Street. He argues that his window front looks no different than Victoria's Secret. And once inside, Smith says the similarity is still there.
But what is different is that live girls are modeling the lingerie into the early morning hours. That is something police and aldermen say only causes trouble.
Now before anything chances the committee will have to make its recommendations to the full board - and then the board would have to vote on the matter.


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How the Media got the Parchin Access Story Wrong
February 29th, 2012 |
Gareth Porter
Commentary by William O. Beeman: The mainstream news media (New York Times, Washington Post, PBS, NPR among others) have now made it a habit to radically distort events related to the Iranian nuclear program. The International Atomic Energy Agency is also under pressure from the U.S. Government to present Iran's situation in the most negative light. The latest IAEA inspection tour in Iran was no exception. It was widely reported that Iran had refused to allow the IAEA inspect a site at Parchin--a military base. Now reporter Gareth Porter tells the truth about that encounter and it is clear that the news reports were misleading. This joins a huge long list of distorted news reports on Iran. All citizens must now be on guard to question news media reporting on Iran very skeptically.
News media reported last week that Iran had flatly refused the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) access to its Parchin military test facility, based on a statement to reporters by IAEA Deputy Director General, Herman Nackaerts, that "We could not get access".
Now, however, explicit statements on the issue by the Iranian Ambassador to the IAEA and the language of the new IAEA report indicate that Iran did not reject an IAEA visit to the base per se but was only refusing access as long as no agreement had been reached with the IAEA governing the modalities of cooperation.
That new and clarifying information confirms what I reported February 23. Based on the history of Iranian negotiations with the IAEA and its agreement to allow two separate IAEA visits to Parchin in 2005, the Parchin access issue is a bargaining chip that Iran is using to get the IAEA to moderate its demands on Iran in forging an agreement on how to resolve the years-long IAEA investigation into the "Possible Military Dimensions" of the Iranian nuclear program.
In an email to me and in interviews with Russia Today, Reuters, and the Fars News Agency, the Iranian Permanent Representative to the IAEA, Ali Asghar Soltanieh, said Iran told the high-level IAEA mission that it would allow access to Parchin once modalities of Iran-IAEA cooperation had been agreed on.
"We declared that, upon finalization of the modality, we will give access [to Parchin]," Soltanieh wrote in an email to me.
In the Russia Today interview on February 27, reported by Israel's Haaretz and The Hindu in India but not by western news media, Soltanieh referred to two IAEA inspection visits to Parchin in January and November 2005 and said Iran needs to have "assurances" that it would not "repeat the same bitter experience, when they just come and ask for the access." There should be a "modality" and a "frame of reference, of what exactly they are looking for, they have to provide the documents and exactly where they want [to go]," he said.
But Soltanieh also indicated that such an inspection visit is conditional on agreement about the broader framework for cooperation on clearing up suspicions of a past nuclear weapons program. "[I]n principle we have already accepted that when this text is concluded we will take these steps," Soltanieh said.
The actual text of the IAEA report, dated February 24, provides crucial information about the Iranian position in the talks that is consistent with what Soltanieh is saying.
In its account of the first round of talks in late January on what the IAEA is calling a "structured approach to the clarification of all outstanding issues", the report states: "The Agency requested access to the Parchin site, but Iran did not grant access to the site at that time [emphasis added]." That wording obviously implies that Iran was willing to grant access to Parchin if certain conditions were met.
On the February 20-21 meetings, the agency said that Iran "stated that it was still not able to grant access to that site." There was likely a more complex negotiating situation behind the lack of agreement on a Parchin visit than had been suggested by Nackaerts and reported in western news media.
But not a single major news media report has reported the significant difference between initial media coverage on the Parchin access issue and the information now available from the initial IAEA report and Soltanieh. None have reported the language of the report indicating that Iran's refusal to approve a Parchin visit in January was qualified by "at that time".
Only AFP and Reuters quoted Soltanieh at all. Reuters, which actually interviewed Soltanieh, quoted him saying, "It was assumed that after we agreed on the modality, then access would be given." But that quote only appears in the very last sentence of the article, several paragraphs after the reiteration of the charge that Iran "refused to grant [the IAEA] access" to Parchin.
The day after that story was published, Reuters ran another story focusing on the IAEA report without referring either to its language on Parchin or to Soltanieh's clarification.
