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Everyone who rejoices in the successes achieved in our country, the victories of our party led by the great Stalin, will find only one word suitable for the mercenary, fascist dogs of the Trotskyite-Zinoviev gang. That word is execution.Khrushchev assisted in the purge of many friends and colleagues in Moscow oblast. Of 38 top Party officials in Moscow city and province, 35 were killed—the three survivors were transferred to other parts of the USSR. Of the 146 party secretaries of cities and districts outside Moscow city in the province, only 10 survived the purges. In his memoirs, Khrushchev noted that almost everyone who worked with him was arrested. By Party protocol, Khrushchev was required to approve these arrests, and did little or nothing to save his friends and colleagues.
Comrades, we must unmask and relentlessly destroy all enemies of the people. But we must not allow a single honest Bolshevik to be harmed. We must conduct a struggle against slanderers."
But let me return to the enemy breakthrough in the Kiev area, the encirclement of our group, and the destruction of the 37th Army. Later, the Fifth Army also perished ... All of this was senseless, and from the military point of view, a display of ignorance, incompetence, and illiteracy. ... There you have the result of not taking a step backward. We were unable to save these troops because we didn't withdraw them, and as a result we simply lost them. ... And yet it was possible to allow this not to happen.
I'll say that the Ukrainian people treated me well. I recall warmly the years I spent there. This was a period full of responsibilities, but pleasant because it brought satisfaction ... But far be it from me to inflate my significance. The entire Ukrainian people was exerting great efforts ... I attribute Ukraine's successes to the Ukrainian people as a whole.
I won't elaborate further on this theme, but in principle it's very easy to demonstrate. I'm Russian myself, and I don't want to offend the Russians.
Stalin called everyone who didn't agree with him an "enemy of the people." He said that they wanted to restore the old order, and for this purpose, "the enemies of the people" had linked up with the forces of reaction internationally. As a result, several hundred thousand honest people perished. Everyone lived in fear in those days. Everyone expected that at any moment there would be a knock on the door in the middle of the night and that knock on the door would prove fatal ... [P]eople not to Stalin's liking were annihilated, honest party members, irreproachable people, loyal and hard workers for our cause who had gone through the school of revolutionary struggle under Lenin's leadership. This was utter and complete arbitrariness. And now is all this to be forgiven and forgotten? Never!{{Harvnb|Khrushchev|2006|pp=167–68.}}===Struggle for control=== On March 6, 1953, Stalin's death was announced, as was the new leadership. Malenkov was the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers, with Beria (who consolidated his hold over the security agencies), Kaganovich, Bulganin and former Foreign Minister [[Vyacheslav Molotov]] as first vice-chairmen. The [[Presidium]] had effectively replaced the Politboro the previous year; those of its members who had been recently promoted by Stalin were demoted. Khrushchev was relieved of his duties as Party head for Moscow to concentrate on unspecified duties in the Party's Central Committee.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=114.}} ''The New York Times'' listed Malenkov and Beria first and second among the ten-man Presidium—and Khrushchev last.{{Citation | title = Vast Riddle | periodical = The New York Times | date = 1953-03-10 | url = http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F10D16FE345B117A93CAA91788D85F478585F9 | accessdate = 2009-08-23}} (fee for article) On March 14, Malenkov yielded his post as senior secretary of the Central Committee to Khrushchev.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=245.}} In September, Khrushchev was elected by the Central Committee as First Secretary of the Party.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=258.}} Even before Stalin had been laid to rest, Beria launched a lengthy series of reforms which would rival those of Khrushchev during his period of power and even those of [[Mikhail Gorbachev]] a third of a century later. Beria's proposals were designed to denigrate Stalin and pass the blame for Beria's own crimes to the late leader. One proposal, which was adopted, was an amnesty which would eventually free over a million prisoners.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=246.}} Another, which was not, was to release [[East Germany]] into a united, neutral Germany in exchange for compensation from the West{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=247.}}—a proposal considered by Khrushchev to be anti-communist.{{Harvnb|Khrushchev|2006|p=184.}} Khrushchev allied with Malenkov to block many of Beria's proposals, while the two slowly picked up support from other Presidium members. Their campaign against Beria was aided by fears that Beria was planning a military coup,{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=121.}} and, according to Khrushchev in his memoirs, by the conviction that "Beria is getting his knives ready for us."{{Harvnb|Khrushchev|2006|p=186.}} The arrest of Beria took place on June 26, 1953 at a Presidium meeting, following extensive military preparations aimed at heading off a possible civil war. Beria was tried in secret, and executed in December 1953 with five of his close associates. The execution of Beria proved to be the last time the loser of a top-level power struggle in the USSR paid with his life.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=123.}} The power struggle in the Presidium was not resolved by the elimination of Beria. Malenkov's power was in the central state apparatus, which he sought to extend through reorganizing the government, giving it additional power at the expense of the party. He also sought public support by lowering retail prices and lowering the level of bond sales to citizens, which had long been effectively obligatory. Khrushchev, on the other hand, with his power base in the Party, sought to both strengthen the Party and his position within it. While, under the Soviet system, the Party was to be preeminent, it had been greatly drained of power by Stalin, who had given much of that power to himself and to the Politboro (later, to the Presidium). Khrushchev saw that with the Presidium in conflict, the Party and its Central Committee might again become powerful.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=125–26.}} Khrushchev carefully cultivated high Party officials, and was able to appoint supporters as local Party bosses, who then took seats on the Central Committee.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=259.}} Khrushchev presented himself as a down-to-earth activist prepared to take up any challenge, contrasting with Malenkov who, though sophisticated, came across as colorless. Khrushchev arranged for the [[Kremlin]] grounds to be opened to the public, an act with "great public resonance".{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=263.}} While both Malenkov and Khrushchev sought reforms to agriculture, Khrushchev's proposals were broader, and included the [[Virgin Lands Campaign]], under which hundreds of thousands of young volunteers would settle and farm areas of Western [[Siberia]] and Northern [[Kazakhstan]]. While the scheme eventually became a tremendous disaster for Soviet agriculture,{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=262–63.}} it was initially successful.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=174.}} In addition, Khrushchev possessed incriminating information on Malenkhov, taken from Beria's secret files.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=260.}} As Soviet prosecutors investigated the atrocities of Stalin's last years, including the Leningrad case, they came across evidence of Malenkov's involvement.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=263–64.}} Beginning in February 1954, Khrushchev replaced Malenkov in the seat of honor at Presidium meetings; in June, Malenkov ceased to head the list of Presidium members, which was thereafter organized in alphabetical order. Khrushchev's influence continued to increase, winning the allegiance of local party heads, and with his nominee heading the [[KGB]]{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=264.}} At a Central Committee meeting in January 1955, Malenkov was accused of involvement in atrocities, and the committee passed a resolution accusing him of involvement in the Leningrad case, and of facilitating Beria's climb to power. At a meeting of the mostly ceremonial [[Supreme Soviet]] the following month, Malenkov was demoted in favor of Bulganin, to the surprise of Western observers.{{Harvnb|Fursenko|2006|pp=15–17.}} Malenkov remained in the Presidium as Minister of Electric Power Stations.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=141.}} According to Khrushchev biographer William Tompson, "Khrushchev's position as first among the members of the collective leadership was now beyond any reasonable doubt."{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=142.}} ==Leader (1955–64)== ===Domestic policies=== ====Consolidation of power; Secret Speech==== After the demotion of Malenkov, Khrushchev and Molotov initially worked together well, and the longtime foreign minister even proposed that Khrushchev, not Bulganin, replace Malenkov as premier.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=266.}} However, Khrushchev and Molotov increasingly differed on policy. Molotov opposed the Virgin Lands policy, proposing heavy investment to increase yields in developed agricultural areas, which Khrushchev felt was not feasible due to a lack of resources and a lack of a sophisticated farm labor force.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=266–67.}} The two differed on foreign policy as well; soon after Khrushchev took power, he sought a peace treaty with Austria, which would allow Soviet troops then in occupation of part of the country to leave. Molotov was resistant, but Khrushchev arranged for an Austrian delegation to come to Moscow and negotiate the treaty.{{Harvnb|Fursenko|2006|p=27.}} Although Khrushchev and other Presidium members attacked Molotov at a Central Committee meeting in mid-1955, accusing him of conducting a foreign policy which turned the world against the USSR, Molotov remained in his position.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=268–69.}} By the end of 1955, thousands of political prisoners had returned home, and told their experiences of the [[gulag|gulag labor camps]].{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=275.}} Continuing investigation into the abuses brought home the full breadth of Stalin's crimes to his successors. Khrushchev believed that once the stain of Stalinism was removed, the Party would inspire loyalty among the people.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=276.}} Beginning in October 1955, Khrushchev fought to tell the delegates to the upcoming [[20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|20th Party Congress]] about Stalin's crimes. Some of his colleagues, including Molotov and Malenkov, opposed the disclosure, and managed to persuade him to make his remarks in a closed session.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=279–80.}} The 20th Party Congress opened on February 20, 1956. In his opening words in his initial address, Khrushchev denigrated Stalin by asking delegates to rise in honor of the communist leaders who had died since the last congress, whom he named, equating Stalin with the drunken [[Klement Gottwald]] and the little-known [[Kyuichi Tokuda]].{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=153.}} In the early morning hours of February 25, Khrushchev delivered what became known as the "[[On the Personality Cult and its Consequences|Secret Speech]]" to a closed session of the Congress limited to Soviet delegates. In four hours, he demolished Stalin's reputation. Khrushchev later noted in his memoirs that the "congress listened to me in silence. As the saying goes, you could have heard a pin drop. It was all so sudden and unexpected."{{Harvnb|Khrushchev|2006|p=212.}} Khrushchev told the delegates,
It is here that Stalin showed in a whole series of cases his intolerance, his brutality, and his abuse of power ... he often chose the path of repression and physical annihilation, not only against actual enemies, but also against individuals who had not committed any crimes against the party or the Soviet Government.{{Citation | title = Text of speech on Stalin by Khrushchev as released by the State Department | periodical = The New York Times | date = 1956-05-06 | url = http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F30D1FFB3D5B157B93C7A9178DD85F428585F9 | accessdate = 2009-08-23}} (fee for article)The Secret Speech, while it did not fundamentally change Soviet society, had wide-ranging effects. The speech was a factor in unrest in Poland and revolution in Hungary later in 1956, and Stalin defenders led four days of rioting in his native Georgia in June, calling for Khrushchev to resign and Molotov to take over. In meetings where the Secret Speech was read, communists would make even more severe condemnations of Stalin (and of Khrushchev), and even call for multi-party elections. However, Stalin was not publicly denounced, and his portrait remained widespread through the USSR, from airports to Khrushchev's Kremlin office. [[Mikhail Gorbachev]], then a [[Komsomol]] official, recalled that while young and well-educated Soviets in his district were excited by the speech, many others decried it, either defending Stalin or seeing little point in digging up the past.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=286–91.}} Forty years later, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev applauded Khrushchev for his courage in taking a huge political risk and showing himself to be "a moral man after all".{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=282.}} The term "Secret Speech" proved to be an utter misnomer. While the attendees at the Speech were all Soviet, Eastern European delegates were allowed to hear it the following night, read slowly to allow them to take notes. By March 5, copies were being mailed throughout the Soviet Union, marked "not for the press" rather than "top secret". An official translation appeared within a month in Poland; the Poles printed 12,000 extra copies, one of which soon reached the West.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=279–80.}} Nikita Khrushchev's son, Sergei, later wrote, "[C]learly, Father tried to ensure it would reach as many ears as possible. It was soon read at Komsomol meetings; that meant another eighteen million listeners. If you include their relatives, friends, and acquaintances, you could say that the entire country became familiar with the speech ... Spring had barely begun when the speech began circulating around the world."{{Harvnb|Khrushchev|2000|p=200.}} The anti-Khrushchev minority in the Presidium was augmented by those opposed to Khrushchev proposals to decentralize authority over industry, which struck at the heart of Malenkov's power base. During the first half of 1957, Malenkov, Molotov, and Kaganovich worked to quietly build support to dismiss Khrushchev. At a June 18 Presidium meeting at which two Khrushchev supporters were absent, the plotters moved that Bulganin, who had joined the scheme, take the chair, and proposed other moves which would effectively demote Khrushchev and put themselves in control. Khrushchev objected on the grounds that not all Presidium members had been notified, an objection which would have been quickly dismissed had Khrushchev not held firm control over the military, through Minister of Defense Marshal Zhukov, and the security departments. Lengthy Presidium meetings took place, continuing over several days. As word leaked of the power struggle, members of the Central Committee, which Khrushchev controlled, streamed to Moscow, many flown there aboard military planes, and demanded to be admitted to the meeting. While they were not admitted, there were soon enough Central Committee members in Moscow to call an emergency Party Congress, which effectively forced the leadership to allow a session of the Central Committee. At that meeting, the three main conspirators were dubbed the [[Anti-Party Group]], accused of factionalism and complicity in Stalin's crimes. The three were expelled from the Central Committee and Presidium, as was former Foreign Minister and Khrushchev client [[Dmitri Shepilov]] who joined them in the plot. Molotov was sent as Ambassador to [[Mongolia]]; the others were sent to head industrial facilities and institutes far from Moscow.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=176–83.