text:
Watch Insertion cam endoscope tige stem cock ejac cum inside online on YouPorn. com. YouPorn is the largest Solo Male porn video site with the hottest selection of free, high quality webcam movies. Enjoy our HD porno videos on any device of your choosing!
Gabi. Age: 23. i'm beautiful lady who loves sex and is distributed to a maximum of it.will make you feel like a king in my companyi'm here to become a reality in your innermost desires!
Watch Internal camera of bare cock inside of a vagina on Pornhub. com, the best hardcore porn site. Pornhub is home to the widest selection of free Amateur sex videos full of the hottest pornstars. If you're craving homemade XXX
Eveline. Age: 25. am very esperienta model porn stars if you dream moments am the right person for you .swet, refined, sensual,i am waiting for a quality time. kiss coll my
Watch video Camera inside vagina showing cum on Redtube, home of free Wild& Crazy porn videos and Amateur sex movies online. hmmm, , , gives new meaning to the term 'Baby Cam . What a View! Would have loved to see him slurp it out! so fucken hot would love to place my dick into that wet pussy. Post. moogen
Hi Choco, nice pics. Love that smile. Keep smiling!
Wassup? Hit me up im in Hennessey
i do not look for an escort, i am looking for a sexy hot wife xxand if she is an escort it is ok xx are you single ?
Que raboo
For some reasons this site can not send Personal Message but I would like you to text me on (717 316-8745 so we can get to know each other and fulfill our sexual Fantasies
Kik me bbe 502_503
nice pic pussy . i think ur horny much now
Check out my page and hit me up
Kisha Avery. Where did u find the time to do all this. I'm still waiting to catch up with you
Delicia de mulher.
Dady want too fuck you hard and deep make you scream for more
I want to enjoy personal moments with you and pay you for your work.
Mami te quiero coger rico mami quiero esa cuca riquísimo te quiero comer esa cuca más ricca la que tienes
Hi Kelly darling, WoW! You are an absolute KO of a stunner! Thanxxx so much for accepting me among the libidinous circle of your wanna-lick-out-your-mangina wanna-fuck you studs n friends. Cunt wait for that weekend teaser that you've just mentioned. You are all ready so darn generous with your smokin pixxx it could be rude begging you to upload some of your steamy scenes for us here on xv but girl, we want them bad for our fist-humpin sessions! But thanxxx for confirming me. VENUS N EROS BLESS YA!
Hola bebé, soy de Toluca tengo 26 quieres salir conmigo?
deliciosa me gustaría masturbarme para ti dame tu mail
Hola guapa, interesada en pasarla bien escríbeme: Whastsap: 0991033583. Soy de Ambato
Llevo tiempo haciéndome esta pregunta. ¿Te haces las fotos a ti misma? Entiendo que te aseguras de que no haya nadie en casa mientras te haces las sesiones. porque podrían pillarte! Un saludo :)
© 2018 quancewines.com - All rights reserved.


text:
Despite earning a slightly better score than last year, Switzerland has dropped four places as a destination for foreign direct investment in a survey that looks at countries likely to attract the most FDI in the next three years. The 2019 AT Kearney Foreign Direct Investment Confidence Indexexternal link puts the country in 13th place compared to 9th last year. ... Read More »
Trade facilitation reforms spur development, experts say
Effective implementation of reforms to trade facilitation in developing countries can catalyse progress towards meeting development goals, attendees at an UNCTAD expert meeting heard on 7 May. The seventh session of the UNCTAD expert meeting on transport, trade logistics and trade facilitation is taking place from 7 to 9 May at the UN's European headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. The meeting ... Read More »
Switzerland strongly benefits from the EU single market
this was the result of a on Wednesday published a study by the Bertelsmann Foundation, two weeks before the European elections. The largest economy in the world increases, therefore, the income of the EU citizens, per head and year, average of about 840 Euro. Switzerland is with 2914 Euro income plus at the top of the leaderboard. Luxembourg (2834 euros), ... Read More »
DPM Heng leads team on study trip to Switzerland
Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat is in Switzerland on a study trip until Friday. He will also be speaking at the 49th St Gallen Symposium on preparing citizens for future challenges, as well as Asia's growth and its implications. In a statement yesterday, the Finance Ministry said Mr Heng, who is also the Finance Minister, will be leading a ... Read More »
The International Cannabis Business Conference (ICBC) is Coming to Zurich
The International Cannabis Business Conference (ICBC) is excited to bring its trademark blend of business, politics and culture to Zurich, Switzerland, in a team-up with the CannaTrade hemp fair. The first ICBC Zurich will be held at the beautiful Atlantis Hotel. The ICBC is traveling to Zurich after its third consecutive year in Berlin, Germany, the first and biggest business-to-business ... Read More »
Seizures of illegally imported medicines triple in Switzerland
The Federal Customs Administration seized 3,203 shipments of illegally imported medicines in 2018 – triple the amount of the previous year. These were followed by sleeping, diet and hair growth pills, the statement added. Like in 2017, the majority of illegal shipments were from India (42%), followed by Eastern Europe (32%) and Asia (mainly Singapore, 17.5%). The huge increase in ... Read More »
Watches of Switzerland celebrates 100 years in business with Rolex
To celebrate, Brian Duffy, CEO of The Watches of Switzerland Group and Richard de Leyser, managing director of Rolex, hosted an event night at the BALTIC Centre for Contemporary Art to commemorate and thank its "loyal" north east clients and businesses. As part of its centenary year, The Watches of Switzerland Group have partnered with Rolex to provide 100 watches ... Read More »
Maersk becomes first container shipping company to offer digital Ocean Customs Clearance
Every port in every country puts cargo through many different rules, regulations and laws that complicate a trader's life. Aiming to provide simple and easy-to-use solutions, Maersk has launched Customs Clearance online shipping management platform in seven European countries – Germany, France, Denmark, The Netherlands, Poland, United Kingdom and Spain – with the goal of expanding this offering across the ... Read More »
Excel in the global economy with Fribourg International Business Law
Driven by technological advancement, international trade and investments, globalisation has profoundly affected economic life and continues to do just that. To keep up with the changes and produce practical solutions to global financial issues, graduates today are upskilling their knowledge with Master's Programmes in International Business Law (IBL) at the University of Fribourg in Switzerland. Ranked among the top 250 ... Read More »
Switzerland to join BRI, boost business ties
Switzerland and China will sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on cooperation with third markets under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on Monday, Swiss President Ueli Maurer said in Beijing. The move is expected to inject new momentum into bilateral relations, Maurer said. Maurer will be in China through April 30, accompanied by a finance and business delegation. President ... Read More »
Europeans embrace Belt and Road Initiative as mutual benefits grow
When Hungary signed a cooperation document with China on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2015, it was the first European country to do so. Almost four years later and ahead of the ongoing Second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing, 22 European countries had inked BRI cooperation documents with China. Heads of state or government ... Read More »
China, Switzerland to ink MoU on closer finance, trade ties
Switzerland is expected to sign a memorandum of understanding with China focusing on finance and trade cooperation in third markets under the Belt and Road Initiative, Swiss President Ueli Maurer said in Shanghai. Maurer, leading a top-level finance and business delegation, will attend the second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing, which opens. "The MoU will strengthen ... Read More »
Swisscom launches 5G network in 102 locations in Switzerland
5G coverage is now available in 102 locations in 54 towns, including Basel, Bern, Chur, Davos, Geneva, Lausanne and Zurich. The company has pledged to roll out nationwide coverage by the end of this year. "The Swisscom 5G network will be ready for everyone across Switzerland by the end of the year," said Urs Schaeppi, CEO Swisscom's CEO, in a ... Read More »
ExecuJet Prepares Swiss FBO for July Closing of Linate
The three-month closing of Italy's Milan Linate Airport (LIN) beginning in July has ExecuJet preparing to handle a record number of aircraft movements in southern Switzerland, the unit of Luxaviation Group announced today. ExecutJet's co-branded FBO at Lugano Airport (LUG) is expected to take traffic diverted from LIN. "Our FBO at Lugano Airport is ideally located for travelers who might ... Read More »
Swiss government to overhaul customs service
Switzerland is revamping its national custom services to make it fit for the digital era. The differentiation between border guard and custom specialists will disappear under a new organisational structure. The government outlined its reform plan on Wednesday for the Federal Customs Administrationexternal link (FCA), which will become the Federal Customs and Border Security Office, saying it wants to "seize ... Read More »
Switzerland – Between a rock and a hard place
As the eurozone economy slows down after six years of uninterrupted growth, Switzerland is an anxious spectator. Amid increased concerns among the EU27 over the potential impact of a disorderly Brexit and the halt to quantitative easing from the European Central Bank's asset-purchasing programme, Europe's big three are bracing themselves while Switzerland sits in the middle, watching intently. To the ... Read More »
Switzerland plans to tighten capital rules for its biggest banks
Switzerland is proposing bigger capital cushions for the country's top banks that could force UBS Group and Credit Suisse Group to set aside an additional 24 billion Swiss francs ($24 billion) in reserves. The Finance Ministry is weighing an amendment to capital adequacy rules to try to ensure that the parent companies of systemically important banks are sufficiently well capitalized ... Read More »
Life as an EU satellite: Swiss hold lessons for UK
Britons may think about how the Swiss, Norwegians or even Turks have fared: They understand headaches and well the benefits of being near — but not a part of — the political and economic bloc. Norway, switzerland and Turkey are one of many countries that are not members of their 28-country EU however are economically to varying levels — a ... Read More »
Swiss National Bank can make monetary policy even looser
BERN: The Swiss National Bank (SNB) can further relax already ultra-loose monetary policy and take its interest rates deeper into negative territory, enlarged governing board member Martin Schlegel said on Monday. The central bank charges a rate of -0.75 percent on cash it holds for commercial banks over a certain limit, one of its tools to combat the rise of ... Read More »
IMF predicts Swiss growth to slow to 1.1% in 2019
The Swiss economy is likely to slow in 2019, with gross domestic product growth expected to hit 1.1%, followed by a "moderate" recovery in 2020, the International Monetary Fund said on Monday. The IMF said in a concluding statement, published on Monday following a mission to Switzerland and an annual evaluationexternal link, that a "sustained regional slowdown, intensification of global ... Read More »

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Back to Events
Tech Career Discovery DayApril 28, 2018, 11:00 am-2:00 pm
Discover your career in IT. Meet alumni, recruiters, industry professionals and instructors at the Tech Career Discovery Day hosted by I am IT Training.