The Los Angeles Times ignored the new information and simply repeated the charge that Iran "refused to allow IAEA inspectors to visit Parchin military base". Then it added its own broad interpretation that Iran "has refused to answer key questions about its nuclear development program". Iran's repeated assertions that the documents used to pose questions to it are fabricated were thus dismissed as non-qualified answers.
The Parchin access story entered a new phase today with a Reuters story quoting Deputy Director General Nackaerts in a briefing for diplomats that there "may be some ongoing activities at Parchin which add urgency to why we want to go". Nackaerts attributed that idea to an unnamed "Member State", which is apparently suggesting that the site in question is being "cleaned up".
The identity of that "Member State", which the IAEA continues to go out of its way to conceal, is important, because if it is Israel, it reflects an obvious interest in convincing the world that Iran is working on nuclear weapons. As former IAEA Director-General Mohamed ElBaradei recounts on p. 291 of his memoirs, "In the late summer of 2009, the Israelis provided the IAEA with documents of their own, purportedly showing that Iran had continued with nuclear weapon studies until at least 2007."
The news media should be including cautionary language any time information from an unnamed "Member State" is cited as the source for allegations about covert Iranian nuclear weapons work. It could very likely be coming from a State with a political agenda. But the unwritten guidelines for news media coverage of the IAEA and Iran, as we have seen in recent days, are obviously very different.


text: Sacred Destinations Destinations Anzy-Le-Duc Church Anzy-Le-Duc Church Photos 26382 × share full URL share short URL embed link code photo 98 of 135 Previous | Next Capital: Music and Mayhem Capital in the nave depicting a devil playing a flute while a strange two-torsoed figure and other people dance. Note the hand on the groin of the "twins." The figure on the right side of the capital looks like an acrobat and the one on the corner has flame-like hair like the musical devil. On the left, a man battles a lion. The lesson seems to be: music leads to all kinds of evil and mayhem. Credit: Holly Hayes


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The LH1000 has a classic 12AX7 Class-A tube front-end design with a solid-state output. Trick out the Treble and Bass Shelving to give its warm tone a little edge, or use the brite and limiter switches to further sculpt your sound. Its intuitive front panel design also makes adjustments on the fly a breeze. Although the LH1000 is a perfect complement to our HyDrive cabinets, it also works as a seamless accompaniment to any bass cab on the market.
What started as a simple string and pedal sales catalog has grown exponentially over the past thirty years. The early days were a time where catalogs didn't have much of a presence in the industry, but what began as a college dorm room operation grew rapidly. In 1986 we moved to a full product offering and 64-page catalog, which over the years has grown to 162 pages. Join the AMS family and get your free catalog now!
Copyright © 1996-2020 American Musical Supply, Inc. All rights reserved. American Musical Supply reserves the right to correct pricing and/or product specifications in the event of typographical errors found in our print catalog or on our website. If a product is listed at an incorrect price due to such errors or because of inaccurate information received from a supplier, American Musical Supply shall have the right to refuse or cancel any orders placed, whether or not the order has been confirmed and your credit card charged. If your credit card has already been charged for the purchase and your order is canceled, American Musical Supply will issue a credit to your credit card account in the amount of the charge.


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Sayre, Pa. – In recognition of Guthrie Corning Hospital's focus on excellence in stroke care, the facility has received the American Heart Association/American Stoke Association's Get with the Guidelines® Stroke Gold Plus Achievement Award.
"To be recognized by the Get With The Guidelines program is incredibly gratifying to the physicians and clinical staff who work so hard to develop the expertise required to quickly and appropriately treat patients who have suffered from stroke," said Guthrie Corning Hospital President Shirley Magaña. "Guthrie Corning Hospital is proud to offer this crucial service to our community."
Hospitals must achieve an 85 percent or higher adherence to the Get with the Guidelines-Stroke Achievement indicators for two or more consecutive 12-month intervals and achieved 75 percent or higher compliance with six of 10 Get With the Guidelines-stroke Quality measures, which measure quality of care. The guidelines include an aggressive use of appropriate medication like "clot busters", being proactive about Deep Vein Thrombosis prevention and working with patients on smoke cessation.
Additionally, Guthrie Corning Hospital was also named to the association's Target: Stroke Honor Roll for improving stroke care.