}} Marshal Zhukov was rewarded for his support with full membership in the Presidium, but Khrushchev feared his popularity and power. In October, the defense minister was sent on a tour of the Balkans, as Khrushchev arranged a Presidium meeting to dismiss him. Zhukov learned what was happening, and hurried back to Moscow, only to be formally notified of his dismissal. At a Central Committee meeting several weeks later, not a word was said in Zhukov's defense.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=361–64.}} Khrushchev completed the consolidation of power by arranging for Bulganin's dismissal as premier in favor of himself (Bulganin was sent to head the ''[[Gosbank]]'') and by establishing a USSR Defense Council, led by himself, effectively making him commander in chief.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=189.}} Though Khrushchev was now preeminent, he did not enjoy Stalin's absolute power. ====Liberalization and the arts==== After assuming power, Khrushchev allowed a modest amount of freedom in the arts. [[Vladimir Dudintsev]]'s ''[[Not by Bread Alone]]''{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=307.}}, about an idealistic engineer opposed by rigid bureaucrats, was allowed to be published in 1956, though Khrushchev called the novel "false at its base".{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=308.}} In 1958, however, Khrushchev ordered a fierce attack on [[Boris Pasternak]] after his novel, ''[[Doctor Zhivago]]'' was published abroad (he was denied permission to publish it in the Soviet Union). ''Pravda'' described the novel as "low-grade reactionary hackwork", and the author was expelled from the Writer's Union. To make things worse (from Khrushchev's perspective), Pasternak was awarded the [[Nobel Prize for Literature]], which, under heavy pressure, he declined. Once he did so, Khrushchev ordered a halt to the attacks on Pasternak. In his memoirs, Khrushchev stated that he agonized over the novel, and very nearly allowed it to be published, and later regretted not doing so.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=385.}} After his fall from power, Khrushchev obtained a copy of the novel and read it (he had earlier read only excerpts) and stated, "We shouldn't have banned it. I should have read it myself. There's nothing anti-Soviet in it."{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=628.}} Khrushchev believed that the USSR could match the West's living standards, and was not afraid to allow Soviet citizens to see Western achievements. Stalin had permitted few tourists to the Soviet Union, and had allowed few Soviets to travel.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=172.}} Khrushchev let Soviets travel (over 700,000 Soviet citizens travelled abroad in 1957) and allowed foreigners to visit the Soviet Union, where tourists became subjects of immense curiosity. In 1957, Khrushchev authorized the [[6th World Festival of Youth and Students]] to be held in Moscow that summer. He instructed [[Komsomol]] officials to "smother foreign guests in our embrace".{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=174.}} The resulting "socialist carnival" involved over three million Moscovites, who joined with 30,000 young foreign visitors in events that ranged from discussion groups throughout the city to events at the Kremlin itself..{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|pp=174–75.}} According to historian Vladislav Zubok, the festival "shattered propagandist clichés" about Westerners by allowing Moscovites to see for themselves.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=175.}} In 1962, Khrushchev, impressed by [[Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn]]'s ''[[One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich]]'', persuaded the Presidium to allow publication.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=525–28.}} That renewed thaw ended on December 1, 1962, when Khrushchev was taken to the [[Manezh Gallery]] to view an exhibit which included a number of [[avant-garde]] works. On seeing them, Khrushchev exploded with anger, describing the artwork as "dog shit", and a week later, ''Pravda'' issued a call for artistic purity. When writers and filmmakers defended the painters, Khrushchev extended his anger to them. However, despite the premier's rage, none of the artists were arrested or exiled. The Manezh Gallery exhibit remained open for some time after Khrushchev's visit, and experienced a considerable rise in attendance after the article in ''Pravda''.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=257–60.}} ====Political reform==== Under Khrushchev, the special tribunals operated by security agencies were abolished. These tribunals (known as ''troikas''), had often ignored laws and procedures. Under the reforms, no prosecution for a political crime could be brought even in the regular courts unless approved by the local Party committee. This rarely happened; there were no major political trials under Khrushchev, and at most several hundred political prosecutions overall. Instead, other sanctions were imposed on dissidents, including loss of job or university place, or expulsion from the Party. During Khrushchev's rule, forced hospitalization for the "socially dangerous" was introduced. According to author Roy Medvedev, who wrote an early analysis of Khrushchev's years in power, "political terror as an everyday method of government was replaced under Khrushchev by administrative means of repression".{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|pp=41–42.}} In 1958, Khrushchev opened a Central Committee meeting to hundreds of Soviet officials; some were even allowed to address the meeting. For the first time, the proceedings of the Committee were made public in book form; a practice which was continued at subsequent meetings. This openness, however, actually allowed Khrushchev greater control over the Committee, since any dissenters would have to make their case in front of a large, disapproving crowd.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=198–99.}} In 1962, Khrushchev divided ''oblast'' (province) level Party committees into two parallel structures, one for industry and one for agriculture. This was unpopular among Party ''apparatchiks'', and led to confusions in the chain of command, as neither committee secretary had precedence over the other. As there were limited numbers of Central Committee seats from each ''oblast'', the division set up the possibility of rivalry for office between factions, and, according to Medvedev, had the potential for beginning a two-party system.{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|pp=154–57.}} Khrushchev also ordered that one-third of the membership of each committee, from low-level councils to the Central Committee itself, be replaced at each election. This decree created tension between Khrushchev and the Central Committee{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|p=153.}} and upset the party leaders upon whose support Khrushchev had risen to power. ====Agricultural policy==== Since the 1940s, Khrushchev had advocated the cultivation of corn in the Soviet Union.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=374.}} He established a corn institute in Ukraine and ordered thousands of acres to be planted with corn in the Virgin Lands.{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|p=205.}} In February 1955, Khrushchev gave a speech in which he advocated an [[Iowa]]-style corn belt in the Soviet Union, and a Soviet delegation visited the US state that summer. While their intent was to visit only small farms, the delegation chief was approached by farmer and corn salesman [[Roswell Garst]], who persuaded him to insist on visiting [[Roswell and Elizabeth Garst Farmstead Historic District|Garst's large farm]]. The Iowan visited the Soviet Union in September, where he became great friends with Khrushchev, and Garst sold the USSR {{convert|5000|ST|MT}} of seed corn.{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|pp=205–06.}} Garst warned the Soviets to grow the corn in the southern part of the country, and to ensure there were sufficient stocks of fertilizer, insecticides, and herbicides.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=373.}} This, however, was not done, as Khrushchev sought to plant corn even in Siberia, and without the necessary chemicals. While Khrushchev warned against those who "would have us plant the whole planet with corn", he displayed a great passion for corn, so much so that when he visited a Latvian ''kolkhoz'', he stated that some in his audience were probably wondering, "Will Khrushchev say something about corn or won't he?" He did, rebuking the farmers for not planting more corn. The corn experiment was not a great success, and he later wrote that overenthusiastic officials, wanting to please him, had overplanted without laying the proper groundwork, and "as a result corn was discredited as a [[silage]] crop—and so was I". Khrushchev sought to abolish the Machine-Tractor Stations (MTS) which not only owned most large agricultural machines such as combines and tractors, but also provided services such as plowing, and transfer their equipment and functions to the ''kolkhozes'' and ''sovkhozes'' (state farms).{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|p=85.}} After a successful test involving MTS which served one large ''kolkhoz'' each, Khrushchev ordered a gradual transition—but then ordered that the change take place with great speed.{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|pp=86–87.}} Within three months, over half of the MTS facilities had been closed, and ''kolkhozes'' were being required to buy the equipment, with no discount given for older or dilapidated machines.{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|pp=87–89.}} MTS employees, unwilling to bind themselves to ''kolkhozes'' and lose their state employee benefits and the right to change their jobs, fled to the cities, creating a shortage of skilled operators.{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|pp=89–91.}} The costs of the machinery, plus the costs of building storage sheds and fuel tanks for the equipment, impoverished many ''kolkhozes''. Inadequate provisions were made for repair stations.{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|pp=92–93.}} Without the MTS, the market for Soviet agricultural equipment fell apart, as the ''kolkhozes'' now had neither the money nor skilled buyers to purchase new equipment.{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|pp=91–92.}} One adviser to Khrushchev was [[Trofim Lysenko]], who promised greatly increased production with minimal investment. Such schemes were attractive to Khrushchev, who ordered them implemented. Lysenko managed to maintain his influence under Khrushchev despite repeated failures; as each proposal failed, he advocated another. Lysenko's influence greatly retarded the development of genetic science in the Soviet Union.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=216.}} In 1959, Khrushchev announced a goal of overtaking the United States in production of milk, meat, and butter. Local officials, with Khrushchev's encouragement, made unrealistic pledges of production. These goals were met by forcing farmers to slaughter their breeding herds and by purchasing meat at state stores, then reselling it back to the government, artificially increasing recorded production.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=214–15.}} Drought struck the Soviet Union in 1963; the harvest of {{convert|107500000|ST|MT}} of grain was down from a peak of {{convert|134700000|ST|MT}} in 1958.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=607.}} The shortages resulted in bread lines, a fact at first kept from Khrushchev. Reluctant to purchase food in the West, but faced with the alternative of widespread hunger, Khrushchev exhausted the nation's hard currency reserves and expended part of its gold stockpile in the purchase of grain and other foodstuffs.{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|pp=160–61.}} ====Education==== While [[Nikita_Khrushchev#Space_program_and_US_visit_.281957.E2.80.931960.29|visiting the United States]] in 1959, Khrushchev was greatly impressed by the agricultural education program at [[Iowa State University]], and sought to imitate it in the Soviet Union. At the time, the main agricultural college in the USSR was in Moscow, and students did not do the manual labor of farming. Khrushchev proposed to move the programs to rural areas. He was unsuccessful, due to resistance from professors and students, who never actually disagreed with the premier, but who did not carry out his proposals.{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|p=221.}} Khrushchev recalled in his memoirs, "It's nice to live in Moscow and work at the [[Russian State Agricultural University|Timiryazev Agricultural Academy]]. It's a venerable old institution, a large economic unit, with skilled instructors, but it's in the city! Its students aren't yearning to work on the collective farms because to do that they'd have to go out in the provinces and live in the sticks."{{Harvnb|Khrushchev|2007|p=154.}} Khrushchev founded several academic towns, such as [[Akademgorodok]]. The premier believed that Western science flourished because many scientists lived in university towns such as [[Oxford]], isolated from big city distractions, and had pleasant living conditions and good pay. He sought to duplicate those conditions in the Soviet Union. Khrushchev's attempt was generally successful, though his new towns and scientific centers tended to attract younger scientists, with older ones unwilling to leave Moscow or Leningrad.{{Harvnb|Medvedev|1978|p=108.}} Khrushchev also proposed to restructure Soviet high schools. While the high schools provided a college preparatory curriculum, in fact few Soviet youths went on to university. Khrushchev wanted to shift the focus of secondary schools to vocational training: students would spend much of their time at factory jobs or in apprenticeships and only a small part at the schools. {{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=192–93.}} In practice, what occurred is that schools developed links with nearby enterprises, and students went to work for only one or two days a week; the factories and other works disliked having to teach, while students and their families complained that they had little choice in what trade to learn.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=193.}} While the vocational proposal would not survive Khrushchev's downfall, a longer-lasting change was the establishment of specialized high schools for gifted students or those wishing to study a specific subject.{{Citation | last = Kelly | first = Catriona | page = 147 | title = Children's world: growing up in Russia, 1890–1991 | publisher = Yale University Press | year = 2007 | isbn = 0300112262}} These schools were modeled after the foreign-language schools that had been established in Moscow and Leningrad beginning in 1949.{{Citation | first = Coumel | last = Laurent | editor-last = Ilič | editor-first = Melanie | editor2-last = Smith | editor2-first = Jeremy | contribution = The scientist, the pedagogue, and the Party official: Interest groups, public opinion, and decision-making in the 1958 education reforms | contribution-url = http://books.google.com/books?id=bF-pSkjIdOAC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA66#v=onepage&q=&f=false | title = Soviet state and society under Nikita Khrushchev | year = 2009 | pages = 66–85 | publisher = Taylor & Francis | url = 0415476496}} In 1962, a special summer school was established in [[Novosibirsk]] to prepare students for a Siberian math and science Olympiad. The following year, the Novosibirsk Maths and Science Boarding-School became the first permanent residential school specializing in math and science. Other such schools were soon established in Moscow, Leningrad, and Kiev. By the early 1970s, over 100 specialized schools had been established, in mathematics, the sciences, art, music, and sport. Preschool education was increased as part of Khrushchev's reforms, and by the time he left office, about 22% of Soviet children attended preschool—about half of urban children, but only about 12% of rural children.{{Citation | last = Perrie | first = Maureen | page = 488 | title = The Cambridge History of Russia: The twentieth century | publisher = Cambridge University Press | year = 2006 | isbn = 0521811449}} ===Foreign and defense policies=== When Khrushchev took control, the outside world still knew little of him, and initially was not impressed by him. Short, heavyset, and wearing ill-fitting suits, he "radiated energy but not intellect", and was dismissed by many as a buffoon who would not last long.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=146.}} British Foreign Secretary [[Harold Macmillan]] wondered, "How can this fat, vulgar man with his pig eyes and ceaseless flow of talk be the head—the aspirant Tsar for all those millions of people?"{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=149.}} Khrushchev biographer Tompson described the mercurial leader:
