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Horizontes Antropológicos
versão impressa ISSN 0104-7183
Horiz.antropol. vol.5 no.se Porto Alegre 2010
Mortuary styles and modes of sociability in nineteenth-century Brazilian cemeteries
Estilos mortuários e modos de sociabilidade em cemitérios Brasileiros oitocentistas
Antonio Motta
Translated by Mónica Lourdes Franch Gutiérrez
Translated from Horizontes Antropológicos, Porto Alegre, v.16, n. 33, p. 55-80, Jun. 2010.
The analytical focus of this work is the social treatment meted out to the dead and burial forms in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. How might one read and understand the attitudes and social meanings of a given time from its system of funerary objects, funerary practices and styles? When subjected to the reading, embodied in tombs, the devices and burial styles translate not only accommodations and balances, but also tensions and significant changes in the relationships that the living establish with their dead.
Keywords: mortuary styles, mortuary scenography, funeral architecture, mortuary scenography, forms of sociability in cemeteries.
O que mobiliza o foco de análise deste trabalho é o tratamento social dispensado ao morto e suas formas de enterramento, no final do século XIX e nos primeiros decênios do XX. De que maneira se pode ler e entender atitudes e significados sociais de uma determinada época a partir de um sistema de objetos funerários, de práticas e estilos mortuários? Quando submetidos à leitura, os dispositivos e estilos funerários, plasmados nos túmulos, permitem traduzir não só acomodações e equilíbrios, mas também tensões e mudanças significativas nas relações afetivas que os vivos estabelecem com os seus mortos.
Palavras-chave: arquitetura funerária, cenografias mortuárias, estilos mortuários, formas de sociabilidade nos cemitérios.
"... if you see a Constantinople complicated with baroque, gothic and operatic scenes. It's the cemetery."
João Cabral de Melo Neto
At the end of the eighteenth century when living familiarity with the dead no longer existed, when the dead were driven out of the cities and churches, and off to the cemeteries, graves began to share a function formerly occupied by the church. As is known, inside these "temples", on a composted humus and cadaverous floor in the custody of a divine ceiling, laden painted clouds and suspended archangels, were shared collective moments of intense sociability, not only through beliefs and common devotions, but also through the rituals that were celebrated: baptisms, weddings, anniversaries of both life and death, confessions, communions, religious processions and funerals etc..
In the cemeteries, far from their homes, churches, and parishes, under the open sky, the dead find shelter in their graves. Grave scenarios of churches and chapels (on a smaller scale) were common, while others resembled the homes of their owners. It was not just to ensure the dead a place in heaven, but also ensure a place on earth, under the protection and the care of the family, to protect from the elements, and conserve the body image. In graves the corpses remain besides one another, so that each party retains its individuality, yet the common genealogical memory is always invoked, because the tomb is also a family dwelling.
In the nineteenth century, as modernized societies guided by the principle of streamlining production, the belief in death, previously identified as a sign of change in passing to another life, tended in many cases to be replaced by a feeling of "subjective immortality," and with it the grave and the cemetery were understood by many to be the place where a man should communicate complete proof of his mortal status, but without completely abdicating immortality.
Of course this relative de-Christianization, marked by strong secular convictions, was compensated by the cult of memory and remembrance. From Diderot to Comte a new belief would arise: the perpetuation of the dead in the memory of the living. According to the positivist catechism, while considering human existence as temporary, and death as a concrete and indisputable fact, nothing prevents that the individual be revered and worshiped in memory, be it in the most intimate recollection, an idea that could be summarized in the formula of positivist social morality: "Vivre pour autrui tuning of survivre et dans autrui pair.1"
For some, the cult of the dead had transformed into ancestor worship, giving a memorial sense of celebration and tribute while highlighting aspects of social, civic and patriotic life more than the intimate or religious2. From this perspective, "subjective immortality" can be understood as the "eternalizing" of ancestors, and through the collective memory strengthening the sense of family continuity, as well as society and homeland.
Thus, cemeteries quickly adapted to the new civic rites (the ancestor cult) practiced by the living in the burial place. The cemeteries adapted, relying principally upon new investments in placing statues, busts, photographs, and lapidary inscriptions, and a multitude of insignias over the graves what Michel Vovelle refers to as a true "statue mania"3.
Indeed, the process of secularization changed the way in which the dead were cared for. This can be viewed not only through changes in ritual, but also through the graveyard architecture, the system of funerary objects, mortuary styles, the modes of sociability and finally, the attitudes of the living in relation to their dead. This is the focus of our study.
Social distinction in the tombs
By the second half of the nineteenth century, visits to cemeteries had become increasingly frequent, and with them the cult of the dead became family practice, while affective and reputedly of good moral character, it became popularized in local chronicles and other literary genres, as illustrated in an article titled The Cemeteries published in December of 1837, in O Panorama, a Portuguese journal:
"If we had to choose a friend, before permitting the friendship, we would look to see whether the cemetery remains of his father lay forgotten, and if they did, so would the remains of our new "friend". The grave is the only lasting memory that we leave to the earth, a distinguished name less indeed.4"
Such was the expectation of reverence and loyalty to the dead, many times forcing the family members to forgo other forms of subjective remembrance in favor of material evidences: namely constant visits to the cemetery, and the special care that should be dispensed to the tombs. In literature it's not difficult to find this anxious obligation. As expressed by Machado de Assis, in the Memorial de Aires:
"The dead stop at the cemetery, yet there they will have the affection of the living, with its flowers and souvenirs. (...) The point is that there is virtually no break in the tie, and the law of life does not destroy that which had been of life and now death.5"
In the same romantic intrigue, the opening scene is very suggestive and enlightening about the pact of loyalty that exists between living and dead, and more than that, of the complicity and continuity of family relationships after death. The main narrator and author of the diary, one Counselor Aires exactly one year after his arrival in Brazil having retired from diplomatic life in Europe, in Rio de Janeiro receives a note from his sister who practically convokes him to visit to the family tomb: she writes, "Just now I remembered that a year ago you returned from Europe, retired. It's too late today to go to the family vault at St. John the Baptist cemetery, and give thanks for your return, But I will go tomorrow, and I ask that you wait for me, so we can go together...."
Promptly, the next morning they were there before the family plot. What for his sister was still a cause of suffering, her husband buried with father and mother for him, also widowed, (he could care less about relocating the remains of his wife, buried in Vienna) in the end it was the insistence of his sister that the whole family should gather in a single grave. For him, "the dead are fine where they fall." But what caught his attention that morning was not the prospect of someday seeing order restored to the family post mortem, nor the tenacity and loyalty to his sister, but rather the stubbornness with which she kept the grave, without any marks that could compromise the new look, without any trace of the passage of time, as suggested by the narrator: an important legacy of dignity and of social distinction.
"It is not ugly our tomb, it could be a little simpler, an inscription and a cross but it is well done. It looks too new, yes. Rita maintains it washed always, to prevent aging. Yet I believe that an old tomb gives a better impression, you have the darkness of time, all-consuming. Being the opposite seems to give it a vespertine halo.6"
With customary wit, Machado de Assis draws a fictional scenario, and a suggestive picture of what is usually called the Second Empire of Brazil (1840-1889), in which a transition from the old society, made up of the estates, to the class society which is delineated in bold strokes during the latter half of the nineteenth century.
Using different situations, his characters reflect this ambiguity in an exemplary way, especially when they are garnering respect and esteem, drawn on the acquisition of titles of nobility; the only generally recognized and accepted form. Those who could not acquire them, or the family background with reference to an illustrious ancestor, simply reinvented or created a genealogical memory as a legitimating element. This was to justify their positions as successful individuals on the social scale, having a lifestyle compatible with the acquired status of the times, enriched with the activities of financial capital.
Although money walked hand in hand with the new and much pursued social status, everything was measured by the prestige of wealth; it was still not enough to impose itself as the sole, exclusive value capable of promoting the individual to the glittering world of chivalry. With a watchful eye on the web of relationships and interests that moved in turn of the century Rio society, Machado notes ironically that "history is good to all families," but "(...) not all families are good to history7". Certainly this was one of the reasons for narrator/character of Memorial de Aires to always find fault with the new appearance of the family plot, attributing it to the excessive zeal of his sister who, in having it washed every month, always created the same impression of a new construction. For him, "the old grave gives a better impression of its function if it shows the blackness of the time...8".
The dilemma of the "blackness of time" was probably experienced by many of the tombs owners, and as such, the aspiration for a genealogical inscription to the public recognition of social status. Depending on the case, often, little was made of their true social origins when creating in the funerary inscription a new personal narrative, which would be as far as possible, familiar.
On the whole, the names collected on the tombstones repeatedly appealed to the simple family tree, both to invigorate the blood relations, and to recall the social prestige of the given family. However, one should not forget that genealogical memory has its own convenience, and may also reveal itself in other ways, through lapses, forgetfulness, even restrictions, and selectivity. After all, we tend to forget, except for that which is interesting, and therefore, with ancestors, we find the lure of choosing one with whom we want to identify, and now and again, that choice is determined by the prestige of the name.
The place of ancestors in the genealogical chain, for obvious reasons, has always played an important role among the French aristocracy, whiles for some bourgeois segments the exercise of pedigree in many cases was of no interest or use. Still as already noted by French historian André Burguière (1991), some of the bourgeois families of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries sought to repair, or in a sense, reinvent their genealogical roots, manipulating their origins according to their purposes and needs in order to create new identities to match a newly acquired socioeconomic status. To do so, highlighting the supposed signs of nobility was chosen over the view of money gained by the effort of work - since the latter had become a prerogative for the bourgeoisie of the time.
Depending on the circumstances, the living relatives often sought to see in the tombs a membership inscribed in a chain of generations, carriers of the same family name. Thus, they tended to consider the patronymic as a symbolic asset that actually unites the living and the dead to the same group, ensuring the continuity all.
Thus, the taste for the family tomb came to be an important reference for Brazilian urban elites, who quickly adapted to the new pattern of cemetery space use and ownership, as well as the new burial logic. With the passage of time, the first secularized Brazilian burial cemeteries began to compete among themselves for the grandeur and luxury that was being displayed in the construction of their tombs and graves. Each tried to attract to itself the most fortunate layers of the connected and patronymic grand families who enjoyed the economic and political prerogative of trade, the slave production, landownership, and key positions in power. Years later, it would be the turn of the new fortunes, coming from speculative financial capital, industry, the professions, as well as other sectors of the urban strata that appeared in the major capitals of the country.
