text:
I like Sandra, she keeps making me giggle. Daft little lady - Frosty
I look a real miserable git but then I did work for the Inland Revenue for over 30 years! Stone, blood, stone, blood, stone....
Oh dear Leedsveg..............that would be soul destroying............30 years at the Inland Revenue!
I like Sandra, she keeps making me giggle. Daft little lady - Frosty
I think it was roughly, 33 years 3 months 18 days 4 hours (can never remember the minutes)...Sounds a long time, but the last 3 or 4 years just seemed to fly.
You missed off sweat and tears to your list. Also I thought you were only 21 so me thinks you is a fibber Mr LV! :smile:
Putting aside the character assassination, I do care about a high profile eatery that uses the word vegan. As it can easily sway someone's opinion of the vegan cuisine/lifestyle.
It's a bold move opening a vegan eatery.
I worked at a vegan organic restaurant in Brighton, but it didn't survive. I blame its demise on the expense of organic veg, the fact it wasn't large enough, and Brighton's high rents. And perhaps the menu.
Serving burgers and chips, pitta and falafal, hummus, baked potatoes, the usual suspects. I'm interested if these are cheap, and well cooked. But really that kind of food is common and unexciting - though you'd be amazed how many times I've been served a duff dish of the forementioned.
Most veggie/vegan cafes I find the menu inherently dull, expensive, barely enough to fill a sparrow.
I don't want some substitute meat product, I want quality food.
And gorgeous food can be cheap. Salads, home made burgers, roasts, curries, soups. The list is endless. The place should be about the food not the brand.
And of course the whole experience is made infinitely better, if the proprietor's/staff's hearts are in it, and they care about the punters.
That's what makes a good outlet. And it's a very difficult thing to get right. Especially given the financial pressures of running a restaurant.
Hi Tempeh-ting
I hear what you say when you talk about wanting quality, exciting, vegan food. I'm sure we all want that. So why don't we get the whole caboodle? Perhaps such things are a possibility in London and Brighton but in places such as Leeds, we have to be grateful if there's a vegan item on the menu, never mind wanting quality and excitement as well. A veggie/vegan restaurant in Sheffield, Kumquat Mae, used to serve really, really good food but it closed down last year because some Saturday evenings, they got 2 customers. It wasn't the cheapest food, but it was the best food I've had outside NY City.
What I'm trying to say is, there are loads of great dishes out there, that are vegan, but you won't find them necessarily in a vegan restaurant. Check out Leed's Indian restaurants, I miss Chuckwells in Leeds!
If I opened somewhere, I'd have a vegan menu, but wouldn't make a big deal out of it, the small print would state everything was 100% vegetarian.
There are vegan gems in every cuisine, it's not a minority diet, in fact it's the diet of the masses. It's only the rich fat westerners that have the luxury of meat. Don't feel alone. And don't feel awkward or different! And pray that China, Brazil and India, don't get an appetite for beef, as the world just cannot sustain it.
222 in Kensington, London (big conurbation in the south of England) is like that it is a veggie restuarant where everything is wonderfully vegan.
Hi T-t
Let me get my flight booked to Sri Lanka! Sounds like the vegan food place to be.
Hopefully V-bites will be a success and the menu expanded so that diners can choose either something a bit out of the ordinary, or something more mundane, such as a burger on a bun. I know it shouldn't be but it does seem that an easy way to lose pots of money is to invest in a veg*n cafe/restaurant.
'The word gorilla was derived from the Greek word Gorillai (a "tribe of hairy women")'
V-bites is actually in a very awkward spot. It's at hove lagoon, next to the children's playground. It's in a historically poor area, well at least the harbour used to be.
So in my opinion, it's the kind of place that must survive on passing trade. Or for those that make a special trip . And actually it's a good walk from Brighton, but never the less a nice one. So I guess the former is more likely.
A pet peeve of mine, are bad cafes/eateries, that sell unhealthy food in a captive market. For example Schools, colleges, universities, playgrounds and hospitals. And I believe it should almost be against the law to sell unhealthy food. Heck I'd also say that the businesses that operate in places like that should be not for profits. In Cambridge hospital, they had a burger king for christ's sake - I wonder if it's still there.
So I hope whoever looks after that cafe behaves responsibly. And hopefully sells some good cheap wholefood. Baked potatoes and beans, for a couple of quid, not a fiver!
Going back to Room 101, it was strictly vegan in the kitchen when it opened. Even dairy milk was banished from the kitchen, that some of the punters demanded upstairs. If you don't have much floor space, you can either put the price of food up, try and get a quick turn over of customers, or sell foods or drinks with better margins, like alcohol. Or a buffet. The bombay aloo, is the only (commercial, before you shout fred's house) place in Brighton I know of that has been consistently good and wholely vegetarian for at least 10 years. And I think even that place could improve, one way would be to be entirely vegan.
Anyway it seems that over priced coffee shops that only sell cake and mostly bad coffee, seem to do better than anywhere else. Even the supermarkets have cottoned onto that.
Wandering off topic, with my angst ridden ranting. And I'm not talking about the supermarket chain in Romania.
It takes a while to establish yourself and maybe they didn't give it long enough or do enough to promote themselves.
What about Food For Friends (which has admittedly changed from a stand in line counter to waiter service since it was established in 1981) and Terre A Terre (which started in a tiny venue with very few tables in 1981/2)? I'd say both of these have been entirely veggie and pretty good since I first started visiting in the 80's.The bombay aloo, is the only (commercial, before you shout fred's house) place in Brighton I know of that has been consistently good and wholely vegetarian for at least 10 years.
I have to admit I've not tried Bombay Aloo as I've heard more bad review than good and the food looks unappealing to me.
Idleness is not doing nothing. Idleness is being free to do anything. - Floyd Dell
I think I read that they are opening fast food places in hospitals in an attempt to make them less like ghettos and more part of the local community, the idea being that passersby may pop into the hospital complex for a burger. Personally I can't see this happening, and if they've got to do it it would be better if it was a healthier kind of food, e.g. a VBites perhaps
I think I quite liked Room 101 and was a bit disappointed when it vanished. I don't remember it as vegan either. ISTR I first went in there because the George was full one night - being near to a place like that could have worked both for and against Room 101, depending on how often the George was full!
Beanstalk Cafe were trying to do something in a similar vein to V-Bites and they didn't last very long despite being in the centre of Brighton, but they didn't have the backing of someone who could afford to prop them up if they made a loss.
'The word gorilla was derived from the Greek word Gorillai (a "tribe of hairy women")'
I found the Beanstalk food very boring and plain, like what someone could cook at home. Shortly after they opened they stopped doing the hot food counter anyway and every time I popped in to have a look (because the location was handiest) the only savoury food was falafels, sandwiches and pasties as far as I could see so I walked a bit further to Infinity Cafe (now I'd have to go as far as Iydea for the instant wholesome food I tend to want when out on my own). The staff in Beanstalk never seemed particularly interested in serving me either and since they never had anything appealing or different (apart from on my first visit) I stopped going in to look.
Idleness is not doing nothing. Idleness is being free to do anything. - Floyd Dell
i've found the food in V-Bites to be mostly food i could cook at home though, especially as it's mostly Redwoods-based. Beanstalk seemed to be trying the simple but fairly cheap angle with mock meat sandwiches and cakes. i had some pretty good food in there. i'd rather go somewhere like that in the centre of town than travel all the way out to Hove Lagoon.
'The word gorilla was derived from the Greek word Gorillai (a "tribe of hairy women")'
It's true actually, on reflection it's probably just that I'm totally hopeless and don't cook much so a home-made curry sauce makes me happy since I couldn't do that at home! (Pasta in a bland tomato sauce I can just about do!)
Idleness is not doing nothing. Idleness is being free to do anything. - Floyd Dell
Heather has opened a VBites branch in the Bronx, also Redwood Foods, which Heather owns, has been voted the UK's most ethical vegetarian food supplier.
When's Sir Paul gonner respond.......?
Great news on both counts. I want a VBites in Letchworth now (as if that would ever happen even though it used to be known as a vegetarian town).
Lot more chance of a VBites cafe/restaurant in Letchworth than a 'McCartney's'!
No I haven't been there for a while, thats not good though. Yes we definitely need a vegan restaurant, theres the one in Tring? Friends also go to Mr Man in Edgeware.
I think there is enough hatred in the world directed at the voiceless majority without us laying into fellow vegans. We can never know why someone else is vegan, but for as long as they are vegan, and they are encouraging others to reflect on veganism, shouldn't we be reserving our anger and hatred - if we must feel it - for those who perpetrate cruelty to animals? (Still recovering from watching Earthlings)
I am shocked at how easily I can side track myself to avoid spending time doing good works - like cruising vegan forums to chat So how can I know and then judge teh purity of what motivates someone else, and am I in a position to criticise someone who spends 10 times more energy and hours peddling a cause so close to my heart?
So, whoever Heather Mills is, I hope she will continue to speak out the sake of all those who continue to suffer abominably in silence and for those of us too caught up with our own lives "earning a crust", to do it for them as wholehearted as she is lucky enough to do, thanks to Paul's "generosity" (in quotes because I'm not sure he wanted to give her that much but I'm glad he did if this is what she's doing with it).
Well said Greenspex!
I like Sandra, she keeps making me giggle. Daft little lady - Frosty
Nice to see you again greenspex!