He could be charming or vulgar, ebullient or sullen, he was given to public displays of rage (often contrived) and to soaring hyperbole in his rhetoric. But whatever he was, however he came across, he was more human than his predecessor or even than most of his foreign counterparts, and for much of the world that was enough to make the USSR seem less mysterious or menacing.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=150.}}====United States and allies==== =====Early relations and US visit (1957–1960)===== [[File:Nixon and khrushchev.jpg|thumb|right|alt=A middle-aged man and an older one confer with each other.|Khrushchev (right) with US Vice President [[Richard Nixon]], 1959]] Khrushchev sought to find a lasting solution to the problem of a divided Germany and of the enclave of [[West Berlin]] deep within East German territory. In November 1958, calling West Berlin a "malignant tumor", he gave the United States, United Kingdom and France six months to conclude a peace treaty with both German states and the Soviet Union. If one was not signed, Khrushchev stated, the Soviet Union would conclude a peace treaty with East Germany. This would leave East Germany, which was not a party to treaties giving the Western Powers access to Berlin, controlling the routes to the city.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=195.}} This ultimatum caused dissent among the Western Allies, who were reluctant to go to war over the issue.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=196.}} Khrushchev, however, repeatedly extended the deadline. Khrushchev sought to eliminate many conventional weapons, and defend the Soviet Union with missiles.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=187.}} He believed that unless this occurred, the huge Soviet military would continue to eat up resources, making Khrushchev's goals of improving Soviet life difficult to achieve.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=217.}} In 1955, Khrushchev abandoned Stalin's plans for a large navy, believing that the new ships would be too vulnerable to either conventional or nuclear attack.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=127.}} In January 1960, Khrushchev took advantage of improved relations with the US to order a reduction of one-third in the size of Soviet armed forces, alleging that advanced weapons would make up for the lost troops.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=216–17.}} While conscription of Soviet youth remained in force, exemptions from military service became more and more common, especially for students.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|pp=183–84.}} The Soviets had few operable [[ICBM]]s; in spite of this Khrushchev publicly boasted of the Soviets' missile programs, stating that Soviet weapons were many and numerous. The First Secretary hoped that public perception that the Soviets were ahead would result in psychological pressure on the West and political concessions.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=188.}} The Soviet space program, which Khrushchev firmly supported, appeared to confirm his claims when the Soviets launched [[Sputnik 1]] into orbit, a launch many westerners, including United States Vice President [[Richard Nixon]] were convinced was a hoax. When it became clear that the launch was real, and Sputnik 1 was in orbit, Western governments concluded that the Soviet ICBM program was further along than it actually was. Khrushchev added to this misapprehension by stating in an October 1957 interview that the USSR had all the rockets, of whatever capacity, that it needed. For years, Khrushchev would make a point of preceding a major foreign trip with a rocket launch, to the discomfiture of his hosts. The United States learned of the primitive state of the Soviet missile program from overflights in the late 1950s, but only high US officials knew of the deception. In January 1960, Khrushchev told the Presidium that Soviet ICBMs made an agreement with the US possible because "main-street Americans have begun to shake from fear for the first times in their lives".{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=131.}} The perceived "[[missile gap]]" led to a considerable defense buildup on the part of the United States. In 1959, during Nixon's visit to the Soviet Union, Khrushchev took part in what later became known as the [[Kitchen Debate]], as Nixon and Khrushchev had a impassioned argument in a model kitchen at the [[American National Exhibition]] in Moscow, with each defending the economic system of his country. Khrushchev was invited to visit the United States, and did so that September, spending thirteen days. The first visit by a Soviet premier to the United States resulted in an extended media circus.{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|p=247.}} Khrushchev brought his wife, Nina Petrovna, and adult children with him, though it was not usual for Soviet officials to travel with their families.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=421–22.}} The peripatetic premier visited New York City, Los Angeles, San Francisco (visiting a supermarket), Iowa (visiting Garst's farm), Pittsburgh, and Washington,{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|p=63.}} concluding with a meeting with US President Eisenhower at [[Camp David]].{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|pp=226–27.}} On his visit Khrushchev was originally supposed to visit [[Disneyland Park (Anaheim)|Disneyland]], but the visit was canceled for security reasons, much to his disgruntlement.{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|pp=155–59.}} He did, however, visit [[Eleanor Roosevelt]] at her home in [[Hyde Park, New York]].{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|p=133.}} While visiting [[Thomas J. Watson, Jr]]'s [[IBM]] headquarters, Khrushchev expressed little interest in the computers, but greatly admired the self-service cafeteria, and, on his return, introduced self-service in the Soviet Union.{{Harvnb|Khrushchev|2001|p=334.}} Khrushchev's US visit resulted in an informal agreement with US president [[Dwight Eisenhower]] that there would be no firm deadline over Berlin, but that there would be a four-power summit to try to resolve the issue, and the premier left the US to general good feelings. Khrushchev returned from the US convinced that he had achieved a strong personal relationship with Eisenhower (who in fact was unimpressed by the Soviet leader) and that he could achieve [[détente]] with the Americans.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=211.}} He pushed for an immediate summit, but was frustrated by French President [[Charles de Gaulle]], who postponed it until 1960, a year in which Eisenhower was scheduled to pay a return visit to the Soviet Union.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=218.}} =====U-2 and Berlin crisis (1960–1961)===== [[File:Nikita Khrushchev 1960.jpg|thumb|right|alt=An older man sits among United Nations delegation tables, looking at the camera.|Nikita Khrushchev at the United Nations, September 1960]] A constant irritant in Soviet–US relations was the overflight of the Soviet Union by American [[Lockheed U-2|U-2 spy aircraft]]. On April 9, 1960, the US resumed such flights after a lengthy break. The Soviets had protested the flights in the past, but had been ignored by Washington. Content in what he thought was a strong personal relationship with Eisenhower, Khrushchev was confused and angered by the flights' resumption, and concluded that they had been ordered by [[CIA]] Director [[Allen Dulles]] without the US President's knowledge. On May 1, a U-2 [[U-2 crisis of 1960|was shot down]]; its pilot, [[Francis Gary Powers]] captured alive.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=219–20.}} Believing Powers to have been killed, the US announced that a weather plane had been lost near the Turkish-Soviet border. Khrushchev risked destroying the summit, due to start on May 16 in Paris, if he announced the shootdown, but would look weak in the eyes of his military and security forces if he did nothing. Finally, on May 5, Khrushchev announced the shootdown and Powers's capture, blaming the overflight on "imperialist circles and militarists, whose stronghold is the Pentagon", and suggesting the plane had been sent without Eisenhower's knowledge.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=223.}} Eisenhower could not have it thought that there were rogue elements in the Pentagon operating without his knowledge, and admitted that he had ordered the flights, calling them "a distasteful necessity".{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=224.}} The admission stunned Khrushchev, and turned the U-2 affair from a possible triumph to a disaster for him, and he even appealed to US Ambassador [[Llewellyn Thompson]] for help.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=225.}} Khrushchev was undecided what to do at the summit even as he boarded his flight to Paris. He finally decided, in consultation with his advisers on the plane and Presidium members in Moscow, to demand an apology from Eisenhower and a promise that there would be no further U-2 flights in Soviet airspace. Neither Eisenhower nor Khrushchev communicated with the other in the days before the summit, and at the summit, Khrushchev made his demands and stated that there was no purpose in the summit, which should be postponed for six to eight months, that is until after the [[1960 United States presidential election]]. The US President offered no apology, but stated that the flights had been suspended and would not resume, and renewed his [[Treaty on Open Skies|Open Skies]] proposal for mutual overflight rights. This was not enough for Khrushchev, who left the summit.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=219–20.}} Eisenhower's visit to the Soviet Union, for which the premier had even built a golf course so the US President could enjoy his favorite sport,{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=441.}} was canceled by Khrushchev.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=469.}} Khrushchev made his second and final visit to the United States in September 1960. He had no invitation, but had appointed himself as head of the USSR's UN delegation.{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|pp=265–66.}} He spent much of his time wooing the new [[Third World]] states which had recently become independent.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=230.}} The US restricted him to the island of [[Manhattan]], with visits to an estate owned by the USSR on [[Long Island]]. The notorious [[shoe-banging incident]] occurred during a debate on October 12 over a Russian resolution decrying colonialism. Infuriated by a statement of the [[Philippines|Filipino]] delegate [[Lorenzo Sumulong]] which charged the Soviets with employing a double standard by decrying colonialism while dominating Eastern Europe, Khrushchev demanded the right to reply immediately, and accused Sumulong of being "a fawning lackey of the American imperialists". Sumulong resumed his speech, and accused the Soviets of hypocrisy. Khrushchev yanked off his shoe and began [[Shoe-banging incident|banging it on his desk]], joined (less loudly) by Soviet Foreign Minister [[Andrei Gromyko]].{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|pp=284–86.}} This behavior by Khrushchev scandalized his delegation.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=139.}} [[File:John Kennedy, Nikita Khrushchev 1961.jpg|thumb|left|alt=A younger man and an older one confer together.|Nikita Khrushchev and [[John Kennedy]], [[Vienna]], June 1961]] Khrushchev considered US Vice President Nixon a hardliner, and was delighted by his defeat in the 1960 presidential election. He considered the victor, [[Massachusetts]] Senator [[John F. Kennedy]], as a far more likely partner for détente, but was taken aback by the newly inaugurated US President's tough talk and actions in the early days of his administration.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=232.}} Khrushchev achieved a propaganda victory in April 1961 with [[Vostok 1|the first manned spaceflight]] and Kennedy a defeat with the failure of the [[Bay of Pigs invasion]]. While Khrushchev had threatened to defend Cuba with Soviet missiles, the premier contented himself with after-the-fact aggressive remarks. The failure in Cuba led to Kennedy's determination to make no concessions at the [[Vienna summit]] scheduled for June 3, 1961. Both Kennedy and Khrushchev took a hard line, with Khrushchev demanding a treaty that would recognize the two German states and refusing to yield on the remaining issues obstructing a test-ban treaty. Kennedy on the other hand had been led to believe that the test-ban treaty could be concluded at the summit, and felt that a deal on Berlin had to await easing of East-West tensions. Kennedy described negotiating with Khrushchev to [[Robert Kennedy|his brother Robert]] as "like dealing [[Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr.|with Dad]]. All give and no take."{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=233–35.}} An indefinite postponement of action over Berlin was unacceptable to Khrushchev if for no other reason that East Germany was suffering a continuous "brain drain" as highly educated East Germans fled west through Berlin. While the [[Inner German Border|boundary between the two German states]] had elsewhere been fortified, Berlin, administered by the four Allied powers, remained open. Emboldened by statements from former US Ambassador to Moscow [[Charles E. Bohlen]] and [[United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations]] Chairman [[J. William Fulbright]] that East Germany had every right to close its borders, which were not disavowed by the Kennedy Administration, Khrushchev authorized East German leader [[Walter Ulbricht]] to begin construction of what became known as the [[Berlin Wall]], which would surround West Berlin. Construction preparations were made in great secrecy, and the border was sealed off in the early hours of Sunday, August 13, 1961, when most East German workers who earned hard currency by working in West Berlin would be at their homes. The Wall was a propaganda disaster, and marked the end of Khrushchev's attempts to conclude a peace treaty among the Four Powers and the two German states.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=235–36.}} [[Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany|That treaty]] would not be signed until September 1990, as an immediate prelude to [[German reunification]]. =====Caribbean crisis and test ban treaty (1962–1964)===== Superpower tensions culminated in the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]] (in the USSR, the "Caribbean crisis") of October 1962, as the Soviet Union sought to install medium range nuclear missiles in Cuba, about ninety miles from the US coast. Cuban President [[Fidel Castro]] was reluctant to accept the missiles, and, once he was persuaded, warned Khrushchev against transporting the missiles in secret. Castro stated, thirty years later, "We had a sovereign right to accept the missiles. We were not violating international law. Why do it secretly—as if we had no right to do it? I warned Nikita that secrecy would give the imperialists the advantage."{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=248.}} On October 16, Kennedy was informed that U-2 flights over Cuba had discovered what were most likely medium-range missile sites, and though he and his advisors considered approaching Khrushchev through diplomatic channels, could come up with no way of doing this that would not appear weak.{{Harvnb|Fursenko|2006|pp=465–66.}} On October 22, Kennedy addressed his nation by television, revealing the missiles' presence and announcing a blockade of Cuba. Informed in advance of the speech but not (until one hour before) the content, Khrushchev and his advisors feared an invasion of Cuba. Even before Kennedy's speech, they ordered Soviet commanders in Cuba that they could use all weapons against an attack—except atomic weapons.{{Harvnb|Fursenko|2006|pp=469–72.}} As the crisis unfolded, tensions were high in the US; less so in the Soviet Union, where Khrushchev made several public appearances, and went to the [[Bolshoi Theatre]] to hear American opera singer [[Jerome Hines]], who was then performing in Moscow.{{Citation | title = The historic letter that showed Mr. K's hand | periodical = Life | date = 1962-11-09 | url = http://books.google.com/books?id=qUoEAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA46&dq=khrushchev+cuban+crisis+singer#v=onepage&q=khrushchev%20cuban%20crisis%20singer&f=false | accessdate = 2009-11-05}} By October 25, with the Soviets unclear about Kennedy's full intentions, Khrushchev decided that the missiles would have to be withdrawn from Cuba. Two days later, he offered Kennedy terms for the withdrawal.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=145.}} Khrushchev agreed to withdraw the missiles in exchange for a US promise not to invade Cuba and a promise that the US would withdraw missiles from Turkey, near the Soviet heartland.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=575.