In some European cities, for instance Lisbon, it were even journals published about cemeteries and their tombs, as was the case of the Revista dos Monumentos Sepulcrais (Journal of the Sepulchral Monuments) in 1868, whose editorial project joined cemetery chronicles, family genealogies, death announcements, transfers, mass invitations, thanksgivings, epitaph transcriptions, poems about death, marble trade news, photographic studios, grave sales and transfers, burial statistics etc. In addition, an iconic/graphic part of the magazine was devoted to grave patterns, which included the names of the respective owners, along with a description and artistic origin of the funeral pieces.
Within the memorial evocation of ancestors were included the collection rituals, and tears inside the tomb, and in its chapel, as well as the renewed deposition of flowers, testimony of both love and loyalty to the dead person. As noted by the main narrator of Memorial de Ayres, when placing his eyes on the old tomb of a friend while visiting St. John the Baptist:
"Tomb serious and beautiful, well maintained, with vases of fresh flowers, not planted there, but cut and brought that same morning. The circumstance made me believe that the flowers were from Fidelia herself, and a gravedigger responding to my question answered: "They're from a lady who brings them here from time to time...9".
Mortuary scenes
By this time, the assimilation of the foreign taste for tomb artifacts was felt strongly in the first Brazilian cemeteries, even if the aesthetic models adopted no longer corresponded to the canons of funerary art in vogue in Europe.
In addition to the eschatological and macabre repertoire, memento mori on the tombs, the sacred and the religious were still a dominant presence in the scenery of the Brazilian graveyard, not yet innovating. This presence was only surpassed in the early twentieth century, when tomb morphology began to acquire the secularized allegorical dimension that included special emphasis on female figures. Interestingly, in the tropical (and late) version of the belle époque the angels, faithful tomb guardians, came to be represented in more human forms, the volume increasing under the pretext of enhancing the curves of the female body.
Angels and archangels, mediators between heaven and earth, occupied a privileged position in tomb decoration; their faces altering to communicate sadness or joy: sometimes in proclamation, or taken by ecstasy, the exultant soul, or full of hope, the liberated soul, the beaten down with desolation, and other moments of the romantic soul. These expressions were often enhanced by their wings; open or at rest, closed, or inclined by flight, half-open or about to take off.
There are many female figures but transmuted into angels, and without losing their implicitly suggested or clearly highlighted sensuality. The metamorphosis of the angel into the figure of the woman was another feature of the funerary art of this period. One of the more conventional forms representing this genre is the woman who mourns the missing spouse. We find women prone, or kneeling, fainting, or in a state of melancholy where dramatic aspects are highlighted: contorted hands, slightly swaying in the air, bare feet, disheveled hair sometimes strewn over the grave, the languid or sometimes corpulent body, sometimes with noticeably large breasts, sometimes quickly delineated .
Another variation on the same theme is the nostalgic, also represented by female figures.
With contemplative faces, they usually oscillate between the deep grieving hopelessness of those who do not believe in the return of that which is gone, and the serenity of one who invests in death with convictions awaiting hope, and passage. In these allegorical genres female figures can occupy many and varied positions, depending on the feeling that wished to communicate about the person's dead. Sometimes they appear to be kneeling on the graves, yet gathering together the meaning of the deceased's life, and then writing it down on the tombstone, or they lean on a parted or ruined column, and sometimes they appear embracing a cross.
A similar version, known as desolation, is usually represented by more introspective female figures, in a state of meditation, head slightly tilted down, implying the act of walking the path. In other situations, crouching, resting her arms on the urn of the deceased to whom her affliction is devoted.
As opposed to a melancholic atmosphere, the allegory of hope can be seen when female figures, some of them metamorphosed into angels, are cast holding up an anchor, a symbol of Christian hope. The Resurrection is also represented by the female figure, usually in the form of an angel with a star on her forehead and her right hand extended toward infinity, a symbol of eternal life, while the other hand extended downwards and indicative of earthly life holds a simple wreath, an ancient scroll or trumpet, instrument with the meaning of calling the dead to resurrection and to the day of final judgment.
Both the funeral decor and the marble statuary usually came from specialized marble houses, and in particular the free stone workshops, which in the late nineteenth century expanded and conquered a profitable market in major Brazilian cities. As a rule, the more reputable shops concentrated in Rio de Janeiro, and especially in São Paulo due to the presence of a strong Italian immigration flow. The pieces were chosen by catalog, especially when it came to angels, religiously iconographic female figures, or decorations (wreaths, pyres, amphorae, cornucopias, hourglasses, low relief coats of arms, plates in high and low relief with mythic themes, arabesques, crosses, columns, obelisks, etc.). Many of them were copies or reinterpretations of models already established in Staglieno, in the Milan Monument, or in Père-Lachaise, in central Vienna, or others.
Due to the frequency with which certain themes recur, although differing in the quality of the work, most of the funerary artifacts were made in series, unless it was a piece signed by a master sculptor, or which became more frequent during the early twentieth century, a renowned sculptor.
The decorative elements were the most often to be commercially produced in scale. This was probably due to their versatility in highlighting the tomb architecture. Thus, embossed plates were mounted onto the surfaces of the tombs, in the obelisks, on the title plates of the funeral home chapels, or as coating to the main facade. Small and large urns, or alternating combinations of decorative details and fittings were prominently placed on the staggered bases of the tombs or on the tops of columns.
However, not all came down to choosing from the catalogs. Many statues and busts to decorate the graves came by order, and some were even sought out personally in Europe. The use of the tomb decoration, as well as sculpture, constituted a significant mark of different tastes dividing the fortunate from the average. Wealthier families sought more individualized graves. When not importing the funerary chapel by ship, to be assembled on site, these families often ordered their statues, not from local workshops, but from recognized sculptors of the time, be they domestic or foreign.
In the early twentieth century, this preference appeared with much greater frequency in the cemeteries of Rio and Sao Paulo. Many pieces were being sculpted in bronze, while interest in marble stone work was slowly being replaced by granite. Bronze dominated as a decorative element in the work of sculptors of Italian origin who settled in Sao Paulo in the first half of the twentieth century. This of course was true for the cemeteries of Sao Paulo, especially in the second phase of "the Consolation", in Araçá, and later in the St. Paul Cemetery, built in Pinheiros during the 1930s, and accommodating the emerging business elite of the 40s, 50s, and 60s. Among the most valued and who eventually formed a school are: Eugenio Prati, Nicola Rollo, master of Alfredo Oliani, who himself authored important funerary sculptures, there was Amadeo Zani (disciple of Rudolf Bernadelli), Elio de Giusto, Enrico Bianchi, Galileo Emendabili, G. Starace, and Ottoni Zorlini. Most of them produced pieces inspired by various motives, either by the charge of their own imaginations, or to order for representations of grave owners or their family members.
Fortunate families, especially of immigrant origins preferred to import lavish mausoleums, as did the Matarazzo family for (Count Francisco Matarazzo 1854-1937), in the "Cemitério da Consolação", this sculpted by the Italian sculptor Luigi Brizzolara, and it was followed by many others. Sensibilities more attuned to the aesthetic avant-garde trends of the time preferred to quietly innovate in the use of funerary art, such is the case for the well known tomb of Olivia Guedes Penteado (1872-1934), where the group of on site sculptures is signed by Victor Brecheret. These avant-garde trends appear more and more frequently, and more purely, up until the end of the first half of the twentieth century.
Picnics, Sunday tours and civic pilgrimage to the cemeteries
The picture of urbanity that is outlined in the cemeteries, strictly following the schedule of living, and evidencing itself with greater intensity on birthdays, death anniversaries, and the day of the dead, reflected the new values and modus vivendi of Rio's society of the time.
As Rio de Janeiro at the time was the country's capital and therefore the pivotal center of power and political decisions, it was privileged to host the largest number of cemeteries, especially because the other cities were but provincial towns, including Sao Paulo, who by 1900 had only 239,820 inhabitants. This does not mean however, that in other cities the cemeteries were not also prioritized to reflect the important health policies that were adopted and widely disseminated in the second half of the nineteenth century, as such, they were part of the modernization and transformation of the urban fabric.
But the effervescent sociability in the cemeteries, also occurred in other urban centers in the country, which were regarded by many as civic spaces, and inspired writers of different sensitivities. Arthur Azevedo, in 1877 published the The Day of the Dead, a satirical play that narrates a cemetery visit, probably at Catumbi, being full of unusual scenes, and described in an ironic and irreverent tone. In one scene, the visitors take the opportunity to make the picnic fun with lots of food and alcohol, and without discarding the flirtations, laughter and noise. In another scene, the narrative focus turns to the fake and imitating character, (trying to copy the French) found in the cemeteries of the Rio:
"I look at the mausoleums and I imagine myself in France!", "Yet a Brazilian sleeps in that grave.", A young man that prefers the language of Rousseau, on yet another crown exclaims, "A mon bon père.", And when the sign is in Portuguese, yet sculpted by the hand of a foreigner, so poor is the spelling of such simple words, that one must either laugh or simply smile." 10
Olavo Bilac, poet and chronicler of life in Rio shared these perceptions. In his daily notes and through a female character, he vehemently underlines the atmosphere of intense worldliness, and very little piety during the day consecrated to the dead in cemeteries Rio de Janeiro:
"Today is the day of the dead .... And of course, you will go to the cemetery, whichever or any ... (...) You will go to the cemetery, my love, because of the living, you will join to the funeral procession as if it were your last picnic, to see and to show these people your big blue eyes, equally beautiful between the lights of Lyric, between the windows of the street Ouvidor and the willows of S. João Batista or of Caju. But do not wear clear silks between the mausoleums loaded with flowers and lighted candles, dressed in black you must go, because framed by the blackness of mourning, your white skin will look even whiter ... (...) It is fashion now to remember the dead today ... (...) I, for one, have no need to go to the cemetery to remind me of my dead. I have them here, close to me, lying all in my heart, like a lonely grave. Alone, while outside the people go to S. João, Caju, or Carmo, to visit those who are no longer here, I will look into the heart of where you walked by, killing hopes ... (...) Go, my love! There will be so many people are in the cemeteries! ... so many living eyes will see you, pale and smiling, within the frame of black clothing!... (....) go visit the dead as a gift to the living!"11.