I called at VBites for some take-out cake this evening around 9pm and it was closed. It's meant to be open til 10.30pm according to the website.
Idleness is not doing nothing. Idleness is being free to do anything. - Floyd Dell
Fair enough, but when I visit a V Bites outlet I resreve the right to judge my experience as a paying customer, as opposed to someone who is willing to 'take one for the team'.
From Sutton, Surrey, (or Greater London when they want to fleece me for the Olympics)
(Of course poor value for money comes into this as well. I remember 3 years ago being charged £6 for a small bowl of lettuce leaves with 3 olives in it, this being titled, a 'main course'. My omnivorous work colleagues at this office Christmas meal had lot better value in what they ate. They were not impressed with the veggie/vegan option. No chance of anybody converting from omni that evening!)
If someone wants a more apt judgement of Heather Mills cookery skills, i honestly don't know if she has any, then she will be doing a cookery demo at the brighton eco veggie fayre in hove town hall on the 20th of march. I'm sure it will step above the range of shoving redwoods in a bun, so come and see what she's got.
I notice on the website there are summer jobs available there!
Silent but deadly :p
VBites has closed down "for the winter":
"Mr Flibble - forum corruptor of innocents!!" - Hemlock
Under the rather daft guise that beachside cafés all do...
..but what would they do with all the cows?..
I'm sure there are other rubbish ones that do, somewhere in the world
"Mr Flibble - forum corruptor of innocents!!" - Hemlock
So what's the real reason it's "closing for the winter"? Does anyone on VF actually know?
There are also staffing and management issues but essentially it's the location.
..but what would they do with all the cows?..
I'm confused. I thought I was being given some new gossip about VBites but all I can see is that there is a winter break, which in terms of its location, is to be expected. If Heather is going to use the break to improve things, that has to be good doesn't it?
It was not planned as a seasonal venue as far as I am aware and for those of us that live here and would love to use it all year if it were to get its act together it is a bit of a shame. Anyway, The Loving Hut rulez...
..but what would they do with all the cows?..
It stayed open last winter, didn't it, and ISTR going there on a cold day and finding it quite crowded. But perhaps the economics don't work if they can't use the outside space as well.
Alot of people are speculating that it won't reopen......
The taste of anything in my mouth for 5 seconds does not equate to the beauty and complexity of life.
Can I start the rumour that she's relocating VBites ooop north (the biblical Land Of Tripe and Honey) to Leeds.


text:
Concussions: Football's trauma center
The label attached to every Schutt football helmet reads like something off of a carton of cigarettes.
It begins with "WARNING" and ends eerily: "No helmet system can protect you from serious brain and/or neck injuries, including paralysis or death. To avoid these risks, do not engage in the sport of football."
Never have the risks been more in the public eye than now, following the suicide of former All-Pro linebacker Junior Seau in the spring.
Seau's death, which occurred less than three years after his 20-year NFL career ended, is the latest in a string of highly publicized deaths of former pro football players who suffered concussions during their playing days.
High Schools: Concussion challenges
Colleges: Medical staffs, less contact are key
Equipment: Proper helmets can help reduce risks
When Seau took a shotgun to his chest on May 2, Pop Warner Little Scholars -- the largest youth football program in the world with 250,000 players -- already was preparing new rules to cut back on contact in practice and thus reduce the risk of concussions.
An annual survey of football injuries by the National Center for Catastrophic Sport Injury Research found that three of the four deaths directly related to football in the United States last year were a result of brain injuries. The University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, meanwhile, estimates that 300,000 football-related concussions occur in the nation each year.
Dalton resident Billie Henderson saw her son Sam suffer one of those last fall as a seventh-grader. He was out for about two weeks because of the brain injury but will return this season.
"It's pretty dangerous," Billie said. "It's been kind of brushed aside and taken lightly for a long time. People didn't understand how serious it can be. I'm glad that's becoming more apparent to people, and people are being educated about the dangers."
Entering a new football season -- practice begins next month -- most coaches in Berkshire County agree that education is the key to preventing concussions, yet mandating training classes has been a slow process.
That crawl has been especially noticeable at football's entry level.
There are no education requirements for dealing with the injury in the Berkshire Youth Football Asso ciation, an all-volunteer organization that encompasses the nine youth leagues (ages 6 to 14) across the county but which is not part of Pop Warner.
A Massachusetts state law requires high schools to train coaches and other school officials on head injuries, but that legislation doesn't extend to youth leagues.
Dr. Ellen Deibert, a neurologist who said she sees about 200 complex concussion cases at her Pittsfield practice each year, said the Massachusetts legislation has forced public schools to tackle the issue head-on.
She said the youth leagues should follow this example.
"Youth leagues, which have not had to follow the state law, they're far behind in their education -- the education of their coaches," Deibert said. "I would say it's more likely for me to have a player get accidentally put back into play who's had a concussion in the youth-league sort of scenario ... more so than our public schools right now."
Deibert has been a part of Berkshire Medical Center's neurology division since 2003 and started Berkshire Health System's Comprehensive Brain Injury program in 2007.
Pittsfield attorney Bill Martin, the Berkshire Youth Football Association (BYFA) commissioner from 2007-11, said he encouraged local leagues to seek concussion training through USA Football, an NFL-endowed organization that has provided support for youth leagues since 2003 but which has no true governing authority.
"We didn't have 100 percent participation," Martin said. "Not every coach and every program was as committed as I would've liked. One of the things I hope is continuing, we were headed in the direction of making it a requirement that at least one coach [per team] has this kind of certification."
New BYFA commissioner Dan Hogan said the organization for the past 15 years has required equipment to be inspected by sporting-goods companies such as Stadium System Inc. in Canaan, Conn., but he acknowledged there is no mandate for concussion education.
Hogan, a chief engineer at General Dynamics, said he strongly encourages coaches to take advantage of programs through Indianapolis-based USA Football and plans to emphasize concussion education in the BYFA's preseason coaches' meeting on Aug. 10.
"Getting constant exposure to that is a good thing," Hogan said. "We could be moving toward the point that [any coaches who have] registered have been exposed to that."
To this point, education -- as well as regulations regarding concussions -- has been hit and miss. Still, Hogan said there are encouraging signs among leagues in the BYFA.
"I see it in the equipment they buy," he said. "I've seen coaches go out of the way to take kids out of the game, even if there are boos from parents."
Hogan said the BYFA doesn't track concussions or other injuries. He said, however, that no concussions were reported to the league last season and that he plans to discuss injury tracking during the meeting next month.
That conversation is a first step that USA Football is trying to help leagues take. On its website alone (www.usafootball.com), the organization offers articles, videos, step-by-step guides and other training materials regarding concussion awareness and proper tackling techniques.
And while USA Football spokesman Steve Alic said his organization has seen leagues try to reduce injuries by making moves such as a gradual phasing out of the heavy-contact drills that many coaches grew up with, there is no one set of rules for volunteer coaches to follow and no required instruction on drills considered "safe."
Alic said more than 80 percent of the nation's youth leagues aren't affiliated with a national organization such as Pop Warner, which this season has started banning full-speed, head-on contact beyond 3 yards in practice and reduced the practice time used for contact to one-third of all practice time.
The rules changes come on the heels of a 2012 study by the Center for Injury Biomechanics at Virginia Tech-Wake Forest University that found that many major collisions in youth football take place in practice, not in games.
Dr. Cathy O'Connor, a general surgeon in Sanford, Maine, who used to work with the athletic teams at Amherst College, said education at lower levels, such as the Berkshire Youth Football Association, is important because there are no full-time trainers or medical personnel covering those leagues.
"We're relying on kids self-reporting, which is pretty bad, or coaches recognizing, which is tough," O'Connor said. "There is more training available for them now. [The national Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] has an excellent online training program. A lot of places are mandating that all coaches must view and sign off."
That training could make it easier to identify concussions, which are difficult to spot.
When Sam Henderson, the rising Dalton eighth-grader from Dalton, suffered a concussion last fall, it took his mother nearly a week to figure out that Sam's headaches weren't normal.
"I just feel kind of bad. It's not something that's really easily diagnosed [by parents]," Billie Henderson said. "It's serious regardless of whether it's obvious or if they have more subtle symptoms. In hindsight, I was kind of upset with myself that I didn't recognize it earlier."
But Henderson also acknowledged that implementing policy is tough because of a lack of a universal governing body in youth football. It's not like at the high school level, where the Massachusetts Interscholastic Athletic Association has the ability to implement and enforce regulations.
It's that gap that USA Football has been trying to fill with what Alic calls "a standard coaching education curriculum."
This type of training has been adopted elsewhere, such as in Derry, N.H., where Alex Umansky's 8-year-old son, Owen, plays. The Umanskys were in Western Massachusetts earlier this summer for a youth football camp at Amherst College.
Alex said he doesn't think every coach needs a special certification, but that coaches should have to pass basic concussion education in the same way that coaches undergo a background check in most youth leagues.
Coaches in the Derry Football Association are required to complete an online course regarding concussions, and the organization also held an in-person seminar with a doctor last year, according to league president Fred Gendron.
That training is part of what Alic calls "a sea change" in youth sports. He said hundreds of leagues now embrace coaching education.
"Two questions that parents should ask their children's sports leagues: How are your coaches trained to properly teach this game, and secondly, what kind of training have they undergone for concussion management?" Alic said. "Frankly, every youth sport should be able to answer those two questions."