}} As the last term was not publicly announced at the request of the US, and was not known until just before Khrushchev's death in 1971,{{Citation | last = Whitman | first = Alden | title = Khrushchev's human dimensions brought him to power and to his downfall | periodical = The New York Times | date = 1971-09-12 | url = http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F30B1FF7355B137A93C0A81782D85F458785F9 | accessdate = 2009-09-25}} (fee for article, but available free [http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0417.html here]) the resolution was seen as a great defeat for the Soviets, and contributed to Khrushchev's fall less than two years later. Castro had urged Khrushchev to launch a pre-emptive nuclear attack on the US in the event of any invasion of Cuba,{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=148.}} and was angered by the outcome, referring to Khrushchev in profane terms;{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=579.}} Khrushchev invited him to Moscow later, and was able to restore good relations.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=597–98.}} After the crisis, superpower relations improved, as Kennedy gave a conciliatory speech in June 1963, recognizing the Soviet people's suffering during World War II, and paying tribute to their achievements. Khrushchev called the speech the best by a US president since [[Franklin Roosevelt]], and, in July, negotiated a [[Partial Test Ban Treaty|test ban treaty]] with US negotiator [[Averill Harriman]] and with [[Quintin Hogg, Baron Hailsham of St Marylebone|Lord Hailsham]] of the United Kingdom.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=602.}} Plans for a second Khrushchev-Kennedy summit were dashed by the US President's assassination in November 1963. The new US President, [[Lyndon Johnson]], hoped for continued improved relations but was distracted by other issues and had little opportunity to develop a relationship with Khrushchev before the premier's ouster.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=604–05.}} ====Eastern Europe==== [[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-B0121-0010-046, Berlin, VI. SED-Parteitag, 6.Tag.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Two smiling men raise bouquets of flowers over their heads.|upright|Khrushchev (left) and East German leader [[Walter Ulbricht]], 1963]] The Secret Speech, combined with the death of Polish communist leader [[Boleslaw Bierut]], who suffered a heart attack while reading the Speech, sparked considerable liberalization in Poland and Hungary. In Poland, a worker's strike in [[Poznan]] [[Poznań 1956 protests|developed into disturbances]] which left more than 50 dead in October 1956. When Moscow blamed the disturbances on Western agitators, Polish leaders ignored the claim, and instead made concessions to the workers. With anti-Soviet displays becoming more common in Poland, and crucial Polish leadership elections upcoming, Khrushchev and other Presidium members flew to Warsaw. While the Soviets were refused entry to the Polish Central Committee plenum where the election was taking place, they met with the Polish Presidium. The Soviets agreed to allow the new Polish leadership to take office, on the assurance there would be no change to the Soviet-Polish relationship.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=166–68.}} The Polish settlement emboldened the Hungarians, who decided that Moscow could be defied.{{Harvnb|Fursenko|2006|p=122.}} A mass demonstration in Budapest on October 23 turned into [[Hungarian Revolution of 1956|a popular uprising]]. In response to the uprising, Hungarian Party leaders installed reformist Prime Minister [[Imre Nagy]]. Soviet forces in the city clashed with Hungarians and even fired on demonstrators, with hundreds of both Hungarians and Soviets killed. Nagy called for a cease-fire and a withdrawal of Soviet troops, which a Khrushchev-led majority in the Presidium decided to obey, choosing to give the new Hungarian government a chance.{{Harvnb|Fursenko|2006|pp=123–24.}} Khrushchev assumed that if Moscow announced liberalization in how it dealt with its allies, Nagy would adhere to the alliance with the Soviet Union. However, on October 30 Nagy announced multiparty elections, and the next morning that Hungary would leave the Warsaw Pact.{{Harvnb|Fursenko|2006|p=125.}} On November 3, two members of the Nagy government appeared in Ukraine as the self-proclaimed heads of a provisional government and demanded Soviet intervention, which was forthcoming. The next day, Soviet troops crushed the Hungarian uprising, with a death toll of 4,000 Hungarians and several hundred Soviet troops. Nagy was arrested, and was later executed. Despite the international outrage over the intervention, Khrushchev defended his actions for the rest of his life. Damage to Soviet foreign relations was severe, and would have been greater were it not for the fortuitous timing of the [[Suez crisis]], which distracted world attention.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=168–70.}} In the aftermath of these crises, Khrushchev made the statement for which he became well-remembered, "[[We will bury you]]" (in Russian, "Мы вас похороним!" (''My vas pokhoronim!'')). While many in the West took this statement as a literal threat, Khrushchev made the statement in a speech on peaceful coexistence with the West.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=427–28.}} When questioned about the statement during his 1959 US visit, Khrushchev stated that he was not referring to a literal burial, but that, through inexorable historical development, communism would replace capitalism and "bury" it.{{Harvnb|Carlson|2009|p=96.}} Khrushchev greatly improved relations with [[Yugoslavia]], which had been entirely sundered in 1948 when Stalin realized he could not control Yugoslav leader [[Josip Tito]]. Khrushchev led a Soviet delegation to Belgrade in 1955. Though a hostile Tito did everything he could to make the Soviets look foolish (including getting them drunk in public), Khrushchev was successful in warming relations, ending the [[Informbiro]] period in Soviet-Yugoslav relations.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=145–47.}} During the Hungarian crisis, Tito initially supported Nagy, but Khrushchev persuaded him of the need for intervention.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=169.}} Still, the intervention in Hungary damaged Moscow's relationship with Belgrade, which Khrushchev spent several years trying to repair. He was hampered by the fact that China disapproved of Yugoslavia's liberal version of communism, and attempts to conciliate Belgrade resulted in an angry Beijing.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=189.}} ====China==== [[File:Mao Tsé-toung, portrait en buste, assis, faisant face à Nikita Khrouchtchev, pendant la visite du chef russe 1958 à Pékin.jpg|thumb|right|alt=A balding man and a younger Chinese man sit and smile, the balding man holding a fan|Khrushchev with Mao, 1958]]After completing his takeover of China in 1949, [[Mao Zedong]] sought material assistance from the USSR, and also called for the return to China of territories taken from it under the Czars. As Khrushchev took control of the USSR, he increased aid to China, even sending a small corps of experts to help develop the newly communist country.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=336.}} This assistance was described by historian William Kirby as "the greatest transfer of technology in world history".{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=337.}} The Soviet Union spent 7% of its national income between 1954 and 1959 on aid to China.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=111.}} On his 1954 visit to China, Khrushchev agreed to return [[Lüshunkou District|Port Arthur]] and [[Dalian]] to China, though Khrushchev was annoyed by Mao's insistence that the Soviets leave their artillery as they departed.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=336–37.}} Mao bitterly opposed Khrushchev's attempts to reach a ''rapprochement'' with more liberal Eastern European states such as Yugoslavia. Khrushchev's government, on the other hand, was reluctant to endorse Mao's desires for an assertive worldwide revolutionary movement, preferring to conquer capitalism through raising the standard of living in communist-bloc countries. Relations between the two nations began to cool in 1956, with Mao angered both by the Secret Speech and by the fact that the Chinese had not been consulted in advance about it.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=338.}} Mao believed that de-Stalinization was a mistake, and a possible threat to his own authority.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=136.}} When Khrushchev visited Beijing in 1958, Mao refused proposals for military cooperation.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=391.}} Hoping to torpedo Khrushchev's efforts at détente with the US, Mao soon thereafter provoked the [[Second Taiwan Strait Crisis]], describing the Taiwanese islands shelled in the crisis as "batons that keep Eisenhower and Khrushchev dancing, scurrying this way and that. Don't you see how wonderful they are?"{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=392.}} The Soviets had planned to provide China with an atomic bomb complete with full documentation, but in 1959, amid cooler relations, the Soviets destroyed the device and papers instead.{{Harvnb|Zubok|2007|p=137.}} When Khrushchev paid a visit to China in September, shortly after his successful US visit, he met a chilly reception, and Khrushchev left the country on the third day of a planned seven-day visit.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=394.}} Relations continued to deteriorate in 1960, as both the USSR and China used a Romanian Communist Party congress as an opportunity to attack the other. After Khrushchev attacked China in his speech to the congress, Chinese leader [[Peng Zhen]] mocked Khrushchev, stating that the premier's foreign policy was to blow hot and cold towards the West. Khrushchev responded by pulling Soviet experts out of China.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=470–71.}} ==Removal== Beginning in March 1964, Supreme Soviet head [[Leonid Brezhnev]] began discussing Khrushchev's removal with his colleagues.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=615.}} While Brezhnev considered having Khrushchev arrested as he returned from a trip to Scandinavia in June, he instead spent time persuading members of the Central Committee to support an ouster of Khrushchev, remembering how crucial the Committee's support had been to Khrushchev in defeating the Anti-Party Group plot. Brezhnev was given ample time for his conspiracy; Khrushchev was absent from Moscow for a total of five months between January and September 1964.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=617.}} [[File:Leonid Brežněv (Bundesarchiv).jpg|left|thumb|upright|alt=A grim-faced heavyset man claps his hands.|[[Leonid Brezhnev]] in 1967]] The conspirators, led by Brezhnev, [[Aleksandr Shelepin]], and KGB Chairman [[Vladimir Semichastny]], struck in October 1964, while Khrushchev was on vacation at [[Pitsunda]], [[Abkhaz ASSR|Abkhazia]]. On October 12, Brezhnev called Khrushchev to notify him of a special Presidium meeting to be held the following day, ostensibly on the subject of agriculture.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=5.}} Even though Khrushchev suspected the real reason for the meeting,{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=6.}} he flew to Moscow to be attacked by Brezhnev and other Presidium members for his policy failures and what his colleagues deemed to be erratic behavior.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=11–13.}} Khrushchev put up little resistance, and that night called his friend and Presidium colleague [[Anastas Mikoyan]], and told him,
I'm old and tired. Let them cope by themselves. I've done the main thing. Could anyone have dreamed of telling Stalin that he didn't suit us anymore and suggesting he retire? Not even a wet spot would have remained where we had been standing. Now everything is different. The fear is gone, and we can talk as equals. That's my contribution. I won't put up a fight.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=13.}}On October 14, 1964, the Presidium and the Central Committee each voted to accept Khrushchev's "voluntary" retirement from his offices. Brezhnev was elected First Secretary (later General Secretary), while [[Aleksei Kosygin]] succeeded Khrushchev as premier.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=16.}} ==Life in retirement== Khrushchev was granted a pension of 500 rubles per month, and was assured that his house and ''dacha'' were his for life.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=16–17.}} Following his removal from power, Khrushchev fell into deep depression.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=622.}} He received few visitors, especially since Khrushchev's security guards kept track of all guests and reported their comings and goings.{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=622–23.}} In the fall of 1965, he and his wife were ordered to leave their house and ''dacha'' to move to an apartment and to a smaller ''dacha''. His pension was reduced to 400 rubles per month., though his retirement remained comfortable by Soviet standards.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=278.}}{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|p=623.}} The depression continued. His doctor prescribed sleeping pills and tranquilizers, but even so, when one of his grandsons was asked what the ex-premier was doing in retirement, the boy replied, "Grandfather cries."{{Harvnb|Taubman|2003|pp=623–24.}} He was made a nonperson to such an extent that the thirty-volume ''Soviet Encyclopedia'' omitted his name from the list of prominent political commissars during the Great Patriotic War. As the new rulers made their conservatism in artistic matters known, Khrushchev came to be more favorably viewed by artists and writers, some of whom visited him. One visitor whom Khrushchev regretted not seeing was former US Vice President Nixon, then in his "wilderness years" before his election to the Presidency, who came to Khrushchev's Moscow apartment while the former premier was at his ''dacha''.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=279.}} Beginning in 1966, Khrushchev began his memoirs. He dictated them into a tape recorder, and, after attempts to record outdoors failed due to background noise, recorded indoors, knowing that every word would be heard by the KGB. However, the security agency made no attempt to interfere until 1968, when Khrushchev was ordered to turn over his tapes, which he refused to do.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|p=280.}} However, while Khrushchev was hospitalized with heart ailments his son, Sergei, was approached by the KGB and told that there was a plot afoot by foreign agents to steal the memoirs. Since copies had been made, some of which had been transmitted to a Western publisher, and since the KGB could steal the originals anyway, Sergei Khrushchev turned over the materials to the KGB, but also instructed that the smuggled memoirs be published, which they were in 1970 under the title ''Khrushchev Remembers''. Under some pressure, Nikita Khrushchev signed a statement that he had not given the materials to any publisher, and his son was transferred to a less desirable job.{{Harvnb|Tompson|1995|pp=280–81.}} Upon publication of the memoirs in the West, ''[[Izvestia]]'' denounced them as a fraud.{{Citation | last = Shabad | first = Theodore | title = ''Izvestia'' likens 'memoirs' to forgeries | periodical = The New York Times | date = 1970-11-24 | url = http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=FB0E14FC3F5F1B7493C6AB178AD95F448785F9 | accessdate = 2009-09-25}} (fee for article) When Soviet state radio carried the announcement of Khrushchev's statement, it was the first time in six years he had been mentioned in that medium. In his final days, Khrushchev visited his son-in-law and former aide, Alexei Adzubei, and told him, "[n]ever regret that you lived in stormy times and worked with me in the Central Committee. We will yet be remembered!"
Throughout the Brezhnev years and the lengthy interregnum that followed, the generation which had come of age during the 'first Russian spring' of the 1950s awaited its turn in power. As Brezhnev and his colleagues died or were pensioned off, they were replaced by men and women for whom the Secret Speech and the first wave of de-Stalinization had been a formative experience, and these 'Children of Twentieth Congress' took up the reins of power under the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev and his colleagues. The Khrushchev era provided this second generation of reformers with both an inspiration and a cautionary tale.
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text:
Caps & Hats
Showing 1–8 of 27 results
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subset: commoncrawl