Guthrie Health is a non-profit integrated health system located in north central Pennsylvania and Upstate New York, serving patients from an 11-county service area. Guthrie is comprised of a research institute, home care/hospice, hospitals in Sayre, Pa., Corning, N.Y., and Troy, Pa., as well as a multi-specialty group practice of more than 260 physicians and 130 mid-level providers in a regional office network encompassing sub-specialty and primary care sites in 23 communities throughout Pennsylvania and New York. Guthrie Health offers a wide range of services and programs designed to enhance the health and well-being of those it serves.


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Tag: Inspire
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runABC is in the process of upgrading and improving its online service so you might encounter the odd glitch over the next week or so but rest assured we're working on them and the new site will be a fantastic resource for our running community.hide
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Hey O.C. Housewives, Is This What You Call Cutting Back in a Tough Economy?
Are you feeling the pinch of the poor economy? The R.H.O.C. ladies are right there with you … only they're coping with it a tad bit differently.
Looks like the terrible economy is hitting everyone, even Orange County's elite, who have made to make some – er – difficult sacrifices and cutbacks to their posh lifestyles.
Fans of the Real Housewives of Orange County can definitely identify with their favorite California girls this season, because the ladies have realized how tough pinching pennies can really be. Tamra Barney broke down when she had to put her house up for sale, while Lynne Curtin also got sad when she had to move out of her posh Laguna Beach abode … and into a smaller (yet still gorgeous) place. Jeana Keough even shopped at (gasp!) budget friendly H&M instead of high-end boutiques.
"Downsizing is taking place, there's no doubt about that," Gary Watts, a real estate economist in Orange County, tells HollywoodLife.com. "Even those who have businesses that are doing well, they're not living the opulent lives that they used to because they're being careful."
Watts, who's worked on several homes in the Coto de Caza community where the Real Housewives of O.C. is frequently filmed, says many people in the O.C. community are leaving their 7,000 sq. feet home for more modest (at least in their eyes!) 4,000 sq. feet places, not eating out as much and "not getting a new Mercedes every two years." Instead, they're opting for more reasonably priced rides.
While there's a select group of people who are still well off, Watts says that for the most part, all of Orange County got the wake up call about the plummeting market and know they've got to be a bit smarter with their money.
Unfortunately for reality TV stars, "these desperate housewives are going to still be desperate a bit longer," Watts, who works Impact Real Estate, predicts.
What have you done to deal during these tough times?


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Tagged: Robinson Tejada
9-12-09 Progressive Field
Unfortunately, I missed the entire 3 game series at PNC Park vs the Cubs earlier this week. Monday it rained, so I stayed home. Tuesday, I had to coach, and wouldn't have been able to get to the game until 7. Wednesday's game was an afternoon game, and I had to work.
Not wanting to get completely shut out in Week 23, I made the two hour drive to Cleveland today.
I got there early enough so that I would be first in line.
It would be twenty minutes before anyone else showed up. While waiting, I ran into a ballhawk named Dennis from New York. He was on a 10 ballpark tour, and was familiar with other ballhawks such as Zack Hample, District Boy, and Greg Barasch. We talked up until the gates opened.
When the gates did open, I ran in to search for Easter Eggs. Usually there are a bunch, but the Indians didn't hit early, so there was nothing. After an exhaustive search, I did find ball #1 several rows back in the section closest to the Indians bullpen.
I then turned my attention the Indians batting practice.
Eventually, the bullpen coaches and a cop got the squirrel to go into the Indians bullpen, and slammed the door shut. What is it with Cleveland and animal problems (remember those seagulls that cost the Royals a game a couple months ago
I didn't stay for the game, and left, satisfied with my six snags on the day.
Today's baseballs:
Sweet spots:
Game: 6 balls (5 hit, 1 thrown)
Season: 350 balls (187 hit, 102 thrown, 62 device)
Games: 72 games (7 of which didn't have BP)
Average: 4.86 balls per game
Career: 516 balls
Streak: 87 consecutive games attended with at least 1 ball snagged.
Attendance: 24,842


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Safety & Security
IU Southeast strives to provide the most secure environment possible for students, faculty, staff, and visitors. Keeping all of our resident and non-resident students safe is our priority.
Access Security
Residence Hall exterior doors are equipped with electronic access control. Residents scan their U Card to enter their designated hall. Only residents and appropriate staff can enter the residence halls. Apartment and bedrooms doors are secured by traditional keyed locks.
Fire Protection
The apartments, bedrooms, and common areas in each lodge are equipped with protection systems including hard-wired fire alarms and state-of-the-art fire sprinklers.