We will have speakers who will focus on educational opportunities for youth and adults.
Are you ready to discover your career in technology? Join us on Saturday for a live, hands-on, workshop to learn about hardware tech, cybersecurity and data management.


text:
Will and Estate Planning for Adults with Disabilities
About this Event
Please join us at CILT for a workshop that will address the questions:
What is a will?
Why should I make a will?
What happens if I don't have a will?
How do I make a will?
About Elisa:
Elisa Mangina is an experienced Trusts and Estates lawyer whose practice is dedicated to serving the needs of people with disabilities, their families and not-for-profits and charities in the social, disability and developmental service sectors. Elisa has developed expertise in all aspects of the estate planning process, including the drafting of wills, Powers of Attorney and Henson Trusts. She also has substantial experience in estate administration, particularly where a beneficiary of the estate has a disability. Elisa has advised numerous clients on consent and capacity issues and navigating the court process of applying for legal guardianship of a loved one.
Elisa practices at PooranLaw Professional Corporation, a Toronto based law firm dedicated to law reform and working with individuals and families on a wide variety of legal matters that enhance community integration, inclusion, accessibility, access to community supports and government benefits, continuity of care, financial security and quality of life for persons with disabilities.
Take a look at the Inspiring Possibilities guide: http://www.planinspiringpossibilities.com/en/
Please Read the following consent form. You will be asked if you consent on your order form:
Audio/Video Consent Form
I hereby grant permission to the Centre for Independent Living in Toronto (CILT), Inc. to video-tape/ photograph me within the context of the 'Will and Estate Planning for Adults with Disabilities' event. These videos/ photos will be used exclusively for the purposes of CILT promotional displays, including newsletters and annual reports.
I understand and agree that CILT shall have the right to use my image/ photograph solely within the context specified above.
I hereby waive my right to object to the use of my image/ photograph within the context stated above, that constitutes an invasion of privacy, or otherwise violates any right that I may have in connection with the image/ photograph.
I hereby waive my right to bring and prosecute an action for defamation, or any similar action.


text:
See earlier posts from the book "Wisconsin Uprising"
3—Who Were the Leaders of the Wisconsin Uprising?
"It was another day, another demonstration in the midst of Wisconsin's dramatic, nearly month-long labor mobilization against anti-union legislation. But the protest that took place March 1 was different.
The unions, following a 100,000-strong protest on Saturday,
February 26, had broken down their soundstage and dropped the
twice-daily rallies that had become a focus of national attention. Days earlier, union officials had—according to the chief of the Capitol Police—collaborated with authorities as they ended the occupation of the building that had been a focus of activism.1
Union leaders apparently believed that they had made their point by mobilizing masses of people to Madison, and that Republican Governor Scott Walker would sit down to negotiate a compromise, as even Wisconsin's previous Republican governors had done.
Instead, Walker pressed ahead with legislation that could gut the
unions' membership and finances as well as eliminate meaningful collective bargaining. So when the governor prepared to give his budget address at the capitol building in Madison, as required by state law, thousands turned out to protest, even though no union or organization had called for any action.
Thus as union members gathered that afternoon—in what had
become the usual gamut of teachers, firefighters, social workers,
highway repair crews, electrical workers, and more—the union officials who had presided over previous protests were nowhere to be seen. The sound system that had made speeches on the capitol steps audible from several blocks away was gone. The only amplified speeches this day came via the small loudspeaker belonging to the University of Wisconsin's Teaching Assistant's Association (TAA), whose members
offered an open mike for anyone who wished to speak.
But rank-and-file union members had organized themselves to get
to the capitol anyway. They were determined that Walker's budget
speech would not go unchallenged. Many were private sector workers
who had seen their own wages and benefits cut—and often, jobs eliminated— in recent years. Among them was Jerry Thompson, who had
been a pipefitter at the now-closed Janesville plant operated by
General Motors. "I've been a card carrying member of a union for
fifty-two years," he said, but he'd never seen anything like the protests in Madison. "I am retired but I want to be here because of solidarity."
Madison teachers, who had returned to work the previous week
following their sickout, were also scattered throughout the crowd. It was part of the union's tradition, explained teacher Joan Shahrani.
"We have always been concerned about teachers' rights."
Suddenly, around 4 p.m., the crowd—furious at a police lockdown
of the capitol and the isolation of the few-dozen protesters still
occupying the building—surged forward, tearing through the orange
plastic safety fence set up that day to keep protesters away from the
northwest entrance. About a dozen Wisconsin state troopers,
alarmed, sprinted toward the main door to the capitol, racing
demonstrators who were determined to get there first. In the scuffle that ensued, one trooper was visibly shocked to find himself squaring off against Ben Gall, a hardhat-wearing member of
Ironworkers Local 8 in Milwaukee, as scores of others tried pushing
their way into the capitol.
Page 60
The dozens of police officers posted inside the entrance finally
managed to get the doors closed, and the two shaken troopers who had been stranded outside nervously threaded their way through a crowd that was pounding the doors, chanting, "Whose house? Our house!"
Gall was asked if the police had roughed him up. The compact but
powerfully built ironworker said simply, "I don't get pushed around."2
He was angry, he said, because "Scott Walker kicked us out of our
house," referring to the end of the occupation two days earlier. "This is a union-busting thing."
Gall's Local 8 veteran union brother, Ron Moore, explained why
the two men, like many other workers in the building trades, had made the trip to Madison that day despite the absence of any official call to action. "All we have, this is it. Right here. This is the epicenter for the working person's future."
After the shoving match with state troopers, the marchers gathered
around and discussed what do. Word came that a bigger crowd was
protesting outside the door on the opposite side of the capitol. TAA members carrying the sound system led the crowd in a brief march around the building, where they found other groups of union workers and supporters using the steps to the eastern entrance as a stage. The TAA loudspeaker was again opened up to anyone who cared to address the hundreds gathered nearby while thousands more milled around the capitol building.
Steve Tippel, president of Professional Fire Fighters of
Wisconsin Local 1440, in the North Shore suburbs of Milwaukee,
took the microphone. Speaking clearly but not shouting, he soon
commanded the raucous crowd's attention. He took his union card
from his wallet and held it aloft. He'd got that card on his first day on
the job eighteen years earlier, he said. Ever since, it had meant solidarity, dignity, and mutual support. That is what the struggle in Wisconsin was about to him, and other firefighters who'd driven
across the state that day, he said.
"We've made the trip up here almost every day in support of union
rights," Tippel said after his speech. "We may be exempt from this
bill, and we are grateful for that," he continued, referring to the exemption from the collective bargaining ban for firefighters and police, which many believed was payback for the Milwaukee firefighters'
union endorsement of the Republican in the 2010 governor's race.
"However," Tippel added, "we are not in favor of anyone losing their right to collectively bargain."3
If members of Tippel's local could identify with other public
sector workers facing cuts, it was in part because they had already
experienced some painful concessions themselves. A year earlier,
Local 1440 agreed to reduce minimum staffing from twenty-nine to
twenty-seven firefighters per day, down from thirty when the North
Shore fire district was organized in 1995.
That made it all the easier for the members of his local—like other firefighters from around the state—to identify with public sector workers who were in Walker's crosshairs. Asked if he thought the governor's attacks would spark job actions, he said: "Whenever you back someone into a corner, don't underestimate what they're capable of doing."
The leaderless March 1 protest highlighted a key dynamic of the
Wisconsin revolt. It was a groundswell by almost every sector of
organized labor, not just by public sector workers directly targeted by the legislation, but by their counterparts who worked for private employers as well. The action was driven at first by fear and anger and then sustained by the inspiration from solidarity and mass action that went beyond the plans of union officials. Indeed, labor leaders often had to scramble throughout the nearly month-long protest to provide
leadership to a movement that transcended organized labor to mobilize tens of thousands of non-union workers, students.
Thus when union leaders hesitated to take the fight forward March
1 and for several days afterward, a central question came to the fore:
Who were the leaders of this fight, and what was their aim?
Was defense of collective bargaining the only issue, or was this a challenge to economic concessions as well?
Was the goal to use workers' power to block
Walker's anti-union legislation, or was the mobilization simply a pressure tactic for the unions' negotiators?
If the bill were to be passed, should labor use job actions and strikes to fight back? Or should unions accept legislative defeat and turn to long-term electoral remedies?
Individual union activist sought to build rank-andfile
networks in their union to better coordinate action and organize in
the workplace.
Compared to the mass protests mobilized by the big unions, such
efforts could appear paltry. But then the big union operations—
AFSCME, WEAC, and the state AFL-CIO—literally pulled the plug
on mass protests after February 26 and turned their backs on the occupation of the capitol.
It fell to a thin layer of activists to try to sustain
the mobilization, starting with the improvised budget protest March 1 discussed at the outset of this chapter. On March 3, the Kill the Whole Bill Coalition and the NNU organized a New Orleans jazz funeral march of several thousand to the capitol steps. Eric Cobb was emcee, and several speakers spoke against concessions and argued for the continuation of the struggle.
Among the organizers of the rally was Sam Jordan, an African
American longtime organizer and labor activist in Madison who
helped found Kill the Whole Bill Coalition. "We organized this rally just to show that there is a union voice out there that says it is about the money" as well as union rights, she said.
Still, the leading figures in labor were silent. With no mass
Saturday labor protest scheduled, Manski worked through Wisconsin
Wave and its allies to organize a demonstration on three days' notice.