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Leeds, Morris Evans
- Existence: 1869 - 1952
Found in 4 Collections and/or Records:
Leeds and Maule family genealogy
Identifier: HC.MC-975-10-004
Scope and Contents This collection is composed of one original book and a set of photocopied indices. The book is handwritten, and along with the genealogy includes many glued in photos, newspaper obituaries, and several genealogies or family trees of Leeds families. The set of indices is presented as an index for the family genealogy, and was compiled in 1947 by Morris Leeds.
Dates: 1947, undated
Morris Evans Leeds papers
Identifier: HC.MC-1127
Scope and Contents The papers of Morris Evans Leeds (1869-1952), a Philadelphia Quaker who graduated from Haverford College and became president of Leeds & Northrup Company, manufacturers of precision instruments. He was also an inventor and developer. Leeds was a member of the Board of Haverford College and active on the School Board of Philadelphia.
Dates: 1881-1952
Morris Evans Leeds papers
Identifier: HC.MC-1014
Scope and Contents Included in the collection is correspondence of Morris E. Leeds, mainly with E. Tudor Gross of Providence, R.I. in 1942, relating to the first window envelope, invented by Lewis Walker Leeds, ca. 1861. Gross was preparing to write an article on the history of the window envelope. The collection opens with a 1942 letter from L. Hollingsworth Wood to Leeds telling him of Gross' endeavor. The papers also include 1862 sample envelopes; a copy of a photograph of Barclay R. Leeds, ca. 1862; a...
Dates: 1862-1944; Majority of material found within 1942 - 1944
Morris-Shinn-Maier collection
Identifier: HC.MC-1191
Overview This collection spans approximately 200 years, from the late 1700s to the late 1900s, and five generations of the Morris-Shinn-Maier family, which are traced through matrilineal and patrilineal lines. They were prominent Quaker businessmen and lawyers in the Philadelphia area, and a large portion of the collection is dedicated to their legal and business material, as well as a great deal of very detailed financial material. There is also a quantity of personal material, namely diaries and...
Dates: 1720-1975