Police & Surveillance
The IU Southeast Police Department is a fully empowered law enforcement agency. The main objective of this department is to ensure the safety, peace, and tranquility of the academic community and our residence halls. Police officers patrol the campus 24 hours a day. Closed circuit surveillance cameras, monitored by the police department, are located at every residence hall entrance/exit door and throughout campus. (insert link to the police page)
Residence Hall Staff
Each hall is staffed with a Residence Hall Community Advisor (CA) who works closely with our campus police to ensure students' safety. All of our CAs monitor the security of our residence halls. The CAs are trained on how to respond to emergency situations if needed.
Security Outside the Halls
Emergency telephones, blue emergency lights, and ample exterior lighting are located outside each building, in the residence hall parking lots, and along all of the walkways.
Emergency Notification
Timely, reliable communications are critical in emergency situations. The IU Notify system allows IU Southeast – and all other IU campuses – to notify students, faculty, and staff through voice and text messages during a campus emergency. Messages can be sent to landline phones, cell phones, and e-mail addresses. The system has the capability of reaching all faculty, students, and staff within minutes. In addition, each Lodge has an intercom system that may be used during emergency. Residents will hear the announcement in all common areas and individual apartments.


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American Revolution
American Revolution, 1775–83, struggle by which the Thirteen Colonies on the Atlantic seaboard of North America won independence from Great Britain and became the United States. It is also called the American War of Independence.
Causes and Early Troubles
By the middle of the 18th cent., differences in life, thought, and interests had developed between the mother country and the growing colonies. Local political institutions and practice diverged significantly from English ways, while social customs, religious beliefs, and economic interests added to the potential sources of conflict. The British government, like other imperial powers in the 18th cent., favored a policy of mercantilism; the Navigation Acts were intended to regulate commerce in the British interest. These were only loosely enforced, however, and the colonies were by and large allowed to develop freely with little interference from England.
Conditions changed abruptly in 1763. The Treaty of Paris in that year ended the French and Indian Wars and removed a long-standing threat to the colonies. At the same time the ministry (1763–65) of George Grenville in Great Britain undertook a new colonial policy intended to tighten political control over the colonies and to make them pay for their defense and return revenue to the mother country. The tax levied on molasses and sugar in 1764 caused some consternation among New England merchants and makers of rum; the tax itself was smaller than the one already on the books, but the promise of stringent enforcement was novel and ominous.
It was the Stamp Act, passed by the British Parliament in 1765, with its direct demand for revenue that roused a violent colonial outcry, which was spearheaded by the Northern merchants, lawyers, and newspaper publishers who were directly affected. Everywhere leaders such as James Otis, Samuel Adams, and Patrick Henry denounced the act with eloquence, societies called the Sons of Liberty were formed, and the Stamp Act Congress was called to protest that Parliament was violating the rights of trueborn Englishmen in taxing the colonials, who were not directly represented in the supreme legislature. The threat of boycott and refusal to import English goods supported the colonial clamor. Parliament repealed (1766) the Stamp Act but passed an act formally declaring its right to tax the colonies.
The incident was closed, but a barb remained to wound American feelings. Colonial political theorists—not only radicals such as Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, Josiah Quincy (1744–75), and Alexander McDougall but also moderates such as John Dickinson, John Adams, and Benjamin Franklin—asserted that taxation without representation was tyranny. The teachings of 18th-century French philosophers and continental writers on law, such as Emmerich de Vattel, as well as the theories of John Locke, were implicit in the colonial arguments based on the theory of natural rights. The colonials claimed that Parliament had the sovereign power to legislate in the interest of the entire British Empire, but that it could only tax those actually represented in Parliament.
Trouble flared when the Chatham ministry adopted (1767) the Townshend Acts, which taxed numerous imports; care was taken to levy only an "external" or indirect tax in the hope that the colonials would accept this. But this indirect tax was challenged too, and although the duties were not heavy, the principle was attacked. Incidents came in interrupted sequence to make feeling run higher and higher: the seizure of a ship belonging to John Hancock in 1768; the bloodshed of the Boston Massacre in 1770; the burning of H. M. S. Gaspee in 1772.