On some occasions, writers insisted on describing such behaviors with irony and skepticism, which in a sense already reflected the secular climate surrounding death, visits to cemeteries, funerals, and the day of the dead. They are portrayed more as a result of personal interests and fancies, than as an unequivocal demonstration of faith and feeling. Machado de Assis, narrates a situation in which one of his characters, when returning from the funeral of an old friend, in 1864, commented, being impressed with the economic positions of those that held the coffin, exclaiming with great enthusiasm: "they have in their hands a coffin worth at least three thousand!"12
It should be noted that at the end of the second half of the nineteenth century with the growing process of secularization, the funeral ceremony was increasingly entrusted to families, yet nothing, if they were fervent Catholics, blocked the ecclesiastical presence,. As noted by Michel Vovelle, the pious clauses, (device in which Catholics witnessed their faith, with teaching about the steps to be taken after death, and signed into written wills), gave way to material interests, and bequests to the family of the deceased, they were executed by notaries, and reduced spending on the apparatus of the funeral ritual. But, depending on the position and prestige of the family, the funeral could become a civil or religious ceremony concluded with opulence, yet driven by other codes of etiquette not necessarily religious. In these cases, the decision to have a funeral that represented the greatness of the dead depended solely on family, that is, the interests and desires of the children, wife or husband, since the desire of the deceased was no longer the mandatory testamentary guide.
As in the city of the living, revealed in the renewal of urban fabric, the widening of streets, the of building parks, monuments, public buildings and stately mansions, private cemeteries also became privileged scenarios, which must unfold the great spectacle of the final destination.
But in addition to being burial and memorial settings, the cemeteries were also places of power and prestige in which the living often displayed luxurious villas, built especially for their missing relatives. As noted by Arthur Azevedo; "Instead of a cemetery, a family portrait"13. Soon the new mortuary equipment's became an attraction for visits, especially by the lower classes who on Sundays and public holidays devoted part of their free time to travel the streets and alleys to see the novelties displayed at the tombs.
However, it was on the days of the dead, that the cemeteries and other local outskirts of the country received the higher turnout. Some major newspapers of Rio de Janeiro in the early twentieth century were occupied on a regular basis, on this day and the next with describing the huge buzz being established, emphasizing tombs of illustrious owners, highlighting the decoration, appreciation and care of relatives and friends for their missing. In addition, they highlighted the taste for civic pilgrimage, which by this time began to impose itself as a standard practice in the cemeteries, especially on civic dates. As an example there is the 1st of May, and other commemorations, like the festival of the dead, which rendered homage, and restored political life to corpses.
"It was at S. Francisco Xavier cemetery of Cajú, as it is best known, that gas factory workers, (paying homage to the engineer Cornelius W. Suetienbrand by organizing a civic procession which parted from the foot of Republic square and preceded by the Music Band of the 10th Infantry Battalion of the Army), arrived at 10 o'clock in the morning. In the litter they could see the flags of Brazil, France, and Holland. Four workers took a very rich crown with a portrait of the late engineer and placed it in his tomb No. 107 in the Protestant's block, and where already had been placed another biscuit wreath. On behalf of the Workers Commission spoke Mr. Francis Serpa, his speech being matched by The Consul from Holland, a certain Mr. Gregory Barroso Mendes in a salute on behalf of the Gas Company employees14".
Also in the first decade of the twentieth century, João do Rio, in his way, also confirmed the new trend of the cemetery as a place for sociability and relaxation: as the mirror through which the living recognized themselves in the dead, reflected in "the large and printed book of epitaphs". Referring to the tomb inscriptions, the chronicler added: "Ah! How they speak well as to what are the living15, see how they reveal their vanities, for in the very marble of their missing they record their own desires and fantasies, beliefs, opinions, judgments, complaints, jokes, spiritualist legends, whether Catholic, positivist, etc.. and often under the pretext of affirming the "fleeting nostalgia that only in this way can last a little longer.16"
Following this picture of contrasts and double reflections, lapidary inscriptions in many cases, also translated the desire of the living to ensure their permanent place on earth, in a prominent position, or, indeed, to assert their own presence as a person, even after death, to be read and remembered by someone:
"...Seeing epitaphs, I feel a great cold and great fear when I walk among the unnamed, forgotten, anonymous tombs, for us just a number, an appeal from the fetter of oblivion to the pleasure of continued assertion by at least one epitaph the passage through life...17".
The dead in the mirror of the living
Aligned with the new standards of moral conduct and the accelerated pace of city transformation, the funeral rites, (including the wakes, funerals and processions, depending on each case), came to represent not only a crucial part of the ritualistic sequence for the development of mourning, but also to constitute an important indicator for definition of the degree of the dead's prestige and, by extension, the social, political and economic conditions of his relatives.
When it came to big names linked to the country's public life or political and recognized humanitarian activities, the preparations for the wake and funeral were given, sometimes double care. The concern with the details of the corpse's appearance and the decoration of the event cannot go unnoticed. Costumes played an important role in the funeral home drama at this time, becoming essential social inscriptions and codes of etiquette. For Catholics, the Mass celebrated on the seventh day after the death and repeated in subsequent months also became a social competition, at which times they strengthened the condolences, taking family members as to distribute gifts of remembrance of the deceased, in the form of "little saints".
The rules of mourning were not necessarily measured by affection for the deceased, but by the degree of kinship by which it was connected40. Therefore, the heavier, longer grieving, was reserved for widows, lasting two years, the first year being very strict, with mandatory use of black, and the second year, a little less strict. According to the closeness or distance of the bonds, the elaboration of mourning required longer, medium, or shorter periods of time, to be regulated by the certain codes of etiquette funeral, usually published in manuals of civility. The use of black, suit, tie and hat for men, and for women, headdress or veil, jewelry being banned, but allowing props appropriate to the occasion. As for the young, it was advised to use a black band on the lapel or the right arm.
The procession to the grave mobilized popular urban attention, in some cases promoting the dead to "civic hero" of the nation, and when this occurred, it establish the pedagogical fixation of collective memory, a value that the positivists so craved42.
The prestige of the dead was evaluated not only by the grandeur of the tombs, noble forms of nomination, by surnames passed down through generations or by curiosities contained in the epitaphs, but it was also measured by the number of people who gathered at the funeral religious or civil, and even more by the degree of importance they held in society and politics.
This aspect at the time, certainly would have motivated the writer from Rio, Lima Barreto, to write in an ironic way, in a story called Charter of a Deceased Rich Man, that
"my purpose was to tell you that the funeral was beautiful. I can say this without vanity, the pleasure of its magnificence, and its luxury, is not really mine, but yours, and it is not bad that the living has a bit of vanity, even if he is a president of some sort, or an immortal of the Academy of Letters. Burial funerals and other ceremonies are of no interest to the deceased, they are made by the living and for the living.18"
Interestingly, the posthumous desire of this writer seemed to contradict some of the principles touted by himself in life, especially since he was a staunch critic of the bourgeoisie of Rio in his time, one of the first to notice the process of urban social stratification and the expulsion of the poor from the city center to the suburbs and hills, the "favelas", under the aegis of the great urban reform undertaken by Pereira Passos, with strong Haussmannian inspiration.
After all, Lima Barreto preferred Saint John the Baptist to the Inhaúma cemetery of the poor, the suburb where he lived and died by seeing it as unappealing, as "lacking the air of remembrances and resigned sadness, of that elusive poetry of the beyond" that he readily identified in St. John the Baptist.
"I think it ugly, without compunction, the warm air of a government office, but if the cemetery seems such, I do not care, the burials that are to be, all of them, sharpen my attention when I see them pass, poor or not, on foot, or in a car coach. Yet, the majority of the poor inhabitants of the suburbs still maintain the rural custom of carrying their loved ones, arms loaded on foot19".
St. John the Baptist was located in a neighborhood of the very rich people he had so criticized, but ironically, it was there where he chose to be buried. It is true that he would die early, even for those times at 43, after a lifetime of failures and frequent hospital admissions for detoxification. As described by Eneas Ferraz, on the first of November 1922, during his funeral were present only a few friends, people of the neighborhood, who prayed in front of the poor coffin in the narrow room of the house. The next day, the thin passage up to the train station that would lead to central and soon after, to his final destination, the lovely John the Baptist:
"In the afternoon, the funeral came, slowly driven by the hands of the few friends who were there. But along the suburban streets, from within the modest gardens, in the corners, and bars, appeared at every moment, all the anonymous that would incorporate behind the coffin, silently. Blacks in shirtsleeves, schoolboys, a band of neighborhood kids (many were protégés of the writer), the neighborhood merchants, shippers in clogs, road workers, bartenders and even drunks, their faces bathed in tears, screaming, (with the sentimentality of frightened children), the name of their vice companion, and also of so many silent hours at the tables of the taverns (...) the coffin placed in a 3rd class hearse, two or three bunches of flowers in the corners , and the car left, followed by their small procession, on route to S. John the Baptist, where Lima Barreto wanted his grave, his vanity. He had never lived in the aristocratic neighborhoods, never had been received into its halls, but wanted to sleep his immortal sleep in the cemetery of marble, so beautiful, among the sad lords of the high cypresses. And there just next to the mountainside, he lies.20"
Depending on the importance of the dead person, the funeral and burial became attractive of great public interest. But what is not seen in the death of Lima Barreto, happened some years before with his counterpart, Machado de Assis. In fact, he had come to know glory while still alive and when at dawn on September 29, 1908 he died in his comfortable residence in the Cosme Velho , he was already considered a national institution. His body was moved to the headquarters of the Brazilian Academy of Letters, which he founded, where public figures flocked to immediately. The funeral spectacle, commissioned by the Baron of Rio Branco, followed in procession through the main and crowded downtown streets, packed with people, although many did not know nor understand exactly what was going on. He was buried with pomp in an individual grave in St. John the Baptist, in the presence of prominent names from the government, politicians, scientific and trade associations, students, and other important segments of the population, including Rui Barbosa, who was entrusted with the eulogy .