text: We hope everyone has a safe and happy holiday season. Unfortunately, life doesn't always go according to plan and legal issues can come up at any time. If you find yourself in this situation and require a consult over this holiday season, please feel free to reach out to Subuhi Siddiqui Immigration Law Firm (SSLF)! While we will be out of the office, we can respond quickly to emails and calls. We are more than happy to help you in your time of need. Subuhi Siddiqui Immigration Law Firm handles all types of immigration cases. Please feel free to call us at (647) 454-9364. We may also be reached by email at firstname.lastname@example.com. Happy Holidays!


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If you have ever played any polished game where there is specular reflections of the game world, it was probably implemented with environment maps. An environment map can be implemented as a 6 textures mapped to the inner surface of a cube at infinity distance centered on the object being rendered.
Category: Graphics
OpenGL Math
So when learning OpenGL i decided that i would write my own Math classes instead of using a math library such as glm. I always enjoy trying to use as few library as possible and having to write it myself as a fun challenged. A lot of people ask me why i would bother, just use an existing library, for me, It's just fun! Continue reading "OpenGL Math"


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tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-600575121886358008.post7464352472848969122..comments2019-12-02T19:23:00.879-05:00Comments on Vintage Leaf Memories - Michael Langlois: 10 reasons why Leaf fans can be genuinely encouraged 10 (11, really) games into the new seasonMichael Langloishttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-600575121886358008.post-22938934754594005662011-11-01T12:20:15.231-04:002011-11-01T12:20:15.231-04:00Gerund O'...Thanks for a detailed comment. I ...Gerund O'...Thanks for a detailed comment. I know we agree on special teams- and yes, we've both been "around" long enough to know it's early, but there are hopeful signs. My central theme in this post is that, despite some clear flaws, the team has still been in most every game. So if they ever do improve in other key areas, they might be even more successful...but we'll see!