The First Continental Congress
The repeal of the Townshend Acts in 1770 did no more than temporarily quiet the turmoil, for the tax on tea was kept as a sort of token of Parliament's supremacy. Indignation in New England at the monopoly granted to the East India Company led to the Boston Tea Party in 1773. Despite the earnest pleas of William Pitt the elder (see Chatham, William Pitt, 1st earl of) and Edmund Burke, Parliament replied with coercive measures.
These (and the Quebec Act) the colonials called the Intolerable Acts, and resistance was prompt. The Sons of Liberty and individual colonials were already distributing statements of the colonial cause to win over merchant and farmer, worker and sailor. Committees of correspondence had been formed to exchange information and ideas and to build colonial unity, and in 1774 these committees prepared the way for the Continental Congress.
The representatives at this First Continental Congress, except for a few radicals, had not met to consider independence, but wished only to persuade the British government to recognize their rights. A plan of reconciliation offered by Joseph Galloway was rejected. It was agreed that the colonies would refuse to import British goods until colonial grievances were righted; those grievances were listed in petitions to the king; and the congress adjourned.
War's Outbreak
Before Congress met again the situation had changed. On the morning of Apr. 19, 1775, shots had been exchanged by colonials and British soldiers, men had been killed, and a revolution had begun (see Lexington and Concord, battles of). On the very day (May 10, 1775) that the Second Continental Congress met, Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain Boys, together with a force under Benedict Arnold, took Fort Ticonderoga from the British, and two days later Seth Warner captured Crown Point. Boston was under British siege, and before that siege was climaxed by the costly British victory usually called the battle of Bunker Hill (June 17, 1775) the Congress had chosen (June 15, 1775) George Washington as commander in chief of the Continental armed forces.
Indecision and Declaration
The war was on in earnest. Some delegates had come to the Congress already committed to declaring the colonies independent of Great Britain, but even many stalwart upholders of the colonial cause were not ready to take such a step. The lines were being more clearly drawn between the pro-British Loyalists and colonial revolutionists. The time was one of indecision, and the division of the people was symbolized by the split between Benjamin Franklin and his Loyalist son, William Franklin.
Loyalists were numerous and included small farmers as well as large landowners, royal officeholders, and members of the professions; they were to be found in varying strength in every colony. A large part of the population was more or less neutral, swaying to this side or that or else remaining inert in the struggle, which was to some extent a civil war. So it was to remain to the end.
Civil government and administration had fallen apart and had to be patched together locally. In some places the result was bloody strife, as in the partisan raids in the Carolinas and Georgia and the Mohawk valley massacre in New York. Elsewhere hostility did not produce open struggles.
In Jan., 1776, Thomas Paine wrote a pamphlet, Common Sense, which urged the colonial cause. Its influence was tremendous, and it was read everywhere with enthusiastic acclaim. Militarily, however, the cause did not prosper greatly. Delegations to the Canadians had been unsuccessful, and the Quebec campaign (1775–76) ended in disaster. The British gave up Boston in Mar., 1776, but the prospects were still not good for the ill-trained, poorly armed volunteer soldiers of the Continental army when the Congress decided finally to declare the independence of the Thirteen Colonies.
The Declaration of Independence is conventionally dated July 4, 1776. Drawn up by Thomas Jefferson (with slight emendations), it was to be one of the great historical documents of all time. It did not, however, have any immediate positive effect.
The British under Gen. William Howe and his brother, Admiral Richard Howe, came to New York harbor. After vain attempts to negotiate a peace, the British forces struck. Washington lost Brooklyn Heights (see Long Island, battle of), retreated northward, was defeated at Harlem Heights in Manhattan and at White Plains, and took part of his dwindling army into New Jersey. Thomas Paine in a new pamphlet, The Crisis, exhorted the revolutionists to courage in desperate days, and Washington showed his increasing military skill and helped to restore colonial spirits in the winter of 1776–77 by crossing the ice-ridden Delaware and winning small victories over forces made up mostly of Hessian mercenaries at Trenton (Dec. 26) and Princeton (Jan. 3).
Saratoga and Valley Forge
In 1777 the British attempted to wipe out the flickering revolt by a concerted plan to split the colonies with converging expeditions concentrated upon the Hudson valley. Gen. William Howe, instead of taking part in it, moved into Pennsylvania, defeated Washington in the battle of Brandywine (Sept. 11), took Philadelphia, and beat off (Oct. 4) Washington's attack on Germantown. Meanwhile the British columns under Gen. John Burgoyne and Gen. Barry St. Leger had failed (see Saratoga campaign), and Burgoyne on Oct. 17, 1777, ended the battle of Saratoga by surrender to Gen. Horatio Gates. The victory is commonly regarded as the decisive battle of the war, but its good effects again were not immediate.