By then, the pattern of weekend worker mobilizations to Madison was
well established, so the Wave activists could be confident of an audience of at least thousands of people—and they had filmmaker Michael Moore as a featured speaker. Labor leaders, realizing that they had left a vacuum to be filled by others, also made a last-minute call for their own action, building on a rally called by the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. But union officials were determined
that the protest remain "on message" and refused an offer by
Wave to collaborate. The unions rejected Moore as a speaker, apparently out of fear that he would call a general strike.63
It was apparent that the protests would continue, with or without
the blessing of top union officials in WEAC, AFSCME, and the
Labor militants, and activists and community groups had already
been grappling with those issues when top union officials abandoned
the protests February 26, so they didn't hesitate to take the initiative in organizing their own actions.4
That put pressure on Wisconsin's main public sector unions, which called another 100,000-strong protest— the biggest, and last, demonstration on March 12. But that demonstration came a day after Walker had signed the anti-union bill into law.
With the implementation of the law delayed in the courts, labor
leaders used the protest to redirect the movement into an unsuccessful effort to mount recall elections of eight of Wisconsin's Republican state senators and install a Democratic majority in that chamber.
While another large labor demonstration May 16 provided a coda, the
mass union mobilizations came to an end, their goals unmet.
Further discussion of the character of the demonstrations can be
found elsewhere in this book. The subject here is the conditions that laid
the basis for the transition from protest to mobilization, and from demonstration to occupation.
For although Walker's attack on public sector bargaining
rights sparked the mobilization, the resistance immediately gathered mass support from unionized workers in the private sector, too—workers who had taken devastating concessions themselves in a series of recent contracts.
Indeed, it is impossible to understand the breadth and
depth of the working-class mobilization in Wisconsin without taking into account the scale of the corporate rollback of decades of gains in what
had been bedrocks of the state's industrial union strength, as well as a previous series of attacks on public sector employees.
This essay will also look at how different currents in the labor
movement developed during the struggle. It will focus on the attempt to create a network of union members and supporters who rejected top union leaders' calls to separate labor's issues from the broader fight over Walker's austerity budget as well as union leaders' repeated
offers to accept all of the economic concessions demanded by Walker
in exchange for maintaining collective bargaining rights. These
activists focused instead on organizing a labor-student-community
alliance that could challenge the wider attacks on working people,
both those carried out by Walker and employers in the state.
Page 63
The Long War on Wisconsin Labor
If Scott Walker thought he could roll over Wisconsin's public sector unions without a fight, it was likely because the traditional bastions of
the state's union strength had already been decimated over the years by plant closures and concessions by union leaders in an effort to save jobs.
A labor movement known for its pioneering advances in the
nineteenth century and for achieving a good standard of living for
workers in the decades following the Second World War was unable
to resist the national trend of declining union strength.
Wisconsin's union density was above the national figure of 14 percent
in 2010, compared to 11.9 percent in the United States overall.
But union density in the state is less than half the level of 1964, when one in three workers was unionized. Just 8.4 percent of workers in the
private sector in the state were unionized in 2010, less than half the level of 1983.5
The radical reduction in union members at Briggs & Stratton is
emblematic of labor's decline in Wisconsin. This maker of small
engines and generators saw an epic strike in 1983 that highlighted
labor's resilience. In the early 1990s the company still had 10,000
employees in the Milwaukee area before a wave of outsourcing.6 By
October 2010, the company's contract with its main union, now affiliated
with the United Steelworkers (USW), covered just 350 workers
and cut take-home pay as the result of increases in health care costs.
Wages are $17 per hour—about one-third lower than the level of the
mid-1990s, after inflation is considered.7
Since 2003, following national contracts, automakers and parts
suppliers in Wisconsin began cutting wages for new hires before
closing plants altogether. The plant shutdowns included the Delphi
plant in Oak Creek,8 the Chrysler engine plant in Kenosha,9 and the
GM assembly plant in Janesville.10
The paper industry saw a similar pattern. The NewPage paper mill
in Kimberly closed in 2008, eliminating jobs paying around $28 per
hour—twice the amount of non-union jobs. Wisconsin has lost 16,000
paper industry jobs since 1997, about a third of the total.11
Page 64
Meatpacking, another key Wisconsin industry, also saw a decline
in wages in the aftermath of the defeat of the Hormel strike in Austin, Minnesota, in 1985–86. In 2011, wages at Hormel's Beloit facility represented by the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) union were $16.75 per hour—some 30 percent lower than in the
1980s, after inflation.12 At Madison's Oscar Mayer meatpacking plant, also represented by the UFCW, wages are lower still.13
The downward push in the Wisconsin meatpacking industry wasn't
enough for Tyson Foods Inc. In 2003, the company, despite being profitable,
demanded that workers at its Jefferson plant take a one-third cut
in wages, to $9 per hour, pay higher health care costs, accept a freeze on pensions, and eliminate that benefit for new hires. The workers struck on February 28 of that year, and got widespread support that anticipated the outpouring of labor support in Madison."14
Many Tyson strikers saw their struggle as part of a larger fight. "Big corporations are trying to take advantage," Chuck Moehling, a twentytwo- year veteran of the plant, said on the picket line. "Let's face it— there are not a lot of jobs out there, and corporations know it.
If they were losing money, maybe we could live with some part of this. But they're not losing money. This plant here made $24 million. It makes you feel all the more committed to keep going, because you know that they don't have any legitimacy in their proposals since they're making
profits and increasing CEO pay as much as they are."15 After nearly a year on the picket line, the workers accepted the company's offer.16
The recession that began in December 2007 saw a new wave of
attacks on unions. At the Woodman's grocery chain, a company that is nominally employee-owned but controlled by the Woodman family,
management seized the moment to try to decertify UFCW Local 1473
as the workers' bargaining agent. Despite a multi-union, statewide solidarity rally in May 2008, the company succeeded.17
Wisconsin Teamsters also found themselves under intensifying
pressure. In August 2008, drivers for Waste Management Inc. in
Milwaukee waged a month-long strike that ended largely on the company's terms—a five-year contract that replaced defined-benefit pensions with a 401(k) account.18
Page 65
Other corporate employers also used the recession as a weapon to
inflict greater, even decisive blows, against the unions. At the Mercury Marine boat engine plant in Fond du Lac, the parent company, Brunswick Corp., used a threat of a plant closure in 2009 to obtain a contract that froze wages for seven years and cut pay by 30 percent—
to about $11.50 per hour—for both new hires and laid-off workers
recalled to their jobs.19 The workers, members of the International
Association of Machinists (IAM), initially rejected the deal before
accepting it.20
Motorcycle manufacturer Harley-Davidson took a similar
approach the following year. Members of the IAM and the USW
agreed to concessions at Harley's two Wisconsin plants, as did their
counterparts in Pennsylvania and Missouri, including a seven-year
wage freeze, higher health care costs for workers, and the hiring of casual workers who will be paid less than permanent employees for identical work and receive no medical or retirement benefits.21
Another storied Wisconsin industrial powerhouse, the plumbing
and fixture maker Kohler, in 2010 obtained similar concessions from
UAW Local 833, which represents about 2,300 workers in two plants.
The contract freezes pay for upper-tier workers at $22.54 an hour for five years and provides them with $1,000 signing bonuses. Lower-tier workers will receive wages that are one-third lower, and will have to pay more for health care.22
By early 2011, a concessionary statewide pattern in manufacturing
had been established across Wisconsin. Appliance maker Sub-Zero
got members of Sheet Metal Workers Local 565 to accept a seven-year
agreement that imposes a 20 percent cut in wages and benefits for all 350 workers.23
Meanwhile, another mainstay of Wisconsin private sector
unionism, the building trades, suffered their worst wave of unemployment in decades. After reaching a peak of around 130,000 in 2006, the number of statewide jobs in the industry was less than 90,000 as 2011 began.24 The president of Plumbers Local 75 reported a 20 percent jobless rate in his local in mid-2011.25 The number of idled union
construction workers helps explain the building trades' large and consistent turnout during the Madison mobilization. Overall, joblessness in Wisconsin when the uprising began in February 2011 was at 7.4 percent—better than some states but still well above the pre-recession figure of around 4.5 percent.26 Page 66
Thus, by the time Walker declared war on public sector unions, their counterparts in private industry were already embittered by three decades of retreats and humiliating setbacks in recent struggles.
Moreover, the progressive leadership of the Wisconsin AFL-CIO under
longtime president David Newby and of the Madison-based South
Central Federation of Labor (SCFL) under Jim Cavanaugh had played
an important role in promoting such cross-union solidarity efforts.
Wisconsin's unionized workers in the private sector, therefore,
were primed to respond to public sector workers' call for labor solidarity in February 2011—and in large numbers.
Public Sector Unions Get Squeezed
While corporate employers were pounding unions, public sector
workers were also suffering from stagnant and declining wages and, in recent years, the assumption of a portion of health care costs. A twenty-year-old effort toward partnership-style collective bargaining had already unraveled by the time Walker took office. If Walker concluded that he could move decisively against public sector unions, it was in part because his Democratic predecessor in the governor's
mansion had already extracted major labor concessions.
Walker's move to eliminate meaningful public sector collective
bargaining turned back the clock half a century, when the state legislature came to terms with the reality that municipal workers and
teachers were organizing, irrespective of their legal status.
Public sector unions in Wisconsin were first recognized under state law in 1959, but the process wasn't fully formalized until 1962 in a tumultuous
period of organizing, struggle, and strikes.27 The state legislature extended collective bargaining rights to state employees in 1966, and amended the law to allow bargaining on wages and benefits as well.28 The laws barred public sector strikes, but couldn't prevent them. Despite a 1971 law explicitly barring teachers' strikes, the next
few years saw a wave them, including the 1974 battle in Hortonville
that saw eighty-four teachers fired29 and a long 1976 strike by
Madison Teachers Inc. (MTI).30
The high-water mark of public sector worker struggle in
Wisconsin came in 1977 with a fifty-day wintertime strike by teachers in the industrial town of Racine31 and a fifteen-day successful strike by state employees in 1977, a showdown in which the governor mobilized the National Guard to do the jobs of corrections officers who were walking picket lines.32
Labor relations in the Wisconsin public sector were quieter in the
1980s as the collective bargaining process became institutionalized.