Taconic High School football coach Vinny Barbarotta said education has become more important than ever.
Barbarotta, a longtime former youth coach, said a concussion that his son Jordan suffered during the 2011 high school season was an eye-opener for him, just as a similar injury was for the Henderson family.
Even at the high school level, where hits are that much harder, Barbarotta said concussion training isn't all he'd like it to be.
"I don't think they've schooled the coaches enough, especially in the youth [leagues]," Barbarotta said. "We have clinics for them occasionally. We do clinics for the kids. There's nothing for the [youth] coaches. The sooner you start, the better."
To reach Christopher James:
or (413) 496-6252.
On Twitter: @BECJ2K
Signs, symptoms
A concussion is a traumatic brain injury caused by a blow to the head or body, a fall, or by another injury that jars or shakes the brain inside the skull. Most people who suffer a concussion recover quickly. However, for some, symptoms can last days, weeks or longer, according to the national Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Concussion symptoms fall into four categories:
n Difficulty thinking clearly
n Feeling slowed down
n Difficulty concentrating
n Difficulty remembering new information
n Head ache; fuzzy or blurred vision
n Nausea or vomiting
n Dizziness
n Sensitivity to light or noise
n Balance problems
n Tired, lack of energy
n Irritability
n Sadness
n More emotional than usual
n Nervousness or anxiety
n More than usual
n Less than usual
n Trouble falling asleep
Sources: WebMD, CDC
What they're saying
The suicide of former NFL standout linebacker Junior Seau in May -- which experts said could have resulted from football-related head injuries -- and concussion-related lawsuits filed by former pro players have raised the conversation about the safety of the game, especially concerning youths.
"We have to work together as a group along with the commissioner, the NFL, leagues all the way down to those like Pop Warner and say how can we make this game safe. How can we continue to try to eliminate those concerns, or at least minimize those for parents?"
-- Kurt Warner, retired NFL quarterback and father of seven
May 2012
"We know so much more now; we know that not only is the body not physically developed to play football at 5, 6 and 7, but we know the neck and the brain aren't, either. At that time, we thought it was kind of heroic to play at a young age. Now ... it's obvious the bodies of little people are not structured to absorb the hits."
-- Tom Brady Sr., saying he might not let his son play youth football today
May 2012
"Parents and players in every youth sport need to know concussion signs and symptoms and what to do if a concussion is suspected. Being a fundamentally sound player with properly fitted equipment also contributes to a better, safer football experience. Within youth football's 80-plus-year history, the game has never been safer than it is today, but more education is needed."
-- Merril Hoge, former NFL player whose career was ended by concussions
July 2012
Source: Eagle news services
Concussion facts
n Injuries associated with participation in sports and recreational activities account for 21 percent of all traumatic brain injuries among children in the United States.
n The number of children and adolescents visiting hospital emergency rooms for sports and recreation-related concussions rose from 153,375 in 2001 to 248,418 in 2009.
n Of those visits related to concussions, 71 percent of the patients were males; 70.5 percent were 10 to 19 years old. Among the males, most were injured playing football or riding bikes. Among females, traumatic brain injuries resulted from playing soccer or basketball or occured while bicycling.
Sources: Centers for Disease Control, Safe Kids USA
County football in 2012
Level First practice First game
Berkshire Youth Football Association Aug. 13 Sept. 9
High schools Aug. 20 Sept. 3
Williams College Aug. 27 Sept. 22
If you'd like to leave a comment (or a tip or a question) about this story with the editors, please email us. We also welcome letters to the editor for publication; you can do that by filling out our letters form and submitting it to the newsroom.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
But I do have great memories of Halloweens gone by, both as a kid myself and then, years later, with my own children.
There were the pumpkins to carve, an opportunity to show your children your knife skills, or at least pretend that you possessed those skills. The carving challenge for me was to try an replicate what I watched my own father do with a pumpkin annually. I never possessed the artistic talent of my father so my carved pumpkins had faces that were simplified versions of those that adorned my parental home. For my late wife, Karen, the carving meant there were pumpkin seeds to roast, a tasty treat I never could quite appreciate as she, and I think the kids, did.
And of course, the kids needed costumes. In our house, we stayed away from the plastic store bought variety, opting to make our own. Well, at least my late wife Karen did the making of costumes, knowing that fashion was never one of my strong suits. In 1988, it was a giraffe, a princess and an ewok that left our house in search of treats.


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210 Essa Rd., Barrie, ON, Canada, L4N 3L1
Phone: (705) 721-1122 Fax:
Supports Green Practices
"Supports Green Initiatives" designates a hotel's participation in an optional environmental program that includes the use of energy-efficient lighting, guestroom towel/linen re-use, and on-premise recycling. "Supports Green Initiatives" does not represent an official certification of any kind.
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Guest room features at this Barrie hotel include irons, ironing boards, hair dryers, cable television, coffee makers, refrigerators and voice mail. Non-smoking and handicap accessible rooms are available. The hotel also offers cold weather hook-ups, a newsstand, valet cleaning service and a currency exchange.
Business travellers will appreciate access to meeting rooms and copy and fax machines.
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Check-In Time: 15:00 Check-Out Time: 11:00 Guest Rooms: 88


text:
DS Podium Chronograph GMT
Reference: C034.654.36.057.00
Diameter: 42.00 mm
The perfect companion for sporting cosmopolitans: this forceful chronograph has a discreet and practical second time zone display, and its contrast-rich appearance is marked by fashionably coloured accents.
EUR 730.- Recommended retail price (incl. VAT)
Case: DS Concept Stainless steel 316L PVD coating Protected crown
Bezel: Stainless steel 316L PVD coating Tachymeter
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Dial: Black Index + Arabic
Movement: Swiss Made Quartz PrecidriveTM End Of Life Chronometer Chronograph 12 h GMT - 2nd Time Zone
Water resistance: Up to a pressure of 10 bar (100m)
Bracelet: Leather Embossed calf leather
Lining: Synthetic
Buckle: Stainless steel 316L PVD coating Butterfly clasp with 2 push-buttons
Multilayer dial
A truly multilayer timepiece: The dial of this model is composed of two layers. Its elaborate architecture lends the watch face additional visual depth.
COSC certification
Exact, more exact – chronometer. A chronometer is a watch whose precision has been officially tested and certified by an independent testing laboratory. This Certina model has been tested by the Contrôle officiel suisse des chronomètres (COSC), the official Swiss testing authority, and awarded the quality certificate.


text:
When you feel bad, as in coming off a night that could have been a scene from a "Hangover" film, or you just want to be bad and indulge your inner cholesterol- and salt-loving devil, head over to Sam's Cafe.
When you feel bad, as in coming off a night that could have been a scene from a "Hangover" film, or you just want to be bad and indulge your inner cholesterol- and salt-loving devil, head over to Sam's Cafe.
We've lived in Stockton about six years and always pass by this Miracle Mile gem. The throwback 1980s signage and quaintness wasn't the attraction. No, Sam's Cafe had us with its "American-Chinese Food" and "Breakfast All Day" billing.
Sam's is a lot bigger than it seems from the outside. There are booths, tables and chairs, and counter seating. The decor is plain with only an old picture of the Stockton drive-in and a few local flyers peppered around.
The smell of breakfast with a hint of barbecue hits you when you walk in, and the three sets of what seem to be "regulars" look up to see who's come in. It's a general greasy spoon-like caf�. No frills. The family of workers are casually clothed. The son runs the counter, mom is at the register and dad is in back.
The menu has an ample variety of comforting, filling meals. Where else can you get an omelet, egg foo young, burgers and fried chicken all under one roof and at any time of day?
Sam's doesn't have anything exotic or surprising, just classic staples of Midwestern and Chinese food. Though, when we asked what their place was known for, one customer, mid-chew, raved about Sam's French toast and chow mein, separately.
It was casual and friendly conversation - Sam's celebrated its 18th anniversary last month - while waiting for our to-go order, which wasn't long at all.
The tantalizing smell filled our car and we couldn't wait to get home to eat.
Steam rolled out as we opened the box for the chicken fried steak sandwich ($6.75). The battered chicken was moist and cooked thoroughly, excellently crisp and not overcoated. The batter was evenly spiced, and the gravy was creamy, thick and piping hot with a hint too much salt. The hamburger bun was sweet and toasty. The steak fries were greasy tasting and dark from overly used fryer oil.
The hash browns that came with our eggs Benedict ($5.95) were perfect, not too greasy, and were cooked until they had a crunch on the outside and were soft on the inside, ready to sop up the slather of hollandaise sauce. The eggs were poached nicely, though one egg white was slightly on the runny side. The thinly sliced ham was piled on and pulled the meal together.
The batter for the sweet and sour pork ($5.95) was on the thick side. It had a doughnut-like texture and sweetness but paired interestingly well with the sauce, which was tinged with vinegar. The highly recommended chow mein noodles seemed pretty standard. They were soft but not oiled down, and the side of rice was not too greasy but slightly salty. The amount of food was not overly portioned.
Sam's food is overall sinfully good, so don't go for a cholesterol check right after. The comfort food cafe is also in a perfect spot for its fare: across from bars and down the street from two colleges.
Questions? Comments? Contact LENS Editor Robin Nichols at (209) 546-8274 or email@example.com.


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TheServerSide Java Symposium
Thanks for a great 2011 event!
Java is everywhere, but it's not always Java as we know it.
Enterprise application environments today are hybrid landscapes. To prosper, Java professionals need to know exactly how to leverage their Java-based skills in these diverse and amalgamated terrains.
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TheServerSide Java Symposium 2011 is where architects, developers and managers need to be in order to gain the knowledge and Java-based skills required to excel in the mixed application environments of today and tomorrow.
Solid, stable and entrenched, Java is a dominant force in the programming world. Java is pervasive, and its diverse usage makes refreshing skills a must for Java pros. Advanced Java-based skills are required in today's complex and/or hybrid development environments, not simply the standard Java coding techniques taught in college. For example, do you know how to manage and maintain your hybrid Java environment? Are you completely assured when developing and managing applications in cloud environments? Have you adapted to Agile development's collaboration-centric, short iteration and fast-paced model? Do you have the skills needed to adapt to more centralized application development and management models?
The expert speakers at TheServerSide Java Symposium 2011 give you the know-how to answer all those questions in the affirmative. They show you how to leverage Java effectively to make the most out of the hybrid enterprise environments, new development methodologies and new service delivery and management platforms. They also provide real-world examples and trend perspective Java pros need to know where Java is today, where it should be and where it's going.
As an attendee of TheServerSide Java Symposium 2011, you learn how Java has matured into the language that holds heterogeneous enterprise applications, solutions and environments together. You experience software industry experts, users and peers sharing their experiences with modern Java-only and Java hybrid enterprise environments. Furthermore, you hear and network with respected industry insiders, who will provide their insights into how Java has become the key to the modern enterprise mix, and how Java will become the language of transition in the future.
TheServerSide Java Symposium Tracks Include:
The third week of March is just around the corner. And this year we have a maximum seating capacity for Vegas to ensure an effective learning experience with plenty of time to meet one-on-one with expert speakers, i.e. your own private consulting session.
There are also ample opportunities to network with like-minded peers from around the world who are up against the same challenges you may be facing – a perfect chance to share success stories and lessons learned in a relaxed setting where you're not just another face in the crowd. We'll bend over backwards to ensure these are the 3 most productive days you spend out of the office all year. In fact, we GUARANTEE IT or your money back. No questions asked.
So don't get shut out – register early, we really want you there! With over 40 technical sessions and more than 35 top presenters who'll be converging for the first time ever in 2011 to reveal the little-known tips, tricks, tactics and techniques that your projects demand, well, that's what makes this the most cost-effective opportunity for in 2011…one that can't be found anywhere else at any price. Period. Apply today and we'll see you in Vegas!
Editorial Keynote Speakers
James Gosling
Father of the Java programming language
Steve Harris
Senior VP, Application Server Development, Oracle
Rod Johnson
Creator of the Spring Framework
Adam Messinger
VP, Development in the Fusion Middleware Group, Oracle
Sponsored Keynote Speakers
Jerome Dochez
GlassFish Architect, Oracle


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Prepping for his fight with Manny Pacquiao, Margarito and Rios made some ill-advised jokes about Pacquiao trainer Freddie Roach's Parkinson's disease. The video, shot by a FanHouse "reporter," was edited to take out the bad stuff, then deleted altogether. Here it is.
Both of these guys need image rehab. Margarito is making his first fight in America since receiving a ban for loading his gloves against Shane Mosley. Lightweight Rios took flack for calling rival Victor Ortiz a "faggot," a "white wannabe," and saying he "embellished" his life story of being abandoned by both his parents. The leak of this video isn't going to help their standing in the community.
But the real story is of the video itself. Shot by Elie Seckbach, who seems to pride himself more on being buddies with the fighters he covers, it went live on FanHouse last night. It was quickly pulled, and minutes later, replaced with an edited version that made it look like Margarito was "scared" of Roach. Bam Bam Rios's shakes were removed altogether. A half-hour later, the edited version was deleted altogether. There's no sign of it on FanHouse.
A "pirated" version of the original footage was posted to YouTube and briefly made the rounds on the boxing blogs, but even that has been taken down after a copyright claim. We're hosting the unedited video just to show you what FanHouse, an ostensibly unbiased source of journalism, censored in the name of keeping on good terms with the athletes they cover.
UPDATE: FanHouse reposted the video today, with the editor's note: "The above video was previously pulled in error. We apologize, and it is now available, in full." We assume it was also initially edited to remove the offending segment "in error."
Video Hype: Antonio Margarito and Brandon Rios Make Fun of Parkinson's Disease [Bad Left Hook]
Video Of Brandon Rios (And Antonio Margarito?) Mocking Freddie Roach's Parkinson's [The Queensberry Rules]


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Ok, so back to this question again:Need more details of how the LEDs are to be lit up. Individually? All colors controlled at once? In groups somehow?
The control will he with a PC.
#include <BLIP_LEDS_SPI_LPD6803.h>#define NUM_LEDS 200 // Set the number of LEDs in use hereint counter;int a;int b;int c;void setup() { BL.setLeds(NUM_LEDS); // Initialisation functions BL.init(); // SPI interrupt will now send out data to LEDs. This happens in the background, pretty fast. blank(); Serial.begin(115200); }void loop() {if (Serial.available()>3){counter = read.serial();a = read.serial();b = read.serial();c = read.serial(); BL.setPixel(counter,BL.color(a,b,c));BL.show();}}


text:
The Bay Area will not see any rain this week, forecasters said, intensifying an already dry year that has left creeks low, hills yellowed and farmers worried for their livelihoods.
The National Weather Service forecasts sunny skies throughout the rest of the week, with temperatures in the low to mid 60s. The only region that may see some rain is northern Sonoma and Mendocino counties.
"The weather system will be just brushing by the Bay Area, but will mostly impact the North Bay," said Austin Cross, a meteorologist with the National Weather Service.
The situation is only a little better in the Sierra, where a 25 percent chance of snow is forecast starting on Thursday.
The cause of the state's dry spell is a jet stream that usually brings rain to Northern California lingering in the Pacific Northwest.
Staff writer Lisa Krieger contributed to this story.
Contact Karina Ioffee at 650-576-9626 or follow her at Twitter.com/kioffee


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History of the Insurrection in Canada in refutation of the report of Lord Durham
Translated in 2007 by Mathieu Gauthier-Pilote from the French Histoire de l'insurrection du Canada en réfutation du rapport de Lord Durham.
The excerpts of the Report on the Affairs of British North America which Papineau selected are found in pages 11, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26, 32, 35, 36, 62, 66 and 89 of the said report. The original excerpts of the following were also inserted in this translation: "The Canada Question", in The United States Democratic Review, Volume 1, Issue 2, January 1838, pp. 205-220 (online via the Cornell University Library). "History of the Recent Insurrection in the Canadas - Part First", in The United States Democratic Review, Volume 4, Issue 3, March-June 1838, pp. 73-87 (online via the Cornell University Library). "History of the Recent Insurrection in the Canadas - Part Second", in The United States Democratic Review, Volume 4, Issue 3, March-June 1838, pp. 87-104 (online via the Cornell University Library). "The Execution in Canada", in The United States Democratic Review, Volume 5, Issue 15, March 1839, pp. 343-344 (online via the Cornell University Library).
The English government will perhaps be able to prolong its military occupation of the Canadas for some more time. But because it started the civil war against populations which had not provoked it, to which it had not been advised, which did not want it at the time it started, it has forfeited the law, and, without return, has lost the possibility to govern them.
Sixteen years ago
Sixteen years ago already, I was complaining to Lord Bathurst, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, and I was telling him, with the accent of a highly felt pain, how heavy was the yoke, and humiliating the condition of our colonial serfdom. He convened of it, and here is approximately the language that he used. I report this conversation, because it throws a great light on the political objectives, the apprehensions and the secret hopes of England.
I convene, said to me Lord Bathurst, that, for continental possessions where the populations double in few years, the regime of which you complain can only be a period of stormy transition and morbid evolutions, that must be followed, for the people which are submitted to it, by serene days, and a normal organization of political life and national independence. I even believe that the times of test will be short for you: French Catholics, governed by English Protestants, your position is forced, it must be well recognized; it goes against nature. You are too far away from England to appreciate it well, and too close to the United States of America not to be dazzled by their misleading prosperity. I thus ask of you only twenty-five years of patient resignation.
But, as a statesman, I foresee and predict, before the end of this period, great conflicts between the various parts of the American confederation. England would then be ready to grant the colonies which would have remained faithful to her, and their independence and institutions better than those which are based on the federative pact. Indeed, released from any counterweight, democracy would be impetuous and anarchistic, while it would be the best of possible governments if it were moderated by a hereditary magistrature, whose perpetuity would be ensured, in its glare and its strength, by the means of majorats and substitutions. It is clearly understood that the English government would grant these majorats to influential men like you, Sir, if they wanted to take part of such a wise arrangement.
By giving your support to this plan, and by making your compatriots welcome it, you would hasten the era of happiness and power for your country. We would attract in it the rich families of England which are friends of hereditary institutions, and those rich families of the United States, who are disgusted by the weak influence which the democratic ascendancy leaves to them.
Moreover, you would find in influential families, as much from those of the province as from those from abroad, the means to constitute a strong government, which would contract an offencive and defencive alliance of the nature of the one which binds England and Portugal. And thus you would no longer have anything to fear of the encroachments of your ambitious neighbours.