The Continental army still had to endure the hardships of the cruel winter at Valley Forge, when only loyalty to Washington and the cause of liberty held the half-frozen, half-starved men together. Among them were three of the foreign idealists who had come to aid the colonials in their struggle—Johann Kalb, Baron von Steuben, and the marquis de Lafayette. At Valley Forge, Steuben trained the still-raw troops, who came away a disciplined fighting force giving a good account of themselves in 1778. Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Howe in command, decided to abandon Philadelphia for New York, and Washington's attack upon the British in the battle of Monmouth (see Monmouth, battle of) was cheated of success mainly by the equivocal actions of Gen. Charles Lee.
Foreign Assistance
The warfare in the Middle Atlantic region settled almost to stagnation, but foreign aid was finally arriving. Agents of the new nation—notably Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, Silas Deane, and later John Adams—were striving to get help, and in 1777 Pierre de Beaumarchais had succeeded in getting arms and supplies sent to the colonials in time to help win the battle of Saratoga. That victory made it easier for France to enter upon an alliance with the United States, for which Franklin and the comte de Vergennes (the French foreign minister) signed (1778) a treaty. Spain entered the war against Great Britain in 1779, but Spanish help did little for the United States, while French soldiers and sailors and especially French supplies and money were of crucial importance.
Vincennes to Yorktown
The warfare had meanwhile shifted from the quiescent North to other theaters. George Rogers Clark by his daring exploits (1778–79) in the West, climaxed by the second capture of Vincennes, established the revolutionists' prestige on the frontier. Gen. John Sullivan led an expedition (1779) against the British and Native Americans in upper New York.
The chief fighting, however, was now in the South. The British had taken Savannah in 1778. In 1780, Sir Henry Clinton attacked and took Charleston (which had resisted attacks in 1776 and 1779) and sent Gen. Charles Cornwallis off on the Carolina campaign. Cornwallis swept forward to beat Horatio Gates soundly at Camden (Aug., 1780), and only guerrilla bands under Francis Marion, Andrew Pickens, and Thomas Sumter continued to oppose the British S of Virginia.
Another low point had been reached in American fortunes. Bitter complaints of the inefficiency of the Congress, political conniving, lack of funds and food, and the strains of long-continued war had engendered widespread apathy and disaffection, and the British tried to take advantage of the division among the people. In 1780 occurred the most celebrated of the disaffections, the treason of Benedict Arnold. Lack of pay and shortages of clothing and food drove some Continental regiments into a mutiny of protest in Jan., 1781.
The dark, however, was already lifting. A crowd of frontiersmen with their rifles defeated a British force at Kings Mt. in Oct., 1780, and Nathanael Greene, who had replaced Gates as commander in the Carolina campaign, and his able assistant, Daniel Morgan, together with Thaddeus Kosciusko and others, ultimately forced Cornwallis into Virginia. The stage was set for the Yorktown campaign.
Now the French aid counted greatly, for Lafayette with colonial troops held the British in check, and it was a Franco-American force that Washington and the comte de Rochambeau led from New York S to Virginia. The French fleet under Admiral de Grasse played the decisive part.
Previously naval forces had been of little consequence in the Revolution. State navies and a somewhat irregular national navy had been of less importance than Revolutionary privateers. Esek Hopkins had led a raid in the Bahamas in 1776, John Barry won a name as a gallant commander, and John Paul Jones was one of the most celebrated commanders in all U.S. naval history, but their exploits were isolated incidents.
It was the French fleet—ironically, the same one defeated by the British under Admiral Rodney the next year in the West Indies—that bottled up Cornwallis at Yorktown. Outnumbered and surrounded, the British commander surrendered (Oct. 19, 1781), and the fighting was over. The rebels had won the American Revolution.
The Treaty of Paris (see Paris, Treaty of) formally recognized the new nation in 1783, although many questions were left unsettled. The United States was floundering through a postwar depression and seeking not too successfully to meet its administrative problems under the Articles of Confederation (see Confederation, Articles of).