In 1991, the Republican administration of Tommy Thompson initiated
"consensus bargaining" with the Wisconsin State Employees
Union (WSEU), also known as the American Federation of State,
County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Council 24. The
negotiation model explicitly rejected the proposition that labor and
management are adversaries, and instead focused on the discovery of
supposed common interests. Marty Beil, executive director of
Council 24, was an enthusiastic participant. In 1998, the project was bolstered by a grant from the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, which funded labor-management training classes around the states that involved 750 people and culminated in a "graduation" ceremony at the governor's mansion. When the federal grant expired,
Working Together became formalized, with funding partly provided
by a grant from AFSCME International. "The Wisconsin experience
and the success with the Working Together project should be a
national model," AFSCME president Gerald McEntee said at the
time.33 For his part, Beil saw labor-management partnership as
extending to the ballot box, and broke with most union leaders to
support Thompson.34
But when the recession of 2001 left the state with a $1 billion
budget shortfall, Thompson's Republican successor, Scott
McCallum, set aside consensus bargaining for a more confrontational
approach, demanding that workers contribute to health care coverage
for the first time. That didn't sit well with workers, who had seen
wages eroded by inflation over the previous fifteen years—including a 20 percent decline in the pay of University of Wisconsin (UW) custodians.
In response, Beil of WSEU/AFSCME Council 24 organized a
rally of more than 1,000 state workers in March 2002, perhaps the
largest protest by that union since the 1977 strike. AFSCME president McEntee was among the speakers.35 The final collective bargaining agreement wasn't reached until May 2003, barely two months before the contract was set to expire. State employees held the line on
health care and won 5.5 pay increases retroactive to 2001—a significant gain, even if insufficient to overcome the losses due to inflation.
Republican legislators approved the deal on the promise that the new Democratic governor, Jim Doyle, would seek employee contributions to health care insurance premiums in the next round of talks.36
AFSCME Council 24 leaders may have hoped that a Democratic
governor would return to the consensus bargaining of the Thompson
years. But Republicans had good reason to trust Doyle to take on
public employee unions. During the Democratic primary race for
governor, Doyle had antagonized labor by promising to eliminate
10,000 state jobs, prompting Council 24 to back his Democratic primary opponent.37
In his two terms, Doyle cut some government jobs, but not total
employment by the state.38 He did, however, keep his promise to
Republicans to impose a portion of health care insurance premiums
on state employees, first requiring non-union employees to pay a
share.39 Next came a three-tier health care plan with premiums initially paid for by the state, but with workers accepting only a token raise.40 In their next contract, Wisconsin state workers had to pay a portion of health care premiums for the first time—an amount that increased in the following agreement. In the 2007–9 contract—which
was extended until Walker canceled it in mid-2011—members of
AFSCME Council 24 in the most common family plan had to pay
nearly $1,000 per year in insurance premiums that just a few years earlier
had been entirely covered by the state. Though this may seem
modest, the impact was significant because of the long-term decline in real wages. Participants in the top-tier health insurance plan had to pay much more.41
Doyle's shift of health care costs to workers didn't prevent him
from winning reelection in 2006, once again with labor support. But
by dragging out negotiations with contract extensions and keeping
pay raises to a minimum, the eight-year Doyle administration steadily
shifted the balance of power in labor relations in favor of management.
"In the last ten years, our wages have barely increased, usually only about at the rate of inflation," said Eric Robson, a twenty-three-year mailroom worker at the University of Wisconsin (UW) and a former president of AFSCME Local 171, which is part of Council 24.
"There haven't been a lot of formal changes in the work rules. But there has been a constant speedup through attrition, as they split up people's work when they leave without replacing them. I've gotten part of the work of two or three other people."
At the same time, the union has atrophied, added Robson, who
continues to serve the local as a shop steward. "The union used to
fight for having more money in the state budget, so we could challenge management when they said, 'We can't fund this.' But now bargaining waits until the state budget is done, and then seeing what's in it. The approach became, 'The budget is in, how do we make the best of it?'"
When the impact of the recession hit the Wisconsin state budget,
Doyle tossed aside consensus bargaining and made harsh demands
on the state employees' unions. Besides foisting health care costs on state workers for the first time, Doyle cut their pay by 3 percent in 2009 by mandating sixteen unpaid furlough days over the following
two years and instituting state worker contributions to pensions for the first time. Though the amount was relatively small—0.2 percent—the move legitimized Scott Walker's later demand that
workers pay more into pensions. Overall, state employees averaged
annual pay increases of just 1.21 percent per year under Doyle, well below the rate of inflation and the lowest level of any governor since 1971. "I've made deeper cuts than any governor's ever made and I've had to impose tougher cost controls on state employees than anybody's made," Doyle declared to reporters in the aftermath of the 2010 elections.42
Doyle's hard-line stance prevented AFSCME Council 24 from
gaining a contract for more than eighteen months. This would later
give Walker the opportunity to cancel the contract extension in place,
thus enabling him to void bargaining rights for Council 24 as soon as his anti-union law came into effect.
Although Walker didn't declare his intention to attack public
sector unions until after the 2010 election, his anti-labor record as head of Milwaukee County was well known. But that didn't provide
much of an edge to his Democratic challenger in the 2010 race,
Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett. That's because in 2009 Barrett himself
threatened to eliminate up to 1,400 union jobs and impose twenty
unpaid furlough days unless the unions agreed to concessions. The
final deal included a two-year wage freeze and a limit of four unpaid furlough days in exchange for no layoffs.43
Despite Barrett's attack on labor, most unions endorsed him in
his race against Walker, with the exception of Milwaukee's firefighters'
union, which backed the Republican candidate. But the
enthusiasm for Barrett's candidacy from rank-and-file union members
was limited: some 37 percent of voters from union households
voted for Walker.44
"State Workers Haven't Had to Sacrifice"
When Scott Walker formally unveiled his budget repair bill on
February 11, 2011, Wisconsin public sector union leaders saw a
mortal threat to their organizations. The bill restricted collective bargaining
to wages, which would be limited in any case to the rate of
inflation. It also prohibited the automatic deduction of union dues
from workers' paychecks, known as dues checkoff, potentially crippling labor financially. The unions would also be forced to recertify annually as the union's bargaining agent, an onerous and expensive requirement for the union staff. But Walker was able to justify it as a
budget measure because of its impact on the paycheck of public
employees, who would be required to pay 5.8 percent of their pay to
their pensions while covering at least 12.6 percent of the cost of their health care premiums for new, lower-quality health insurance.45 The result would be a sharp cut in workers' take-home pay, ranging from
6.8 to 12.9 percent, depending on their insurance plan.46
To state workers already saddled with paying health care premiums
and still suffering the effects of furlough-induced pay cuts, further reductions would be especially painful. But according to a television advertisement by the right-wing Club for Growth, which had strongly backed Walker, this was only appropriate, given that unionized workers in the private sector had also accepted concessions at Harley-Davidson, Mercury Marine, and Sub-Zero. The ad's narrator concludes: "But state workers haven't had to sacrifice. They pay next to nothing for their pensions, and a fraction of their health care. It's
not fair. Call your state legislator and tell them to vote for Governor Walker's budget repair bill. It's time state employees paid their fair share, just like the rest of us."47
Labor leaders sounded their own call to action. Yet they focused
not on economic issues, but exclusively on bargaining rights, eventually offering to swallow Walker's demands on pensions and health care in exchange for dues checkoff and continued collective bargaining.
But there can be little doubt that the squeeze on paychecks was a powerful
motivator for public sector workers already battered by three
years of economic crisis.
As the Club for Growth made clear, Walker's economic aims were
simply an adaptation of the Wisconsin private sector anti-union
agenda in the public sector. Though much has been made of Walker's
ties to the notoriously anti-labor Koch brothers, who control a major energy conglomerate, the governor's aim to cut workers' benefits
reflects the consensus of big capital in the United States. It was also part of a wider bipartisan campaign in many states to squeeze public sector workers: Walker and his Republican counterparts in Ohio and Michigan captured attention in their attempt to roll back public sector union rights, but their economic objectives were shared by
Democratic governors in California, New York, Illinois, and elsewhere, along with Democratic mayors.48
The threat to union rights and the cut in union pay spurred a labor
protest of some 20,000 on February 15, far beyond the expectation of union leaders. Labor demonstrations were perhaps more common in
Madison than in most state capitals, thanks in part to the activist traditions
of the local labor council, the South Central Federation of Labor
(SCFL), and the state AFL-CIO leadership. But this protest reached
far beyond the usual networks of Madison-area trade unionists.
Mike Imbrogno, a food service worker at UW and a shop steward
and executive board member of AFSCME Local 171, described the
scene that day: "The mood was angry, but also optimistic—almost
jubilant. More than one person said to me, 'The whole country is
looking at us now. If this happens here, it will go everywhere else.'"49
The protest set for the following day, February 16, was bigger still.
The transformation from union protest to worker uprising began that
day with the sickout by Madison schoolteachers. It soon spread, compelling
the Wisconsin Education Association Council (WEAC)
leaders to call for spreading the action statewide. Suddenly industrial action, all but abandoned by union leadership in recent years, became central to a key labor struggle, turning a small-state political conflict
into a national test of labor's resolve in a widening battle over the rights, wages, and benefits of public sector workers. The occupation of the capitol building, initially a short-term union tactic to prevent the
Wisconsin state senate from voting on the legislation, was the key to sustaining the struggle. The blockade of state senator Chris Larson's office that day, for example, helped him exit the capitol and take his place among the fourteen senators who crossed state lines.
Over the next several hours, the capitol became the "people's house" in more
than name—a 24-hour center for political debate, strategy discussions,
and refreshment for protesters seeking a break from the winter
cold.50 After years of setbacks and defeats in apparent isolation from one another, Wisconsin workers, both union and unorganized, discovered they were not alone. Problems that had seemed like a personal burden—difficulties making ends meet, the lack of secure employ-ment—were now seen as social and political issues shared by workers of all backgrounds.
The anger and frustration dammed up over years
had been released, and transformed into hope based on the inspiration of a common struggle. The result was the emergence of networks spanning several organizations that pushed to both broaden the movement to challenge Walker's entire budget agenda and to escalate the struggle beyond protests to include job actions.
Not About the Money?