They are already but too formidable, and for little that their resources came to be added to those of Canada, they could very well challenge English supremacy over the seas. Now, if England ever went down to the rank of a third order power, it would be a misfortune for Humanity. Because, with institutions as perfect as hers, and a generally recognized primacy, England is on the continent the support of all the oppressed peoples, and often her representations have stopped the absolute governments in their tyrannical projects.
A great struggle between two adversary principles is about to be engaged on all the parts of continental Europe. On the one hand, love of a freedom which could become disobedient and turbulent among peoples [which are] still little prepared to receive it; on the other, a calculated loathing by the kings to concede the reforms they promised during the frightening days that the prisoner of Sainte-Hélène made them live. Now, England would be the moderating power called upon to prevent the repetition of the spectacle of blood, of despotism and of impiety given by this revolutionary France, which we would have been forced to sit on the bench of peoples if she had not accepted the Restoration, sole bond of reconciliation, sole guarantee of rest, after the usurpation of the French throne by the ambitious soldier who had sat on it.
Ah well! the example of the United States is a disturbing cause that becomes an obstacle to the execution of these plans. I know well that it is but the enthusiastic ones, strangers to the practise of business, who get impassioned for this American demagogy, this manufacture of sand without cement, destined to collapse on the first day, but what can you do, their writings make disciples, they feed bad passions, they enlist worthless men who seek, in the overthrowing of higher orders, rank and fortune. And I acknowledge that all these cries of "cheap government", of exclusive sovereignty of the people following the American example, would worry us extremely, if we didn't clearly see, war being one of the unfortunately natural instincts of man, the causes which soon will bring about war in the United States, put the various parts of the confederation against each other, constitute distinct societies, create varied kinds of government, and the need, to protect them, to have stronger armies and institutions.
I answered Lord Bathurst that my Utopia differed from his, and appeared to me all at the same time to be more desirable and more realizable; that the American confederation would in the future be one and indivisible; that it appeared to me to go towards aggregation and growth rather than towards mutilation and impotence; that on the day of our independence, the right of common citizenship and free trade between Quebec and New Orleans, Florida and the Hudson Bay, would ensure Canada an undetermined, but long, period of peace, conquests on nature, progress in moral, political and industrial sciences, with individuality for each Sovereign State, under the protection of the congress, which could not become tyrant, having neither subjects nor colonies, and having attributions only in questions of peace and war with foreigners and foreign trade. I added that such advantages were too great and too manifest for Canada to let itself be intertwined in offencive and defencive alliances with England against America; and that, as for this 25 years deadline fixed by himself, Lord Bathurst, it would certainly be shortened by the partiality of the metropolis, the incompetence of its decisions and the corrupt practises of its agents.
Lord Bathurst promised reforms: none were carried out. The time is up.
Restoring the truth
Close friend of a great number of my colleagues in the representation, honoured with the regard and the confidence of all, since, for the past twenty years, they elected me, often unanimously, always with a great majority, Speaker of the House of Assembly, I am perfectly aware of everything that occurred in Canada up until the moment when the disorders started. I know the acts and statements of twenty-five of my colleagues and of many outstanding citizens, some who suffered death, others who, like me, saw, so to speak, their head put at a price, and were, like me, dragged in exile without trial, often without charge, always without confrontation, then released without trial, despite their asking for a trial by verbal or written requests, addressed either to the bloodied dictator Colborne, or to the other dictator, falser but no less vindicatory, Durham. Because weren't we all liable of the same punishments? They were all guilty of the same crime! Their virtues were dear to their compatriots, odious to their foreign oppressors! Well then! I challenge the English government to contradict me, when I affirm that none of us had prepared, wanted or even envisaged, armed resistance. But the English government had resolved to rob the Province of its income, of its representative system; it had resolved to send us, some to death, others to exile; and it is to this end that it had proposed to proclaim the martial law, and to have the citizens judged by martial courts for acts which, a few weeks before, it had admitted could not lead to any charge, founding the necessity of creating military courts on the impossibility of obtaining death sentences from the civil ones. Yes, once again, the executive power has put in the works, against innocent men, for what is wrongfully taken for the metropolitan interest, inhuman plans that it had admitted not having the right to allow itself: it is from the government that the provocation came.
Thereof, among the actors of this bloody drama, is there not a single one who repents to have attempted resistance; and among their fellow-citizens, not one in a thousand to reproach them to have done so. Only, there is in the hearts of all a deep sorrow that this resistance was unhappy, but at the same time a great hope that it will be re-taken and that this time it will prevail.
It is not that the insurrection was illegitimate, but we had resolved not to resort to it yet. It is what our seized papers taught to a government that became a slanderer to justify its persecution.
And when I make this statement, it is only to restore the historical truth and not to repudiate the moral responsibility of the resistance to a power risen against the holy rights of humanity, risen against "the inalienable birth rights of British subjects", as the legal advisers of Great Britain say, a mocking expression with regard to the colonies and imagined to provide the English aristocracy with Spartan pleasures, such as, for example, the pleasure to hunt down the Helots of Ireland, the Helots of the Canadas, the Helots of Jamaica, the Helots of all its remote possessions, each time the serfs who inhabit them wish to stop being corvéable, taillable and mortaillable and mercy and mercy.
I understand, indeed, the holiness of the historian's ministry. Well understood, it excludes all that is not the truth, but such is the impiety of the English tyranny that, even sheltered from its poisoning influence, and from its chocking pressures, the historian of the Canadas cannot say all there is to say of the period of the military occupation of these provinces, plundered, set on fire and decimated. Because the power abandoned itself to such orgies that it became drunk on it. Tell the government its crimes: far from leaving them, it plunges in them, and only swims back up to pass from its torpor to the fury of intoxication, which redoubles its blows against the country, where it hates everywhere and everywhere is hated. Tell the government the names of the men faithful to the cult of the fatherland: you are a denouncer who populates dungeons, a ferocious spectator keeping his fist closed to have the Christians thrown to the beasts.
One can thus quote only public facts and documents, well-known in America, ignored, or worse, denatured in Europe. The English government, indeed, was careful to place under lock and key, at the same time as the editors and the printers, all the characters and printing machines which were not already up for sale; the government bought all that it did not put under lock and key; and to undoubtedly guide the imperial Parliament on its plans for the future government of Canada and to enlighten the English public opinion, and, by it, to instruct the world on the doings of the governors and the ingratitude of the governed, the government worked out these rough materials, men and types bought in pages of contemporary history. The means known, the goal is revealed. From the English press, you learnt but the official lies.
It is no longer to me to be the indicter of the English government, as it was of my duty to do so for thirty years of my public life. This government confessed itself guilty in the hundred and twenty folio pages which Lord Durham has just published. Systematic corruption, shameful peculations, antipathies against the peoples, revolting examples of irresponsibility among the agents of power, monopolization of the public domain, nothing is missing in this so hideous portrait that its equivalent could only be seen in the history of one other English possession: Ireland.
And yet, the author has uniformly softened his accusing formulae against the authority of which he is an organ, and of which he wants to preserve the lead sceptre over the colonies by so pitiful means that he lost his reputation as a statesman.1
Wanting to prove that his favourite race, the Saxon race, is the only one worthy of command, Lord Durham untruthfully painted it beautiful while he obscured with the darkest colours the faux portrait which he drew of the French Canadians. But in spite of this degrading partiality, I direct with confidence all the honest readers to this strange report, as I am well convinced that they will draw this conclusion from it, that the Canadians have no justice to expect from England; that for them, submission would be blamable and a death sentence, while independence, on the contrary, would be a principle of resurrection and life. It would be even more, it would be the rehabilitation of the French name terribly compromised in America by the shame of the Treaty of Paris of 1763, by the mass proscription of more than twenty thousand Acadians driven out their homes, finally, by the sound of six hundred thousand Canadians ruled since eighty years with a ceaseless injustice, now decimated, tomorrow condemned to political inferiority, by hatred of their French origin.
Durham Report
True when it accuses the power, false when it accuses the people, the report of Lord Durham will also serve to prove that the independence of Canada is an event wanted by the interest of both the old and the new France, and by the interest of the whole of humanity. It is why I will provide here a summary of this work, which it is necessary to know in order to appreciate the morality of the facts that I have to tell.
The circumstances of the early colonial administration, says the report, excluded the native Canadian from power, and vested all offices of trust and emolument in the hands of strangers of English origin.
[...] It was not till within a very few years, as was testified by persons who had seen much of the country, that this society of civil and military functionaries ceased to exhibit towards the higher order of Canadians an exclusiveness of demeanour, which was more revolting to a sensitive and polite people than the monopoly of power and profit; [...] The races had become enemies, ere a tardy justice was extorted; and even then, the Government discovered a mode of distributing its patronage among the Canadians, which was quite as offensive to that people as their previous exclusion.
Never will the present generation of French Canadians yield a loyal submission to a British government; never again will the British population tolerate the authority of a House of Assembly, in which the French shall possess or even approximate to a majority. [...] The militia, on which the main defense of the province against external enemies, [...] the attempting to arm or employ it would be merely arming the enemies of the government. [...] In 1832, the number of emigrants who landed at the port of Quebec, amounted to 52,000; and in 1838, it did not amount to 5,000. Insecurity begins to be so strongly felt by the loyal inhabitants of the Seignories gouvernement, that many are compelled, by fear or necessity, to quit their occupations, and seek refuge in the cities. [...] none even of these considerations weigh against their present all-absorbing hatred of the English.
[...] they would purchase vengeance and a momentary triumph, by the aid of any enemies, or submission to any yoke. This provisional but complete cessation of their ancient antipathy to the Americans is now admitted even by those who most strongly denied it during the last spring, and who then asserted that an American war would as completely unite the whole of the population against the common enemy, as it did in 1813. My subsequent experience leaves no doubt in my mind that the views which were contained in my despatch of the 9th of August are perfectly correct; and that an invading American army might rely on the co-operation of almost all the entire French population of Lower Canada.
Every measure of clemency or even justice towards their opponent they regard with jealousy; [...] that they feel that being a minority, any return to the due course of constitutional government would again subject them to a French majority' and to this I am persuaded they would not peacefully submit.
[...]; the hostility of the races being probably insufficient to account for all the evils which have affected Lower Canada, inasmuch as nearly the same results have been exhibited among the homogeneous population of the other provinces. It is too evident that Lower Canada, or the two Canadas, have not alone exhibited repeated conflicts between the executive and the popular branches of the Legislature. The representative body of Upper Canada was, before the late election, hostile to the policy of the government; the most serious discontents have only recently been calmed in Prince Edward's Island and New Brunswick; the government is still, I believe, in a minority in the lower house in Nova Scotia; and the dissensions of Newfoundland are hardly less violent than those of the Canadas. It may fairly be said that the natural state of government in all these colonies is that of collision between the executive and the representative body. [...]
[...] A state of things so different from the working of any successful experiment of representative government appears to indicate a deviation from sound constitutional principles or practise. [...] But when we examine into the system of government in these colonies, it would almost seem as if the object of those by whom it was established, had been the combining of apparently popular institutions with an utter absence of all efficient control of the people over their rulers. Representative assemblies were established on the basis of a very wide and, in some cases, almost universal suffrage[5]; the annual meeting of these bodies was secured by positive enactment, and their apparent attributes were locally nearly as extensive as those of the English House of Commons. At the same time the Crown almost entirely relied on its territorial resources, and on duties imposed by imperial Acts, prior to the introduction of the representative system, for carrying on the government, without securing the assent of the representative body, either to its policy, or to the persons by who that policy was to be administered. [...] It was not until some years after the commencement of the present century, that the population of Lower Canada began to understand the representative system which had been extended to them, and that the Assembly evinced any inclination to make use of its powers. -- Immediately, however, upon it so doing, it found how limited the powers were, and entered upon a struggle to obtain the authority which analogy pointed out as inherent in a representative assembly.] Its freedom of speech immediately brought it into collision with the Governor; and the practical working of the Assembly commenced by its principle leaders being thrown into prison. In the course of time, however, the government was induced, by its necessities, to accept the Assembly's offer to raise and additional revenue by fresh taxes ; and the Assembly thus acquired a certain control over the levying and appropriation of a portion of the public revenue. From that time until the final abandonment in 1832, of every portion of the reserved revenue, excepting the casual and territorial funds, an unceasing contest was carried on, in which the Assembly, making use of every power which it gained for the purpose of gaining more, acquired, step by step, and entire control over the revenue of the whole country.
[...] The Assembly, after it had obtained entire control over the public revenues, still found itself deprived of all voice in the choice or even designation of the persons in whose administration of affairs it could feel confidence. [...] ; it might refuse or pass laws, vote or withhold supplies, but it could exercise no influence on the nomination of a single servant of the Crown. The Executive council, the law officers, and whatever heads of department are known to the administration system of the province, were placed in power, without any regard to the wishes of the people or their representatives; nor indeed are there wanting instances in which a mere hostility of the majority of the Assembly elevated the most incompetent persons to posts of honour and trust. [...] If a law was passed after repeated conflicts, it had to be carried into effect by those who had most strenuously opposed it.
[...] A governor, arriving in a colony in which he almost invariably has had no previous acquaintance with the state of parties, or the character of individuals, is compelled to throw himself almost entirely upon whom he finds placed in the positions of his official advisers. [...] Thus, a Governor of Lower Canada has almost always been brought into collision with the Assembly, which his advisers regard as their enemy. [...] Fortified by family connection, and the common interest felt by all who held, and all who desired, subordinate offices, that party was thus erected into a solid and permanent power, controlled by no responsibility, subject to no serious change, exercising over the whole government of the province an authority utterly independent of the people and its representatives, and possessing the only means either the government at home, or the colonial representative of the Crown. [...] It appears, therefore, that the opposition of the Assembly to the government was the unavoidable result of a system which stinted the popular branch of the legislature of the necessary privileges of a representative body, and produced thereby a long series of attempts on the part of that body to acquire control over the administration of the province. [...]; and when nothing else could attain its end of altering the policy or the composition of the colonial government, it had recourse to that ultima ratio of representative power to which the more prudent forbearance of the crown has never driven the House of Commons in England, and endeavoured to disable the whole machine of government by a general refusal of the supplies.
[...] The collision with the executive government necessarily brought on one with the Legislative Council. The composition of this body, which has been so much the subject of discussion, both here and in the colony, must certainly be admitted to have been such as could give it no weight with the people, or with the representative body, on which it was meant to be a check. The majority was always composed of members of the party which conducted the executive government; the clerks of each council were members of the other; and in fact, the Legislative Council was practically hardly anything but a veto in the hands of public functionaries on all the acts of that popular branch of the legislature, in which they were always in a minority.
The fact is, that according to the present system, there is no real representative of the crown in the province: there is in it, literally, no power which originates and conducts the executive government. The Governor, it is true, is said to represent the sovereign - and the authority of the crown is, to a certain extent delegated to him; but he is, in fact, a mere subordinate officer - receiving his order from the Secretary of State - responsible to him for his conduct - and guided by his instructions.
[...] It has, therefore, been the tendancy of the local government to settle every thing by reference to the colonial department, on Downing Street. [...] the colony has, in every crisis of danger, and almost every detail of management, felt the mischief of having its executive authority exercised on the other side of the Atlantic. [...] The repeated changes, caused by political events at home, having no connection with colonial affairs, have left to most of the various representatives of the colonial department in parliament, too little time to acquire even an elementary knowledge of the condition of those numerous and heterogeneous communities for which they have had both to administer and to legislate. [...] Since the time of the late Lord Bathurst retired from that charge in 1827, your committee believe there has not been less than eight colonial ministers, and that the policy of each successive statesman has been more or less marked by a difference from that of his predecessor.2 [...] The most important business of government was carried on - not in open discussions or public acts - but in a secret correspondence between the governor and the secretary of state. Whenever the mystery was dispelled, it was long after the worst effects had been produced by doubts and misapprehension;
[...] But I must here notice the mischievous results prominently exhibited in the provision which the government of Lower Canada makes for the first want of the people, the efficient administration of justice. [...] I cannot but express my regret, that among the few institutions for the administration of justice through the country which have been adopted in Lower Canada from those of England, should be that of unpaid justices of the peace. [...] The institution has become unpopular among the Canadians, owing to their general belief that the appointments have been made with party and national bias. [...] I a grieved to be obliged to remark, that the British Government has, since its possession of the province, done, or even attempted, nothing for the promotion of general education. Indeed the only matter in which it has appeared in connection with the subject, is one by no means creditable to it - For it has applied the Jesuit's estates, part of the property destined for purposes of education, to supply a species of fund for secret services, and for a number of years it has maintained an obstinate struggle with the Assembly, in order to continue this misappropriation.
Speaking about the colonies where the population is not mixed but all English, that of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick which are the former French Acadia and Prince Edward's Island, previously the Saint-Jean Island, the report continues:
But their varied and ample resources are turned to little account. Their scanty population exhibit, in most portions of them, an aspect of poverty, backwardness and stagnation; and wherever a better state of things is visible, the improvement is generally to be ascribed to the influx of American settlers or capitalists. Major Head describes his journey through a great part of Nova Scotia as exhibiting the melancholy spectacle of "half the tenements abandoned, and lands every where falling into decay;" "and the lands" he tells us "that were purchased 30 or 40 years ago, at 5s. an acre, are now offered for sale at 3s." "The people of Prince Edward's Island are," he says, "permitting Americans to take out of their hands all their valuable fisheries, from the sheer want of capital to employ their own population in them. [...]" [...] These provinces, among the longest-settled on the North American continent, contain nearly 30,000,000 of acres, and a population, estimated at the highest, at no more than 365,000 souls, giving only one inhabitant for every 80 acres. [...]
[...] I allude to the striking contrast which is presented between the American and British sides of the frontier line, in respect to every sign of productive industry, increasing wealth, and progressive civilization.
[...] On the American side, all is activity and bustle. [...] The observer is surprised at the number of harbours on the lakes, and the number of vessels they contain : while bridges, artificial landing places, and commodious wharves are formed in all directions as soon as required. - Good houses, warehouses, mills, inns, villages, towns, and even great cities are almost seen to spring up out of the desert.
[...] On the British side of the line, with the exception of a few favoured spots, where some approach to American prosperity is apparent, all seems waste and desolate.
[...] The painful but undeniable truth is most manifest in the country districts through which the line of national separation passes for 1,000 miles.
[...] Throughout the frontier, from Amherstburg to the ocean, the market value of land is much greater on the American than on the British side. In not a few parts of the frontier this difference amounts to as much as 1,000 per cent., and in some cases even more. The average difference, as between Upper Canada and the states of New York and Michigan, is notoriously several hundred per cent. [...] the price of wild land in Vermont and New Hampshire, close to the line, is $5 per acre and in the adjoining British townships only $1.
[...] I mean the great amount of re-emigration from the British colonies to the border states. This is a notorious fact. [...] What the proportion may be of those emigrants from the United Kingdom who, soon after their arrival, remove to the United States, it would be very difficult to ascertain precisely. [...] making no allowance for their increase by births, the entire population of Upper Canada should now have been 500,000, whereas it is, according to the most reliable estimates, not over 400,000. It would therefore appear, making all allowance for errors in this calculation, that the number of people who have emigrated from Upper Canada to the United States, since 1829, must be equal to more than half of the number who have entered the province during the eight years. Mr. Baillie, the present Commissioner of the Crown lands in New Brunswick, says, "a great many emigrants arrive in the province, but they generally proceed to the United States, as there is no sufficient encouragement for them in this province." Mr. Morris, the present Commissioner of the Crown lands, and surveyor-general of Nova Scotia, speaks in almost similar terms of the emigrants who reach that province by way of Halifax.
(page 20, paragraph 2) Such is the lamentable and hazardous state of things, produced by the conflict of races, which has so long divided the province of Lower Canada, and which has assumed the formidable and irreconcileable character which I have depicted. [...] Such are the lamentable results of political and social evils which have so long agitated the Canadas; and such is their condition, that at the present moment we are called on to take immediate precautions against dangers so alarming as those of rebellion, foreign invasion, and utter exhaustion and depopulation.
Lord Durham
Such is the English government painted by itself. Such is the softened and flattered sketch of these colonies' condition made so by this pretentious aristocracy which poses in front of the other nations, and presents itself as a model of wisdom and science, which they must study and copy to learn how to govern themselves.
One of its most eminent superiorities, is this Lord Durham who signed the report which contains the bloody charges, though weakened, that we have just read: nothing is more likely to emphasize how artificial and false the social system of England really is, than the reputation of capacity, enlightenment and liberality which this ignorant despot usurped. His alleged rare talents, his alleged high virtues were the reasons why all the parties in Parliament rallied in his favour and granted him his dictatorship, as if it were not presumable that he could come to abuse it.
And still, within less than a month after having eagerly seized this absolute power which had disturbed much stronger intelligences, corrupted much purer virtues than his, he had dishonoured himself by vile proscriptions sentenced without investigation against innocent men. Within two months, he had been repudiated and censured by the Parliament; within less than three months, this wise man sent to alleviate the revolt had fallen to it himself, and, with as much thoughtlessness as exuberance, rid himself of his commission, deserted his office, without the authorization of the power which had given it to him; and finally dropped his dictatorship, created for him alone, in the hands of the first soldier of fortune who, by his rank, found himself at the command of Canada.
Two traits will suffice to prove how weak was the head, and bad the heart of this man so liefully adulated. The one who could sign the report written above dared to publicly say to delegations in Canada: "It will not be in the next one hundred, three hundred, nor one thousand years that we will see the separation of these provinces from the metropolis. They are one of our most beautiful crown jewels, they must therefore remain an eternal dependence, and it is only to obtain this result that, equipped with the amount of powers suitable to ensure it, I have agreed to come here." Was there ever more shameless charlatanism, if Lord Durham did not believe what he said?
And if Lord Durham was sincere, I ask, was there ever more meaningless verbosity, more complete ignorance of the most uncontested principles of political economy and of the results which the separation of the old English colonies of North America have had in the past and must have in the future?
It is said that this idol of both the populace and the great ones of England is a most valuable statesman. The papers which he bribes affirm that only him is able to save England from the bloody catastrophes which threatens her. According to those, he would only need to have all the power to himself to achieve the marvellous tour de force of firmly constituting in England (and that with the assent of the proudest and strongest oligarchy which ever weighed on the world) the purest of democracies by triennial Parliaments, quasi universal suffrage, and ballot voting; and to establish at the same time the purest despotism in all the English colonies of North America (and that with the assent of the colonies in which one would seek in vain social elements other than the principles of equality, and active influences other than those provided by the example and vicinity of the United States of America).
Where I ask did this man deserve to take the first place: in the Council of State or in Bedlam?
The detailed history of Lord Durham's mission would reveal a hardly believable excess of personal vanity. His entourage was composed exclusively of men full of defects and perversity, but who did not save him flattery. As for the honest men who, on the account of parliamentary praise, tried to approach him, to entertain him of other things than himself, and to bring his mind back from the intoxicating heights where he pleased himself to the ground of tears and pains, these men were indecently pushed back. Tiberius had delivered himself to the Sejanuses.
Even before his departure from London, the vomitory of the prisons were the sewer where the noble Lord had gone to take by the hand, to raise them to his level, to make them sit at his table, to install them near his wife and his daughters, to initiate them to his intimate councils, two men both condemned by justice: the first, because he had allured a child and stolen her fortune, the second, because he had submitted his wife's sister, and traded one for the other.
These choices shocked to the morality, however débonnaire it may be, of the House of Lords. What effect were they to produce on the American society, so moral and austere?
Adam Thom
The same vanity, which called around Lord Durham those who intoxicated him with the fume of the coarsest incense, placed him at the feet of certain men who had furiously outraged him and of which he wanted the praise at all costs.
Of all the men odious to the Canadians, not one who was such with a righter honour than the editor of the newspaper the Montreal Herald. An impetuous Tory, this man, named Adam Thom, had for several years been dragging in the mud the names of all the whig ministers including that of Lord Durham.
But the John Bull, unable to provide enough libellous anecdotes to feed the malignity of Adam Thom, his personal correspondences, real or simulated, made public the turpitudes, true or false, of the majority of the outstanding men in the liberal opinion.
The news of the nomination of Lord Durham, which mystified whigs and radicals applauded in a manner that appears so strange today, created an incredible overflow of insults. The barking of the Cerberus tore the ears of Lord Durham so painfully, that he hastened himself to throw it the soporific cake. And a few weeks after the pompous disembarkment of the viceroy, and because he had outraged him, Adam Thom became his commensal and his adviser.
This man, who was but an impassioned partisan, of poor talents, daily excited by the abuse of strong liquor, when he treated of English politics, was turning insanely furious, when speaking of the French Canadians. When exalted by the thirst for blood, his hatred was limitless. For several years, insults against the whole nation and reiterated incitations to assassinate the most popular representatives had each day soiled the pages of his newspaper; one had seen him appear, as gang leader, in several riots which, during four years, had burst in Montreal: riots lead by English magistrates against the citizens who, in the elections or in the House of Assembly, had placed themselves in opposition to the executive power. Were these violences ever repressed? Did we only once seek the perpetrators? No. The troops at the disposal of the magistrates bloodied our cities; they violated the course of justice by prohibiting the victims' parents the exercise of their sacred right to pursue punishment for the crime in front of the courts, and confiscated the regular procedures in order to withdraw the culprits from any trial and replace those by fake lawsuits.
Adam Thom had organized the Doric Club, an armed society whose acknowledged aim was to submit the French Canadians by force if the government granted them the ceaseless object of their requests: an elective legislative council. Five months before his promotion to the council of Lord Durham, and while the prisons were being filled up with Canadians, he wrote:
the punishment of the leaders, however pleasant it might be to the English inhabitants, would not make as much a major and as useful an impression on the mind of the people as would the sight of foreign farmers placed in the dwelling of each agitator in each parish. The spectacle of the widow and the children spreading out their misery around the rich residences of which they would have been dispossessed, would provide for a good effect. One should not hesitate to carry out this measure. Special commissioners must be immediately appointed and given the task to carry out the lawsuits of this bunch of traitors who are now in prison. It would be ridiculous to fatten these people all winter just to lead them to the bracket later.
Such is in Canada the language of the press which is subsidized, not by fixed salaries because the elected representatives do not grant any for these kinds of services, but by the honours and the remunerated offices that the government distributes and to which infallibly lead similar diatribes, by the subscriptions of the English employees and the monopoly of the opinions or the advertisements of the administration for contracts and supplies of all sorts.
The same Adam Thom, three months before the arrival of Lord Durham, was pushing death cries against four hundred people piled up in a room where two hundreds would have been jammed up. He was writing that a government which deferred the trial examination showed a culprit hesitation; that if it were possible to imagine that one wanted to rob the Doric Club of his prey, the club was strong enough to render its own justice in spite of the prison walls of the soldiers' bayonets; that the Doric Club could punish just as it had been able to protect; that it was to grant only a short time after which it would be seen that its opinions were not but trivial threats.
Indeed, the dreadful plot conceived by this rowdy character and his trustworthy bunch took such a consistency, that the authorities were obliged to strengthen the prisons by additional works and the doubling of the doors. Here is the poor wretched that Lord Durham sat at his table and sat in his councils. His antecedents were known of all of Canada.
An old union bill
By making such a foolish and depraved choice, was Lord Durham, openly sent on a peace and conciliation mission, treacherous to his engagements, or was he only a cheater charged to continue the plan begun the previous year, by the metropolitan government perhaps, by the provincial government undoubtedly, plan which consisted in pushing the people to illegal actions to legitimize the violence being done and as such give birth to a pretext for the violence to be made?