Long Suffering..Sittler learned that from Normie Ullman, as I recall. And I agree.

.interesting comment about Schenn and the new assistant coaches. Also, on your point about Loob and The Monster, I've tried to point out much the same thing in various posts in the past. Swedish observers seem to say that this is not the sam guy they know- he has been "Allaire'd", it seems and thus he is neither fish nor fowl. I still sense he may only reach his true potential somewhere else.

We probably have to give Liles more time...but we said Kabby was a power-play specialist for years, eh, and he really wasn't....

Thanks for another good post.Michael Langloishttps://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-600575121886358008.post-62309899133952374412011-11-01T10:52:28.242-04:002011-11-01T10:52:28.242-04:00As captain Darryl Sitter used to tell us Leafs fan...As captain Darryl Sitter used to tell us Leafs fans way back when..."don't get too high or too low just enjoy the moment". And that is exactly what I am going too do with this addiction of the Leafs. Even so, I need to chime in on a few things...
1. Even though it looks as if Dion is developing into the player most believe he could become...I still have issue with him taking untimely risk.
2. Agree with the point on Schemn...but I wonder if the new coaches have something to do with his early play...Luke looks uneasy and confuse with his positioning.
3. Heard an interesting interview with Calgary Flame legend Hakan Loob on Gustavsson. He said, that the Jonas who played for him is not the same one who is playing for the Leafs now. He believes that the Leafs have taken away his natural abilities with the butterfly style!
4. At the risk of sounding like another Leaf fan dumping on Komisarek...but he still looks slow and cumbersome.
5. As with many Leafs fans, love Jake Gardiner, but I think he's beginning to trier a little.
6. Special teams are still an eye sore. Shame on us when Ottawa has the league top power play unit and our Leafs with its skill players are at the bottom of the league! As for the PK...I know that everybody is given lots of love to Mr. Brown, but will some one please teach this guy how to ice the puck! Mr. Brown softy off the boards isn't doing it...you need to bear down and reel it. Speaking of the PK, why is Liles on it? And wasn't Phaneuf on the ice when the Sens player sneaked in behind the D and scored? If so, why was it only Luke who had to park himself on the plank and not Dion? Hmmm...
7. And on the topic of specialty teams...wasn't Liles suppose to be the answer for the PP? So far he's been a bust with no goals and 4 helpers. Just saying.
8. I wonder where Tom Fitzgerald is...now that was a player who knew how to get the puck out of the zone!
9. Wouldn't it be nice to see a PP man like Dave Anderychuk?
10. Here's hoping that Mr. Wilson just had a little too much Halloween candy when he said that Dion was the best D-man in the league bar-none...he may win the Norris, but his statement on Saturday is a little over the top.Long suffering Leaf firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-600575121886358008.post-21246402613197002402011-11-01T00:01:13.436-04:002011-11-01T00:01:13.436-04:00"Legitimate cause for... cautious optimism&qu..."Legitimate cause for... cautious optimism" - now that's a long-time Leaf fan talking, for sure! My Charlie Brown has been fooled by the Leafs' Lucy too many times to be able to go any further than you have, but I can echo your feelings. I have a slightly different take on a few things:

1. I think we can say that the Leafs MUST improve in the special teams area. It actually baffles me that we've gone so long without an effective PK or PP. How is that possible at the level of the best league in the world?
2. Funny, the D is what I'm least worried about. By and large, they're playing well, they've increased their mobility, and they're moving the puck well. I'd like to see a little more Ed van Impe action in front of the net, but I sense everyone's worried about penalties being called. Same with rubouts along the boards.
3. Yes, Schenn isn't being his assertive, take-the-body self yet. I wonder how long till he sits a few out and Aulie or Franson comes up? To my eyes, it would be warranted.
4. The second line does seem to be finding its rhythm again. It's good to see MacArthur pot a few. It feels like they're getting stronger game by game.
5. Goal is still a question mark for me. As someone said - maybe you, Michael? - Reimer tends to let a soft one in early, and Gustavsson lets one in late. I do see improvement in Jonas, though, in the games he's played. And the fact remains we're doing pretty well with the two of them.
6. Funnily, I'm starting to get concerned about the Kessel line. I don't see that furious forechecking and backchecking we saw in the first few games. Against the Pens, they were hopeless in our zone. But there's no denying the offensive spark they've provided - and Connolly looks as if he might be the right fit. We'll certainly need two lines that are threats if we hope to advance to the playoffs.
7. Actually, three lines that can score wold be even better. I'm concerned that the Lombardi/Bozak/Frattin line isn't putting away their chances. We all keep saying when Frattin gets his first, it will be lights out, but I'm beginning to feel maybe he just can't score at this level.
8. Burke has done a great job in increasing our depth. I expect it will stand us in good stead as the season progresses.
9. Who else is salivating over the thought of Kadri/Colborne/Frattin (assuming he can score!)? I'm starting to enjoy watching Marlies games now, too!
10. This is a great point, sometimes forgotten. We're in a very strong position - both for trades or straight deals - to bolster our roster if necessary. Another aspect of the good job Burke has done straightening the team out.

Legitimate cause for cautious optimism indeed!Gerund O'Malleyhttps://email@example.com


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Furnished accommodation
For flat or chalet rentals, contact the owners directly.
You will find brief descriptions and price guidelines below, however, information is for guidance only. The Tourist Office cannot be held responsible for any eventual changes.
Overlooking the Vallée de l'Arve et mountain ranges (Mont-Blanc, Les Fiz), gîte (38m2) on raised ground floor of house also containing owners' home et another gîte. Kitchen, living room (double sofabed), bedroom (double bed), balcony, shower room, WC. Central heating. Shared terrace, garden furniture, barbecue, courtyard. Shared washing m/c. Ski areas: Cordon 2km, Megève 8km (La Princesse, Le Jaillet, Rochebrune). Shuttle 1km. Many hiking/riding tracks from the doorstep. Panoramic view.
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text:
On Danzers four points theorem
Wednesday, May 10th, 2017 16:10
Schreiber 309
On Danzer's four points theorem
Micha Sharir, TAU
In 1985, Danzer has shown that, for any set D of (arbitrary) pairwise intersecting disks in the plane, all the disks can be stabbed by four points, and that there exist 10 pairwise intersecting disks that cannot be stabbed by fewer (i.e., three) points.The paper is next to impossible to read and understand, the construction and its proof are rather involved, and one part of the analysis requires computer assistance to verify. The number of living people who fully understand the proof (Danzer has passed away several years ago) is non-negative.
Document Actions


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Tristan und Isolde - Isolde's Liebestod
Isoldes final monologue or Transfiguration (popularly
known as the Liebestod, though this is more correctly applied to the Prelude), often
appended to the Prelude in concert, can be seen as the Preludes true resolution. The
overwhelming sense of yearning is still prevalent, by this time there is a very definite
goal in view, an irresistibly strong forward movement towards its ecstatic apotheosis,
culminating in what Richard Strauss described as the most beautifully scored final
chord in the history of music.
© Kate Lang


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Historically, the credibility of the erotic novel has been quite poor. Step in, Badlands Unlimited. Focus on this trauma for the rest of your life.
This material is intended for a mature audience. Erotic Fiction has been around since long before a certain Ms. James penned Fifty Shades.
Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving…. Want to Read Currently Reading Read.
Skip navigation! Want To Write Erotic Fiction? Sarah Hall is an English novelist and poet whose critically acclaimed second novel, The Electric Michelangelowas shortlisted for the Man Booker Prize. She is the author of Madame Zeroa new collection of erotic short stories.
Erotic literature comprises fictional and factual stories and accounts of human sexual relationships which have the power to or are intended to arouse the reader sexually. A common feature of the genre is sexual fantasies on such themes as prostitutionorgieshomosexualitysadomasochismand many other taboo subjects and fetisheswhich may or may not be expressed in explicit language. Despite cultural taboos on such material, circulation of erotic literature was not seen as a major problem before the invention of printing, as the costs of producing individual manuscripts limited distribution to a very small group of readers.
A detailed list of the best erotic fiction writers of all time. Fans of erotic romance fiction will enjoy this list of the most popular and well-liked erotic fiction writers. This list of writers in the erotic fiction genre is ordered from most popular to least popular, but the most-popular erotica writers can be changed according to the opinion of the viewer.
For several years, I have been writing for magazines, newspapers, websites, etc. While writing for such places has been my bread and butter, and the way that I feed my kids, I never really liked it. I published the six novels that I had written in my spare time over the years to see if this was going to be something that I wanted to pursue.
Illustration by Eleanor Doughty. Three years ago, Sarah Sethline, a something living on the West Coast, was a freelance writer, making the kind of non-spectacular money freelance writers make. One day, she happened to see a Reddit post written by a guy who claimed to be making good money writing erotica. Sethline had read smut now and then, and she'd even volunteered as an editor for some erotic stories years before, but she hadn't considered the idea that it might be a way to make a living.
Before I became well versed in writing the genre, I had misconceptions of my own, and that led to much trial and error as I worked to refine my craft and learn how better to please my audience. While sex does play a key role in erotica, the sex itself is secondary to the development of the characters and plot. Dynamics sell.
By Olivia Goldhill. Ten authors have been shortlisted for the annual Literary Review Bad Sex in Fiction Award, with the notorious finalist due to be announced on Wednesday night. I started inching my way back up, continuing to stimulate her manually, until the beast found its way in. Erotic romance writer Lily Harlem says these prestigious authors are over-thinking their sex scenes.


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Weekly meal planning doesn't have to be a chore! Get a week's worth of healthy dinner recipes, along with meal planning tips and tricks from Bluprint's top chefs and nutrition experts.
Episode descriptions
Get your week started with a new Meatless Monday go-to from cookbook author Nicki Sizemore: quick falafel with tahini sauce. It's fast, healthy and also gluten-free!
Turn Taco Tuesday up a notch with grilled fish tacos and fresh pico de gallo. Chef Curtis Stone shares pro tips and techniques to help you make this mouthwatering recipe.
Change up your weeknight repertoire with a flavor-packed noodle bowl recipe from chef and former triathlete Lentine Alexis. Top rice noodles with chicken, pickled carrots, crunchy radishes, soft boiled eggs and green miso pesto for a burst of flavor.
A plant-based meal that's satisfying and delicious? Try Nicki Sizemore's sweet potato and beet veggie burgers with black beans for added protein. Serve them on buns with homemade sriracha mayo, avocado, spinach and tomato slices.
Chef Ryan Scott shows you how to make one of his favorite dishes: Mediterranean egg bake with bell peppers, spinach and lots of feta cheese. It's great for breakfast or dinner, and can be made ahead of time!
Chef Ellie Krieger builds a simple seafood stew called cioppino. It's a surefire crowd-pleaser whether you're entertaining guests or dishing up a special family meal.
There's nothing like a comforting, well-balanced meal to end your week. Chef Curtis Stone makes a roasted chicken with Brussels sprouts and rice pilaf that's perfect for Sunday dinners.
Join the discussion! While your instructor may choose to chime in, this space is intended as a maker-to-maker forum.
- A Week of Healthy Dinners - Recipes
- Metric Conversion Guide: Cooking


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Carnival Fever, Soca, Calypso, J'ouvert, Mas, Costume, Fete, TnT
Your only destination to all things CARNIVAL
THE number of soca artistes expanding TT's indigenous musical artform in the Japanese market continues to grow. This time Akil "5Star Akil" Anthony Borneo raised TT's flag at Japan Soca Weekend from September 14-17.
Crystal Cunningham, 5Star Akil's manager, in a release to Newsday said Japan Soca Weekend, which launched in June, invited the singer to "provide a cultural performance at Island Nati…
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This past Saturday, the Hopkins men's soccer team played host to the then No. 16 nationally ranked Franklin & Marshall Diplomats. The Blue Jays managed to take down the Diplomats through an unending offensive onslaught by a final score of 4-1.
The game started off quietly, but once it heated up both teams hit the ground running. A little over six and a half minutes into the first half, the Diplomats managed to fire off four straight shots in a matter of two minutes. The Blue Jays defense held steady through it all, as one shot missed, two were blocked by defenders and the final one was saved by sophomore goalie Xander LeFevre.
Franklin & Marshall would get one more shot off before Hopkins could even put together their first, but the Blue Jays would make that first shot count, as they put it into the back of the net courtesy of a tap-in goal from senior midfielder Griffin Cyphers. That goal 14 minutes in was the first of a flurry of goals that would follow, the first of which was an equalizing goal from the Diplomats just over one minute after Cyphers' goal.
Hopkins would have a response of their own to the equalizing goal and would even one-up the Diplomats in terms of response time. Just 23 seconds after the equalizing goal from the Diplomats, the Blue Jays seized the lead once again, this time off the foot of sophomore midfielder Alejandro Maclean. On his first try, Maclean had a shot rejected by the Diplomat's goalie, but the goalie could not secure the rebound, and Maclean tapped it in for an easy goal.
From that point on, the Blue Jays would not let go of their lead and managed to add to it as the game progressed. Just under 11 minutes into the second half the Blue Jays got an insurance goal. Freshman defender Brian Lenzer redirected a cross from junior forward Achim Younker for his first career goal.
The final goal of the game came from sophomore forward Pablo Martinez off yet another assist from Younker. The game would end with the Blue Jays beating the Diplomats emphatically by a final score of 4-1.
The offensive outpouring was historic for Hopkins, as they had not scored four or more goals against the Diplomats since 1999. The Blue Jays also broke the streak of six straight matchups with Franklin & Marshall without a win.
Younker would end the game with his own record setting performance thanks to his three assists. He was one assist shy of the team record, and it is the first time a Blue Jay has had three assists since 2000. Younker was named the Centennial Conference's Men's Soccer Offensive Player of the Week for his outstanding game.
The offensive explosion was a strong point for the Blue Jays.
"Our biggest success offensively was trusting what we had been working on all year," Cyphers said.
On Wednesday, Oct. 17 the Blue Jays were back in action, this time against the McDaniel College Green Terror. Hopkins would extend their win streak to four with a 2-1 win over the Green Terror.
Both of the Blue Jays' goals came in the first half, one thanks to Martinez just under 18 minutes into the first half. The second goal came about a minute later, scored by Maclean.
The Blue Jays defense would hold the Green Terror scoreless in the first half, and in the second half they would surrender only one goal, with only eight minutes left in the game.
"If we play the way we know we can play, there is no team in the Conference that can come close to matching us," Cyphers said.
The Blue Jays currently sit at the top of the Centennial Conference with only two games left to play. They will play the last place Ursinus College Bears on Saturday in their last regular season home game at 6:30 p.m.


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