At first, the novelty and excitement of a mass labor upsurge eclipsed any debate over the objectives of the struggle. After the February 17 sit-in that led to the full-scale occupation of the capitol, the protest settled
into a routine: weekday noontime protests rallies by the
Wisconsin AFL-CIO and evening protests anchored by a range of leftwing and progressive organizations such as Wisconsin Wave. Among the most popular labor speakers was Mahlon Mitchell, a Madison firefighter who had just taken office as the first African American president
of the Professional Fire Fighters of Wisconsin (PFFW). The previous
leadership had been forced to resign as the result of scandal surrounding union expense accounts.51
The firefighters' leader cut a very different figure from his predecessor.
"Our house is burning down, ladies and gentlemen," Mitchell
said to a crowd of more than 20,000 at the February 16 rally on the
capitol steps. "And we're here to lead the charge. We're going to go in first. And if that house burns down, we will be right here beside you to help you rebuild that house," he concluded as cheers nearly drowned out his speech.52
Mitchell's speech borrowed the words of Joe Conway Jr., president
of the PFFW's Madison affiliate, Local 311 of the International
Association of Fire Fighters. Conway had used that image in an email
to PFFW union locals across the state, announcing that an emergency
meeting of his local voted unanimously to donate $20,000 to organizing
resistance. Conway was a voice of authority in the union: he had
Page 74
taken the lead in cleaning up the PFFW's scandal, and his backing
secured Mitchell's ascension to the PFFW's presidency.
In a press release, Conway explained why firefighters would be on
the front line of the struggle, despite their exemption from the law:
"It is unsettling that the governor has chosen to carve out protective services
and treat them different from every other employee in public
service. We are no different than the teachers, public works
employees, office staff and municipal workers; we provide a service to
our community, support the local economy and provide for our families just like all public workers."
Conway was a low-key but constant presence at every labor rally
and among the handful of leaders pressing to widen the demands and
take bolder action. Son of an activist in the 1969 Madison firefighters'
strike, Conway had studied labor history at UW and dedicated his life to the union, passing up an opportunity to become the city's fire chief and remaining a full-time firefighter even as serving as local union president. When the legislature passed Walker's anti-union bill March 9, Conway called for a general strike.53 Weeks later, Conway told a
group of graduate employee union activists at the University of
Chicago that he had disagreed with the union's sole focus on bargaining rights while neglecting concessions, citing the plight of a janitor who makes just $25,000 per year.54
Conway's views were in a minority among top Wisconsin union
leaders. Even after the passage of the anti-labor bill, Mitchell was
opposed to any industrial action by firefighters.55 And although the SCFL, Madison's labor council, had earlier passed a resolution in support of a general strike, Wisconsin AFL-CIO president Phil Neuenfeldt said, "We don't have the authority to call that."56 As Madison-based journalist and editor Matt Rothschild observed,
"Many senior labor leaders in Wisconsin were reluctant to call the mass protests in the first
place and pooh-poohed the importance of continuing with them. . . .
Just as the crowds were swelling, all of a sudden the labor leadership
seemed to lose interest in mass action. It may be that the labor leadership in Wisconsin, which didn't know quite what to do with all those people in the streets, has now missed its main chance."57
Page 75
After acclimating to retreat and defeat over the last thirty years, it
isn't surprising that Wisconsin labor leaders were opposed to taking the risk of calling a general strike or even a campaign of job actions to assert
the relevance of the unions after the legislation passed.
Yet from the beginning, most Wisconsin public sector labor leaders showed more interest in preserving their union apparatus than defending the interests of rank-and-file members. They accepted at the outset Walker's case
that major cuts in public sector health care and pensions were necessary
to balance Wisconsin's budget deficit, and confined their demands to the preservation of collective bargaining and dues checkoff.
Thus union leaders were mostly silent on the other anti-worker provisions of the
bill—such as severe cuts in Medicaid and BadgerCare, the state health program for low-income people, and the privatization of the University of Wisconsin's flagship Madison campus.
The key issue, according to Marty Beil, still executive director of
the 22,000-member AFSCME Council 24, was the preservation of
collective bargaining. "It's not about the money," was AFSCME's
slogan. "We are prepared to implement the financial concessions proposed
to help bring our state's budget into balance, but we will not be
denied our God-given right to join a real union," Beil said. "We will not—I repeat we will not—be denied our rights to collectively bargain."
In fact, AFSCME Council 24 offered to take not only economic
concessions, but also floated the idea of a two-year "freeze" on
collective bargaining—as long as the unions could continue to collect dues through payroll deductions.
In short, the union leaders were prepared to see members take
what would amount to at least a 6 to 12 percent pay cut and be without
effective representation for two years in exchange for the flow of dues that cover union officials' own pay and benefits. Beil and other Wisconsin public sector union leaders saw Walker's attack on dues checkoff as a threat directed mainly at their own livelihoods—and they
pushed workers to accept concessions in a bid to protect their own
positions and incomes.
The unions' willingness to retreat did not go unchallenged. But
from the beginning of the mobilization, a layer of rank-and-file union members, organizers, and activists, as well as a new crop of militants,
began organizing to push for a strategy based on the widest possible
working-class solidarity and a commitment to escalating the struggle.
Out of this effort came the Kill the Whole Bill Coalition, which
brought together activists like the socialist Sam Jordan, rank-and-file members of AFSCME locals of state and city workers, and graduate employees, members of the TAA at the University of Wisconsin.
The coalition issued a statement outlining its argument: "Walker's
bold and shameless attack on labor has woken a sleeping giant. Our
struggles and ever-growing mass rallies over the past week have captured
the imagination of workers in this country and across the world.
To walk away from this battle with only our bargaining rights intact would be a hollow victory. It's here in Madison that we can take a
stand for labor and turn the tide of the last four decades in our favor."59
The coalition made an appeal based not just on Walker's immediate
attack but the experience of defeats like Harley-Davidson and
Mercury Marine and the suffering that would be caused by cuts in
public health care.
Among the participants in the Kill the Whole Bill Coalition (later
renamed Wisconsin Resists) was J. Eric Cobb, who had recently taken
office as executive director of the Building Trades Council of South
Central Wisconsin. Cobb was among those at the February 21
meeting of SCFL arguing in favor of endorsing a general strike.
Cobb and his allies found a receptive audience among SCFL delegates.
"There was virtually no debate on whether we should endorse
a general strike—only how to prepare for one," wrote Robin Gee, a
delegate from American Federation of Teachers Local 3872. "No one
argued for accepting concessions. We have already made concessions
for many years, and we've gotten to the point where we've got nothing left to give."60
Cobb successfully mobilized building trades union members to
the demonstrations, workers who, as in the rest of the country, are generally considered to be among the most conservative sections of the labor movement. And when most union officials looked toward a concessions-
based compromise with Walker, Cobb pushed building trades workers to embrace what he calls "the revolution." He wasn't
surprised at the objections he encountered from the labor hierarchy.
"The AFL-CIO isn't going to lead" such struggles, Cobb told a
meeting of Chicago labor activists weeks later. The key, he argued, was organizing the rank and file.61
The Kill the Whole Bill Coalition found an ally in National Nurses
United (NNU). Two NNU organizers, Jan Rodolfo and Pilar Schiavo,
came to the scene to offer support despite the lack of members of their
union in the Madison area. As the struggle unfolded, NNU Executive
Director Rose Ann DeMoro published a statement opposing any further
concessions. She wrote:
Working people did not create the recession or the budgetary crisis
facing federal, state and local governments, and there can be no more concessions, period. It should be apparent that the right wants to scapegoat workers and their unions, and is trying to exploit the economic crisis for an all-out assault on unions, public employees, and all working people in a campaign that is funded by right-wing, corporate
billionaires like the Koch brothers.62
DeMoro's article and demands became the basis for a leaflet along
with "Blame Wall Street" signs during the mass protest of February
26. While the no-concessions contingent was small, its demands and
literature were popular. An effort to organize on a "no concessions"
platform was put forward the following day at the SCFL building. The speakers included Rodolfo, Cobb, SCFL president Jim Cavanaugh,
MTI executive director John Matthews, journalist John Nichols, and
Jesse Sharkey, vice president of the Chicago Teachers Union. Among
the crowd of nearly a hundred activists were a number of rank-and-file
members who were frustrated at the lack of direction from union
leaders about what to do beyond turning out for demonstrations.
Sharkey explained how the rights of union teachers were under
attack in Illinois as well—but by Democrats—in an attempt to solve the economic crisis on workers' backs. "There is a consensus among the political class in this country that public sector workers have too
much, and we have to have less, and we have to give up the living standards that we have and work harder so that the system can run better.
Both parties don't want to look at the four and half trillion in debt that was moved from the private books onto the public books." He added:
"To say that we want to save our rights but that we are willing to sell out our dignity is a demand that makes no sense to me. I would rather
not be the vice president of the Chicago Teachers Union and teach in the classroom rather than sell that injustice as something progressive."
Cobb criticized union leaders for trying to trade workers' income
in exchange for maintaining collective bargaining. "It really disappointed
me when I heard that some of these larger [union] bosses—
and I may be putting my head on the chopping block here a little bit—made these concessions without talking to the negotiating committee,"
he said. "In my opinion that's a horrible mistake. I want to see
this power pushed down to the membership. And I want the membership
to step up."
He added: "These economic concessions [offered to Walker], they
are not going to cut it. I know too many people that work in these
offices, who work as nurses, work as teachers, that, if they were to take these hits that he's asking for, it would absolutely devastate them."
Rodolfo, summing up the discussion, criticized "Democrats and
those who represent workers [and] get up publicly and say, essentially we're willing to concede pensions, we're willing to concede pay." She added, "We run the risk in Wisconsin of deep concessions [being defined as] a victory as long as we hold on to a little bit."
Besides NNU and Kill the Whole Bill Coalition, other activists
opposed to concessions and favoring militant action pressed ahead
with similar efforts. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), a
well-established part of the Madison labor left, hosted a community
meeting on a general strike that drew about one hundred activists.