On the remainder, just before his departure from England, the dictator had so closely bound himself to the faction of the old enemies of the French Canadians, for the doings of his nephew, Mr. Edward Ellice, his intermediary between them and he, that hardly just arrived, he immediately landed on their agents, those agents of the English merchants of Quebec and Montreal who, from time immemorial, have shown an indestructible hatred of the Canadian people and its representatives. It is them who, in 1808, fixed the tyrannical government's plan of which Lord Durham today only adopts the shameful paternity. In 1822, they had just about surprised the approval of the plan in Parliament. Only the unforeseen resistance of the virtuous sir James MacIntosh ruined their projects.
Under this circumstance, the systematic demoralization of the English government was revealed with more impudor and clumsiness than ever before.
One of their agents, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, exclaimed in the House of Commons: "Hasten yourselves, I avert you, to adopt this bill before the interested parties are informed of it, otherwise, I predict, you will be importuned by their complaints and their opposition: we are informed that the great majority of them would push it back."
It is indeed what happened the following year. The project was pushed back, successfully pushed back by the large majority of the Canadians. Designated to carry the protests of my fellow-citizens, I found, I must say, among a tory government, conservative and absolutist, a benevolent reception and an honest respect.
The plan of which I speak today is more odious, more universally rejected than it was it then; yet, Lord Durham, the peer of the people, dominated by the intriguers who misled Lord Bathurst, welcomes it favourably and as it appears will impose it to the Whig government. Not a very difficult thing in the remainder: because this government, allegedly liberal, reformed and reforming, in all its conduct towards the British colonies, has boldly violated the holiest laws of humanity.
A young woman of twenty years old reigns on England. And it is under such auspices that, in the Canadas, five hundred people were condemned to death by exceptional tribunals, by martial courts! Ah! I need to believe that, to obtain the approval of their sovereign, the ministers violated the feelings of pity natural to her sex and her age; I need to remember that the monarchy, in England, is but an instrument in the hands of the nobles, a shiny trinket that on certain days the charlatans scintillate before the eyes of crowd.
The illegality of the establishment of the martial courts in Lower Canada was manifest and had been proclaimed by the judges of the civil courts. But what value have rights, legality and justice for the oppressors? The magistrates, guilty of having executed their duty with courage and honesty, were suspended from their duties. Censured in England, by the ministers, this quasi dismissal they maintained in Canada, and ignored the executions of the condemned.
In Lower Canada, twelve unhappy ones underwent the last torment. As many legal assassinations! In Upper Canada, the number of victims amounts to more than thirty. But these cruelties, far from consolidating the domination of the savage power which ordered them, on the contrary, made domination forever impossible. They raised the horror of the civilized world.
Seen from the United States
In the United States, especially, the impression was profound; my readers can judge of it by the following extract of the Democratic Review, a monthly newspaper, published in Washington, under the direction and with the support of the most influential public men of the Union.
This proscription order, fulminated before the eye of the congress, in the early days of last March, against the English domination in America, has, for who knows its source, the greatest implication.
[...] It is impossible to apply to this case the justification of legal right. The laws of England, which have been defiled by her monarchs with penalties for every crime, sanguinary as the code of Draco, authorize the penalty of death in unnumbered instances, where the daily practice of her Courts show that it is necessary for justice sake to preserve the life. The law of High Treason in particular; under which these hideous murders have been committed, is as old as the reign of Edward III, and ordains capital punishment for conspiring the death of the King! If the great Jefferson in the sincere respect of a philosophic lawgiver for the rights of posterity, and with the sacred deference to the progress of opinion, questioned the power and doubted the propriety of a legislature's enacting laws binding more than one generation, what shall we think in our land and in an age subsequent to Jefferson, of the horrid criminality of these bloody executions in Canada, under a law some hundreds of years old and for an offence and American and a Republican cannot commit. No, the spirit of murder is essentially combined with the spirit of British Monarchy.
[...] We attach no blame to the People of England for these atrocities. Their influence, wherever it has found its way into the legislation of their country, has been - like that of the people in all countries - uniformly beneficial, enlightened and humane. The influence of her Monarchy has been, on the contrary, as uniformly bad, [...]. We have not now space nor heart to illustrate the holocaust of illustrious names comprising the brightest and the best of Britain's children, which has been sacrificed to appease and confort this Moloch of her Monarchy.
What a noble army of martyrs, yet and that soon, to be honored as they deserve, would not these names compose; From the Cobhams and the Balls of her early history, to the Russells and Sydneys, or Emmets and Lounts of her modern annals, whose fame will shine in brightness undiminished, when the loathing and wrath of aroused and free opinion shall have prostrated forever the system that destroyed them, because it could not exist in the same age with so much of purity and worth. The inexpressible indignation and disgust which the perpetration of these atrocities in this hemisphere has occasioned throughout the whole length and breadth of this land - where public opinion is so free and healthy, that it may be said to resemble the voice of posterity, may image forth the reaction of that tide of virtuous feeling that ere long will swell up in a strength that will at once atone and avenge the whole. Yes! let it go forth. - Never, never will the loathing which the judicial murders of the hapless Canadians has attached, in all enlightened opinion, to the British Monarchy be effaced, nor the indignant abhorrence they have excited, subside until a power thus disgustingly alien to the feelings, the interests, and the sympathies as well as the soil of freemen, shall have been utterly expelled from the broad expanse of the North American continent, whose free soil its odious an cruel policy has thus foully polluted.
To the disorders which Lord Durham unrolled the never ending tableau, and to the more numerous and worst disorders which he did not even mention, what dam does he claim to oppose? He announces what good was produced by freedom among independent Americans, what evils were produced by despotism among British Americans; he proves the impossibility of prolongating the government of England over Canada, and he concludes to the maintenance of this very state of affairs. What a fatal inconsistency!
I will show in a forthcoming article how unjust the complaints of Lord Durham against Canada really are.
It is nevertheless from these so-called complaints that arise the great and only measure of legislative reform which Lord Durham recommends: the absorption of the French population by the English population by means of the union of two Canadas. It is this measure which had been adopted in 1808 by the fur trade monopolists at a time when they lost the majority which they had enjoyed hitherto.
Since that time, and during thirty years, a supposedly constitutional government, based on minorities, has constituted itself as a source of permanent hostility against the majority of the representatives, who, after the last two general elections, were in one of the assemblies, seventy-eight against eight, and eighty against ten in the other. Of the members composing these minorities only one was born in the colony. At the time of their elections, these majorities had received from their constituents the mandate to insist on an organic change in the institutions, and to ask that the second house be made elective. This unanimous complaint, Lord Durham rejected it with the same scorn as the Tories, his predecessors. The British Parliament also pushes it back. "What you ask", says it, "we refuse it. But we are benevolent and we want you to be happy with what we will decide is good for you. The Saxon race is much more suited to govern than you could ever be yourself. In Upper Canada, it is sifted with debts, while you have none. Ah well! we will form a large and beautiful province which will no longer owe anything to anyone, after the mixing of the full and the empty. You will then have a viceroy, and in her position as Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, our gracious sovereign will add: and of British North America. Abjure this narrow nationality. Take a greater and nobler one. Leave the short name of Canadiens, and take that of British North Americans!"
Alas! if our name, erased by an act of the Parliament, was too small, wouldn't the one which replaced it be too long? and isn't that of independent Americans in righter proportions?
An historical account, impartial and concise, of the events which occurred in my country during the past two years will put in all the minds the conviction that it is not the English statutes that will determine the near future of Canada; but that this future is written in the declarations of the rights of man and in the political constitutions that gave themselves our good, wise and happy neighbours, the independent Americans.
Those Americans know very well, moreover, that their revolution is not yet entirely finished. In the opinion of their statesmen, it will only be so the day the Union will no longer have, as neighbour, a power that, since the Treaty of 1783, has not ceased, even in times of peace, to intrigue in order to bring about the dismemberment of the confederation; an anxious power that triggered the Indian Wars, perfidiously nourished them by the distribution of weapons and food to the belligerent tribes; and maintained itself in a violent occupation of certain parts of the territory, although under the treaties, these invaded part should have been, long before this day, restored to the Americans! Finally, an ambitious power which no longer preserves the Canadas in legitimate plans of trade and colonization, but as a military station from where it prepares itself to fall onto the American confederation, to bring it disorder, division and ruin!
Louis-Joseph Papineau
Paris, May 1839
End of the first part
Editor's Notes
1. Here Papineau is no doubt referring to the embarrassing manner in which Durham was forced to quit his post and return to London.
2. The list of people who held the office of Secretary of State for the Colonies between 1827 and 1838 is 1) Henry Bathurst, 3rd Earl Bathurst, 2) Frederick John Robinson, 1st Viscount Goderich, 3) William Huskisson, 4) George Murray, 5) Edward Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, 6) Thomas Spring Rice, 1st Baron Monteagle of Brandon, 7) Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington 8) George Hamilton-Gordon, 4th Earl of Aberdeen
See also
- Letter addressed to the Speakers of the Several Assemblies in the British North American Colonies, by Louis-Joseph Papineau (1836)
- Second Manifesto, by Louis-Joseph Papineau (1848)
- The Political Testament, of Louis-Joseph Papineau (1867)
|This text is licensed under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License.


text:
Most everyone has an opinion on whether such a parade should roll through the country's streets. What's yours?
President Donald Trump has requested the United States host a military parade.
The president was inspired by a trip to France in July when he was French President Emmanuel Macron's guest for a military parade as part of the country's celebration of Bastille Day.
What do you think of the idea? Should the U.S. host such a parade?
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