Machado de Assis and Lima Barreto probably never met in life. Except for Cosme Velho the neighborhood where he lived and died, Machado de Assis only attended the main streets of downtown Rio, including in his daily route, the Academy, the Garnier, the ministries, and on special days, the Opera House. Lima Barreto, saw only the poor suburb where he lived, and of course the taverns of ill repute that he frequented. After death, they finally met for the first time in the noble neighborhood of São João Batista, although remaining separate as in life. While one had purchased a well located grave in the central, aristocratic area of the cemetery where everyone could see and revere, the other was buried in the most secluded and elevated the slopes, in the company of the modest, today close to a favela.
But the continuity of the city, according to positivism, was made through the reproduction of family memories, bowing to the heroes and "great men" in a continuous chain of generations whose inevitable fate would be grave. It was there that individuals should be recognized because it was the dead that inscribed them in the lineages of time. Such a claim did not go unnoticed by readers on Memorial Day, as evidenced by a remark published in 1903 in the Gazeta de Notícias:
"Each time, say the positivists, the living are more governed by the dead. Every day, indeed, our debt to the past is heavier. Each time, the men who appear are linked to a larger number of generations and all the agencies re-sense the experiences of the past, created through the countless centuries...21".
That is why segments of urban elites sought in the past to legitimize the present, creating bonds that allowed reconstruction, a reuniting and at the same time, perpetuation of the memory of their ancestors49. And it is no coincidence that in those times the family tombs in the form of houses or chapels, cemeteries had already conquered the Brazilian cemeteries, often forcing the individual to abdicate their own romantic expression of individuality, to integrate with the family group, under the pretension of solidarity and cohesion, anchoring in the patronymic recorded prominently on front of the tomb; it was no longer the soul that was indestructible, but rather the family, and the surname.
ABREU, M. de A. A evolução urbana do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 1987.
ASSIS, M. de. Obra completa. Rio de Janeiro: José Aguilar, 1959. 3 v.
AZEVEDO, A. O Dia de Finados: sátira. Rio de Janeiro: Tipografia Acadêmica, 1877.
AZEVEDO, A. A cidade de São Paulo: estudos de geografia urbana: vol. II. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1958.
BARRETO, L. Os enterros de Inhaúma. In: BARRETO, L. Feiras e mafuás. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1956a. p. 287-292.
BARRETO, L. Vida e morte de M. J. Gonzaga de Sá. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Brasiliense, 1956b.
BATISTA, H. S. de A. Assim na morte como na vida: arte e sociedade no Cemitério São João Batista (1866-1915). Fortaleza: Museu do Ceará; Secretaria da Cultura e Desporto do Ceará, 2002.
BEN-AMOS, A. Les funérailles de Victor Hugo. Apothéose de l'événement spectacle. In: NORA, P. (Dir.). Les lieux de mémoire: I La Republique. Gallimard, 1984. p. 473-522.
BESSEDE, R. La crise de la conscience catholique dans la littérature et la pensée françaises a la fin du XIXeSiècle. Tese (Doutorado)-Univérsité de Paris IV, Paris, 1972.
BILAC, O. Notas diárias. In: BILAC, O. Crítica e fantasia. Lisboa: Livraria Clássica Editora de A. M. Teixeira, 1904. p. 350-352.
BORGES, M. E. Arte funerária no Brasil (1890-1930: ofício de marmorista italianos em Ribeirão Preto. Belo Horizonte: C/arte, 2002.
BRENNA, G. R.. (Org.). O Rio de Janeiro de Pereira Passos: uma cidade em questão II. Rio de Janeiro: Index, 1985.
BURGUIÈRE, A. La mémoire familiale du Bourgeois Gentilhomme: généalogies domestiques en France aux XVIIe. et XVIIIe. siècles. Annales ESC, v. 46, n. 4, p. 771-788, juil/août 1991.
CARVALHO, M. A. V. de. A arte de viver na sociedade. Lisboa: Livraria de Antonio Maria Pereira, Editor, 1895.
CATROGA, F. O céu da memória: cemitério romântico e memória. Coimbra: Minerva, 1999.
OS CEMITÉRIOS. O Panorama: Jornal literário e instrutivo da Sociedade Propagadora dos Conhecimentos Úteis, Lisboa, v. 1, p. 269, 1887.
COMTE, A. Cours de philosophie positive. Paris: Anthropos, 1969.
CUNNINGTON, P. Costumes for births, marriages and death. London: A & C Black, 1972
DÉCHAUX, J-H. Le souvenir des morts: essai sur le lien de filiation. Paris: PUF, 1997
FAORO, R. Machado de Assis: a pirâmide e o trapézio. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1976.
FERRAZ, E. A morte do mestre. O Paiz, Rio de Janeiro, p. 4, 20 nov. 1922.
FLUMINENSE, A. Os cemitérios do Rio. Kosmos, Rio de Janeiro, n. 11, nov. 1905.
GAZETA DE NOTÍCIAS. Rio de Janeiro, 1875-. Diário. Não circulou de out. 1930 a set. 1934.
GLEDSON, J.; MENEZES, P. da C. (Org.). Rio de Assis: imagens machadianas do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: Casa da Palavra, 1999.
JOÃO DO RIO. O papa defunto. Gazeta de Notícias, Rio de Janeiro, 12 jun. 1907.
JOÃO DO RIO. Dia de Finados. Gazeta de Notícias, Rio de Janeiro, 8 nov. 1908a.
JOÃO DO RIO. Epitáfios. Gazeta de Notícias, Rio de Janeiro, 3 nov. 1908b.
JOÃO DO RIO. Velórios e enterros. Gazeta de Notícias, Rio de Janeiro, 10 nov. 1908c.
JOÃO DO RIO. Cinematographo: chronicas cariocas. Porto: Livraria Chardron, 1909.
JOÃO DO RIO. Reflexões sobre o dia de Finados. Gazeta de Notícias, Rio de Janeiro, 2 nov. 1914.
JORNAL DO COMMERCIO. Rio de Janeiro: Gráfica Editora Jormnal do Commercio, 1827-. Diário.
KOSERITZ, C. von. Imagens do Brasil. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia/Edusp, 1980.
LEMOS, M. A secularização dos cemitérios e o privilégio funerário. Rio de Janeiro: Sede da Igreja Positivista do Brasil, 1893.
LIMA, T. A. De morcegos e caveiras a cruzes e livros: a representação da morte nos cemitérios cariocas do século XIX (estudo de identidade e mobilidade social). Anais do Museu Paulista: Nova Série, São Paulo, v. 2, p. 87-150, 1994.
MATOS, M. Machado de Assis. São Paulo: Brasiliana, 1939.
O PAIZ. Rio de Janeiro, 1884-1934. Diário.
RAGON, M. L'espace de la mort: essai sur l'architecture, la décoration et l'urbanisme funéraires. Paris: Albin Michel, 1981.
REIS, J. J. A morte é uma festa: ritos e revolta popular no Brasil do século XIX. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1991.
RIBEIRO, J. E. Escultores italianos e sua contribuição à arte tumular paulistana. Tese (Doutorado em História Social)-Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas, Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, 1999.
RODRIGUES, C. Nas fronteiras do além: a secularização da morte no Rio de Janeiro (séculos XVIII e XIX). Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 2005.
TAYLOR, L. Mourning dress: a costume and social history. London: Allen and Unwin, 1983.
VALLADARES, C. do P. Arte e sociedade nos cemitérios brasileiros. Rio de Janeiro: Conselho Federal de Cultura/MEC, 1972.
VERDERY, K. The political lives of dead bodies. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.
VOVELLE, M. La mort et l'Occident de 1330 à nous jours. Paris, Gallimard, 1988.
VOVELLE, M.; BERTRAND, R. La Ville des Morts: essai sur l'imaginaire urbain contemporain d'aprés les cimetières provençaux. Paris: Centre National de La Recherche Scientifique, 1983.
1 See Comte, A. Cours de philosophie positive, t. IV, leçon 48, p. 68. Op. Cit.
2 See Bessede, R. La Crise de la Conscience catholique dans la littérature et la pensée françaises a la fin du XIXe. Siècle, Univérsité de Paris IV, 1972.
3 See Vovelle, M. La Mort et l'Occidente. pp. 642-646.
4 See "Os cemitérios", in O Panorama (Jornal Literário e instrutivo da Sociedade Propagadora dos Conhecimentos Úteis) V. I, Lisboa, Imprensa da Sociedade Propagadora dos Conhecimentos Úteis, 1837, p. 269.
5 See Assis, M. Memorial de Aires, in Obra Completa. V.I., Rio de Janeiro, José Aguilar Ltda, 1959, p. 1.121.
6 See Idem, ibdem, p. 1.030.
7 See Assis, M. de. "As bodas de Luís Duarte", In Obras Completas, Rio de Janeiro, José Aguilar Ltda., 1959, pp. 190-201.
8 See Idem, Memorial de Aires, Op. Cit. p. 1.030.
9 Assis, M. Op. Cit. p 1.115-1.116.]
10 Azevedo, A. O Dia de Finados. Sátira. Rio de Janeiro, Tipografia Acadêmica, 1877, p. 4.
11 Bilac, Olavo. "Notas Diárias", in Crítica e Fantasia, Lisboa, Livraria Clássica Editora de A. M. Teixeira, 1904, pp. 350-352.
12 See Assis, M. de. "Anedota Pecuniária", in Histórias sem data, Obra Completa, idem, V. II, p.423.
13 See Azevedo, A. Idem, p. 5.
14 See Gazeta de Notícias, 03, 11, 1908.
15 Rio, J. do. "Epitáfios", In Gazeta de Notícia, 03, 11, 1908.
16 Gazeta de Notícias, 03, 11, 1908.
17 Idem, ibidem.
18 See Barreto, L. Vida e morte de M. J. Gonzaga de Sá. Rio de Janeiro, Editora Brasiliense, 1956, p. 287.
19 See Barreto, L. Feiras e Mafuás. São Paulo, Ed. Brasiliense, 1956, p. 287-292.
20 See Ferraz, E. "A morte do mestre", in O País, Rio de Janeiro, 20.11.1922, p. 4.
21 Gazeta de Notícias, Rio de Janeiro, 02,11,1903.


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A Manchester pizza place has snagged a spot on the list of top-10 family friendly restaurants in the country.
Randy's Wooster Street Pizza on Tolland Turnpike in Manchester was among 10 restaurants to make the cut nationwide. It's part of a competition hosted by U.S. Foods, and the five winners will take home $2,000 each in kitchen equipment and supplies.
The restaurant is the only New England establishment on the list. It's up against others in Georgia, Illinois, Kansas, California, Colorado, Virginia, Missouri and North Carolina.
Chefs will visit each of the restaurants before Aug. 23 and help pick the final five alongside a panel of judges.
The winners will be announced Sept. 2 and will earn a spread in the winter issue of Food Fanatics Magazine.
Randy's operates two other locations in Storrs and Berlin.

subset: commoncrawl


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In this article we will learn how to download Stock firmware of Samsung SM-N930L. As the stock firmware (stock rom) of any phone is in a zip file. In which you will find the stock firmware of Samsung SM-N930L, Samsung usb driver and an odin downloader tool, which you can easily flash samsung SM-N930L. If you do not know how to flash the Samsung SM-N930L, you can flash stock rom by following the detailed guideline article given below.
Download Samsung SM-N930L Stock Rom
|File Name
|South Korea
|File Size
|Android Version
|How to Flash
|Follow Tutorial
|Firmware Link
|Download Firmware
How to Flash
Step 1 : Firstly download Stock Firmware available from Stockflashfile.com for your Samsung Phone Model. Once downloaded, extract it in your computer.
Step 2 : Once you extract the zip package, you will also get stock firmware, usb driver and flash tool of the phone and also information about how to flash it.
Step 3 : If your computer does not have your phone USB drive install, then install the usb driver provided in package (leave it if it is already installed).
Step 4 : If you do not have any experience with stock firmware flashing then you can click on the full flashing button below and take a step by step about it.
Once it's read
[Danger of data loss]* When you flash stock firmware in your Samsung phone, then all the data on the phone is being deleted forever, so we suggest you make a backup before flashing stock firmware (stock rom).
[Warranty]* Flashing your stock firmware (stock rom) in Samsung phone does not end your phone's warranty so you do not have to worry about it.
(Samsung Original Firmware)* If you are searching the original firmware of samsung, you can download All Original Stock Firmware from samsung here.
[Credit]* We provide the link from all the phones stock firmware of Firmwarefile.com, so the Flash Tool and Stcok Firmware credit goes to Firmwarefile.com.


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Wonderful tool you have built! I am on a Mac (Safari) it is very nice to use. Some questions, on the Bonello graph, neither x or y axis title or scale info show up?
I am in Colorado, so there is an altitude effect on how fast sound travels. You are taking into account temperature (I think from reading your earlier posts), what about adding a elevation option as well!
What about ceiling insulation treatment for 1st reflections affecting the Sabin calculations?
Sounds like it should be an option for you to enter the speed of sound. There's also humidity that affects the speed.
What did you have in mind? (words and algebra)
My first instinct is that First Reflections (either ceiling or walls) become a bit tricky to estimate for widly spaced stereo, even more widely spaced 5.1 front 3 speakers, and optimized/quantized for 2'x4' sizes that rigid material seems to come in.
I'm thinking about an 'explanations and references' link, but work is keeping me busy.
(sabins - front wall - carpet - ceiling (%covered x area) ) / Left+Right+Rear wall:
The line with the 'carpet' was for home theater owners, who tend to cover their floors with carpet no matter what.
If you want to cover the ceiling with stuff, then you can use the existing carpet line, since most rooms ceiling has the same ft^2 as the floor.
I was wondering if you gave any thought to making your room mode calculator into a stand alone program so that we could use it when not connected to the web? There are many times I am at a clients house and take a quick room measurement of a potential room, but have to wait until I get home to see the results of those dimensions.
It would be great if I could do it right there on the spot to let the clients know how their room fares from the start.
Dennis Erskine wrote:With respect to general issue of room size:
If one can build the room avoiding coincident modes, then that is the better choice; however, larger is better than smaller. If when examining the constraints, changing the dimensions makes the room impractical (too narrow, too low a ceiling, too short), then build the room anyway. It is doubtful, or at least questionable, that changing a dimension less than a foot is going to make a real world difference in any case. The actual as built physical characteristics of the walls, the addition of design elements, platforms, seating, and stages are going to throw their two cents into the mix and result in something different than the modal spreadsheet suggests in any case. If, when designing the room, you know in advance that you have a potential coincident modal issue, then within the design you can accommodate, or plan for the use of, any one of several mechanisms to deal with the modal problem. I would suggest an 11' wide room with no coincident modes, is less attractive than either no room, or a 13' wide room (with coincident modes) when all other needs are addressed.
Room modes just are. It would be nice to have all the modes equally excited, not audible, perfectly distributed, blah, blah. Sorry, that's not going to happen. You'll have modes, period. Rather you have one, five or ten, the solution set available is still the same. Move the seats, move the speakers, absorb, equalize, or turn off the amp. As I've noted several times, the spreadsheet calculators are interesting but (a) don't tell you all the information you need to know; and, (b) cause alot of arm waving and draw time and attention away from equally (if not more so) problematic (and solvable) acoustic issues during the design. Build the room. Build with some flexibility, measure the room and then fix the problem(s) you really have. Ok, so you're left with a triple coincident mode. So either fix it or have someone fix it for you. That's a far better choice than (a) no room at all; or, (b) wasting a month fretting about it at the expense of forgetting about the long list of other issues.
Layout your room to meet *your* needs of space, seating, picture size, budget, and the like and then move ahead.
RT60 (IEC/AEC N 12-A standard): 350 ms
- ±50ms from 200Hz to 3.5kHz = 300 to 400ms
- ±100ms above 3.5kHz = 250 to 450ms
- <+300ms at 63hz = 650ms
- 300<RT60<600ms
RT60 (ITU/EBU Control Room Recommended): 289 ms
- ±50ms from 200Hz to 4kHz = 239 to 339ms
- <+300ms at 63hz = 589ms
- 200<RT60<400ms
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Shoe lovers, designers, manufacturers, and distributors unite at the next New York Shoe Expo from November 30 to December 2, 2016.
Set in the New York City, one of "The Big Four" fashion capitals of the world, the NYSE seeks to "grow and serve a vibrant, global footwear industry, where doing business in New York is profitable and easy for our membership, and where the industry strengthens through education and unites in charity."
Making it easy to do business and strengthening the footwear industry is at the core of the expo which is held four times throughout the year. Whether you're a buyer or seller, you'll find the connections you're looking for in NYC which gives the entire industry a chance to come together.
Not only does the expo cater to buyers and sellers, they also do good with various scholarships and workshops, and even e-learning courses to help raise the future of the footwear industry.
Held at the New York Hilton Midtown, retailers are being urged to pre-register now for free admittance. Press also receive free admittance.
Non-retailers are also allowed admittance with a $250 pre-register fee, which doubles to $500 if registering on site.


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Every now again, Hollywood manages to produce a romantic comedy that reminds why they haven't yet junked the genre altogether. "Love and Other Drugs," starring Anne Hathaway and Jake Gyllenhaal, is such a film.
"Love and Other Drugs," based on Jamie Reidy's memoir "Hard Sell: The Evolution of a Viagra Salesman," stars Gyllenhaal as Jamie Randall, a directionless 30-ish guy drifting through adulthood. With the help of his younger brother, a newly minted software millionaire, Jamie gets a sales job with Pfizer, and is assigned to sell Zoloft throughout Ohio.
During a visit to a doctor's office, Jamie poses as an intern, and watches as a patient, Maggie Murdoch (Anne Hathaway), has a spot on her breast examined. It's not until she catches up with him in the parking lot that she realizes his true identity, and nearly beats him unconscious with her purse, then snaps his photo with an old-school Polaroid and storms off, throwing him a one-finger salute over her shoulder. So Jamie of course gets Maggie's phone number from the receptionist and begs her for "coffee." Once you get past the idea that a breast examination is somehow sexy and that Maggie hasn't yet called the police, you're in for a smart and funny film about two seriously damaged people growing up just enough to fall in love.
Gyllenhaal, for perhaps the first time since "Bubble Boy," portrays a multi-faceted person who experiences the full range of human emotions. Hopefully he's gotten "Prince of Persia" out of his system and will continue to act. Hathaway smartly doesn't overplay Maggie's Parkinson's, despite the disease consuming more of her life than she'd like. She's tough and sexy, but determined to keep Jamie at an arm's length for fear of needing him or, worse yet, being rejected by him because she is sick.
Gyllenhaal and Hathaway were previously in an onscreen romance in "Brokeback Mountain," and that experience pays dividends here. The level of comfort between the two, especially considering the amount of nudity, is remarkable. Director Ed Zwick does a great job of shooting the sex scenes in such a way that it actually looks natural.
The morality, ethics and practices of the pharmaceutical and medical industries are part of the film's backdrop, and to the credit of screenwriters Charles Randolph, Marshall Herskovitz and Zwick, the film resists polemics or rants. It takes a couple of deserved shots at Pfizer et al., but it doesn't get up on a soapbox.
The DVD version of the film comes with the requisite deleted scenes, which, as is the norm, you watch and think, "Yeah, they were smart to cut that." But there a couple of featurettes with Gyllenhaal, Hathaway and Zwick that offer some interesting insights into the actors' process. The most interesting extra, however, is titled "Selling Love & Other Drugs," in which Jamie Reidy, who wrote the book on which the film is based, talks about the world of Big Pharma sales, tossing around jargon like "Front Desk Cindy," the nickname given to all receptionists, whom salesmen regard as gatekeepers.
"Love & Other Drugs" is now available on Blu-ray and DVD
Home Video Review: "Love & Other Drugs"
Every now again, Hollywood manages to produce a romantic comedy that reminds why they haven't yet junked the genre altogether. "Love and Other Drugs," starring Anne Hathaway and Jake Gyllenhaal, is such a film.