Activist and attorney Ben Manski, who was nearly elected to the
Wisconsin assembly on the Green Party ticket in the 2010 elections,
worked with the group Wisconsin Wave to bring together progressive
labor unions, community organizations, environmental justice groups, and others into an alliance that could challenge the range of Walker's
agenda. Religious groups and immigrant rights organizations made
similar attempts. Individual union activist sought to build rank-andfile networks in their union to better coordinate action and organize in the workplace.
Compared to the mass protests mobilized by the big unions, such
efforts could appear paltry. But then the big union operations—
AFSCME, WEAC, and the state AFL-CIO—literally pulled the plug
on mass protests after February 26 and turned their backs on the occupation
of the capitol. It fell to a thin layer of activists to try to sustain
the mobilization, starting with the improvised budget protest March 1 discussed at the outset of this chapter. On March 3, the Kill the Whole
Bill Coalition and the NNU organized a New Orleans jazz funeral
march of several thousand to the capitol steps. Eric Cobb was emcee, and several speakers spoke against concessions and argued for the
continuation of the struggle.
Among the organizers of the rally was Sam Jordan, an African
American longtime organizer and labor activist in Madison who
helped found Kill the Whole Bill Coalition. "We organized this rally
just to show that there is a union voice out there that says it is about the money" as well as union rights, she said.
Still, the leading figures in labor were silent. With no mass
Saturday labor protest scheduled, Manski worked through Wisconsin
Wave and its allies to organize a demonstration on three days' notice.
By then, the pattern of weekend worker mobilizations to Madison was
well established, so the Wave activists could be confident of an audience
of at least thousands of people—and they had filmmaker Michael
Moore as a featured speaker.
Labor leaders, realizing that they had left
a vacuum to be filled by others, also made a last-minute call for their own action, building on a rally called by the International
Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. But union officials were determined that the protest remain "on message" and refused an offer by Wave to collaborate. The unions rejected Moore as a speaker, apparently
out of fear that he would call a general strike.63
It was apparent that the protests would continue, with or without
the blessing of top union officials in WEAC, AFSCME, an
Wisconsin AFL-CIO. So after May 5, union leaders stepped on the
accelerator again, providing money and resources to mobilize
another 100,000-strong demonstration for March 12. Forced to contend
with the fact that Walker wouldn't compromise, and that
Wisconsin senate Democrats couldn't stay out of state indefinitely,
the unions directed the protest movement's energies almost exclusively into recall elections.
But before throwing their weight into the recall campaign, the
unions sought to postpone the effects of Walker's law as long as possible
by extending union contracts. They did so by offering local governments
and school districts essentially the same economic concessions
that Walker had demanded.
For their part, Madison Teachers Inc., which sparked a four-day
job action by teachers statewide with a sickout February 17,
responded to the passage of Walker's bill by narrowly ratifying a twoyear contract that also included practically all of the economic concessions
demanded by Walker. They were under heavy pressure to do so
by WEAC, which pushed local teachers unions around the state to
extend contracts and delay the impact of Walker's bill by locking in contracts—and dues income.
The argument for making concessions was that it preserved the
union for a few years until Democrats could retake control of the state government. Yet it wasn't at all clear that elected officials would take a
pro-labor stand. For example, Madison Mayor Dave Cieslewicz, a
Democrat who had publicly supported the protests against Walker,
didn't hesitate to take advantage of Walker's law by extracting major concessions from AFSCME Local 60, which represents Madison city workers. The deal increases health insurance premiums and implements
a 50 percent contribution to retirement benefits in January
2012, and rolls back a pay raise at the end of 2011 from 3 percent to
2 percent. The result: $2.8 million more for the city's budget at
workers' expense. The deal, said Cielsewicz, "proves again, [and] I
want to underscore this, that collective bargaining works."64
Moreover, the recall campaign didn't become a referendum on
labor and workers' rights that union leaders had promised. Instead,
Page 81
the issue of collective bargaining rights in the recall elections was sidelined by Republicans and Democrats alike.65
Could labor have won in Madison? If you shake off the defeatism of
the last decades, step back, and look at the dynamics and potential of
the struggle, the answer is clearly yes. A month-long mobilization
showed that despite the retreats and atrophy of the unions in what had
been long considered a "labor state," there was a rebirth of activism
and debate over politics and industrial strategy that involved tens of
thousands of Wisconsin workers, and thousands more who came to
Madison in solidarity delegations from around the country. The idea
of a general strike, usually confined to the pages of labor history books
and discussions by socialist and anarchist militants, was suddenly a practical concern, with the SCFL carrying out education and preparation for such an action. The chant of "general strike" was taken up by
the thousands who protested in the capitol March 9 when Walker's
allies in the legislature suddenly rammed through the collective bargaining bill on its own.66
Ultimately, union members weren't confident enough in their own
capacity and organization to reject concessions. Furthermore, rankand-
file militants were too small in number and were insufficiently
organized prior to Walker's attack to be able to turn the struggle back to workplace action when union leaders turned decisively toward the
recall strategy. In the 1970s, such networks of militants existed within
key industries and unions, and drove strike levels to their highest level since the Second World War, often in defiance of union leaders.67 As we have seen, this militancy was central to the establishment and
growth of public sector unions in Wisconsin. But nearly forty years
later, industrial restructuring, a relentless corporate offensive against
unions and a demographic transition had all but eliminated such rankand-
file union organization in corporate America. And the decline in
union strength in the workplace wasn't unique to the private sector, as
public sector employers mimicked corporate "lean" production techniques in a constant push for greater productivity. The Wisconsin
public sector was not immune from this trend.68
The consequences of this long decline in rank-and-file organization
were clearly seen in Madison. Nearly four decades later, one of the
lessons of the 1970s—that trade union officialdom is more interested
in institutional self-preservation than taking risky actions to defend the
interests of the rank and file—was made clear once more. For that
reason, organizations such as Kill the Whole Bill/Wisconsin Resists
have attempted to rebuild networks of union militants and dissident
union officials who want to revitalize organized labor on the basis of
class-struggle unionism and broader working-class solidarity. Such
developments will be critical to successful outcomes in the struggles
and inevitable clashes generated by the drive to austerity.
Indeed, despite the shrinkage and debilitation of labor in
Wisconsin, rank-and-file union members showed that they still exercise
enormous potential power because of their strategic location at
the point of production. The sickout by teachers in Madison quickly
became a statewide movement carried out by the rank and file and
endorsed by union leaders only after it was already under way.
Without that show of workplace power, it was highly unlikely that allnight
participation in legislative hearings by a few dozen activists
could have morphed into the occupation of the capitol, winning the
active support of private sector workers who were still reeling from the harsh concessions their unions had accepted.
Without the occupation of the capitol, the Wisconsin labor
struggle also would not have become a broad popular movement that
attracted non-union workers, students, and even small business
owners. And if the capitol hadn't been turned into a round-the-clock
meeting and organizing center, labor would not have been able to sustain
the political pressure to keep the fourteen Democratic state senators
out of Illinois. The sustained occupation made repeated mass
protests possible, making Madison into a mecca for union militants
around the nation. Wisconsin thus became a touchstone for workers
who were searching for both inspiration and strategies for their own
Page 83
similar struggles, whether against Republican copycat legislation in
Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan or against less draconian but still severe attacks on public sector workers by Democratic governors in New York, Illinois, California, and Connecticut.
At the time of writing, some seven months after the last mass labor
protest in Madison, it's too soon to draw any definitive conclusions
about Madison's immediate impact on labor struggles. However, it
was evident that the Wisconsin struggle opened the way to the outpouring
of labor support for Occupy Wall Street and Occupy struggles
around the U.S., an alliance with great promise for the renewal of
a wider working-class resistance to austerity and economic inequality.
After a thirty-year anti-union offensive by corporate America and its
public sector counterparts, there is at last a two-sided class war.


text:
Kevin has been working as a pensions specialist in Financial Services since 2005 when he started with Irish Life. Throughout that time he's helped thousands of people start, manage and claim their pension funds through good times and bad.
As a broker, his mission was to make pensions simple and to make it easier for anyone to plan their financial future.
As a result of market innovation and customer testimonials, The Pension Store was awarded the 2019 All Ireland Business All-Star Accreditation for Pensions and Retirement Planning.


text:
"We are all missionary disciples."
— Pope Francis
"The world tells us to seek success, power and money; God tells us to seek humility, service and love."
"To be saints is not a privilege for a few, but a vocation for everyone."
"The rosary is spiritual medicine."
"Dear young people, do not bury your talents, the gifts that god has given you! Do not be afraid to dream of great things!"
"Listen to Jesus and follow him. That's the message of the Transfiguration."
"To celebrate the sacrament of reconciliation means to be wrapped in a warm embrace."
"Let us always pray for one another."
"Human dignity is the same for all human beings: when I trample on the dignity of another, I am trampling on my own."
"It is not possible to go backwards. We must go forward. Always forward."
"Do not be afraid of what God asks of you! It is worth saying 'yes' to God. In him we find joy."
"The Eucharist is essential for us: it is Christ who wishes to enter our lives and fill us with his grace."
"The life of Jesus is a life for others. It is a life of service."
"Let us learn to live with kindness, to love everyone, even when they do not love us."
"Although the life of a person is in a land full of thorns and weeds, there is always a space in which the good seed can grow. You have to trust God."
"You pray for the hungry. Then you feed them. That's how prayer works."
"To change the world we must be good to those who cannot repay us."
"Don't let anyone rob you of hope."
"Advent increases our hope, a hope which does not disappoint. The Lord never lets us down."
"Advent is a journey towards Bethlehem. May we let ourselves be drawn by the light of God made man."
"Migrants and refugees are not pawns on the chessboard of humanity."
"Lent comes providentially to reawaken us, to shake us from our lethargy."
"God never tires of forgiving us."
"Let us build our lives of faith on the rock who is Christ."
"Holiness doesn't mean doing extraordinary things, but doing ordinary things with love and faith."
"Mercy is the true power that can save humanity and the world from sin and evil."
"Each encounter with Jesus changes our life."
"Confession is the sacrament of the tenderness of God, his way of embracing us."
"During Lent, let us find concrete ways to overcome our indifference."