The leaders in the new country were those prominent either in the council halls or on the fields of the Revolution, and the first three Presidents after the Constitution of the United States was adopted were Washington, Adams, and Jefferson. Some of the more radical Revolutionary leaders were disappointed in the turn toward conservatism when the Revolution was over, but liberty and democracy had been fixed as the highest ideals of the United States.
The American Revolution had a great influence on liberal thought throughout Europe. The struggles and successes of the youthful democracy were much in the minds of those who brought about the French Revolution, and most assuredly later helped to inspire revolutionists in Spain's American colonies.
The stirring events of the country's birth have been often represented in U.S. literature. It has given dramatic material to playwrights from William Dunlap to Maxwell Anderson, to novelists from James Fenimore Cooper and William G. Simms to S. Weir Mitchell, Paul Leicester Ford, Kenneth Roberts, and Howard Fast. Older histories, still read for their literary value, are those of George Bancroft, John Fiske, and G. O. Trevelyan.
Countless excellent studies have been made of particular aspects and incidents; some examples are H. E. Wildes, Valley Forge (1938); R. B. Morris, ed., The Era of the American Revolution (1939); C. Van Doren, Secret History of the American Revolution (1941); L. Montross, Rag, Tag and Bobtail: The Story of the Continental Army (1952); C. Berger, Broadsides and Bayonets: The Propaganda War of the American Revolution (1961); A. Heimert, Religion and the American Mind (1966); and J. W. Tyler, Smugglers and Patriots (1986).
For works of more general interest, see C. H. McIlwain, The American Revolution: A Constitutional Interpretation (1923, repr. 1973); J. F. Jameson, The American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement (1926, new ed. 1961); J. C. Miller, Origins of the American Revolution (1943, new ed. 1959); C. R. Ritcheson, British Politics and the American Revolution (1954); L. H. Gipson, The Coming of the Revolution ( "New American Nation" series, 1954); E. S. Morgan, The Birth of the Republic, 1763–89 (1956); H. S. Commager and R. B. Morris, ed., Spirit of 'Seventy-Six (1958); S. F. Bemis, The Diplomacy of the American Revolution (rev. ed. 1957); H. Peckham, The War for Independence (1958); R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution (1959); B. Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967); R. B. Morris, The American Revolution Reconsidered (1967, repr. 1979) and The American Revolution, 1763–1783 (as ed., 1971); J. P. Greene, ed. The Reinterpretation of the American Revolution (1968); M. Jensen, The Founding of a Nation (1968); J. R. Alden, A History of the American Revolution (1969); G. S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787 (1969, repr. 1998), The Radicalism of the American Revolution (1992), The American Revolution (2002), Revolutionary Characters (2006), and The Idea of America (2011); D. Higginbotham, The War of American Independence (1971); P. Maier, From Resistance to Revolution (1972); S. G. Kurtz and J. H. Hutson, Essay on the American Revolution (1973); K. Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution (1976, repr. 1987); T. Draper, A Struggle for Power (1995); A. J. O'Shaughnessy, An Empire Divided (2000) and The Men Who Lost America (2013); J. J. Ellis, Founding Brothers (2000), American Creation (2007), and Revolutionary Summer (2013); J. Rhodehamel, ed., The American Revolution: Writings from the War of Independence (2001); D. H. Fischer, Washington's Crossing (2005); D. McCullough, 1776 (2005); S. Weintraub, Iron Tears (2005); J. Rakove, Revolutionaries (2010); T. N. Breen, American Insurgents, American Patriots (2010); J. Ferling, Independence: The Struggle to Set America Free (2011); M. Jasanoff, Liberty's Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary War (2011); K. Philips, 1775: A Good Year for Revolution (2012); C. Saunt, West of the Revolution: An Uncommon History of 1776 (2014); K. DuVal, Independence Lost: Lives on the Edge of the American Revolution (2015); A. Taylor, American Revolutions: A Continental History, 1750–1805 (2016); H. Hoock, Scars of Independence (2017).
See also bibliographies by T. R. Adams (2 vol., 1980) and R. L. Blanco (1983).


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Carl Orff: Carmina Burana - University Chorus and Alumni Chorus, UC Davis Symphony Orchestra and the Pacific Boychoir
Date: 6/11/2007; 70 minutes
Carl Orff's Carmina Burana is one of the most popular pieces of the classical music repertoire. Here the UC Davis Symphony Orchestra, the University Chorus and Alumni Chorus, and the Pacific Boychoir perform at the Mondavi Center at UC Davis. (#11787)
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