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TAIPEI, SEPTEMBER 11 – Taisys India has won the two prestigious awards - "Best Mobile Payments Solution of the Year" and " Best Payments Innovation of the Year" in the Payment & Cards Summit 6th Edition 2018. The award ceremony was held at Westin Mumbai on 22nd August 2018. Taisys received these two awards for its core product SIMoME mobile payment, which is based on a patented technology.
The award celebrates the spirit of innovation in the BFSI segment and celebrates the ones which show potential to jury of CIOs and CTOs from Indian payments and cards industry.
The research process for the Awards was done by the Esteemed Core Jury Members who are leaders from the banking industry. Each nomination of the award was researched and thoroughly evaluated by the Core Jury Members. The Jury members examined the write-up shared by each nominee and personally interviewed each one. SIMoME is a patented wafer-thin smart card that can be pasted onto any type of SIM card (Standard, Micro or Nano) of any telecom service provider. This sticker installs a SIM Tool Kit (STK) based payment application which can be accessed by the consumer on all smart and feature phones, and can perform transactions without the need for internet connectivity.
Taisys SIMoME mobile payments enables consumer to perform various types of transactions, such as Fund Transfers, Check balances and generate mini-statements, Payments to merchants for small and large value purchases Bill Payments, Top-ups, and Recharges. Taisys' SIMoME covers full spectrum and actually bridges the digital divide in the Indian society. Taisys' SIMoME is capable of building a cashless society where everyone, no matter which type pf phone he has can do financial transactions or mobile payments.
Taisys presented its product SIMoME and explained the patented technology in the Payment & Cards Summit before the award ceremony.
Abhishek Saxena, Managing Director of Taisys India added, "we are delighted to receive such an honor and with SIMoME technology we are launching universal mobile wallet payments platform in India which is covering the full spectrum of customers irrespective of feature phones, smartphones, connected or non-connected devices, eventually we are connecting all the layers including the last mile. This universal wallet implementation is in line of government initiative of increasing digital payments in India, especially when it comes to rural India, SHG groups, small merchants. "
For information on Payment & Cards Summit Awards, click here.
About Taisys
Taisys Technologies is a world leader in providing mobile interconnectivity and vertical integration solutions to various industries. Taisys' solutions enable telecom, financial institutions and government organizations to extend innovative mobile services in a secure and convenient manner.
Established in 2005 and headquartered in Taipei, Taisys has built solutions based on its patented core technology SIMoME® (Thin SIM), which decouples value-added services from the main SIM, and empowers industry players the ability to deploy innovative services on the mobile equipment.
Over 1,300 banking and 20 M(V)NO partners have deployed mobile-based value-added services enabled by Taisys' technology and platform to 10 million end-users worldwide.
#SIMsePAY #financialInclusions #digitalpayments #lastmileconnectivity #fullspectrumcoerage #non-connecteddevicepayments


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The Accounting Department offers students the opportunity both to develop practical skills and acquire general knowledge in Accounting, a field with extensive career and post-graduate research opportunities. Graduate students are invited to look at the tracks available in our Master's of Accountancy.
The accounting major provides students with the theories and procedures necessary to prepare them for the many facets of the accounting profession, such as public, industrial, managerial, tax and government accounting. Moreover, the College of Business allows for a hybrid accounting information systems major, with a curriculum developed with the Information Systems department of the College of Business, for those students interested in using both accounting and information skills in a single career path.
Students graduating from the department are prepared to obtain employment in a competitive job market, start a business, or continue their education in graduate and professional degree programs. Typical professions that accounting students embark upon with their undergraduate degree include: Certified Public Accountant, management accountant, financial analyst, internal auditor, government agent (FBI, IRS) and tax accountant. Examples of job opportunities for students majoring in accounting information systems include technology-based positions in both managerial and financial accounting, electronic auditing, computer security, systems consulting, and forensic accounting.


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This item has been sold, but you can enter your email address to be notified if another example becomes available, or purchase a digital scan.
1762 Janvier Map of North America and South America (Sea of the West)NorthSouthAmerica-janvier-1762
1762 Janvier Map of North America and South America (Sea of the West)NorthSouthAmerica-janvier-1762
Includes the Muller Peninsula in Alaska and the Sea of the West in North America.
1762 (dated) 12.5 x 18.5 in (31.75 x 46.99 cm) 1 : 60000000
By far the most interesting aspects of this map deal with Janvier's treatment of the largely unexplored Pacific Northwest. A magnificent sea called the Sea of the West or in this case the 'Mer ou Baye de L'Ouest,' occupies the greater part of the northwestern part of the continent. This body of water, alternatively called the Sea of the West or Mer de l'Ouest, was speculated by Philippe Buache and Guillaume De l'Isle in the early 18th century based upon wishful thinking, American Indian stories, and the somewhat questionable 16th century explorations of Juan de Fuca. Janvier gives the Mer de l'Ouest its fullest expression, though he stops just short of connecting it to either the network of lakes and rivers extending westward form the Hudson Bay or to the similar network extending westward from Lake Superior.
These river and lake networks were being actively explored through the early 18th century by a number of little known but important French explorers. Most specifically the explorations of Verenrye with regard to the discovery of the Lake of the Woods (L. Des Bois) and Lake Winnipeg (L. Ouinipigon), both of which appear on this map.
Further north we can find traces of Admiral de Fonte's apocryphal discovery of a passage from the Pacific (starting at the Archipel St. Lazare) eastward via a network of lakes and rivers to Baffin Bay. The De Fonte legend first appeared in a 1706 English publication entitled 'Memoirs of the Curious.' This short-lived magazine published a previously unknown account by a supposed Spanish Admiral named Bartholomew de Fonte. De Fonte is said to have sailed up the Pacific coast of North America in 1640. On this voyage he apparently discovered a series of gigantic lakes, seas, and rivers heading eastward from the Pacific towards Hudson Bay. The De Fonte story relates how, on one of these great inland lakes, he met with a westward bound ship from Boston that must to have come through the Northwest Passage. Today, based upon inaccuracies and falsities, we know the entire De Fonte article to have been a fabrication, however, it set 18th century afire with speculation that a Northwest Passage must indeed exist. Even such luminaries as Benjamin Franklin wrote long defenses of De Fonte. Our map offers an uncommon variant on the De Fonte passage, positioning its western entrada well to the north in order to accommodate the Sea of the West and situating its outlet at the Baffin rather than the Hudson Bay.
Even farther to the north we find a striking and exaggerated Alaska-like projection heading in the direction of Asia. This bears some resemblance to the Muller Peninsula postulated around this time based on sightings of the Aleutian archipelago and their misinterpretation as a single land mass. Even more so, given its directional orientation, it bears a significant resemblance to Gamaland or Compagnie Land as imagined by Sanson c. 1705. A note at the very edge of this land mass claims that it was seen in 1741, suggesting either Vitus Bering or Alexei Chirikov. Both did in fact search for Gama or Compagnie land in this year without significant success.
On the opposite side of the map, Janvier places the Great Lakes firmly within French territory, a clear case of carto-advocacy. He also extends Spanish control of the eastern coast of North America well north of the traditional Florida boundary to including Georgia and parts of Carolina.
South America is typically well mapped along the coastlines and relatively speculative along the interior. Janvier drops the popular myth of Lake Parima and Eldorado in Guyana, but maintains the Lac Xarayes as the northern terminus of the Paraguay River. The Xaraies, meaning 'Masters of the River' were an indigenous people occupying what are today parts of Brazil's Matte Grosso and the Pantanal. When Spanish and Portuguese explorers first navigated up the Paraguay River, as always in search of El Dorado, they encountered the vast Pantanal flood plain at the height of its annual inundation. Understandably misinterpreting the flood plain as a gigantic inland sea, they named it after the local inhabitants, the Xaraies. The Laguna de los Xarayes almost immediately began to appear on early maps of the region and, at the same time, almost immediately took on a legendary aspect as the gateway to El Dorado.
Polynesia is mapped with numerous islands named, but few are the correct size or in the correct place. Hawaii, which had not yet been discovered by Cook, is entirely absent. What is shown is 'Terre de Davis' roughly where Easter Island is today. Terre de Davis or Davis' Land was supposedly discovered in 1688 by an English navigator of the same name. Many historians argue whether or not Davis Land was actually Easter Island, but it does seem likely.
New Zealand is revealed in an extremely embryonic form in the lower left quadrant. On the western coast is mapped and it has yet to take on the two island form we know today.
The lower right hand quadrant is dominated by a decorative title cartouche depicting some of the flora of the continents. This map was drawn by J. Janvier and included as plate no. 31 in the first edition of Jean Lattre's 1762 issue of the Atlas Moderne.
Jean or Robert Janvier (fl. 1746 - 1776) was a Paris based cartographer active in the mid to late 18th century. Janvier true first name is a matter of debate, as it appears as it often appears as either Jean or Robert. More commonly, Janvier simply signed his maps Signor Janvier. By the late 18th century Janvier seems to have been awarded the title of "Geographe Avec Privilege du Roi" and this designations appears on many of his latter maps. Janvier worked with many of the most prominent French, English and Italian map publishers of his day, including Faden, Lattre, Bonne, Santini, Zannoni, Delamarche, and Desnos.
Jean Lattre (fl. 1743 - 1793) was a Paris based bookseller, engraver, and map publisher active in the mid to late 18th century. Lattre published a large corpus of maps, globes, and atlases in conjunction with a number of other important French cartographic figures, including Janvier, Zannoni, Bonne and Delamarche. He is also known to have worked with other European cartographers such as William Faden of London and the Italian cartographer Santini. Map piracy and copyright violations were common in 18th century France. Paris court records indicate that Lattre brought charges against several other period map publishers, including fellow Frenchman Desnos and the Italian map engraver Zannoni, both of whom he accused of copying his work. Lattre's offices and bookshop were located at 20 rue St. Jaques, Paris, France.


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http://www.gspellchecker.com/2016/01/uk-head-teacher-claims-there-is-more-evidence-for-the-bible-than-evolution/UK Head Teacher Claims 'There Is More Evidence For The Bible Than Evolution'
January 26, 2016 Stephen Knight 14 comments
Even though attitudes in the U.K are predominantly (and increasingly) secular, one of the more depressing aspects about religion in the UK is the privilege it enjoys in our educational system. Faith schools of all stripes and denominations exist up and down the country, instilling their particular brand of dogma and untruth in the minds of children. What chance do young, impressionable minds have when faith based ideology is pushed on them at such a crucial age?
This brings me to Head Teacher of St Andrew's CE Primary School, Tina Wilkinson:
Ignorance regarding the scientific definition of 'theory' is not uncommon, however you would expect better from an academic. Yes, 'Theory' in the common vernacular means 'best guess, or hunch'. Evolution is Science however, meaning scientific definitions apply:
She's had of a CofE school in Oswaldtwistle - would that be under your bishop's jurisdiction, Michael?


text:
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text:
Sixteen years ago he won an influential case against Frito-Lay over a vocal sound-alike in a Doritos commercial, and he has pursued imitators ever since. Last Friday Mr. Waits was awarded damages in a case against the Audi division of Volkswagen for a commercial in Spain using music that was similar to his song "Innocent When You Dream," sung in a voice like his. Another lawsuit is pending in Germany against the Opel division of General Motors, this one for a version of the Brahms "Lullaby" performed in what he calls a suspiciously Waitsian voice.You'd think the companies have at least learned not to ask him first. Without that juicy nugget of evidence, I wonder if he can keep winning these things. I'm not an expert in this area of law. I just find it interesting. I'm trying to picture the trial. Are there experts who can testify about the elements of a gravelly voice and a doomed attitude?
"It does take a tremendous amount of time, energy and money" to pursue these cases, Mr. Waits said from his home in Northern California. "But in a way," he added, "you're building a road that other people will drive on. I have a moral right to my voice. It's like property - there's a fence around it, in a way."
At a time when musicians are increasingly open to licensing their music for advertising, television and other commercial uses, Mr. Waits has steadily built a reputation not only for refusing to license his music, but also for aggressively defending his style as a unique legal property.
"It's part of an artist's odyssey," he said, "discovering your own voice and struggling to find the combination of qualities that makes you unique. It's kind of like your face, your identity. Now I've got these unscrupulous doppelgängers out there - my evil twin who is undermining every move I make."...
In both cases, Mr. Waits said, the agencies had first approached him to perform and then, when he turned them down, hired imitators.
January 20, 2006
"I have a moral right to my voice. It's like property - there's a fence around it, in a way."
21 comments:
- MadisonMan said...
I'll show my ignorance: What does Tom Waits' voice sound like?
What if a person with a voice that sounds like Tom Waits' wants to do commercials? Are they barred from that even if they've no clue who Tom Waits is?
- XWL said...
" I'll show my ignorance: What does Tom Waits' voice sound like?"
He sounds like a mumblier version of Louis Armstrong (for confirmation listen to the preview of Track Two), or alternately a deeper, gravelier, drunker Liza Minnelli (Track 13)
How do you rip-off a rip-off artist?
That Doritos case was wrongly decided back then, I think one of the arguments in the case was the 'Louis Armstrong' defense.
I suspect winning this case in Germany will be far more difficult than the case he won 16 years ago.
The 'If they both sound like Satchmo, You must Acquit' defense (sorry no rhyme) may or may not work.
The Spanish case was most likely successful because of the combination of both a sound-a-like and a song-a-like, but with the use of a public domain song Opel will be in a stronger position.
I could be wrong though. And he was very good in Down By Law.
- Dave said...
I never understood the appeal of Down by Law.
But then I never understood the appeal of New Orleans generally.
- Mark Daniels said...
I found this, toward the article's end, interesting:
"Mr. Waits said there were two kinds of imitation. 'I don't mind if someone wants to try to sound like me to do a show,' he said. 'I get a kick out of that'
"'I make a distinction,' he added, 'between people who use the voice as a creative item and people who are selling cigarettes and underwear. It's a big difference. We all know the difference. And it's stealing. They get a lot out of standing next to me, and I just get big legal bills.'"
But, I wonder is the distinction so obvious? If it's wrong for an advertiser to mimic an artist's style and approach to create a jingle--and I think that it probably is, why isn't it also wrong for another artist to engage in such mimcry? After all, the imitating artist is just as interested in making a buck from sounding like somebody else as an advertiser.
It all seems a bit slippery, though. Art, of all kinds, has always been advanced by one artist imitating others and tossing in their own ideas and experiences. John Lennon said in his famous 'Rolling Stone' interview, for example, that he conceived of Chuck Berry's songs as a chair and his own first efforts at composition as his attempts to produce his own versions of the chair.
Of course, Lennon remained dangerously imitative of Berry for years. So much so that when the Beatles were about to record 'Come Together,' a fairly obvious ripoff of Berry, lyrically as well as musically, Paul McCartney had a suggestion. "Speed it up," he told Lennon, otherwise the charge of plagiarism might stick. Lennon sped the song up.
George Harrison's obvious ripoff of "He's So Fine" in "My Sweet Lord" resulted in his paying hefty royalties and damages.
I always thought that parts of McCartney's 'Oh Darling' sounded a lot like 'Shake a Hand.'
The point is that imitation is always a form of flattery, true of the Beatles as of every other musical artist who's ever stepped into a recording studio. But how does one determine when the imitation is genuine or not?
And how accountable for derivativeness must artists (as well as advertisers) be held for their use of or expansion on the styles of others?
If Badfinger hadn't been an Apple band, for example, might it have been appropriate for them to have paid roaylties to the Beatles for using their sound? How about Stealer's Wheel? Or America, who even used Beatles-producer George Martin on one of their LPs?
The fact that the offending ad agencies approached Waits before ripping him off made his cases more obvious. But it appears to me that, by implication, a whole new battleground in intellectual property rights has been opened. But I'm not a lawyer...What do you think, Ann?
Mark Daniels
- Mark Daniels said...
I neglected to mention one of the most notorious Beatles-sound-alike acts: Oasis.
Mark Daniels
- goesh said...
Alas! That I could'st but sing
'er to hear the many coins jingle and ring
verily to issue'th lawyers forth upon a sting
when the dinner bell of Infringement's Feast do'th ting
-The Lonely Donut Man (LDM)
- price said...
"Innocent When You Dream" plays during the closing sequence of "Smoke" and it's one of the best uses of any song in a movie ever. I'm really glad he's so selective with what he licences his music to.
- Charles said...
Didn't he get a copy of the Supreme Court decision nullifying private property in case of a government need to increase the tax base? So if you can show that using his music allows you to increase employment or sales to support the economy, you don't have to compensate him - he already got his value out of it.
- KCFleming said...
I find it interesting to see Tom Waits arguing for property rights, something I fully support.
While Waits' career has not usually contained explicitly political music, he contributed to the CD The Future Soundtrack For America (July 2004), originally released to fight President Bush's re-election. Now the liner notes state the artists want "to make our increasingly messed-up country (the United States) a better place".
His 1976 album Small Change has a cut apparently meant to deliver a scathing indictment on materialism and capitalism, at, so says the reviewer.
His 2004 album Real Gone is explicitly anti-Iraq war. And heckfire, he lived with uber-leftist Rickie Lee Jones, for pete's sake.
His politics are left-liberal, then, I would guess. Does neo-socialism still recognize the liberty, democracy, and capitalism value of property?? Man, whoda thunkit would come from Mr. Waits!!
- Wade Garrett said...
They can imitate his voice, but can they imitate his 'whiskey-soaked charisma?'
- P_J said...
Charles - LOL! Kelo as the end of all property rights - I love it.
Mark - Good points. Pastors walk a fine line here, too. We all read commentaries, look at how others have dealt with a passage, and incorporate others' ideas into our teaching and preaching. All of us are products of other people's influence. But I think there is a line and you know when you cross it.
While I don't feel the same way about preaching, I can understand Waits' frustration and his sense of losing something by others' ripping off his work for profit. Of course, as XWL points out, there probably wouldn't be a Tom Waits without Louis Armstrong. So how would Waits feel about a suit from Satchmo's estate?
- Unknown said...
I do not think Tom Waits can be pigeonholed, and have always enjoyed his take on things. Certainly one cannot reasonably argue that anyone who opposed President Bush (or his policies) advocates the elimation of a regulated free market. Anyway, I think Mr. Waits' chief objection to the use of his "property" is its use in a commercial for something he does not particularly want to endorse. He also likely has a more general objection to the use of art for non-artistic commercial purposes as well.
For an interesting view of this issue, you might want to do a Google search on a band named "Negativeland" who, I believe, was sued by U2.
- Sean E said...
"'Innocent When You Dream' plays during the closing sequence of "Smoke" and it's one of the best uses of any song in a movie ever. I'm really glad he's so selective with what he licences his music to."
"Underground" was featured in the (second rate) animated movie "Robots". I'm not sure he's all that selective anymore.
- Truly said...
He also sounds like he's ripping off Russian musical icon Vladimir Vissotski (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vladimir_vissotski).
VV was, in any case, far more creative--and had a real appreciation for what it means to be oppressed.
- Kurt said...
Susan Sontag once wrote in her essay "On Style" that "Style is art"--though the formulation may have actually been "'Style' is art," which says something a bit different.
Nevertheless, what's at issue here is whether or not a style of singing can be considered property, and I would argue that singing style is more a function of culture (or a reaction to culture) than an item of property in and of itself. The famous folklorist Alan Lomax made a career out of documenting different kinds of song styles and singing styles, and one of the topics he explored was the relationship of Armstrong's style of jazz to various folk styles.
So it would seem to me that Waits might notice similarities worth commenting on, but he's got a pretty thin case.
- Troy said...
This is why the public domain classics will always remain with us. The licensing fees that bars, churches, high school bands and choirs, etc. have to pay for jingles, musicals, etc. will always keep the free (and much much better anyway) Bach, Mozart, Handel, traditional melodies et al. always available.
I'm glad Mr. Waits' descendants will always be able to get some cash on his royalties, but who the hell will care enough to pay in a few decades?
It's hard to pick a side in this fight. The bloated self-important "artist" or the huge bloated "take it if we want it" corporation.
- Marghlar said...
I did some work on the publicity tort last year (which is the legal issue in these cases), and you are right. Intent is key here -- and the evidence that they asked him, he refused, and they employed a substitute makes for a pretty decent showing that they wanted, not just someone who sounded like that generally, but too convey an impression that it was Tom Waits who was endorsing their product by lending his music. (This would be a pretty good endorsement, btw, as he has a policy of not doing ANY commercial endorsements.) If they had just asked the other guy first, I wonder if he would have ever realized anything had happened... Anyway, he probably couldn't have met his showing that the appropriation was intentional.
For more info on the tort, check out Rest. 3d Unfair Competition §46-49.
All: For those who are going on about artistic imitations v. commercial uses, case law draws a clear distinction. There are First Amendment issues re: extending the publicity tort to cover artistic uses, including parodies and just artists who "sound similar" to other artists. It is because commercial speech is less protected that the tort comes out this way (as well as courts viewing the policy concerns differently). So the distinction drawn by Tom Waits is entirely correct -- the law would allow him to go after these advertisers, but not a "sound-alike" artist or parody, for the most part.
- Unknown said...
Here is a quote from Tom Waits about his concern with regard to the corn chip case he won against Frito Lay, which I think stakes out the property interest better than any statute can:
"I get it all the time, and they offer people a whole lot of money. Unfortunately I don't want to get on the bandwagon. You know, when a guy is singing to me about toilet paper — you may need the money but, I mean, rob a 7-11! Do something with dignity and save us all the trouble of peeing on your grave. I don't want to rail at length here, but it's like a fistula for me. If you subscribe to your personal mythology, to the point where you do your own work, and then somebody puts decals over it, it no longer carries the same weight. I have been offered money and all that, and then there's the people that imitate me too. I really am against people who allow their music to be nothing more than a jingle for jeans or Bud. But I say, "Good, okay, now I know who you are." 'Cause it's always money. There have been tours endorsed, encouraged and financed by Miller, and I say, "Why don't you just get an office at Miller? Start really workin' for the guy." I just hate it... The advertisers are banking on your credibility, but the problem is it's no longer yours. Videos did a lot of that because they created pictures and that style was immediately adopted, or aborted, by advertising. They didn't even wait for it to grow up. And it's funny, but they're banking on the fact that people won't really notice. So they should be exposed. They should be fined! [bangs his fist on the table] I hate all of the people that do it! All of you guys! You're sissies!"
- SWBarns said...
Midler v. Ford Motor Company, 849 F.2d 460 (9th Cir. 1988) is the only other "Voice" case that I can recall. In Midler, the 9th Circuit stated "when a distinctive voice of a professional singer is widely known and deliberately imitated in order to sell a product, the sellers have appropriated what is not theirs and have committed a tort in California."
In both the Midler and the Waits cases, the defendant had pretty dirty hands. Both asked the plaintiff to perform and when the offer was refused directed other 'voice talent' to sound like the plaintiff.
California Civil Code Section 3344 "Use of Another's Name, Voice, Signature, Photograph, or Likeness in Advertising or Soliciting Without Prior Consent" is very specific in its protection and a right of publicity claim was rejected by the 9th circuit in the Midler. Waits won $2 million in punitive damages in the Frito Lay case so He probably has the energy and money to pursue any other cases.
- Finn Alexander Kristiansen said...
I wonder if they explored the intent of the people who created the various ads. Were they looking for "someone who sounds like Tom Waits, but not Waits"?
They should have just used the dead prophet voice of Leonard Cohen. And he lets his music be used in other people's artistic endeavors.
- AJ Weberman said...
- This comment has been removed by a blog administrator.


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SCSW IV: Gen. Lee Shelton
For the final installment of F1@1F's Supreme Court Side Walk series, meet General Lee Shelton. Hailing from Noname, Alaska (a town he said situated itself 875 miles northwest of Anchorage, but may not exist if Google Maps has anything to say about it), Shelton showed up at 1:30am on June 28 to spend half an hour telling us stories with factual moorings as dubious as his whereabouts.
Shelton had come to the Court via a flight from Alaska to Washington State, then a bus to Ft. Worth and onward to DC, where he had been wandering for hours by bus, train, and foot. His performance began humbly enough when he asked for directions to Union Station, where he hoped to catch a train to Virginia Beach. But then he put his bags down and started to talk.
Here's some footage of the Shelton telling us about the grizzly bear that licked his face (pardon the dark exposure):
When Shelton finished his monologue–which included the heartwarming tale of Moose, the white moose that Noname adopted as its mascot–the eight of us gave him the heartiest applause we could muster.
Glowing from this reception, Shelton said that he may not have much money, but "I got a pocket full of smiles and I love giving them out." He then picked up his bags and headed north up First Street towards Union Station.
UPDATE: Here's the "Moose the Moose" story, courtesy of Daniel Rice:


text: SR(4) /i386 Kernel Interfaces Manual SR(4) NAME sr — synchronous RISCom/N2 / WANic 400/405 device driver SYNOPSIS device sr For ISA cards, in /boot/device.hints: hint.sr.0.at="isa" hint.sr.0.port="0x300" hint.sr.0.irq="10" hint.sr.0.maddr="0xd0000" hint.sr.0.flags="0x0" device sppp DESCRIPTION The sr driver supports the RISCom/N2 ISA cards, N2pci and the WANic 400/405 PCI cards that are based on the HD64570 chip. If you have ISA cards, you need to specify the resources for them in /boot/device.hints. If you have the second ISA card, add hint.sr.1.at="isa" hint.sr.1.port="0x310" hint.sr.1.irq="11" hint.sr.1.maddr="0xd0000" hint.sr.1.flags="0x0" The standard FreeBSD sppp code is used for the link level layer. The default protocol used is PPP. The Cisco HDLC protocol can be used by adding link2 to ifconfig(8). Alternately, the driver can be compiled to support netgraph(4) (see below). The flags specification in /boot/device.hints is optional. If it is not specified, the driver will assume the following: The card has 2 ports. The clock for the serial ports is external and the transmitter uses the same clock as the receiver. The flags are a bit field and can be used to force a different behaviour than the default. 0x01 The card has only one port. 0x10 Use separate external clocks for transmit and receive on port 0. 0x40 Use separate external clocks for transmit and receive on port 1. The card only supports IRQ 3, 4, 5, 7, 10, 11, 12 and 15. The iomem area is a 16Kb block and must start at a 16Kb boundary. HARDWARE The sr driver supports the following hardware: · SDL Communications RISCom/N2 ISA · SDL Communications N2pci · SDL Communications WANic 400/405 PCI NETGRAPH SUPPORT If the kernel is compiled with options NETGRAPH then the sppp and Cisco HDLC modes are disabled (and the sppp driver is unneeded), and this driver functions as a netgraph(4) node with a single hook named rawdata. Connecting to this hook enables the transmission of raw HDLC frames. The node will have the same name as the device with ``sync_'' prepended, e.g., sync_sr0. DIAGNOSTICS sr%d: Warning illegal interrupt %d. The card cannot use the specified interrupt. Choose a different one. SEE ALSO ar(4), cx(4), netgraph(4), netintro(4), ifconfig(8) AUTHORS The sr device driver was written by John Hay <email@example.com>. Netgraph support was added by Julian Elischer <email@example.com>. BUGS At the moment only the X.21 interface is tested. The others may need tweaks to the clock selection code. The code can probably stand some optimizing. March 18, 2005


text:
Downtown Daytona Farmers' Market
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Downtown Daytona Farmers' Market Downtown Daytona Beach on City Island- every Saturday, 7:00a.m. – noon Every Saturday in Downtown Daytona Beach on City Island. Fresh, local fruits & vegetables, organic options, baked goods, dried fruit & nuts, garden plants, handmade jewelry, kettle korn, healthy coffee, citrus, jams & jellies, raw honey, edible plants, local fish & shrimp, orchids, locally made salsa, dream catchers, handmade soaps & candles, BBQ and other prepared foods. www.RiverfrontShopsOfDaytonaBeach.com


text:
ASU Electronic Theses and Dissertations
This collection includes most of the ASU Theses and Dissertations from 2011 to present. ASU Theses and Dissertations are available in downloadable PDF format; however, a small percentage of items are under embargo. Information about the dissertations/theses includes degree information, committee members, an abstract, supporting data or media.
In addition to the electronic theses found in the ASU Digital Repository, ASU Theses and Dissertations can be found in the ASU Library Catalog.
Dissertations and Theses granted by Arizona State University are archived and made available through a joint effort of the ASU Graduate College and the ASU Libraries. For more information or questions about this collection contact or visit the Digital Repository ETD Library Guide or contact the ASU Graduate College at firstname.lastname@example.com.
- Arizona State University
- Nieto, Nathan
- 1 Lundgren, Erick
- 1 Stromberg, Juliet
- 1 Wu, Jianguo
- 1 English
- Moving Image
- 1 Masters Thesis
- Sociology
- 1 Ecology
- 1 Ethics
- 1 burro
- 1 conservation paradox
- 1 ecosystem engineer
- 1 introduced species
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- 1 invasive species
- 1 megafauna
- Mobile Crowd Sensing in Edge Computing Environment
- The Effect of Disability on Subjective Well-Being across the Adult Lifespan: The Moderating Roles of Age at Disability Onset and Disability Type
- Mechanically Active Heterogeneous Polymer Matrix Composites
- Attribute-Based Encryption for Fine-Grained Access Control over Sensitive Data
- 并购背景下教育行业品牌价值研究
Megafauna species worldwide have undergone dramatic declines since the end of the Pleistocene, twelve thousand years ago. In response, there have been numerous calls to increase conservation attention to these ecologically important species. However, introduced megafauna continue to be treated as pests. This thesis evaluates the extent of this conservation paradox in relation to changing megafauna diversity from the Pleistocene to the Anthropocene and finds that introductions have provided refuge for a substantial number threatened and endangered megafaunal species and has restored generic diversity levels per continent to levels closer to the Pleistocene than the Holocene. Furthermore, this thesis describes …
- Contributors
- Lundgren, Erick, Stromberg, Juliet, Wu, Jianguo, et al.
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- 2017