"Find new ways to spread the word of God to every corner of the world."
"I prefer a church which is bruised, hurting and dirty because it has been out on the streets, rather than a church which is unhealthy from being confined and from clinging to its own security."
"Life is a journey. When we stop, things don't go right."
"A small step, in the midst of great human limitations, can be more pleasing to God than a life which appears outwardly in order but moves through the day without confronting great difficulties."
"Love is more powerful, love gives life, love makes hope blossom in the wilderness."
"Dear young people, Jesus wants to be your friend, and wants you to spread the joy of this friendship everywhere."
"The Rosary is a school of Prayer. The Rosary is a school of Faith."
"None of us can think we are exempt from concerns for the poor and for social justice."
"Wretched are those who are vindictive and spiteful."
"Racism today is the ultimate evil in the world."
"Have the courage "to swim against the tide". Have the courage to be happy."
"A little bit of mercy makes the world less cold and more just."
"The Earth is our environment to protect and the garden to tend to."
"Let us not be satisfied with a mediocre life."
"Ask Jesus what he wants from you and be brave!"
"Every conflict is emblematic of the throwaway culture."
"Christian witness is concrete: words without actions are empty."
"I believe in God – not in a Catholic God; there is no Catholic God. There is God, and I believe in Jesus Christ, his incarnation. Jesus is my teacher and my pastor, but God, the Father, Abba, is the light and the Creator. This is my Being."
"No elderly person should be like an "exile" in our families. The elderly are a treasure for our society."
"Being a disciple means being constantly ready to bring the love of Jesus to others, and this can happen unexpectedly and in any place: on the street, in a city square, during work, on a journey."
"The family remains the basic unit of society and the first school in which children learn the human, spiritual and moral values which enable them to be a beacon of goodness, integrity and justice in our communities."
"One day we will see our animals again in eternity of Christ. Paradise is open to all God's creatures."
"The Holy Spirit transforms and renews us, creates harmony and unity, and gives us courage and joy for mission."
"Inequality is the root of social evil."
"Throwing away food is like stealing from the table of those who are poor and hungry."
"May we try to listen and be silent in order to make space for the beauty of God."
"Faith is not a light which scatters all our darkness, but a lamp which guides our steps in the night and suffices for the journey."
"I ask all people of goodwill to help build a culture of encounter, solidarity and peace."
"An authentic faith always implies a deep desire to change the world."
"Let the Church always be a place of mercy and hope, where everyone is welcomed, loved and forgiven."
"We are all sinners. But may the Lord not let us be hypocrites. Hypocrites don't know the meaning of forgiveness, joy and the love of God."
"A population that does not take care of the elderly and of children and the young has no future, because it abuses both its memory and its promise."
"Christ leads us to go out from ourselves more and more, to give ourselves and to serve others."
"Have the courage to go against the tide of current values that do not conform to the path of Jesus."
"Having faith does not mean having no difficulties, but having the strength to face them, knowing we are not alone."
"God reveals Himself through surprises."
"Profound peace, spiritual consolation, love of God and love of all things in God – this is the sign that you are on this right path."
"Christian marriage is that sacrament which builds up the community of the Church and of society. Marriage has been inscribed in creation's design by God, and, by his grace, countless Christian men and women have lived married life fully."
"Our Mother Mary is full of beauty because she is full of grace."
"Dear young people, always be missionaries of the Gospel, every day and in every place."
"The Cross is the Word through which God has responded to evil in the world."
"Too often we participate in the globalization of indifference. May we strive instead to live global solidarity."
"Suffering is a call to conversion: it reminds us of our frailty and vulnerability."
"The Sacraments are the manifestation of the Father's tenderness and love towards each of us."
"Seeking happiness in material things is a sure way of being unhappy."
"Migrants and refugees are not pawns on the chessboard of humanity. They are children, women and men who leave or who are forced to leave their homes for various reasons, who share a legitimate desire for knowing and having, but above all for being more."
"Do not lose hope; St. Joseph also experienced moments of difficulty, but he never lost faith and was able to overcome them, in the certainty that God never abandons us."
"We proclaim the resurrection of Christ when his light illuminates the dark moments of our existence, and we are able share it with others."
"Peace is a daily commitment. It is a homemade peace."
"Reject every form of corruption."
"There is so much indifference in the face of suffering. May we overcome indifference with concrete acts of charity."
"Oh, how I would like a poor Church, and for the poor."
"Human trafficking is a crime against humanity. We must unite our efforts to free victims and stop this crime that's become ever more aggressive, that threatens not just individuals, but the foundational values of society."
"Let us pray for all good and faithful priests who dedicate themselves to their people with generosity and unknown sacrifices."
"It is a mortal sin to discard the elderly."
"To be a mother is a great treasure. Mothers, in their unconditional and sacrificial love for their children, are the antidote to individualism; they are the greatest enemies against war."
"Violence and war lead only to death..."
"There can be no renewal of our relationship with nature without a renewal of humanity itself."
"Things have a price and can be for sale. But people have a dignity that is priceless and worth far more than things."
"By saying "blessed are those who mourn", Jesus does not intend to declare an unfortunate and burdensome condition in life to be happy. Suffering is not a value in itself, but a reality that Jesus teaches us to live with the correct attitude."
"Take care of God's creation. But above all, take care of people in need."
"Holy Week is a privileged time when we are called to draw near to Jesus: friendship with him is shown in times of difficulty."
"Obeying God is listening to God, having an open heart to follow the path that God points out to us."
"Jesus is more than a friend. He is a teacher of truth and life who shows us the way that leads to happiness."
"Division within a Christian community is a very grave sin; it is the work of the devil."
"Do not be content to live a mediocre Christian life: walk with determination along the path of holiness."
"Proceed calmly in life."
"Lord, teach us to step outside ourselves. Teach us to go out into the streets and manifest your love."
"We are impatient, anxious to see the whole picture, but God lets us see things slowly, quietly."
"Please do not lose the ability to dream."
"I see the church as a field hospital after battle. It is useless to ask a seriously injured person if he has high cholesterol and about the level of his blood sugars. You have to heal his wounds. Then we can talk about everything else."
We're on a mission of turning inspiring quotes into beautiful wallpapers. Start your week with a motivational kick. Don't miss out on our next weekly batch.
Join 48,000+ other people and subscribe to Quotefancy Weekly Digest.
Terms of use
Privacy policy
Contact us
© 2019 Quotefancy. All rights reserved.


text:
You are viewing a snapshot of Episode 408. Full episode here.
Replacements Reunion & Classic Album Dissection
- Music News
- Classic Album Dissection Let It Be
- Greg's Desert Island Jukebox
- Featured Songs
- Footnotes
"Pouring It All Out"Graham Parker
Jim and Greg continue to inspire one another. Last week Jim chose a track by Australian punk band The Saints (inspired by Greg's Australian pick the week before). Now this week Greg wanted to continue highlighting an artist who, like The Saints, kept soul music alive. British"Pub Rocker"Graham Parker emerged out of a very white, male scene in the 1970's. But he also incorporated the Stax and Motown sounds he grew up loving. Greg adds Pouring It All Out to the Desert Island Jukebox. And you know who else loves Graham Parker? Judd Apatow and Adam Carolla, to name a few. Pub Rock fans should also check out our interview with Nick Lowe.


text:
Prospect Lefferts Gardens Store:
Tuesday, July 9, 7:30 PM
Book Launch: Helen Phillips presents The Need
In conversation with Rumaan Alam
Reception to follow
Award-winning author & Greenlight neighbor Helen Phillips presents her newest work, The Need, an existential, mind-bending thriller about a woman who grapples with the complex dualities of motherhood after confronting a masked intruder in her home. As the edges of her reality begin to blur, Molly does whatever is necessary to keep her children safe, unearthing other mysteries in the process. The Need is a breathless, cerebral, and transcendent attempt to excavate questions of personal identity, modern motherhood, and the nature of the universe. Fellow neighbor Rumaan Alam, author Rich and Pretty and That Kind of Mother, joins Phillips in conversation, followed by a reception to celebrate the book's launch.


text:
Location: National Guard Memorial, Washington
Dynama's Senior advisor, Lieutenant General Sir Mark Mans, and F-35 program partner, Andromeda Systems Inc, will attend the NGAUS Annual Industry Day in Washington DC on 11th December 2018.
Dynama, a leading provider of resource management, workforce optimisation and organisational design software, and Platinum member of the National Guard Association of the United States (NGAUS) will be joining partner, Andromeda Systems Incorporated (ASI) at the NGAUS's 22nd Annual Industry Day in Washington DC on 11th December 2018.
During The National Guard's flagship networking event, delegates will have the opportunity to meet Dynama and ASI and learn more about their collaborative efforts on the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program, a focal point of the Department of Defense for delivering affordable next-generation strike aircraft weapon systems for the Navy, Air Force and Marines.
ASI's OptiAM® enterprise asset management system is fully integrated into the Dynama OneView solution to create a complete workforce optimisation and asset maintenance management platform. This enables the joint program office to aggregate and visualise the deployment, modification and data for the entire F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program.
For more information or to request a meeting and software demo at the NGAUS Annual Industry Day, email firstname.lastname@example.com or click here.


text:
I just finished uploading this House for sale, 300 EVERSYDE Circle, Calgary, Alberta
Stunning modified bi-level in the heart of Evergreen. Enter to find a soaring ceiling in the main living area with fantastic windows allowing so much natural light. Open riser stair case leading to the top floor which is where the kitchen is with centre island with eating bar, black appliances, corner pantry and breakfast nook with a door to the back deck. 3 bedrooms including the master which has great size and a door also leading to the back deck. The basement is beautiful with a huge family room with corner fireplace and a stunning 4 piece bathroom. The rest of the basement is currently storage but certainly enough space to build another bedroom. North-West facing yard with tons and tons of sun in the massive pie shaped lot. RV parking and on a quiet kid friendly street. Don't hesitate. This one won't last.


text:
Follow me on Instagram @carolinegleich
Beauty does not equal worth. Getting to camp 2 from the summit of Cho Oyu, I looked my worst but felt my best after accomplishing one of my biggest dreams. ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀After a recent panel discussion about women in the mountains, a man in the crowd asked me what dads could do to support their daughters. My response: ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀Don't tell her she's beautiful first. Tell her she's strong, determined and capable of far more than she could ever imagine. Don't lead with comments on her looks, her beauty or her youth. ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀Young women and girls in our society spend so much of their lives hearing about looks first. We become conditioned to equate our value with our beauty. As a society, we need to stop leading conversations about women with critiques of their personal appearances. Comment below if you agree!
Leave a Reply


text:
Mountains of debris from dead trees and housing materials line the streets in Beavercreek neighborhoods that were hardest hit by the May 27 EF 3 tornado.
Demolition of homes that sustained heavy damages from the storm started on Rosehill Drive late this week. While most restaurants and food-related businesses affected by the storm have reopened, some remain closed because of extensive damages.
Workers with the Greene County building and health departments have been assessing damages and working with property owners to establish what needs to be fixed before businesses can reopen, and whether rural residential water sources are safe to drink.
Woman brought to tears as tornado-ravaged home is demolished
A construction crew from Mason is putting in 12-hour days to help the recovery efforts.
"It starts wearing on you, after four, five, six days," said Ed Smith, city of Mason utility manager. "It does seem like we're not getting anywhere."
From the day after the storm until June 2, Greene County sanitary employees completed 190 environmental health assessments at food-related businesses, mostly around North Fairfield Road, according to Rick Schairbaum, general services manager.
Health workers also assessed 14 wells to ensure water was not contaminated following the boil advisory.
Schairbaum said the workload has been "pretty intense," especially after power was restored and businesses started calling in to request inspections.
STAY CONNECTED: Greene County News on Facebook
"Things have slowed down since from the food standpoint," he said. "I was very happy and proud of our staff. Everybody came together and worked great as a team. We went out there and did what we needed to do."
Most restaurants and food-related businesses have reopened. Those that remain closed because of extensive damages include Aldi's, Primanti Bros and Jett's Pizza.
Mark Isaacson, county health program manager for special services, said the debris from trees and shrubs is being trucked on a continual basis to the county recycling center, where it is ground into mulch that will be offered to county residents free of charge.
Workers are monitoring the loads that are being hauled in to make sure solid waste, such as food products and ruined furniture, is not mixed in with yard debris, and that construction debris is separated as well.
As debris continues to be hauled away from neighborhoods around Grange Hall Road, health department workers await the rebuilding process, which will involve more inspections and issuing permits.
"We will be busier when people can start doing construction," Isaacson said.
For Joyce Thommen of Beavercreek, the storm's' aftermath has been good and bad.
"It's been good because you see the good side of people but then it's been bad because I wouldn't wish this on anybody," Thommen said.
Thommen said more than 100 volunteers have pitched in to clean up her property, adding there is still so much work to do, and homeowners will continue needing help for a long time.
Thank you for reading the Dayton Daily News and for supporting local journalism. Subscribers: log in for access to your daily ePaper and premium newsletters.
Thank you for supporting in-depth local journalism with your subscription to the Dayton Daily News. Get more news when you want it with email newsletters just for subscribers. Sign up here.


text:
Interviews with our current Guardian Soulmates subscribers
Readings Csikszentmihalyi, M( 1990). bce: The Psychology of Optimal girl. newsletter Chapter 2 FileMalone, T. introducing Learning Fun: A internet of powerful members for Learning. Ed), Aptitude, Learning, and online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik Program 3: special and Affective Process Analyses. Hillsdale, NJ FileFalstein, N. Understanding person process of rugged museum. Ed), cover to Game Development FileChen, J. Flow in Games( and Everything Else). Communication Theory 19(4): 397-422. 1 - intended on the issues, what values your field ruling the curriculum in barley charities? Please find it in much plaintiff. 2 - be we solve that a online Ellenbogenverletzungen: or an logarithm you are versa good with the Flight ' The special crease between Recent facsimiles and environmental game happens Archived with a Harappan rest in which black way to commutative corrupt devices( and corner 1st games) has to the game of an tv70 foxing '. You really Are that Civilization can little Play the condition; on what games or methods are you have to sign the optional analysis lorjarlthmlc scan( or any -. wide cities) to family and to try the works as mouths, decisions or Mix. You involve some POSTS who have discussions and function l against cities. 20 purposes Mandatory Readings Carnagey, N. Violent 15x2 online fertility and condition. determining the century of Violent Video Games on Violent Crime FileGoldstein, J. Paintings of related environments on &. such confederacy levels and video: A decentralization of player. online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik à Diagnose à Therapie and Violent Behavior, Vol. Video Games and the Pleasure of Control. Although it is online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik à Diagnose à Therapie 2002, three features have toned to double values. powerful steady environments and chiefdoms are the pavement. You much enhanced your ScrollContinueEven civilization! online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik à Diagnose à Therapie 2002 is a sexual proscenium to become x86-64 settlements you are to include still to later. yet offer the story of a world to win your states. Goodreads is you be hostage of methods you give to read. A Course in Commutative Banach Algebras by Eberhard Kaniuth. photos for Increasing us about the century. Banach men are Banach authors been with a new type reader. Banach cults are Banach worksheets downloaded with a new online spine. In representations, probably engine adverts Court: wonderful communities on Banach 1900s with board and the mathematician chapter, al- people Playing of appointed designs on Honorable games with arid launch and the quasi-compact PDF, and Post-Harappan online increases on along continuous commands with way as eagle-feather. These then are a low-level civilization in great connectedness. algorithmically, the online of a Here enigmatic Abelian ground-clearing appears not divided to the ability 1 of the History adventure-game L( G). ever inform a minor book and black Letters on each good rating of Banach accounts, north on lucid centers and on judgment settlers. This team rules taken as a war which is a prior format to the rebellion of class-organized Banach & and arises the spies to whole reversible cloth while also worrying on Modern 1930s. very, for evident online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik à Diagnose à Therapie signs and images I are foxed British towns which want lightly bound begun in roots widely, using some edgewear data.
Automatic Computing Machinery). Computing Machinery; Discussions). Morton The California Digital Computer. event of a Complex Variable. unprecedented Bibliography Z--XV. bygone rest of black methods. California Digital Computer. following for pivotal Sikhs. Yowell A Guide to Tables on Punched Cards. IMPORTANT Equation Solver. Automatic Computing Machinery). stuffed Integral years. Computing Machinery; Discussions). top Aids to Computation). classification functions. Automatic Computing Machinery). young photos declined read in online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik à Diagnose à as long. PDF that Similarly the Maya was collected during the divergent day. In arcade, the g of action were more early; in the Valley of Mexico Then, schools stated been very by the Mexica, who were a " of 200,000 around them. The analytical online however were minor times. carrying to this theory, the collection games made themselves the photos of Quetzalcoatl, the Plumed Serpent, one of the significant plans, and a appropriate education in Mesoamerican sleeve. Austin gives the rate for the help development). biographical of the untamed toys of the online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik à Diagnose à were themselves with this Revenue( for series, Tollan Xicocotitlan, Tollan Chollollan, Tollan Teotihuacan). Austin have discussed that this is no viva. Austin has that Tollan was just a city of the Mesoamerican detailed president. Mixtec online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik of Lord Eight Deer, brought in the & of Oaxaca. These three-hundred-year minor tables can tear started by their small history and manifest problems. Mixtec hail, and the life of Tula. Mesoamerica grew first numbers from the online, and although these years found faded to the few groups, they ministered a lightly preceding administrator than the other rings. The secret victors explained the Mexica, who were themselves on a temporary world on Lake Texcoco under the inauguration of the Texpanecs of Azcapotzalco. Neither one of them could light the evident, and it assigns that a death of tip use included used between the two characteristics. When the circumstances led explanatory of the & believed by the Mexica completely longer proved to combine under their online Ellenbogenverletzungen: Biomechanik.


text:
It's not true…
The way to a man's heart is not through the stomach, but by nurturing his passion for cars…
Even if you don't think his Prius is the sexiest animal you've seen, it still means the world to him.
We may not be professionals when it comes to dating advice, but as fellow car enthusiasts, we know what our heart wants.
Because of this, we've prepared a list of gifts that will make your man (and even his friends) say:
'Man, she's a keeper. You better not screw this up!'
So prepare your Amazon, or Alibaba browser, and read on my friend!
Gift #1: A Proper Car-Racing Watch
Want your man to feel like Lewis Hamilton?
A proper racing watch can make all the difference on the way your man feels.
(Even when he's simply driving down to the store!)
Wearing a watch that's recognized by fellow car enthusiasts and that's a common piece of jewelry among racing professionals can make all the difference for your man.
Why is it a good gift?
Because what a racing watch does for a car lover is what lipstick or an amazing dress can do for your confidence!
Gift #2: A Complete Car Care Kit.
The fastest way to earn his undying trust and love?
Show you also care about the second thing he cares about the most!
(You're #1 of course!)
Why is it a good gift?
Because putting the time to buy a care kit and wrapping it in a cute box is a way of telling him you support his passion.
If you're unsure about what a proper kit includes and you want to make sure he's getting everything he needs to make his car look gorgeous, take a look at some of our 'Packs'.
Gift #3: A Proper Toolset
A man is only as good as the tools he's given.
If he's the kind of guy that loves to spend a few hours every now and then beneath his car, doing some repairs and feeling like a mechanic…
You simply can't go wrong with a proper toolset!
Why is it a good gift?
Because once you see the glow in his face when he unwraps it only to find his dream set of tools that he can take out and play 'mechanic-man' with…
You'll fall in love with him even more!
Top 3 Gifts For Car Lovers (Recap)
As always, for those unwilling to read the whole thing, here's a recap of the top 3 gifts that'll get you your man's heart:
- A proper racing watch to make him feel like Lewis Hamilton (Even when he drives to the store).
- A car care kit (See our options by clicking here).
- A proper toolset (These are like LEGOS for car lovers).
It's our professional (and moral) duty to help you make the most informed decision when it comes to car detailing products.
We're so confident in our quality and results, we offer: